THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQVES AND DISCOVEries of the English Nation, made by Sea or over-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the Earth, at any time within the compass of these 1600 years: Divided into three several Volumes, according to the positions of the Regions, whereunto they were directed. The first Volume containeth the worthy Discoveries, etc. of the English toward the North and North-east by Sea, as of Lapland, Scrikfinia, Corelia, the Bay of S. Nicolas, the Isles of Colgoieve, Vaigatz, and Nona Zembla, toward the great River Ob, with the mighty Empire of Russia, the Caspian Sea, Georgia, Armenia, Media, Persia, Boghar in Bactria, and divers kingdoms of Tartary: Together with many notable monuments and testimonies of the ancient foreign trades, and of the warlike and other shipping of this Realm of England in former ages. Whereunto is annexed a brief Commentary of the true state of Island, and of the Northern Seas and lands situate that way: As also the memorable defeat of the Spanish huge Armada, Anno 1588. ¶ The second Volume comprehendeth the principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffics, and discoveries of the English Nation made by Sea or over-land, to the South and Southeast parts of the World, as well within as without the Straight of Gibraltar, at any time within the compass of these 1600. years: Divided into two several parts, etc. ¶ By RICHARD HAKLVYT Preacher, and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Robert Barker. ANNO 1599 TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE MY SINGULAR GOOD LORD, THE LORD CHARLES HOWARD, earl of Nottingham, Baron of Effingham, Knight of the noble Order of the Garter, Lord high Admiral of England, Ireland, and Wales, etc. one of her majesties most honourable privy Counsel. RIght Honourable and my very good Lord, after I had long since published in Print many Navigations and Discoveries of Strangers in divers languages, as well here at London, as in the city of Paris, during my five years abode in France, with the worthy Knight Sir Edward Stafford your brother in law, her majesties most prudent and careful Ambassador ligier with the French King: and had waded on still farther and farther in the sweet study of the history of cosmography, I began at length to conceive, that with diligent observation, some thing might be gathered which might commend our nation for their high courage and singular activity in the Search and Discovery of the most unknown quarters of the world. Howbeit, seeing no man to step forth to undertake the recording of so many memorable actions, but every man to follow his private affairs: the ardent love of my country devoured all difficulties, and as it were with a sharp goad provoked me and thrust me forward into this most troublesome and painful action. And after great charges and infinite cares, after many watchings, toils, and travels, and wearying out of my weak body; at length I have collected three several Volumes of the English Navigations, Traffics, and Discoveries, to strange, remote, and far distant countries. Which work of mine I have not included within the compass of things only done in these latter days, as though little or nothing worthy of memory had been performed in former ages; but mounting aloft by the space of many hundred years, have brought to light many very rare and worthy monuments, which long have lain miserably scattered in musty corners, & recklessly hidden in misty darkness, and were very like for the greatest part to have been buried in perpetual oblivion. The first Volume of this work I have thus for the present brought to light, reserving the other two until the next Spring, when by God's grace they shall come to the Press. In the mean season bethinking myself of some munificent and bountiful Patron, I called to mind your honourable Lordship, who both in regard of my particular obligation, and also in respect of the subject and matter, might justly challenge the Patronage thereof. For first I remembered how much I was bond, and how deeply indebted for my youngest brother Edmund Hackluyt, to whom for the space of four whole years your Lordship committed the government and instruction of that honourable young noble man, your son & heir apparent, the lord William Howard, of whose high spirit and wondered towardliness full many a time hath he boasted unto me. Secondly, the bound duty which I own to your most dear sister the lady Sheffield, my singular good lady & honourable mistress, admonished me to be mindful of the renowned family of the Howards. Thirdly, when I found in the first Patent granted by Queen Marie to the Moscovie company, that my lord your ●ather being then lord high Admiral of England, was one of the first favourers and furtherers, with his purse and countenance, of the strange and wonderful Discovery of Russia, the chief contents of this present Volume, than I remembered the sage saying of sweet Isocrates, That sons aught not only to be inheritors of their father's substance, but also of their commendable virtues and honours. But what speak I of your ancestors honours (which to say the truth, are very great, and such as our Chronicles have notably blazoned) when as your own Heroical actions from time to time have showed themselves so admirable, as no antiquity hath afforded greater, and the future times will not in haste (I think) perform the like. To come to some particulars, when the Emperor's sister, the spouse of Spain, with a Fleet of an 130. sails, stoutly and proudly passed the narrow Seas, your Lordship accompanied with ten ships only of her majesties Navy Royal, environed their Fleet in most strange and warlike sort, enforced them to stoop gallant, and to vail their bonnets for the Queen of England, and made them perfectly to understand that old speech of the prince of Poets; Non illi imperium pelagi saeuúmque tridentem, sed tibi sort datum. Yet after they had acknowledged their duty, your lordship on her majesties behalf conducted her safely through our English channel, and performed all good offices of honour and humanity to that foreign Princess. At that time all England beholding your most honourable carriage of yourself in that so weighty service, began to cast an extraordinary eye upon your lordship, and deeply to conceive that singular hope which since by your most worthy & wonderful service, your L hath more than fully satisfied. I mean (among others) that glorious, triumphant, and thrise-happy victory achieved against that huge and haughty Spanish Armada (which is notably described in the end of this volume) wherein being chief and sole Commander under her sacred and royal Majesty, your noble government and worthy behaviour, your high wisdom, discretion and happiness, accompanied with the heavenly blessing of the Almighty, are showed most evidently to have been such, as all posterity and succeeding ages shall never cease to sing and resound your infinite praise and eternal commendations. As for the late renowned expedition and honourable voyage unto Cadiz, the vanquishing of part of the king of Spain's Armada, the destruction of the rich West Indian Fleet, the chase of so many brave and gallant Galleys, the miraculous winning, sacking, and burning of that almost impregnable city of Cadiz, the surprising of the town of Faraon upon the coast of Portugal, and other rare appendances of that enterprise, because they be hereafter so judicially set down, by a very grave and learned Gentleman, which was an eye witness in all that action, I refer your good L. to his faithful report, wherein I trust (as much as in him lay) he hath wittingly deprived no man of his right. Upon these and other the like considerations, I thought it fit and very convenient to commend with all humility and reverence this first part of our English Voyages & Discoveries unto your honours favourable censure and patronage. And here by the way most humbly craving pardon, and always submitting my poor opinion to your Lordship's most deep and piercing insight, especially in this matter, as being the father and principal favourer of the English Navigation, I trust it shall not be impertinent in passing by, to point at the means of breeding up of skilful Seamen and Mariners in this Realm. Sithence your Lordship is not ignorant, that ships are to little purpose without skilful Seamen; and since Seamen are not bread up to perfection of skill in much less time (as it is said) then in the time of two prenticeships; and since no kind of men of any profession in the common wealth pass their years in so great and continual hazard of life; and since of so many, so few grow to grey heirs: how needful it is, that by way of Lectures and such like instructions, these aught to have a better education, than hitherto they have had; all wise men may easily judge. When I call to mind, how many noble ships have been lost, how many worthy people have been drenched in the sea, and how greatly this Realm hath been impoverished by loss of great Ordinance and other rich commodities through the ignorance of our Seamen, I have greatly wished there were a Lecture of Navigation read in this City, for the banishing of our former gross ignorance in Marine causes, and for the increase and general multiplying of the sea-knowledge in this age, wherein God hath raised so general a desire in the youth of this Realm to discover all parts of the face of the earth, to this Realm in former ages not known. And, that it may appear that this is no vain fancy nor devise of mine, it may please your Lordship to understand, that the late Emperor Charles the fift, considering the rawness of his Seamen, and the manifold shipwrecks which they sustained in passing and repassing between Spain and the West Indies, with an high reach and great foresight, established not only a Pilot Maior, for the examination of such as sought to take charge of ships in that voyage, but also founded a notable Lecture of the Art of Navigation, which is read to this day in the Contractation house at Sivil. The readers of which Lecture have not only carefully taught and instructed the Spanish Mariners by word of mouth, but also have published sundry exact and worthy treatises concerning Marine causes, for the direction and encouragement of posterity. The learned works of three of which readers, namely of Alonso de Chavez, of Hieronymo de Chavez, and of Roderigo Zamorano came long ago very happily to my hands, together with the strait and severe examining of all such Masters as desire to take charge for the West Indies. Which when I first read and duly considered, it seemed to me so excellent and so exact a course, as I greatly wished, that I might be so happy as to see the like order established here with us. This matter, as it seemeth, took no light impression in the royal breast of that most renowned and victorious prince King Henry the eight of famous memory; who for the increase of knowledge in his Seamen, with princely liberality erected three several Guilds or brotherhoods, the one at Deptford here upon the Thames, the other at Kingston upon Hull, and the third at Newcastle upon Tine: which last was established in the 28. year of his reign. The chief motives which induced his princely wisdom hereunto, himself expresseth in manner following. Vt magistri, marinarij, gubernatores, & alij officiarij navium, iwentutem suam in exercitatione gubernationis navium transigentes, mutilati, aut aliquo alio casu in paupertatem collapsi, aliquod rele●amen ad eorum sustentationem habeant, quo non solùm illi reficiantur, verùmetiam alij iwenes moveantur & instigentur ad candem artem exercendam, ratione cuius, doctiores & aptiores fiant navibus & alijs vasis nostris & aliorum quorumcúnque in Mare gubernandis & manutenendis, tam pacis, quàm belli tempore, cum opus postulet, etc. To descend a little lower, king Edward the sixt that prince of peerless hope, with the advise of his sage and prudent Counsel, before he entered into the Northeasterne discovery, advanced the worthy and excellent Sebastian Cabota to be grand Pilot of England, allowing him a most bountiful pension of 166. li.uj.s.viij.d. by the year during his life, as appeareth in his Letters Patents which are to be seen in the third part of my work. And if God had granted him longer life, I doubt not but as he dealt most royally in establishing that office of Pilot Maior (which not long after to the great hindrance of this Common wealth was miserably turned to other private uses) so his princely Majesty would have showed himself no niggard in erecting, in imitation of Spain, the like profitable Lecture of the Art of Navigation. And surely when I considered of late the memorable bounty of sir Thomas Gresham, who being but a Merchant hath founded so many chargeable Lectures, and some of them also which are Mathematical, tending to the advancement of Marine causes; I nothing doubted of your Lordship's forwardness in settling and establishing of this Lecture; but rather when your Lordship shall see the noble and rare effects thereof, you will be hearty sorry that all this while it hath not been erected. As therefore our skill in Navigation hath hitherto been very much bettered and increased under the Admiralty of your Lordship; so if this one thing be added thereunto, together with severe and strait discipline, I doubt not but with God's good blessing it will shortly grow to the highest pitch and top of all perfection: which whensoever it shall come to pass, I assure myself it will turn to the infinite wealth and honour of our Country, to the prosperous and speedy discovery of many rich lands and territories of heathens and gentiles as yet unknown, to the honest employment of many thousand of our idle people, to the great comfort and rejoicing of our friends, to the terror, daunting and confusion of our foes. To end this matter, let me now I beseech you speak unto your Lordship, as in times past the elder Scipio spoke to Cornelius Scipio Africanus: Quò sis, Africane, alacrior ad tutandam Rempublicam, sic habeto: Omnibus, qui patriam conseruaverint, adiwerint, auxerint, certum esse in coelo, ac definitum locum, ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur. It remains therefore, that as your Lordship from time to time under her most gracious and excellent Majesty, have showed yourself a valiant protector, a careful conserver, and an happy enlarger of the honour and reputation of your Country; so at length you may enjoy those celestial blessings, which are prepared to such as tread your steps, and seek to aspire to such divine and heroical virtues. And even here I surcease, wishing all temporal and spiritual blessings of the life present and that which is to come to be powered out in most ample measure, not only upon your honourable Lordship, the noble and virtuous Lady your bedfellow, and those two rare jewels, your generous offsprings, but also upon all the rest wheresoever of that your noble and renowned family. From London the 7. day of this present October 1598. Your honours most humble always to be commanded: Richard Hakluyt Preacher. ¶ A preface to the Reader as touching the principal Voyages and discourses in this first part. Having for the benefit and honour of my Country zealously bestowed so many years, so much travail and cost, to bring Antiquities smothered and buried in dark silence, to light, and to preserve certain memorable exploits of late years by our English nation achieved, from the greedy and devouring jaws of oblivion: to gather likewise, and as it were to incorporate into one body the torn and scattered limbs of our ancient and late Navigations by Sea, our voyages by land, and traffics of merchandise by both: and having (so much as in me lieth) restored each particular member, being before displaced, to their true joints and ligaments; I mean, by the help of Geography and chronology (which I may call the Sun and the Moon, the right eye and the left of all history) referred each particular relation to the due time and place: I do this second time (friendly Reader, if not to satisfy, yet at lest for the present to alloy and hold in suspense thy expectation) presume to offer unto thy view this first part of my threefold discourse. For the bringing of which into this homely and rough-hewen shape, which here thou seest; what restless nights, what painful days, what heat, what cold I have endured; how many long & chargeable journeys I have travailed; how many famous libraries I have searched into; what variety of ancient and modern writers I have perused; what a number of old records, patents, privileges, letters, etc. I have redeemed from obscurity and perishing; into how manifold acquaintance I have entered; what expenses I have not spared; and yet what fair opportunities of private gain, preferment, and ease I have neglected; albeit thyself canst hardly imagine, yet I by daily experience do find & feel, and some of my entire friends can sufficiently testify. Howbeit (as I told thee at the first) the honour and benefit of this Common weal wherein I live and breath, hath made all difficulties seem easy, all pains and industry pleasant, and all expenses of light value and moment unto me. For (to contain myself only within the bounds of this present discourse, and in the midst thereof to begin) will it not in all posterity be as great a renown unto our English nation, to have been the first discoverers of a Sea beyond the North cape (never certainly known before) and of a convenient passage into the huge Empire of Russia by the bay of S. Nicolas and the river of Duina; as for the Portugals to have found a Sea beyond the Cape of Buona Esperanza, and so consequently a passage by Sea into the East Indies; or for the Italians and Spaniards to have discovered unknown lands so many hundred leagues Westward and Southwestward of the straits of Gibraltar, & of the pillars of Hercules? Be it granted that the renowned Portugal Vasquez de Gama traversed the main Ocean Southward of Africa: Did not Richard chancellor and his mates perform the like Northward of Europe? Suppose that Columbus that noble and high-spirited Genuois escried unknown lands to the Westward of Europe and Africa: Did not the valiant English knight sir Hugh Willoughby; did not the famous Pilots Stephen Burrough, Arthur Pet, and Charles jackman accost Nova Zembla, Colgoieve, and Vaigatz to the North of Europe and Asia? Howbeit you will say perhaps, not with the like golden success, not with such deductions of Colonies, nor attaining of conquests. True it is, that our success hath not been correspondent unto there's: yet in this our attempt the uncertainty of finding was far greater, and the difficulty and danger of searching was no whit less. For hath not Herodotus (a man for his time, most skilful and judicial in cosmography, who written above 2000 years ago) in his 4. book called Melpomene, signified unto the Portugals in plain terms; that Africa, except the small Isthmus between the Arabian gulf and the Mediterran sea, was on all sides environed with the Ocean? And for the further confirmation thereof, doth he not make mention of one Neco an Egyptian King, who (for trials sake) sent a Fleet of Phoenicians down the Read sea; who setting forth in Autumn and sailing Southwards till they had the Sun at noontide upon their sterbourd (that is to say, having crossed the equinoctial and the Southern tropic) after a long Navigation, directed their course to the North, and in the space of 3. years environed all Africa, passing home through the Gaditan streites, and arriving in Egypt? And doth not ‖ Lib ● nat. hist. cap. 67. Pliny tell them, that noble Hanno, in the flourishing time and estate of Carthage, sailed from Gades in Spain to the coast of Arabia foelix, and put down his whole journal in writing? Doth he not make mention, that in the time of Augustus Cesar, the wrack of certain Spanish ships was found ●loating in the Arabian gulf? And, not to be over-tedious in alleging of testimonies, doth not Strabo in the 2. book of his Geography, together with Cornelius Nepos and Pliny in the place before named, agreed all in one, that one Eudoxus fleeing ●rom king Lathyrus, and vailing down the Arabian bay, sailed along, doubled the Southern point of Africa, and at length arrived at Gades? And what should I speak of the Spaniards? Was not divine ‖ In Tim. 10. Plato (who lived so many ages ago, and plainly described their West Indies under the name of Atlantis) was not he (I say) in stead of a Cosmographer unto them? Were not those Carthaginians mentioned by Aristotle lib. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. de admirabil. auscult. their forerunners? And had they not Columbus to stir them up, and prick them forward unto their Western discoveries; yea, to be their chief loads-man and Pilot? sithence therefore these two worthy Nations had those bright lamps of learning (I mean the most ancient and best Philosophers, Historiographers and Geographers) to show them light; and the lodestar of experience (to wit those great exploits and voyages laid up in store and recorded) whereby to shape their course: what great attempt might they not presume to undertake? But alas our English nation, at the first setting forth for their Northeasterne discovery, were either altogether destitute of such clear lights and inducements, or if they had any inkling at all, it was as misty as they found the Northern seas, and so obscure and ambiguous, that it was meet rather to deter them, then to give them encouragement. But besides the foresaid uncertainty, into what dangers and difficulties they plunged themselves, Animus meminisse horret, I tremble to recount. For first they were to expose themselves unto the rigour of the stern and uncouth Northern seas, and to make trial of the swelling waves and boisterous winds which there commonly do surge and blow: then were they to sail by the ragged and perilous coast of Norway, to frequent the unhaunted shores of Finmark, to double the dreadful and misty North cape, to bear with Willoughbies land, to r●n along within kenning of the Countries of Lapland and Corelia, and as it were to open and unlock the sevenfold mouth of Duina. Moreover, in their Northeasterly Navigations, upon the seas and by the coasts of Condora, Colgoieve, Petzora, joughoria, Samoedia, Nova Zembla, etc. and their passing and return through the straits of Vaigatz, unto what drifts of snow and mountains of ye even in june, july, and August, unto what hideous overfals, uncertain currents, dark mists and fogs, and divers other fearful inconveniences they were subject and in danger of, I wish you rather to learn out of the voyages of sir Hugh Willoughby, Stephen Burrough, Arthur Pet and the rest, then to expect in this place an endless cataloque thereof. And here by the way I cannot but highly commend the great industry and magnanimity of the Hollanders, who within these few years have discovered to 78. yea (as themselves affirm) to ●1. degrees of Northerly latitude: yet with this proviso; that our English nation led them the dance, broke the ye before them, and gave them good leave to light their candle at our ●orch. But now it is high time for us to weigh our anchor, to hoist up our sails, to get clear of these boisterous, frosty, and misty seas, and with all speed to direct our course for the mild, lightsome, temperate, and warm Atlantic Ocean, over which the Spaniards and Portugals have made so many pleasant prosperous and golden voyages. And albeit I cannot deny, that both of them in their East and West Indian Navigations have endured many tempests, dangers and shipwrecks: yet this dare I boldly affirm; first that a great number of them have satisfied their fame-thirsty and gold-thirsty minds with that reputation and wealth, which made all perils and misadventures seem tolerable unto them; and secondly, that their first attempts (which in this comparison I do only stand upon) were no whit more difficult and dangerous, then ours to the North-east. For admit that the way was much longer, yet was it never barred with ye, mi●●, or darkness, but was at all seasons of the year open and Navigable; yea and that for the most part with fortunate and fit gales of wind. Moreover they had no foreign prince to intercept or molest them, but their own Towns, Islands, and main lands to secure them. The Spaniards had the Canary Isles: and so had the Portugals the Isles of the Açores, of Porto santo, of Madera, of Cape ve●d, the castle of Mina, the fruitful and profitable Isle of S. Thomas, being all of them conveniently situated, and well fraught with commodities. And had they not continual and yearly trade in some one part or other of Africa, for getting of slaves, for sugar, for Elephant's teeth, grains, silver, gold, and other precious wares, which served as allurements to draw them on by little and little, and as props to stay them from giving over their attempts? But now let us leave them and return home unto ourselves. In this first Volume (friendly Reader) besides our Northeasterne Discoveries by sea, and the memorable voyage of M. Christopher Hodson, and M. William Burrough, Anno 1570. to the narve, wherein with merchant's ships only, they took five strong and warlike ships of the Freebooters, which lay within the sound of Denmark of purpose to intercept our English Fleet: besides all these (I say) thou mayest found here recorded, to the lasting honour of our nation, all their long and dangerous voyages for the advancing of traffic by river and by land to all parts of the huge and wide Empire of Russia: as namely Richard chancellor his first fortunate arrival at Newnox, his passing up the river of Dwina to the city of Vologda for the space of 1100. versts, and from thence to Yaruslave, Rostove, Peraslave, and so to the famous city of Moscow, being 1500. versts travel in all. Moreover, here thou hast his voyage penned by himself (which I hold to be very authentical, & for the which I do acknowledge myself beholding unto the excellent Library of the right honourable my lord Lumley) wherein he describeth in part the state of Russia, the manners of the people and their religion, the magnificence of the Court, the majesty, power, and riches of the Emperor, and the gracious entertainment of himself. But if he being the first man, and not having so perfect intelligence as they that came after him, doth not fully satisfy your expectation in describing the foresaid country and people; I then refer you to Clement Adams his relation next following, to M. jenkinsons' discourse as touching that argument, to the smooth verses of M. George turbervile, and to a learned and excellent discourse set down, pag. 475. of this volume, and the pages following. Unto all which (if you please) you may add Richard johnsons strange report of the Samoeds, pag. 283. But to return to our voyages performed within the bounds of Russia, I suppose (among the rest) that difficult journey of Southam and Spark, from Colmogro and S. Nicholas bay, up the great river of Onega, and so by other rivers and lakes to the city of Novogrod velica upon the West frontier of Russia, to be right worthy of observation; as likewise that of Thomas Alcock from Moscow to Smolensko, and thence to Tirwill in Polonia, pag. 304. & that also of M. Jerome Horsey from Moscow to Vobsko, and so through Liefland to Riga, thence by the chief towns of Prussia and Pomerland to Rostok, and so to Hamburg, Breme, Emden, etc. Neither hath our nation been contented only thoroughly to search into all parts of the Inland, and to view the Northern, Southern, and Western frontiers, but also by the rivers of Moscua, Occa and Volga, to visit Cazan and Astracan, the farthest Eastern and Southeasterne bounds of that huge Empire. And yet not containing themselves within all that main circumference, they have adventured their people, ships, and goods, homewards and outwards, fourteen times over the unknown and dangerous Caspian sea; that valiant, wise, and personable gentleman M. Anthony jenkinson being their first ringleader: who in Anno 1558. sailing from Astracan towards the East shore of the Caspian sea, and there arriving at the port of Mangusla, traveled thence by Urgence and Shelisur, and by the rivers of Oxus and Ardok, 40. days journey over desert and waste countries, to Boghar a principal city of Bactria, being there & by the way friendly entertained, dismissed, and safely conducted by certain Tartarian kings and Murses. Then have you a second Navigation of his performance to the South shore of the foresaid Caspian sea, together with his landing at Derbent, his arrival at Shabran, his proceeding unto Shamaky, the great courtesy vouchsafed on him by Obdolowcan king of Hircan, his journey after of 30. days Southward, by Yavate, Ardovil, and other town●s and cities to Casben, being as then the seat imperial of Shaugh Thamas the great Sophy of Persia, with divers other notable accidents in his going forth, in his abode there, and in his return home. Immediately after you have set down in five several voyages the success of M. jenkinsons' laudable and well-begun enterprise, under the foresaid Shaugh Thamas, under Shally Murzey the new king of Hircan, and lastly our traffic with Osman Bassa the great Turk's lieutenant at Derbent. Moreover, as in M. jenkinsons' travel to Boghar the Tartars, with their territories, habitations, manner of living, apparel, food, armour, etc. are most lively represented unto you: so likewise in the six Persian journals you may here and there observe the state of that country, of the great Shaugh and of his subjects, together with their religion, laws, customs, & manner of government, their coins, weights and measures, the distances of places, the temperature of the climate and region, and the natural commodities and discommodities of the same. Furthermore in this first Volume, all the Ambassages and Negotiations from her Majesty to the Russian Emperor, or from him unto her Majesty, seemed by good right to challenge their due places of Record. As namely, first that of M. Randolph, 1568. then the employment of M. jenkinson 1571. thirdly, Sir Jerome Bows his honourable commission and embassage 1582. and last of all the embassage of M. Doct Fletcher 1588. Neither do we forget the emperors first Ambassador Osep Napea, his arrival in Scotland, his most honourable entertainment and abode in England, and his dismission into Russeland. In the second place we do make mention of Stephen Tuerdico, and Pheodata Pogo●ella; thirdly, of Andrea Savin; and lastly, of Pheodor Andrewich Phisemski. And to be brief, I have not omitted the Commissions, Letters, Privileges, Instructions, Observations, or any other Particulars which might serve both in this age, and with all posterity, either for precedents in such like princely and weighty actions to be imitated, or as worthy monuments in no wise to be buried in silence. Finally, that nothing should be wanting which might add any grace or show of perfection unto this discourse of Russia; I have prefixed before the beginning thereof, the pedigree and genealogy of the Russian Emperors and Dukes, gathered out of their own Chronicles by a Polonian, containing in brief many notable antiquities and much knowledge of those parts: as likewise about the conclusion, I have signified in the branch of a letter, the last Emperor Pheodor juanowich his death, and the inauguration of Boris Pheodorowich unto the Empire. But that no man should imagine that our foreign trades of merchandise have been comprised within some few years, or at lest wise have not been of any long continuance; let us now withdraw ourselves from our affairs in Russia, and ascending somewhat higher, let us take a sleight survey of our traffics and negotiations in former ages. First therefore the Reader may have recourse unto the 124 page of this Volume, & there with great delight and admiration, consider out of the judicial Historiographer Cornelius Tacitus, that the City of London fifteen hundred years ago in the time of Nero the Emperor, was most famous for multitude of merchants and concourse of people. In the pages following he may learn out of Venerable Beda, that almost 900. years past, in the time of the Saxons, the said city of London was multorum emporium populorum, a Mart-towne for many nations. There he may behold, out of William of Malmesburie, a league concluded between the most renowned and victorious german Emperor Carolus Magnus, and the Saxon king Offa, together with the said Charles his patronage and protection granted unto all English merchants which in those days frequented his dominions. There may be plainly see in an ancient testimony translated out of the Saxon tongue, how our merchants were often wont for traffics sake, so many hundred years since, to cross the wide Seas, and how their industry in so doing was recompensed. Yea, there mayest thou observe (friendly Reader) what privileges the Danish king Canutus obtained at Rome of Pope john, of Conradus the Emperor, and of king Rudolphus for our English merchants Adventurers of those times. Then if you shall think good to descend unto the times and ages succeeding the conquest, there may you partly see what our state of merchandise was in the time of king Stephen and of his predecessor, and how the City of Bristol (which may seem somewhat strange) was then greatly resorted unto with ships from Norway and from Ireland. There may you see the friendly league between king Henry the second, and the famous german Emperor Friderick Barbarossa, and the gracious authorizing of both their merchants to traffic in either of their dominions. And what need I to put you in mind of king john his favourable safeconduct, whereby all foreign merchants were to have the same privileges here in England, which our English merchants enjoyed abroad in their several countries. Or what should I signify unto you the intercourse of league and of other courtesies between king Henry the third, and Haquinus king of Norway; and likewise of the free trade of merchandise between their subjects: or tell you what favours the citizens of Colen, of Lubek, and of all the Hanse-townes obtained of king Edward the first; or to what high ends and purposes the general, large, and stately Charter concerning all outlandish merchants whatsoever was by the same prince most graciously published? You are of your own industry sufficiently able to conceive of the letters & negotiations which passed between K. Edward the 2. & Haquinus the Noruagian king; of our English merchants and their goods detained upon arrest at Bergen in Norway; and also of the first ordination of a Staple, or of one only settled Mart-towne for the uttering of English wools & woollen fells, instituted by the said K. Edward last before named. All which (Reader) being thoroughly considered, I refer you then to the Ambassages, Letters, Traffics, and prohibition of Traffics, concluding and repealing of leagues, damages, reprisals, arrests, complaints, supplications, compositions and restitutions which happened in the time o● king Richard the 2. and king Henry the 4. between the said kings and their subjects on the one party; and Conradus de Zolner, Conradus de jungingen, and Vlricus de jungingen, three of the great masters of Prussia, and their subjects, with the common society of the Hans-townes on the other party. In all which discourse you may note very many memorable things; as namely first the wise, discreet, and cautelous dealing of the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts, than the wealth of the foresaid nations, and their manifold and most usual kinds of wares uttered in those days, as likewise the quality, burden, and strength of their shipping, the number of their Mariners, the manner of their combats at sea, the number and names of the English towns which traded that way, with the particular places as well upon the coast of Norway, as every where within the sound of Denmark which they frequented; together with the inveterate malice and crafty cruelty of the Hanse. And because the name, office, and dignity of the master's general, or great Masters of Prussia would otherwise have been utterly dark and unknown to the greater part of Readers, I have set down immediately before the first Prussian embassage, pagina 144 a brief and orderly Catalogue of them all, containing the first original and institution of themselves and of their whole knightly order and brotherhood, with the increase of revenues and wealth which befallen them afterward in Italy and Germany and the great conquests which they achieved upon the infidels of Prussia, Samogitia, Curland, Liefland, Lituania, etc. also their decay and final overthrow, partly by the revolt of di●ers Towns and Castles under their jurisdiction, and partly by the means of their next mighty neighbour the King of Poland. After all these, out of 2. branches of 2. ancient statutes, is partly showed our trade and the success thereof with divers foreign Nations in the time of K. Henry the sixt. Then followeth the true process of English policy, I mean that excellent and pithy treatise de politia conseruativa maris: which I cannot to any thing more fitly compare, then to the Emperor of Russia his palace called the golden Castle, and described by Richard chancellor pag. 238. of this volume: whereof albeit the outward appearance was but homely and no whit correspondent to the name, yet was it within so beautified and adorned with the Emperor his majestical presence, with the honourable and great assembly of his rich-attired Peers and Senators, with an invaluable and huge mass of gold and silver plate, & with other princely magnificence; that well might the eyes of the beholders be dazzled, and their cogitations astonished thereat. For indeed the exterior habit of this our English politician, to wit, the harsh and unaffected stile of his substantial verses and the old dialect of his worde● is such; as the first may seem to have been whistled of Pan's oaten pipe, and the second to have proceeded from the mother of evander: but take you off his utmost weed, and behold the comeliness, beauty, and riches which lie hide within his inward sense and sentence; and you shall find (I wisse) so much true and sound policy, so much delightful and pertinent history, so many lively descriptions of the shipping and wares in his time of all the nations almost in Christendom, and such a subtle discovery of outlandish merchant's fraud, and of the sophistication of their wares; that needs you must acknowledge, that more matter and substance could in no wise be comprised in so little a room. And notwithstanding (as I said) his stile be unpolished, and his phrases somewhat out of use; yet, so near as the written copies would give me leave, I have most religiously without alteration observed the same: thinking it far more convenient that himself should speak, then that I should be his spokesman; and that the Readers should enjoy his true verses, than mine or any other man's feigned prose. Next after the conclusion of the last mentioned discourse, the Reader may in some sort take a vieu of our state of merchandise under K. Edward the fourth, as likewise of the establishing of an English company in the Netherlands, and of all the discreet provisoes, just ordinations, & gracious privileges contained in the large Charter which was granted for the same purpose. Now besides our voyages and trades of late years to the North and Northeast regions of the world, and our ancient traffic also to those parts; I have not been unmindful (so far as the histories of England and of other countries would give me direction) to place in the forefront of this book those foreign conquests, exploits, and travels of our English nation, which have been achieved of old. Where in the first place (as I am credibly informed out of Galfridus Monumetensis, and out of M. Lambert his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) I have published unto the world the noble acts of Arthur and Malgo two British Kings. Then followeth in the Saxons time K. Edwin his conquest of Man and Anglesey, and the expedition of Bertus into Ireland. Next succeedeth Octher making relation of his doings, and describing the North Countries, unto his sovereign Lord K. Ecfrid. After whom Wolstans' Navigation within the Sound of Denmark is mentioned, the voyage of the young Princes Edmund and Edward into Sweden and Hungary is recorded, as likewise the marriage of Harald his daughter unto the Russian duke jeruslaus. Neither is that Englishman forgotten, who was forced to travail with the cruel Tartars into their Country, and from thence to bear them company into Hungary and Poland. And because those Northeasterne Regions beyond Volga, by reason of the huge deserts, the cold climate, and the barbarous incivility of the people there inhabiting, were never yet thoroughly travailed by any of our Nation, nor sufficiently known unto us; I have here annexed unto the said englishman's travail, the rare & memorable journals of 2. Friars, who were some of the first Christians that travailed farthest that way, and brought home most particular intelligence & knowledge of all things which they had seen. These Friars were sent as Ambassadors unto the s●uage Tartars (who had as then wasted and overrun a great part of Asia and had pierced far into Europe with fire and sword) to mitigate their fury, and to offer the glad tidings of the Gospel unto them. The former, namely johannes de Plano ●arpini (whose journey, because he road six months post directly beyond Boristhenes, did, I think, both for length and difficulty far surpass that of Alexander the great, unto the river of Indus) was in the year 1246. sent with the authority and commission of a Legate from Pope Innocentius the fourth: who passed through more garrisons of the Tartars, and wandered over more vast, barren, and cold deserts, than (I suppose) an army of an hundred thousand good soldiers could have done. The other, to wit, William de Rubricis, was 1253 by the way of Constantinople, of the Euxin sea, and of Taurica Chersonesus employed in an embassage from Lewis the French King (waging war as then against the Saracens in the Holy land) unto one Sartach a great duke of the Tartars, which Sartach sent him forthwith unto his father Baatu, and from Baatu he was conducted over many large territories unto the Court of Mangu-Can their Emperor. Both of them have so well played their parts, in declaring what befallen them before they came at the Tartars, what a terrible and unmannerly welcoming they had at their first arrival, what cold entertainment they felt in traveling towards the great Can, and what slender cheer they found at his Court; that they seem no less worthy of praise then of pity. But in describing of the Tartars Country, and of the Regions adjacent, in setting down the base and silly beginnings of that huge and overspreading Empire, in registering their manifold wars and bloody conquests, in making relation of their hordes and movable Towns, as likewise of their food, apparel and armour, and in setting down their unmerciful laws, their fond superstitions, their bestial lives, their vicious manners, their slavish subjection to their own superiors, and their disdainful and brutish inhumanity unto strangers, they deserve most exceeding and high commendation. Howbeit if any man shall object that they have certain incredible relations: I answer, first, that many true things may to the ignorant seem incredible. But suppose there be some particulars which hardly will be credited; yet thus much I will boldly say for the Friars, that those particulars are but few, and that they do not avouch them under their own names, but from the report of others. Yet farther imagine that they did avouch them, were they not to be pardoned as well as Herodotus, Strabo, Plutarch, Pliny, Solinus, yea & a great many of our new principal writers, whose names you may see about the end of this Preface; every one of which hath reported more strange things than the Friars between than both? Nay, there is not any history in the world (the most Holy written excepted) whereof we are precisely bond to believe each word and syllable. Moreover sithence these two journals are so rare, that Mercator and Ortelius (as their letters unto me do testify) were many years very inquisitive, and could not for all that attain unto them; and sithence they have been of so great account with those two famous Cosmographers, that according to some fragments of them they have described in their Maps a great part of those Northeastern Regions; sith also that these two relations contain in some respect more exact history of those unknown parts, than all the ancient and new writers that ever I could set mine eyes on: I thought it good, if the translation should chance to swerver in aught from the originals (both for the preservation of the originals themselves, and the satisfying of the Reader) to put them down word for word in that homely stile wherein they were first penned. And for these two rare jewels, as likewise for many other extraordinary courtesies, I must here acknowledge myself most deeply bound unto the right reverend, grave, and learned Prelate, my very good lord the Bishop of Chichester, and L. high Almoner unto her Majesty; by whose friendship and means I had free access unto the right honor● my L. Lumley his stately library, and was permitted to copy out of ancient manuscripts, these two journals and some others also. After these Friars (though not in the next place) followeth a testimony of Gera●dus Mercator, and another of M. Dee, concerning one Nicholas de Linna an English Franciscan Friar. Then succeedeth the long journey of Henry Earl of Derbie, and afterward king of England into Prussia & Lithuania, with a brief remembrance of his valiant exploits against the Infidels there; as namely, that with the help of certain his Associates, he vanquished the king of Letto his army, put the said king to flight, took and slay divers of his captains, advanced his English colours upon the brickwall of Vilna, & made the city itself to yield. Then mention is made also of Tho. of Woodstock his travel into Pruis, and of his return home. And lastly, our old English father Ennius, I mean, the learned, witty, and profound Geffrey Chaucer, under the person of his knight, doth full judicially and like a cunning Cosmographer, make report of the long voyages and worthy exploits of our English Nobles, Knights, & Gentlemen, to the Northern, and to other parts of the world in his days. Neither have we comprehended in this Volume, only our Trades and Voyages both new and old; but also have scattered here and there (as the circumstance of times would give us leave) certain fragments concerning the beginnings, antiquities, and growth of the classical and warlike shipping of this Island: as namely, first of the great navy of that victorious Saxon prince king Edgar, mentioned by Florentius Wigorniensis, Roger Hoveden, Rainulph of Chester, Matthew of Westminster, Flores historiarum, & in the libel of English policy, pag. 202. and 203. of this present volume. Of which Authors some affirm the said Fleet to have consisted of 4800. others of 4000 some others of 3600. ships: howbeit (if I may presume to gloze upon the text) I verily think that they were not comparable, either for burden, strength, building, or nimble stirrage unto the ships of later times, and specially of this age. But howsoever it be, they all agreed in this, that by means of the said huge Fleet he was a most puissant prince; yea, and some of them affirm together with William of Malmesbury, that he was not only sovereign lord of all the British seas, and of the whole Isle of Britain itself, but also that he brought under his yoke of subjection, most of the Isles and some of the main lands adjacent. And for that most of our Navigators at this time be (for want of trade and practise that way) either utterly ignorant, or but meanly skilful, in the true state of the Seas, Shouldst, and Islands, lying between the North part of Ireland and of Scotland; I have for their better encouragement (if any weighty action shall hereafter chance to draw them into those quarters) translated into English a brief treatise called, A Chronicle of the Kings of Man. Wherein they may behold as well the tragical and doleful history of those parts, for the space almost of 300. years, as also the most ordinary and accustomed navigations, through those very seas, and amid those Northwesterne Isles called the Hebrides, so many hundred years ago. For they shall there read, that even then (when men were but rude in sea-causes in regard of the great knowledge which we now have) first Godredus Crovan with a whole Fleet of ships, thoroughly haunted some places in that sea: secondly, that one Ingemundus setting sail out of Norway, arrived upon the Isle of Lewis: then, that Magnus the king of Norway came into the same seas with 160. sails, and having subdued the Orkney Isles in his way, passed on in like conquering manner, directing his course (as it should seem) even through the very midst, and on all sides of the Hebrides, who sailing thence to Man, conquered it also, proceeding afterward as far as Anglesey; and lastly crossing over from the Isle of Man to the East part of Ireland. Yea, there they shall read of Godredus the son of Olaws his voyage to the king of Norway, of his expedition with 80. ships against Sumerledus, of Sumerled his expedition with 53. ships against him; of Godred his flight and second journey into Norway; of Sumerled his second arrival with 160. ships at Rhinfrin upon the coast of Man, and of many other such combats, assaults, & voyages which were performed only upon those seas & Islands. And for the bringing of this worthy monument to light, we do own great thanks unto the judicial and famous Antiquary M. Camden. But sithence we are entered into a discourse of the ancient warlike shipping of this land, the Reader shall give me leave to borrow one principal note out of this little history, before I quite take my leave thereof: and that is in few words, that K. john passed into Ireland with a Fleet of 500 sails; so great were our sea-forces even in his time. Neither did our shipping for the wars first begin to flourish with king john, but long before his days in the reign of K. Edward the Confessor, of William the Conqueror, of William Rufus and the rest, there were divers men of war which did valiant service at sea, and for their pains were royally rewarded. All this and more than this you may see recorded, pag. 17. out of the learned Gentleman M. Lambert his Perambulation of Kent; namely, the antiquity of the Kentish Cinque ports, which of the sea-townes they were, how they were enfranchised, what gracious privileges and high prerogatives were by divers kings vouchsafed upon them, and what services they were tied unto in regard thereof; to wit, how many ships, how many soldiers, mariners, Garsons, and for how many days each of them, and all of them were to furnish for the kings use; and lastly, what great exploits they performed under the conduct of Hubert of Burrough, as likewise against the Welshmen, upon 200. French ships, and under the command of captain Henry Pay. Then have you, pag. 117. the frank and bountiful Charter granted by king Edward the first, upon the foresaid Cinque ports: & next thereunto a Roll of the mighty fleet of seven hundred ships which K. Edward the third had with him unto the siege of Caleis: out of which Roll (before I proceed any further) let me give you a double observation. First, that these ships, according to the number of the mariners which were in all 14151. people, seem to have been of great burden; and secondly, that Yarmouth an haven town in Norfolk (which I much wonder at) set forth almost twice as many ships and mariners, as either the king did at his own costs and charges, or as any one city or town in England besides. Howbeit Tho. Walsingham maketh plain and evident mention of a far greater Fleet of the same king; namely, of 1100. ships lying before Sandwich, being all of them sufficiently well furnished. Moreover, the Reader may behold, pag. 186. a notable testimony of the mighty ships of that valiant prince king Henry the 5. who (when after his great victory at Agincourt the Frenchmen to recover Harflew had hired certain Spanish and Italian ships and forces, & had united their own strength unto them) sent his brother john duke of Bedford to encounter them, who bidding them battle, got the victory, taking some of their ships, and sinking others, and putting the residue to dishonourable flight. Likewise coming the next year with stronger powers, and being then also overcome, they were glad to conclude a perpetual league with K. Henry; & propter eorum naves (saith mine Author) that is, for the resistance of their ships, the said king caused such huge ships to be built, quales non erant in mundo, as the like were not to be found in the whole world besides. But to leave our ancient shipping, and descend unto later times; I think that never was any nation blessed of JEHOVAH, with a more glorious and wonderful victory upon the Seas, than our vanquishing of the dreadful Spanish Armada, 1588. But why should I presume to call it our vanquishing; when as the greatest part of them escaped us, and were only by Gods outstretched arm overwhelmed in the Seas, dashed in pieces against the Rocks, and made fearful spectacles and examples of his judgements unto all Christendom. An excellent discourse whereof, as likewise of the honourable expedition under two of the most noble and valiant peers of this Realm, I mean, the renowned Earl of Essex, and the right honourable the lord Charles Howard, lord high Admiral of England, made 1596. unto the strong city of Cadiz, I have set down as a double epiphonema to conclude this my first volume withal. Both of which, albeit they aught of right to have been placed among the Southern voyages of our nation: yet partly to satisfy the importunity of some of my special friends, and partly, not longer to deprive the diligent Reader of two such worthy and long-expected discourses; I have made bold to strain a little courtesy with that method which I first propounded unto myself. And here had I almost forgotten to put the Reader in mind of that learned and Philosophical treatise of the true state of Iseland, and so consequently of the Northern Seas & regions lying that way: wherein a great number of none of the meanest Historiographers and Cosmographers of later times, as namely, Munster, Gemma Frisius, Zieglerus, Krantzius, Saxo Grammaticus, Olaus Magnus, Peucerus and others, are by evident arguments convinced of manifold errors: that is to say, as touching the true situation and Northerly latitude of that Island, and of the distance thereof from other places; touching the length of days in Summer and of nights in Winter, of the temperature of the land and sea, of the time and manner of the congealing, continuance, and thawing of the Ice in those Seas, of the first Discovery and inhabiting of that Island, of the first planting of Christianity there, as likewise of the continual flaming of mountains, strange qualities of fountains, of hel-mouth, and of purgatory which those authors have fond written and imagined to be there. All which treatise aught to be the more acceptable; first in that it hath brought sound truth with it; and secondly, in that it cometh from that far Northern climate which most men would suppose could not afford any one so learned a Patron for itself. And thus (friendly Reader) thou seest the brief sum and scope of all my labours for the commonwealths sake, and thy sake, bestowed upon this first Volume: which if thou shalt as thankfully accept, as I have willingly and freely imparted with thee, I shall be the better encouraged speedily to acquaint thee with those rare, delightful and profitable histories, which I purpose (God willing) to publish concerning the Southern and Western parts of the World. ¶ Postscriptum. Not knowing any other place so convenient, I am here to advertise the friendly Reader of certain faults escaped in the printing of this book, and to request him that in the Page 54. and in the last line save two, he would in stead of Cows, read Swine, and he shall thereby avoid a great contradiction: likewise pag. 187. that he would unto the end of the second verse of the Prologue to the English Policy, make supply of the word Rest, which is there wanting: also pag. 221. lin. 29. for worthiness read worthies, etc. Other faults (if there be any) are (I doubt not) easily corrigible. ΕἸΣ ᾈΠΟΔΗΜΙΑΣ ΒΡΕΤΤΑΝΩΝ ΠΌΝΗΜΑ ΡΙΧΡΑΡΔΟΥ ΤΟΥ ᾍΚΔΥΙΥΟΥ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In navales RICHARDI HAKLVYTI Commentarios. ANglia magnarum foecunda puerpera rerum, sive solum spectes nobile, sive salum; Quae quantum sumptis se nobilitaverit armis, sive domi gessit praelia, sive foris; Multorum celebrant matura volumina: tantae Insula materiem paruula landis alit. At see in quot qualésque, & quando effuderit or●s, qua fidit ignotum pervia classis iter, Solius Hakluyti decus est, praedivite penna ostendisse suis civibus ausa mari. Quaecunque idcirco celeri gens Anglica navi, Oceani tristes spernere doctaminas, A prima generisque & gentis origine gessit, qua via per fluctus ulla patere potest, Sive decus, laudémque secuta, ut & hostibus alas demeret, atque suis laeta pararet opes: Hoc opus Hakluyti; cui debet patria multum, cui multum, patriae quisquis amicus erit. Qua re námque magis se nostra Britannia iactat, quàm quòd sit praeter caetera class potens? Quam prius obsessam tenebris sic liberal, ut nunc quisque sciat, quàm sit nobile classis opus. Qua● si Daedalicè utemur, surgemus in altum, sin autem ●earicè, quod voret, aequor habet. RICH. MULCASTER. Eiusdem in eundem. QVi gravi primus cecinit camoena Aureum vellus procerésque Graecoes, quos sibi adiunxit comites janson Vectus in Argo Nave, quam primùm secuisse fluctus praedicant salsos, sibi comparavit Ind non unquam moritura magnae praemia famae. Tanta si merces calamum secuta Vnicae navis referentis acta, Quanta Richardum manet Hakluytum gloria? cuius Penna descripsit freta mill, mill Insulae nostrae celeres carinas, Quae per immensi loca pervolarunt omnia mundi. Senties gratam patriam, tuaeque Laudis aeternùm memorem, & laboris: Quae tua cura, calamóque totum ibit in orbem: Quam doces omni study fovere Na●ticum robur, validámque classem. Hac luet quisquis violentus Anglos usserit hostis. In eximium opus R. HAKLVYTI de Anglorum ad disiunctissimas regiones navigationibus GULIELMI CAMD●NI Hexastichon. ANglia quae penitùs toto discluditur orb, Angulus orbis erat, parvus & orbis erat. Nunc cùm sepositos alios detexerit orbs, Maximus orbis honos, Orbis & orbis erit. At quid Haklute tibi monstranti haec debeat orbis? Laus tua, crede mihi, non erit orb minor. DI MARC ' ANTONIO PIGAfeta Gentilhuomo Vicentino. IGnota mi starei, con poto honore Sepolta nell' obscure, antiche cart, S'alcun de figli mieicon spesa & arte Non havesse hor scoperto il mio splendore. Ramusio pria pieno d'ardente amore Manifesto le mie piu rich part, Che son lá dove il Maragnon diparte, E dove il Negro allaga, e'l gang scorre. Hakluyto pois senza verunrisguardo Di fatica o di danno accolt' hà insieme, Ciò c'hà potuto haver d● typhi Inglesi. Onde ve●rassie dove bella sguardo, E lafoy Dwina agghiaccia, el'Obi freme, Et altri membri mici non ben palesi. ¶ A Catalogue of the Voyages of this first volume, made to the North and Northeast quarters. 1 THe voyage of Arthur K. of Britain to Island and the most Northeastern parts of Europe, Anno 517. pag. 1. 2 The voyage of Malgo king of Britain to Island, Gotland, Orkney, Denmark and Norway, Anno 580. pag. 3. 3 The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland, Anno 624. 3. 4 The voyage of Bertus into Ireland, Anno 684. 4. 5 The voyage of Octher to the North parts beyond Norway about the year 890. 4. 6 The second voyage of Octher into the Sound of Denmark. 5. 7 Wolstans' Navigation into the East sea, or the Sound of Denmark. 6. 8 The voyage of King Edgar with 4000 ships round about his large Monarchy, Anno 973. 6. 9 The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sons of King Edmund Ironside, into Hungary, Anno 1017. 9 10 The marriage of the daughter of Harald unto jeruslaus duke of Russia in his own Country, Anno 1067. 16. 11 The voyage of a certain Englishman into Tartary, and from thence into Poland and Hungary, Anno 1243. hundred. 12 The long and wonderful voyage of friar john de Plano Carpini, Anno 1246. 21,37,53. 13 The journal of friar William de Rubricis, Anno 1253. 71,93. 14 The voyage of Nicolaus de Linna a Franciscan Friar, and an excellent Mathematician of Oxford to all the Regions situate under the North-pole, Anno 1360. 121. 15 The voyage of Henry Earl of Derby, afterward King of England, into Prussia and Letto, Anno 1390. 122. 16 The voyage of Thomas of Woodstock duke of Gloucester into Prussia, Anno 1391. 123. 17 The voyage of sir Hugh Willoughby knight, wherein he unfortunately perished at Arzina Reca in Lapland, Anno 1553. 232. 18 The voyage of Richard chancellor Pilot mayor, the first discoverer by sea of the kingdom of Moscovia, Anno 1553. 237,243. 19 The voyage of Stephen Burrough toward the River of Ob, intending the discovery of the North-east passage, Anno 1556. 274. 20 The landing of Richard johnson among the Samoeds, Anno 1556. 283. 21 The voyage of the aforesaid Stephen Burrough from Colmogro in Russia to Wardhouse, in search of certain English ships not heardof the year before, Anno 1557. 290. 22 The voyage of M. Anthony jenkinson into Russia, wherein Osep Napea, first Ambassador from the Emperor of Moscovia to Queen Mary, was transported into his Country, Anno 1557. 310,314. 23 The voyage of M. Anthony jenkinson from the City of Moscow in Russia to Boghar in Bactria, Anno 1558. 324. 24 The voyage of M. Anthony jenkinson through Russia, and over the Caspian sea into Persia, Anno 1561. 343. 25 The voyage of Thomas Alcock, George Wren, and Richard Cheyney, servants unto the Company of Moscovy Merchants in London, into Persia, Anno 1563. 353. 26 The voyage of Richard johnson, Alexander Kitchen, and Arthur Edward's servants to the foresaid company into Persia, Anno 1565. 354. 27 The voyage of Thomas Southam and john Spark by land and river from Colmogro to Novogrod in Russia, Anno 1566. 365. 28 The voyage of M. Anthony jenkinson into Russia the third time, Anno 1566. 372. 29 The voyage of Arthur Edward's Agent for the Moscovy company, john Spark, Laurence Chapman, Christopher Faucet, and Richard Pingle, servants, into Persia, An. 1568. 389. 30 The voyage of Thomas Banister and Geffrey ducat, Agents for the Moscovy Company, into Persia the fift time, Anno 1569. 394. 31 The voyage of William Burrough Captain of 13. English ships to the narve in Liefland, Anno 1570. 401. 32 The voyage of M. Anthony jenkinson into Russia the fourth time, Anno 1571. 402. 33 The voyage of Christopher Burrough into Persia the sixt time, Anno 1579. 419. 34 The voyage of Arthur Pet and Charles jackman, sent to discover the North-east seas beyond the Island of Vaigats, Anno 1580. 445. 35 The voyage of Master Jerome Horsey over land from Moscow in Russia to England, Anno 1584. 469,470. 36 A voyage to the North-east, performed by certain Russes, and translated out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein. 492. 37 A voyage to Sibier and the River of Ob, by land, declared in a letter written to Gerardus Mercator. 510,511, & 512. 38 The vanquishing of the Spanish Armada, Anno 1588. 591. 39 The honourable voyage to Cadiz, Anno 1596. 607. ¶ The Ambassages, Treatises, Privileges, Letters, and other observations, depending upon the Voyages of this first Volume. 1 TWo testimonies of Galfridus Monumetensis in his history of the Kings of Britain, concerning the conquests of King Arthur. pagina. 1. 2 A testimony of M. Lambard in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, touching the right and appendances of the Crown of the kingdom of Britain. pag. 2. 3 A Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out of M. Camden's chorography. 10. 4 The ancient state of the shipping of the Cinque Ports. 17. 5 Libellus historicus johannis de Plano Carpini. 21. 6 Part of the great Charter granted by King Edward the first, to the Barons of the Cinque Ports. 117. 7 The roll of the huge Fleet of Edward the third before Caleis. 118. 8 The sum of expenses laid out in the siege of Caleis. 121. 9 A note of Thomas Walsingham touching King Edward the third his huge Fleet of 1100. ships, wherewith he passed over unto Caleis, Anno 1359. 121. 10 Certain verses of Geffrey Chaucer, concerning the long Voyages, and valiant exploits of the English knights in his days. 124. 11 A testimony out of Cornelius Tacitus, proving London to have been a famous Mart-towne in the reign of Nero the Emperor. 124. 12 A testimony out of venerable Beda, proving London to have been a City of great traffic in his time. 125. 13 The league between Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia, concerning the safe trade of English Merchants. 125. 14 An ancient testimony translated out of the old Saxon Laws, containing the advancement of Merchants, for their thrice crossing the wide seas. 120. 15 A testimony of certain Privileges obtained for the English and Danish Merchants by Canutus the King of England. 126. 16 The flourishing state of Merchandise in the City of London in the days of Wilhelmus Malmesburiensis. 227. 17 A testimony of the said Wil. of Malmesbury concerning traffic to Bristol in his time. 127. 18 The league between Henry the second, and Frederick Barbarossa Emperor of Germany, partly touching trade of Merchandise. 128. 19 A general safe conduct granted by King john to all foreign Merchants. 129. 20 The letters of King Henry the third● unto Haquinus king of Norwey. 129,130. 21 A mandate for the king of Norway his ship called, The Cog. 130. 22 A Charter granted for the behalf of the Merchants of Colen, in the 20. year of Henry the third. 131. 23 The Charter of Lubeck granted for seven years in the time of Henry the third. 131,132. 24 A Charter of the Merchants of Almain, or the Stilyard-merchants. 132. 25 A mandate of King Edward the first concerning outlandish Merchants. 133. 26 King Edw. the first his great Charter granted to foreign Merchants, Anno Dom. 1303. 133. 27 The letters of Edward the second unto Haquinus King of Norway, concerning certain English Merchants arrested in Norway. 138. 28 Another letter of Edw. the second unto the said Haquinus for the merchants aforesaid. 139. 29 A third letter of King Edward the second to the said Haquinus in the behalf of our English merchants. 140. 30 An Ordinance for the Staple to be held at one certain place. 142,143. 31 A Catalogue of the great Masters of Prussia. 144. 32 The Oration or speech of the Ambassadors sent from Conradus de Zolner, Master general of the land of Prussia, unto Richard the second, king of England. 148. 33 An agreement made by the Ambassadors of England and Prussia, confirmed by king Richard the second. 150. 34 The letters of Conradus de jungingen, Master general of Prussia, unto Rich. the second. 153. 35 A brief relation of William Esturmy and john Kington, concerning their Ambassages into Prussia and to the Hans-townes. 154. 36 Certain Articles of complaint exhibited by the Livonians. 156. 37 Other complaints exhibited by the Cities of the Hans. 156. 38 Compositions and Ordinances concluded between the Ambassadors of Prussia, and the chancellor and Treasurer of England, Anno 1403. 157. 39 The letters of the chancellor and Treasurer of England unto Conradus de jungingen, master general of Prussia. 158. 40 The letters of king Henry the fourth unto Conradus de jungingen, the master general of Prussia for intercourse of traffic. 159. 41 The letters of Conradus de jungingen unto king Henry the fourth. 160. 42 An agreement made between king Henry the fourth, and Conradus de jungingen. 161. 43 An agreement between king Henry the fourth, and the Hans-townes. 164. 44 A testimony out of Albertus Krantzius concerning the surprise of Bergen in Norway, wherein 21. houses of the English merchants were burned. 169. 45 The grievances and offences whereat the merchants of the Hans found themselves aggrieved. 171. 46 A letter of Henry the fourth king of England unto Conradus de jungingen, Master general of Prussia. 175. 47 A letter of Werneherus de Tettingen commander in Elbing unto sir William Sturmy Ambassador unto king Henry the fourth: Together with an other letter of king Henry the fourth, unto Vlricus de jungingen, master of Prussia. 176. 48 The letters of Vlricus de jungingen master general of Prussia, signifying unto king Henry the 4. that he was contented with certain agreements concluded by his messengers at Hage. 178. 49 The letters of king Henry the fourth unto Vlricus de jungingen, wherein he doth absolutely approve the foresaid conference held at Hage. 179. 50 A new concord between king Henry the fourth, and Vlricus de jungingen. 180. 51 A Charter of king Henry the fourth, granted in the fifth year of his reign unto the English merchants resident in the parts of Prussia. 185. 52 A note touching the mighty ships of king Henry the fift, taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinity Church of Winchester. 185. 53 A branch of a Statute made in the eight year of Henry the 6. for the trade to Norway, Sweveland, Denmark and Finmarke. 186. 54 Another branch of a Statute made in the 10. year of king Henry the sixt concerning the state of English merchants in the dominions of the king of Denmark. 186. 55 Libellus de politia conseruativa Maris. Or, The policy of keeping the Sea. 187. 56 A large Charter granted by king Edward the fourth, in the second year of his reign, to the English merchants residing in the Netherlands. 208. 57 A persuasion of Robert thorn merchant of Bristol, and dwelling long in Sivil in Spain, to king Henry the eight of noble memory, to set out and further Discoveries toward the North. 212. 58 The discourse of the foresaid Robert Thorn, written to Doctor Leigh the King's Ambassador in Spain touching that matter. 214. 59 A brief treatise of the Emperor of Moscovia his genealogy. 221. 60 The excellent orders and instructions of Sebastian Cabot given to sir Hugh Willoughby and his Fleet in their voyage intended for Cathay. 226. 61 The names of the twelve Counsellors appointed in sir Hugh Willoughbies voyage. 230. 62 The letters of king Edward the sixt, written at that time to all the Kings, Princes, and other Potentates of the North-east. 230. 63 The names of the Ships, Captains, Mariners, and other officers of that first worthy enterprise. 232. 64 The oath ministered to the Captain of the Fleet. 233. 65 The oath ministered to the Masters of the ships. 234. 66 A testimony of Richard Eden, concerning Clement Adam's his discourse of Richard Chancellers voyage. 242. 67 The letters of the Emperor of Russia sent to king Edward the sixt, by Richard chancellor. 255. 68 The coins, weights and measures used in Russia. 256. 69 The letters of King Philip and Queen Mary to ivan Vasilivich the Emperor of Russia. 258. 70 The Commission given to the merchant's Agents resiant in Russia. 259. 71 The oath ministered to the servants of the Moscovie company. 262. 72 The letter of George Killingworth the fi●st Agent in Russia, written to the Company. 263. 73 The first Privileges granted by the Emperor of Russia, to the English merchants. 265. 74 The Charter of the merchants of the Moscovie company granted by Queen Mary. 267. 75 Instructions given to the Pursers of the Moscovie voyage. 273. 76 The strange discourse of Richard johnson concerning the Samoeds. 283. 77 A discourse of the honourable receiving into England of the first Ambassador from the Emperor of Russia. 285. 78 Instructions given to the Masters and Mariners of the ships of the Moscovie Company, sailing towards the Bay of S. Nicolas, Anno 1557. 295. 79 A letter of the Company of the Moscovie merchants unto their Agents, George Killingworth, Richard Gray, and Henry Lane in Russia. 297. 80 A letter of M. Thomas Hawtree to the Moscovie Companies Agent M. Henry Lane at Colmogro. 302. 81 A letter of M. Richard Gray, one of the first Agents of the Moscovie Company, to M. Hen●y Lane at Moscow. 303. 82 A letter of Thomas Alcock to M. Richard Gray and Henry Lane, Agents in Moscovia from Tirwill in Poland. 303. 83 A letter of M. Anthony jenkinson upon his return from Boghat to M. Henry Lane resident in Vologda. 305. 84 A letter of the Moscovie Company to their Agents in Russia, M. Henry Lane, Christopher Hudson, and Thomas Glover, sent in their seventh voyage to S. Nicolas. 305. 85 Another letter to the aforesaid parties. 308. 86 The manner of justice by lots in Russia written by M. Henry Lane. 309. 87 The description of Russia, with the customs and manners of the inhabitants. 315. 88 Notes and observations gathered by Richard johnson of the several ways from Russia to Cathay over-land. 335. 89 A letter of Sigismond king of Polonia 1559. unto the Queen's most excellent Majesty. 337. 90 The letters of the Queen's Majesty written to the Emperor of Russia, requesting licence and safeconduct for Anthony jenkinson, to pass through his dominions into Persia. 338. 91 The Queen's majesties letters to the great Sophy of Persia, sent by M. Anth. jenkinson. 340. 92 Instructions given by the Governors and Assistants of the Moscovie Company, unto M. Anthony Ienkin●on. 341. 93 The privileges given by Obdoloucan K. of Hyrcania to the Company of English merchants trading in Russia, obtained by M. Anthony jenkinson. 352. 94 Certain letters of Arthur Edward's written out of Russia, Media, and Persia, to the Company of the Moscovie merchants in London. 354,355,358,361. 95 The distance of divers places in Russia. 363. 96 The way and distances from S. Nicolas in Russia to the Caspian sea. 364. 97 An Act for the corporation of merchants Adventurers for the discovering of new trades● made in the eighth year of the Queen's Majesty. 369. 98 The privileges granted by the Emperor of Russia to the English merchants, obtained by M. Anthony jenkinson. 373. 99 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. Richard Hakluyt concerning the first embassage from the Russian Emperor to our most gracious Queen Elizabeth. 374. 100 A letter of her Majesty, sent by Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella, Messengers of the Emperor of Russia, unto their master. 375. 101 The embassage of M. Thomas Randolfe Esquire, from the Queen's Majesty to the Emperor of Russia. 376. 102 The privileges granted to the English merchants, at M. Randolfe his suit. 378. 103 A Commission granted by M. Randolfe for a discovery to the North-east by sea. 382. 104 Instructions given to the discoverers for that action. 383. 105 Certain letters in verse, written out of Moscovia, by M. George turbervile, Secretary to M. Randolfe, touching the state of the Country, and manners of the people. 384. 106 Notes concerning the fourth English voyage into Persia. 392. 107 Observations of the Sophy of Persia, and of the Religion of the Persians. 397. 108 A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henry Lane touching the burning of the City of Moscow by the Crimme Tartar. 402. 109 The embassage of M. Anthony jenkinson from the Queen's Majesty to the Emperor of Russia, Anno 1571. 402. 110 A brief rehearsal of all the travails of M. Anthony jenkinson. 411. 111 A letter of james Alday to M. Michael Lock Agent in London for the Moscovie Company touching a trade to be established in Lappia. 412. 112 A note of all the necessary instruments and appurtenances belonging to the kill of the Whale. 413. 113 The deposition of William Burrough to certain Interrogatories moved unto him concerning the narve and Kegor. 414. 114 The reasons of M. William Burrough to dissuade the use of a trade to the narve by the way through Sweden. 416. 115 A remembrance of advise given to the Moscovie merchants, touching a voyage for Cola abovesaid. 416. 116 An Epistle dedicatory unto the Queen's most excellent Majesty, written by M. William Burrough. 417. 117 The Queen's majesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophy of Persia. 418. 118 The Latitudes and Meridian Altitudes of divers places in Russia, from the North to the South. 431. 119 Directions given by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire, to Morgan Hubblethorne Dier, sent into Persia. 432. 120 A Commission given by sir Rowland Heyward knight, and George Barn Aldermen, and governors of the Moscovie Company● to Arthur Pet and Charles jackman, for the discovery by Sea towards Cathay. 433. 121 Rules and orders given to be observed by them in that Discovery. 435. 122 Brief advises given by M. john Dee to that purpose. 437. 123 Instructions given them by Richard Hakluyt Esquire to that purpose also. 437,438. 124 The letter of Gerard. Mercator to Richard Hakluyt of Oxford touching that discovery. 443. 125 Instructions given by the Moscovie Company unto Richard Gibbs, William Biggat, john Backhouse● etc. Masters of their ships. 453. 126 The opinion of M. William Burrough, sent to a friend requiring his judgement for the fittest time of the departure of our ships toward S. Nicolas in Russia. 455. 127 The Queen's majesties Commission given to sir Jerome Bowes, authorizing him her highness Ambassador with the Emperor of Moscovie. 455. 128 The Queen's majesties letters written to the Emperor by sir Jerome Bows in his commendation. 457. 129 The discourse of the embassage of sir Jerome Bows to the aforesaid Emperor. 458. 130 The manner of preferring suits in Russia. 463. 131 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. William Sanderson merchant of London, containing a brief discourse of all things passed in our Northern discoveries for the space of 33. years. 464. 132 The most solemn and magnificent Coronation of Pheodor juanowich Emperor of Russia, set down by M. Jerome Horsey. 466. 133 The Privileges granted by the new Emperor, to the English merchants, and obtained by the foresaid jerom Horsey. 470. 134 The embassage of M. Giles Fletcher, Doctor of the Civil law, from her Majesty, to the Emperor of Russia. 473. 135 A notable description of Ru●●ia. 475, etc. 136 A special note gathered by the excellent Venetian Cosmographer M. john Baptista Ramusius, concerning the North-east passage. 495. 137 The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the right honourable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England. 498. 138 The Queen's majesties letter to Pheodor juanowich, Emperor of Russia. 499. 139 The Queen's majesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich. 501. 140 The L. Treasurer sir William Cecil his letter to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich. 502. 141 A letter of Pheodor juanowich to the Queen's Majesty. 502. 142 An other letter to the Queen's most excellent Majesty from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich. 503. 143 A second letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the L. William Burghley. 504. 144 A most gracious letter of Privileges given to the English merchants by Pheodor juanowich. 505. 145 The contents of M. Garlands Commission unto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. john Dee to the Emperor of Russia his Court. 508. 146 A letter to the right worsh. M. john Dee Esquire, containing the sum and effect of M. Garland his message. 508. 147 A branch of a letter from john Merick touching the death of Pheodor juanowich. 509. 148 A learned Epistle written unto the famous Cosmographer M. Gerardus Mercator, concerning the countries, Rivers and Seas, towards the North-east. 510. 149 The honourable testimonies of divers strangers touching the notable discoveries of the English, made in the northeast parts. 513. 150 A brief Commentary of the true state of Island. 515. & 550. 151 A letter written by the grave and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius, Bishop of Holen in Island, concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland. 590. THE FIRST VOLUME OF THE principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffics, and Discoveries of the English nation, made to the North and Northeast quarters of the World, with the directions, letters, privileges, discourses, and observations incident to the same. Certain testimonies concerning K. Arthur and his conquests of the North regions, taken out of the history of the Kings of Britain, written by Galfridus Monumetensis, and newly printed at Heidelberge, Anno 1587. Lib. 9 cap. 10. ANno Christi, 517. Arthurus, secundo regni sui anno, subiugatis totius Hyberniae partibus, claslem suam direxit in Islandiam, eámque debellato populo subiugavit. Exin diwlgato per caeteras insulas rumore, quod e● nulla Provincia resistere poterat, Doldavius rex Gotlandiae, & Gunfacius r●x Orcadum ultrò venerunt, promissoque vectigali subiectionem feceiunt. Emensa deinde hyeme, reversus est in Britanniam, statúmque regni in firmam pacem renovans, moram duodecim annis ibidem fecit. The same in English. IN the year of Christ, 517. king Arthur in the second year of his reign, having subdued all parts of Ireland, sailed with his fleet into Island, and brought it and the people thereof under his subjection. The rumour afterwards being spread throughout all the other Islands, that no country was able to withstand him, Doldavius the king of Gotland, and Gunfacius the king of Orkney, came voluntarily unto him, and yielded him their obedience, promising to pay him tribute. The Winter being spent, he returned into Britain, and establishing his kingdom in perfect peace, he continued there for the space of twelve years. Lib. 9 cap. 12. MIssis deinde in diversa regna Legatis, invitantur tam ex Gallijs, quàm ex collatetalibus Insulis Oceani, qui ad curiam venire deberent, etc. Et paulò post: Ex collateralibus autem Insulis, Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae, Maluasius rex Islandiae, Doldavius rex Gotlandiae, Gunnasius rex Orchadum, Lot rex Noruegiae, Aschilius rex Danorum. The same in English. AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into divers kingdoms, he summoned such as were to come to his Court, aswell out of France, as out of the adjacent Islands of the sea, etc. and a little after: From those adjacent Islands came Guillaumurius king of Ireland, Maluasius king of Island, Doldavius king of Gotland, Gunnasius king of Orkney, Let the king of Norway, and Aschilius the king of Denmark. Lib. 9 cap. 19 AT reges caeterarum Insularum, quoniam non duxerant in morem equites habere, pedites quot quisque debebat, promittunt, ita ut ex sex Insulis, videlicet, Hyberniae, Islandiae, Gotlandiae, Orcadum, Noruegiae, atque Daciae, sexies viginti millia essent annumerata. The same in English. BUt the kings of the other Islands, because it was not their custom to breed up horses, promised the king as many footmen, as every man was bond to sand: so that out of the six Islands, namely, of Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmark, the king had six score thousand soldiers s●nt him. A testimony of the right and appendances of the crown of the kingdom of Britain, taken out of M. Lambard his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. fol. 137. pag. 2. ARthurus qui fuit quondam inclytissimus Rex Britonum, vir magnus suit & animosus, & miles illustris. Parum fuit ei regnum istud, non fuit animus eius contentus regno Britanniae. Subiugavit igitur sibi strenuè Scantiam totam, quae modo Norweia vocatur, & omnes insulas ultra Scantiam, s●z. Islandiam, & Grenlandiam, quae sunt de appendicijs Norweiae, & Suechordam, & Hyberniam, & ●u●landiam, & Daciam, Semelandiam, Winlandiam, Curlandiam, Roe, Femelandiam, Wirelandiam, Flandriam, Cherelam, Lappam, & omnes alias terras & insulas Orientalis Oceani usque Russiam (in Lappa scilicet posuit Orientalem metam regni Britanniae) & multas insulas ultra Scantiam, usque dum ●ub Septentrione, quae sunt de appendicibus Scantiae, quae modo Norweia vocatur. Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani occultè. Arthurus autem Christianus optimus fuit, & fecit eos baptizari, & unum Deum per totam Norweiam venerari, & unam fidem Chri●ti semper inviolatam custodire, & suscipere. Ceperunt universi proceres Norweiae uxores suas de nobili gente Britonum tempore illo, unde Norwegienses dicunt se exijsse de gente & sanguine regni huius. Impetravit enim temporibus illis Arthurus rex à domino Papa, & à Curia Romana, quod confirmata sit Norweia, in perpetuum coronae Britanniae in augmentum regni huius, vocauítque illam dictus Arthurus Cameram Britanny. Hac verò de causa dicunt Norwegienses, se debere in regno isto cohabitare & dicunt se esse de corpore regni huius, scilicet de corona Britanny. Maluerunt enim manner in regno isto, quàm in terra eorum propria. Terra enim eorum arida est, & montuosa, & sterilis, & non sunt ibi segetes nisi per loca. Ista verò opulenta est, & fertilis, & crescunt hic segetes, & caetera universa. Qua ex causa saepius per vices gesta sunt bella atrocissima inter Anglos & Norwegienses, & interfecti sunt innumer●biles. Occupaverunt verò Norwegienses terras multas & insulas regni huius, quas adhuc detinent occupatas, nec potuerunt unquam postea penitus evelli. Tandem modò confederati sunt nobis fide, & sacramento, & per uxores suas, quas postea ceperunt de sanguine nostro, & per affinitates, & coniugia. Ita demum constituit, & eye concessic bonus rex Edovardus propinquus noster (qui fuit optimus filius pacis) per common confilium totius regni. Qua de causa possent, & debent predicti de caetero nobiscum cohabitare, & remanere in regno, sicut coniurati fratres nostri. The same in English. ARthur which was sometimes the most renowned king of the Britain's, was a mighty, and valiant man, and a famous warrior. This kingdom was too little for him, & his mind was not conteated with it. He therefore valiantly subdued all Scantia, which is now called Norway, and all the Islands beyond Norway, to wit, Island and Greenland, which are appertaining unto Norway, Sweveland, Ireland, Gotland, Denmark, Semeland, Windland, Curland, Roe, Femeland, Wireland, Flanders, Cherilland, Lapland, and all the other lands & Islands of the East sea, even unto Russia (in which Lapland he placed the Easterly bounds of his British Empire) and many other Islands beyond Norway, even under the North pole, which are appendances of Scantia, now called Norway. These people were wild and savage, and had not in them the love of God nor of their neighbours, because all evil cometh from the North, yet there were among them certain Christians living in secret. But king Arthur was an exceeding good Christian, and caused them to be baptised, and throughout all Norway to worship one God, and to receive and keep inviolably for ever, faith in Christ only. At that time all the noble men of Norway took wives of the noble nation of the Britain's, whereupon the Norses say, that they are descended of the race and blood of this kingdom. The aforesaid king Arthur obtained also in those days of the Pope & court of Rome, that Norway should be for ever annexed to the crown of Britain for the enlargement of this kingdom, and he called it the chamber of Britain. For this cause the Norses say, that they aught to devil with us in this kingdom, to wit, that they belong to the crown of Britain: for they had rather devil here then in their own native country, which is dry and full of mountains, and barren, and no grain growing there, but in certain places. But this country of Britain is fruitful, wherein corn and all other good things do grow and increase: for which cause many cruel battles have been oftentimes fought betwixt the Englishmen and the people of Norway, and infinite numbers of people have been slain, & the Norses have possessed many lands and Islands of this Empire, which unto this day they do possess, neither could they ever afterwards be fully expelled. But now at length they are incorporated with us by the receiving of our religion and sacraments, and by taking wives of our nation, and by affinity, and marriages. For so the good king Edward (who was a notable maintainer of peace) ordained and granted unto them by the general consent of the whole kingdom, so that the people may, and aught from henceforth devil and remain in this kingdom with us as our loving sworn brethren. A testimony out of the foresaid Galfridus Monumetensis, concerning the conquests of Malgo, king of England. Lib. 11. cap. 7. VOrtiporio successit Malgo, omnium ferè Britanniae pulcherrimus, multorum tyrannorum depulsor, robustus armis, largior caeteris, & ultra modum probitate praeclarus. Hic etiam totam Insulam obtinuit, & sex conprovinciales Oceani jusulas: Hyberniam videlicet, atque Islandiam, Gotlandiam, Orcades, Noruegiam, Daciam, adiecit dirissimis praelijs potestati suae. The same in English. MAlgo succeeded Vortiporius which was the goodliest man in person of all Britain, a prince that expulsed many tyrants. He was strong and valiant in war, taller then most men that then lived, and exceeding famous for his virtues. This king also obtained the government of the whole Island of Britain, and by most sharp battles he recovered to his Empire the six Islands of the Ocean sea, which before had been made tributaries by king Arthur, namely Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmark. The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland written in the second Book and fift Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiastical history of the English nation. EDuinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis, id est, eius quae ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat, maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt, Anglorum pariter & Britonum populis praefuit, praeter Cantuarios tantùm, necnòn & Menavias' Britonum insulas, quae inter Hiberniam & Britanniam sitae sunt, Anglorum subiecit potestati. The same in English. EDwin king of the people of Northumberland, that is to say, of them which inhabit to the North of the river Humber, being of greater authority than any other potentate in the whole Isle of Britain, bore rule aswell over the English as the British nation, except only the people of Kent: who also brought in subjection under the English, the Isles of Man and Anglesey, and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons, which are situate between Britain and Ireland. Another testimony alleged by Beda to the same purpose. Lib. 2. cap. 9 ANno ab incarnatione Domini sexcente simo vicesimo quarto, gens Nordanhumbrorum, hoc est, ea natio Anglorum quae ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat, cum rege suo Eduino, verbum fidei (praedicante Paulino, cuius supra meminimus) suscepit: cui videlicèt regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei, & regni coelestis potestas, & terreni creverat imperij: ita ut (quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit) omnes Britanniae fines, qua velipsorum vel Britonum Provinciae habitabantur, sub ditione acceperit. Quin & Menavias' insulas (sicut & supra docuimus) imperio subiugavit Anglorum. Quarum prior quae ad austrum est, & situ amplior, & frugum proventu atque ubertate foelicior, nongentarum sexaginta familiarum mensuram, juxta aestimationem Anglorum, secunda trecentarum & ultrà spatium tenet. The same in English. IN the year from the incarnation of our Lord, six hundredth twenty and four, the people of Northumberland, to wit, those English people which inhabit on the North side of the river of Humber, together with their king Edwin, at the Christian preaching and persuasion of Paulinus above mentioned, embraced the Gospel. Under which king, after he had once accepted of the Christian faith, the power both of the heavenly & of his earthly kingdom was enlarged; insomuch, that he (which no English king had done before him) brought under his subjection all the provinces of Britain, which were inhabited either by the English men themselves, or by the Britons. Moreover, he subdued unto the crown of England (as we have above signified) the Hebrides, commonly called the Western Islands. The principal whereof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the South, and more abounding with corn than the rest, containeth according to the estimation of the English, room enough for 960. families, and ●he second for 300. and above. The voyage of Bertus, general of an army sent into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland, in the year of our Lord 684, out of the 4. Book and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiastical History. ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto, Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum, misso Hiberniam cum excercitu duce Berto, vastavit miserè gentem innoxiam, & nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam, ita ut nec ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret hostilis. At insulani & quantum valuere armis arma repellebant, & invocantes divinae auxilium pietatis coelitus ●e vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant. Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint, creditum tamen est, quòd high qui merito impietatis suae maledicebantur, ocyùs Domino vindice, poenas sui reatus luerent. The same in English. IN the year of our Lord 684, Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sent captain Bert into Ireland with an army, which Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being always most friendly unto the people of England, insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries. Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled arms with arms, and craving God's aid from heaven with continual imprecations and curses, they pleaded for revenge. And albeit cursed speakers can by no means inherit the kingdom of God, it was thought notwithstanding, that they which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences. The voyage of Octher made to the North-east parts beyond Norway, reported by himself unto Alfred the famous king of England, about the year 890. OCther said, that the country wherein he dwelled was called Helgoland. Octher told his lord king Alfred that he dwelled furthest North of any other Norman. He said that he dwelled towards the North part of the land toward the West coast: and affirmed that the land, notwithstanding it stretcheth marvelous far towards the North, yet it is all desert and not inhabited, unless it be very few places, here and there, where certain Fins devil upon the coast, who live by hunting all the Winter, and by fishing in Summer. Fynnes' li●e by hunting & fishing. He said that upon a certain time he fallen into a fantasy and desire to prove and know how far●e that land stretched Northward, and whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the desert. Whereupon he took his voyage directly North along the coast, having upon his s●eereboord always the desert land, and upon the leereboord the main Ocean: and continued his course for the space of 3. days. In which space he was come as far towards the North, as commonly the whale hunters use to travel. The place whither the whale hunter's ●raueile. Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so far as he was able to sail in other 3. days. At the end whereof he perceived that the coast turned towards the East, or else the sea opened with a main gulf into the land, he known not how far. Well he witted and remembered, that he was feign to stay till he had a Western wind, and somewhat Northerly: and thence he sailed plain East along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. days. At the end of which time he was compelled again to stay till he had a full Northerly wind, forsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South, or at lest wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how far: so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South, so far as he could travail in 5. days; and at the fifth days end he discovered a mighty river which opened very far into the land. The river of Duina or likelihood. At the entry of which river he stayed his course, and in conclusion turne● back again, for he dared not enter thereinto for fear of the inhabitants of the land: perceiving that on the other side of the river the country was thoroughly inhabited: which was the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from his own dwelling: whereas continually throughout all his voyage, he had evermore on his steereboord, a wilderness and desert country, A Desert country. except that in some places, he see a few fishers, fowlers, and hunters, which were all Fynnes: Fynnes'. and all the way upon his leereboord was the main ocean. The Biarmes had inhabited and tilled their country indifferent well, Biarmia. notwithstanding he was afraid to go upon shore. But the country of the Terfynnes lay all waste, Terfynnes'. and not inhabited, except it were, as we have said, whereas dwelled certain hunters, fowlers, and fishers. The Biarmes told him a number of stories both of their own country, and of the countries adjoining. Howbeit, he known not, nor could affirm any thing for certain truth: forsomuch as he was not upon land, nor see any himself. This only he judged, that the Fynnes and Biarmes speak but one language. The Fynnes and Biarmes speak one language. The principal purpose of his travail this way, was to increase the knowledge and discovery of these coasts and countries, for the more commodity of fishing of Or, morsses, their teeth commended. horsewhales, which have in their teeth bones of great price and excellency: whereof he brought some at his return unto the king. Their skins are also very good to make cables for ships, and so used. Use of the Morsses skinny for cables. This kind of whale is much less in quantity then other kinds, having not in length above seven else. And as for the common kind of whales, the place of most and best hunting of them is in his own country: whereof some be 48. else of length, and some 50. of which sort he affirmed that he himself was one of the six, which in the space of 3. days killed threescore. He was a man of exceeding wealth in such riches, wherein the wealth of that country doth consist. At the same time that he came to the king, he had of his own breed 600. tame Deer, Six hundredth tame Dear. of that kind which they call Rane Dear: of the which number 6. were stall Rane Dear, a beast of great value, and marvelously esteemed among the Fynnes, for that with them they catch the wild Rane Dear. He was among the chief men of his countre● one: and yet he had but 20. cows, and 20. swine, and that little which he tilled, he tilled it all with horses. Their principal wealth consists in the tribute which the Fynnes pay them, The Fynnes' tribute. which is all in skins of wild beasts, feathers of birds, whale bones, and cables, and tackle for ships made of Whales or Seals skins. Every man payeth according to his ability. Note. The richest pay ordinarily 15. cases of Marterns, 5. Rane Dear skins, and one Bear, ten bushels of feathers, Cables of Whales and Seals skins. a coat of a bears skin, two cables threescore else long a piece, the one made of Whale's skin, the other of seals. He said, that the country of Norway was very long and small. A description of Norway. So much of it as either beareth any good pasture, or may be tilled, lieth upon the Sea coast, which notwithstanding in some places is very rocky and stony: and all Eastward, all along against the inhabited land, lie wild and huge hills and mountains, which are in some places inhabited by the Fynnes. The inhabited land is broadest toward the South, & the further it stretcheth towards the North, it groweth evermore smaller and smaller. Towards the South it is peradventure threescore miles in breadth or broader in some places: about the midst, 30. miles or above, and towards the North where it is smallest, he affirmeth that it proveth not three miles from the Sea to the mountains. The breadth of the mountains of Norway. The mountains be in breadth of such quantity, as a man is able to travail over in a fortnight, and in some places no more than may be travailed in six days. Right over against this land, in the other side of the mountains, somewhat towards the South, lieth Swethland, Swethland. and against the same towards the North, lieth Queeneland. Queeneland. The Queens sometimes passing the mountains, invade and spoil the Normans: and on the contrary part, the Normans likewise sometimes spoil their country. Among the mountains be many and great lakes in sundry places of fresh water, into the which the Queen's use to carry their boats upon their backs over land, Boats carried on men's backs. and thereby invade and spoil the country of the Normans. These boats of there's be very little and very light. The voyage of Octher out of his country of Halgoland into the sound of Denmark unto a port called Hetha, which seemeth to be Wismer or Rostorke. OCther said that the country wherein he dwelled, was called Halgoland: and affirmed that there was no man dwelling towards the North from him. From this country towards the South, there is a certain ‖ Or, straight. It seemeth to be about Elsenborg. port called Scirings hall, whither, he saith, that a man was not able to sail in a months space, if he lay still by night, although he had every day a full wind. And he shall sail all the way along the coast, having on his steereboord, first jutland and the Islands which lie betwixt this country & jutland, still along the coast of this country, till he come to Scirings hall, having it on his larboard. At Scirings hall there entereth into the land a main gulf of the Sea, The description of the sound of Denmark. which is so broad, that a man cannot see over it: and on the other side against the same, is Gotland, Gotland. and then Silland. This sea stretcheth many hundredth miles up into the land. From Scirings hall he said that he sailed in 5. days to the port which is called Hetha, which lieth betwixt the countries of ‖ Vandals. Wendels, Saxons, and Angles, whereunto it is subject. And as he sailed thitherward from Scirings hall, he had upon his steereboord Denmark, and on his leereboord the main sea, for the space of 3. days: and 2. days before, he arrived in Hetha, Hetha but two days sailing from Seland. It seemeth to be Wismer or Rostocke. he had Gotland on leerboord, and Silland, with divers other Islands. In that country dwelled English men, before they came into this land. And these 2. days he had upon his leerboord the Islands that are subject to Denmark. Wolstans' navigation in the ‖ Within the sound of Denmark. East sea, from Hetha to Trusco, which is about Dantzig. WOlstan said, that he departed from Hetha, and arrived at Trusco, in the space of 7. days, and 7. nights: during which time, his ship kept her course continually under sail. All this voyage Wenedland was still upon his steerboord, and on his leerboord was Langland, Layland, Falster, and Sco●ie: all which countries are subject to Denmark. Upon his leerboord also, was Bargenland, Bargenland, or Bornholme. which hath a private king, unto whom it is subject. Having left Bargenland, he passed by Blekingie, Mere, Eland and Gotland, having them on his leerboord: all which countries are subject to Sweden: and Wenedland was all the way upon his steerboord, until he came to Wixel mouth. Wixel is a very great river which runneth along betwixt Witland and Wenedland. Wixel is the river that falls into the sea by Dantzig. Witland is appertaining to the Easterlings: and the river of Wixel runneth out of ‖ Or, Prussia. Wenedland into Eastmeere, which Eastmeere is at the lest 15. miles in breadth. There runneth also another river called Ilsing from the East, and falls into Eastmeere, out of another lake upon the bank, whereupon is situated Fruso. Fruso. So that Ilsing coming out of ‖ Or, Lituania. Eastland, and Wixel out of Wenedland, fall both together into Eastmeere, and there Wixel depriveth Ilsing of his name, and runneth thence West & North into the sea; whereof the place is called Wixelmouth. The description of Eastland. Eastland is a very large land, and there be many cities and towns within it, and in every one of them is a king: whereby there is continually among them great strife and contention. There is great plenty of honey and fish. Mare's milk a chief drink. The wealthiest men drink commonly Mare's milk, and the poor people and slaves mead. There is no ale brewed among the Easterlings, but of mead there is plenty. The navigation of King Edgar, taken out of Florentius Wigorniensis, Hoveden, and M. Dee his discourse of the British Monarchy, pag. 54,55, etc. I Have often times (said he) and many ways looked into the state of earthly kingdoms, generally the whole world over (as far as it may be yet known to Christian men commonly) being a study of no great difficulty, but rather a purpose somewhat answerable to a perfect Cosmographer, to find himself Cosmopoli●es, a citizen and member of the whole and only one mystical city universal, and so consequently to meditate of the Cosmopoliticall government thereof, under the King almighty, passing on very swiftly toward the most dreadful and most comfortable term prefixed. And I find (said he) that if this British Monarchy would heretofore have followed the advantages which they have had onward, they might very well, yer this, have surpassed by justice, and godly sort, any particular Monarchy else, that ever was on earth since man's creation: and that to all such purposes as to God are most acceptable, and to all perfect common wealths, most honourable, profitable, and comfortable. But yet (said he) there is a little lock of Lady Occasion flickering in the air, by our hands to catch hold on, whereby we may yet once more (before all be utterly past, and for ever) discreetly and valiantly recover and enjoy, if not all our ancient & due appurtenances to this Imperial British monarchy, yet at the lest some such notable portion thereof, as (all circumstances duly and justly appertaining to peace & amity with foreign princes being offered & used) this may become the most peaceable, most rich, most puissant, & most flourishing monarchy of all else (this day) in christendom. Peaceable, I say, even with the most part of the self same respects that good king Edgar had (being but a Saxon) and by sundry such means, as he chief in this Empire did put in proof and ure triumphantly, whereupon his surname was Pacificus, most aptly and justly. This peaceable king Edgar had in his mind about six hundred years past, the representation of a great part of the self same Idea, which from above only, & by no man's devise hath streamed down into my imagination, being as it becometh a subject careful for the godly prosperity of this British Empire under our most peaceable Queen Elizabeth. For, AEdgarus pacificus, Regni sui prospiciens vt●lit●ti, pariter & quieti, Flores Histori●rum. quatuor millia octingentas sibi robustas congregavit naves è quibus mill ducentas, in plaga Angliae Orientali, mill ducentas in Occidentali, mill ducentas in Australi, mill ducentas in Septentrionali pelago constituit, ut ad defensionem regni sui, contra exteras nationes, bellorum discrimina sustinerent. OH wisdom imperial, most diligently to be imitated, videlicet, prospicere, to foresee. OH charitable kingly parent, that was touched with ardent zeal, for procuring the public profit of his kingdom, yea and also the peaceable enjoying thereof. OH, of an incredible mass of treasure, a kingly portion, yet, in his coffers remaining: if then he had, (or late before) any warrest seeing no notable tax, or contribution public is historically mentioned to have been for the charges levied: if in peace he himself flourished so wealthily: OH marvelous political, & princely pruden●ie, in time of peace to foresee, and prevent, (a●d that most pvissantly, and invincibly) all possible malice, fraud, force, and mischief foreign. OH most discreet liberality to such excellent uses, pouring out his treasure so abundantly. OH faithful English people (then,) and worthy subjects, of such an Imperial and godly Governor. OH your true, and willing hearts, and blessed ready hands (then,) so to impart such abundance of victuals for those huge Navies maintenance: so (I say) as neither dearth of famine, seemed (fond) to be feared of you, for any intolerable want likely to ensue thereby, nor prices of victuals complained of to be unreasonable enhanced by you, finding for their great sales so good, and rare opportunity. This peaceable king Edgar, was one of the perfect Imperial monarchs of this British Empire, and therefore thus his fame remains (for ever) recorded. Anglici orbis Basileus, flos, & Decus AEdgarus, non minus memorabilis Anglis, Charta Regis, Henrici secundi. quàm Cyrus Persis, Romulus Romanis, Alexander Macedonibus, Arsaces Parthis, Carolus Francis, Anno vitae 37. Regni sui cum fratre, & post 21. Idibus julij obijt, & apud Glascon sepelitur. OH Glastonbury, Glastonbury, the treasury of the carcases of so famous, and so many people (Quae olim matter sanctorum dicta es, & ab alijs, tumulus sanctorum, quam ab ipsis discipulis Domini, aedificatam fuisse venerabilis habet Antiquorum authoritas) how lamentable is thy case now? how hath hypocrisy and pride wrought thy desolation? though I omit here the names of very many other, both excellent holy men, and mighty princes, whose carcases are committed to thy custody, yet that apostolic joseph, that triumphant British Arthur, and now this peaceable and provident Saxon king Edgar, do force me with a certain sorrowful reverence, here to celebrated thy memory. This peaceable king Edgar (as by ancient Records may appear) his Summer progresses, and yearly chief pastimes were, the sailing round about this whole Isle of Albion, guarded with his grand navy of 4000 sail at the lest, parted into 4. equal parts of petty Navies, each one being of 1000 ships, for so it is anciently recorded. Idem quoque AEdgarus, 4000 naves congregavit, ex quibus omni anno, post festum Paschale, Ranulphus Cestrens●●. 1000 naves ad quamlibet Angliae partem statuit, sic, aestate Insulam circumnavigavit: hyeme verò, judicia in Provincia exercuit: & haec omnia ad sui exercitium, & ad hostium fecit terrorem. COuld, and would that peaceable & wise king Edgar, before need, as being in peace and quiet with all nations about him, and notwithstanding mistrusting his possible enemies, make his pastimes so royally, politically, and triumphantly, with so many thousand ships, and at the lest with ten times so many men as ships, and that yearly? and shall we being not assured of such neighbours friendship, as may become to us as cruel and tyrannical enemies as never king Edgar needed to dread the like, and they as many and mighty princes, as never king Edgar coped with the like, shall we (said he) not judge it some part of wisdom, to imitate carefully in some little proportion (though not with so many thousand) the prosperous pastimes of peaceable king Edgar, that Saxonicall Alexander? yea, prosperous pastimes these may be justly counted, by which he also made evident to the whole world, that as he wisely known the ancient bounds and limits of this British Empire, so that he could and would royally, justly, and triumphantly enjoy the same, spite of the devil, and maugre the force of any foreign potentate. And all that, so highly and faithfully to the glory of God finally intended and brought to pass, as the wisest and godliest Prelates and counsellors of those days (so counted of and recorded) could best advise and direct him, or perchance, but sincerely commend and dutifully encourage him in, he being of himself so bend, as purposing first invincibly to fortify the chief and uttermost walls of his Islandish Monarchy, against all foreign encumbrance possible. And in that fortification furthering and assuring to trust best his own oversight and judgement, in yearly viewing the same in every quarter thereof, and that as it were for his pastime Imperial, also in Summer time, to the end that afterward in all security, he might in Winter time (vacare) be at convenient leisure on land, chief to set forth God's due honour, and secondly to understand, and diligently to listen to the causes and complaints of his commons. For as Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis of him to his Imperial commendation hath left us a remembrance. Habebat autem praeterea consuetudinem, per omnes Regni provincias transire, ut intelligeret quomodo legum iura, & suorum statuta decretorum, à principibus obseruarentur, & nepauperes à potentibus praeiudicium passi, opprimerentur, diligenter investigare ●olebat: in uno forti●udini, in altero justitiae students, & Reipub. regníque utilitati consulens in vtroque● Hinc hostibus circumquá que timor, & amor omnium erga ●um excreverat subditorum. Thus we see how in opportunity, this peaceable Edgar procured to this Empire such prosperous security, that his true and faithful subjects, all manner of ways (that is at home and also at sea, both outward and inward) might peaceably, safely and securely employ their wits and travels for the marvelous enriching of this kingdom, and pleasuring very many other, carrying forth the natural commodities of this land, abounding here above our necessary uses (and due store reserved) and likewise again furnishing the same with all necessary and not superfluous foreign commodities, ●et from far or foreign countries. This was in deed (as before is recorded) a kingly providence, Reipub. Regníque utilitati consulens, etc. besides with great utility and profit public foreseen, and by his means enjoyed, he himself used most gladly the advantage of that security, in ministering of justice, or causing the same to be executed all his kingdom over, not squemishly● frowningly or skornefully shunning the ragged and tattered sleeve of any suppliant, holding up to him a simple soiled bill of complaint or petition, and that homely contrived, or afraid at, and timorously hasting from the sickly pale face or feeble limmed suitor, extremely constrained so to speak for himself, nor parcially smothering his own conscience, to favour or maintain the foul fault and trespass unlawful of any his subjects, how mighty or necessary soever, they (else) were, but diligently made search, lest Pauperes à potentibus preiudicium passi, opprimerentur. Thus did public security from foreign fo● abroad, and true love of his own subjects, guarding him at home, and the heavenly spirit directing all his good purposes, cause justice and equity in all quarters of this Albion to flourish. For which his peaceable and prosperous benefits at the eternal king his hand obtained, he become not insolent or declined to tyrannical regiment (as some princes in other countries have made their lives Comicotragical) but with all his foresaid invincible Seaforce, abundant wealth, triumphant peace, with security and justice over all his Monarchy prevailing, his heart was continually, and most zealously bend to set forth the glory, laud and honour of the Almighty Creator, the heavenly and everlasting king, by such principal and princely means, as (then) were deemed to God most acceptable, as many monuments yet to our days remaining, do of him undoubtedly testify: As this, for one. Ex charta fundationis Ecclesiae Cathedralis Wigorniae. Altitonantis Dei largiflua clementia, qui est rex Regum, Ego AEdgarus Anglorum Basileus omniúque Regum, Insularum, Oceaníque Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctarúmque nationum que infra eam includuntur, Imperator, & Dominus, gratias ago ipsi Deo omnipotenti, Regi meo, qui meum Imperium sic ampliavit, & exaltavit super regnum patrum meorum: qui licet Monarchiam totius Angliae adepti sunt à tempore Athelstani (qui primus regnum Anglorum, & omnes Nationes, que Britanniam in colunt, sibi Armis subegit) nullus tamen eorum ultra eius fines imperium suum dilatare aggressus est. Mihi autem concessit propitia Divinitas, cum Anglorum Imperio, omnia regna Insularum Oceani, cum suis ferocissimis Regibus, usque Noruegiam, maximámque partem Hyberniae, cum sua nobilissima Civitate Dublinia, Anglorum regno subiugare: Quos etiam omnes, meis Imperijs co●la subdere (Dei favente gratia) coegi. Quapropter & ego Christi gloriam, & laudem exaltare, & eius seruitium amplificare devotus disposui, & per meos fideles Fautores, Dunstanum viz. Archiepiscopum, Athelwoldum, & Oswaldum episcopos (quos mihi patres spirituales, & Consiliatores elegi) magna ex part, secundum quod disposui, effeci, etc. And again this in another Monument. OMnipotentis Dei, Fundatio Ecclesiae Cathedralis Elic●sis● etc. Ipsius nutu & gratia suffultus, Ego AEdgarus Basileus dilectae Insule Albionis, subditis nobis sceptris Scotorum, Cumbrorum, ac Brytonum, & omnium circumcirca Regionum, quieta pace per●ruens, studiosus sollicitè de laudibus creatoris omnium occupor addendis: Ne nunc inertia, nostrésque diebus (plus equo) servitus eiva tepescere videatur, etc. 18. mei terreni Imperij anno, etc. Anno Incarnationis Dominicae ●973. Ego AEdgarus totius Albionis Basileus hoc privilegium (tanta roboratum authoritate) crucis Thaumate confirmavi. So that by all these rehearsed Records, it is most evident that the peaceable king Edgar, was one of those Monarches, in whose hands (if life had sufficed) the incredible value and privilege granted by God and nature unto this British monarchy, might have been peaceably purchased in such sort, as the very blessing and favour of the divine Trinity hath laid means for our industry to attain to, and enjoy the same by. And though sundry other valiant princes and kings of this land I could recite, which in times past have either by intent go about, or by wise and valiant exploit, have meetly well prospered towards this Islandish appropriate supremacy attaining, yet never any other reasonable means was used, or by human wit, or industry can be contrived, to all purposes sufficient, but only by our seaforces prevailing, and so by our invincible enjoying all within the sea limits of our British royalty contained. To which incredible political mystery attaining, no easier, readier, or perfecter plat and introduction, is (as yet) come to my imagination, then is the present and continual service of threescore good and tall warlike ships, with twenty smaller barks, and those 80. ships (great and small) with 6660. apt men furnished, and all singularly well appointed for service both on sea and land, faithfully and diligently to be done in such circumspect and discreet order, as partly I have in other places declared, and further (upon good occasion offered) may declare. This grand navy of peaceable king Edgar, of so many thousand ships, and they furnished with an hundred thousand men at the lest, with all the final intents of those sea forces, so invincible, continually maintained, the order of the execution of their service, the godly and Imperial success thereof, are in a manner kingly lessons and prophetical encouragements to us left, even now to be as provident for public security as he was, to be as skilful of our sea right and royal limits, and wisely to find ourselves as able to recover and enjoy the same as he was, who could not choose, but with the passing and yearly sailing about this British Albion, with all the lesser Isles next adjacent round about it, he could not choose I say, but by such full and peaceable possession, found himself (according to right, and his hearts desire) the true and sovereign Monarch of all the British Ocean, environing any way his empire of Albion and Ireland, with the lesser Islands next adjacent: with memorial whereof, as with one very precious jewel Imperial, he adorned the title and crown of his regality, as with the testimony annexed of the states and nobles of his Empire, to commit to perpetual memory, the stile of his chief worldly dignity, in this very tenor of words before also remembered. Ego AEdgarus Anglorum Basileus, omniúmque Regum, Note the Queen's majesties royalty over the British Ocean sea, round about the British Empire. Insularum, Oceanique Britanniam circumiacentis, cunctarúmque nationum, quae infra eam includuntur, Imperator, & Domi●us. The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sons of King Edmund Ironside into Hungary, Anno D. 1017. Recorded by Florentius Wig●rniensis pag. 391. DEdit consilium Edricus Canuto regi, An. Dom. 1●1●. ut clitunculoes Eadwardum & Eadmundum regis Eadmundifilios necaret. Sed quia magnum dedecus sibi videbatur, utin Anglia perimerentur, parvo elapso tempore, ad regem Suavorum occidendos misit. Qui, licèt foedus esset inter eos, precibus illius nullatenùs voluit acquiescere, sedillos ad regem Hungarorum Salomonem nomine misit nutriendos vitae que reseruandos. Quorum unus scilicet Eadmundus processu temporis ibidem vitam finivit. Eadwardus verò Agatham filiam Germani Imperatoris Henriciin matrimonium accepit, ex qua Margaretam Scotorum reginam, & Christinam Sanctimonialem, & Clitonem Eadgarum suscepit. The same in English. EDric counseled king Kanutus to murder the young princes Edward and Edmund the sons of King Edmund. But because it seemed a thing very dishonourable unto him to have them put to death in England, he sent them, after a short space, unto the king of Sweden to be slain. Who, albeit there was a league between them, would in no case condescend unto Canutus his bloody request, but sent them unto Solomon the king of Hungary to be nourished and preserved alive. The one whereof namely Edmund in process of time there deceased. But Edward received to wife Agatha daughter unto the german Emperor Henry, of whom he begotten Margaret the Queen of the Scots, and Christina a Nun, and Clito Edgar. A Chronicle of the Kings of Man, taken out of M. Camden's chorography. IN the year of our Lord 1066. Edward King of England, of famous memory deceased, whom Harald son of Godwin succeeded in his kingdom; against which Harald the king of Norway called Harald Harfager fought a battle at Stainford bridge, where the English winning the field put all the Norwegians to flight: out of which flight one Godredus surnamed Crovan (the son of Harald the black, who had before time fled out of Island) repaired unto Godred son of Syrric, who then reigned in Man, and was right friendly and honourably entertained by him. In the very same year William the Conqueror subdued England, and Godred the son of Syrric, king of Man, deceased, after whom succeeded his son Fingal. Fingal. In the year 1066. Godredus Crovan gathered a fleet of ships, and sailed unto Man, and giving battle unto the people of the country, was vanquished and put to flight. The second time also having gathered his army and ships together, he came unto Man, fought with the inhabitants, lost the victory, and was chased away. Yea, the third time he assembled a great multitude, and coming by night unto the port which is called Ramsa, hide 300. of his men in a wood standing upon the side of the hill called Scacasel. The Sun was no sooner up, but the Mannians arranged themselves and with great fury set upon Godred. And in the midst of the skirmish, the foresaid 300. men rising out of their ambush, and coming upon the backs of the Mannians, molested them so sore, that they were enforced to fly. But when they see that they were overcome and had no place of refuge to retire unto (for the tide of the sea had filled the channel of the river of Ramsa) and seeing the enemy so fiercely pursuing them on the other side, they which remained, with lamentable outcries beseeched Godred to spare their lives. Then he being moved with compassion, and pitying their extreme calamity, because he had been of late sustained and nourished among them, sounded a retreat and for●ad his soldiers to make any longer pursuit. The day following Godred put his soldiers to their choice, whether they would divide Man among themselves and inhabit it, or whether they would take the wealth of the country, and so return unto their own home. Howbeit, it pleased them better to waste the whole Island and to enrich themselves with the commodities thereof, and so to return from whence they came. Now Godred himself with a few Islanders which had remained with him, took possession of the South part of the Island, and unto the remnant of the Man●ians he granted the North part thereof, upon condition, that none of them should at any time afterward dare once to challenge any parcel of the said ground by title of inheritance. Whereupon it cometh to pass, that unto this day the whole Island is the kings own Fee-simple, and that all the revenues thereof pertain unto him. Also Godredus subdued Dublin unto himself & a great part of Lainestir. And he so tamed the Scots, that none of them dared build a ship or a boat, Boats having not passed three iron nails in them. with above three iron nails in it. He reigned 16. years and died in the Island called Isle. He left behind him three sons, Lagman, Harald, and Olaws. Lagman being the elder challenged the kingdom and reigned seven years. Howbeit Harald his brother rebelled against him a long time, but being at length taken by Lagman, he was gelded and had his eyes put out. Afterwards Lagman repenting him that he had put out the eyes of his brother, did of his own accord relinquish his kingdom, and taking upon him the badge of the cross, he went on pilgrimage to jerusalem, in which journey also he died. In the year 1075. all the principal men of the Islands having intelligence of the death of Lagman, sent messengers unto Murecardus O-Brien King of Irland, requesting him that he would sand some well-disposed person of his own kindred and blood royal, until Olaws son of Godred were come to full age. The king most willingly condescended unto their request, and sent unto them one Dopnald the son of Tade, charging and commanding him that with all meekness and modesty, he should govern that kingdom, which of right belonged not unto him. Howbeit he, after he had once attained unto the kingdom, neglecting the commandment of his lord, usurped the government with great tyranny, committing many heinous crimes, and so he reigned very disorderly for the space of three years. Then all the princes of the Islands making a general conspiracy, banded themselves against him, and expelled him out of their dominions. And he flying into Irland returned no more unto them. In the year 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king of Norway, to take possession of the kingdom of the Islands. And being come unto the Island of Leodus, Lewis. he sent messengers unto all the princes of the Islands to come unto him, commanding them to assemble themselves, and to appoint him to be their King. In the mean season he and his companions spent their time in robbing and rioting, ravished women and virgins, and addicted themselves to filthy pleasures and to the lusts of the flesh. And when these things were reported unto the princes of the Islands, who had assembled themselves to choose him king, being mightily incensed thereat, they made haste towards him, and coming upon him in the night, they burned the house wherein he was, and slew both him and the rest of his company, partly with sword, and partly with fire. In the year 1098. the abbey of S. Mary's at Cistertium was founded. In the same year also Antiochia was taken by the Christians, and a Comet appeared. Moreover, the same year there was a battle fought between the inhabitants of Man● at Santwat, and they of the North obtained the victory. In which battle were slain Earl Othor and Mac-Maras, chieftains of both parts. The same year Magnus' king of Norway, son of Olaws, son of Harald Harfagre, being desirous to view the corpse of S. Olaws king and Martyr, gave commandment that his monument should be opened. But the Bishop and the Clergy withstanding this his attempt, the king went very boldly and by his kingly authority, caused the cophin to be opened. And when he had seen with his eyes, and handled with his hands the incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Martyr, a sudden fear came upon him, and he departed with great haste. The night following Olaws king and Martyr appeared unto him in a vision, saying: Choose (I say) unto yourself one of these two, either within 30. days to loose your life with your kingdom, or else to departed from Norway and never to see it again. The King so soon as he was awaked out of sleep, called his Princes and Senators, and expounded the foresaid vision unto them. And they also being astonished thereat gave him this counsel, that with all speed he should departed out of Norway. Then he without any further delay caused a Navy of 160. ships to be provided, and so sailed unto the Islands of Orkney, which he presently subdued, and passing along through all the Islands and conquering them, at length he came unto the Isle of Man, where he was no sooner arrived, but he went unto the Isle of S. Patric to see the place of battle, where the inhabitants of Man had of late fought, because many of the dead bodies were as yet unburied. And seeing that it was a most beautiful Island, it pleased him exceeding well, and therefore he made choice to inhabit therein his own self, and built forts there which are at this day called by his own name. He had the people of Galway in such awe, that he constrained them to cut down their own timber, and to bring it unto his shore for the building of his forts. He sailed on further unto the Isle of Anglesey near unto Wales, and finding two Earls therein (either of them being called by the name of Hugo) he slew the one, and the other he put to flight, and so subdued the Island. But the Welshmen presented many gifts unto him, and so bidding them farewell he returned unto Man. Unto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shoes, commanding him that he should carry them on his shoulders, upon the birthday of our Lord through the midst of his Palace, in the sight of his Ambassadors, that thereby it might appear unto them, that he was subject unto king Magnus. Which when the Irishmen herded, they took it grievously and disdeined much thereat. But the King being better advised, I had rather (said he) not only bear his shoes, but eat his shoes, than that king Magnus should destroy any one province in Irland. Wherefore he fulfilled his commandment, and honourably entertained his Ambassadors. Many gifts also he sent unto king Magnus by them, and concluded a league. But the messengers returning unto their lord, told him of the situation of Irland, of the beauty thereof, of the fruitfulness of the soil, and of the holesonmesse of the air. Magnus' hearing these things was fully resolved to conquer all Irland unto himself. And for the same purpose he commanded that a Fleet should be made ready. But he taking his voyage with sixteen ships, & being desirous to view the land, when he had undiscreetly departed from his Navy, he was suddenly environed by the Irish, and was himself slain, together with all that were with him almost. He was interred near unto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh. He reigned six years. After his death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olaws the son of Godredus Crovan, who lived in the Court of Henry King of England son unto William the Conqueror. In the year 1102. Olaws son of Godredus Crovan began his reign and reigned forty years: he was a peaceable man being in league with all the Kings of Scotland and Irland in his time. He took to wife Africa the daughter of Fergusius of Galway, of whom he begat Godredus. Of his concubines he begat Regnaldus, Lagmannus, and Haraldus, and many daughters, whereof one married unto Sumerledus king of ‖ Argile. Herergaidel, which afterward occasioned the overthrow of the whole kingdom of the Islands. He begat four sons by her, namely Dulgallus, Raignaldus, Engus, and Olaws. In the year 1134. Olaws gave unto You the Abbot of Furnes a portion of his own ground in Man to build an Abbey in the place which is called Russ●n. Also he enriched with revenues and endued with privileges all places of religion within his Islands. In the year 1142. Godredus the son of Olaws sailed unto the K. of Norway called Hinge, and doing his homage unto him he remained with him, & was by him honourably entertained. The same year the 3. sons of Harald brother unto Olaws, who were brought up at the city of Dublin, gathering together a great multitude of people, and all the fugitives and vagabonds of the kingdom resorted unto Man, and demanded of the said king the one half of all the kingdom of the Islands. Which thing when the king herded, being desirous to pacify them, he answered that he would consult about that matter. And a day and place being appointed, where the consultation should be kept, in the mean time those miscreants conspired together, about the murdering of the King. And when the day appointed was come, both companies assembled themselves unto the haven town called Ramsa, and they sat in order, the king with his nobility on the one side, and they with their confederates on the other side. Howbeit Regnaldus who had an intention to slay the king, stood aside in the midst of the house talking with one of the Princes of the land. And being called to come unto the king he turned himself about as if he would have saluted him, and lifting up his glittering axe, he chopped the king's head quite off at a blow. Now having committed this outrageous villainy, 1143. within a short space they divided the Island between themselves, and gathering an army together sailed unto Galway, intending to subdue that also; howbeit the people of Galway assembled themselves, and with great fury encountered with them. Then they immediately turning their backs with great confusion fled unto Man. And as touching all the Galwedians which inhabited in the said Island, some of them they slew, and the residue they vanished. In the year 1143. Godredus son of Olaws returning out of Norway was created king of Man; who in revenge of his father's death, put out the eyes of two of Harald's sons and slew the third. In the year 1144. Godredus began his reign, and he reigned thirty years. In the third year of his reign the citizens of Dublin sent for him and treated him king of Dublin, against whom Mureca●dos king of Irland made war, and encamping himself at the city called Coridelis, he sent his brother Osibel with 3000. horsemen unto Dublin, who was slain by Godred and the Dubliners, the rest of his company being put to flight. These things being thus finished, Godredus returned unto Man, and began to exercise tyranny, disinheriting certain of his nobles, of whom one called Thorfinus the son of Oter, being mightier than the rest, went unto Sumerledus, and named Dubgal the son of Sumerledus, king of the Islands, and subdued many of the said Islands on his behalf. Whereof when Godred had intelligence by one Paulus, providing a Navy, he went to meet Sumerledus coming against him with 80. ships: and in the year 1156. 1156. upon the night of the feast of epiphany, there was a Seabattell fought, and many being slain on both parts, the day following they were pacified, and divided the kingdom of the Islands among themselves, and it continued two kingdoms from that day unto this present time. And this was the cause of the ruin of the monarchy of the Islands, from which time the sons of Sumerled enjoyed the one half thereof. In the year 1158. Sumerled came unto Man with 53. ships, putting Godred to flight and wasting the Island: and Godred sailed unto Norway to seek for aid against Sumerled. In the year 1164. Sumerled gathered a fleet of 160. ships together; and arrived at Rhinfrin, intending to subdue all Scotland unto himself: howbeit, by God's just judgement being overcome by a few, together with his son, and an innumerable multitude of people, he was slain. The very same year there was a battle fought a● Ramsa, between Reginald the brother of Godred, and the inhabitants of Man, but by the stratagem of a certain Earl the Mannians were put to flight. Then began Reginald to usurp the kingly authority. Howbeit his brother Godred within four days after, coming out of Norway with a great power of armed men, apprehended his brother Reginald, gelded him, and put out his eyes. The same year deceased Malcolme the king of Scots, and his brother William succeeded in the kingdom. In the year 1166. two Comets appeared in the month of August, before the rising of the Sun, one to the South and another to the North. In the year 1171. Richard earl of Penbroke sailed into Irland, and subdued Dublin with a great part of Irland. In the year 1176. john Curcy conquered Ulster unto himself. And at the same time also Vivianus legate from the sea of Rome came into Man, & caused king Godred to be lawfully wedded unto his wife Phingola, daughter of Maclotlen son of Murkartac king of Irland, mother of Olaws, who was then 3. years old. Silvanus' the abbot married them, unto whom the very same day, king Godred gave a portion of ground in Mirescoge, where he built a Monastery: howbeit, in process of time, the said land with the monks, was granted unto the abbey of Russin. In the year 1172. Reginaldus the son of Eacmarcat (a man descended of the blood royal) coming into Man with a great multitude of people, in the absence of the king, at the first conflict he put to flight certain watchmen which kept the shore, & slew about 30. people. Whereupon the very same day the Mannians arranging themselves put him, & almost all his followers to the sword. In the year 1183. O. Fogolt was viscount of Man. In the year 1185. the Sun was eclipsed upon the feast of S. Philip and jacob. In the year 1187. deceased Godred king of the Islands, upon the 4. of the Ideses of November, and the next summer his body was translated unto the island of Hy. He left 3. sons behind him, Reginaldus, Olaws, and Yuarus. In his life time he ordained his son Olaws to be his heir apparent, because he only was born legitimate. But the Mannians, when Olaws was scarce ten years old, sent unto the islands for Reginald and created him king. In the year 1187. began Reginald the son of Godred to reign over the islands: and Murchardus a man of great power throughout all the kingdom of the islands was put to death. In the year 1192. there was a battle fought between Reginald and Engus the two sons of Sumerled: but Engus obtained the victory. The same year was the abbey of Russin removed unto Dufglus, howbeit within four years after the monks returned unto Russin. In the year 1203. Michael bishop of the islands deceased at Fontanas, and Nicho●as succeeded in his room. In the year 1204. Hugo de Lacie invaded Ulster with an army and encountered with john de Curcy, took him prisoner & subdued Ulster unto himself. Afterwards he permitted the said john to go at liberty, who coming unto king Reginald was honourably entertained by him, because he was his son in law, for john de Curcy had taken to wife Africa the daughter of Godredus, which founded the abbey of S. Marry de iugo domini, and was there buried. In the year 1205. john de Curcy & Reginald king of the islands invading Ulster with a hundredth ships at the port which is called Stranfeord did negligently besiege the castle of Rath: but Walter de Lacie coming upon them with his army, put them to flight, & from that time Curcy never recovered his land. In the year 1210. E●gus the son of Sumerled & his 3. sons were slain. At the same time john king of England conducted a fleet of 500 ships into Irland, King john passed into Irland with 500, sails. and subdued it unto himself: and sending a certain earl named Fulco, unto the isle of Man, his soldiers almost utterly wasted it in the space of 15. days, and having taken pledges they returned home into their own country. King Reginald and his nobles were at this time absent from Man. In the year 1217. deceased Nicolas bishop of the islands, and was buried in Ulster, in the house of Benchor, whom Reginald succeeded. I think it not amiss to report somewhat more concerning the two foresaid brethren Reginaldus and Olaws. REginald gave unto his brother Olaws, the island called Lodhus or jews, which is said to be larger than the rest of the islands, but almost destitute of inhabitants, because it is so full of mountains & quarreiss, being almost nowhere fit for tillage. Howbeit the inhabitants thereof do live for the most part upon hunting and fishing. Olaws therefore went to take possession of this Island, and dwelled therein leading a poor life: and when he see that it would by no means suffice for the sustentation of himself & his followers, he went boldly unto his brother Reginald, who as then remained in the islands, & spoke on this wise unto him. My brother (said he) and my lord and king, you know that the kingdom of the islands pertained unto me by right of inheritance, howbeit because the Lord had choose you to bear the sceptre, I do not envy that honour unto you, neither doth it any whit grieve me that you are exalted unto this royal dignity. Now therefore I beseech you to provide me some portion of land in the islands, whereby I may honestly live. For the Island of Lewis which you gave me is not sufficient for my maintenance. Which his brother Reginald hearing said that he would consult about the premises. And on the morrow, when Olaws was sent for to parley, Reginald commanded him to be attached, and to be carried unto William king of Scotland, and with him to remain prisoner: and Olaws remained in prison almost for the space of 7. years. But at the 7. years end William king of Scots deceased, and Alexander his son reigned in his stead. The foresaid William, before his death, commanded that all prisoners should be set at liberty. Olaws therefore being at liberty came unto Man, and immediately with a great company of nobles took his journey unto S. james: and his brother Reginald caused the said Olaws to take unto wife, the daughter of a certain noble man of Kentyre, cousin germane unto his own wife, & by name being called Lavon, and he granted unto him the possession of Lewis. After a few days Reginald the bishop of the Islands having gathered a Synod, separated Olaws and Godred his son, and Lavon his wife, namely because she was cousin germane unto his former wife. Afterwards Olaws married Scristina daughter unto Ferkarus earl of Rosse. Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queen of the Islands being incensed, sent letters unto the Island of Sky in K. Reginald his name to her son Godred willing him to take Olaws. Which commandment Godred putting in practice, & entering the isle of Lewis for the same purpose, Olaws fled in a little skiff unto his father in law the earl of Rosse, & in the mean time Godred wasted the isle of Lewis. At the very same time Pol the son of Book viscount of Sky, being a man of power in all the Islands, because he would not consent unto Godred, fled, & dwelled together with Olaws in the dominions of the earl of Rosse, & making a league with Olaws, they went both in a ship unto Sky. To be short, sending certain spies, they were informed that Godred remained secure with a small company in a certain Isle called the isle of S. Columba. And uniting unto themselves their friends and acquaintance, & others that would go voluntarily with them, in the dead of the night, having launched 5. ships from the next seashore, which was distant about the space of 2. furlongs from the foresaid Island, they environed the said Island on all sides. Now Godred and his company rising early in the morning, and seeing themselves beset with their enemies on all sides, they were utterly astonished. Howbeit arming themselves they began stoutly to make resistance, but altogether in vain. For about 9 of the clock in the morning, Olaws and the foresaid viscount Pol, with all their soldiers, entered the Island, and having slain all whom they found without the precincts of the Church, they apprehended Godred, gelding him, and putting out his eyes. Unto which action Olaws gave not his consent, neither could he withstand it, by reason of the forenamed viscount the son of Book. This was done in the year of Christ 1223. The next summer following Olaws having received pledges from all the chief men of the Islands, with a fleet of 32. ships sailed unto Man, and arrived at Rognolfwaht. At the same time Reginald and Olaws divided the kingdom of the Islands between themselves, Man being granted unto Reginald, & besides his portion the name of a king also. Olaws having received certain victuals of the people of Man, returned, together with his company, The Isle of Man advanced to a kingdom. unto his own portion of Islands. The year following Reginald taking unto him Alanus lord of Galway, together with his subjects of Man, sailed unto the Islands, that he might take away that portion of ground from his brother Olaws, which he had granted unto him, and subdue it unto himself. Howbeit, by reason that the people of Man had no list to fight against Olaws or the Islanders, because they bore good will towards them, Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway being defeated of their purpose, returned home unto their own. Within a short space after Reginald, under pretence of going unto the Court of his lord the king of England, received an 100 marks of the people of Man, and took his journey unto Alanus lord of Galway. Which the people of Man hearing took great indignation thereat, insomuch that they sent for Olaws, and appointed him to be their king. In the year 1226. Olaws recovered his inheritance, that is to say the kingdom of Man and of the Islands, which Reginald his brother had governed for the space of 38. years, and he reigned two years in safety. In the year 1228. Olaws with all his nobles of Man, and the stronger part of his people, sailed unto the Islands. A short space after Alanus lord of Galway, Thomas earl of Athol, & king Reginald came unto Man with a mighty army, and wasted all the South part of Man, spoilt the Churches, and slew all the men whom they could take, insomuch, that the Southpart of the said Island was brought almost into desolation. And then Alanus returned with his army into his own land, leaving behind him bailiffs and substitutes in Man, which should gather up and tender unto him the tribute of the country. Howbeit king Olaws came suddenly upon them, chased them away and recovered his kingdom. And the Mannians which of late were dispersed and scattered abroad, began to unite themselves, and to inhabit without fear. The same year, in the time of Winter, upon the sudden, and in the very dead of the night came king Reginald out of Galway with five ships, and burned all the ships of his brother Olaws, and of the nobles of Man, at the Isle of S. Patric, & concluding a peace with his brother, remained at the port of Ragnolwath 40. days: in the mean while he alured unto himself all the Islanders upon the South part of Man, who swore, that they would adventure their lives, until he had got the one half of his kingdom: contrariwise Olaws joined unto himself them of the North part, & upon the 14. of February in the place called Tingualla, a field was fought between the two brothers, wherein Olaws got the victory, and Reginald the king was by certain soldiers slain without the knowledge of his brother. Also certain pirates coming to the south part of Man, wasted & spoilt it. The monks of Russin conveyed the body of K. Reginald, unto the abbey of S. Mary of Fournes, & there he was interred in the place, which his own self had choose for the purpose. After these things Olaws travailed unto the king of Norway, but before he was arrived there, Haco king of Norway appointed a certain noble man named Husbac the son of Owmund, to be king of the Islands of the Hebrides & called his name Haco. Then came the said Haco with Olaws & Godred Don the son of Reginald, and a multitude of Norwegians, unto the islands: and while they were giving an assault unto a castle in the island of Both, Haco being hit with a stone died, and was buried in jona. In the year 1230. came Olaws, with Godredus Don, & certain Norwegians unto Man, and they parted the kingdom among themselves, Olaws still receiving Man. Godred as he was going unto the islands, was slain in the isle of Lewis, & Olaws enjoyed the kingdom of the islands also. In the year 1237. upon the 12. of the Kalends of june, Olaws son of Godred king of Man deceased in the isle of S. Patric, and was interred in the abbey of Russin. He reigned 11. years, two while his brother was alive, and nine after his death. Haraldus his son being of the age of 14. years, succeeded, and he reigned 12. years. The first year of his reign taking his journey unto the islands, he appointed one Loglen his kinsman to be his deputy in Man. The Autumn following Haraldus sent the three sons of Nell, namely Dufgaldus, Torquellus, & Molmore, and his friend joseph unto Man, that they might enter into consultation together. Wherefore the 25. day they assembled themselves at Tingualla: and malice growing between the sons of Nell, and Loglen, they fell to blows and skirmished sore on both parts, Molmore, Dufgald, and the foresaid joseph being all slain in the fray. The Spring following, king Harald came into the isle of Man, and Loglen fleeing into Wales, was himself, together with Godred the son of Olaws his pupil, and 40. others, drowned by shipwreck. In the year 1238. Gospatricius and Gillescrist son of Mac-Kerthac came from the king of Norway unto Man, expelling Harald out of the said island, and taking tribute on the behalf of the Noruegian king, because the said Harald refused to come unto his Court. In the year 1240. Gospa●ricius deceased and was buried in the abbey of Russin. In the year 1239. Haraldus went unto the king of Norway, who within two years confirmed unto him, his heirs and successors, under seal, all the islands which his predecessors enjoyed. In the year 1242. Haraldus returned out of Norway unto Man, and being honourably received by the inhabitants, he lived in peace with the kings of England and Scotland. In the year 1247. Haraldus (like as his father also before him) was knighted by the king of England, and so being rewarded with many gifts, he returned home. The same year he was sent for by the king of Norway, and he married his daughter. And in the year 1249. as he was returning home with his wife, with Laurence the elect of Man, and with many other nobles, near unto the confines of Radland, he was drowned in a tempest. In the year 1249. Reginald the son of Olaws, and brother unto Harald began to reign the day next before the Nones of May: and upon the 30, day of the same month he was slain by Yuarus a soldier, and other of his complices, in the South part of a certain meadow, near unto the Church of the holy Trinity, and he was buried at the Church of S. Marry at Russin. The same year Alexander king of Scots provided a great navy of ships, that he might conquer the islands unto himself: howbeit falling into an ague at the isle of Kerwary, he deceased. Then Haraldus the son of Godred Don usurped the name of a king over the islands, he banished also all the princes of Harald the son of Olaws, and ordained his fugitives to be princes and nobles in their stead. In the year 1250. Haraldus the son of Godred Don being summoned by letters went unto the king of Norway, who detained him in prison because he had unjustly possessed the kingdom. The same year Magnus the son of Olaws, and john the son of Dugalt arrived at Roghalwaht, which john named himself king; but the Mannians taking it grievously, that Magnus was not nominated, drove them from their shore, and many of the company perished by shipwreck. In the year 1252. came Magnus the son of Olaws unto Man, and was ordained king. The year following he took his journey unto the king of Norway, & there he remained one whole year. In the year 1254. Haco king of Norway ordained Magnus the son of Olaws king of the Islands, confirming them to him and to his heirs, and by name unto Harald his brother. In the year 1256. Magnus took his journey into England, and was by the king of England created knight. In the year 1257. the Church of S. Mary's of Russin was dedicated by Richard bishop of Soder. In the year 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the parts of Scotland, and without achieving aught, turning his course towards the Orcadeses he there deceased at Kirwas, and was buried at Bergen. In the year 1265. Magnus' the son of Olaws king of Man and of the Islands died at the castle of Russin, and was buried at the Church of S. Mary at Russin. In the year 1266. the kingdom of the Islands was translated unto Alexander king of Scots. That which followeth was written in a new character or letter, and of a divers kind from the former. IN the year 1270. upon the seventh day of October the Fleet of Alexander king of Scots arrived at Roghalwath, and the next day before the Sun rising there was a battle fought between the Mannians and the Scots, in the which conflict there were slain 535. Mannians: whereupon a certain versifier writeth to this effect: Five hundredth forty men are slain: against ill haps, Ye Mannians arm yourselves, for fear of afterclaps. In the year 1313. Robert king of Scots besieged the castle of Russin, which Dingawy Dowil held against him, howbeit at the last the king took the castle. In the year 1316. upon the feast of Ascension, Richard le Mandevile and his brethren, with divers great personages of Irland arrived at Ramaldwath, demanding to have victuals and money ministered unto them, because they had been spoiled by their enemies, which made continual war upon them. But when the whole company of the Mannians answered that they would give nothing, they proceeded against them in warlike manner with two bands, till they were come under the side of the hill called Warthsel, in the field where john Mandevile remained, and there having fought a battle, the Irish overcame the people of Man, and spoilt the Island and the Abbey of Russin also: and when they had revealed a whole month in the Island, lading their ships they returned home. The marriage of the daughter of Harald, slain by William the Conqueror, unto jeruslaus duke of Russia, taken out of the 9 Book of the Danish history written by Saxon Grammaticus. An. D. 1067. 1067. HAraldo caefo, filij eius duo confestim in Daniam cum sorore migrarunt. Quos Sweno, paterni illorum meriti oblitus consanguineae pietatis more accepit, puellamque Ruthenorum regi Waldemaro, (qui & ipse jarislaus a suis est appellatus) nuptum dedit. Eidem postmodùm nostri temporis dux, v● sanguinis, ita & nominis haeres, ex filia nepos obuenit. Itaque hinc Britannicus, indè Eous sanguis in salutarem nostri principis ortum confluens communem stirpem duarum gentium ornamentum effecit. The same in English. Herald being slain his two sons with their sister sped themselves immediately into Denmark. Whom Sweno forgetting their father's deserts received in most kind and friendly manner, and bestowed the young damosel in marriage upon Waldemarus king of Russia who was also called by his subjects jarislaus. Afterwards the said Waldemarus had by his daughter a nephew being duke at this present, who succeeded his predecessor both in line all descent and in name also. Wherefore the English blood on the one side and the Russian on the other side concurring to the joyful birth of our prince, caused that mutual kindred to be an ornament unto both nations. The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports from Edward the Confessor and William the Conqueror, and so down to Edward the first, faithfully gathered by the learned Gentleman M. William Lambert in his Perambulation of Kent, out of the most ancient Records of England. I Find in the book of the general survey of the Realm, The antiquity of the Ports. which William the Conqueror caused to be made in the fourth year of his reign, and to be called doomsday, 1070. because (as Matthew Parise says) it spared no man but judged all men indifferently, as the Lord in that great day will do, that Dover, Sandwich, and Rumney, were in the time of K. Edward the Confessor, discharged almost of all manner of impositions and burdens (which other towns did bear) in consideration of such service to be done by them upon the Sea, as in their special titles shall hereafter appear. Whereupon, although I might ground reasonable conjecture, that the immunity of the haven towns (which we now call by a certain number, the Cinque Ports) might take their beginning from the same Edward: yet for as much as I read in the Chartre of K. Edward the first after the conquest (which is reported in our book of Entries) A recital of the grants of sundry kings to the Five Ports, the same reaching no higher than to William the Conqueror, I will leave my conjecture, and lean to his Chartre: contenting myself to yield to the Conqueror, the thanks of other men's benefits, seeing those which were benefited, were wisely contented (as the case then stood) to like better of his confirmation (or second gift) then of K. Edward's first grant, and endowment. And to the end that I may proceed in some manner of array, I will first show, which Towns were at the beginning taken for the Five Ports, and what others be now reputed in the same number: secondly, what service they aught, and did in times passed: and lastly, what privileges they have therefore, and by what people they have been governed. If I should judge by the common, and rude verse, Which be the Five Ports. Dover, Sandwicus, Ry, Rum, Frigmare ventus, I must say, that Dover, Sandwich, Rye, Rumney, and Winchelsey, (for that is, Frigmare ventus) be the Five Ports: Again, if I should be ruled by the roll which reciteth the Ports that sand Barons to the Parliament, I must then add to these, Hastings and Hyde, for they also have their Barons as well as the other: and so should I not only, not show which were the first Five, but also (by addition of two others) increase both the number, and doubtfulness. Leaving the verse therefore, for ignorance of the author and suspicion of his authority, and forsaking the roll (as not assured of the antiquity) I will flee to Henry Bracton, a man both ancient, learned, and credible, 1250. which lived under K. Henry the third, and written (above three hundredth years since) learnedly of the laws of this Realm. He (I say) in the third book of his work, and treatise of the Crown, taking in hand to show the articles inquirable before the justice in Eire, (or Itinerent, as we called them, because they used to ride from place to place throughout the Realm, for administration of justice) setteth forth a special form of writs, to be directed severally to the bailiffs of Hastings, Hithe, Rumney, Dover, and Sandwich, commanding them, that they should 'cause twenty & four of their Barons (for so their Burgesses, Citizens were called Barons in old time. or townsmen, and the citizens of London likewise, were wont to be termed) to appear before the King's justices at Shipwey in Kent (as they accustomed to do) there to inquire of such points, as should be given incharge. Which done, he addeth moreover, that forsomuch as there was oftentimes contention between them of the Five Ports, Contention between Yarmouth, and the Five Ports. & the inhabitants of Yarmouth in Norfolk and Donwich in Suffolk, there should be several writs directed to them also, returnable before the same justices at the same day and place, reciting, that where the King had by his former writs summoned the Pleas of the Five Ports to be held at Shipwey, 1250. if any of the same towns had cause to complain of any (being within the liberties of the said Ports) he should be at Shipwey to propound against him, Antiquity of Yarmouth fishing. and there to receive according to law and justice. Thus much I recite out of Bracton, partly to show that Shipwey was before K. Edward the firsts time, the place of assembly for the Pleas of the Five Ports: partly to notify the difference, and controversy that long time since was between these Ports, and those other towns: But purposely, and chief, to prove, that Hastings, and Hithe, Dover, Rumney, and Sandwich, were in Bractons' time accounted the Five principal havens or Ports, which were endowed with privilege, and had the same ratified by the great Chartre of England. Neither yet will I deny, but that soon after, 1268. Winchelsey and Rye might be added to the number. For I ●ind in an old record, that king Henry the third took into his own hands (for the better defence of the Realm) the towns of Winchelsey, and Rye, which belonged before to the Monastery of Fescampe in Normandy, and gave therefore in exchange, the Manor of Chiltham in Gloucestershire, & divers other lands in Lincolnshire. This he did, partly to conceal from the Prior's Aliens the intelligence of the secret affairs of his Realm, and partly because of a great disobedience & excess, that was committed by the inhabitants of Wincelsey, against Prince Edward his elder son. And therefore, although I can easily be led to think, that he submitted them for their correction to the order, and governance of the Five ports, yet I stand doubtful whether he made them partners of their privileges, or not, for that had been a preferment, and no punishment unto them: but I suspect rather, that his son king Edward the first, (by whose encouragement and aid, old Winchelsey was afterward abandoned, Winchelsey first builded. and the new town builded) was the first that appareled them with that pre-eminence. 1277. By this therefore let it appear, that Hastings, Dover, Hithe, Rumney, and Sandwich, were the first Ports of privilege: which (because they were 5. in number) both at the first gave, and yet continued, to all the residue, the name of Cinque Ports, although not only Winchelsey and Rye, be (since that time) incorporated with them as principals, but divers other places also (for the ease of their charge) be crept in, as parts, limbs, and members of the same. Now therefore, somewhat shallbe said, as touching the services that these Ports of duty own, and in deed have done, to the Princes: whereof the one (I mean with what number of vessels, in what manner of furniture, and for how long season, they aught to wait on the king at the Sea, upon their own charges) shall partly appear by that which we shall presently say, and partly by that which shall follow in Sandwich, and Rumney: The other shall be made manifest by examples, drawn out of good histories: and they both shall be testified by the words of king Edward the first in his own Chartre. The book of doomsday before remembered, charges Dover with twenty vessels at the sea, whereof each to be furnished with one and twenty men for fifteen days together: and says further, that Rumney and Sandwich answered the like service. But now whether this (like) aught to be understood of the like altogether, both in respect of the number and service, or of the (like) in respect of service, according to the proportion of their ability only, I may not hereby take upon me to determine. For on the one side, if Rumney, Sandwich, and the residue, should likewise find twenty vessels a piece, than (as you shall anon see) the five Ports were subject to a greater charge at that time, then King Edward the first laid upon them: And on the other side, if they were only chargeable after their proportion, then know I not how far to burden them, seeing the Record of doomsday itself, bindeth them to no certainty. And therefore leaving this as I found it, I must elsewhere make inquisition for more lightsome proof. And first I will have recourse to king Edward the first his Chartre in which I read, that At each time that the King passeth over the sea, the Ports aught to rig up fifty and seven ships, (whereof every one to have twenty armed soldiers) and to maintain them at their own costs, by the space of fifteen days together. 1278. And thus it stood with the Ports for their general charge, in the sixt year of his reign, for than was this Chartre sealed. But as touching the particular burden of each one, I have seen two divers testimonies, of which the first is a note in French (bearing the countenance of a Record) and is entitled, to have been renewed in the two and twenty year of the Reign of the same kings by Stephan Penchester, than Constable of Dover Castle, in which the particular charge is set down in this manner. The Port of Hastings aught to find three ships. The lowie of Pevensey, one Buluerhithe and Petit jahn, one. Bekesborne in Kent, seven. Grenche at Gillingham in Kent, two men and armour, with the ships of Hastings. The town of Rye, five. To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the time of King Henry the sixt. The town of Winchelsey, ten. The Port of Rumney, four. lid, seven. The Port of Hythe, five. The Port of Dover, nineteen. The town of Folkestone, seven. The town of Fe●ersham, seven. The Port of Sandwich, with Stonor, Fordwich, Dale, etc. five. These ships they aught to find upon forty days summons, armed and arrayed at their own charge, and in each of them twenty men, besides the Master of the Mariners: all which they shall likewise maintain five days together at their own costs, giving to the Master six pennies by the day, to the Constable six pennies, and to each other Mariner three pennies. And after those five days ended, the King shall defray the charges. The other is a Latin Custumall of the town of Hyde, the which although it pretend not so great antiquity as the first, yet seemeth it to me to import as much or more likelihood and credit: It standeth thus. These be the Five Ports of our sovereign Lord the King having liberties, which other Ports have not: Hasting, Romenal, Heth, Dover, Sandwich, the chief Towns. The services due by the same. Hasting shall find 21. ships, in every ship 21. men, and a Gartion, or Boy, which is called a Gromet. To it pertain (as the members of one town) the Seashore in Seford, Pevenshey, Hodeney, Winchelsey, Rye, Ihame, Bekesbourne, Grenge, Northie, Bulwerheth. Romenal 5. ships, in every ship 21. men, and a Gartion: To it pertain, as members thereof, Promhell, lead, Eastwestone, Dengemareys, old Rumney. Hethe 5. ships, as Romenal before. To it pertaineth the Westhethe. Dover 21. ships, as Hasting before. To it pertain, Folkstane, Feversham, and S. Margaret's, not concerning the land, but for the goods and cattles. Sandwich 5. ships, as Romenal, and Hethe. To it pertain Fordwich, Reculuer, Serre, and Deal, not for the soil, but for the goods. sum of ships 57 sum of the men 1187. and 57 Gartions. This service, the Barons of the Five Ports do acknowledge to own to the King, upon summons yearly (if it happen) by the space of 15. days together, at their own costs and charges, accounting that for the first day of the 15. in which they shall spread their sails to go towards those parts that the King intends: and to serve so long after 15. days, as the King will, at his own pay and wages. Thus much out of these ancient notes, whereby yourself may easily discern the difference: but whether the one or the other, or (by reason of some latter dispensation) neither of these, have place at this day, I must refer it to them that be privy, and of counsel with the Ports: and so leaving this also undecided, hold on the way, wherein I am entered. This duty of attendance therefore (being devised for the honourable transportation, and safe conduct of the Kings own person or his army over the narrow Seas) the Ports have not only most diligently ever since that time performed, but furthermore also valiantly behaved themselves against the enemy from time to time, in sundry exploits by water, as occasion hath been proffered, or the necessity of the Realm required. And amongst other feats not unworthy perpetual remembrance, The good service of the five Ports. after such time as jews (the elder son of the French King) had entered the Realm to aid Stephan Langton the Archbishop, and the Nobility, in the life of King john, and had sent into France for new supply of soldiers after his death, 1217. Hubert of Borough (than captain of Dover) following the opinion of Themistocles in the exposition of the oracle of the wooden walls, by the aid of the Port towns, armed forty ●all ships, and meeting with eighty sail of French men upon the high seas, gave them a most courageous encounter, in which he took some, sunk others, and discomfited the rest. King Henry the third also, after that he came to riper age, had great benefit by the service of the Cinque Ports: And king Edward the first in his Chartre, maketh their continual faithful service (and especially their good endeavour, 1278. then lately showed against the Welshmen) the principal cause, and motive of that his liberal grant. Furthermore, about the midst of the reign of the same king, an hundredth sail of the Navy of the Ports fought at the Sea with a fleet of 200. French men, 1293. all which (notwithstanding the great odds of the number) they took, and slay, and sunk so many of the Mariners, that France was thereby (for a long season after) in manner destitute, both of Seamen, and shipping. Finally, and to conclude this part, in the days of king Henry the fourth, 1406. the navy of the Five Ports, under the conduct of one Henry pay, surprised one hundredth and twenty French ships, all laden with Salt, Iron, Oil, and no worse merchandise. The privileges of these Ports, being first granted by Edward the Confessor, The privileges of the five Ports. and William the Conqueror, and then confirmed and increased by William Rufus, Henry the second, Richard the first, Henry the third, and king Edward the first, be very great, considering either the honour and ease, or the freedom and exemption, that the inhabitants have by reason of the same. Part of an Epistle written by one You of Narbona unto the Archbishop of Bordeaux, containing the confession of an Englishman as touching the barbarous demeanour of the Tartars, which had lived long among them, and was drawn along perforce with them in their expedition against Hungary: Recorded by Matthew Pa●i● in the year of our Lord 1243. THe Lord therefore being provoked to indignation, by reason of this and other sins committed among us Christians, is become, as it were, a destroying enemy, and a dreadful avenger. This I may justly affirm to be true, because an huge nation, and a barbarous and inhuman people, whose law is lawless, whose wrath is furious, even the rod of God's anger, overrunneth, and utterly wastes infinite countries, cruelly abolishing all things where they come, with fire and sword. And this present Summer, the foresaid nation, being called Tartars, departing out of Hungary, which they had surprised by treason, laid siege unto the very same ‖ Neustar. town, wherein I myself abode, with many thousand of soldiers: neither were there in the said town on our part above 50. men of war, whom, together with 20. crossbows, the captain had left in garrison. All these, out of certain high places, beholding the enemies ●aste army, and abhorring the beastly cruelty of Antichrist his complices, signified forthwith unto their governor, the hideous lamentations of his Christian subjects, who suddenly being surprised in all the province adjoining, without any difference or respect of condition, fortune, lexe, or age, were by manifold cruelties, all of them destroyed: with whose carcases, the Tartarian chieftains, and their brutish and savage followers, glutting themselves, as with delicious cates, left nothing for vultures but the bore bones. And a strange thing it is to consider, that the greedy and ravenous vultures disdeined to pray upon any of the relics, which remained. Old, and deformed women they gave, as it were, for daily sustenance, unto their Cannibals: the beautiful devoured they not, but smothered them lamenting and screeching, with forced and unnatural ravishments. Like barbarous miscreants, they quelled virgins unto death, and cutting off their tender paps to present for dainties unto their magistrates, they engorged themselves with their bodies. Howbeit, their spials in the mean time descrying from the top of an high mountain the Duke of Austria, the King of Bohemia, the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Duke of Carinthia, and (as some report) the Earl of Baden, with a mighty power, and in battle array, approaching towards them, that accursed crew immediately vanished, and all those Tartarian vagabonds retired themselves into the distressed and vanquished land of Hungary; who as they came suddenly, so they departed also on the sudden: which their celerity caused all men to stand in horror and astonishment of them. But of the said fugitives, the prince of Dalmatia took eight: one of which number the Duke of Austria known to be an English man, who was perpetually banished out of the Realm of England, in regard of certain notorious crimes by him committed. This fellow, on the behalf of the most tyrannical king of the Tartars, had been twice, as a messenger and interpreter, with the king of Hungary, menacing and plainly foretelling those mischiefs which afterward happened, unless he would submit himself and his kingdom unto the Tartars yoke. Well, being alured by our Princes to confess the truth, he made such oaths and protestations, as (I think) the devil himself would have been trusted for. First therefore he reported of himself, that presently after the time o● his banishment, namely about the 30. year of his age, having lost all that he had in the city of Acon at dice, even in the midst of Winter, being compelled by ignominious hu●ger, wearing nothing about him but a shirt of sack, a pair of shoes, and a hair cap only, being shaven like a fool, and uttering an uncouth noise as if he had been dumb, he took his journey, and so traveling many countries, and finding in divers places friendly entertainment, he prolonged his life in this manner for a season, albeit ●uery day by rashness of speech, and inconstancy of heart, he endangered himself to the devil. At length, by reason of extreme travail, and continual change of air and of mea●s in Caldea, he fallen into a grievous sickness, insomuch that he was weary of his life. Not being able therefore to go forward or backward, and staying there a while to refresh himself, he began (being somewhat learned) to commend to writing those words which he herded spoken, and within a short space, so aptly to pronounce, and to utter them himself, that he was ●eputed for a native member of that country: and by the same dexterity he attained to many languages. This man the Tartars having intelligence of by their spies, drawn him perforce into their society: and being admonished by an oracle or vision, to challenge dominion over the whole earth, th●y alured him ●y many rewards to their faithful service, by reason that they wanted Interpreters. But concerning their manners and superstitions, of the disposition and stature of their bodies, of their country and manner of fight etc, he protested the particulars following to be true: namely, that they were above all men, covetous, hasty, deceitful, and merciless: notwithstanding, by reason of the rigour and extremity of punishments to be inflicted upon them by their superiors, they are restrained from brawling, and from mutual strife and contention. The ancient founders and fathers of their tribes, they call by the name of gods, and at certain set times they do celebrated solemn feasts unto them, many of them being particular, & but four only general. They think that all things are created for themselves alone. They esteem it none offence to exercise cruelty against rebels. They be hardy and strong in the breast, lean and pale-fated, rough and huf-shouldred, having flat and short noses, long and sharp chins, their upper jaws are low and declining, their teeth long and thin, their eyebrows extending from their foreheads down to their noses, their eyes inconstant and black, their countenances writhe and terrible, their extreme joints strong with bones and sinews, having thick and great thighs, and short legs● and yet being equal unto us in stature: for that length which is wanting in their legs, is supplied in the upper parts of their bodies. Their country in old time was a land utterly desert and waste, situated fa● beyond Chaldea, from whence they have expelled Lions, Bears, & such like vn●amed beasts, with their bows, and o●her engines. Of the hides of beasts being tanned, they use to shape for themselves light, but yet impenetrable armour. They ride fast bond unto their horses, which are not very great in stature, but exceedingly strong, and maintained with little provender. They use to fight constantly and valiantly with javelins, maces, battleaxes, and swords. But specially they are excellent archers, and cunning warrior's with their bows. Their backs are slightly armed, that they may not flee. They withdraw not themselves from the combat, till they see the chief Standard of their General give back. Vanquished, they ask no favour, and vanquishing, they show no compassion. They all persist in their purpose of subduing the whole world under their own subjection, as if they were but one man, and yet they are more than million in number. They have 60000. couriers, who being sent before upon light horses to prepare a place for the army to encamp in, will in the space of one night gallop three days journey. And suddenly diffusing themselves over an whole province, and surprising all the people thereof unarmed, unprovided, dispersed, ●hey make such horrible slaughters, that the king or prince of the land invaded, cannot find people sufficient to wage battle against them, and to withstand them. They delude all people and princes of regions in time of peace, pretending that for a cause● which indeed is no cause. Sometimes they say, that they will make a voyage to Colen, to fetch home the three wise kings into their own country; sometimes to punish the avarice and pride of the Romans, who oppressed them in times past; sometimes to conquer barbarous and Northern nations; sometimes to moderate the fury of the Germane with their own meek mildness; sometimes to learn warlike feats and stratagems of the French; sometimes ●or the finding out of fertile ground to suffice their huge multitudes; sometimes again in derision they say, that they intent to go on pilgrimage to S. james of Gal●cia. In regard of which sleights and collusions certain undiscreet governors concluding a league with them, have granted them f●ee passage thorough their territories, which leagues notwithstanding being violated, were an occasion of ruin and destruction unto the foresaid governors etc. Libellus historicus joannis de Plano Carpini, qui missus est Legatus ad Tartaros anno Domini 1246. ab Innocentio quarto Pontifice maximo. Incipit Prologus in librum Tartarorum. OMnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit, frater joannes de Plano Carpini ordinis fra●●um minorum, Apostolicae ●edis Legatus, nuncius ad Tartaros & nationes alias Orientis, D●i gratiam in praesenti, & gloriam in futuro, & de inimicis suis gloriam triumphalem. Cum ex mandato sedis Apostolice iremus ad Tartaros & nationes alias Orientis, & sci●emus Domini Papae & venerabilium Cardinalium voluntatem, elegimus pri●s ad Tartaros proficisci. Timebamus enim ne per eos in proximo ecclesiae Dei periculum imminerer. Et quamuis a Tartaris & alijs nationibus timeremus occidi, vel perpetuo captivari, vel fame, siti, algore, aestu, contumelia, & laboribus ni●ijs, & quasi ultra vires affl●g● (quae omnia multo plu●quam prius credidimus, excepta morte vel captivitate perpetua nobis mul●ipliciter evenerunt) non tamen pepercimus nobis ipsis, ut voluntatem Dei s●cundum Domini papae mandatum adimplere possemus, & ut proficeremus in aliquo Christianis, ut saltem scita veraciter voluntate & intentione ipsorum, possemus illam patefacere Christianis, ne forte subito irruentes invenirent eos imparatos, sicut peccatis hominum exigentibus alia vice contigit: & fecerunt magnam ●tragem in populo Christiano. unde quaecunque pro vestra utilitate vobis seribimus ad cau●elam, tanto securius credere debetis, quanto nos cuncta velipsi vidimus oculis nostris, Annus & 4. men●● & amplius. qui per annum & quatuor menses & amplius ambulavimus per ipsos & cum ipsis, ac fuimus inter eos, vel audivimus a Christianis qui sunt inter eos captivi, & ut credimus fide dignis. Mandatum etiam a supremo pontifice habebamus, Frater Benedictus Polonus comes joannis de Plano Carpini. ut cuncta per●crutaremur & videremus omnia diligenter. Quod tam nos quàm frater Benedictus eiusdem ordinis qui nostrae tribulationis fuit socius & interpres fecimus studiose. De terra Tartarorum, situ, qualitate & dispositione aeris in eadem. Cap. 1. VOlentes igitur facta scribere Tartarorum, ut lectores facilius valeant invenire, ho● modo per capitula describemus. Primo quidem dicemus de terr●. Secundo de hominibus. Tertio deritu. Quarto de moribus. Quinto de ipsorum imperio. Sexto de bellis. Septimo d● terris quas eorum dominio subiugaverunt. Octavo quomodo Bello occurratur eisdem. De te●ra possumus hoc modo tractare. In principio quidem dicemus de situ ipsius: secundo de qualitate: tertio de dispositione aeris in eadem. Terra vero praedicta est in ea posita part Orientis in qua oriens sicut credimus coniungitur Aquiloni. Ab Oriente autem est terra posita Ky●aiorum & etiam ‖ Al. S●langorum. Solangorun: a metidie sunt terrae Sa●a cenorum: inter Occidentem & Meridiem Huyrorum. Ab Occidente provincia Naymanorum; ab Aquilone mari oceano circundatur. Oceanus ab Aquilone. Haec vero in part aliqua est nimium montuosa, & in aliqua est campestris, sed fere tota admixta glarea, raro argillosa plurimum est arenosa. In aliqua part terrae sunt aliquae modicae syluae: alia vero est sine lignis omnino. Cibaria autem sua decoquunt & sedent tam imperator quàm principes & alij ad ignem factum de boum stercoribus & equorum. Terra autem praedicta non est in part centesima fructuosa: nec etiam potest fructum portare nisi aquis flwialibus irrigetur. Sed aqua & rivi ibidem sunt pauci: flumina vero rarissima unde ibidem villae sunt paucae; nec aliquae civitates excepta una, quae esse dicitur satis bona ● nos autem non vidimus illam, sed fuimus prope ad dimidium diem, cum apud Syram ordam essemus, Syra orda, curi● maior imperatoris. quae curia est maior imperatoris eorum. Et licet aliàs infructuosa sit, quamuis non multum, tamen competenter est alendis pecoribus apta. Aer in ipsa est mirabiliter inordinatus. In media etiam esta●e quando in alijs partibus solet calor maximus abundare; ibi sunt toni●●ua magna & ●ulgura, ex quibus homines quàm plurimi occidun●●r. Cadunt etiam ibi eodem tempore maximae nives. Ibi sunt etiam frigidissimorum ventorum tam maximae tempestates, Maximae nives in aestate in Ta●ta●ia. quod cum labore vix possunt homines aliquando equitare. unde cum essemus apud ordam (sic enim stationes imperatoris apud eos & principum appellantur) iacebamus in terra prae magnitudine venti prostrati, & propter pulueris multitudinem videre minime poteramus. In ea etiam in hyeme nusquam pluit, sed in estate: & tam modicum, quod vix potest aliquando pulverem & radices graminum madidare. Grando etiam ibi ●aepe maxima cadit. Grando maxima. unde eo tempore quando fuit electus, & in sede regni poni debuit imperator, nobis in curia existentibus, tanta cecidit grando, quod ex subita resolutione, sicut plen●●s● intelleximus, Max●ma inundatio ex subi●a grandinis resolutione. plusquam centum & quadraginta homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. Res autem & habitacula plura deducta fuerunt. Ibi est etiam in estate ●ubito magnus calor, & repent maximum frigus. In hyeme vero in aliqua part cadunt maximae nives, in alia autem paruae. Et ut breviter de terra concludam, magna est, sed aliter, sicut vidimus oculis nostris, (quia per ipsam circuendam quinque mensibus & dimidium ambulavimus) multo vilior est, Iter quinque men●●●m & dimidij. quàm dicere valeamus. De formis Tartarorum, de coniugio, vestibus & habitaculis eorum. Cap. 2. DIcto de terra, de hominibus est dicendum. Primò quidem formas describemus personarum. Secundò de ipsorum coniugio supponemus. Tertio de vestibus. Quarto dehabitaculis. Quinto de ●ebus eorum. Forma personarum ab hominibus alijs estremota. Inter oculos enim & genas plusquam alij homines sunt lati. Genae etiam satis prominent a maxillis. Graciles sunt generaliter in cingulo exceptis quibusdam paucis. Pene omnes sunt mediocris stat●●ae. Barba fere omnibus minime crescit. Aliqui tamen in inferiori labio & in barba modicos habent crines, quos minime tondent. Super verticem capitis in modum clerico●um habent coronas, & ab aure una usque ad aliam, ad latitudinem trium digitorum similiter o●es radunt. Quae rasure coronae predictae iunguntur. Super frontem etiam ad latitudinem duorum digitorum similiter omnes radunt. Illos autem capillos qui sunt inter coronam & praetaxatam ra●uram crescere usque ad supercilia sinunt. Et ex utraque part frontis tondendo plusquam in medio crines faciunt longos: reliquos vero crines permittunt crescere ut mulieres. De quibus faciunt duas cordas, & ligant unamquamque post autem. Pedes etiam modicos habent. Vxo●es vero habet unusquisque quot potest tenere. Aliquis centum, aliquis quinquaginta, aliquis decem, aliquis plures vel pauciores: & omnibus parentibus generaliter iunguntur, exce●ta matre, filia, vel sorore ex eadem matre, sororibus etiam ex patre: tamen & uxores patris post mortem ducere possunt. Vxorem etiam ●ratris al●er frater junior post mortem vel alius de parentela junior ducere tenetur. Reliquas mulieres omnes sine ulla different a ducunt in uxores, & emunt eas valde pretiosè a parentibus suis. Post mortem maritorum de facili ad secunda coniugia non migrant, nisi quis velit suam novercam ducere in uxorem. Vestes autem tam virorum quàm mulierum sunt uno modo formatae. Vestes. Pallijs, cappis vel capputijs vel pellibus non utuntur. Tunicas vero portant de Bukeramo, purpura, vel Baldaquino in hunc modum formatas. A supremo usque deorsum sunt scissae, quia ante pectus duplicantur. A latere vero sinistro una, & in dextris tribus ligaturis nectuntur, & in late●e & in sinistro usque ad brachiale sunt stissae. Pellicia cuiuscunque sunt generis in eundem modum formantur: superius tamen pellicium exterius habet pilum, sed a posterioribus est apertum. Habet autem caudulam unam usque ad genua retro. Mulieres vero quae sunt maritatae habent tunicam valde amplam & usque ad terram ante scissam. Super caput vero habent unum quid rotundum de viminibus vel de cortice factum, quod in longum protenditur ad unam ulnam, & in summitate desinit in quadrum: & ab imo usque ad summum in amplitudine semper crescit, & in suminitate habet virgulam unam longam & gracilem de auro vel de argento seu de ligno, vel etiam pennam: & est as●utum super unum pileolum, quod protenditur usque ad humeros. Instrumentum predictum est tectum de buccaramo, sive purpura vel baldaquino: sine quo instrumento coram hominibus nunquam vadunt, & per hoc ab alijs mulieribus cognoscuntur. Virgines autem & iwenes mulieres cum magna difficultate a viris suis possunt discerni: quum per omnia vestiuntur ut viri. Pileola habent alia quàm aliae nationes, quorum formam intelligibiliter describere non valemus. Stationes rotundas habent in modum tentorij praeparatas, Tabernacula. de virgis & baculis subtiliter factas. Supra vero in medio rotundam liabent fenestram unde ●umen ingreditur, & ut possit fumus exi●o: quia semper in medio ignem faciun●. Parletes autem & recta filtro sunt cooperta. Ostia etiam de filtro sunt facta. Quaedam stationes sunt magnae, quaedam paruae, secundum dignitatem & hominum paruitatem. Quaedam soluuntur subito & reparantur, & super somarios deferuntur. Quaedam dissolui non possunt, sed in curribus deferuntur. Minoribus autem in curru ad deferendum unus bos; maioribus tres vel quatuor, vel et●am plures, vel quod est magis, sufficiunt ad portandum. Quocunque vadunt sive ad bellum, sive aliàs, semper illas deferunt secum. In animalibus sunt divites valde: in camelis, bobus, ovibus, Opes in peco●●. capris, & equis. jumentorum tantam habent multitudinem, quantam non credimus habere totum mundum. Porcos & alias bestias minime habent. De cultu & de hijs quae credunt esse peccata, & de divinationibus & ritu funeris eorum, & de purgationibus suorum peccatorum. Cap. 3. DIcto de hominibu●, dicendum est de ritu: de quo tractabimus in hunc modum. Primo de cultu: secundo de hijs quae credunt esse peccata: tertio de divinationibus, & purgationibus peccatorum: quarto de ritu funeris. unum Deum credunt, quem credunt esse factorem omnium visibilium & invisibilium. Et credunt eum tam bonorum in hoc mundo quàm poenarum esse factorem: non tamen orationibus vel laudibus, aut ritu aliquo ipsum colunt. Nihilominus habentidola quaedam de filtro ad imaginem hominis facta; & illa ponunt ex utraque part ostij stationis, & subtus illa ponunt quiddam de filtro in modum uberis factum, & illa credunt esse pecorum custodes, & eye beneficium lactis & pullorum praestare. Alia vero faciunt de pannis sericis, & illa multum honorant. Quidam ponunt illa in pulchro currutecto ante ostium stationis: & quicunque aliquid de illo curru furatur, sine ulla miseratione occiditur. pudicitia earum inter eas aliquid auditur. Ve●ba tamen quaedam ex eye in ioco satis habent turpia & impudica. Seditiones verò inter easrarò vel nunquam audiuntur. Et quamuis multum inebrientur, in ebrietate sua tamen v●rbis vel facto nunquam contendunt. Insolentia a●ue●sus exteros. Nuncde malis moribus eorum est supponendum. Superbissimi alijs hominibus sunt, & despiciunt omnes: ideò quasi pro nihilo reputant, sive nobiles sint, sive ignobiles. Vidimus enim in curia Imperato●is nobilem virum jeroslaum, magnum Ducem Russiae, filium etiam Regis & Reginae Georgiae, & Soldanos multos, duces etiam Soldanorum nullum honorem debitum recipere inter eos. Sed Tartari qui erant eye assignati, quantumcunque erant viles, antecedebant eos, & semper primum locum & summum tenebant: immò saepè oportebat eos post eorum posteriora sedere. Iracundi multum & indignantis naturae sunt: Iracundia. & etiam alijs hominibus plus sunt mendaces, Mendacitas. & ferè nulla veritas invenitur in eis. In principio quidem sunt blandi, sed in fine pungunt ut scorpio. Subdolt sunt & fraudulenti, Fraudulentia. Sordes. & si possunt astutia circumueniunt omnes. Homines sunt immundi, sumendo cibum & potum, & alijs factis suis. Qui cum volunt aliquid mali facere alijs hominibus, miro modo occultant, ut praevidere non possint, vel contra eorum astutias remedium invenire. Ebr●etas honorabilis est apud eos: Temulentia. & quum multum quis bibit, ibidem reijcit, nec propter hoc dimittit quin iterum bibat. Valdè sunt cupidi & avari, exactores maximi ad petendum: tenacissimi retentores, Extortio. Crudelitas. & parcissimi donatores. Aliorum hominum occisio pro nihilo est apud illos. Et, ut breviter dicam, omnes mali mores eorum propter prolixitatem in scripto rediginon possunt. Cibi eorum sunt omnia quae mandi possunt. Cibi. Come dunt canes, lupos, vulpes, & equos; & in necessit●te carnes humana●. unde quando pugnaverunt contra quandam civitatem Kytaorum, ubi morabatur imperator ipsorum; eam obsederunt tam din, quod defecerunt ipsis Tartaris omninò expensae. Et quia non habebant quòd manducarent omninò, tunc accipiebatur de decem hominibus unus ad manducandum. Ablwiones etiam quae egrediuntur de iumentis cum pullis manducant. Imò vidimus etiam eos pediculos manducare: vidimus ●tiam ●os comedere mures. Mensalibus & manutergijs non vtuntur●panē non habent, nec olera, nec legumina, nec aliquid ali●d nisi carnes: & tam paucas habent, quòd aliae nationes vix inde vivere possent. Cum pinguedine carnium multum polluunt manus: quando verò comederunt, tunc manus ad ocreas suas, vel ad gramina, vel ad aliquid talium tergunt. Solent etiam honestiores habere aliquos panniculos paruos, cum quibus ultimo tergunt manus, quando carnes manducarunt. Cibum unus eorum incidit, & altus accipit cum puncto c●ltelli morsellos, & unicuique prebet, quibusdam plus, quibusdam minus, secundum quod plus vel minus volunt eos honorare. Scutellas non lavant, & si aliquando cum brodio lavant carmum, iterum cum carnibus in olla reponunt. Ollas etiam vel caldaria, vel alia vasa ad hoc deputata si abluunt, simili modo lavant. Apud eos est magnum peccatum, si de cibo vel potu perire permittatur aliquid. unde ossa, nisi priùs extrahatur medulla, dari canibus non permittunt. Vestes etiam non lavant, neclavari permittunt, & maximè quo tonittua ab illa hora incipiunt donec desinant. Lac iumentinum bibunt in maxima quantitate si habent: bibunt etiam ovinum, caprinum, vaccinum, & camelorum. Vinum, ceruisiam, & medonem non habent, nisi ab alijs nationibus mittatur, vel donetur eisdem. In hyeme, nisi divites sint, lac iumentinum non habent. Millium cum aqua decoquunt, quod tam tenue faciunt, quòd non comedere sed bibere possunt. Et unusquisque ex eis bibit cyphum unum vel duos in mane, & ni● plus in die manducant. In ●ero unicuique parum de carnibus datur, & brodium de carnibus bibunt. In aestate autem, quia tunc habent satis de lact iumentino carnes rarò manducant, nisi fortè donentur eis, Poena adulterij. aut venatione aliquam bestiam ceperint, sive auem● Legem etiam sive consuetudinem habent occidendi virum & mulierem quos in adulterio invenerint manifestè. Similiter & virginem si fornicata fuerit, Funi. mulierem occidunt & virum. Si aliquis invenitur in praeda vel in furto manifesto in terra potestatis eorum sine ulla miseratione occiditur. Arcani ewlgati. Item si aliquis eorum deundat consilium, maximè quando volunt ire ad bellum, centum plague dantur super posteriora, quanto maiores dare cum baculo magno unus rusticus potest. Item quando aliqui de minoribus offendunt in aliquo à suis maioribus non parcitur eis, sed verberibus graviter affliguntur. Item inter filium concubinae & uxoris nulla est differentia, sed dat pater unicuique eorum quod vult, et si est de genere ducum, ita est dux filius concubinae, sicut filius legitimus. Et cum unus Tartarus habet multas uxores, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. unaquaeque per se suam stationem, & familiam habet: & cum una comedit, & bibit, & dormit una die, & altera die cum alia. una tamen exipsis maior est inter alias, & srequentius cum illa quam cum alijs commoratur. Ex cum tam multae sint inter se tamen de facili non contendunt. Viri nihil operantur omninò exceptis sagittis: & etiam de gregibus aliquantulam habent curam, sed venantur, & exercent se ad sagittandum: Omnes enim à parvo usque ad magnum sagittarij sunt & boni. Et statim pueri eorum, cum sunt duorum annorum vel trium, incipiunt equitare. Equos eorum regunt & currunt in eis: & dantur eye arcus secundùm suam aetatem, & instruunt ad sagittandum. A giles enim sunt & audaces valdè. Virgines & mulieres equitant, & agiliter in equi● currunt ut viri. Vidimus enim eas arcus & pharetras portare. Et tam viri quàm mulieres diu in equitando possunt durare. Brevissimas habent strepas: equos valdè custodiunt: imo rerum omnium sunt magni conseruarores. Mulieres eorum omnia operantur. Pellicia, vestes, calceos, ocreas, & omnia opera quae de corio fiunt. Currus etiam ducunt & reparant, camelos onerant, & velocissimae sunt & strenuae in omnibus operibus suis: foemoralibus omnes utuntur: aliquae, sicut viri, sagittant. Foeminae Mere incognitae eodem, modo vestiuntur De ipsorum Imperio. Cap. 5. DIcto de eorum consuetudinibus, dicendum est de eorum imperio. Et primò de ipsius principio. Secundò de principibus eius. Tertio de dominio Imperatoris & principum. Terra quaedam est in partibus Orientis, de qua dictum est suprà, quae Mongol nominatur. Haec terra quondam quatuor populos habuit. Et unus Yeka-Mongol, id est, magni Mongali vecabatur. Secundus Sumongol, id est Aquatici Mongali. Ipsi autem seipsos Tartaros appellabant, à quodam flwio, qui currit per terram eorum, qui Tartar nominatur. Tartariae populi● Alius appellatur Merkat, quartus Metrit. Hij populi omnes unam formam personarum, Tartar f●uiu●. & unam linguam habebant: quamuis inter se per principes & provincias eslent divisi. In terra Yeka-Mongol fuit qui vocabatur Cyngis. Cyngis ortus & res geste. Iste incepit es●e robustus venator coram Domino, Didicit enim homines furari, rapere, praedari. Ibat autem ad alias terras, & quoscunque potuit capere, & sibi associare non demittebat: homines verò suae gentis ad se inclinabat, qui tanquam ducem ipsum sequebantur ad omnia male facta. Hic autem incepit pugnare cum Sumongal, sive Tartaris, postquam homines aggregaverat sibi, & interfecit ducem eorum, & multo bello omnes Tartaros sibi subiugavit & in suam servitutem redegit. Post haec cum omnibus his pugnavit, cum Merkat, qui erant positi juxta terram Tartarorum, quos eti●m bello sibi subiecit: Ind procedens pugnavit contra Metritas, & etiam illos devicit. Audientes itaque Naymani, Naymani. quod Cyngis erat taliter elevatus, indignati fuerunt. Ipsi enim habuerunt Imperatorem, qui fuerat strenuous valdè, cui dabant tributum omnes nationes praedictae. Qui debitum universae carnis exsoluens, filij eius successerunt loco eius; sed iwenes erant & stulti, & populum nesciebant tenere: sed invicem divisi erant & scissi: Frartes discordantes oppressi. unde medio tempore Cyngis erat taliter exaltatus, nihilominus insultum faciebant in terras superius annotatas, viros & mulieres, & pueros occidebant, & capiebant praedam eorum. Cyngis hoe audiens, omnes sibi fubiectos homines aggregavit. Naymani & Kara Kitai, Kara Kitai. id est, nigri Kitai, exaduerso in quandam vallem strictam inter montes duos, per quam nos euntes ad imperatorem eorum transivimus, similiter conveniunt: & commissum est praelium, in quo Naymani & Kara Kitai a Mongallis sunt devicti, & maior pars eorum occisa: & alij qui evadere non potuerunt in servitutem redacti sunt. In terra autem praedictorum Kara Kytaorum Occaday can filius Cyngis can, Occoday can. post quam positus fuit imperator, quandam civitatem aedificavit, quam ‖ Vel Chanyl. Omyl appellauir. Propè quam ad meridiem est quoddam desertum magnum, in quo syluestres homines pro certo habitare dicuntur, Homines syluestres. qui nullo modo loquuntur, nec in cruribus habent iuncturas: & si quando cadunt, per se surgere sine adiutorio aliorum minimè possunt, aliquantam tamen habent discretionem. Mongali autem in terram eorum revertentes se contra Kytaos in praelium praeparaverunt, qui castra moventes terram eorum intraverunt. Imperator autem Kytaorum hoc audiens venit contra eos cum exercitu suo; De mutua victoria Mongalorum & Kytaorum. & commissum est praelium durum; in quo praelio Mongali fuerunt devicti: Tartarorum Kytaina clades. & omnes nobiles Mongallorum qui erant in praedicto exercitu fuerunt occisi usque ad septem. Cyngis verò & alij qui remanserunt in terram suam fugerun●. Et quum aliquantulum quievisset Cyngis, praeparavit se rursus ad praelium & contra terram Huyrorum processit ad bellum. Isti homines Christiani de secta Nestorianorum erant, quos etiam bello devicit, & eorum literas acceperunt. Nam prius scripturam aliquam non habebant. Novae victoriae litere. Nunc autem eandem literam Mongallorum appellant. Ind processit contra terram Saruivorum, Vel Saruiur. & contra terram Karavitarum, Vel Karanitarum● & contra terram Voyrat, Vel Hudirat. & contra terram Comana, quas terras omnes devicit. Ind est in terram suam reversus. Et cum aliquantulum quievisset, convocatis omnibus gentibus supradictis, contra Kytaos ad bellum processit, & cum diu contra eos pugnasset magnam partem terrae Kytaorum vicerunt: Imperatorem autem eorum concluserunt in sua civitate maiori: quam cum tam diu obsiderunt, quod exercitui defecerunt expensae, & cum non haberent quod manducarent, praecepit illis Cyngis can, quod de decem hominibus unum darent ad manducandum. Illi autem de civitate pugnabant viriliter contra illos sagittis & machinis: Et cum deficerent lapides, pro lapidib●s proiecerunt argentum, Argentum loco lapidum in hostem proiectum. & maximè liquesactum. Civitas enim haec multis divitijs erat plena. Et cum diu pugnassent, & eam bello vincere minimè possent, fecerunt unam magnam viam sub terra ab exercitu usque ad mediam civitatem, & aperientes subitò terram, eye nescientibus pro●lierunt in medio civitatis, & pugnabant cum hominibus civitatis, & illi qui erant extra simili modo pugnabant, & concidentes portas intraverunt civitatem: Kytai victi. & occidentes Imperatorem & homines plures, civitatem possidebant: & aurum & argentum, & omnes divitias abstulerunt. Et cum terrae predictae Kytaorum suos homines praefecissent, in terram propriam sunt reversi. Et tunc Imperatore Kytaorum devicto sactus est Imperator. Cyngis solutatur Imperator. Quandam autem partem terrae Kytaorum, quae posi●a est in mari, Kythaie pars in mari posiu. Kytaorum liters, & religio. usque in hodiernum diem nullatenus devicerunt. Kytai autem, de quibus superiùs diximus, homines sunt Pagani, qui habent literam specialem: & habent nowm & verus Testamentum; & habent vitas patrum, & Eremitas & domos quasi Ecclesias sactas, in quibus orant temporibus suis: Et dicunt se quosdam sanctos habere. unum Deum colunt: Dominum nostrum jesum Christum honorant, & credunt vitam aeternam, sed minimè baptizantur. Scripturam nostram honorant & reverentur: Christianos diligunt, & Ecclesias faciunt plures. Homines benigni & humani satis videntur: barbam non habent, & in dispositione faciei latis concordant cum Mongalis, Opifi●lo●um laus. non tamen sunt in facie ita lati. Linguam propriam habent: meliores artifices non inveniuntur in toto mundo in omnibus operibus, in quibus solent homines exercitari. Terra eorum est opulenta valdè in frumento, vino, auro, argento, & serico, & omnibus rebus in quibus solet sustentari humana natura. Et cum aliquantulum quievissent, suos exercitus diviserunt. unum de filijs Tossuch nomine, Thossuch can Cyngis filius Comanos devicit. quem etiam Can appellabant, id est Imperatorem, misit cum exercitu contra Comanos, quos multo bello devicit: & postquam vicerat eos in terram suam revertebatur. Alium etiam filium misit cum exercitu contra Indos; qui minorem Indiam devicerunt. India minor debellata. Hij autem nigri sunt Suraceni, qui AEthiopes nuncupantur. Hic autem exercitus contra Christianos, qui sint in India maiori in pugnam processir. Quod audience rex terrae illius, qui vulgò Praesbyter johannes appellatur, Presbyter joannes: eiusdem ●t●a●agema. venit contra eos exercitu congregato. Et faciens imagines cupreas hominum in sella posuit super equos, ponens ignem interius, & posuit hominem cum folle post imaginem cupream super equum: & cum multis imaginibus, & equis taliter praeparatis venerunt contra praedictos ad pugnandum. Et cum ad locum praelij pervenissent, istos equos unum juxta unum premiserunt. Viri autem, qui erantretro, posuerunt nescio quid super ignem qui erat in praedicta imagine, & cum follibus fortiter sufflaverunt. unde factum est, quod de fumo illo aer est denigratus. Et tunc super Tartaros iecerunt sagittas, ex quibus multi interfecti & vulnerati suerunt. Et sic cum confusione eos de finibus suis eiecerunt: Et nunquam audivimus, quod ultra ad eos redierunt. Victoria de Tartar●. Cum autem per deserta reditent, in quandam terram venerunt in qua quaedam monstra foemineas imagines habentia reperierunt. Et cum interrogassent eas per multos interprete ubi essent viri terrae illius, responderunt quod in illa terra quecunque soeminae nascebantur, De monstrosis mulieribus & canibus monstrosa narratio. habebant formam humanam: Masculi verò formam caninam. Et dum moram protraherent in terra praedicta, Canes in alia part convenerunt in unum: Et dum esset hyems asperrima, se omnes proiecerunt in aquam: & post haec incontinenti in pulverem movebantur, & ita pulvis admixtus aquae super eos congelavit: Glacies. & dum saepè hoc fecissent, glacies densa facta est super eos: unde cum magno impetu cum Tartaris convenerunt ad pugnam. At illi quum sagittas super eos iactabant, acsi super lapides sagitassent, retro sagittae redibant: Alia etiam arma eorum in nullo eos laedere potuerunt. Canes verò insulrum facientes in eos morsibus vulneraverunt, multos etiam occiderunt, & ita eiecerunt eos de finibus suis. Et dum reverteretur exercitus ille, venit ad terram Burutabeth, Burutabeth regio. quos bello vicerunt: qui sunt Pagani. Qui consuetudinem mirabilem imo potius miserabilem habent. Quia cum aliquis patrum suorum humanae naturae debitum exsoluit, omnem congregant parentelam, & comedunt eum. Isti pilos in barba non habent: Incolarum mores. immo quoddam ferrum in manibus portant, cum quo barbam semper depilant, si fortè aliquis crinis crescit in ipsa: & multum etiam deformes sunt. Ind exercitus ille revertebatur in terram suam. Cyngis can etiam eo tempore quo divisit exercitus illos, misit in expeditione contra Orientem per terram Kergis, Terra Kergis Orientalis. quos bello non vicit: & usque ad Caspios montes pervenit, montes autem illi sunt de lapide adamantino. unde eorum sagittas & arma ferrea ad se traxerunt. Homines inter Caspios montes conclusos viderunt, qui iam montem sregerunt: sed nubes quaedam erat posita ante ipsos, ad quam accedere non poterant ullo modo, quia statim moriebantur, cum perveniebant ad illam. Sed antequam pervenirent ad praedictum montem plusquam per mensem vastam solitudinem transierunt. Ind procedentes adhuc contra Orientem plusquam per mensem per magnum desertum iverunt. Nota icer duorum 〈◊〉 mensium versus Orientem. Et pervenerunt ad quandam terram, ubi viderunt vias tritas, sed nullum hominem poterant invenire. Sed tantum quaesiverunt per terram, quod invenerunt hominem cum uxore sua; quos ante Cyngis can adduxerunt. Et cum interrogasset, ubi essent homines terrae illius, responderunt quod in terra sub montibus habitarent. Troglodytae. At Cyngis can retenta uxore misit virum illum cum nuncijs suis mandans hominibus illis ut venirent ad mandatum ipsius. Illi vero ●untes ad eos, narraverunt omnia quae Cyngis can mandaverat. Qui responderunt quod tali die venirent ad mandatum suum faciendum. Medio vero tempore congregaverunt se per vias occultas sub terra, & venerunt contra istos ad pugnandum: & irruentes subitò super eos plurimos occiderunt. At illi, Cyngis can videlicet & sui fugam ineuntes, terram exierunt praedictam. Illos tamen homines, virum scilicet & mulierem secum duxerunt, qui usque ad mortem in terra Tartarorum fuerunt. Interrogati verò quare sub terra habitarent, dixerunt quod uno temporeanni quum sol oritur, tantus sonitus est, quod homines nulla ratione possunt sustinere. Videtur hic sonitus sieri. & fragore glaciei, & nivium de montibus. Immo etiam tunc percuriebant in organis & tympanis, & alijs instrumentis, ut illum sonitum non audirent. Et dum Cyngis de terra illa reverteretur, defecerunt ei victualia, & habebant maximam famem. Et tunc recentia interiora unius bestiae eos contigit invenire: quae accipientes, depositistamen stercoribus decoxerunt; & coram Cyngis can portantes ●um suis illa comedit. Cyngis le●. Et ex hoc statutum fuit ab eo, ut nec san guis, nec interiora, nec aliquid de bestia quod manducari potest, exceptis stercoribus, proijciatur. Et deinde in terram propriam est reversus: & ibidem leges & statuta multiplicia fecit, quae Tartari non violabiliter observant. Ex quibus tantum duo dicemus. unum est, quod quicunque in superbia erectus, propria authoritate sine electione principum esse volverit imperator, sine ulla miseratione debet occidi. unde ante electionem ipsius Cuynch propter hoc unus de principibus, nepos ipsius Cyngis can fuit occisus. Volebat enim sine electione regnare. Aliud statutum est, quod sibi debent subiugare omnem terram: nec cum aliqua gente debent pacem habere, nisi prius eis subdatur, quo usque veniat tempus occisionis eorum. Debent enim occidi, ut prophetatum est eis: Et illi qui evadere poterunt, ut dicunt, debent illam legem tenere quam tenent alij, qui eos bello devincunt. Statuit etiam quod per millenarios, & centenarios & Decanos debeat eorum exercitus ordinari. Post hoc ab ictu tonitrui est occisus, peractis suis ordinationibus & statutis. Interitus. Liberi. Hic autem habuit quatuor filios: unus vocabatur Occoday, secundus Tossuch can, tertius Thaaday: & nomen quarti ignoramus. Isti quatuor filij cum alijs maioribus qui tunc erant, primum filium videlicet Occoday elegerunt imperatorem, filij autem istius Occoday Cuyne, Nepotes. qui nunc est imperator, Cocthen & Cyrenen. Et si plures habuerit filios ignoramus, Filij autem Tossuch can Bati: iste est ditior & potentior post imperatorem: Ordu, iste est senior omnium ducum: Syban, Bora, Bercuthanth: aliorum siliorum Tossuch can nomina ignoramus. Filij Thaaday sunt Burin & Chadan, nomina aliorum filiorum nescimus. Alterius autem filij Cyngis can, cuius nomen nescimus, filiorum nomina sunt haec. unus vocatur Mengu, cuius mater est Seroctan. Ista domina inter omnes Tartaros, excepta matre imperatoris, est magis nominata: & potentior est omnibus excepto Bati. Alius vocatur Becas. Alios filios habuit plures, sed eorum nomina ignor●mus. Haec sunt ducum nomina. Ordu: iste fuit in Polonia & in Hungaria: Bati, Duces. Cathan, Syban, Bureth. Omnes isti fuerunt in Hungaria, Cyrpodan, iste est adhuc ultra mare contra Soldanum Damasci. Isti remanserunt in terra: Mangu, Cuthen, Syrennen, Hybilay, Seremum, Synocur, Thuatamur, Cyragay, Sybedey, senex quidam miles inter eos, Bora, Berca, Mauci, Choranca: sed iste inter alios est minimus. Alij verò ducessunt plures, sed eorum nomina ignoramus. Imperator auté Tartarorum habet mirabile dominium super omnes. Imperatoris Tartarorum servile in omnes imperium. Nullus audet in aliqua part morari, nisi ipse assignet ei. Ipse autem assignat ubi maneant duces: millenarij centenarijs, Centenarij decanis. In super quicquid precipitur in quocunque tempore, quocunque loco, sive ad bellum, sive ad mortem, sive ad vitam, sine ulla contradictione obediunt. Etiam si petit filiam virginem vel sororem, sine contradictione dant ei. Aut singulis annis, autintermissis aliquibus annis virgines colligit ex omnibus finibus Tartarorum. Si ipse vult sibi retinere aliquas retinet: alias dat suis hominibus, sicut videtur ei expedire. Nuncios quoscunque, quotcunque & ubicunque transmittit, oportet quod dent ei sine mora equos subdititios & expensas. Vndecunque venerint ei tributa vel nuncij, oportet quod equi, currus, & expense similiter dentur eis. Nuncij qui veniunt aliunde in magna miseria sunt in victu pariter & vestitu: qula expense viles sunt & paucae: & maximè cum veniunt ad principes, & ibi debent moram contrabere. Inhumanitas erga Legatos. Tuncita parum datur decem hominibus, quod inde vix possint vivete duo. Necetiam in curijs principum, nec in via datur eis comedere, nisi semel in die, & satis parum. Insuper si aliquae iniuriae sibi fiunt, conqueri de facili minimè posssunt. unde eos oportet illa patienter portare. Insuper multa tam à principibus, quam ab alijs nationibus & minoribus abeis exiguntur: & sinon daretur, vili pendunt eos, immò quasi pro nihilo habent eos. Et sià magnis viris mittuntur, nolunt ab eis modicum munus habere: sed dicunt: A magno homine venistis, & cur modicum datis? & accipere dedignantur. Et si nuncij benè volunt facere facta sua, oportet eos dare maiora. Idcirco magnam partem rerum, quae nobis à fidelibus erant datae, oportuit nos de necessitate muneribus dare. Et sciendum, quod ita omnia sunt in manu Imperatoris praedicti, quod nemo audet dicere, hoc est meum vel illius; sed omnia sunt Imperatoris, res, iumenta, & homines. Et super hoc etiam nuper emanavit Imperatoris statutum. Idem dominium per omnia habent duces super homines suos. Divisi enim sunt homines Tartari, videlicet etiam alij inter duces. Nuncij etiam ducum, quocunque eos transmittunt, & homines tam Imperatoris quàm alij omnes equos subdititios & expensas, & qui equos custodiant, & etiam nuncijs seruiant fine contradictione dare tenentur. Imperatori autem iumenta ut habeat ex eis lac ad annum vel ad duos, vel ad tres, sicut placuerit ei, tam duces quàm alij proredditu dare tenentur. Et homines ducum idem facere tenentur dominis suis. Inter eos enim nullus est liber. Et ut breviter dicam, Quicquid Imperator & Duces volunt, & quantum volunt de rebus suis accipiunt. De personis etiam eorum disponunt per omnia, sicut volunt. Mortuo Imperatore, sicut superius dictum est, convenerunt Duces & elegerunt Occoday filium Cyngis can praedicti Imperatorem. Occoday secundus Imperator Tartarorum. Qui habito consilio principum divisit exercitus. Bati, qui in secundo gradu attinebat ei, misit contra Altisoldanum, & contra terram Biserminorum. Hij erant Saraceni, & Comanicum loquebantur. Et cum intrasset terram illorum pugnavit contra eos, & bello eos sibi subiecit. Quaedam autem civitas quae Barthra civitas vel Barchin. Barthra dicitur, diurestitit ei, fecerant enim foveas multas in circuitu civitatis & operuerant illas; & quando illi veniebant cadebant in foveas. unde non potuerunt capere civitatem, donec illas foveas replessent. Homines autem de quadam civitate quae vocatur Vel Sarguir. jakint haec audien●es exierunt obuiam cis, se sponte in manus eorum tradentes: unde civitas eorum non erat destructa, sed plures eorum occiderunt, & alios transtulerunt. Et accepto spolio civitatis, ipsam alijs hominibus repleverunt. Et venerunt contra civitatem quae vocatur Orna. Orna super Don flwium. Ista civitas erat nimium populosa: Christiani ibi erant plures; Gazari videlicet, Rutheni, & Alani, & alij: nec non & Saraceni. Saracenorum enim erat dominium civitatis. Haec au●em civitas erat divitijs multum plena. Est enim posita super flwium qui vocatur Don, qui intrat in mare. unde est quasi portus: & forum maximum habebant de illa civitate alij Saraceni. Et cum non possent aliter devincere, praeciderunt flwium, qui currebat per civitatem, & illam cum rebus omnibus submerserunt. Quo facto: postea intraverunt terram Tortorum, qui similiter sunt Pagani: quam devincentes, iverunt contra Russiam, & fecerunt magnam stragem in terra Russiae, civitates & castra destruxerunt, & homines occiderunt: etiam Kioviam quae erat Metropolis Russiae obsederunt: Kiovia civitas. & cum diu obsedissent, illam ceperunt, & occiderunt homines civitatis. Ind procedentes pugnando destruxerunt totam Russiam. De Russia autem & Comania processerunt duces praedicti, & pugnaverunt contra Hungaros & Polonos. Ex quibus Tartaris in Polonia & in Hungaria plures interfecti suerunt. Et si non fugissent, sed viriliter restitissent Hungari exivissent Tartari de finibus suis: quia tunc habuetunt timorem, quod omnes fugere attentabant. Sed Bati vaginato gladio in faciem eye restitit, dicens: Nolite fugere: quia si fugitis nullus evadet: Et si debemus mori, moriamur omnes: quia futurum est, ut Cyngis can praedixie, quod interfici debeamus: Et si nunc est tempus, sustineamus. Et sic animati sunt & remanserunt, & Hungariam destruxerunt. Ind revertentes iverunt in terram Morduanorum, Morduanorum 〈◊〉. qui sunt Pagani, & bello devicerunt. Ind procedentes contra Bileros, id est, Bulgariam magnam, Bulgaria magna. & ipsam destruzerunt omnino. Ind procedentes ad Aquilonem adhuc contra Bascarr, id est, Hungariam magnam, Hungaria magna. & eos etiam devicerunt. Ind egredientes iverunt ad Aquilonem, & venerunt ad Parossitas qui habent paruos stomachos & os paruulum, Parossitae. nec manducant, sed decoquunt carnes: quibus decoctis ponunt se inter fumum & ollam, & recipiunt fumum, & de hoc solo reficiuntur: Sed etiamsi aliquid manducant, hoc valdè modicum est. Ind procedentes venerunt ad Samogedos. Samogedi. Hij autem homines tantùm de venationibus viwnt: tabernacula & vestes habent tantummodo de bestiarum pellibus. Ind ultra procedentes venerunt ad quandam terram super Oceanum, Oceanus Septentrionalis. Similes ●robisheri hominibus. ubi invenerunt quaedam monstra quae per omnia formam humanam habebant, sed pedes desinebant in pedes bovinos, & faciem per omnia habebant ut canis: duo verba loqueban●ur more humano & tertio latrabant ut canis: & sic per interualla temporum latratum interponebant: tum ad naturam suam redibant: & sic intelligi poterat quod dicebant: Ind redierunt in Comaniam, & usque nunc quidam ex eis morantur ibidem. Cyrpodan vero eodem tempore misit Occoday can cum exercitu ad meridiem contra Kergis, Expeditio Cyrpodanis. quos etiam bello devicit. Hij autem homines sunt pagani, qui pilos in barba non habent. Quorum consuetudo est talis. Cum pater moritur alicuius, prae dolore quasi unam corrigiam in signum lamenti ab aure usque ad aurem de facie sua levant. Quibus devictis, ad meridiem ivit contra Armenos. Armeni. Sed cum per deserta transiret, etiam quaedam monstra effigiem humanam habentia invenerunt: sed non nisi unum brachium cum manu in medio pectoris, Hij videntur sagittesse balisti●. & unum pedem habebant: & duo sagittarunt cum uno arcu, & isti ita ●or●ter curre●ant, quod equi eos investigare non pote●ant. Currebant enim saltando super illum unum pedem, & cum essent ●essi taliter eundo, ibant super manum & pedem, removendo se quasi rota; & sic cum essent fessi iterum currebant secundum modum priorem: aliquos tamen occidebant ex eis. Ind procedentes venerunt in Armeniam, quam bello vicerunt, & partem Georgiae: Georgia. & alia pars venit ad mandatum eorum; & quadraginta millia y perperorum singulis annis dederunt, & adhuc faciunt idem. Ind procedentes ad terram Soldani Deurum, Terra Soldani Deurum. qui erat satis magnus & potens, cum eo pugnaverunt & devicerunt. Ind procedentes ultra debellando & vincendo usque ad terram Soldani Halapiae & nunc terram illam impugnant: Terra Soldani Halapiae. nec postea usque in hodiernum diem in terram suam fuerunt reversi. Alius exercitus ivit contra terram Calif de Baldach, quam sibi etiam subdiderunt: Et quadraginta bisantia exceptis Baldachinis & alijs muneribus omni die dant pro tributo: Et omni anno pro Calif, ut ad eos veniat, nuncios mittunt: qui cum tributo munera magna mittit, rogans ut eum supportent. Ipse vero imperator munera accipit, & nihilominus ut veniat mittit pro eo. Qualiter Tartari se habent in prelijs. Cap. 6. DIcto de imperio, dicendum est hoc modo de bello. Primo de ordinatione acierum. Secundo de armis. Tertio de astu●ijs in congressione, quarto de crudelitate quam faciunt in captivos. Quinto de oppugnatione castrorum & civitatum. Sexto de perfidia quam exercent cum hijs qui se reddunt eisdem. De ordinatione acierum dicemus hoc modo. Cyngis can ordinavit, ut decem hominibus praeponeretur unus: & ille secundum nos appellatur Decanus, Decem autem Decanis preponeretur unus, qui centenarius nuncupatur: Decem vero Centenarijs praeponeretur unus qui millenarius nuncupatur: decem millenarijs praeponeretur unus, & ille numerus vocatur tenebre apud eos. Cuncto vero expercitui praeponuntur duo duces vel tres, ita tamen quod habeant respectum ad unum. Cum autem omnes sunt in bello si de decem hominibus fugit unus vel duo, vel tres, vel etiam plures, omnes occiduntur. Et ut breviter dicam, nisi communiter cedant, omnes qui fugiunt occiduntur. Item si unus vel duo aut plures audacter ad pugnam accedunt, & decem alij non sequuntur, etiam occiduntur. Item si unus de decem vel plures capiuntur, & alij socij sui non liberant eos, etiam occiduntur. Duo arcus vel tres, vel unum bonum ad minus, & tres pharetras magnas plenas de sagittis & unam securim, & sunes ad machinas trahendas habere debet unusquisque. Divites autem habent gladios acutos in fine, ex una tantum part incidentes, & aliquantulum curuos: & habent equum armatum, crura etiam tecta. Galeas & loricas quidam habent de corio in hunc modum formatas. Habent quasdam corrigias de boue ad latitudinem unius manus, & bituminant tres vel quatuor simul, & ligant illas corrigiolis vel cordis. In corrigia superiori ponunt cordulas in fine; in inferiori ponunt in medio, & sic faciunt usque ad finem. unde quum se inclinant in inferiores, corrigiae superiores ascendunt & sic duplicantur super corpus, vel triplicantur. De coopertura equi faciunt quinque partes: ex una part faciunt unam, exalia part faciunt aliam, quam partem ducunt à cauda usque ad caput: quae ligantur ad sellam, & post sellam in dorso & etiam in collo, super renes etiam partem aliam ponunt, ubi duae partium ligaturae iunguntur: In qua pecia faciunt unum soramen, per quod caudas exponunt: & ante pectus ponunt etiam unam: quae omnes protenduntur usque ad crurium iuncturas. Et ante frontem laminam ferream ponunt, quae ex utraque part colli partibus praedictis ligatur. Lorica vero etiam quatuor partes habet, una pars protenditur à foemore usqne ad collum; sed est facta secundum dispositionem humani corporis: quia ante pectus est stricta: in rotundum obuoluitur circa corpus à brachijs inferius: Supe● humeros autem retro ad renes habent aliam peciam, quae protenditur a coslo usque ad aliam peciam, quae revoluitur circa corpus: Super humeros autem istae duae peciae anterior videlicet & posterio●, ad duas laminas ferreas quae sunt in utroque humero fibulis connectuntur. Et in utroque brachio unam habent peciam, quae ab humero protenduntur usque ad manus, quae etiam inferius sunt apte. Et in utroque crure unam habent peciam: quae peciae omnes fibulis coniunguntur. G●lea autem superius est ferrea. Sed illud quod protegit in circuitu collum & gulam de corio si●. Et omnes istae peciae de corio sunt formatae secundum modum superius annotatum. Quidam autem omnia quae superius diximus habent de ferro in hunc modum formata. unam laminam tenuem ad latitudinem vnius● digiti faciunt, & ad longitudinem palmae unius. Et in hunc modum faciunt laminas multas: & in unaquaque lamina octo foramina paruula faciunt, & interius tres corrigias strictas & fortes ponunt, & laminas unam super aliam ponunt, quasi ascendendo per gradus: & ligant laminas predictas ad corrigias tenuibus corrigiolis, quas mittunt per foramina superius annotata: Et in superiori part consuunt corrigio●am unam, utlaminae praedictae bene & firmiter cohaereant sibi. Et facivot ex laminis quasi corrigiam unam, & postea ligant per pecias per omnia, sicut superius dictum est. Et ista faciunt tam ad equorum quam ad hominum armaturas. Et faciunt illa ita lucere, quod potest homo in eis faciem suam videre. Aliqui eorum lanceas habent: & in fine ferri lancee unum habent uncum, cum quo trahunt hominem de sella si possunt. Longitudo sagittarum est duorum pedum & unius palmae, & duorum digitorum. Et quia diue●si sunt pedes, mensuram pedum geometricam ponimus. Duodecem grana hordei pollicis transuersio est. Sexdecem pollices transuersi faciunt unum geometricum pedem. Ferramenta sagittarum sunt acutissima, & ex utraque part incidentia quasi gladius biceps, & semper portant limas juxta pharetram ad acuendum sagittas. Ferramenta praedicta caudam habent acutam ad longitudinem unius digiti, quam imponunt in lignum. Scutum habent de viminibus vel de virgulis factum. Sagittas habent alias ad sagittandum aves bestias & homines inermes ad trium digitorum latitudinem. Sagittas alias habent diversimodas ad aves & bestias sagittandas. Quum ad bellum procedere volunt praecursores praemittunt, qui nihil secum portant praeter filtra sua, equos & arma. Isti nihil rapiunt, domos non comburunt, bestias non occidunt: Sed tamen homines vulnerant & mortificant, & si non possunt aliud, mittunt in fugam; multo libentius tamen occidunt, quam fugant, post istos sequitur exercitus, qui cuncta que invenit accipit, & homines etiam, si inveniri possunt, accipiunt & occidunt. Quum autem ad flumina perveniunt, Mos tranandī flumina. hoc modo transeuntilla etiam si sunt magna. Maiores unum rotundum & leave corium habent, in quo in summitate per circuitum crebras faciunt ansas, in quibus funem imponunt, & stringuntita quod in circuitu faciunt quendam ventrem, quem replent vestibus, & alijs rebus, & fortissime comprimunt ad invicem: post hoc in medio ponunt sellas & alias res duriores: homines autem in medio sedent: & ligant ad caudam equi navem hanc taliter praeparatam, & unum hominum qui equum regat faciunt pariter cum equo ante natare: vel habent aliquando duos remos, & cum illis remigant ultra aquam, & sic transeunt flwium. Equos vero pellunt in aqua, & unus homo juxta unum equum, quem regit, natat: & alij equi illum sequuntur. Et sic transeunt aquas & flumina magna. Alij vero pauperiores unam bursam de corio bene consutam unusquisque tenetur habere: in qua bursa vel in quo sacco vestes & omnes res suas imponunt; & in summitate saccum fortissime ligant, & suspendunt ad caudam equi, & transeunt, ut supradictum est. Sciendum est, quod cum vident hostes tunc vadunt ad eos, & unusquisque iacit tres sagittas vel quatuor contra aduersatios: Et si vident quod eos superare non possunt, retro gradiuntur ad suos: Et hoc faciunt in fraudem, ut adversarij eos sequantur ad loca ubi insidias paraverunt: Et si inimici eorum sequuntur ad praedictas insidias, circundant eos & sic vulnerant & occidunt. Item si vident quod magnus exercitus est contra eos, aliquando divertunt ab eo per unam dietam vel duas, & aliam partem terrae invadunt & spoliant: & interficiunt homines, & terram destruunt & devastant. Et si vident quod hoc etiam facere non possunt, cedunt retro ad decem vel duodecem dietas: aliquando etiam morantur in loco tuto, quousque adversariorum exetcitus separetur, & tunc furtim veniunt, & depopulantur totam terram. In bellis etiam astutissimi sunt: quia iam per quadraginta annos & amplius cum alijs gentibus dimicarunt. Cum autem volunt ad pugnam accedere● omnes acies ordinant sicut deberent pugnare. Duces sive principes exercitus bellum non intrant, sed stant à long contra inimicorum exercitum, & juxta se habent pueros in equis & mulieres & equos. Et faciunt aliquando imagines hominum, & ponunt super equos. Hocideo faciunt, ut multitudo magna bellantium esse credantur. Contra faciem equorum unam aciem captivorum & aliarum gentium quae sunt inter eos transmittunt: & for●itan aliqui Tartari vadunt cum eis. Alias acies fortiorum hominum long mittunt à dextris & à sinistris, ut non videantur ab adversarij suis: & sic circundant adversarios & colligunt in medium, & pugnare incipiunt ex omni part. Et cum sunt aliquando pauci, putantur ab adversarijs qui circundati sunt, esse multi. Et maxime cum videant illos, qui sunt cum duce vel principe exercitus pueros & mulieres & equos, & homines fictos, ut dictum est supra: quos credunt esse pugnatores: & per hoc terrentur & confunduntur. Et si forte adversarij bene pugnant, faciunt eis viam ut fugiant: & statim cum fugere incipiunt, ab invicem separati insequuntur eos, & plures tunc occidunt fuga, quàm mortificare possent in bello. Sciendum tamen est, quod si aliud possunt, non libenter congrediuntur, sed homines & equos sagittis vulnerant & occidunt. Munitiones in hunc modum expugnant. Si est talis munitio ipsam circundant, immo aliquando ita sepiunt, ut nullus ingredi vel exire possit. Qualiter muni●●ones obsident. Expugnant fortissime machinis & sagittis: & nec die nec nocte cessant a praelio, ut illi qui sunt in munitionibus non quiescant. Ipsi Tartari quiescunt: quia acies dividunt & una succedit alteri in pugnam ut non nimium fatigentur. Et si eam taliter habere non possunt graecum proijciunt ignem. Imo solent aliquando accipere aruinam hominum quos occidunt, & liquefactum proijciunt super domos: Et ubicunque venit ignis super pinguedinem illam, quasi inextinguibiliter ardet. Et si ita non praevalent, & si civitas illa vel castrum habeat flumen, obstruunt illud, vel faciunt alium alueum & submergunt illam munitionem si possunt. Si autem non possunt suffodiunt illam, & sub terra armati in ipsam ingrediuntur. Et cum iam intraverunt, una pars ignem imponit ut comburatur: & alia pars cum illius munitionis hominibus pugnat. Si autem nec sic illam vincere possunt, castrum vel munitionem suam faciunt contra illam, ut ab inimicorum iaculis non graventur, & contra illam multo tempore jacent: nisi forte exterius adiutorium exe●citus qui pugnat cum eis adhibeat, & vi removeant ipsos. Sed cum jacent ante munitionem blan de eis loquuntur, & multa promittunt, ad hoc ut se in eorum manus tradant: P●nica fides. Et si illi se eis tradiderint, dicunt: Exite, ut secundum morem nostrum vos muneremus. Et cum illi ad ●os exeunt, quaerunt qui sunt artifices inter eos, & illos reseruant: alios autem, exceptis illis quos volunt habere pro servis cum securi occidunt. Et si aliquibus alijs parcunt, ut dictum est, nobilibus & honestis nun quam parcunt. Et si fortè aliquo casu contingente reseruant aliquos nobiles; nec prece nec precio ultra de captivitate possunt exire. In bellis autem quoscunque capiunt occidunt, nisi forte velint aliquos reseruare ut habeant eos pro servis. Occidendos autem dividunt per centenarios, ut cum bipenni interficiantur ab eis. Ipsi vero post hoc dividunt captivos, & unicuique servo ad interficiendum dant decem aut plures vel pauciores, secundum quòd maioribus placer. De terris quas eorum dominio subiugarunt. Cap. 7. SCripto quomodo pugnant, dicendum est de terris, quas eorum dominio subiugarunt. De quo isto modo scribemus. Primo dicemus quomodo faciunt cum hominibus pacem. Secundo de ter●arum nominibus quas sibi subdiderunt. Tertio de tyrannide quam exercent in eis. Quarto de terris quae viriliter restiterunt. Sciendum est quod cum nullis hominibus faciunt pacem, nisi subdentur eis: quia, ut dictum est supra, Cyngis can habent mandatum, ut cnnctas si possunt sibi subijciant nationes. Et haec sunt illa quae petunt ab eis, ut vadant cum eis in exercitu contra omnem hominem quando placet, & ut dent decimam de omnibus tam de hominibus, quàm de rebus. Computant enim decem, & unum accipiunt. De puellis faciunt illud idem, quos in terram eorum deducunt & tenent eos pro servis: reliquos numerant & ordinant secundum morem. Sed quando plene habent dominium super eos, si aliquid promiserunt eis nihil observant: sed quascunque possunt congrue occasiones inveniunt contra eos. Nam cum essemus in Russia, missus fuit Saracenorum ex part Cuyn●hcan ut dicebatur & Bati: & praefectus ille a quolibet homine qui habebat tres pueros unum accipiebat: & quicunque viri non habebant uxores, illos deducebant, & faciebant de mulieribus etiam illud idem que viros legitimos non habebant. Pauperes etiam qui mendicando suum victum quaerebant similiter deportabunt. Reliquos autem secundum eorum consuetudinem numeravit, praecipiens ut unusquisque tam parvus quam magnus, & infans unius diei, sive pauper sive dives esset, tale tributum praeberet: ut scilicet daret unum pellem albi ursi, Vrsi alb●. & unum nigrum castorem, & unum Zabulum, & unam nigram pellem cuiusdam animalis quod in terra latibulum habet, cuius nomen nescio in latinum transferre, sed Tentonice dieitur ‖ Vel illi●. illit: Poloni autem & Rutheni appellant illam Dochon: Dochon. & unam nigram pellem vulpinam. Et quicunque ista non dat, inter Tartaros debet duci, & in eorum redigi servitutem. Mitunt etiam pro principibus terrarum, ut ad eos veniant sine mora: & cum venerint, debitum honorem nullum recipiunt, sed habentur ut aliae viles personae: & oportet ut eis munera magna praesentent, tam ducibus quàm uxoribus eorum, & officialibus, millenarijs & centenarijs. Imo omnes generaliter, & ipsi etiam servi ab eis cum magna importunitate munera quaerunt: Et non solum ab ipsis, sed etiam à nun●ijs eorum cum mittuntur. Aliquibus etiam inveniunt occasiones ut eos occidant. Sicut de Michaele & alijs actum est. Aliquos ve●o alliciunt, quos permittunt redire. Aliquos ettam potionibus per●munt vel veneno. Eorum enim intentio est, ut ipsi soli dominentur in terra. Idcirco quaerunt occasiones contra nobiles, ut eos occidant. Ab illis vero quos redire permittunt petunt eorum fili●s aut fratres, quos ulterius nunquam dimittunt. Sicut factum est de filio jeroslai, & de quodam duce Alanorum, & alijs plurimis. Et si moritur pater vel frater sive haeres, filium vel fratrem nunquam dimittunt: immo illius principatum totaliter accipiunt sibi. Sicut de quodam Solangorum vidimus esse factum. Solangi. Basch●, vox Ta●ta●ca, qua v●uritur Tu●●i. Baschathos suos ponunt in terris eorum quos redire permittunt, quibus oportet ut ad nutum tam duces quàm alij debeant obedire. Et si homines alicuius civitatis vel terrae non faciunt quod volunt, isti Baschathi imponunt eis, quod sunt Tartaris infideles: & sic civitatem illam vel terr●m destruunt, & homines qui sun● in ea occidunt, permanum validam Tartarorum, qui ex mandato principis illius cui obedit terra illa veniunt eis nescientibus, & subito irruunt super eos: sicut nuper contigit cum in terra Ta●tarorum e●●emus de quadam civitate. Quod ipsumme● de Ruthenis fecerunt in terra Comanorum. Et non solum princeps Tartarorum quiterram usurpavit, sed praefectus ipsius, & quicu●que Tartarus per civitatem illam siveterram transit quasi dominatur eidem, & maxime qui maior est apudeos. Insuper aurum & argentum, & alia quae volunt & quando libet ad imperatorem vadant Tartarorum ad placitandum. Sicut nuper contigit de duobus filijs regis Georgiae. unus enim erat legitimus, & alter de adulterio natus, qui vocabatur David: legitimus autem Melic vocabatur. Filio adulterae terrae partem relinquebat pater. Alius vero, qui junior erat, veniebat cum matre ad Tarta●orum imperatorem, pro eo quod David praedictus ad ipsum iter arripuerat veniendi. Mater alterius scilicet Melic regina Georgiae, per quam maritus tenebat regnum, quia perfoeminas illud regnum tenebatur, mor●ua fuit in via. Illi autem cum venerunt dederunt maxima munera: & maxime legitimus filius, qui repeteba● terram quam reliquerat pater filio suo David, cum non deberet habere, quia adulterae filius erat. Ille vero respondit: Licet sim filius concubinae, peto tamen ut fiat mihi justitia secundum legem Ta●tarorum, qui nullam differentiam faciunt inter filios legitimae & ancillae: unde fuit data sententia contra filium legitimum, ut ille Davidi qui maior erat subesset● & terram haberet quiet & pacifice, quam dederat ei pater: & sic donaria quae dederat, & causam quam contra frat●em suum David habuerat, amisit. Ab illis etiam nationibus quae long suntab eis, & coniunctae sunt alijs nationibus quas aliquo modo timent, quae non sunt eye subiectae, tributum accipiunt & quasi misericorditer agunt cum eis, ut non adducant exercitum super eos, vel etiam ut alij non terreantur, se tradere eis. Sicut factum est de Obesis sive Georgianis, a quibus quinquaginta vel quadragin●a millia, ut dictum est, yperperorum sive Bysantiorun accipiunt pro tributo: aliâs ad hoc in pace esse permittunt. Tamen, secundum quod intelleximus ab eis, rebellare proponunt. Tertarum nomina quas vicerunt sunt haec. Kytai, Naymani, Solangi, Kara Kytai, si●e nigri Kytai, Comania, Tumat, Voyrat, Caranai, Huyur, Soboal, Merkiti, Meniti, Baryhryur, Gosmit, Saraceni, Bisermini, Tu●comani, Byleri, magna Bulgaria, Baschare, magna H●ngaria, Kergis, Colona, Thorati, Buritabeth, Parossiti, Sassi, I●cobiti, Alani, sive Assi, Obesi sive Georgiani, Nestoriani, Armeni, Cangiti, Comani Brutachi, qui sunt judaei, Mordui, Torci, Gazari, Samogedi, Perses, Thoas, India minor sive AEthiopia, Yrchasi, Ruthe●i, Baldach, Sarthi: Samogedi aquilona●es. Aliae terrae sunt plures, sed earum nomina ignoramus. Vidimus etiam viro, & mulieresfere de omnibus terris supra nominatis. Haec autem sunt nomina Terra●um quae eye vinliter restiterunt, nec sunt adhuc subditae eis, India magna, Mangia; Mangia. Quaedam pars Alano●um: Quaedam pars Kytaorum, Sayi. Quandam enim ciu●●atem Sayotum praedictorum obsedederunt & debellare tentaue●unt. At ipsi fecerunt machinas contra machinas eorum, & Tartarorum machinas omnes fregerunt, nec civitati appropinquare poterant ad pugnam contra machinas & balistas. Tandem unam viam sub terra fecerunt, & prosiluerunt in civitatem, & alij tentabant incendere civitatem, alij pugnabant. Homines autem civitatis unam partem populi ad extinguendum ignem posuerunt, & alia pars fortiter pugnabat cum hijs qui intraverunt civitatem, & multos occiderunt ex eis, & alios vulneraverunt, cōpellen●es eos ad suos redire. At ipsi videntes quod nihil possent facere, & multi homines morerentur, recesserunt ab eis. In terra Saracenorun & alio●um ubi sunt quasi inter eos domini, accipiunt omnes artifices meliores, & in omnibus operibus suis ponunt. Alij autem artifices dant eye de opere suo tribu●um. Segetes omnes condunt in horreis dominorum: & unicuique unum pondus satis modicum dant in die: nihil aliud nisiter in septimana modicum quid de carnibus eis prebent. Et illi hoc tantum artificibus faciunt qui in civitatibus commorantur. Item quando dominis placet iwenes omnes accipiunt, & post se cum omnibus famulis suis ire cogunt: qui de caetero certo sunt numero Tartarorun; immo potius de numero captivorum: quia etsi inter ipsos sunt numerati, non tamen habentur in reverentia sicut Tartari; sed habentur pro servis, & ad omnia pericula ut alij captivi mittuntur. Ipsi enim in bello sunt primi: Etiam si debet palus vel aqua periculosa transiri, eos oporter primo vadum tentare. Ipsos est etiam necesse operari omnia quae sunt facienda. Ipsi etiam si in aliquo offendunt, vel si non obediunt ad nutum, ut asini verberantur. Et v● breviter dicam, modicum quid manducant, & etiam modicum bibunt, & pessime induuntur; nisi forte aliquid possunt lucrari, nisi sunt aurifabri & alij artifices boni. Sed aliqui tam malos dominos habent, quod nihil eis dimittunt, nec habent tempus prae m●ltitudine operum dominorum, ut sibi aliquid operentur, nisi furentur sibi tempus, quando forsitan debent quiescere vel dormire. Et hoc si uxores vel propriam stationem permittuntur habere. Alij autem qui tenentur in domo pro serui● omni miseria sunt repleti. Vidi enim eos ire in bracis sae pissime, & toto corpore nudos in maximo solis ardore. Et in hyeme patiuntur maximum frigus. Vidimus etiam aliquos pedicas & digitos manuum de magno frigore perdidisse. Audivimus etiam alios es●e mortuos, vel etiam de magno algore quasi in omnibus membris inutiles esse factos. Quomodo bello occurratur Tartaris. Cap. 8. DIcto de terris, quae obediunt eis, supponendum est quomodo bello occurratur eisdem. Quod videtur nobis hoc modo dicendum. Primo scr●bendum est quid intendunt. Secundo de armis & ordinatione acierum. Tertio quomodo occurratur astutijs eorum in congressione. Quarto de munitione castrorum & ciuitatum. Quinto quid faciendum sit de captivis eorum. Intentio Tartarorum est subijcere sibi totum mundum si possunt. Et de hoc Cyngischan habent mandatum, sicut superius dictum est. Idcirco eorum imperator sic in literis suis sc●ibit. Dei tortitudo, Omnium Imperator. Et in superscriptione sigilli sui hoc habet. Dominus in coelo, & Cuynch Chan super terram. Dei fortitudo, omnium hominum imperatoris sigillum. Et ideo cum nullis hominib●s faciunt pacem, ut dictum est, nisi forte se in eorum manibus tradunt. Et quia excepta Christianitate nulla est terra in orb quam timent, idcirco se ad pugnam praepararunt contra nos. unde noverint universi quod nobis existentibus in terra eorum in solenni curia, quae iam ex pluribus annis indicta erat, fuimus, ubi elegerunt Cuynch imperatorem in praesentia nostra, qui in lingua eorum dicitur Chan. Qui Cuynch Chan praedictus erexit cum omnibus principibus vexillum contra ecclesiam dei & Romanum imperium, & contra omnia regna Christianorum & populos occidentis, nisi forsan facerent ea, quae mandat Domino Papae, & potentibus ac omnibus Christianorun populis Occidentis: quod nulla ratione faciendum est: ●um propter nimiam servitutem & intolerabilem● quae est hactenus inaudita, quam vidimus oculis nostris, in quam redigunt omnes gentes sibi subiectas: tum propterea quod nulla in eis est fides: nec potest aliqua gens confidere in verbis eorum: quia quic quid promittunt non observant, quando vident sibi tempora favere: & subdoli sunt in omnibus factis & promissis eorum. Intendunt etiam delere omnes principes, omnes nobiles, omnes milites de terra, ut superius dictum est: sed hoc faciunt subdole & artificiose in subditos suos: Tum etiam quia indignum est quod Christiani subdantur eisdem, propter abominationes eorum, & quia in nihilum redigitur cultus dei, & animae pereunt, & corpora ultra quam credi possit multitudine affliguntur. In primo quidem sunt blandi, sed postea ut scorpio cruciant & affligunt. Tum quia pauciores sunt numero, & corpore debiliores quam populi Christiani. In praedicta autem curia sunt bellatores & principes & exercitus assignati. De decem hominibus mittuotur tres cum familijs eorum, de omni terra potestatis eorum. unus exercitus debet intrare per Hungariam: secundus per Poloniam. Veniunt autem pugnaturi continue octodecem annis. Tempus est etiam eye assignatum, In Martio An. Dom. 1247. si de terra sua movebunt. Venient autem in tribus vel in quatuor ‖ Forte mensibu● annis usque ad Comanian. De Comania autem insultum facient in terras superius annotatas. Haec omnia firma sunt & vera, nisi Dominus aliquod impedimentum pro sua gratia faciat eis. Sicut fecit quando venerunt in Hungarian & icon. Debebant enim procedere tunc pro certo triginta annis. Sed interfectus fuit tunc imperator eorum veneno: & propter hoc quieverunt à prelijs usque nunc. Sed modo, quia positus est imperator de novo, iterum se de novo ad pugnam incipiunt praeparare. Adhoc sciendum est, quod imperator dixit ore suo, quod velle● mittere exercitum in Livoniam & Prussiam. Tar●●● proponunt inuade●e Livoniam & Prussiam. Et quoniam omnem terram volunt delere vel in servitutem redigere, quae servitus est intolerabilis nostrae genti, ut superius dictum est: Occurrendum est igitur eye in bello. Sed si una provincia non vult alteri opem ferre, terra illa delebitur contra quam pugnant, & cum illis hominibus quos capiunt pugnabunt contra aliam terram; & in acie erunt primi. Si male pugnant occidentur ab eis: Si autem bene, ipsos cum promissis adulationibus tenent: & etiam ut ab ipsis non fugiant promittunt ●is quod facient eos dominos magnos: & post hoc quando securi esse possunt de ipsis, ut non redeant, faciunt eos infoelicissimos servos. Ac de mulieribus quas volunt in concubinas tenere pro seruitijs faciunt illud idem. Et ita cum hominibus devictae provinciae destruunt aliam terram. Nec est aliqua provincia quae per se possit resistere eis: quia de omni terra potestatis eorum, ut dictum est, homines congregant ad bellum. unde si Christiani seipsos & svam terram, & Christianitatem volunt servare, oportet quod in unum conveniant reges, principes & barones, & terrarum rectores, & mittant de communi consilio homines contra eos ad pugnam, antequam ipsi incipiant in terras diffundi. Quoniam postquam incipiunt spargi per terras, undique homines quaerunt, & nullus congrue auxilium alteri potest praebere: quoniam ipsi cateruatim undique quaerunt homines & occidunt. Et si claudunt se in castris, ponunttria millia vel quatuor millia hominum contra castrum vel civitatem, qui obsideant eam; & ipsi nihilominus diffunduntur per terras homines occidentes. Quicunque autem volunt pugnare cum eis, haec arma debent habere. Arcus bonos & fortes, & balistas, quas multum timent, & sagittas sufficientes: & bonum dolabrum de bono ferro, & scutum cum longo manubrio. Ferramenta sagittarum arcu vel de balista debent, ut ●a●tari, Temperamen●um fe●●● quando sunt calida, temperari in aqua cum ●ale mixta, ut tortia si●t ad penetra●dum arma eorum. Gladios & etiam lanceas cum unco, qui valeant ad trahendum eos de sellis: quia de eis facillime cadunt: ac cultellos ac loricas, duplicatas; quia illos eorum sagittae non penetrant: & galeam & arma alia ad protegendum corpus & equum ab armis & sagittis eorum● Et si aliqui non sunt ita bene armati, ut dixi; debent ●c post alios ut faciunt Tartari: & trahere contra eos de armis & sagittis. Nec debent parcere pecuniae, quoniam comparent arma, ut possint animas & corpora, libertatem & res alias conseruare. Acies debent ordinari, ut ipsi, per millenarios, centenarios, & decanos & duces exercitus: qui duces nequaquam debent praelium intrare, sicut nec duces eorum, sed debent exercitus videre & ordinare: legemquè debent ponere ut simul incedant ad bellum, sive aliâs, sicut sunt ordina●i. Et quicunque relinquit alium sive ad bellum procedentem, sive pugnantem, vel quicunque fugerit, nisi omnes communiter cedant, gravissime puniatur: quia tunc pars bellantium lequitur fugientes & sagittis eorum occidunt, & pars cum hijs qui ●emanent pugnant, & sic confunduntur & occiduntur remanentes & fugientes. Similiter quicunque conversus fuerit ad praedam tollendam, antequam omnino sit exercitus contrariorum devictus, maxima poena mulctetur. Talis enim apud Tartaros sine ulla miseratione occidi●ur. Locus ad praeliandum est eligendus, si fieri potest ut campus si● planus, & possint undique videre: & si possunt habeant syluam magnam a tergo vel a latere● ita tamen quod non possunt intrare inter ipsos & ●y●uam: nec debent simul omnes convenire in unum, ●ed facere acies multas, & diue●sas ab invicem, nec tamen multum distantes. Et contra illos qui post veniunt debent unam aciem mittere qui eis occurrat. Et si Tar●ari simulant fugam, non multum vadant post eos, nisi forte quantum possunt videre, ne forte ipsos ad paratas insidias trahan●, sicut facere solent: Et alia sit parata ad invandum aci●m illam, si fuerit opportunum. Insuper habeant speculatores ex omni part, Sp●●ulato●es. ut videant quando veniant aliae acies Tartarorum retro, à dextris & à sinistris: & semper debent mittere aciem contra aciem quae eis occurrat. Ipsi enim semper nituntur concludere adversarios eorum in medio, unde magnam cautelam debent habere ne hoc facere possint, quia sic exercitus facillime debellatur. Omnes acies hoc debent cavere, ne diu currant post eos, propter insidias quas solent praeparate: plus enim fraudulentia quàm fortitudine pugnant. Duces exercitus semper debent esse parati ad mittendum adiutorium, si necesse est, illis qui sunt in pugna, & propter hoc etiam debent vitare nimium cursum post eos: ne force fatigentur equi eorum; quoniam nostri multitudinem equorum non habent. Sed Tartari illum quem equitant una die, illum non ascendunt in tribus vel in quatuor diebus post hoc. unde non curant si fatigentur equi eorum propter multitudinem quam habent. Et si Tar●ari cedunt, non tamen nostri debent recedere, vel ab invicem separari: quia simulando hoc faciunt, ut exe●citus dividatur, & post hoc terram libere ingrediantur & eam destruant. Debent etiam cavere ut non faciant nimias expensas, ut solent; ne propter penuriam redire compellantur, & dent Tartaris viam, ut ipsos & alios occidant, & dest●uant omnem terram; & propter eorum superfluitatem nomen Domini blasphemetur. Et hoc debent facere diligenter: ut si contingat aliquos pugnatores recedere, quod alij loco eorum succedant. Duces etiam nostri debent die noctéque facere exercitum custodiri, ne repent & subito irruant super ipsos: quia Tartari ut daemones, multas excogitant iniquitates & artes nocendi: Immo tam de die quam de nocte semper debent esse parati: sed necspoliati debent iacere nec deliciose ad mensam sedere, ne imparati inveniantur, quia Tartari semper vigilant, ut possint nocere. Homines vero terrae qui Tartaros expectant, vel super se timent venire, occultas fou●as debent habere, in quibus sagittas, & alia debent reponere, propter duo: ut videlicet Tartari non possint ea habere; & si propitius fuerit eis Deus, valeant ea postea invenire; Eis fugientibus de terra, debent foenum & stramina combure●e, ut equi Tartarorum ad comedendum minus inveniant. Civitates autem & castra si volunt munire, videant prius qualia sint in situ. Situs enim talis debet esse in castris, quod machinis & sagittis expugnari non possit; & aquam habeant sufficientem & lignum, & si fieri potest, quod introitus & exitus eye tolli non possit: & quod habeant homines sufficientes qui possint vicissim pugnare. Et debent vigilare diligenter ne aliqua astu●ia possint castrum furari. Expensas ad multos annos debent habere sufficientes: custodiant tamen diligenter illas, & in mensura manducent, quia nesciunt quanto tempore eos in castris oportet esse inclusos. Quum enim incipiunt, tunc multis annis obsident unum castrum. Obsidio 12. annorum. Sic fit hodierna die in ter●a Alanorum de quodam monte, quem, ut credo, iam obsederunt per duodecem annos; qui viriliter restiterunt, & multos Tartaros & nobiles occiderunt. Alia autem castra & civitates, quae talem si●um non habent debent fortiter vallari fouei● profundis munitis, & muris bene praeparatis; & arcus & sagittas sufficientes: & lapides ac fundas debent habere. Et debent diligenter cavere, quod non permittant Tartaros ponere machinas suas; & suis machinis debent eos repellere. Et si forte aliquo ingenio vel arte e●igunt Tartari machinas suas, debent eas destruere machinis su●s si pos●unt. Balistis etiam, fundis & machinis debentre sistere ne civitati appropinquent. Aliàs etiam debent esse parati, ut superius dictum est. De castris & civitatibus, quae sunt in fluminibus positae, diligenter debent videre ne possint submergi● Sed ad hoc sciendum est, quod Tartari plus diligunt, quod homines claudant se in civitatibus, quàm quod pugnent cum eis in campo. Dicunt enim eos esse suos porcellos in hara concluso●. unde ponunt eis custodes, ut supradictum est. Si autem aliqui Tartari de equis suis in bello proijciuntur, statim sunt capiendi: quia cum sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, & equos & homines vulnerant & occidunt. Et si seruantur tales, potest esse, quod habeatur pro eis pax perpetua, aut pecunia magna redimantur: quoniā●e adinuicem satis diligunt. Sed quomodo Tartari cognoscantur, superius dictum est ubi forma eorum fuit expressa. Tamen quando capiuntur, si debent servari, ne fugiant diligens est custodia adhibenda. Sunt etiam aliae mul●e gentes cum eis, quae per formam superius annotatam possunt ab ipsis cognosci. Est etiam hoc sciendum, quod multi in exercitu eorum sunt, qui si viderent tempus, & haberent fiduciam, quod nostri non occiderent eos, ex omni part exercitus, sicut ipsimet nobis dixerunt, pugnarent cum eis, & plura mala facerent ipsis, quàm alij, qui sunt eorum adversarij manifesti. THe long and wondered voyage of friar john de Plano Carpini, sent ambassador by Pope Innocentius the iiii. An. Do. 1246. to the great CAN of Tartary; wherein he passed through Bohemia, Polonia, Russia, and so to the city of Kiow upon Boristhenes, and from thence road continually post for the space of si●e months through Comania, over the mighty and famous rivers of Tanais, Volga, and jaic, & through the countries of the people called Kangittae, Bisermini, Kara-Kitay, Naimani, & so to the native country of the Mongals or Tartars, situate in the extreme Northeasterne parts of all Asia: and thence back again the same way to Russia, and Polonia, and so to Rome; spending in the whole voyage among the said Tartar's one whole year & above four months: Taken out of the 32. book of Vincentius Beluacensis his Speculum historiale. LIBRI XXXII. De prima missione Fratrum Praedicatorum & Minorum ad Tartaros. Cap. 2. HOc etiam tempore misit Innocentius four Papa Fr. Ascelinun de ordine Praedicatorun cum tribus alijs Fratribus, As●elinu●. ¶ Vide Mechovium lib. 1. cap. 5. auctoritate, qua fungebantur, de diversis ordinis sui conventibus sibi associatis, cum literis Apostolicis ad exercitum Tartarorun, in quibus hortabatur eos, ut ab hominum strage desisterent, & fidei veritatem reciperent. Et ego quidem ab uno Fratrum Praedicatorun, videlicet à Fr. Simone de S. Quintino, Simon Sanquintinianus. iam ab illo itinere regresso, gesta Tartarorun accepi, illa duntaxat, quae superius per diversa loca juxta congruentiam temporum huic ope●i inserui. Siquidem & eo tempore quidam Frater ordinis Minorun, videlicet Fr. johannes de Plano carpini, joannes de Plano Ca●pini. cum quibusdam alijs missus fuit ad Tartaros, qui etiam, ut ipse testatur, per annum & quatuor menses & amplius cum eis mansit, & inter eos ambulavit. A summo namque Pontifice mandatum, ut omnia, quae apud eos erant, diligenter scrutaretur, acceperat, tam ipse, quàm Fr. Benedictus Polonus eiusdem ordinis, Benedictus Polonus. qui suae tribulationis particeps & socius erat. Et hic ergo Fr. joannes de ●is, quae apud Tartaros vel oculis proprijs vidit, vel à Christianis fide dignis, qui inter illos captivi erant, audivit, libellum historialem conscripsit, qui & ipse ad manus nostras pervenit. Libellus historialis joannis de Plano Ca●p●ni. De quo etiam hîc quasi per epilogum inserere libet aliqua, videlicet ad supplementum eorum, quae de sunt in praedicta Fr. Simonis historia. De situ & qualitate terrae Tartarorum. Cap. 3. johannes de Plano Carpini. ESt in partibus Orientis terra, quae Mongal sive Tartary dicitur, Tar●ar●ae descriptio. in ea scilicet part sita, in qua Oriens Aquiloni coniungi creditur. Ab Oriente quidem habet terram Kythaorum & etiam Solangorum, à meridie verò terram Sarracenorum. Inter ‖ Vel Occidentem Orientem & meridiem terram Huynorum, & ab Occidente provinciam Naymanorum, ab Aquilone verò circundatur Oceano. In part aliqua nimium est montuosa, & in aliqua campestris, sed tota ferè admixta glarea plurimum arenosa, nec est in centesima part fructuosa. Nec enim potest fructum po●tare, nisi aquis flwialibus irrigetur, que ibi sunt ra●issime. unde nec ville nec alique civitates ibidē●eperiuntur, excepta una, quae Cracu●m appellatur, & satis bona esse dicitur. Nos quidem illam non vidimus, sed ad dimidiam dietam prope fuimus, cùm apud Syram ordam, Syra orda. quae curia maior Imperatoris eorum est, essemus. Licet autem aliâs infructifera sit illa terra, tamen alendis pe●oribus est apta. In aliqua eius part sunt alique syluae modicae, alia verò sine lignis est omninò. Itaque tam Imperator quàm Principes, & omnes alij sedent, & cibaria sua decoquunt ad focum, A●ri● intemperies de boum & equorum stercoribus factum. Ipse quoque aer inordinatus est ebidem mirabiliter. In media siquidem aestate ibi tonitrua magna & fulgura fiunt, ex quibus plurimi occiduntur homines, & eodem quoque tempore cadunt ibidem maxime nives. Sunt & ibi ventorum frigidissimorum tam maxime tempestates, quòd aliquando vix pos●un● equitare homines. Orda quid. unde cùm ante ordam essemus (sic enim apud eos stationes Imperatoris & Principum appellantur) prae ventimagnitudine interra prostrati iacebamus, & videre propter pulueris magnitudinem minimè poteramus. Nunquam ibi pluit in hyeme, sed frequenter in aestate, & tam modicum, ut vix posset aliquando pulverem & radicem graminum madefacere. Ibi quoque maxima grando cadit saepè. unde cùm Imperator electus in sede regni debuit poni, nobis in curia tunc existentibus, tanta cecidit grando, quod ex subita resolutione plusquam CLX. homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. Res etiam & habitacula plura fuerunt deducta. Ibi etiam est in aestate subitò calor magnus, & repentè maximum frigus. De forma & habitu & victu eorum. Cap. 4. Tartarorum species. MOngalorum autem sive Tartarorum forma ab omnibus alijs hominibus est remota. Inter oculos enim, & inter genas, ●ati sunt plus caeteris, genae quoque satis prominent à maxillis. Nasum habent planum & modicum, oculos etiam paruos, & palpebras usque ad supercilia elevatas, ac super verticem in modum Clericorum coronas. Ex utraque part frontis tondendo, plusquam in raedio crines longos faciunt, Tonsura. reliquos autem sicut mulieres crescere permittunt. De quibus duas cordas faciunt, & unamquamque post aurem ligant. Pedes quoque modicos habent. Habitus. Vestes tam virorum quàm mulierum uno modo formatae sunt. Pallijs vel cappis vel caputijs non utuntur. Tunicas verò miro modo formatas portant de buc caramo, vel purpurato, vel baldaquino. Vestes retro cauda●ae. Pellicium habet pilos exterius, sed apertum est à posterioribus. Habet tamen çaudulam unam usque ad genua retrò. Vestes suas non lavant, nec lavari permittunt, & maximè à tempore, quo tonitrua incipiunt, usquequo desinat illud tempus. Stationes habent rotundas in modum tentorij de virgulis & baculis subtilibus praeparatas. Tabernacula. Supra verò in medio rotundam habent fenestram, unde ingrediatur lumen, & fumus exire possit: quia semper in medio faciunt ignem: parietes autem & tecta filtro sunt operta. Ostia quoque de filtro sunt facta. Harum quedam subitò soluuntur, & reparantur, & super summarios deferuntur: quaedam verò dissolui non possunt sed in curribus portantur. Et quocunque sive ad bellum sive aliâs vadunt, semper illas secum deferunt. In animalibus valde divites sunt, ut in Camelis & bobus, capris & ovibus. jumenta & equos habent in tanta multitudine, Opes in pecore. quantam non credimus totum mundi residuum habere. Porcos autem & alias bestias non habent. Imperator ac Duces arque alij magnates in auro & argento ac serico & gemmis abundant. Cibi eorum sunt omnia, quae mandi possunt. Vidimus eos etiam manducare pediculos. Victus. Lac bibunt animalium, & in maxima quantitate, si habent, iumentinum. Porro in hyeme, quia nisi divites sint, lac iumentinum non habent, millium cum aqua decoquunt, quod tam tenue faciunt, ut illud bibere valeant. unde quilibet eorum scyphum bibit unum vel duos in mane, & quandoque nihil amplius manducant in die. In sero autem unicuique datur de carnibus modicum, & bibunt ex eis brodium. Porro in aestate quando satis habent de lact iumentino, carnes comedunt rarò, nisi fortè donentur eisdem, aut venatione bestiam aliquam ceperint velavem. De moribus eorum bonis & malis. Cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. HAbent autem mores quosdam quidem commendabiles, & quosdam detestabiles. Magis quip sunt obedientes Dominis suis, quàm aliqui qui in mundo sint homines, sive religiosi sive seculares. Nam eos maximè reverentur, nec illis de facili mentiuntur verbis factisue: rarò vel nun quam ad invicem contendunt, belláque velrixae, vulnera vel homicidia nunquam inter eos contingunt. Predones etiam ac fures rerum magnarū●bi nequaquam inneniuntur, ideoque stationes & cu●rus eorum, Abs●inentia. ubi the sauros habent, seris aut vectibus non firmantur. Si aliqua bestiae perdita fuerit, quicunque invenit eam vel dimittit, vel ad illos, qui ad hoc posuisunt, ●am ducit. Apud quos ille, Comita●. cuius est bestia, illam requitir, & absque ulla difficultate recipit. unus alium satis honorar, & familiaritatem ac cibaria, quamuis apud eos sint pauca, libe●aliter satis communicat. Temperan●ia. Satis etiam sunt sufferentes, nec cùm iciunaverint uno die, vel duobus, omnino sine cibo, videntur impatientes, ●ed cantant & ludunt, ac●● bene comedil●ent. In equitando multum lu●tment trigus, calorem quoque nimium patiuntur. In●er eos quasi nulla placita sunt, & quamuis multum inebrientur, tamen in ebrietate sua nun quam contendunt. Nullus alium spernit, sed i●uat & promovet, quantum congruè potest. Castae sunt eorum mulicres, C●sti●as. nec aliquid inter eos auditur de ipsarum impudicitia. Quaedam tamen ex ijs verba turpia satis habent & impudica. Porrò erga caeteros homines ijdem Tartari superbissimi sunt, omnesque nobiles & ignobiles quasi pro nihilo reputantes despiciunt. unde vidimus in curia Impera●oris magnum Russie ducem, Insolentia ad●e●sus ex●e●o●. & filium regis Georgianorum, ac Soldanos multos & magnos nullum honorem debitum recipere apud eos. Quinetiam Tartari eisdem assignati, quantumcunque viles essent illos antecedebant, semperque primum locum & summum tenebant, imò etiam s●pè oportebat illos post eorum posteriora sedere. Praeterea ira cundisunt, & indignantis naturae multum erga caeteros homines, Iracundi●. & ultra modum erga eosdem mendaces. In principio quidem blandi sunt, sed postmodum ut Scorpiones pungunt. Subdoli enim & fraudulenti sunt, Fraudulentia. & omnes homines sipossunt asturia circumueniunt. Quicquid mali volunt eis facere, miro modo occultant, ut sibi non possint providere, vel contra eorum astutias remedium invenire. Immundi quoque sunt in cibo & potu sumendis, Sordes Temulentia. & in caeteris factis suis. Ebrietas apud illos est honorabilis: cumque multum aliquis biberit, ibidemque reijcit, non ideo cessat, quin iterum bibat. Ad petendum maximi sunt exactores, tenacissimi re●entores, parcissimi donato●es. Aliorum hominum occisio apud illos est pro nihilo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De legibus & consuetudinibus eorum. Cap. 6. HOc autem habent in lege sive consuetudine, ut occidant viros & mulieres, Poena adulterij. si quando inveniantur in adulterio manifestè. Similiter etiam virg●em, si ●ornica●a fue●it cum aliquo, occidunt eam cum eo. Praeterea si aliquis in praeda vel furto manifesto inueni●ur, Purti. sine ulla miseratione occiditur. Item si quis denudavit consilia, maximè quando volunt ad bellum procedere, dantur eisuper posteriora centum plagae, quanto maiores unus rusticus cum magno baculo potest date. Ar●ani ●u●lga●. Similiter cùm aliqui de minoribus offendunt in aliquo, non eis à maioribus suis parcitur, sed verberibus graviter affligun●ur. Matrimonio autem generaliter coniunguntur omnibus, Leges matrimonio●um. etiam propinquis carne, excepta matre & filia & so●ore ex eadem matre. Nam sororem tantùm ex patre, & uxorem quoque patris, post eius mor●em solent ducere. Vxorem etiam fratris alius frater junior, post eius mortem, vel alius de parentel●, tenetur ducere. unde dum adhuc essemus in terra, Dux quidam Russiae● Andreas nomine, apud Baty, Andreas Du● Russie. ¶ Vtde Herbersteinium de rebus Moschovi. p●g. ●. b. quòd equos Tartarorum de terra educeret, & alijs venderet, accusatus est: quod licet non esset probatum, occisus est. Hoc audiens junior frater, & uxor occis●, pariter venerunt ad praesatum Ducem, supplicare volentes, ne terra auferretur eisdem. At ille parvo praecepit, ut fratris defuncti duceret uxorem, mulieri quoque ut illum in virum duceret, secundum Tartarorum consuetudinem. Quae respondit, se potius occidi velle, quàm sie contra legem facere. At ille nihilominus eam illi tradidit quamuis ambo renuerent, quantum possen●. Itaque ducen●es eos in lectum, clamantem puerum & plorantem super illam posuerunt, ipsosque commisceri pariter coëgerunt. Denique post mortem ma●itorum, uxores Tartarorum non de facili solent ad secunda coniugi● transire, nisi fortè quis velit sororiam aut novercam suam ducere. Nulla verò differentia est apud eos inter filium uxoris & concubinae, sed dat pa●er q●od vult unicuique. Itaque si sunt etiam ex Ducum genere, ita fit Dux filius concubinae, sicut filius uxoris legitimae. unde cùm rex Georgiae duos filios nuper, Melich & David fratres Georgia● unum scilicet nomine Melich legitimum, alterum verò David ex adul●erio n●tum haberet, moriensque terrae partem adulterae filio reliquisset, Melich, cui etiam ex part matris regnum obuenerat, quia per foeminas tenebatur, perrexit ad Imperatorem Tartarorum, eo quòd & David iter arripuerat ad illum. Ambobus igitur ad curiam venientibus, datisque maximis muneribus, petebat adulterae filius, ut fieret ei justitia secundum morem Tartarorum. Dataque est sententia contra Melich, ut David, qui major erat natu, subesset, ac terram à patre sibi concessam quietè ac pacificè possideret. Cumque Tartarorum unus habet uxorum multi●udinem, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. unaquaeque per se suam habet familiam & stationem. Et una die Tartarus comedit & bibit & dormit cum una, altera die cum alia. una tamen inter caetera● maior habetur, cum qua frequentius quam cum alijs commoratur. Et licet, ut dictum est, sint multae, nun quam tamen de facili contendunt interse. De superstitiosis traditionibus ipsorum. Cap. 7. QVibusdam verò traditionibus indifferentia quedam esse peccata dicunt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quas velipsi vel antecessores eorum confinxerunt. unum est, culteslum in ignem figere, vel quocunque modo ignem cultello tangere, vel etiam de caldaria cum cultello carnes extrahere, vel cum securi ●uxta ignem incidere. Credunt enim, quòd sic au●erri debeat capu●●gn●. Aliud e●● appodiare so ad flagellum, quo percutitur equus: ipsi enim non utuntur calcaribus. Item ●●agello sagittas tangere, iunenes aves capere vel occidere, cum freno equum percutere, os cum osse alio frangcre. Itemque lac, vel aliquem potum aut cibum super terram effundere, in statione mingere. Quod si voluntariè facit, occiditur, si autem aliter, oportet quòd pecuniam multam incanta●ori ●oluat, à quo purificetur. Qui etiam faciat, ut statio cum omnibus, quae in ipsa sunt, inter duos ignes transeat. Ante quam sic purificetur, nullus auder intrare, nec aliquid de illa exportare. Praet●rea si alicui morsellus imponitur, quem deglutire non possit, & illum de ore suo eijcit, foramen sub statione fit, per quod extrahitur, at sine ulla miseratione occiditur. Iterum si quis calca● super limen stationis Ducis alicuius, interfici●ur. Multa etiam habent his similia, quae reputant peccata. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. At homines occidere, aliorum terras invadere, acres illorum di●ipere, & contra Dei praecepta vel prohibitiones facere, nullum apud eos est peccatum. De vita aeterna & damnatione perpetua nihil sciun●. Credunt tamen, quòd post mortem in alio seculo vivant, gregésque multiplicent, comedant & bibant, & caetera faciant, quae hîc à viventibus fiunt. In principio lunationis vel in plenilunio incipiunt, Cultu● lun●. quic quid novi agere volunt, ipsamque Lunam Imperatorem magnum appellant, eamque deprecantes genua flectunt. Omnes, qui moranturin stationibus suis, Lustrationis ritus oportet per ignem purificari. Quae scilicet purificatio fit hoc modo. Duos quidem ignes faciunt, & duas hastas juxta eos, unamque cordam in summitate hastarum ponunt. Ligantque super cordam illam quasdam de Bucaramo scissiones, sub qua scilicet corda & ligaturis inter illos ignes transeunt homines, ac bestiae ac stationes. Sunt etiam duae mulieres, una hinc, & alia inde aquam proijcientes, ac quaedam carmina recitantes. Caeterum si aliquis à fulgure occiditur, oportet praedicto modo per ignes transire omnes illos, qui in illis stationibus morantur. Statio siquidem ac lectus & currus, filtra & vestes, & quicquid talium habent, à nullo tanguntur, sed ab hominibus tanquam immundarespuuntur. Et ut breviter dicam, omnia purificari credunt perignem. Ignis supe●stitios● effi●a●tas. unde quando veniunt ad eos nuncij, vel Principes, aut qualescunque personae, oportet ipsos & munera sua per duos ignes, ut purificentur, transire, ne fortè veneficia fecerint, aut venenum seu aliquid mali attulerint. De initio imperij sive Principatus eorum. Cap. 8. Tartariae populi. TErra quidem illa Orientalis, de qua dictum est suprà, quae Mongal nominatur, quatuor quondam habuisse populos memoratur. unus eorum Yeka Mongal, id est, magni Mongali vocabantur. Secundus Sumongal, id est, aquatici Mongali, qui seipsos appellabant Tartaros, à quodam flwio per eorum terram current, qui Tartar nominatur. Tertius appellabatur Merkat. Quartus verò Metrit. Omnes unam personarum formam & unam linguam habebant hi populi, quamuis inter se per Principes ac provincias essent divisi. In terra Yeka Mongal quidam fuit, qui vocabatur Chingis. Chingis ortus & ●e● ge●tae. Iste coepit robustus venator esse: didicit enim homines, ●urari, & praedam capere. Ad alias ter●as ibat, & quoscunque poterat, captivabat, sibique associabat. Homines quoque suae gentis inclinavit ad se, qui tanquam Ducem sequebantur ipsum ad malè agendum. Coepit autem pugnare cum Sumongal, sive cum Tartaris, & Ducem eorum interfecit, multoque bello sibi Tartaros omnes subiecit, & in servitutem redegit. Post hec cum istis omnibus contra Merkatas, juxta terram positos Tartarorum pugnavit, quos etiam bello sibi subiecit. Ind procedens contra Metritas pugnam exercuit, & illos etiam obtinuit. Audientes Naymani, Nayma●●●l●●●ra cap. 25. quòd Chingis taliter elevatus eslet, indignati sunt. Ipsi enim habuerant Imp●tatorem strenuum valdè, cui dabant tributum cuncte nationes praedictae. Qui ●ùm esset mortuus, Fra●●es discordantes oppressi. filij eius successerunt loco ipsius. Sed quia inuenes ac stultierant, populum tenere nesciebant, sed ad invicem divisi ac scissi erant. unde Chingi praedicto modoiam exaltato, nihil ominus in terras praedictas faciebant insultum, & habitatores occidebant, ac di●ipiebant praedam eorum. Quod audiens Chingis, omnes sibi subiectos congregavit. Naymani & Karaky●ay ex adverso similiter in quandam vallem strictam convenerunt, & commissum est praelium, in quo Naymani & Karakytay à Mongalis devictisunt. Qui etiam pro maiori part occisi fuerunt, & alij, qui evadere non potuerunt, in servitutem redacti sunt. In terra praedictorum Karakytaorum Occoday Chamlet, Occoday Cham. filius Chingischam, postquam imperator fuit positus, quandam civitatem aedificavit, quam Chanyl appellavit. Prope quam ad Meridiem est quoddam desertum magnum, in quo pro certo syluestres homines habitare dicuntur, Homines syluestres. qui nullatenus loquuntur, neoluncturas in cruribus habent, & si quando cadunt, per se surgere non valent. Sed tamen discretionem tantam habent, quòd filtra de lana Camelorum, quibus vestiuntur, faciunt & contra ventum ponunt. Et si quando Tartari per gentes ad eos vulnerant eos sagittis, gram●na in vulneribus ponunt, & fortiter ante ipsos fugiunt. De mutua victoria ipsorum & Kythaorum. Cap. 9 MOngali autem in terram suam revertentes, se contra * Hay●●on●●●aulo Ve●e●● sunt Cathay. Kythaos ad praelium paraverunt, & castra moventes, eorum terram intraverunt. Quod audiens eorum Impera●or, venit cum exercitu suo contra illos, & commissum est prelium durum, in quo Mongali sunt devicti, Tartar●um Cathayna clades● omnesque nobiles eorum, qui erant in exercitu, praeter septem occisi sunt. unde c●m illis volentibus aliquam impugnare regionem, minatur aliquis stragem● adhuc respondent: Olim etiam occisi non nisi septem remansimus, & tamen modò cremmus in multitudinem magnam, ideoque non terremur de ●alibus. Chingis autem & alij, qui remanserunt, in terram suam fugerunt. Cumque quie●s●et aliquantulum, praeparavit se rursus ad praelium, & processit contra terram Huyrorum. Isti sunt homines Christiani de secta Nestorianorum. Et hos etiam Mongali devicerunt, Novae victory. eorumque literam acceperunt; prius enim scripturam non habebant, Literae. nunc autem eandem Mongalorum literam appellant. Ind contra terram Saruyur, & con●ra terram Karanitarum, & contra terram Hudirat processit, quos omnes bello devicit. Ind in terram suam redijt, & aliquantulum quievit. Deinde convocatis omnibus hominibus suis, contra Kythaos pariter processerunt, diuque contra illos pugn●ntes, magnam partem terrae illorum vicerunt, eorumque Imperatorem in civitatem suam maiorem concluserunt. Quam & tam longo tempore ob●ederunt, quod exercitus expensae omninò defecerunt. Cumque iam quod manducarent● penitus non haberent, precipit Chingischam suis, ut de decem hominibus unum ad manducandum darent. Illi verò de civitate machinis & sagittis viriliter contra istos pugnabant, & cùm deficerent lapides, Argentum loco lapidum in hostem pro●ectum. argentum & maximè liq●e●actum proijciebant. Civitas siquidem illa multis erat divitijs plena. Cumque diu Mongali pugnassent, & eam bello vincere non possent, unam magnam sub terra viam ab exercitu usque ad medium civitatis fecerunt, & prosiliens●es in medium eius, contra cives pugnaucrunt. Illi quoque, qui extra remanserant, eodem modo contra illos pugnabant. Denique conciden●es por●as civitatis intraverunt, & imperatorem cum pluribus occidentes urbem possederunt, aurumque & argentum, & omnes eius divitias abstulerunt. Et cùm illi terre ●uos homines praefecissent, in terrar propriam reversi sunt. Tun● primum Imperatore Kythaorum devicto, factus est Chingischam imperator. Chingis salutatur Imperator. Quandam tamen partem illius terrae, quia posita erat in mari, nullatenus devicerunt usque hody. Sunt autem Kytai homines pagani, habentes literam specialem, & etiam, ut dicitur, Cathaynorum ●lterae & religio. veteris & novi Testamenti scripturam. Habent etiam vitas patrum & eremitas & domos, in quibus orant temporibus suis, ad modum Ecclesiarum factas. Quosdam etiam sanctos habere se dicunt, & unum Deum colunt. Chris●um JESUM Dominum venerantur, & credunt vitam a ternam, sed non baptizant●r. Scripturam nostram honorant ac reverentur. Christianos diligunt, & eleemosynas plures faciunt, homines benigni satis & humani videntur. Barbam non habent, & in dispositione faci●i cum Mongalis in part concordant. Opificiorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Meliores a trifices in mundo non inveniuntur in omnibus operibus, in quibus homines exercentur. Terra eorum est opulenta nimis in f●umento & vino, au●o & serico acrebus caete●is. De pugna ipsorum contra Indiam minorem & maiorem. Cap. 10. cum autem Mongali cum Imperatore suo Chingischam post prefatam victoriam aliquantulum quievissent, exercitus suos diviserunt. Imperator siquidem unum de filijs suis nomine Thosur, quem etiam Cancrone, ●d est, Imperatorem appellabant, cum exercitu contra Comanos misit, Thossut Can, Chingis F. quos ille multo bello devicit, & postmodum in terram suam redijt. Alium verò filium cum exercitu contra Indos misit, qui & minorem Indiam subiecit. Hi sunt nigri Sarraceni, India minor debella●●. qui AEthipes sunt vocati. Hic autem exercitus ad pugnam contra Christianos qui sunt in India maiori, Regi● maioris Indiae stratagema. processit. Quod audience Rex illius terrae, qui vulgò * Vide scolion in lib. 1. cap. 51. N● Pauli Ven●i. Presbyter johannes appellatur, contra illos venit exe●citu cong●egato. Et faciens imagines cupreas hominum, unamquanque posuit in sella super equum. Posuit & interius ignem, & hominem cum folle super equum post imaginem. Itaque cum multis equis & imaginibus, taliter praeparatis, ad pugnam contra Mongalos seu Tartaros processerunt. Et cùm ad locum praelij pervenissent, equos istos unum juxta alium premiserunt. Viri autem, qui erant retrò, nescio quid superignem, qui erat intra imagines, posuerunt, & cum follibus fortiter sufflaverunt. unde factum est, ut ex Graeco igne homines & equi comburerentur, & etiam aë● ex fumo denigraretur. Túmque super Tartaros sagittas iecerunt Indi, ex quibus multi vulnera●i fuerunt & interfecti. Victoria. Sicque eiecerunt illos cum magna confusione de suis finibus, nec unquam, quod ad ipsos ultra redierint audivimus. Qualiter ab hominibus caninis repulsi, Burithabethinos vicerunt. Cap. 11. cum autem per deserta redirent, in quandam terram venerunt, in qua, sicut nobis apud Imperatoris curiam per clericos Ruthenos, & alios, qui diu fuerant inter ipsos, firmiter asserendo referebatur, De monstrosis mulier●bus & canibus monstro●a narra●io. monstra quaedam, imaginem foemineam habentia, repererunt. Quas cùm per multos interprete interrogassent, ubi viri terrae illius essent, responderunt, quòd in illa terra quaecunque foemine nascebantur, habebant formam humanam, masculi vero speciem caninam. Dumque moram in terra illa protraherent, Canesin alia flwij part convenerunt. Et cùm esset hyems asperrima omnes se in aquam proiecerunt. Post haec incontinenti sponte in pulverem voluebantur, ¶ Forsan autem videri allegorica allusio possit ad Canibal●s de quibu● Pe●●us Martyr Mediolan● de rebus Oceanicis. sicque pulvis admixtus aque super eos congelabatur, & ut ita pluries secerunt, glacie super eos depressa●a, cum impetu magno contra Tartaros ad pugnam convenerunt. At verò cum illi sagittas super eos iaciebant, ac si super lapides sagittassent, retrò sagittae redibant. Alia quoque arma eorum in nullo eos laedere poterant. Ipsi verò Canes insultum in Tartaros facientes, morsibus vulneraverunt multos, & occiderunt, sicque illos de suis finibus eiecerunt. unde adhuc inter illos est proverbium de hoc facto, quod dicunt ad invicem ridendo: Pater meus vel frater meus à Canibus fuit occisus. Mulieres autem illorum, quas ceperant, ad terram svam duxerunt, & usque ad diem mortis eorum ibidem fuerunt. Cùm autem exercitus ille Mongalorum rediret, venit ad terram Burithabeth, Bu●ithabeth reg●o. cuius habitatores pagani sunt, & hos Tartari bello vicerunt. Hi consuetudinem habent mirabilem, imò potius miserabilem. Cùm enim alicuius pater humanae naturae soluit debitum, In colarum mores congregant omnem parentelam, & come dunt eum. Hi pilos in barba non habent, imò ferrum quoddam in manibus, sicut vidimus, portant, cum quo semper barbam, si forte crinis aliquis in ea crescit, depilant. Multum etiam deformes sunt. Ind verò ille Tartarorum exercitus in terram suam estreversus. Qualiter à montibus Caspijs, & ab hominibus subterraneis repulsi sunt. Cap. 12. Alia Chingis expeditio. CHingischam etiam illo tempore, quo dimisit alios exercitus contra Orientem, per terram Kergis cum expeditione perrexit, quos tamen tunc bello non vicit, & ut nobis dicebatur, ibidem usque ad montes Caspios pervenit. At illi montes in ea part, ad quam applicaverunt, de lapide Adamantino sunt: ideóque sagittas & arma fer●rea illorum ad se traxerunt. Homines autem inter Caspios montes conclusi clamorem exercitus, ut creditur, audientes, montem frangere coeperunt, & cùm alio tempore post decem annos redirent Tartari, montem confractum invenerunt. Cumque ad illos accedere attentassent, minimè potuerunt: quia nubes quedam erat posita ante ipsos, ultra quam ire nullatenus poterant. Omninò quip visum amittebant, statim ut ad illam perveniebant. ¶ Vide an Hamsem regionem dca●: de qua Hay●honus cap. 10. Illi antem ex adverso credentes, quòd Tartari ad illos accedere formidarent, insultum contra eos fecerunt, sed statim ut pervenerunt ad nubem propter causam praedictam, procedere non potuerunt. Ac verò antequam ad montes praedictos pervenirent Tartari, plusquam per mensem per vastam solitudinem transierunt, & inde procedentes adhuc contra Orientem, plusquàm per mensem per magnum desertum perrexerunt. Itaque pervenerunt ad quandam terram, in qua vias quidem ●ritas videbant, sed neminem invenire poterant. Tandem querentes, unum hominem cum uxore sua repererunt, quos in presentiam Chingischam adduxerunt. Qui cùm interrogasset illos, ubi homines illius terrae essent, responderunt, quòd in terra sub montibus habitatent. Troglodytae. Tunc Chingischam retenta uxore, misit ad eos virum illum, mandans illis, ut venirent ad ipsius mandatum. Qui pergens ad illos, omnia narravit, quae Chingischam eye mandavit. Illi verò respondentes dixerunt, quod die talivenirent ad ipsum, ut facerent eius mandatum. Acipsi medio tempore per vias occultas sub terra se congregantes, ad pugnam contra illos venerunt, & subitò super eos irruentes, plurimos occiderunt. Solis quoque sonitus in ortu suo sustinere non poterant, Fabulosus Solis orientis sonitus. imò tempore, quo oriebatur, oportebat eos unam aurem ad terram ponere, & superiorem fortiter ob●urare, ne sonum illum terribilem audirent. Nec sic tamen cavere poterant, quin hac de causa plurimi ex eis interirent. Videns ergo Chingischam & sui, quòd nihil proficerent, sed potius homines suos perderent, fugerunt, ac terra illa exierunt. Illum tamen virum cum uxore sua secum deduxerunt, qui etiam usque ad mortem in terra eorum fuerunt. Interrogati verò, cur in regione sua sub terra soleant habitare, dixerunt, quòd ibi quodam tempore anni, cúm oritur Sol, tantus fit sonitus, ut homines nulla ratione valeant sustinere. Quin etiam tunc in organis & tympanis caeterisque musicis instrumentis percutere solent, ut sonitum illum non audiant. De statutis Chingischam, et morte ipsius, et filijs ac Ducibus. Cap. 13. cum autem de terra illa reverteretur Chingischam, defecerunt eis victualia, famemque patiebantur maximam. Tunc interiora unius bestiae recentia casu invenerunt: quae accipientes, depositis tantum stercoribus, decoxerunt, & coram Chingischam deportata pariter comederunt. Ideoque statuit Chingischam, ut nec ●anguis, nec interiora, nec aliquid de bestia, Chingis l●●. quae manducari potest, proijciatur, exceptis stercoribus. Ind ergò in terram propriam reversus est, ibique leges & statuta edidit, quae Tartari inviolabiliter observant, de quibus scilicet ●am aliàs superiùs dictum est. Post hoc ab ictu tonitrui occisus est. Habuit autem quatuor filios: Interit●● Liberi. Occoday vocabatur primus, Thossut Can secundus, Thiaday tertius, quarti nomen ignoramus. Nepotes. Ab his iiij. descenderunt omnes Duces Mongalorum. Primus filiorum Occoday est Cuyne, qui nunc est Imperator. Huius fratres Cocten & Chyrenen. Ex filijs autem Thossut Can sunt Bathy, Ordu, Siba, Bora. Bathy post Imperatorem omnibus ditior est ac potentior. Ordu verò omnium Ducum senior. Filij Thiaday, sunt Hu●in & Cadan. Filij autem alterius filij Chingischam, cuius ignoramus nomen, sunt, Mengu & Bithat & alij plures. Huius Mengu mater Seroctan est, Domina magna inter Tartaros, excepta Imperatoris matre plus nomina●a, omnibusque potentior, excepto Bathy. Haec autem sunt nomina Ducum: Ordu, Duces. qui ●uit in Polonia, & Hungaria, Bathy quoque & Huryn & Cadan & Syban & Ouygat, qui omnes fuerunt in Hungaria. Sed & Cyrpodan, qui adhuc est ultra mare contra quosdam Soldanos Sarracenorum, & alios habitatores terrae transmarinae, Alij verò remanserunt in terra, scilicet Mengu, Chyrenen, Hubilai, Sinocur, Cara, Gay, Sybedey, Bora, Berca, Corrensa. Alij quoque Duces eorum plures sunt, quorum nomina nobis ignota sunt. De potestate Imperatoris & Ducum eius. Cap. 14. POrrò Imperator eorum, scilicet Tartarorum, super omnes habet mirabile dominium. Imperatoris Ta●tarorum servile in omnes imperium. Nullus enim audet in aliqua morari part, nisi ubi assignaverit ipse. Et ipse quidem assignat Du●ibus ubi maneant. Duces autem loca Millenarijs assignant, Millenarij verò Centenarijs, & Centenarij Decanis. Quicquid autem eis praecipitur, quocunque tempore, quocunque loco, sive ad bellum, sive ad mortem, vel ubicunque, sine ulla obediunt contradictione. Nam etsi petit alicuius filiam virginem, vel sorerem, mox ei sine contradictione exponunt eam, imò frequenter colligit virgines ex omnibus Tartarorum finibus, & si vult aliquas retinere, sibi re●inet, alias verò dat suis hominibus. Nuncios etiam quoscunque & ubicunque transmittat, oportet quòd dent ei sine mora equos & expensas. Similiter undecunque veniant ei tributa vel nuncij, oportet equos & currus & expensas tribui. Ac verò nuncij, qui aliunde veniunt, Inhumanitas erga Legatos. in magna miseria, & victus & vestitus penuria sunt. Maximeque quando veniunt ad Principes, & ibi debent moram contrahere. Tunc adeò parum datur decem hominibus, quòd vix inde possent duo vivere. Insuper & si aliquae illis iniuriae fiunt, minimè conqueri facile possunt. Multa quoque munera tam à principibus quàm à caeteris ab illis petuntur: quae si non dederint, vilipenduntur, & quasi pro nihilo reputantur. Hinc & nos magnam partem rerum, quae nobis pro expensis à fidelibus erant datae, de necessitate oportuit in muneribus dare. Denique sic omnia sunt in manu Imperatoris, quod nemo audet dicere, Hoc meum est velillius, sed omnia, scilicet res & iumenta ac homines, sunt ipsius. Super hoc etiam nuperemanavit statutum eiusdem. Idem quoque per omnia dominium habent Duces super sibi subditos homines. De electione Imperatoris Occoday, & legatione Ducis Bathy. Cap. 15. MOrtuo, ut suprà dictum est, Cyngischam, convenerunt Duces, & elegerunt Occoday, Occoday surrogatur patri. Bathy ●i●sque expeditio. filium eius Imperatorem. Qui habito consilio Principum, divisit exercitus. Misitque Bathy, qui in secundo gradu attingebat eum, contra terram Altissodan & contra terram Bisminorum, qui Sarraceni erant, sed loquebantur Comanicum. Qui terram illorum ingressus, cum eis pugnavit, eosque sibi bello subiecit. Quedam autem civitas, nomine Barchin, Barchin civitas. diu restitit eis. Cives enim in circuitu civitatis foveas multas fecerant, propter quas non poterant à Tartaris capi, donee illas replevissent. Cives autem urbis Sarguit hoc audientes, Sarguit civitas. exierunt obuiam eis, spontè in manus eorum se tradentes. unde civitas eorum destructa non fuit, sed plures eorum occiderunt, & alios transtulerunt, acceptisque spolijs, urbem alijs hominibus repleverunt, & contra civitatem Orna perrexerunt, Haec erat nimium populosa & divitijs copiosa. Orna civitas. Erant enim ibi plu●es Christiani, videlicet Ga●ari & Rutheni, & Alani, & alij nec non & Sarraceni. Eratque Sarracenorum civitatis dominium. Est etiam posi●a super quendam magnum flwium, & est quasi portus, habens forum maximum. Cumque Tartari non possent eos aliter vincere, flwium, qui per urbem currebat, praeciderunt, & illam cum rebus & hominibus submerserunt. Qou facto, contra Russiam perrexerunt, & magnam stragem in ea fecerunt, civitates & castra destruxerunt, & homines occiderunt, Kioviam, Russiae metropolin, diu obsederunt, & tandem ceperunt, ac cives interfecerunt. ¶ Vide Mechovium, lib. 1. ca 3. unde quando per illam terram ibamus, innumerabilia capita & ossa hominum mortuorum, iacentia super campum, inveniebamus. Fuerat enim vibs valdè magna & populosa, nunc quasi ad nihilum est redacta: vix enim domus ibi remanserunt ducente, quarum etiam habitatores tenentur in maxima servitute. Porrò de Russia & de Comania Tartari contra Hungaros & Polonos proces●erunt, ibique plures ex ipsis interfecti fuerunt, & ut iam superius dictum est, si Hungari viriliter restitissent, Tartari ab eis confusi recessissent. Ind revertentes in terram Morduanorum, Morduani. qui sunt Pagani, venerunt, eosque bello vicerunt. Ind contra Byleros, Bulgaria magna. id est, contra Bulgariam magnam profecti sunt, & ipsam omninò destruxerunt. Hungar●a magna. Hinc ad Aquilonem adhuc contra Bastarcos, id est Hungariam magnam processerunt, Parossite. & illos etiam devicerunt. Hinc ampliùs ad Aquilonem pergentes, ad Parossitas venerunt, qui paruos habentes stomachos & os parvum, non manducant, sed carnes decoquunt, quibus decoctis, se super ollam ponunt, & fumum recipiunt, & de hoc ●olo reficiuntur, vel si aliquid manducant, hoc valdè mod● cum est. Hinc & ad Samogeras venerunt, Samogere. qui tantùm de venation●bus ●iuunt, & tabernacula vestesque tantum habent de pellibus bestiarum. Ind ad quandam terram super Oceanum pervenerunt, Monstra aquilona●a. ubi monstra quaedam invenerunt, quae per omnia formam humanam habebant, sed pedes bovinos, & caput quidem humanum, sed faciem ut canis. Duo verba loquebantur ut homines, terriò latrabant ut can●s. Hinc redierunt in Comaniam, & usque nunc ibi morantur ex eis quidam. † De his regionibus Herbersteinius pag. 8. b & 91. b. Paret enim body utraque Moschorum Principi, item de Bulgaria Gu●guinus pag. 106. b. De legatione Cyrpodan Ducis. Cap. 16. Ex●editio Cyrpodanis. EO tempore misit Occoday Can Cyrpodan Ducem cum exercitu ad meridiem contra Xergis, qui & illos bello superavit. Hi homines sunt Pagani, qui pilos in barba non habent. Quorum consuetudo talis est, ut cùm alicuius pater moritur, prae dolore quasi unam corrigiam in signum lamenti ab aure usque autem de facie sua levet. His autem devictis, Dux Cyrpodan contra Armenios ivit ad meridiem cum suis. Qui cùm transirent per deserta quaedam, monstra invenerunt, effigiem humanam habentia, quae non nisi unum brachium cum manu in medio pectoris, & unum pedem habebant, & duo cum uno arcu sagittabant, adeoque fortiter currebant, quòd equi eos inuestigate non poterant. Currebant autem super unum pedem ●ll●m saltando, & cùm essent fatigati, taliter cundo ●bant super manum & pedem, se tanquam in circulo revoluendo. Cumque sic etiam fessi essent, iterum secundùm priorem modum currebant. Hos Isidorus Cyclopedes appellat. Cyclopedes. Et ex eye Tartari non nullos occiderunt. Et sicut nobis à Ruthenis Clericis in curia dicebatur, qui morantur cum Imperatore praedicto, plures ex eis nuncij venerunt in legatione ad curiam Imperatoris, Armenia & Georgia subacta. superiùs annotati, ut possent habere pacem cum il●o. Ind procedentes venerunt in Armeniam, quam bello devicerunt, & etiam Georgiae partem. Alia verò pars venit ad mandatum eorum, & singulis annis dederunt, & adhuc dant ei pro tributo xx. millia Y perperarum. Hinc ad terram Soldani Deurum, potentis & magni, processerunt, cum quo etiam pugnantes, ipsum devicerunt. Denique processerunt ulterius debellando ac vincendo usque ad terram Soldani Halapiae, Soldanus Halapie. & nunc etiam terram obtinent, alias quoque terras ultra illas proponentes impugnare: nec postea reversi sunt in terram suam usque hody. Calipha ●aldac●●sis. Idemque exercitus contra terram Caliphi Baldach perrexit, quam etiam sibi subdidit, & ut CCCC. Byzantios, exceptis Baldekinis caeterisque muneribus, ei qoutidiè pro tributo daret, obtinuit. Sed & quolibet anno mittuot nuncios ad Caliphum, ut ad eos veniar. Qui cum tributo munera magna trasmittens, ut eum supportent, rogat. Ipse autem Imperator Tartarorum munera quidem accipit, & nihilominus ut veniat, pro eo mittit. Qualiter Tartari se habent in praelijs. Cap. 17. Tartarorum m●lita●is disciplina. Ordinavit Chingischam Tartaros per Decanos & centenarios & millenarios. Decem quoque millenarijs praeponunt unum, cunctoque nihilominus exercitui duos aut tres Duces, ita tamen ut ad unum habeant respectum. Cumque in bello contra aliquos congrediuntur, nisi communiter cedant, omnes qui fugiunt, occiduntur. Et si unus aut duo, vel plures ex decem audacter accedunt ad pugnam, alij verò ex illo Denario non sequuntur, simili●er occiduntur. Sed etiam si unus ex decem vel plures capiuntur, socij eorum si non eos liberant, ipsi etiam occiduntur. Porrò arma debent habere talia. Duos arcus vel unum bonum ad minus. Armatu●●. Tresque pharetras sagittis plenas, & unam securim & funes ad machinas trahendas. Divites autem habent gladios in fine acutos, ex una part tan●●m incidentes, & aliquantulum curuos. Habent & equos armatos, crura etiam tecta, galeas & loritas. Verùm loricas & equorum cooperturas quidam habent de corio, super corpus artificiosè duplicato vel etiam triplicato. Galea verò superius est de chalybe, vel de ferro: sed illud, quod in circuitu protegit collum & gulam, est de corio. Quidam autem de ferro habent omnia supradicta, in hunc modum formata. Laminas multas tenues ad unius digiti latitudinem & palmae longitudinem faciunt, & in qualibet octo foramina paruula facientes, interius tres corrigias strictas & fortes ponunt. Sicque laminas, unam alij● quasi per gradus ascendendo, supponunt. Itaque laminas ad corrigias, tenuibus corrigiolis per foramina praedicta immissis, ligant, & in superiori part corrigiolam unam ex utra que part duplicatam cum alia corrigiola consuunt, ut laminae simul benè firmiterque cohaereant. Haec faciunt tam ad cooperturas equorum, quàm adarmaturas hominum. Adeoque faciunt illa lucere, quod in eis potest homo faciem suam videre. Aliqui veròin collo ferri lanceae uncum habent, cum quo de sella, si possunt, hominem detrahant. Sagittarum eorum ferramenta sunt acutissima, ex utraque part quasi gladius biceps incidentia, semperque juxta pharetram porrant limas ad acuendum sagittas. Habent verò scuta de viminibus, aut de virgulis facta. Sed non credimus, quòd ea soleant portare, nisi ad castra & ad custodiam Imperatoris ac principum, & hoc tantùm de nocte. In bellis astutissimi sunt: V●us bell●rum● quia per annos xlij. cum caeteris gentibus dimicârunt. Cùm autem ad flumina pervenerunt, maiores habent rotundum ac leave corium, Mos●●anand● fl●●i●a. in cuius summitate per circuitum ansas crebras facientes, funem imponunt a● stringunt, ita quod in circuitu quasi ventrem efficiunt, quem vestibus ac rebus caeteris replent, fortissimeque ad invicem comprimunt. In medio autem ponunt sellas & alias res doriores: ibi quoque sedent homines. Huiusmodi navim ad equi caudam ligant, & hominem, qui equum regat, pariter natare faciunt; vel habent aliquando duos remos, cum quibus remigant. Equo igitut in aquam impulso, omnes alij equi sequuntur illum, & sic transeunt flwium. Pauperior autem quilibet unam bursam vel saccum de corio be●è consutum habet, in quo res suas omnes imponit, & in summitate fortiter ligatum, ad equi caudam suspendit, sicque modo predicto transit. Qualiter resistendum sit eis. Cap. 18. NVllam aestimo provinciam esse, quae per se possit eye resistere: quia de omni terra potestatis suae solent homines ad bellum congregare. Et siquidem vicina provincia non vult eye opem ferre, quam impugnant, delentes illam, cum hominibus, quos ex illa capiunt, contra aliam pugnant. Et illos quidem in acie primos ponunt, & si malè pugnant, ipsos occidunt. 〈◊〉 de bello contra Tartaros gerendo. Itaque si Christiani eye resistere volunt, oportet quòd Principes ac rectores te●rarum in unum conveniant, ac de communi consilio cis resistant. Habeanique pugnatores arcus sortes & balistas, quas multùm timent, sagittasque sufficientes, dolabrum quoque de bono ferio, vel securim cum manubrio longo. Ferramenta verò sagittarum more Tartarorum, quando sunt calida, Ferri temperamentum. temperare debent in aqua, cum sale mixta, ut fortia sint ad penetrandum illorum arma. Gladios etiam & lanceas cum uncis habeant, qui volunt, ad detrahendum illos de sella, de qua facillimè cadunt. Habeant & galeas & arma caetera, ad protegendum corpus & equum ab armis & sagittis eorum, & si qui non ita sunt armati, debent more illorum post alios ire, & contra ipsos arcubus vel balistis traijcere. Et sicut dictum est suprà de Tartaris, debent acies suas ordinare, ac legem pugnantibus imponere. Quicunque conversus fuerit ad praedamante victoriam, maximam debet poenam subire: talis enim apud illos occiditur absque miseratione. Locus ad praelium, si ●ieripotest, eligendus est planus, ut undique possint videre, nec omnes debent in unum convenire, sed acies multas & divisas, nectamen nimis distantes ab invicem, facere. Contra illos, qui primò veniunt, debent unam aciem mittere, & alia parata sit ad iwandum illam opportuno tempore. Habeant & speculatores ex omni part, qui videant, quando veniunt acies ceterae. Nam ideò semper debent aciem contra aciem, ut ei occurrant, mittere, quoniam illi semper nituntur adversarios in medio concludere. Hoc autem acies caveant, nesi etiam illi fugere videantur, diu post illos currant, ne fortè, sicut facere solent, ipsos ad paratas insidias trahant: quia plus fraudulentia quàm fortitudine pugnant. Et iterum ne fatigentur equi eorum: quia nostri multitudinem non habent equorum. Tartari verò quos equitant die una, non ascendunt tribus diebus, vel quatuor postea, Praeterea si cedunt Tartari, non ideò debent nostri recedere, vel ab invicem separari: quoniam hoc simulando faciunt, ut exercitus dividatus, & sic ad ter●ae destructionem liberè ingrediantur. Caeterùm Duces nostri die noctúque facere debent exercitum custo diri: nec iacere spoliati, sed semper ad pugnam parati: quia Tartari qua si Daemones semper vigilant, excogitantes artem nocendi. Porrò si aliqui Tartarorum in bello de suis equis proijciuntur, statim capiendi sunt, quia quando sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, & equos hominesque vulnerant. De itinere Fratris johannis de Plano carpini usque ad primam custodiam Tartarorum. Cap. 19 NOs igitur ex mandato sedis Apostolicae cùm itemus ad Orientis nationes, elegimus prius ad Tartaros proficisci: quia timebamus, ne perillos in proximo Ecclesiae Dei periculum immineret. Itinerarium joann. & sociorum legatorum. Itaque pergétes, ad regem Boëmorun pervenimus: qui cum esset nobis familiaris, consuluit, ut pet Poloniam & Russiam iter ageremus. Habebat enim consanguineos in Polonia, quorum auxilio Russiam intrare possemus. Datisque literis & bono conductu, secit & expensas nobis dari per curias & civitates eius, Bolesi●●s Dux S●lesiae. quo usque ad Ducem Slesiae Bolezlaum, nepotem eius, veniremus, qui etiam erat nobis familia●is & notus. Hinc & ipse nobis similiter secit, donec veniremus ad Conradum, Ducem * Nazi●ia. Lautifciae, ad quem tunc, Dei gratia nobisfavente, venerat Dominus Wasilico, Dux Russiae, à quo etiam plenius de facto audivimus Tartarorum: quia nuncios illuc miserat, qui iam redierant ad ipsum. Audito autem, quòd oporteret nos illis munera dare, quasdam pelles castorum & aliorum animalium fecimus emi, de hoc, quod datum nobis fuerat in eleemosynam ad subsidium viae. Quod agnoscentes Dux Conradus & * Grimis●●u●, 〈◊〉 Math: 〈◊〉 lib. 1. cap. 9 Ducissa Cracoviae, & Episcopus & quidam milites, plures etiam nobis dederunt huiusmodi pelles. Denique Dux Wasilico à Duce Cracoviae, & Episcopo atque Baronibus pro nobis attentè rogatus, secum nos in terram suam duxit, & ut aliquantulum quiesceremus, aliquot diebus nos in expensis suis detinuit. Et cùm rogatus à nobis, feciffet Episcopos suos venire, legimus eis literas Domini Papae, Litere Pape ad ●us●o●. monentis●cos, ad sanctae matris Ecclesie unitatem redire. Ad idem quoque nos ipsi monuimus eos, & induximus, quantum potuimus, tam Ducem quàm Episcopos & alios. Daniel, frater Basilij. Sed quia Dux Daniel, frater Wasiliconis praedicti, praesens non erat, quoniam ad Baty profectus erat, non potuerunt eo tempore finaliter respondere. Post haec Dux Wasilico transmisit nos usque in Kioviam metropolin Russiae, cum seruiente uno. Ibamus ramen in periculo capitis semper propter Lituanos, Lituani. qui saepè faciebant insultum super terram Russiae, & in illis maximè locis, per quos debebamus transire. At per praedictum seruientem eramus securi à Ruthenis, quorum etiam maxima pars occisa vel captivata erat à Tartaris. Porrò in Danilone usque ad mortem tunc infirmati fuimus. Nihilominus tamen in vehiculo per nivem & frigus magnum trahi nos fecimus. Cùm ergò Kioviam pervenimus, habuimus de via nostra consilium cum millenario ac caeteris ibidem nobilibus. Qui responderunt nobis, quòd si duceremus equos illos, Pabulum equor●m Tartaric. quos tunc habebamus, ad Tartaros, cùm essent magnae nives, morerentur omnes: quia nescirent herbam fodere sub nive, sicut equi faciunt Tartarorum, nec inveniri posset aliquod pro eis ad manducandum, cùm Tartari nec stramina nec foenum habeant, nec pabulum. Itaque decrevimus eos illic dimittere cum duobus pueris, deputatis eorum cu●todiae. Ideoque nos oportuit millenario dare munera, ut ipsum haberemus propitium, ad dandum nobis equos subductitios & conductum. Secundo igitur die post festum Purificationis cepto itinere, venimus ad villam Canovae, que sub Tartaris erat immediatè. Cuius praesectus nobis dedit equos & conductum usque ad aliam, in qua reperimus praefectum Micheam, Michea● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. omni malitia plenum. Qui tamen acceptis à nobis muneribus secundum velle suum, duxit nos usque ad primam custodiam Tartarorum. Qualiter primô cum socijs suis receptus est à Tartaris. Cap. 20. cum ergo in prima sexta seria post diem cinerum, Sole ad occasum tendente, hospitaremur, Tartari super nos armati horribiliter irruerunt, quaerentes cuiusmodi homines essemus: cumque respondissemus, quòd Domini Papae nuncij essemus, quibusdam cibarijs à nobis acceptis, continuó discesserunt. Porrò mane facto, cùm surgentes aliquantulum processissemus, maiores illorum, qui erant in custodia, nobis occurrerunt, interrogantes, cur ad eos veniremus? & quid negotij haberemus? Papae Christianorum pater & Dominus. Quibus respondimus, Domini Papae nuncij sumus, qui Christianorum pater est ac Dominus. Hic nos id circò tam ad Regem quàm ad Principes, omnesque Tartaros, mittit, quia placet ei, quòd omnes Christiani Tartarorun sint amici, & pacem habeant cum ipsis. Desiderat insuper, ut apud Deum in coelo sint magni, Legationis mandata. & idcircò monet eos tam per nos quàm per literas suas, ut efficiantur Christiam, fidemque recipiant Domini nostri jesu Christi, quia non possunt aliter salvari. Mandat praetereà, quòd miratur de tanta occisione hominum, & maximè Christianorum, ac potissimè Hungarorum, Montanorum, & Polonorum, qui sunt ei subiecti, facta per Tartaros, cùm in nullo lesissent, aut lae dere attentassent eos. Et quia Dominus Deus graviter est super hoc offensus, monet eos, ut à talibus de caetero caveant, & de commissis poe●itentiam agant. Super his etiam ●ogar, ut ei rescribant, quid facere velint de caetetero, & quae sit eorum intentio. Quibus auditis, & intellectis, dixe●unt Tartari, Cor●ensa. se velle equos nobis subductitios usque ad Corrensam & ducatum praebere. Statimque munera petierunt, & à nobis acceperunt. Equis igitur acceptis, de quibus descenderant ipsi, cum eorum ducatu ad Corrensam arripuimus iter eundi. Ipsi tamen velociter equitantes, nuncium unum praemiserunt ad praefatum Ducem cum his verbis, que dixeramus eisdem. D●x limitis occidentalis. Est autem Dux iste Dominus omnium, qui positi sunt in custodia contra omnes Occidentis populos, ne fortè subitò & improvisò irruant aliqui super illos. Et iste dicitur habere sexaginta millia hominum armatorum sub se. Qualiter recepti sunt apud Corrensam. Cap. 21. cum ergò pervenissemus ad eius curiam, fecit nobis longè à se poni stationem, Mos salut●ndi Tartari●os ●roceres. & misit ad nos procuratores suos, ut quaererent à nobis, cum quo ei vellemus inclinare, id est, quae ei munera inclinando vellemus offerre. Quibus respondimus, quòd Dominus Papa non mittebat aliqua munera; quia non erat certus, quòd ad illos pervenire postemus, & insuper veneramus per loca valdè periculosa. Veruntamen in quantum de his, quae habeban●us ex gratia Dei & Domini Papae ad victum nostrum, sicut poterimus, honorabimus ipsum. Acceptisque muneribus duxerunt nos ad ordam sive tentorium ipsius, & instructi fuimus, ut ante ostium stationis ter cum sinistro genu inclinaremus, & caveremus attentè, ne pedem super limen ostij pone●emus. Et postquam intravimus, oportuit nos coram Duce omnibusque maioribus, qui ad hoc erant vocati, dicere slexis genibus ea, quae dixeramus superiùs. Literas etiam Dom. Pape obtulimus: sed interpres, quem de Kyovia, dato pretio, duxeramus, non erat sufficiens ad interpretandum, nec aliquis alius habebatur idoneus. Hinc equi nobis dati sunt, & tres Tartari, qui nos ducerent festinanter ad ducem Bathy. Ba●h● el●●sque pote●●ia. Ipse est apud eos potentior excepto Imperatore, cui tenentur pre cunctis principibus obedire. Itaque iter ar●ipuimus secunda feria post primam dominicam ‖ Quadregesimae. xl. & equitando, quantum equi trotare poterant, quoniam habebamus equos recentes serè ter aut quater omni die, properabamus de mane usque ad noctem, imò etiam de nocte saepissimè, nec tamen ante quartam feriam maioris hebdomadae potuimus ad ipsum pervenire. Ibamus autem per terram Comanorum, Comania. quae tota est plana, & flumina quatuor habet magna. Primum appellatur * Veteribus ●●●rysthenes. Neper, juxta quod ex part Russiae ambulabat Correnza & Montij, qui maior est illo ex altera part per campestria. Secundum appellatur * Ta●●u. Don, super quod ambulat quidam Princeps, habens in coniugio sororem Baty, qui vocatur Ti●bon. Tertium dicitur * Rha. Volga, quod est magnum valdè, super quod incedit Bathy. Quartum nominatur * Rhymnus. jacc, super quod duo millenarij vadunt, unus ex part fluminis una, & alte● ex altera. Hi omnes in hyeme ad mare descendunt, & in aestate super ripam eo●undem fluminum ad montes ascendunt. Hoc est mare magnum, Pontus Euxinus. de quo brachium sancti Georgij exit, quod in Constantinopolin vadit. Haec autem flumina sunt piscibus valdè plena, maximè Volga, intrantque mare Graeciae, quod dicitur Magnum mare. Volga non intrat. Super Nepre autem multis diebus ivimus per glaciem. Super littora quoque maris Graeciae satis periculosè per glaciem ivimus in pluribus locis multis diebus. Congelantur enim circa littora undae ad tres leucas inseriùs. Prius autem quàm ad Bathy perveniremus, duo ex nostris Tartaris praecesserunt, ad indicandum ei omnia verba, quae apud Corrensam dixeramus. Qualiter recepti sunt apud Bathy magnum Principem. Cap. 22. POrrò cùm in finibus terrae Comanorum ad Bathy perveniremus, benèpositi fuimus per unam leucam à stationibus eius. Cumque duci debuimus ad curiam ipsius, dictum fuit nobis, Ceremonia per ●uos 〈◊〉 transcundi. quòd inter duos ignes transire deberemus. Nos autem hoc nulla ratione facere volebamus. At illi dixerunt nobis: Ite securè, quia pro nulla causa volumus hoc facere, nisi tantùm, ut si vos aliquid malum cogitatis Domino nostro, vel portatis venenum, ignis auferat omne malum. Quibus respondimus: quod propter hoc, ne de tali re suspectos redderemus nos, transiremus. Cùm igitur ad Ordam pervenissemus, interrogatiá pocuratore ipsius Eldegay, Eldegay. cum quo inclinare vellemus? idem quod prius apud Corrensam respondimus, datisque muneribus & acceptis, audius evam itineris cau●●s, introduxerunt nos in stationem Principis, prius facta inclinatione, & audita de limine non calcando, sicut prius, admonitione. Bathy audit lega●o●. Ingressi autem flexis genibus, verba nostra proposuimus, deinde literas obtulimus, & ut nobis darentur interprete and transferendum eas, rogavimus. Qui etiam in die Paras●eue dati fuerunt nobis, & eas in litera Ruthenica, Sar●acenica & in Tartarica diligenter cum ipsis transtulimus. Haec interpretatio Bathy praesentata ●uit: quam & legit, & artentè notavit. Tandem ad nostram stationem reducti fuimus, sed nulla cibaria nobis dederunt, nisi semel aliquantulum millij in una scutella, scilicet in prima nocte quando venimus. Is●e Bathy magnificè se gerit, Gerit se regi●ic●. habens ostiarios & omnes officiales ad modum Imperatoris, & sedet in eminenti loco velut in th●ono cum una de uxoribus suis. Alij verò tam fratres sui & filij, quàm alij maiores inferiùs sedent in medio super bancum, & homines caeteri post eos in terra deorsum, sed viri à dextris, & foeminae à sinistris. Tentoria quoque de panno lineo habet pulchra & magna satis, quae fuerunt Hungariae regis. Nec aliquis ad eius tentorium audet accedere praeter familiam, nisi vocatus, quantumcunque sit potens & magnus, nisi fortè sciatur, quòd sit voluntas ipsius. Nos etiam dicta causa sedimus à sinistris: Sic etenim & omnes nuncij faciunt in eundo: sed in redeundo ab Imperatore, semper ponebamur à dextris. In medio ponitur mensa ●ius prope ostium stationis, super quam apponi●ur potus in aureis & argenteis vasis. Eiusdem bibendi ad Symphoniae cantum mos. Nec unquam bibit Bathy, vel aliquis Tartarorum Princeps, maximè quando in publico sunt, nisi cantetur civel cytharizetur. Et cùm equitat, semper portatur solinum, vel tentoriolum super caput eius in hasta. Sicque faciunt cuncti maiores Principes Tartarorum, Authoritas. & etiam vxo●es eorum. Idem verò Bathy satis est hominibus suis benignus, valdè tamen ab eis timetur, & in pugna est crudelissimus, sagax est multum & astutissimus in bello: quia iam pugnavit tempore longo. Qualiter recedentes à Bathy per terram Comanorum & Kangittarum transierunt. Cap. 23. Legati iubentur ad Cuyne Imperat. pe●ge●e. IN die porrò Sabbathi sancti ad stationem fuimus vocati, & exivit ad nos procurator Bathy praedictus, dic●ns ex part ipsius, quòd ad Imperatorem Cuyne in terram ipsorum iremus, retentis quibusdam ex nostris sub hac specie, quòd vellent eos remittere ad Dominum Papam, quibus & literas dedimus de omnibus factis nostris, quas deferrent eidem. Sed cùm red●issent usque ad Montij Ducem supradictum, ibi retenti fuerunt usque ad reditum nostrum. Nos autem in die Pasche officio dicto, & facta comestione qualicunque cum duobus Tartaris, qui nobis apud Corrensam fuerant assignati, cum raultis lacrymis recessimus, nescientes utrum ad mortem vel vitam pergeremus. Eramus tamen ●ta infirmi corpore, quòd vix poteramus equitare. In tota siquidem illa quadragesima fuerat cibus noster millium cum aqua & sale tantùm, & in alijs similiter diebus ieiuniorum. Nec habebamus aliquid ad bibendum preter nivem in caldario liquefactam. Ibamus autem per Comaniam equitando fortissimè, quoniam habebamus equos recentes quinquies aut pluries in die, nisi quando per deserta ibamus, & tunc equos meliores atque fortiores, qui possent continuum sustinere laborem, accipiebamus. Et hoc ab ineunte quadragesima usque ad octo dies post Pascha. Comaniae descriptio. Haec terra Comania ab Aquilone immediatè post Russiam habet Morduynos, Byleros, id est, magnam Bulgariam, Bastarcos, id est, magnam Hungariam, post Bastarcos, Parositas & Samogetas. Post Samogetas, illos, qui dicuntur habere faciem caninam in Oceani lictoribus desertis. Oceanus septen●●ionalis. A meridie habet Alanos, Circassos, Gazaros, Graeciam & Constantinopolin, ac terram ●berorum, Cathos, Brutachios, qui dicuntur esse judaei, caput radentes per to●ùm, terram quoque Cithorum atque Georgianorum & Armeniorum & Turcorum. Ab occidente autem Hungariam habet atque Russiam. Et est Comania terra maxima & longa. Cuius populos, scilicet Comanos, Tartari occiderunt, quidam tamen à facie eorum fugerunt, & quidam in eorum servitutem redacti sunt. Plurimi autem ex eis, qui fugerunt, ad ipsos redierunt. Te●●a Kangittarum. Post haec intravimus terram Kangittarum, quae magnam habet in plutimis locis penuriam aquarum, in qua etiam homines pauci morantur propter aquae defectum. unde homines jeroslai, Ducis Russiae, jeroslaus, Dux Russiae. cùm ad ipsum in terram Tartarorum per rexerunt, plures eorum in illo deserto prae siti mortui sunt. In hac etiam terra & in Comania multa invenimus capita & ossa mortuorum hominum, super terram iacentia tanquam sterquilinium. Per hanc itaque terram ivimus ab octo d●ebus post Pascha ferè usque ad Ascensionem Dominicam. Huiusque habitatores Pagani erant, & ●am ipsi quàm Comani non laborabant, sed tantùm de animalibus vivebant, ne● domos aedificabant, sed in tabernaculis habitabant. Istos etiam Tartari deleverunt, & habitabant in terris eorum, illique quiremanserunt, redacti sunt in servitutem ipsorum. Qualiter ad primam Imperatoris futuri curiam devenerunt. Cap. 24. POrrò de terra Kangittarum intravimus terram Biserminorum, Terra Biserminorum. qui loquuntur lingua Comanica, sed legem tenent Sarracenorum. In hac etiam terra invenimus urbes innumeras cum castris dirutas, villasquemultas desertas. Huius Dominus dicebatur Altisoldanus, Altisoldanus. qui cum tota sua progeny à Tartaris est destructus. Habet autem haec terra montes maximos. Montes maxim●. Et à meridie quidem habet Jerusalem & Baldach, totamque Sarracenorum terram. Atque in finibus illis propinquis morantur duo fratres carnales, Tartarorum Duces, scilicet Burin & Cadan, Burin. Cadan. filij Thiaday, qui fuit filius Chingischam. Ab Aquilone verò terram habet nigrorum Kythaorum & Oceanum. Oceanus ab Aqu●lone. In illa verò moratur Syban, frater Bathy. Syban, frater Bathy. Per hanc ivimus à festo Ascensionis dominicae ferè usque ad viij. dies ante festum sanct. johan. Baptistae. Deindein ingressi sumus terram nigrotum Kythaorum, Nigr● Cathayni. in qua Imperator aedificavit domum, ubi e●iam vocati fuimus ad bibendum. Et ille, qui erat ibidem ex part imperatoris, fecit maiores civitatis, & etiam duos filios eius, plaudere coram nobis. Hinc exeuntes, quoddam ma●e parvum invenimus, Marè parvum. in cuius littore quidam existit mons parvus. In quo scilicet monte quoddam foramen esse dicitur, unde in hyeme tam maxime tempestates ventorum exeunt, quòd homines inde vix & cum magno periculo transire possunt. In aestate verò semper quidem ibi ventorum sonitus auditur, sed de foramine te●u●ter egreditur. Per huius maris littora plurimis diebus perreximus, Plurimis diebus. quod quidem licet non multum sit magnum, plures insulas habet, Plures insule. & illud in sinistris dimisimus. In terra verò illa habitat Ordu, Ordu. cap. 13. quem omnium Ducum Tartarorum antiquiorem diximus, & est orda, sive curia patris ipsius, quam inhabitat, & regis una de uxoribus eius. Consuetudo enim est apud Tartaros, quòd principum & maiorum curiae non delentur, sed semper ordinantur aliquae mulieres, quae illas regant, eísque donariorum partes, sicut Dominis earum dari solebant, dantur. Sic tandem ad primam Imperatoris curiam venimus, Prima curia Imperatoris. in qua erat una de uxoribus ipsius. Qualiter ad ipsum Cuyne, Imperatorem futurum pervenerunt. Cap● 25. AT verò quia nondum Imperatorem videramus, noluerunt vocare nos, nec intromittere ad Ordam ipsius, sed nobis in tentorio nostro secundum morem Tartar orum valdè benè serui●i fecerunt, & ut quiesceremus, nos ibidem per unam diem tenuerunt. Ind procedentes in vigilia sanctorum Petri & Pauli, terram Naymanorum intravimus, Terra Naymanorum. qui sunt Pagani. In ipsa verò die Apostolorum ibidem cecidit magna nix, & habuimus magnum frigus. Haec quidem terra mon●uosa & frigida est supra modum, ibique de planicie reperitur modicum. Istae quoque duae nationes praedictae non laborabant, sed sicut & Tartari in tentorijs habitabant, quas & ipsi deleverant. per hanc etiam multis diebus perreximus. Deinde terram Mongalorum intravimus, quos Tartaros appellamus. Tartary. Per has itaque terras, ut credimus, tribus septimanis equitando fortiter ivimus, & in die Beatae Mariae Magdalenae ad Cuyne Imperatorem electum pervenimus. julij 22. Ideò autem per omnem viam istam valdè festinavimus, quia praeceptum erat Tartaris nostris, Acceleratum l●gatorum iter. ut citò nos deducerent ad curiam solennem, iam ex annis pluribus indictam, propteripsius Imperatoris electionem. Ideircò de mane surgentes, ibamus usque ad noctem sine comestione, & saepius tam tardè veniebamus, quòd non comedebamus in sero, sed quod manducare debebamus in vespere, dabatur nobis in mane. Mutatisque frequentius equis, nullatenus parcebatur eis, sed equitabamus velociter ac sine intermissione, quantum poterant equi trotare. Qualiter Cuyne Fratres Minores suscepit. Cap. 26. cum autem pervenimus ad Cuyne, Cuyne in legatos benignitas. fecit nobis dari tentorium & expensas, quales Tartaris dare solent, nobis tamen melius quàm alijs nuncijs faciebant. Ad ipsum autem vocati non fuimus, eo quòd nondum electus erat, nec adhuc de imperio se intromittebat. Interpretatio tamen literarum Domini Papae, ac verba etiam à nobis dicta, à praedicto Baty erant ei mandata. Cùm ergo stetissemus ibi per quinque vel sex dies, ad matrem suam nos transmisit, ubi adunabatur curia solennis. Et cùm venissemus illuc, tam extensum erat tentorium magnum, Tentorium regium. de alba purpura praeparatum, eratque tam grand nostro judicio, quòd plusquam duo millia hominum poterant esse sub illo. Et in circuitu factum erat ligneum tabulatum varijs imaginibus depictum. Illuc ergò perreximus cum Tartaris, nobis ad custodiam assignatis, ibique conue●erant omnes duces, & unusquisque cum hominibus suis equitabat in circuitu per planiciem & colles. Comitia. In prima die vestiti sunt omnes purpuris albis, in secunda verò rubeis. Et tunc venit Cuyne ad tentorium illud. Porrò tertia die fuerunt omnes in blaveis purpuris, & quarta in optimis Baldakinis. In illo autem tabulato juxta tentorium erant duae maiores portae, per quarum unam solus Imperator debebat intrare, & ad illam nulla erat custodia, quamuis esset aperta, quia peillam nullus aude bat ingredi vel exire: per aliam omnes, qui admittebantur, intrabant, & ad illam custodes cum gladijs & arcubus & sagittis erant. Itaque si quis tentorio propinquabat ultra terminos, qui positi erant, si capiebatur, verberabatur, si sugiebat, sagitta sive ferro sagittabatur. Multique ibi erant, qui in fraenis, pectoralibus, sellis & huiusmodi, judicio nostro, auri circiter viginti marcas habebant. Sic Duce sinfra tentorium colloquebantur, & de Imperatoris electione tractabant, ut à nobis creditur. Alius autem universus populus longè extra tabulatum collocabatur, & ita ferè usque ad meridiem morabantur. Tunc incipicbant lac iumentinum bibere, & usque ad vesperas tantum bibebant, quod erat visu mirabile. Symposium procerum. Nos autem vocaverunt interius, & dederunt nobis cerevisiam: quia iumentinum lac non bib●bamus. Et hoc quidem nobis pro magno fecerunt honore: sed tamen nos compellebant ad bibendum, quod nullatenus poteramus propter consuetudinem sustinere. unde ostendimus eis, hoc esse nobis grave, ideoque nos cessaverunt compellere. Foris autem erat Dux jeroslaus de Susdal Russiae, jeroslaus Dux Russiae. Legati diue● sarum nationum. pluresque Duces Kythaorum & Solangorum. Duo quoque filij regis Georgiae, nuncius etiam Caliphi de Baldach, qui erat Soldanus, & plus quam decem alij Soldani Sarracenorum, ut credimus. Et sicut nobis à procuratoribus dicebatur, erant ibi nunciorum plus quàm quatuor millia, inter illos, qui tributa portabant, & illos, qui deferebant munera, & Soldanos ac Duces alios, qui ad tradendum seipsos veniebant, & illos, pro quibus ipsi miserant, illosque, qui terrarum praesecti erant. Hi omnes simul extra tabulatum ponebantur, eisque simul bibere praebebatur. Nobis autem & Duci jerozlao ferè semper ab eis dabatur superior locus, quando cum eis eramus exterius. Qualiter in imperium sublimatus fuit. Cap. 27. Imperij Cuynae primitiae. ET quidem, si benè meminimus, ibidem per septimanas circiter quatuor ●uimus. Credimusque quòd ibi fuit electio celebrata, non tamen ibidem fuit publicata. Propter hoc autem id maximè credebatur, quia semper, quando Cuyne tentorio exibat, eidem cantabatur, & cum virgis speciosis, in summitate lanam coccincam habentibus, inclinabatur, quod alteri Ducum nulli fiebat, quousque exterius morabatur. Hec autem statio sive Curia nominatur ab eye Syra orda. Syra orda. Hinc exeuntes, unanimiter omnes equitavimus per tres aut quatuor leucas ad alium locum, ubi erat in quadam pulchra planicie juxta riwm inter montes aliud tentorium, quod apud ipsos appellatur Orda aurea, Aurea orda. praeparatum. Ibi enim Cuyne debeba● poni in sede in die Assumptionis Dominae nostrae. Sed propter grandinem nimiam, quae tunc, ut suprà dictum est, cecidit, res dilata fuit. Augus●i 15. Eratque tentorium in columnis positum, quae laminis aureis erant tectae, & clavis aureis cum alijs lignis sixae. Porrò de Balda kino erat tectum superius, sed alij erant panni exterius. Fuimus autem ibi usque ad festum Beati Bartholomaei, in quo maxima multitudo convenit, pieces solennes. & contra meridiem versis vultibus stetit. Et quidam adiactum lapidis longè à caeteris erant, semperque orationes faciendo, ac genua flectendo, contra meridiem longius, & longius procedebant. Nos autem utrum incantationes facerent, aut genua Deo vel alteri flecterent, nescientes, nolebamus facere genu flexiones. Cumque diu ita fecissent, ad tentorium reversi sunt, & Cuyne in sede imperiali posuerunt, Ducesque coram eo genua flexerunt. Post hoc idem fecit universus populus, exceptis nobis, qui eis subditi non eramus. De aetate ac moribus ac sigillo ipsius. Cap. 28. Cuynae aetas & morer. HIc autem Imperator quando sublimatus est in regnum, videbatur esse circiter xl. vel xlv. annorum. Mediocris erat statutae, prudens valde, nimis astutus multumque seriolus, & gravis in moribus. Nec unquam videbat eum homo de facili ridere, vel aliquam levitatem facere, sicut dicebant Christiani, qui cum ipso morabantur continuè. Dicebant etiam nobis asserendo firmiter Christiani, qui erant de familia eius, quòd deberet fieri Christianus. Cuius signum erat, quod ipse Clericos Christianos tenebat, Studium Christianismi. & expensas eye dabat. Habebat etiam semper capellam Christianorum ante maius tentorium suum, ubi cantant Clerici publicè & apertè, ac pulsant ad horas, ut ceteri Christiani secundùm mores Grecorum, quantacunque sit ibi multitudo Tartarorum, veletiam aliorum hominum. Hoc tamen non faciunt alij Duces ipsorum. Est auntem mos Imperatorisipsius, Maiestas. ut nunquam ore proprio loquatur cum extraneo, quantumcunque magnus sit, sed audit & respondet perinterpositam personam, & quandocunque negotium proponunt, vel Imperatoris responsionem audiunt illi, qui sub eo sunt, quantum cunque sint magni, slexis genibus usque ad finem verborum persistunt. Nec alicui de consuetudine super aliquo negotio loqui licitum est, postquam ab Imperatore definitum est. Habet autem Impera●or praedictus procuratorem & protonotarios, atque scriptores, omnesque officiales in negotijs tam publicis quàm privatis, exceptis Aduocatis. Potestas exlex †. Nam sine litium vel iudiciorum strepitu secundum arbitrium Imperatoris omnia fiunt. Alij quoqu● Principes Tartarorum de his, quae ad illos pertinent, idem faciunt. Hoc autem noverint universi, quia nobis tunc existentibus in solenni curia, iam ex pluribus annis indicta, idem Cuyne Imperator, de novo electus, cum omnibus suis Principibus erexit vexillum contra Ecclesiam Dei, ac Romanum Imperium, Bellum in Christianós cogitatum. & contra omnia regna Christianorum & populos Occidentis, nisi fortasse, quod absit, facerent ea, quae mandabat Domino Papae, atque potentibus, & omnibus Christianorum populis, videlicet ut ipsi subdantur eis. Nam excepta Christianitate, nulla est terra in orb, quam timeant, & idcirco contra nos ad pugnam se praeparant. Huius siquidem Imperatoris pater, scilicet Occoday, necatus fuerat veneno, & ob hoc à bellis quieverant tempore pauco. Intencio autem eorum, ut dictum est suprà, est, sibi totum subijcere mundum, sicut à Chingischam habent mandatum. unde & ipse Imperator in literis suisita scribis: Dei fortitudo, omnium h●minum Imperator. In superscriptione quoque sigilli eius est hoc: Deus in coelo, & Cuyne Cham super terram, Dei fortitudo: omnium hominum Imperatoris sigillum. † Contrà Xenophon: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Et praeclarè Aristoteles Politic. lib. 3. cap. 12. in hanc sententiam: Qui legem praesse vult, is velle videtur Deum ac leges imperare: qui autem vult hominem, is etiam belluam adiungit, cùm praesertim tale quid sit cupiditas & iracundia: & magistratus & optimus quisque à recta usa detorqueantur etc. add quae è Chrysipppo adducuntur ff. li. 1. tit. 3. l. 2. De admissione Fratrum & nunciorum ad Imperatorem. Cap. 29. INloco illo, ubi positus est Imperator in throno, vocati fuimus coram ipso. Cuyne audit legaron. Cumque Chingay protonotarius eius nomina nostra scripsisset, illorunque à quibus missi eramus, & Ducis Solangorum & aliorum, clamavit alta voce, recitans illa coram Imperatore ac Ducum universitate. Quo facto, flexit unusquisque nostrum quater genu sinistrum, & monuerunt, ne tangeremus limen deorsum. Cumque pro cultellis nos diligentissimè scrutati fuissent, & nullatenus invenissent, intravimus ostium ab Orientali part: quia nullus ab Occidente, nisi solus imperator, audet intrare. Similiter & Dux ab illa part ingreditur solus, siest tentorium eius. Minores autem non multum curant de talibus. Tunc ergò primum in eius prae●entia suam intravimus stationem, videlicet postquam factus est Imperator ibidem. Omnes quoque nuncij tunc ab eo recepti sunt, sed paucissimi tentorium eius intraverunt. Ibi verò tanta donaria ab ipsis nuncijs fuerunt ei praesentata, Munera eidem oblata. quòd quasi videbantur infinita, videlicet in samitis ac purpureis & baldakinis ac cingul●s sericis cum auro praeparatis, pellibus etiam nobilibus, ceterisque muneribus. Quoddam etiam Solinum, sive tentoriolum, quod super caput Imperatoris portatur, fuit eidem praesentatum, quod totum erat cum gemmis praeparatum. Quidam verò praefectus unius provinciae adduxit ei Camelos multos cum Baldakinis tectos. Similiter sellae positae cum instrumentis quibusdam erant, in quibus homines interius sedere valebant. Equos etiam multos & mulos adducebant eidem phaleratos & armatos, quosdam quidem de corio, & quosdam de ●erro. Nos etiam requisiti fuimus, an ei munera dare vellemus: sed iam facultas non erat, quoniam omnia ferè nostra consumpseramus. Currus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibidem longè à stationibus super montem erant positi curtus plusquam quingenti, qui omnes auro & argento ac sericis vestibus erant pleni. Cunctique inter imperatorem & Duces divisi fuerunt, singulique Duces inter homines suos partes suas, ut eis placuit, diviserunt. De loco divisionis Imperatoris & matris suae, & morte jeroslai, Ducis Russiae. INde recedentes, venimus ad alium locum, ubi tentorium mirabile, totum de purpura rufa, Tentorium pu●pureum. quod Kitay dederant, erat positum. Illic interius introducti suimus, & semper cùm intrabamus nobis dabatur ad bibendum cerevisia vel vinum, & etiam carnes coctae, si volebamus, ad edendum. Erátque solariolum vuum, de tabulis altè praeparatum, Solium eburnum. ubi thronus Imperatoris erat positus, exebore mirabiliter sculptus, in quo etiam erat aurum, & lapides preciosi, si benè meminimus, & illuc ascendebatur per gradus. Erátque rotundum superius. Banci vero erant positi in circuitu sedis, ubi dominae sedebant à part sinistra in scamnis, à dextris autem nemo sedebat superius, sed Duces sedebant in Bancis inferius, & hoc in medio. Alij verò ●edebant post eos, & quolibet die veniebat dominarum maxima multitudo. Ista verò tria tentoria, de quibus suprà diximus, erant valdè magna, aliaque habebant uxores eius de filtro albo satis magna & pulchra. Ibidem Imperator divisus est à matre fua, quae ivit in unam terrae partem, & Imperator in aliam ad judicia facienda. Capta siquidem erat amica Imperatoris istius, quae veneno interfecerat patrem eius, eo tempore, quo exercitus eorum in Hungaria fuit. Propter quod etiam exercitus eorum, Nex Occoday vin●icata. jeroslaus D●x ●u●●i●. qui erat in partibus illis, recessir. De qua cum alijs pluribus factum fuit judicium, & occisi fuerunt. Eodem tempore mortuus fuit jerozlaus. Dux magnus Soldal, quae est quaedam Russiae pars. Vocatus enim ad matrem Imperatoris quasi pro honore, ut manducaret ac biberet de manu ipsius, in continenti ad hospitium est reversus, infirmatusque mortuus est post septem dies, totúm que corpus eius miro modo glaucum effectum est, dicebaturque ab omnibus, quod ibidem, ut terram eius liberè ac plenariè possiderent, fuisset impotionatus. Qualiter tandem Fratres ad Imperatorem accedentes, literas dederunt & acceperunt. Cap. 31. Cuune cum legatis dissimulanter agit. DEnique Tartari nostri nos ad Imperatorem duxerunt: qui cùm audisset per illos, nos ad eum venisse, jussit nos ad matrem redire. Volebat enim secundo die, sicut superi●s dictum est, contra totam Occidentis terram vexillum erigere, quod nos volebat ignorare. Itaque reuer●i stetimus paucis diebus, & iterum ad ipsum reversi sumus. Cum quo benè per mensem fuimus in tanta fame ac si●i, quòd vix vivere poteramus. Nam expensae, quae nobis pro diebus quatuor dabantur, vix uni sufficiebant. Nec invenire poteramus aliquid ad emendum, quia forum erat nimis remotum. Cofmas Russus. Sed Dominus nobis quendam Ruthenum, nomine Cosmam, aurifabrum praeparavit, qui satis dilectus Imperatori, nos in aliquo sustentavit. Et hic nobis ostendit thronum Imperatoris, quem ipse fecerat, antequam poneretur in sede, & sigillum eiusdem, Chingay internuncius. quod etiam fabricaverat ipse. Post hoc Imperator pro nobis misit, nobisque per Chingay protonotarium suum dici fecit, ut verba nostra & negotia scriberemus, eique porrigeremus. Quod & fecimus. Post plures dies nos iterum vocari fecit, & utrum essent apud Dominum Papam, qui Ruthenorum vel Sarracenorum, aut etiam Tartarorum literam intelligerent, interroganit. Cui respondimus, quòd nullam istarum literarum habebamus. Sarraceni tamen erant in terra, sed remoti erant à Domino Papa. Diximus tamen, quia nobis expedire videbatur, Prudens de lite●is consilium. quòd in Tartarico scriberent, & nobis interpretarentur, nos autem in litera nostra diligenter scriberemus, & tam literam quàm interpretationem ad Dominum Papam de ferremus. Tunc à nobis recesserunt, & ad Imperatorem iverunt. Porrò à die Beati Martini fuimus vocati. Tunc Kadae, totius imperij procurator, & Chingay & Bala, pluresque scriptores ad nos venerunt, nobisque literam de verbo ad verbum interpretati fuerunt. Et cùm in Latina litera scripsissemus, faciebant sibi per singulas orationes interpretari, volentes scire, si nos in aliquo verbo erraremus. Cùm igitur ambae literae fuissent scriptae, fecerunt nos semel ac secundo legere, ne fortè minus aliquid haberemus. Dixerunt enim nobis, videte, quòd omnia benè intelligatis, quia non expediret, quòd non omnia benè intelligeretis. Literas etiam in Sarracenico scripserunt, ut aliquis in partibus nostris inveniri posset, qui eas, si opus esset, legere●. Qualiter licentiati fuerunt. Cap. 32. VT autem nobis Tartari nostri dixerunt, proposuit Imperator nuncios suos nobiscum mittere. Volebat tamen, ut credimus, quod nos id ab eo peteremus. Sed cùm unus de Tartaris nostris, qui senior erat, nos ad hoc petendum hortaretur, nobis quidem, ut venirent, nequaquam bonum videbatur. Ideoque respondimus ei, quòd non erat nostrum petere, Legati abhorrent a Tartarorum and Christianos legatione. sed si sponte ipse Imperator mitteret eos, libenter eos securè conduceremus, Domino adiwante. Nobis autem ob plures causas ut venirent, non videbatur expedire. Prima quidem fuit, quia timuimus, ne visis dissentionibus aut guerris, quae fiunt inter nos, magis animarentur ad veniendum contra nos. Secunda fuit, timebamus eos exploratores terrae fieri. Tertia verò, quia timebamus eos interfici. Gentes enim nostrae arrogantes sunt & superbae. unde quando seruientes, qui ftant nobiscum, ex rogatu Cardinalis, legati scilicet Alemanniae, in habitu Tartarico ibant ad ipsum, in via ferè lapidati sunt à Teutonicis, & coacti sunt deponere habitum illum. Consuetudo autem est Tartarorum, ut cum illis, qui nuncios eorum occiderint, nunquam faciant pacem, nisi sumant de ipsis ultionem. Quarta etiam causa fuit, quia timebamus ne nobis aufen entur vi. Quinta verò causa erat, quia de adventu eorum nulla foret utilitas, cum nullum haberent aliud mandatum vel potestatem, nisi quòd literas Imperatoris ad Dominum Papam & ad Principes deferrent, quas videlicet literas ipsi nos habebamus, & malum ex eorum aduen●u posse contingere credebamus. Itaque tertia die post hoc, scilicet in festo beati Briccij nobis dederunt licentiam & literam, novemb. 13. Honorantur commeatu & lauti●. Imperatoris sigillo munitam, mittentes nos ad ipsius Imperatoris matrem, que unicuique nostrum de dit pelliceum unum de pellibus vulpinis, quod habebat pilos de foris, & purpuram unam. De quibus Tartari nostri furati sunt ex unaquaque unum passum. De illa quoque quae dabatur seruienti, meliorem medietatem sunt furati. Quod nos quidem non ignoravimus, sed inde verba movere noluimus. Qualiter ab illo itinere redierunt. Cap. 33. TVnc iter ad revertendum arripuimus, ac per totam hyemem venimus, iacentes in desertis saepiùs in nive, nisi quantum poteramus nobis cum pede locum facere. Difficilis legatorum reditus. Ibi quip non erantarbores, sed planus campus. Et saepe manè nos inveniebamus totos nive, quam ventus pellebat, coopertos. Sic venientes usque ad Ascensionem Domini pervenimus ad Bathy. Bathy. A quo cùm inquireremus, quid responderet Domino Papae, dixit se nolle aliud, nisi quod Imperator diligenter scripserat, demandare. Datisque nobis de conductu literis, ab eo recessimus, & sabbatho infra octavas Pentecoste usque ad Montij pervenimus, ubi erant socij nostri, ac seruientes, qui fuerant retenti, quos ad nos fecimus reduci. Hinc usque Corrensam pervenimus, Corrensa. cui iterum à nobis donaria petenti non dedimus, quia non habebamus. Deditque nobis duos Comanos, qui erant ex Tartarorum plebe, usque ad Kioviam Russiae. Tartarus tamen noster non dimisit nos, donec exi●emus ultimam Tartarorum custodiam. Isti verò alij, qui nobis à Corrensa dati sunt, in sex diebus ab ultima custodia usabque; ad Kioviam nos duxerunt. Venimus autem illuc ante festum Beati johannis baptist xv. diebus. Porrò Kiovienses adventum nostrum percipientes, Junii ●. Gratulationes reducibus factae. Basilius & D●ni●l Principes. occurrerunt nobis omnes laetanter. Congratulabantur enim nobis, tanquam à morte suscitatis. Sic fecerunt nobis per totam Russiam, Poloniam & Bohemiam. Daniel & Wasilico trater eius festum nobis magnum fecerunt, & nos contra voluntatem nostram bene per octo dies tenucrunt. Medioque tempore inter se & cum Episcopis, caeterisque probis viris, super his, quaelocuti sueramus eisdem, in processu nostro ad Tartaros consilium habentes, responderunt nobis communiter, dicentes: quòd Dominum Papam habere vellent in specialem Dominum, Russi agnoscent primatum Papae. & in patrem, sanctam quoque Romanam Ecclesiam in dominam & magistram, confirmantes etiam omnia, quae priùs de hac materia per Abbatem suum transmiserant. Et super hoc etiam nobiscum ad Dominum Papam nuncios suos & literas transmiserunt. The voyage of johannes de Plano Carpini unto the North-east parts of the world, in the year of our Lord, 1246. Of the first sending of certain Friars Predicants and Minorites unto the Tartars, taken out of the 32. Book of Vincentius Belaucensis his Speculum Historiale: beginning at the second Chapter. ABout this time also. Pope Innocentius the fourth sent friar Ascelline being o●e of the order of the Praedicants, Ascellinu●. together with three other Friars (of the same authority whereunto they were called) consorted with him out of divers Covens of their order, with letters Apostolical unto the Tartars camp: wherein he exhorted them to give over their bloody slaughter of mankind, and to receive the Christian faith. And I, in very deed, received the relations concerning the deeds of the Tartars only, (which, according to the congruence of times, I have above inserted into this my work) from a Friar Minorite, called Simon de Sanct. Quintin, who lately returned from the same voyage. Simon Quinctnianus. john de plano Carpini. And at that very time also, there was a certain other Friar Minorite, namely Friar john de Plano Carpini, sent with certain associates unto the Tartars, who likewise (as himself witnesseth) abode and conversed with them a year and three months at the lest. For both he & one Friar Benedict a Polonian being of the same order, Benedictus Polonian. and a partaker of all his misery and tribulation, received strait commandment from the Pope, that both of them should diligently search out all things that concerned the state of the Tartars. And therefore this Friar john hath written a little History (which is come to our hands) such things, as with his own eyes he saw among the Tartars, or which he herded from divers Christians worthy of credit, remaining there in captivity. Out of which history I thought good by way of conclusion, to insert somewhat for the supply of those things which are wanting in the said Friar Simon. Of the situation and quality of the Tartars land, By johannes de Plano Carpini. Chap. 3. A description of Tartary. THere is towards the East a land which is called Mongal or Tartary, lying in that part of the world which is thought to be most North Easterly. On the East part it hath the country of Kythay and of the people called Solangi: on the South part the country of the Saracens: on the South east the land of the Huini: and on the West the province of Na●mani: but on the North side it is environed with the Ocean Sea. The North Ocean. In some part thereof it is full of mountains, and in other places plain and smooth ground, but every where sandy and barren, neither is the hundredth part thereof fruitful. For it cannot bear fruit unless it be moistened with river waters, which be very rare in that country. Whereupon they have neither villages, nor cities among them, except one which is called Cracurim, and is said to be a proper town. We ourselves saw not this town, but were almost within half a days journey thereof, when we remained at Syra Orda, Syra Orda. which is the great court of their Emperor. And albeit the foresaid land is otherwise unfruitful, yet is it very commodious for the bringing up of cattle. In certain places thereof are some small store of trees growing, but otherwise it is altogether destitute of woods. Therefore the Emperor, and his noble men and all other warm themselves, and dress their meat with fires made of the dung of oxen, and horses. The air also in that country is very intemperate. The intemperature of the air. For in the midst of Summer there be great thunders and lightnings, by the which many men are slain, and at the same time there falls great abundance of snow. There be also such mighty tempests of cold wi●des, that sometimes men are not able to sit on the horseback. Whereupon, being near unto the Orda (for by this name they call the habitatious of their Emperors and noble men) What Orda signifieth. in regard of the great wind we were constrained to lie greveling on the earth, and could not see by reason of the dust. There is never any rain in Winter, but only in Summer, albeit in so little quantity, that sometimes it scarcely sufficeth to alloy the dust, or to moisten the roots of the grass. There is often times great store of hail also. Insomuch that when the Emperor elect was to be placed in his Imperial throne (myself being then present) there fallen such abundance of hail, that, upon the sudden melting thereof, more than 160. people were drowned in the same place: there were many tents and other things also carried away. Likewise, in the Summer season there is on the sudden extreme heat, and suddenly again intolerable cold. Of their form, habit, and manner of living. Chap. 4. The shape of the Tartars. THe Mongals or Tartars, in outward shape, are unlike to all other people. For they are broader between the eyes, and the balls of their cheeks, than men of other nations be. They have flat and small noses, little eyes, and eye lids standing straight upright, they are shaven on the crowns like priests. They wear their hair somewhat longer about their ears, then upon their foreheads: but behind they let it grow long like woman's hair, whereof they braid two locks binding each of them behind either ear. They have short feet also. The garments, Their habit. as well of their men, as of their women are all of one fashion. They use neither cloaks, hats, nor caps. But they wear jackets framed after a strange manner, of buckram, scarlet, or Baldakines. Their shoubes or gowns are hairy on the outside, and open behind, Like unto Frobishers' men. with tails hanging down to their hams. They use not to wash their garments, neither will in any wise suffer them to be washed, especially in the time of thunder. Their habitations be round and cunningly made with wickers and staves in manner of a tent. Their tabernacles. But in the midst of the tops thereof, they have a window open to convey the light in and the smoke out. For their fire is always in the midst. Their walls be covered with felt. Their doors are made of felt also. Some of these Tabernacles may quickly be taken asunder, and set together again, and are carried upon beasts backs. Other some cannot be taken infunder, but are stowed upon carts. And whithersoever they go, be it either to war, or to any other place, they transport their tabernacles with them. They are very rich in cattle, as in camels, oxen, sheep, and goats. Their cattle. And I think they have more horses and mares than all the world besides. But they have no cows nor other beasts. Their Emperors, Dukes, & other of their nobles do abound with silk, gold, silver, and precious stones. Their victuals are all things that may be eaten: for we see some of them eat louse. Their victuals. They drink milk in great quantity, but especially mare's milk, if they have it: They seethe Mill also in water, making it so thin, that they may drink thereof. Every one of them drinks off a cupful or two in a morning, and sometime they eat naught else all the day long. But in the evening each man hath a little flesh given him to eat, and they drink the broth thereof. Howbeit in summer time, when they have mares milk enough, they seldom eat flesh, unless perhaps it be given them, or they take some beast or bird in hunting. Of their manners both good and bad. Chap. 5. THeir manners are partly praiseworthy, and partly detestable: For they are more obedient unto their lords and masters, Their obedience than any other either clergy or laie-people in the whole world. For they do highly reverence them, and will deceive them, neither in words nor deeds. They seldom or never fall out among themselves, and, as for fighting or brawling, wounds or manslaughters, they never happen among them. There are neither thieves nor robbers of great riches to be found, Their abstinence. and therefore the tabernacles and carts of them that have any treasures are not strengthened with locks or bars. If any beast go astray, the finder thereof either let's it go, or driveth it to them that are put in office for the same purpose, at whose hands the owner of the said beast demandeth it, and without any difficulty receiveth it again. One of them honoureth another exceedingly, Their courtesy. and bestoweth banquets very familiarly and liberallly, notwithstanding that good victuals are dainty and scarce among them. They are also very hardy, and when they have fasted a day or two without any manner of sustenance, they sing and are merry as if they had eaten their bellies full. In riding, they endure much cold and and extreme heat. There be, in a manner, no contentions among them, and although they use commonly to be drunken, yet do they not quarrel in their drunkenness. No one of them despiseth another but helpeth and furthereth him, as much as conveniently he can. Their women are chaste, Their chastity. neither is there so much as a word uttered concerning their dishonesty. Some of them will notwithstanding speak filthy and immodest words. But towards other people, the said Tartars be most insolent, Their insoleritie against strangers. and they scorn and set naught by all other noble and and ignoble people whatsoever. For we see in the emperors court the great duke of Russia, the king's son of Georgia, and many great Soldans receiving no due honour and estimation among them. So that even the very Tartars assigned to give attendance unto them, were they never so base, would always go before them, and take the upper hand of them, yea, and sometimes would constrain them to sit behind their backs. Moreover they are angry and of a disdainful nature unto other people, and beyond all measure deceitful, and treacherous towards them. They speak fair in the beginning, but in conclusion, they sting like scorpions. For crafty they are, and full of falsehood, circumventing all men whom they are able, by their sleights. Whatsoever mischief they intend to practise against a man, they keep it wonderfully secret, so that he may by no means provide for himself, nor found a remedy against their conspiracies. They are unmannerly also and uncleanly in taking their meat and their drink, and in other actions. Drunkenness is honourable among them, and when any of them hath taken more drink than his stomach can well bear, he casts it up and falls to drinking again. They are most intolerable exacters, most covetous possessors, and most niggardly givers. The slaughter of other people is accounted a matter of nothing with them. Of their laws and customs. Chap 6. Moreover, they have this law or custom, that whatsoever man or woman be manifestly taken in adultery, Punishments of adultery. they are punished with death. A virgin likewise that hath committed fornication, they stay together with her mate. Whosoever be taken in robbery or theft, Of theft. is put to death without all pity. Also, if any man disclose their secrets, especially in time of war, Of secrets disclosed. he receiveth an hundredth blows on the back with a bastinado, laid on by a tall fellow. In like sort when any inferiors offend inought, they find no favour at their superiors hands, but are punished with grievous stripes. They are joined in matrimony to all in general, yea, Laws of matrimony. even to their near kinsfolks except their mother, daughter and sister by the mother's side. For they use to marry their sister by the father's side only, and also the wife of their father after his decease. The younger brother also, or some other of his kindred, is bond to marry the wife of his elder brother deceased. Andrea's duke of Russia. For, at the time of our abode in the country, a certain duke of Russia named Andrea's, was accused before duke Baty for conveying the Tartars horses out of the land, and for selling them to others: and although it could not be proved, yet was he put to death. His younger brother and the wife of the party deceased hearing this, came & made their supplication unto the forenamed duke, that the dukedom of Russia might not be taken from them. But he commanded the youth to marry his deceased brother's wife, and the woman also to take him unto her husband, according to the custom of the Tartars. She answered, that she had rather die, than so heinously transgress the law. Howbeit, he delivered her unto him, although they both refused as much as they could. Wherefore carrying them to bed, they constrained the youth, lamenting and weeping, to lie down and commit incest with his brother's wife. To be short, after the death of their husbands, the Tartars wives use very seldom to marry the second time, unless perhaps some man takes his brother's wife or his stepmother in marriage. They make no difference between the son of their wife and of their concubine, but the father gives what he pleaseth unto each one: For of late the king of Georgia having two sons, one lawfully begotten called Melich; but the other David, Melich & David two brothers. born in adultery, at his death left part of his land unto his base son. Hereupon Melich (unto whom the kingdom fallen by right of his mother, because it was governed before time by women) went unto the Emperor of the Tartars, David also having taken his journey unto him. Now both of them coming to the court and proffering large gifts, the son of the harlot made suit, that he might have justice, according to the custom of the Tartars. Well, sentence passed against Melich, that David being his elder brother, should have superiority over him, and should quietly and peaceably possess the portion of land granted unto him by his father. Whensoever a Bohemian-tartar hath many wives, each one of them hath her family and dwelling place by herself. And sometime the Bohemian-tartar eateth, drinketh and lieth with one, and sometime with another. One is accounted chief among the rest, with whom he is oftener conversant, then with the other. And notwithstanding (as it hath been said) they are many, yet do they seldom fall out among themselves. Of their superstitious traditions. Chap. 7. Ridiculous traditions. BUt by reason of certain traditions, which either they or their predecessors have devised, they account some things indifferent to be faults. One is to thrust a knife into the fire, or any way to touch the fire with a knife, or with their knife to take flesh out of the cauldron, or to hew with an hatchet near unto the fire. For they think by that means to take away the head or force from the fire. Another is to lean upon the whip, wherewith they beat their horses: for they ride not with spurs. Also, to touch arrows with a whip, to take or kill young birds, to strike an horse with the rain of their bridle, and to break one bone against another. Also, to power out milk, meat, or any kind of drink upon the ground, or to make water within their tabernacle: which whosoever doth willingly, he is slain, but otherwise he must pay a great sum of money to the enchanter to be purified. Who likewise must 'cause the tabernacle with all things therein, to pass between two fires. Before it be on this wise purified, no man dare once enter into it, nor convey any thing thereout. Besides, if any man hath a morsel given him, which he is not able to swallow, and for that cause casts it out of his mouth, there is an hole made under his tabernacle, by which he is drawn forth and slain without all compassion. Likewise, whosoever ●reads upon the threshold of any of their duke's tabernacles, he is put to death. Many other things there be, like unto these, which they take for heinous offences. But to slay men, to invade the dominions of other people, and to rifle thei● goods, to transgress the commandments and prohibitions of God, are with them no offences at all. They know nothing concerning eternal life, and everlasting damnation, and yet they think, that after death they shall live in another world, that they shall multiply their cattle, that they shall eat and drink and do other things which living men perform here upon earth. At a new moon, or a full moon, they begin all enterprises that they take in hand, and they call the moon the Great Emperor, The Tartars worship the moon. and worship it upon their knees. All men that abide in their tabernacles must be purified with fire: Which purification is on this wise, They kindle two fires, and pitch two javelines into the ground near unto the said fires, binding a cord to the tops of the javelines. And about the cord they tie certain jags of buckram, Their custom of purifying. under which cord, and between which fires, men, beasts, and tabernacles do pass, There stand two women also, one on the right side, and another on the left casting water, and repeating certain charms. If any man be slain by lightning, all that devil in the same tabernacle with him must pass by fire in manner aforesaid. For their tabernacles, beds, and carts, their feltes and garments, and whatsoever such things they have, are touched by no man, yea, and are abandoned by all men as things unclean. And to be short, they think that all things are to be purged by fire. Therefore, when any ambassadors, princes, or other personages whatsoever come unto them, they and their gifts must pass between two fires to be purified, jest peradventure they have practised some witchcraft, or have brought some poison or other mischief with them. Of the beginning of their empire or government. Chap. 7. THe East country, whereof we have entreated, which is called Mongal, is rep●rted to have had of old time four sorts of people. The people of Tartar●●. One of their companions was called Yeka Mongal, that is the great Mongals. The second company was called Sumongal, that is, the Water-Mongals, who called themselves Tartars of a certain river running through their country named Tartar. The third was called Merkat, and the fourth Metrit. All these people has one and the same person, attire of body and language, albeit they were divided by princes and provinces. In the province of Yeka Mongal, there was a certain man called Chingis. The original & the exploits of Chingis. This man become a mighty hunter. For he learned to steal men, & to take them for a pray. He ranged into other countries taking as many captives as he could, and joining them unto himself. Also he alured the men of his own country unto him, who followed him as their captain and ringleader to do mischief. Then began he to make war upon the Sumongals or Tartars, and slew their captain, and after many conflicts, subdued them unto himself, and brought them all into bondage. Afterwards he used their help to fight against the Merkats, dwelling by the Tartars, whom also he vanquished in battle. Proceeding from thence, he fought against the Metrites, and conquered them also. The Naimani hearing that Chingis was thus exalted, The Naimani. greatly disdeined thereat. For they had a mighty & puissant Emperor, unto whom all the foresaid nations paid tribute. Whose sons, when he was dead, succeeded him in his Empire. Howbeit, being young and foolish, they known not how to govern the people, but were divided, and fallen at variance among themselves. Now Chingis is being exalted, as is aforesaid, they nevertheless invaded the forenamed countries, The discord of brethren. put the inhabitants to the sword, and carried away their goods for a pray. Which Chingis having intelligence of, gathered all his subjects together. The Naimani also, and the people called Karakitay assembled and banded themselves at a certain strait valley, where, after a battle fought they were vanquished by the Mongals. And being thus vanquished, they were, the greater part of them, slain; and others, which could not escape, were carried into captivity. In the land of the foresaid Karakytayans, Occoday Cham, the son of Chingis Chamlet, Occoday Cham. after he was created Emperor, built a certain city, which he called Chanyl. Near unto which city, on the South side, there is an huge desert, wherein wild men are certainly reported to inhabit, which cannot speak at all, and are destitute of joints in their legs, so that if they fall, they cannot rise alone by themselves. Howbeit, they are of discretion to make feltes of Camel's hair, wherewith they cloth themselves, and which they hold against the wind. And if at any time, the Tartars pursuing them, chance to wound them with their arrows, they put herbs into their wounds, and fly strongly before them. Of the mutual victories between them, and the people of Kythay. Chap. 9 BUt the Mongals returning home into their own country, prepared themselves to battle against the Hauthon & Paulus V●netus call them● Cathayans. Kythayans: Which their Emperor hearing, set forward against them with his army, and they fought a cruel battle, wherein the Mongals were overcome, and all their nobles in the army, except seven, were slain. And for this cause, when they, purposing to invade any region, are threatened by the inhabitants thereof to be slain, they do, to this day, answer: in old time also our whole number besides being slain, we remained but seven of us alive, and yet notwithstanding we are now grown unto a great multitude, think not therefore to daunt us with such brags. But Chingis and the residue that remained alive, fled home into their country: And having breathed him a little, he prepared himself to war, and went forth against the people called Huyri: New victories These men were Christians of the sect of Nestorius. And these also the Mongals overcame, and received letters or learning from them: Letters. for before that time they had not the art of writing, and now they call it the hand or letters of the Mongals. Immediately after, he marched against the country of Saruyur, and of the Karanites, and against the land of Hudirat; all which he vanquished. Then returned he home into his own country, and breathed himself. Afterwards, assembling his warlike troops, they marched with one accord against the Kythayans, and waging war with them a long time, they conquered a great part of their land, and shut up their Emperor into his greatest city: which city they had so long time besieged, that they began to want necessary provision for their army. And when they had no victuals to feed upon, Chingis Chamlet commanded his soldiers, that they should eat every tenth man of the company. But th●y of the city taught manfully against them, with engines, darts, and arrows, and when stones wanted they threw silver, and especially melted silver: Silver cast at the enemy instead of stones. for the same city abounded with great riches. Also, when the Mongals had fought a long time and could not prevail by war, they made a great trench underneath the ground from the army unto the midst of the city, and there issuing forth they fought against the citizens, and the remnant also without the walls fought in like manner. At last, breaking open the gates of the city, they entered, and putting the Emperor, with many other to the sword, they took possession thereof and conveyed away the gold, silver, a●d all the riches therein. And having appointed certain deputies over the country, they returned home into their own land. This is the first time, when the Emperor of the Kythayans being vanquished, Chingis Chamlet obtained the Empire. Chingis Chamlet proclaimed Emperor. But some part of the country, because it lieth within the sea, they could by no means conquer unto this day. The men of Kytay are pagan, having a special kind of writing by themselves, Part of Cathay in the sea. and (as it is reported) the Scriptures of the old and new Testament. They have also recorded in histories the lives of their forefathers: and they have Eremites, The letters, & the religion of the Cathayans. and certain houses made after the manner of our Churches, which in those days they greatly resorted unto. They say that they have divers Saints also, and they worship one God. They adore and reverence CHRIST JESUS our Lord, and believe the article of eternal life, but are not baptised. They do also honourably esteem and reverence our Scriptures. They love Christians, and bestow much alms, and are a very courteous and gentle people. They have no beards, and they agreed partly with the Mongals in the disposition of their countenance. In all occupations which men practise, there are not better artificers in the whole world. Their excellent workmanship. Their country is exceeding rich, in corn, wine, gold, silk, and other commodities. Of their war against India mayor and minor. Chap. 10. ANd when the Mongals with their emperor Chingis Chamlet had a while rested themselves after the foresaid victory, they divided their armies. For the Emperor sent one of his sons named Thossut (whom also they called Can, Thossut Can son of Chingis. that is to say, Emperor) with an army against the people of Comania, whom he vanquished with much war, and afterward returned into his own country. But he sent his other son with an army against the Indians, who also subdued India minor. These Indians are the black Saracens, which are also called AEthiopians. But here the army marched forward to fight against Christians dwelling in India maior. India minor subdued. Which the King of that country hearing (who is commonly called Presbyter john) gathered his soldiers together, and came forth against them. And making men's images of copper, he set each of them upon a saddle on horseback, and put fire within them, and placed a man with a pair of bellows on the horse back behind every image. The stratagem of the king of India. And so with many horses and images in such sort furnished, they marched on to fight against the Mongals or Tartars. And coming near unto the place of the battle, they first of all sent those horses in order one after another. But the men that sat behind laid I wot not what upon the fire within the images, and blew strongly with their bellows. Whereupon it came to pass, that the men and the horses were burned with wild fire, and the air was darkened with smoke. Then the Indians cast darts upon the Tartars, of whom many were wounded and slain. And so they expelled them out of their dominions with great confusion, neither did we hear, that ever they returned thither again. How being repelled by monstrous men shapen like dogs, they overcame the people of Burithabeth. Chap. 11. BUt returning through the deserts, they came into a certain country, wherein (as it was reported unto us in the emperors court, by certain clergy men of Russia, and others, who were long time among them, and that by strong and steadfast affirmation) they found certain monsters resembling women: A strange report of certain monstrous women and dogs. who being asked by many interpreters, where the men of that land were, they answered, that whatsoever women were born there, were endued with the shape of mankind, but the males were like unto dogs. And delaying the time, in that country they met with the said dogs on the other side of the river. And in the midst of sharp winter, they cast themselves into the water: Afterwards they wallowed in the dust upon the main land, and so the dust being mingled with water, was frozen to their backs, and having often times so done, the ice being strongly frozen upon them, with great fury they came to fight against the Tartars. And when the Tartars threw their darts, or shot their arrows among them, they rebounded back again. as if they had ●ighted upon stones. And the rest o● their weapons could by no means hurt them. Howbeit, the Dogs made an assault upon the Tartars, and wounding some of them with their teeth, and slaying others, at length they drove them out of their countries. And thereupon they have a Proverb of the same matter, as yet rife among them, which they speak in jesting sort one to another; My father or my brother was slain of Dogs. The women which they took, they brought into their own country, who remained there till their dying day. And in traveling homewards, the said army of the Mongals came unto the land of Burithabeth (the inhabitants whereof are pagan) and conquered the people in battle. The region of Bu●ithabeth. These people have a strange or rather a miserable kind of custom. For when any man's father deceaseth, he assembleth all his kindred, and they eat him. The manners of the people. These men have no beards at all, for we see them carry a certain iron instrument in their hands, wherewith, if any hairs grow upon their chin, they presently pluck them out. They are also very deformed. From thence the Tartars army returned to their own home. How they had the repulse at the Caspian mountains, and were driven back by men dwelling in caves. Chap. 12. Moreover Chingis Chamlet, at the same time when he sent other armies against the East, Another expedition of Chingis, he himself marched with a power into the land of Kergis, which notwithstanding, he conquered not in that expedition, and as it was reported unto us, he went on forward even to the Caspian mountains. But the mountains on that part where they encamped themselves, were of adamant, and therefore they drawn unto them their arrows, and weapons of iron. And certain men contained within those Caspian mountains, hearing, as it was thought, the noise of the army, made a breath through, so that when the Tartars returned unto the same place ten years after, they found the mountain broken. And attempting to go unto them, they could not: for there stood a cloud before them, beyond which they were not able to pass, being deprived of their sight so soon as they approached thereunto. But they on the contrary side thinking that the Tartars dared not come nigh them, gave the assault, & when they came at the cloud, they could not proceed for the cause aforesaid. Also the Tartars, before they came unto the said mountains, passed for the space of a month and more, through a vast wilderness, & departing thence towards the East, they were above a month traveling through another huge desert. At length, they came unto a land wherein they see beaten ways, but could not found any people. Howbeit, at the last, diligently seeking, they found a man & his wife, whom they presented before Chingis Chamlet: and demanding of them where the people of that country were, they answered, that the people inhabited under the ground in mountains. Then Chingis Chamlet keeping still the woman, sent her husband unto them, giving them charge to come at his command. And going unto them, he declared all things that Chingis Cham had commanded them. But they answered, that they would upon such a day visit him, to satisfy his desire. And in the mean season, by blind & hidden passages under the earth, assembling themselves, they came against the Tartars in warlike manner, and suddenly issuing forth, they slew a great number of them. This people were not able to endure the terrible noise, which in that place the Sun made at his uprising: A fabulous narration of the sun rising, for at the time of the Sun rising, they were enforced to lay one eat upon the ground, and to stop the other close, lest they should hear that dreadful sound. Neither could they so escape, for by this means many of them were destroyed. Chingis Chamlet therefore and his company, seeing that they prevailed not, but continually lost some of their number, fled and departed out of that land. But the man and his wife aforesaid they carried along with them, who all their life time continued in the Tartars country. Being demanded why the men of their country do inhabit under the ground, they said, that at a certain time of the year, when the sun rises, there is such an huge noise, that the people cannot endure it. Moreover, they use to play upon cymbals, drums, and other musical instruments, to the end they may not hear that sound. Of the statutes of Chingis Chamlet, of his death, of his sons, and of his dukes. Chap. 13. BUt as Chingis Chamreturned out of that country, his people wanted victuals, & suffered extreme famine. Then by chance they found the fresh entrails of a beast: which they took, & casting away the dung thereof, caused it to be sodden, brought it before Chingis Chamlet, & did eat thereof. The law● of Chingis. And hereupon Chingis Cham enacted; that neither the blood, nor the entrails, nor any other part of a beast which might be eaten, should be cast away, save only the dung. Wherefore he returned thence into his own land, and there he ordained laws and statutes, The death of Chingis. which the Tartars do most strictly and inviolably observe, of the which we have before spoken. He was afterward slain by a thunder clap. He had four sons: His sons. the first was called Occoday, the second Thossut Can, the third Thiaday: the name of the fourth is unknown. From these four descended all the dukes of the Mongals. His graundchildrens. The first son of Occoday is Cuyne, who is now Emperor: his brothers be Cocten and Chyrinen. The sons of Thossut Can are Bathy, Ordu, Siba, and Bora. Bathy, next unto the Emperor, is richer and mightier than all the rest. But Ordu is the signior of all the dukes. The sons of Thiaday be Hurin and Cadan. The sons of Chingis Chamlet his other son, whose name is unknown, are Mengu, Bithar, and certain others. The mother of Mengu was named Seroctan, and of all others most honoured among the Tartars, The Tartarian dukes. except the Emperor's mother, and mightier than any subject except Bathy. These be the names of the dukes: Ordu, who was in Poland and in Hungary: Bathy also & Hurin & Cadan, and Siban, and Ouygat, all which were in Hungary. In like manner Cyrpodan, who is as yet beyond the sea, making war against certain Sultan's of the Saracens, and other inhabitants of far countries. Others remained in the land, as namely Mengu, Chyrinen, Hubilai, Sinocur, Cara, Gay, Sybedey, Bora, Berca, Corrensa. There be many other of their dukes, whose names are unknown unto us. Of the authority of the Emperor, and of his dukes. Chap. 14. The absolute and lordly dominion of the Tartarian Emperor over his subjects. Moreover, the Emperor of the Tartars hath a wonderful dominion over all his subjects. For no man dare abide in any place, unless he hath assigned him to be there. Also he himself appoints to his dukes where they should inhabit. Likewise the dukes assign places unto every millenary, or conductor of a thousand soldiers, the Millenaries unto each captain of an 100 the captains unto every corporal of ten. Whatsoever is given them in charge, whensoever, or wheresoever, be it to fight or to loose their lives, or howsoever it be, they obey without any gainsaying. For if he demandeth any man's daughter, or sister being a virgin, they presently deliver her unto him without all contradiction: yea, oftentimes he makes a collection of virgins throughout all the Tartars dominions, and those whom he means to keep, he retaineth unto himself, others he bestoweth upon his men. Also, whatsoever messenger he sendeth, or whithersoever, his subjects must without delay find them horses and other necessaries. In like sort, from what country soever tribute payers, or ambassadors come unto him, they must have horses, carriages, and expenses allowed them. Notwithstanding ambassadors coming from other places do suffer great misery, and are in much want both of victuals, and of apparel: especially when they come to any of the dukes, and there they are constrained to make some linger abode. Then ten men are allowed so little sustenance, that scarcely two could live thereof. Their barbarous inhumanity towards ambassadors Likewise, if any injuries be offered them, they cannot without danger make complaint. Many gifts also are demanded of them, both by dukes and others, which if they do not bestow, they are basely esteemed, and set at naught. And hereupon, we were of necessity enforced to bestow in gifts a great part of those things which were given us by well disposed people, to defray our charges. To be short, all things are so in the power and possession of the Emperor, that no man dare say, This is mine, or, this is my neighbours; but all, both goods, cattle and men are his own. Concerning this matter also he published a statute of late. The very same authority and jurisdiction, do the dukes in like sort exercise upon their subjects. Of the election of Emperor Occoday, and of the expedition of duke Bathy. Chap. 15. Occoday succeedeth his father. AFter the death of Chingis Chamlet aforesaid, the dukes assembled themselves and those Occoday his son to be their Emperor. And he, entering into consultation with his nobles, divided his armies, and sent duke Bathy his nephew against the country of Altisoldan, The expedition of Bathy. and against the people called Bisermini, who were Saracens, but spoke the language of Comania. The Tartars invading their country, fought with them and subdued them in battle. The city of Barchin. But a certain city called Barchin resisted them a long time. For the citizens had cast up many ditches and trenches about their city, in regard whereof the Tartars could not take it, till they had filled the said ditches. But the citizens of Sarguit hearing this, came forth to meet them, yielding themselves unto them of their own accord. Whereupon their city was not destroyed, but they slew many of them and others they carried away captive, and taking spoils, they filled the city with other inhabitants, and so marched forth against the city of Orna. Orna. This town was very populous and exceeding rich. For there were many Christians therein, as namely Gasarians, Russians, and Alanians, with others, and Saracens also. The government of the city was in the Saracens hand. It standeth upon a mighty river, and is a kind of port town, having a great mart exercised therein. And when the Tartars could not otherwise overcome it, they turned the said river, running through the city, out of his channel, and so drowned the city with the inhabitants and their goods. Which being done, they set forward against Russia, and made foul havoc there, destroying cities and castles and murdering the people. They laid siege a long while unto Kiow the chief city of Russia, and at length they took it and slew the citizens. Whereupon, traveling through that country, we found an innumerable multitude of dead men's skulls and bones lying upon the earth. For it was a very large and a populous city, but it is now in a manner brought to nothing: for there do scarce remain 200. houses, the inhabitants whereof are kept in extreme bondage. Moreover, out of Russia and Comania, they proceeded forward against the Hungarians, and the Polonians, and there many of them were slain, as is aforesaid: and had the Hungarians manfully withstood them, the Tartars had been confounded and driven back. Returning from thence, they invaded the country of the Morduans being pagan, and conquered them in battle. The Morduans. Then they marched against the people called Byleri, or Bulgaria magnan, Bulgaria magna. & utterly wasted the country. From hence they proceeded towards the North against the people called Bastarci or Hungaria magna, Hungaria magna and conquered them also. And so going on further North, they came unto the Parossitae, Parossi●●●. who having little stomachs and small mouths, eat not any thing at all, but seething flesh they stand or sit over the pot, and receiving the steam or smoke thereof, are therewith only nourished, and if they eat any thing it is very little. From hence they came to the Samogete, Samogete. who live only upon hunting, and use to devil in tabernacles only, and to wear garments made of beasts skins. From thence they proceeded unto a country lying upon the Ocean sea, The North ocean. where they found centaine monsters, who in all things resembled the shape of men, saving that their feet were like the feet of an ox, and they had in deed men's heads but dogs faces. Northern monsters. They spoke, as it were, two words like men, but at the third they barked like dogs. From h●nce they retired into Comania, and there some of them remain unto this day. Of the expedition of duke Cyrpodan. Chap. 16. AT the same time Occoday Can sent duke Cyrpodan with an army against Kergis, Kergis. who also subdued them in battle. These men are pagan, having no beards at all. They have a custom when any of their fathers die, for grief and in token of lamentation to draw as it were, a leather thong overthwart their faces, from one ear to the other. This nation being conquered, duke Cyrpodan marched with his forces Southward against the Armenians. And travailing through certain desert places, they found monsters in the shape of men, which had each of them but one arm & one hand growing out of the midst of their breast, and but one foot. Two of them used to shoot in one bow, and they ran so swiftly, that horses could not overtake them. They ran also upon that one foot by hopping and leaping, and being weary of such walking, they went upon their hand and their foot, turning themselves round, as it were in a circle. And being weary of so doing, they ran again according to their wont manner. Isidore calleth them Cyclopedes. Cyclopedes. And as it was told us in court, by the clergy men of Russia, who remain with the foresaid Emperor, many ambassadors were sent from them unto the emperors court, to obtain peace. From thence they proceeded forth into Armenia, which they conquered in battle, and part also of Georgia. Armenia & Geo●gia conquered. And the other part is under their jurisdiction, paying as yet every year unto them for tribute, 20000. pieces of coin called Yperpera. From thence they marched into the dominions of the puissant and mighty Sultan called Deurum, whom also they vanquished in fight. And to be short, they went on farther sacking and conquering, even unto the Sultan of Aleppo his dominions, The Sultan of Aleppo his land and now they have subdued that land also, determining to invade other countries beyond it: neither returned they afterward into their own land unto this day. Likewise the same army marched forward against the Caliph of Baldach his country, The Caliph of Baldach. which they subdued also, & exacted at his hands the daily tribute 400. Byzantines, besides Baldakines and other gifts. Also every year they sand messengers unto the Caliph moving him to come unto them. Who sending back great gifts together with his tribute beseecheth them to be favourable unto him. Howbeit the Tartarian Emperor receiveth all his gifts, & yet still nevertheless sends for him, to have him come. How the Tartars behave themselves in war. Chap. 17. The military discipline of the Ta●ta●s. CHingis Chamlet divided his Tartars by captains of ten, captains of an 100 and captains of a 1000 And over ten Millenaries or captains of a 1000, he placed, as it were, one Colonel, and yet notwithstanding over one whole army he authorised two or three dukes, but yet so that all should have especial regard unto one of the said dukes. And when they join battle against any other nation, unless they do all with one consent give back, every man that fly's is put to death. And if one or two, or more of ten proceed manfully to the battle, but the residue of those ten draw back & follow not the company, they are in like manner slain. Also, if one among ten or more be takend their fellows, if they rescue them not, are punished with death. Moreover they are enjoined to have these weapons following. Their weapons Two long bows or one good one at the lest, three quivers full of arrows, & one axe, and ropes to draw engines withal. But the richer sort have single edged swords, with sharp points, and somewhat crooked. They have also armed horses with their shoulders and breasts defenced, they have helmets and brigandines. Some of them have jacks, and comparisons for their horses made of leather artificially doubled or trebled upon their bodies. The upper part of their helmet is of iron or steel, but that part which compasseth about the neck and the throat is of leather. Howbeit some of them have all their foresaid furniture of iron framed in manner following. They beat out many thin plates a finger broad, and a handful long, and making in every one of them eight little holes, they put thereunto three strong and straight leather thongs. So they join the plates one to another, as it were, ascending by degrees. Then they tie the plates unto the said thongs, with other small and slender thongs, drawn through the holes aforesaid, and in the upper part, on each side thereof, they fasten one small doubled thong unto another, that the plates may firmly be knit together. These they make, as well for their horses comparisons, as for the armour of their men: And they scour them so bright that a man may behold his face in them. Some of them upon the neck of their lance have an hook, wherewithal they attempt to pull men out of their saddles. The heads of their arrows are exceedingly sharp cutting both ways like a two edged sword, and they always carry a file in their quivers to whet their arrowheads. They have targets made of wickers, or of small rods. Howbeit they do not (as we suppose) accustom to carry them, Their experience & cunning in warr●●. but only about the tents, or in the Emperors or dukes guards, & that only in the night season. They are most politic in wars, having been exercised therein with other nations for the space of these 42. years. When they come at any rivers, the chief men of the company have a round and light piece of leather, Their manner of passing over ri●ers. about the borders whereof making many loops, they put a rope into them to draw it together like a purse, and so bring it into the round form of a ball, which leather they fill with th●ir garments and other necessaries, trussing it up most strongly. But upon the midst of the upper part thereof, they lay their saddles and other hard things, there also do the men themselves sit. This their boat they tie unto an horse tail, causing a man to swim before, & to guide over the horse, or sometime they have two oars to row themselves over. The first horse therefore being driven into the water, all the other horses of the company follow him, and so they pass through the river. But the poorer sort of common soldiers have every man his leather bag or satchel well sown together, wherein he packs up all his trinkets, and strongly trussing it up hangs it at his horse's tail, and so passeth over, in manner aforesaid. How they may be resisted. Chap. 18. I Deem not any one kingdom or province able to resist them: because they use to take up soldiers out of every country of their dominions. And if so be the neighbour province which they invade, will not aid them, utterly wasting it, with the inhabitants thereof, whom they take from thence with them, they proceed on to fight against another country. And placing their captives in the forefront of the battle, if they fight not courageously, they put them to the sword. Counsel how to wage war against the Tartars. Wherefore, if Christians would withstand them, it is expedient, that the provinces and governors of countries should agreed in one, and so by common counsel, should give them resistance. Their soldiers also must be furnished with strong hand-bowes & crossbows, which they greatly dread, & with sufficient arrows, with maces also of good iron, or an axe with a long handle or staff. When they make their arrow heads, A notable temper of iron o● ●●eele. they must (according to the Tartars custom) dip them redhot into water mingled with salt, that they may be strong to pierce the enemy's armour. They that will may have swords also & lances with hooks at the ends, to pull them from their saddles, out of which they are easily removed. They must have helmets likewise & other armour to defend themselves & their horses from the Tartars weapons & arrows, & they that are unarmed, must (according to the Tartars custom) match behind their fellows, and discharge at the enemy with long bows and crossbows. And (as it is above said of the Tartars) they must orderly dispose their bands and troops, and ord●ine laws for their soldiers. Whosoever runneth to the pray or spoil, before the victory be achieved, must undergo a most severe punishment. For such a fellow is put to death among the Tartars without all pity or mercy. The place of battle must be choose, if it be possible, in a plain field, where they may see round about, neither must all be in one company, but in many and several bands, not very far distant one from another. They which give the first encounter must send one band before, and must have another in a readiness to relieve and second the former in time convenient. They must have spies also on every side to give them notice when the rest of the enemy's bands approach. For therefore aught they always to s●nd forth band against band & troop against troop, because the Bohemian-tartar ever practiseth to get his enemy in the midst and so to environ him. Let our bands take this caveat also, if the enemy retire, not to make any long pursuit after him, jest peradventure (according to his custom) he might draw them into some secret ambush: for the Tartar ●ights more by policy then by main force. And again, jest our horses be tired: for we are not so well stored with horses as they. Those horses which the Tartars use one day, th●y ride not upon three or four days after. Moreover, if the Tartars draw homeward, our men must not therefore departed and cashier their bands, or separate themselves asunder: because they do this upon policy, namely to have our army divided, that they may more securely invade and waste the country. And in very deed, our captains aught both day and night to keep their army in a readiness: and not to lie out of their armour, but at all assays, to be provided for battle. For the Tartars like devils are always watching and devising how to practise mischief. Furthermore, if in battle any of the Tartars be cast off their horse backs, they must presently be laid hold on and taken, for being on foot they shoot strongly, wounding and kill both horses and men. Of the journey of friar * Johannes de plano Carpini. john unto the first guard of the Tartars. Chap. 19 WE therefore by the commandment of the sea apostolic setting forth towards the nations of the East, chose first to travel unto the Tartars, because we feared that there might be great danger imminent upon the Church of God next unto them, by their invasions. The journey of friar john & his fellow Legates. Proceeding on therefore, we came to the king of Bohemia, who being of our familiar acquaintance, advised us to take our journey through Polonia and Russia. For we had kinsfolks in Polonia, by whose assistance, we might enter into Russia. Having given us his letters, he caused our charges also to be defrayed, in all his chief houses and cities, till we came unto his nephew Boleslaus duke of Slesia, Boleslaus duke of Silesia. who also was familiar and well known unto us. The like favour he showed us also, till we came vuto Conradus duke of * Mazo●a. Lautiscia, unto whom then (by God's especial favour towards us) lord Wasilico duke of Russia was come, from whose mouth we herded more at large c●̄cerning the deeds of the Tartars: for he had sent ambassadors thither, who were returned back unto him. Wherefore, it being given us to understand, that we must bestow gifts upon them, we caused certain skins of bevers and other beasts to be bought with part of that money, which was given upon alms to secure us by the way. Which thing duke Conradus and the * Grimslava. duchess of Cracow, and a bishop, and certain soldiers being advertised of, gave us likewise more of the same skins. And to be short, duke Wasilico being earnestly requested by the duke of Cracow, and by the bishop and barons, on our behalf, conducted us with him, unto his own land, and there for certain days, entertained us at his own charges, to the end that we might refresh ourselves a while. And when, being requested by us, he had caused his bishops to resort unto him, we read before them the Pope's letters, admonishing them to return unto the unity of the Church. To the same purpose also, we ourselves admonished them, and to our ability, induced as well the duke as the bishops and others thereunto. Howbeit because duke Daniel the brother of Wasilico aforesaid (having as then taken his journey unto Baty) was absent, Daniel brother unto Wa●ilico. they could not at that time, make a final answer. After these things duke Wasilico sent us forward with one of his servants as far as Kiow the chief city of Russia. Howbeit we went always in danger of our lives by reason of the Lituanians, who did often invade the borders of Russia, even in those very places by which we were to pass. But in regard of the foresaid servant, we were out of the Russians danger, The L●●beanian● the greatest part of whom were either slain, or carried into captivity by the Tartars. Moreover, at Danilon we were feeble even unto the death. (Notwithstanding we caused ourselves to be carried in a wagon through the snow and extreme cold) And being come unto Kiow, we consulted with the Millenary, & other noble men there concerning our journey. They told us, that if we carried those horses, which we then had, unto the Tartars, great store of snow lying upon the ground, they would all dye: be cause they known not how to dig up the grass under the snow, as the Tartarian horses do, The fedder of ●he Ta●●a●ian horses. neither could there be aught found for them to eat, the Tartars having neither hay nor straw, nor any other fodder. We determined therefore to leave them behind at Kiow with two servants appointed to keep them. And we were constrained to bestow gifts upon the Millenary, that we might obtain his favour to allow us post horses and a guide. Wherefore beginning our journey the second day after the feast of the Purification, we arrived at the town of Canow, which was immediately under the dominion of the Tartars. The governor whereof allowed us horses and a guide unto another town, wherein we found one Michaeas to be governor, Michaeas' the malicious. a man full of all malice and despite. Who notwithstanding, having received gifts at our hands, according to his manner conducted us to the first guard of the Tartars. How he and his company were at the first received of the Tartars. Chap. 20. WHerefore, the first saturday next after Ash-wednesday, having about the suns going down, taken up our place of rest, the armed Tartars came rushing upon us in uncivil and horrible manner, being very inquisitive of us what manner of people, or of what condition we were: & when we had answered them that we were the Pope's Legates, receiving some victuals at out hands, they immediately departed. Moreover in the morning rising and proceeding on our journey, the chief of them which were in the guard met with us, demanding why, or for what intent and purpose we came thither? and what business we had with them? Unto whom we answered, We are the legates of our lord the Pope, who is the father & lord of the Christians. He hath sent us as well unto your Emperor, The contents of the legacy. as to your princes, and all other Tartars for this purpose, because it is his pleasure, that all Christians should be in league with the Tartars, and should have peace with them. It is his desire also that they should become great or in favour with God in heaven, therefore he admonisheth them aswell by us, as by his own letters, to become Christians, and to embrace the faith of our Lord jesus Christ, because they could not otherwise be saved. Moreover, he gives them to understand, that he much marueileth at their monstrous slaughters & massacres of mankind, & especially of Christians, but most of all of Hungarians, Mountaineirs, & Polonians, being all his subjects, having not injuried them in aught, nor attempted to do them injury. And because the Lord God is grievously offended thereat, he adviseth them from henceforth to beware of such dealing, & to repent them of that which they had done. He requesteth also, that they would writ an answer unto him, what they purpose to do hereafter, and what their intention is. All which things being herded and understood, the Tartars said that they would appoint us post horses and a guide unto Corrensa. Corrensa. And immediately demanding gifts at our hands, they obtained them. Then receiving the same horses, from which they dismounted, together with a guide we took our journey unto Corrensa. The duke of the Western marches. But they riding a swift pace, sent a messenger before unto the said duke Corrensa, to signify the message, which we had delivered unto them. This duke is governor of all them, which lie in guard against the nations of the West, lest some enemy might on the sudden and at unawares break in upon them. And he is said to have 60000. men under him. How they were received at the court of Corrensa. Chap. 21. The manner of saluting the Tartarian princes. BEing come therefore unto his court, he caused our tent to be placed far from him, and sent his agents to demand of us with what we would incline unto him, that is to say, what gifts we would offer, in doing our obeisance unto him. Unto whom we answered, that our lord the Pope had not sent any gifts at all, because he was not certain that we should ever be able to come at them: for we passed through most dangerous places. Notwithstanding, to our ability, we will honour him with some part of those things, which have been, by the goodness of God, & the favour of the Pope, bestowed upon us for our sustenance. Having received our gifts, they conducted us unto the Orda or tent of the duke, & we were instructed to bow thrice with our left knee before the door of the tent, and in any case to beware, jest we set our foot upon the threshold of the said door. And that after we were entered, we should rehearse before the duke and all his nobles, the same words, which we had before said, kneeling upon our knees. Then presented we the letters of our lord the Pope: but our interpreter whom we had hired and brought with us from Kiow was not sufficiently able to interpret them, neither was there any other esteemed to be meet for the same purpose. Here certain post horses and three Tartars were appointed for us to conduct us from hence with all speed unto duke Bathy. This Bathy is the mightiest prince among them except the Emperor, & they are bond to obey him before all other princes. Duke Bathy & his power. We began our journey towards his court the first tuesday in Lent, and riding as fast as our horses could troth (for we had fresh horses almost thrice or four times a day) we posted from morning till night, yea very often in the night season also, and yet could we not come at him before Maundie thursday. All this journey we went through the land of Comania, which is all plain ground, and hath four mighty rivers running through it: The first is called ‡ Boristhenes. Neper, on the side whereof towards Russia, duke Corrensa & Montij marched up and down, which Montij on t●e other side upon the plains is greater than he. The second is called ‡ Tanai●. Don, upon the bank whereof marcheth a certain prince having in marriage the sister of Baty, his name is Tirbon. The third is called ‡ Rha. Volga, which is an exceeding great river, upon the banks whereof duke Bathy marcheth. The fourth is called ‡ Rhymnus. jaec, upon which two Millenaries do march, on each side of the river one. All these, in the winter time, descend down to the sea, & in summer ascend back by the banks of the said rivers up to the mountains. The sea last named is the ‖ Pontus Euxinus. He is deceived, for albeit Neper & Don run into Mare mayor: yet Volga & jaec flow into the Caspian sea. Great sea, out of which the arm of S. George proceedeth, which runneth by Constantinople. These rivers do abound with plenty of fish, but especially Volga, & they exonerate themselves into the Graecian sea, which is called Mare mayor. Over Neper we went many days upon the ice. Along the shore also of the Graecian sea we went very dangerously upon the ice in sundry places, & that for many days together. For about the shore the waters are frozen three leagues into the sea. But before we came unto Bathy, two of our Tartars road afore, to give him intelligence of all the sayings which we had uttered in the presence of Corrensa. How we were received at the court of the great prince Bathy. Chap. 22. Moreover, when we came unto Bathy in the land of Comania, we were seated a good league distant from his tabernacles. And when we should be conducted unto his court, it was told us that we must pass between two fires. But we would by no means be induced thereunto. A ceremony of passing between two fires. Howbeit, they said unto us: you may pass through without all danger: for we would have you to do it for none other cause, but only that if you intent any mischief against our lord, or bring any poison with you, fire may take away all evil. Unto whom we answered, that to the end we might clear ourselves from all suspicion of any such matter, we were contented to pass through. When therefore we were come unto the Orda, being demanded by his agent Eldegay with what present or gift we would do our obeisance? Eldegay. We gave the same answer which we did at the court of Corrensa. The gifts being given and received, the causes of our journey also being herded, they brought us into the tabernacle of the prince, first bowing ourselves at the door, & being admonished, as before, not to tread upon the threshold. And being entered, we spoke unto him kneeling upon our knees, Bathy heareth the Legates. & delivered him our letters, and requested him to have interpreters to translate them. Who accordingly on good friday were sent unto us, and we together with them, diligently translated our said letters into the Russian, Tartarian, and Saracen languages. This interpretation was presented unto Bathy, which he read, & attentively noted. At length we were conducted home again unto our own lodging, howbeit no victuals were given unto us, except it were once a little Millet in a dich, the first night of our coming. This Bathy carries himself very stately & magnificently, He behaves him●elfe like a king. having porters and all officers after the manner of the Emperor, and sits in a lofty seat or throne together with one of his wives. The rest, namely, as well his brethren and sons, as other great personages sit underneath him in the midst upon a bench, and others sit down upon the ground, behind him, but the men on the right hand and the women on the left. He hath very fair and large tents of linen clot also, which were once the kings of Hungaria. Neither dare any man come into his tent (besides them of his own family) unless he be called, be he never so mighty and great, except perhaps it be known that it is his pleasure. We also, for the same cause, sat on the left hand; for so do all ambassadors in going: but in returning from the Emperor, we were always placed on the right hand. In the midst stands his table, near unto the door of the tent, upon the which there is drink filled in golden and silver vessels. Neither doth Bathy at any time drink, nor any other of the Tartarian princes, especially being in a public place, Their custom of drinking at the sound of music. but they have singing and minstrilsie before them. And always, when he rides, there is a canopy or small tent carried over his head upon the point of a iaveline. And so do all the great princes of the Tartars, & their wives also. The said Bathy is courteous evough unto his own men, and yet is he had in great awe by them: he is most cruel in fight: he is exceedingly prudent and politic in war, because he hath now continued a long time in martial affairs. How departing from Bathy, they passed through the land of Comania, and of the Kangittae. Chap. 23. Moreover, upon Easter even we were called unto the tent, and there came forth to meet us the foresaid agent of Bathy, saying on his master's behalf, that we should go into their land, unto the Emperor Cuyne, detaining certain of our company with this pretence, that they would sand them back unto the Pope, to whom we gave letters of all our affairs to deliver unto him. But being come as far as duke Montij aforesaid, there they were kept until our return. Upon Easter day, They travailed post from Easter day to the 22. of july Eastward of Volga. having said our prayers, and taken a slender breakfast, in the company of two Tartars, which were assigned unto us by Corensa we departed with many tears, not knowing whether we went to death or to life. And we were so feeble in body, that we were scarce able to ride. For all that Lent through, our meat was Millet only with a little water and salt. And so likewise upon other fasting days. Neither had we aught to drink, but snow melted in a skillet. And passing through Comania we road most earnestly, having change of horses five times or oftener in a day, except when we went through deserts, for than we were allowed better and stronger horses, which could undergo the whole labour. And thus far had we travailed from the beginning of Lent until eight days after Easter. The land of Comania on the North side immediately after Russia hath the people called Morduyni Byleri, A description of Comania. that is, Bulgaria magna, the Bastarci, that is, Hungaria magna, next unto the Bastarci, the Parositae and the Samogetae. Next unto the Samogetae are those people which are said to have dogs faces, The North Ocean. inhabiting upon the desert shores of the Ocean. On the South side it hath the Alani, the Circassis, the Gazari, Greece and Constantinople; also the land of Iberia, the Cathes, the Brutaches who are said to be jews shaving their heads all over, the lands also of Scythia, of Georgia, of Armenia, of Turkey. On the West side it hath Hungaria, and Russia. Also Comania is a most large and long country. The inhabitants whereof called Comani the Tartars slew, some notwithstanding fled from them, and the rest were subdued under their bondage. But most of them that fled are returned again. Afterwards we entered the land of the Kangit●ae, The land of the Kangittae. which in many places hath great scarcity of waters, wherein there are but few inhabitants by reason of the foresaid defect of water. For this cause divers of the servants of jeroslaus duke of Russia, jeroslaus duke of Russia. as they were traveling towards him into the land of Tartary, died for thirst, in that desert. As before in Comania, so likewise in this country, we found many skulls and bones of dead men lying upon the earth like a dunghill. Through this country we were traveling from the eight day after Easter until Ascension day. The inhabitants thereof were pagan, and neither they nor the Comanians used to till the ground, but lived only upon cattle, neither built they any houses but dwelled in tents. These men also have the Tartars rooted out, and do possess and inhabit their country, howbeit, those that remained are reduced into their bondage. How they came unto the first court of the new Emperor. Chap. 24. Moreover, out of the land of the Kangittae, we entered into the country of the Bisermini, The land of the Bisermini. who speak the language of Comania, but observe the law of the Saracens. In this country we found innumerable cities with castles ruined, & many towns left desolate. The lord of this country was called Sultan Alt●, Alti Soldanus. Huge mountains. who with all his progeny, was destroyed by the Tartars. This country hath most huge mountains. On the South side it hath jerusalem and Baldach, and all the whole country of the Saracens. In the next territories adjoining do inhabit two carnal brothers dukes of the Tartars, namely, Burin and Cadan, Burin and Cadan the sons of Thyaday, who was the son of Chingis Can. On the North side thereof it hath the land of the black Kythayans, and the Ocean. In the same country Syban the brother of Bathy remains. The North ocean. Through this country we were traveling from the feast of Ascension, Syban brother unto Bathy. until eight days before the feast of S. john Baptist. And then we entered into the land of the black Kythayans, The black Kythayans. in which the Emperor built an house, where we were called in to drink. Also the emperors deputy in that place caused the chief men of the city and his two sons to dance before us. Departing from hence, we found a certain small sea, upon the shore whereof stands a little mountain. A small sea. In which mountain is reported to be a hole, from whence, in winter time such vehement tempests of winds do issue, that traveilers can scarcely, and with great danger pass by the same way. In summer time, the noise in deed of the wind is herded there, but it proceedeth gently out of the hole. Along the shores of the foresaid sea we travailed for the space of many days, Many days. which although it be not very great, yet hath it many islands, and we passed by leaving it on our left hand. In this land dwelleth Ordu, Ordu cap. 13. whom we said to be ancient unto all the Tartarian dukes. And it is the Orda or court of his faher which he inhabiteth, and one of his wives beareth rule there. For it is a custom among the Tartars, that the Courts o● Princes or o● noble men are not dissolved, but always some women are appointed to keep and govern them, upon whom certain gifts are bestowed, in like sort as they are given unto their Lords. And so at length we arrived at the first court of the Emperor, The first court of the Emperor. wherein one of his wives dwelled. How they came unto Cuyne himself, who was forthwith to be choose Emperor. Chap. 25. BUt because we had not as yet seen the Emperor, they would not invite us nor admit us into his Orda, but caused good attendance and entertainment, after the Tartars fashion, to be given unto us in our own tent, and they caused us to stay there, and to refresh ourselves with them one day. Departing thence upon the even of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, we entered into the land of the Naymani, The land of Naymani. who are pagan. But upon the very feast day of the said Apostles, there fell a mighty snow in that place, and we had extreme cold weather. This land is full of mountains, and cold beyond measure, and there is little plain ground to be seen. These two nations last mentioned used not to till their ground, but, like unto the Tartars, dwelled in cents, which the said Tartars had destroyed. Through this country we were travailing many days. Then entered we into the land of the Mongals, whom we call Tartars. Through the Tartars land we continued our travail (as we suppose) for the space of some three weeks, riding always hastily and with speed, The 22. of july. and upon the day of Marie Magdalene we arrived at the court of Cuyne the Emperor elect. But therefore did we make great haste all this way, because our Tartarian guides were straight commanded to bring us unto the court Imperial with all speed, which court hath been these many years, ordained for the election of the Emperor. Wherefore rising early, we travailed until night without eating of any thing, and oftentimes we came so late unto our lodging, that we had no time to eat the same night, but that which we should have eaten over night, was given us in the morning. And often changing our horses, we spared no Horseflesh, but road swiftly and without intermission, as fast as our horses could troth. How Cuyne entertained the Minorite Friars. Chap. 26. BUt when we were come unto the court of Cuyne, The curtes●e of Cuyne towards Ambassadors. he caused (after the Tartars manner) a Tent and all expenses necessary to be provided for us. And his people entreated us with more regard and courtesy, than they did any other Ambassadors. howbeit we were not called before his presence, because he was not as yet elected, nor admitted unto his empire. Notwithstanding, the interpretation of the Pope's letters, and the message which we delivered, were sent unto him by the foresaid Bathy. And having stayed there five or six days, he sent us unto his mother, under whom there was maintained a very solemn and royal court. The tent royal. And being come thither, we see an huge tent of fine white clot pitched, which was, to our judgement, of so great quantity, that more than two thousand men might stand within it, and round about it there was a brickwall of planks set up, painted with divers images. A general assembly. We therefore with our Tartars assigned to attend upon us, took our journey thither, and there were all the Dukes assembled, each one of them riding up and down with his train over the hills and dales. The first day they were all clad in white, but the second in scarlet robes. Then came Cuyne unto the said tent. Moreover, the third day they were all in blue robes, and the fourth in most rich robes of Baldakin clot. In the brickwall of boards, about the tent aforesaid, were two great gates, by one of the which gates, the Emperor only was to enter, and at that gate there was no guard of men appointed to stand, although it stood continually open, because none dared go in or come out the same way: all that were admitted, entered by another gate, at which there stood watchmen, with bows, swords, & arrows. And whosoever approached unto the tent beyond the bounds and limit assigned, being caught, was beaten, but if he fled, he was shot at with arrows or iron. There were many that to our judgement, had upon their bridles, trappers, saddles, and such like furniture, to the value of 20. marks in pure gold. The foresaid Dukes (as we think) communed together within the tent, and consulted about the election of their Emperor. But all the residue of the people were placed far away without the walls of board, & in this manner they stayed almost till noon. Then began they to drink mares milk, The banquet of the Nobles. & so continued drinking till even tide, and that in so great quantity, as it was wonderful. And they called us in unto them, and gave us of their ale, because we could not drink their mare's milk. And this they did unto us in token of great honour. But they compelled us to drink so much● that in regard of our customary diet, we could by no means endure it. Whereupon, giving them to understand, that it was hurtful unto us, they ceased to compel us any more. Without the door stood Duke ●eroslaus of Susdal, ●●oslaus Duke of Susdal. in Russia, and a great many Dukes of the Kythayans, and of the Solangi. The two sons also of the king of Georgia, the ligier of the Caliph of Baldach, who was a Sultan, Ambassadors of s●ndry nations. and (as we think) above ten Sultan's of the Saracens beside. And, as it was told us by the agents, there were more than 4000 ambassadors, partly of such as paid tributes, and such as presented gifts, and other Sultan's, and Dukes, which came to yield themselves, and such as the Tartars had sent for, and such as were governors of lands. All these were placed without the lists, and had drink given unto them. But almost continually they all of them gave us and Duke jeroslaus the upper hand, when we were abroad in their company. How he was exalted to his Empire. Chap. 27. The beginnings of Cuyne hi● empire. ANd to our remembrance, we remained there, about the space of four weeks. The election was to our thinking there celebrated, but it was not published and proclaimed there. And it was greatly suspected so to be, because always when Cuyne came forth out of the tent, he had a noise of music, and was bowed unto, or honoured with fair wands, having purple wool upon the tops of them, and that, so long as he remained abroad: which service was performed to none of the other Dukes. The foresaid tent or court is called by them Syra Orda. Syra Orda. Departing thence, we all with one accord road 3. or 4. leagues unto another place, where, in a goodly plain, by a rivers side, between certain mountains, there was another tent erected, which was called the golden Orda. The golden Orda. For there was Cuyne to be placed in the throne Imperial, upon the day of the Assumption of our Lady. The 15. of August. Wo●l●n clot. But, for the abundance of hail which fallen at the same time, as is above said, the matter was deferred. There was also a cent erected upon pillars, which were covered with plates of gold, and were joined unto other timber with golden nails. It was covered above with Baldakin clot, but there was other clot spread over that, next unto the air. We abode thereunto the feast of Saint Bartholomew, what time there was assembled an huge multitude standing with their faces towards the South. And a certain number of them being a stones cast distant from the residue, making continual prayers, and kneeling upon their knees, proceeded farther and farther towards the South. Howbeit we, not knowing whether they used enchantments, or whether they bowed their knees to God or to some other, would not kneel upon the ground with them. And having done so a long time, they returned to the tent, and placed Cuyne in his throne imperial, and his Dukes bowed their knees before him. afterward the whole multitude kneeled down in like manner, except ourselves, for we were none of his subjects. Of his age and demeanour, and of his seal. Chap. 28. THis Emperor, when he was exalted unto his government, seemed to be about the age of forty or forty five years, He was of a mean stature, very wise and politic, and passing serious and grave in all his demeanour. A rare thing it was, for a man to see him laugh or behave himself lightly, as those Christians report, which abode continually with him. Certain Christians of his family earnestly and strongly affirmed unto us, that he himself was about to become a Christian. His inclination to Christianity. A token and argument whereof was, that he retained divers Clergy men of the Christians. He had likewise at all times a Chapel of Christians, near unto his great Tent, where the clerk (like unto other Christians, and according to the custom of the Grecians) do sing publicly and openly, and ring bells at certain hours, be there never so great a multitude of Tartars, or of other people in presence. And yet none of their Dukes do the like. His majesty. It is the manner of the Emperor never to talk his own self with a stranger, though he be never so great, but heareth and answereth by a speaker. And when any of his subjects (how great soever they be) are in propounding any matter of importance unto him, or in hearing his answer, they continued kneeling upon their knees unto the end of their conference. Neither is it lawful for any man to speak of any affairs, after they have been determined of by the Emperor. The said Emperor, hath in his affairs both public and private, an Agent, and Secretary of estate, with Scribes and all other Officials, except advocates. For, without the noise of pleading, A lawless authority. or sentence giving, all things are done according to the emperors will and pleasure. Other Tartarian princes do the like in those things which belong unto them. But, be it known unto all men, that whilst we remained at the said Emperor's court, which hath been ordained and kept for these many years, the said Cuyne being Emperor new elect, together with all his princes, erected a flag of defiance against the Church of God, & the Roman empire, and against all Christian kingdoms and nations of the West, Wa●re intended against all Christians. unless peradventure (which God forbidden) they will condescend unto those things, which he hath inoined unto our lord the Pope, & to all potentates and people of the Christians, namely, that they will become obedient unto him. For, except Christendom, there is no land under heaven, which they stand in fear of, and for that cause they prepare themselves to battle against us. This Emperor's father, namely Occoday was poisoned to death, which is the cause why they have for a short space abstained from war. But their intent and purpose is (as I have above said) to subdue the whole world unto themselves, as they were commanded by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth after this manner: The power of God, & Emperor of all men. Also, upon his seal, there is this posy engraven: God in heaven, and Cuyne Can upon earth, the power of God: the seal of the Emperor of all men. Of the admission of the Friars and Ambassadors unto the Emperor. Chap. 29. IN the same place where the Emperor was established into his throne, Cuyne heareth the Legates. we were summoned before him. And Chingay his chief secretary having written down our names, and the names of them that sent us, with the name of the Duke of Solangi, & of others, cried out with a loud voice, rehearsing the said names before the Emperor, and the assembly of his Dukes. Which being done, each one of us bowed his left knee four times, & they gave us warning not to touch the threshold. And after they had searched us most diligently for knives, and could not found any about us, we entered in at the door upon the East side: because no man dare presume to enter at the West door, but the Emperor only. In like manner, every Tartarian Duke entereth on the West side into his tent. Howbeit the inferior sort do not greatly regard such ceremonies. This therefore was the first time, when we entered into the emperors tent in his presence, after he was created Emperor. Likewise all other ambassadors were there received by him, but very few were admitted into his tent. And there were presented unto him such abundance of gifts by the said Ambassadors, Gifts presented unto him. that they seemed to be infinite, namely in Samites, robes of purple, and of Baldakin clot, silk girdles wrought with gold, and costly skins, with other gifts also. Likewise there was a certain Sun Canopy, or small tent (which was to be carried over the emperors head) presented unto him, being set full of precious stones. And a governor of one Province brought unto him a company of camels covered with Baldakins. They had saddles also upon their backs, with certain other instruments, within the which were places for men to sit upon. Also they brought many horses & mules unto him furnished with trappers and comparisons, some being made of leather● and some of iron. And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts upon him or no? But we were not of ability so to do, having in a manner spent all our provision. There were also upon an hill standing a good distance from the tents, more than 500 carts, 500 Cart's full of treasure. which were all full silver and of gold, and silk garments. And they were all divided between the Emperor and his Dukes, and every Duke bestowed upon his own followers what pleased him. Of the place where the Emperor and his mother took their leaves one of another, and of jeroslaus Duke of Russia. Chap. 30. DEparting thence, we came unto another place, where a wonderful brave tent, A tent of purple. all of read purple, given by the Kythayans, was pitched. We were admitted into that also, and always when we entered, there was given unto us ale and wine to drink, & sodden flesh (when we would) to eat. There was also a lofty stage built of boards, where the emperors throne was placed, being very curiously wrought out of ivory, A throne of ivory. wherein also there was gold and precious stones, and (as we remember) there were certain degrees or stairs to ascend unto it. And it was round upon the top. There were benches placed about the said throne, whereon the ladies sat toward the left hand of the Emperor upon stools, (but none sat aloft on the right hand) and the Dukes sat upon benches below, the said throne being in the midst. Certain others sat behind the Dukes, and every day there resorted great company of Ladies thither. The three tents whereof we spoke before, were very large, but the Emperor his wives had other great and fair tents made of white felt. This was the place where the Emperor parted company with his mother: for she went into one part of the land, and the Emperor into another to execute justice. For there was taken a certain Concubine of this Emperor, which had poisoned his father to death, at the same time when the Tartars army was in Hungary, which, for the same cause returned home. Moreoover, The death of Occoday revenged. upon the foresaid Concubine, and many other of her confederates sentence of judgement was pronounced, and they were put to death. At the same time jeroslaus the great Duke of Soldal, Or, Susdal. which is a part of Russia, deceased. For being (as it were for honour's sake) invited to eat and drink with the emperors mother, and immediately after the banquet, returning unto his lodging, he fell sick, and within seven days, died. And after his death, his body was of a strange blue colour, and it was commonly reported, that the said Duke was poisoned, to the end that the Tartars might freely and totally possess his Dukedom. How the Friars coming at length unto the Emperor, gave, and received letters. Chap. 31. Cuyne dissemblet● with the Legates. TO be short, the Tartars brought us unto their Emperor, who when he had herded of them, that we were come unto him, commanded that we should return, unto his mother. For he was determined the next day, (as it is abovesaid) to set up a flag of defiance against all the countries of the West, which he would have us in no case to know. Wherefore returning, we stayed some few days with his mother, and so returned ba●ke again unto him. With whom we continued for the space of one whole month in such extreme hunger and thirst, that we could scarce hold life and soul together. For the provision allowed us for four days, was scantly sufficient for one day. Neither could we buy us any sustenance, because the market was too far off. Howbeit the Lord provided for us a Russian goldsmith, named Cosmas, Cosmas a Russian. who being greatly in the emperors favour, procured us some sustenance. This man showed unto us the throne of the Emperor, which he had made, before it was set in the proper place, and his seal, which he also had framed. Afterwards the Emperor sent for us, giving us to understand by Chingay his chief Secretary, that we should writ down our messages & affairs, The message of Chingay. and should deliver them unto him. Which thing we performed accordingly. A●ter many days he called for us again, demanding whether there were any with our Lord the Pope, which understood the Russian, the Sarracen, or the Tartarian language? To whom we answered, that we had none of those letters or languages. Howbeit, that there were certain Saracens in the land, but inhabiting a great distance from our Lord the Pope. And we said, that we thought it most expedient, that when they had written their minds in the Tartarian language, and had interpreted the meaning thereof unto us, we should diligently translate it into our own tongue, and so deliver both the letter and the translation thereof unto our Lord the Pope. Then departed they from us, and went unto the Emperor. And after the day of S. Martin, we were called for again. Then Kadac principal agent for the whole empire, and Chingay, and Bala, with divers other Scribes, came unto us, and interpreted the letter word for word. And having written it in Latin, they caused us to interpret unto them each sentence, to wit if we had erred in any word. And when both letters were written, they made us to read them over twice more, lest we should have mistaken aught. For they said unto us: Take heed that you understand all things thoroughly, for if you should not understand the whole matter aright, it might breed some inconvenience. They written the said letters also in the Saracen tongue, that there might be some found in our dominions which could read and interpret them, if need should require. How they were licenced to departed. Chap. 32. The Legates ●re loathe to have any Ambassadors sent from the Tartars to the Christians. ANd (as our Tartars told us) the Emperor was purposed to sand his ambassadors with us. Howbeit, he was desirous (as we thought) that we ourselves should crave that favour at his hands. And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man, exhorted us to make the said petition, we thought it not good for us, that the Emperor should sand his ambassadors. Wherefore we gave him answer, that it was not for us to make any such petition, but if it pleased the Emperor of his own accord to sand them, we would diligently (by God's assistance) see them conducted in safety. Howbeit, we thought it expedient for us, that they should not go, and that for divers causes. First, because we feared, lest they, seeing the dissensions and wars which are among us, should be the more encouraged to make war against us. Secondly, we feared, that they would be instead of spies and intelligencers in our dominions. Thirdly, we misdoubted that they would be slain by the way. For our nations be arrogant and proud. For when as those servants (which at the request of the Cardinal, attended upon us, namely the legates of Almain) returned unto him in the Tartars attire, they were almost stoned in the way, by the Dutch, and were compelled to put off those garments. And it is the Tartars custom, never to be reconciled unto such as have slain their Ambassadors, till they have revenged themselves. Fourthly, lest they should be taken from us by main force. Fiftly, because there could come no good by their ambassade, for they were to have none other commission, or authority, but only to deliver their emperors letter unto the Pope, and to the Princes of Christendom, which very same letters we our selves had, and we known right well, that much harm might ensue thereo●. Wherefore, the third day after this, namely, upon the feast of Saint Brice, November 13. they gave us our passport and a Letter sealed with the Emperors own seal, sending us unto the emperors mother, who gave unto each of us ● gown made of Foxe-skinnes, with the fur on the outside, and a piece of purple. They are rewarded with gift. And our Tartars stolen a yard out of every one of them. And out of that which was given unto our servant, they stolen the better half. Which false dealing of there's, we known well enough, but would make no words thereof. How they returned homewards. Chap. 33. THen taking our journey to return, The sore ●ou●neys of the Legates in returning. we travailed all Winter long, lying in the deserts oftentimes upon the snow, except with our feet we made a piece of ground bore to lie upon. For there were no trees, but the plain champion field. And oftentimes in the morning, we found ourselves all covered with snow driven over us by the wind. And so travailing till the feast of our lords Ascension, we arrived at the court of Bathy. Bathy. Of whom when we had inquired, what answer he would sand unto our Lord the Pope, he said that he had nothing to give us in charge, but only that we should diligently deliver that which the Emperor had written. And, having received letters for our safe conduct, the thirteenth day after Pentecost, being Saturday, we were proceeded as far as Montij, with whom our foresaid associates and servants remained, which were withheld from us, and we caused them to be delivered unto us. From hence we travailed unto Corrensa, Correns●. to whom, requiring gifts the second time at our hands, we gave none, because we had not wherewithal. And he appointed us two Comanians, which lived among the common people of the Tartars, to be our guides unto the city of Kiow in Russia. Howbeit one of our Tartars parted not from us, till we were past the utmost guard of the Tartars. But the other guide's, namely the Comanians, which were given us by Corrensa, brought us from the last guard unto the city of Kiow, in the space of six days. And there we arrived fifteen days before the feast of Saint john Baptist. june 8. Moreover, the Citizens of Kiow having intelligence of our approach, came forth all of them to meet us, with great joy. How they were welcomed at their return. For they rejoiced over us, as over men that had been risen from death to life. So likewise they did unto us throughout all Russia, Polonia, and Bohemia. Daniel and his brother Wasilico made us a royal● feast, Basilius and D●niel Princ●●. and entertained us with them against our wills for the space of eight days. In the mean time, they with their Bishops, and other men of account, being in consultation together about those matters which we had propounded unto them in our journey towards the Tartars, answered us with common consent, saying: that they would hold the Pope for their special Lord and Father, and the Church of Rome for their Lady & mistress, confirming likewise all things which they had sent concerning this matter, before our coming, by their Abbate. And for the same purpose, they sent their Ambassadors and letters by us also, unto our Lord the Pope. Itinerarium fratris Willielmi de Rubruquis de ordine fratrum Minorum, Galli, Anno gratie 1253. ad partes Orientales. EXcellentissimo Domino & Christianissimo, Lodovico Dei gratia Regi Francorum illustri, frater Willielmus de Rubruqui● in ordine fratrum Minorum minimus salutem, & semper triumpha●e in Christo. Ecclus. 39 v●r. ● Scriptum est in Ecclesiastico de sapiente, In terram alienarum gentium transibit, bona & mala in omnibus tentabit. Hoc opus, Domine mi Rex, feci: sed utinam ut sapiens & non stultus. Multi enim faciunt quod facit sapiens, sed non sapienter, sed magis stultè: de quorum numero timeo me esse. Tamen quocunque modo fecerim; quia dixistis mihi quando recessi à vobis, ut omnia scriberem vobis, quaecunque viderem inter Tartaros, & etiam monuistis ut non timerem vobis scribere longas literas, facio quod iniunxistis: Cum timore tamen & verecundia, quia verba congrua mihi non suppetunt, quae debeam tantae scribere Maiestati. Noverit ergò vestra sancta maiestas, quòd anno Domini millesfimo ducentessimo, quinquagessimo tertio, nonas Maij ingressi ●umus mare Ponti quod Bulgarici vocant, Maius Mare: & habet mill octo milliaria in longum, ut didici à mercatoribus, & distinguitur quasi in duas partes. Circa medium enim eius sunt duae provinciae terrae, una ad Aquilonem, & alia ad meridiem. Illa quae est ad meridiem dicitur Synopolis; & est cast●um & portus Soldani Turchiae, Quae verò ad Aquilonem est, est Provincia quaedam, quae nunc dicitur à Latinis Gasaria, à Graecis verò qui inhabitant ●am super littus maris dicitur Castaria, hoc e●t Caesaria. Et sunt promontori● quaedam extendentia se in mare, & contra meridien● versus Synopolim. Et sunt tre centa milliaria inter Synopolim & Cassariam. Ita quod sint septingenta miliaria ab istis punctis versus Constantinopolim in longum & latum: & sepringenta versus Orientem: hoc est, Hiberiam, quae est provincia Georgiae. Ad provinciam Gasariae sive Casariae appli●uimus, quae est quasi triangularis, ad Occidentem habens civitatem, quae dicitur Kersova, in qua fuit Sanctus Clemens marterizatus. Et navigantes coram ea vidimus insulam in qua est templum illud quod dicitur Angelicis manibus praeparatum. In medio verò quasi in cuspide ad meridiem habet civitatem quae dicitur Soldaia, Soldaia. que ex transuerso respicit Synopolim: Et illuc applicant omnes Mercatores venientes de Turchia volentes ire ad terras Aquilonares, & è contrario venientes de Rossia & terris Aquilonaribus, volentes transire in Turchiam. Illi portant varium & grisiam, & alias pelles pretiosas. Alij portant telas de cottone sive bombasio, & pannos sericos & species aromaticas. Ad Orientem verò illius provinciae est civitas quae dicitur Matriga, Matriga ciu●tas. ubi ca dit flwius Tanais in mare Pontiper orificiumhabens latitudi●em duodecem milliar●um. Ille enim flwius antequam ingrediatur mare Ponti, facit quoddam mare versus. Aquilonem, habens in latitudine & longitudine septinginta milliaria, nusquam habens profunditatem ultra sex passus, unde magna vasa non ingredi●ntur illud. Sed mercatores de Constantinopoli applicantes ad praedictam civitatem Matertam, mit●unt barcas suas usque ad flumen Tanaim, vtemant pisces sicca●os, sturiones, thosas, borbatas, & a●ios pisces infinitae multitudinis. Praedicta verò provincia Cassaria cingitur mari in tribus lateribus: ad Occidentem scilicet, ubi est Kersova civitas Clementis, ad meridiem ubi est civitas Soldaia, ad quam applicuimus, quae est cuspis provinciae, & ad Orientem Maricandis, ubi est civitas Materta, & orificium Tanais. Vltra illud orificium est Zikia, Zikia. quae non obedit Tartaris: Et Suevi & Hiberi ad Orientem, qui non obediunt Tartaris. Posteà versus meridiem est Trapesunda que habet proprium Dominum nomine Guidonem, qui est de genere imperatorum Constantinopolitanorum, qui obedit Tartaris: posteà Synopolis quae est Soldani Turchiae qui similiter obedit: posteà terra Vastacij cuius filius dicitur Astar ab avo materno, qui non obedit. Ab orificio Tanais versus Occidentem usque ad Danubium totum est subditum. Etiam ultrà Danubium versus Constantinopolim, Valakia, quae est terra Assani, & minor Bulgaria usque in Solonomam omnes sol●unt eis tributum. Et etiam ultra tributum condictum sumpserunt annis nuper transactis de qualibet domo securim unam, & totum frumentum quod invenerunt in massa. Applicuimus ergò Soldaie in 12. Kalendas Junii: & praevenerant nos quidam mercatores de Constantinopoli, qui dixerunt venturos illuc nuncios de terra sancta volentes ire ad Sartach. Ego tamen predicaveram publicè in Ramis Palmarum apud Sanctam Sophiam, quod non estem nuncius, nec vester, nec alicui●s, sed ibam apud illos incredulos secundùm regulam nostram. Tunc cùm applicuissem, monebant me dicti mercatores ut cautè loquerer, quia dixerunt me esse nuncium, & si non dicerem me esse nuncium, quod non praebe●etur mihi transitus. Tunc locutus sum hoc modo ad capitaneos civitatis, imò ad vicarios capitaneorum, quia capitanei iverant ad Baatu portantes tributum, & non fuerant adhuc reversi. Nos audivimus, dixi, de Domino vestro Sartach in Terra Sancta quod esset Christianus: & gavisi sunt inde vehementer Christiani, & praecipuè Dominus Rex Francorum Christianissimus, qui ibi peregrinatur, & pugnat contra Saracenos, ut eripiat loca sancta de manibus eorum: unde volo ire ad Sartach, & portare ei literas Domini Regis, in quibus monet eum de utilitate totius Christianitatis. Et ipsi recepe●unt nos gra●anter, & dederunt nobis hospitium in ecclesia Episcopali. Et Episcopus ipsius ecclesiae fuerat ad Sartach, qui multa bona dixit mihi de Sartach, quae ego pos●ea non inveni. Tunc de derunt nobis optionem utrum vellemus habere bigas cum bobus ad portandum res nostras vel equos pro summarijs. Et mercatores Constantinopolitaniss consuluerunt mihi quod non acciperem bigas, imò quod emerem proprias bigas coopertas, in quibus apportant Ruteni pelles suas, & in illis includerem res nostras quas vellem quotidiè deponere, quia si acciperem equos, oporteret mein qualibet He●bergia deponere & reponere super alios, & praetereà equitarem lentiori gres●u juxta boves. Et tunc acquievi consilio eorum malo, tum quia fui in itinere usque Sarthach duobus mensibus, quod potuissem uno mense fecisse, si ivissem equis. Attuleram mecum de Constantinopoli fructus & vinum muscatum, & biscoctum delicatum de consilio mercatorum ad presentandum capitaneis primis, ut ●acilius pateret mihi transitus; quia nullus apud eos respicitur rectis oculis, qui venit vacua manu. Quae omnia posui in una biga, quando non inveniibi capitaneos civitatis, quia dicebant mihi, quod gratissima forent Sarthach, si possem deferre ea usque ad eum. Arripuimus ergo iter tunc circa Kalend. Junii cum bigis nostris quatuor coopertis & cum alijs duabus quas accepimus ab eis, In quibus portabantur lectisternia ad dormiendum de nocte, & quinque equos dabant nobis ad equitandum. Eramus enim quinque personae. Ego & socius me●s frater Bartholomeus de Cremona, & Goset lator praesentium, & homo dei Turgemannus, & puer Nicolaus, quem emeram Constantinopoli de nostra elecmosyna. Dede●unt etiam duos homines qui ducebant bigas & custodiebant boves & equos. Sunt autem alta promo●toria super Mare à Kersona usque ad orificium Tanais: & sunt quadraginta castella inter Kersovam & Soldaiam, quorum quodlibet fere habet proprium idioma: inter quos erant multi Goti, quorum idioma est Te●tonicum. Post illa montana versus Aquilonem est pulcherrima sylua in planicie, plena fontibus & ri●ulis: Et post illam syluam est planicies maxima, quae durat per quinque dietas usque ad extremitatem illius provinciae ad aquilonem, quae coa●ctatur habens Mare ad Orientem & Occidentem: Ita quod est unum fossatum magnum ab uno Mari usque ad aliud. In illa planicie solebant esse Comani antequam venirent Tartari, & cogebant civitates praedictas & castra ut darent eis tributum. Et cum venerunt Tartari, tanta multitudo Comanorun intravit provinciam illam, qui omnes fugerunt usque ad ripam Maris, quod comedebant se mutuo vivi morientes: secundum quod narravit mihi quidam mercator, qui hoc vidit: Quod vivi devorabant & lacerabant dentibus carnes crudas mortuorum, sicut canes cadavera. Versus extremitatem illius provinciae sunt lacus multi & magni: in quorum ripis sunt fon●es salmastri, quorum aqua, quàm cito intrat lacum, efficit salem durum ad modum glaciei. Et de illis salinis habent Baatu & Sartach magnos reditus: quia de tota Russia veniunt illuc pro sale: & de qualibet biga onusta dant duas telas de cottone valentes dimidiam Ipperperam. Veniunt & per Mare multae naves pro sale, quae omnes dant tributum secundum sui quantitatem. Postquam ergo ●e●●ssimus de Soldaia, tertia die invenimus Tartaros: inter quos cùm intraveram, visum fuit mihi recte quod ingrederer quoddam aliud saeculum. Quorum vitam & mores vobis describam prout possum. De Tartaris & domibus eorum. NVsquam habent manentem civitatem, sed futuram ignorant. Inter se diviserunt Scythiam, quae durat à Danubio usque ad ortum solis. Et quilibet Capitaneus, secundum quod habet plures vel pauciores homines sub se, scit terminos pascuorum suorum, & ubi debet pascere hyeme & aestate, vere & autumno. In hyeme enim des●endunt ad calidiores regiones versus meridiem. In aestate ascendunt ad frigidiores versus aquilonem. Loca pascuosa sine aquis pascunt in hyeme quando est ibi nix, quia nivem habent pro aqua. Domum in qua dormiunt fundant super rotam de virgis cancellatis, cuius tigna sunt de virgis, & conveniunt in unam par●ulam rotam superius, de qua ascendit collum sursum tanquam fumigatorium, quam cooperiunt filtro albo: & frequentius imbuunt etiam filtrum calce vel terra alba & pulvere ossium, ut albens splendeat, & aliquando nig●o. Et filtrum illud circa collum superius decorant pulchra varietate picturae. Ante ostium similiter su●pendunt filtrum opere polimitario variatum. Consumunt enim filtrum coloratum in faciendo vites & a●bores, aves & bestias. Et faciunt tales domos ita magnas, quod habent triginta pedes in latitudine. Ego enim mensuravi semel latitudinem inter vestigia rotarum unius bigae viginti ped●m: & quando domus erat super bigam excedebat extra rotas in utroque latere quinque pedibus ad minus. Ego numeravi in una biga viginti duos boves trahentes unam domum: Vndecem in uno ordine secundum latitudinem bigae, & alios undecem ante illos: Axis bigae erat magnus ad modum arboris navis: Et unus homo stabat in ostio domus super bigam minans boves. Insuper faciunt quadrangulos de virgulis fissis attenuatis ad quantitatem unius arcae magnae: & postea de una extremitate ad aliam elevant testudinem de similibus virgis, & ostiolum faciunt in anteriori extremitate: & postea cooperiunt illam cistam sive domunculam filtro nigro imbuto sevo sive lact o●ino, ne possit penetrari plwia: quod similiter decorant opere polimitario vel plumario. Et in talibus arcis ponunt totam suppellectilem suam & thesaurum: quas ligant fortiter super bigas alteras quas trahunt cameli, ut possint transuadare flumina. Tales arcas nunquam deponunt de bigis. Quando deponunt domus suas mansionarias, semper ver●unt portam ad meridiem; & consequenter collocant bigas cum arcis hinc & inde prope domum ad dimidium iactum lapidis: ita quod domus stat inter duos ordines bigarum quasi inter duos muros. Matronae faciunt sibi pulcherrimas bigas, quas ne●cirem vobis describere nisi per picturam. ‖ Nota. Imo omnia depinxissem vobis si scivissem pingere. unus dives Moal sieve Tartar habet bene tales bigas cum arcis ducentas vel centum. Baatu habet sexdecem uxores: quaelibet habet unam magnam domum, exceptis alijs parvis, quas collocant post magnam, quae sunt quasi camerae; in quibus habitant puellae. Ad quamlibet istarum domorum appendent ducentae bigae. Et quando deponunt domus, prima uxor deponit suam curiam in capite occidentali, & postea aliae secundum ordinem suum: ita quod ultima uxor erit in capite Orientali: & erit spacium inter curiam unius dominae & alterius, iactus unius lapidis. unde curia unius divitis Moal apparebit quasi una magna Villa: tunc paucissimi viri erunt in ea. una muliercula ducet 20. bigas vel 30. Terra enim plana est. Et ligant bigas cum bobus vel camelis unam post aliam: & sedebit muliercula in anteriori minans bovem, & omnes aliae pari gressu sequentur. Si contingat venire ad aliquem malum passum, soluunt eas & transducunt sigillatim: Vadunt enim lento gressu, sicut agnus vel bos potest ambulare. De lectis eorum & poculis. POstquam deposuerint domus versa porta ad meridiem, collocant lectum domini ad partem aquilonarem. Locus mulierum est semper ad la●us Orientale hoc est ad sinistrum domini domus cum sedet in lecto suo versa facie ad meridiem: locus verò virorum ad latus occidentale, hoc ●st ad dextrum. Viri ingredientes domum nullo modo suspenderent pharetram ad partem mulierum. Et super caput Domini est semper una imago quasi puppa & statuuncula de filtro, quam vocant fratrem domini: alia similis super caput dominae, quam vocant fratrem dominae, affixa parieti: & superius inter utramque illarum est una paruula, macilenta, quae est quasi custos to●ius domus. Domina domus ponit ad latus suum dextrum ad pe des lecti in eminenti loco pelliculam hoedinam impletam lana vel alia materia, & juxta illam statuunculam paruulam respicientem famulas & mulieres. juxta ostium ad partem mulieris est iterum alia imago cum ubere vaccino, pro mulieribus quae mungunt vaccas. De officio faeminarum est mungere vaccas. Ad aliud latus ostij versus viros est alia statua cum ubere equae pro viris qui mungunt equas. Et cum convenerint ad potandum p●imo spargunt de potu illi imagini, quae est super caput domini: postea alijs imaginibus per ordinem: postea exit minister domum cum cipho & potu, & spargit ter ad meridiem, qualibet vice flectendo genu; & hoc ad reverentiam ignis: postea ad Orientem ad reverentiam aeris: postea ad Occidentem ad reverentiam aquae: ad aquilonem proijciunt pro mortuis. Quando tenet dominus ciphum in manu & debet bibere, tunc primo antequam bibat, infun●it terrae partem suam. Si bibit sedens super equum, infundit antequam bibat, super collum vel crinem equi. Postquam vero minister sic sparserit ad quatuor latera mundi, revertitur in domum & sunt parati duo famuli cum duobus ciphis & totidem patenis ut deferant potum domino & uxori sedenti juxta cum sursum in lecto. Et cum habet plures uxores, illa cum qua dormit in nocte sedet juxta eum in die: & oportet quod omnes aliae veniant ad domum illam illa die ad bibendum: & ibi tenetur curia illa die: & xenia quae deferuntur, illa deponuntur in thesauris illius dominae. Bancus ibi est cum v●re lactis vel cum alio potu & cum ciphis. De potibus eorum & qualiter provocant alios ad bibendum. FAciunt in hyeme optimum potum, de risio, de millio, de melle: claret sicut vinum. Et defertur eye vinum à remotis partibus. In aestate non curant nisi de Cosmos. Stat semper infra domum ad introitum portae, & juxta illud stat citharista cum citherula sua. Citheras & vielas nostras non vidi ibi, sed multa alia instrumenta, quae apud nos non habentur. Et cum incipit bibere tunc unus ministrorum exclamat alta voce, H A: Similiter in Florida. & citharista percutit cicharum. Et quando faciunt festum magnum, tunc omnes plaudunt manibus & saltant ad vocem citharae, viri coram Domino, & mulieres coram domina. Et postquam dominus biberit, tunc exclamat minister sicut priùs, & tacet citharista: tunc bibunt omnes in circuitu viri & mulieres: & aliquando bibunt cer●atim valde turpiter & gulose. Et quando volunt aliquem prouocate ad potum arripiunt eum per aures & trahunt fortiter ut dilatent ei gulam, & plaudunt & saltant coram eo. Item cum aliqui volunt facere magnum festum & gaudium, unus accipit ciphum plenum, & alij duo sunt ei à dextris & sinistris: & sic illi tres veniunt cantantes usque ad illum cui debent porrigere ciphum, & cantant & faltant coram eo: & cum por●igit manum ad recipiendum ciphum, ipsi subito re●iliunt, & iterum sicut prius revertuntur, & sic illudunt ei ter vel quater retrahendo ciphum, donec fuerit bene exhileratus & bonum habeat appetitum, & tunc dant ei ciphum, & cantant & plaudunt manibus & terunt pedibus donec biberit● De cibarijs eorum. DE cibis & victualibus eorum noveritis, quod indifferenter comedunt omnia morticinia ●ua. Et inter tot pecora & armenta non potest esse quin multa animalia moriantur. Tamen in aestate quamdiu durat eis cosmos, hoc est lac equinum, non curant de alio cibo. unde tunc si contingat eye mori bovem vel equum, siccant carnes scindendo per tenues pecias & suspendendo ad solem & ventum, quae statim sine sale siccantur absque aliquo faetore. De intestinis equorum faciunt andulges meliores quàm de porcis: quas comedunt recentes: reliquas carnes reseruant ad hyemem. De pellibus boum faciunt utres magnos, quos mirabiliter siccant ad fumum. De posteriori part pellis equi faciunt pulcherrimos soculares. De carne unius arietis dant comedere quinquaginta hominibus vel centum. Scindunt enim minutatim in scutella cum sale & aqua, aliam enim salsam non faciunt, & tunc cum puncto cultelli vel furcinula, quas proprias faciunt ad hoc, cum qua solemus comedere pira & poma cocta in vino, porrigunt cuilibet circumstantium buccellam unam vel duas, secundum multitudinem comedentium. Dominus antequam proponitur caro arie●is in primo ipse accipit quod placet ei: & e●iam si dat alicui partem specialem, oportet quod accipiens comedat eam solus, & nemini licet dare ei. Si non potest totum comedere, asportat secum, vel dat garcioni suo, si est presens, qui custodiat ei: sin aliter, recondit in saptargat suo, hoc est in bursa quadrata, quam portant ad recondendum omnia talia, in qua & ossa recondunt, quando non habent spacium bene rodendi ea, ut postea rodant, ne pereat aliquid de cibo. Quomodo faciunt Cosmos. IPsum Cosmos, hoc est lac iumentinum fit hoc modo. Extendunt cordam longam super terram ad duos palos fixos in terra, & ad illam cordam ligant circiter horas tres, pullos equa●um quas volunt mungere. Tunc stant matres juxta pullos suos & permittunt se pacifice mungi. Et si aliqua est nimis indomita, tunc accipit unus homo pullum & supponit ei permittens parum sugere, tunc retrahit illum, & emunctor lactis succedit. Congregata ergo multitudine lactis, quod est i●a dulce sicut vaccinum, dum est recens, fundunt illud in magnum utrem sive bucellam, & incipiunt illud concutere cum ligno ad hoc aptato, quod grossum est inferius sicut caput hominis & cavatum subtus: & quam cito concutiunt illud, incipit bullire sicut vinum nowm, & acescere sive fermentari, & excutiunt illud donec extrahant butirum. Tunc gustant illud; & quando est temperate pungitiwm bibunt: pungit enim super linguam sicut vinum raspei dum bibitur. Et postquam homo cessat bibere, relinquit ●aporem super linguam lactis amygdalini, & multum reddit interiora hominis jucunda, & etiam inebriat debilia capita: multum etiam provocat urinam. Faciunt etiam Cara-cosmos, hoc est nigrum cosmos ad usum magnorum dominorum, hoc modo. Lac equinum non coagulatur. Ratio enim est: quod nullius animalis lac nisi cuius fetet venter non invenitur coagulum. In ventre pulli equi non invenitur: unde lac equae non coagulatur. Concutiunt ergo lac in tantum, quod omnino quod spissum est in eo vadat ad fundum rectà, sicut faeces vini, & quod purum est remanet superius, & est sicut serum, & sicut mustum album. Faeces sunt albae multum, & dantur servis, & faciunt mul●um dormire. Illud clarum bibunt domini: & est pro certo valde suavis potus & bonae esficaciae. Baatu habet 30. casalia circa herbergiam suam ad unam dietam, quorum unum quodque qualibet die seruit ei de tali lact centum equarum hoc est, qualibet die lac trium millium equarum, excepto alio lact albo, quod deferunt alij. Sicut enim in Syria rustici dant tertiam partem fructuum, quam ipsi afferunt ad curias dominorum suorum, ita & isti lac ●quarum tertiae diei. De lact vaccino primò extrahunt butyrum & bulliunt illud usque ad perfectam decoctioné, & postea recondunt illud in utribus arietinis quos ad hoc reseruant. Et non ponunt sal in butiro: tamen propter magnam decoctionem non putrescit: & reseruant illud contra hyemem. Re siduus lac quod remanet post butirum permittunt acescere quantum acrius fieri potest & bulliunt illud, & coagulatur bulliendo, & coagulum illud desiccant ad solem, & efficitur durum sicut scoria ferri. Quod recondunt in saccis contra hyemem: tempore hyemali quando ●efi●it eis lac, ponunt illud acre coagulum, quod ipsi vocant gri-vt, in vtre, & super infundunt aquam calidam, & concutiunt fortiter donec illud resoluatur in aqua; quae ex illo efficitur tota acetosa, & illam aquam bibunt loco lactis. Summè cavent ne bibant aquam puram. De bestijs quas comedunt, & de vestibus, ac de venatione eorum. MAgni domini habent casalia versus meridiem, de quibus afferunt eis milium & farinam contra hyemem. pauperes procurant sibi pro arietibus & pellibus commutando. S●laui etiam implent ventrem suum aqua crassa, & hac contenti sunt. Mures cum longis caudis non comedunt & omne genus murium habens curtam cauda●●. Sunt etiam ibi multae marmotes, quas ipsi vocant Sogur: quae conveniunt in una fovea in hyeme 20. vel 30. pariter, & dormiunt sex mensibus: quas capiunt in magna multitudine. Sunt etiam ibi, cuniculi habentes longam caudam sicut cati; & in summitate caudae habent pilos nigros & albos. Habent & multas alias bestiolas bonas ad comedendum: quas ipsi valde bene disce●nunt. Ceruos non vidi ibi. lepores paucos vidi, gaseloes mul●os. Asinos syluestres vidi in magna multitudine, qui sunt quasi muli. Vidi & aliud genus animalis quod dicitur Artak, quod habet recte corpus arietis & cornua torta, sed tantae quantitatis, quod vix pot●ram una manu levare duo co●nua: & faciunt de cornibus illis ciphos magnos. Habent falcones, girfalcones, & herodios in magna multitudine: quos omnes portant super manum dexteram: & ponunt semper salconi unam conigiam paruulam circa collum, quae pendet ei usque ad medie●atem pectoris: per quam cum proij●i●nt ●um ad predam, inclinant cum sinistra manu caput & pectus ●alconis, ne verberetur à vento, vel ne feratur sur●um. Magnum ergo partem victus sui acquirunt ven●tione. De vestibus & habitu eorum noueri●is, quod de Cataya & alijs regionibus Orientis, & etiam de Perside & alijs regionibus au●●ri veniunt eye panni serici & aurei, Maior Hungaria. & telae de bambasio, quibus induuntur in ae●●ate. De Russia, de Moxel, & Maiore Bulga●ia & P●scatir, quae est maior Hungari●, & Kers●s: (que omnes sunt regiones ad Aquilonem & plenae syluis:) & alijs multis regionibus ad latus aquilonare, quae eis obediunt, adducuntur eye ●eiles pr●cio●ae multi generis: quas nunquam vidi in partibus nostris: Quibus induuntur in hyeme. Et faciunt semper in hyeme duas pellice●s ad minus: unam, cuius pilus est ad carnem: aliam cuius pilus est ●xt●a contra v●n●um & nives, quae multoties sunt de pellibus lupinis vel vu●pibus vel papionibus. Et dum sedent in domo habent aliam delicatiorem. Pauperes faciunt illas extcricres de canibus & capris. Quum volunt venari feras, conveniunt magna multitudo & circundant r●gion●m in qua s●iu●t feras esse, & paulatim appropinquant sibi, donec concludani fe●ás inter 〈◊〉 qu●si infia circulum, & tunc sagitant ad eas● faciunt etiam braccas de pellibus. Divites etiam furrant vestes suas de stupa setae, quae est supra modum mollis, & levis & calida. Pauperes surrant vestes de ●ela de bambasio, de delicatio● lana quam possunt extrahere: de gr●ssiori f●ci●nt filtr●m ad cooperiendum demos suas & cistas, & ad lectisternia. De lana etiam & te●tia part pilo●um ●qui admixta, faciunt cordas suas. De filtro etiam faciunt pavellas sub ●ellis, & ●●pas contra plwiam. unde multum expendunt de lana. Habitum virorum vicis●●s. Nota. De rasura virorum & ornatu mulierum. VIri radunt in summitate capitis quadrangulum, & ab anterio●ibus angulis ducunt rasu●am cristae capitis usque ad tempora. Radunt etiam tempora & collum usque ad s●mmum concavitatis ceruicis: & frontem anterius usque ad frontinellam, super quam relinquunt manipulum pilorum descendentium usque ad supercilia: In angulis occipitis relinquunt crines, quibus faciunt tricas, quas succingunt nodando usque ad aures. Et habitus puell●rum non differt ab habitu virorum, nisi quod aliquantulum est longior. Sed in crast● no postquam est nupta radit caluariam suam à medieta●e capitis versus frontem, & habet ●●n●cam latam sicut cucullam monialis, & per omnia latiorem & longiorem, fissam ante, quam ligat sub dextro latere. In hoc enim differunt Tartari à Turcis: quod Turci ligant tunicas suas ad sinistram, Tartari semper ad dex●ram. Po●●ea habent orn●mentum capit●s, quod vocant bot●a, quod fi● de cortice arboris vel alia materia, quam possunt innenire, l●ui●re: & est grossum & rotundum, quantum potest duabus manibus complecti; longum ve●o unius cubiti & plus, quadrum supcrius, sicut capitellum unius columnae. Istud botta cooper●unt panno serico precioso; & est concawm interius: & super capitellum in medio vel super quadraturam illam ponunt virgulam de calamis pennarum vel cannis gracilibus longitudinis scilicet unius cubiti & plus: & illam sibi virgulam ornant superius de pennis pavonis, & per longum in circuitu pennulis caudae malardi, & etiam lapidibus praeciosis. Divites dominae istud ornamentum ponunt in summitate capitis quod stringunt fortiter cum almucia, que foramen habet in summitate ad hoc aptatum, & in isto recondunt crines suos quos recolligunt à part posteriori an summitatem capitis quasi in nodo uno & reponunt in illo botta, quod postea fortiter ligant sub gutture. unde quum equitant plures dominae simul & videntur à long, apparent milites, habentes galeas in capitibus cum lanceis elevatis. Illud enim botta apparet galea desuper lancea. Et sedent omnes mulieres super equos sicut viti diversificantes coxas; & ligant cucullas suas panno serico aerij coloris super renes, & alia fascia stringunt ad mamillas: & ligant unam peciam albam sub occulis, quae descendit usque ad pectus. Et sunt mulieres mirae pinguedinis, & quae minus habet de naso pulchrior reputatur. Deturpant etiam turpiter pinguedine facies suas: nunquam cubant in lecto pro puerperio. De officio mulierum, & operibus earum, ac de nuptijs earum. OFicium foeminarum est ducere bigas, ponere domus super eas & deponere, mungere vaccas, facere butirum & grieve, parare pelles, & consuere eas, quas consuunt filo deneruis, dividunt enim neruos in minuta fila, & postea illa contorquent in unum longum filum. Consuunt etiam soculares & soccos & alias vestes. Vestes vero nunquam lavant, quia dicunt quod Deus tunc irascitur, & quod fiant tonitrua si suspendantur ad siccandum: Imo lavantes verberant & eye auserunt. Tonitrua supra modum timent: tunc omnes extrancos amittunt de domibus suis; & involuunt se in filtris nigria, in quibus laritant, donec transierit. Nunquam etiam lavant scutellos, imo carne cocta alueum in quo debent ponere eam lavant brodio bulliente de caldaria, & postea refundunt in calda●iam● faciunt & filtrum & cooperiunt domos. Viri faciunt solum arcus & sagittas, sabricant strepas & sraena, & faciunt cellas, carpentant domos & bigas: custodiunt equos & mungunt equas, concutiunt ipsum cosmos & lac equinum, faciunt utres in quibus reconditur: custodiunt etiam camelos, & onerant ●os. Oues & Capras custodiunt mixtim & mungunt aliquando viri, aliquando mulieres. De lact ovium inspissato & salso parant pelles. Pellium parat●● Cum volunt manus vel caput iavare implent os suum aqua & paulatim fundunt de ore suo super manus, & eadem humectant crines suos, & lavant caput suum. De nuptijs eorum noveritis, quod nemo habet ibi uxorem nisi emat eam: unde aliquando sunt puellae multum adultae ante quam nubant: semper enim tenent eas parentes, donec vendant eas. servant etiam gradus consanguinitatis primum & secundum: nullum autem servant affinitatis. Habent enim simul vel successive duas sorores. Nulla vidua nubit inter eos, hac ratione; quia credunt quod omnes qui serviunt eye in hac vita seruient in futura. unde de vidua credunt, quod semper revertitur post mortem ad primum maritum. unde accidit turpis consuetudo inter eos quod filius scilicet ducit aliquando omnes uxores patris sui, excepta matre. Curia enim patris & matris semper accidit iuniorifilio. unde oportet quod ipse provideat omnibus uxoribus patris sui, quia adveniunt eae cum curia paterna. Et tunc si vult utitur eis pro uxoribus, quia non reputat sibi iniuriam, si revertatur ad patrem post mortem. Cum ergo aliquis fecerit pactum cum aliquo de filia accipienda, facit pater puellae conuivium, & illa fugit ad consanguineos, ut ibi late●t: Tunc pater dicit, Ecce filia mea tua est, accipe eam ubicunque inveneris: Tunc ille quaerit cam cum amicis suis, donec inveniat eam, & oportet, quod vi capiat eam, & ducat eam quasi violenter ad domum. De iusticijs eorum & judicijs, et de morte ac sepultura eorum. DE iusticijs eorum noveritis, quod quando duo homines pugnant, nemo audet se intermittere. Etiam pater non audet invare filium. Sed qui peiorem partem habet, appellat ad curiam domini. Et si alius post appellationem tangat eum, interficitur. Sed oportet quod statim absque dilatione vadat: Et ille qui passus est iniuriam ducit eum quasi captiwm. Neminem puniunt capitali sententia, nisi deprehensus fuerit in facto, vel confessus. Sed quum diffamatus est à pluribus, bene torquent eum, ut confiteatur. Homicidium puniunt capitali sententia, & etiam coitum cum non sua. Non suam dico vel uxorem vel famulam: Sua enim sclava licet uti prou●libet. Item enorm furtum puniunt morte. Pro levi furto, sicut pro uno ariete, dummodo non fuerit saepe deprehensus in hoc, verberant crudeliter. Et si dant centum ictus oportet quod habeant centum baculos, de illis dico, qui verberantur sententia curiae. Item falsos nuncios, quia faciunt se nuncios & non sunt, inter●●ciunt. Item sacrilegas, de quibus dicam vobis postea plenius, quia tales reputant veneficas. Quando aliquis moritur plangunt vehementer ululando: & tunc sunt liberi quod non dant vectigal usque ad annum. Et si quis interest morti alicujus adulti, non ingreditur domum ipsius Mangucham usque ad annum. Si paruulus est qui moritur, non ingreditur usque post lunationem. juxta sepulturam defuncti semper relinqunt domum unam. Si est de nobilibus, hoc est de genere Chingis, qui fuit primus pater & dominus eorum, illius qui moritur ignoratur sepultura: & semper circa loca illa ubi sepeliunt nobiles suos est una herbergia hominum costodientium sepulturas. Non intellexi quod ipsi recondunt thesaurum cum mortuis. Comani faciunt magnum tumulum super defunctum & erigunt ei statuam versa facie ad orientem, tenentem ciphum in manu sua ante umbelicum, fabricant & divitibus pyramides, id est domunculas acutas: & alicubi vidi magnas turtes de tegulis coctis: alicubi lapideas domos, quamuis lapides non inveniantur ibi. Vidi quendam noviter defunctum, cui suspenderant pelles sexdecem equorum, ad quod libet làtus mundi quatuor inter perticas altas: & apposuerunt ei cosmos ut biberet, & carnes ut comederet: & tamen dicebant de illo quod fuerat baptizatus. Alias vidi sepulturas versus orientem. Areas scilicet magnas structas lapidibus, aliquas rotundas, aliquas quadratas, & postea quatuor lapides longos erectos ad quatuor regiones mundi circa aream. Et ubi aliquis infirmatur cubat in lecto & ponit signum super domum suam, quod ibi est infirmus, & quod nullus ingrediatur: unde nullus visitat infirmum nisi seruiens eius. Quando etiam aliquis de magnis curijs infirmatur, ponunt custodes long circa curiam, qui infra illos terminos neminem permittunt transire: timent enim ne mali spiritus vel ventus veniant cum ingredientibus. Ipsos divinatores vocant tanquam sacerdotes suos. Qualiter ingressi sunt inter Tartaros, & de ingratitudine eorum. QVando ergo ingressi sumus inter illos barbaros, visum fuit mihi, ut dixi superius, quod ingrederer aliud saeculum. Circumdederunt enim nos in equis post quam diu fecerant nos expectare sedentes in umbra sub bigis nigris. Prima quaestio fuit, utrum unquam fuisse mus inter eos. habito quod non: inceperunt impudenter pe●ere de cibarijs nostris, & dedimus de pane biscocto & vino quod attuleramus nobiscum de villa: & potata una lagena vini, petierunt aliam, dicentes, quod homo non ingreditur domum uno pede. non dedimus eis, exculantes nos quod parum haberemus. Tunc quaesiverunt unde veniremus, & quo vellemus ire. dixi eis superiora verba, quod audieramus de Sartach, quod esset Christianus, & quod vellem ire ad eum, quia habebam deferre ei literas vestras. Ipsi diligenter quaesiverunt, utrum irem de mea voluntate, vel utrum mitterer. Ego respondi quod nemo coegit me ad eundum, nec ivissem nisi voluislem: unde de mea voluntate ibam, & etiam de voluntare superioris mei. Bene cavi, quod nunquam dixi, me es●e nuncium vestrum. Tunc quaesiverunt quid eslet in bigis, utrum esset aurum vel argentum, vel vestes preciosae, quas deferrem Sartach. Ego respondi, quod Sartach videret quid deferi emus ei, quando perveniremus ad eum; & quod non intererat eorum ista quaerere: sed facerent me deduci usque ad capitaneum suum, & ipse si vellet mihi praebere ducatum usque ad Sartach faceret: sin minus, reverterer. Erat enim in illa provincia unus consanguineus Baatu, nomine Scaca●ai, cui dominus imperator Constantinopolitanus mittebat literas deprecatorias, quod me permitteret transire. Tunc ipsi acquieverunt, praebentes nobis equos & boves & duos homines, qui deducerent nos. Et alij qui adduxerant nos sunt reversi. Prius tamen antequam praedicta darent, fecerunt nos diu expectare petentes de pane nostro pro parvulis suis: Et omnia quae videbant super famulos nostros, cultellos, chirothecas, bursas, corrigias, omnia admirantes & volentes habere. Excusabam me, quia longa nobis restabat via, nec debebamus ita cito ●poliare nos rebus necessarijs ad tantam viam perficiendam. Tunc dicebant quod essem batrator. Verum est quod nihil abstulerint vi: Sed valde importune & impudenter petunt quae vident. Et si dat homo eis perdit, quia sunt ingrati. Reputant se dominos mundi, & videtur eye, quod nihil debeat eis negari ab aliquo. Si non dat, & postea indigeat seruicio eorum, male ministrant ei. Dederunt nobis bibere de lact suo vaccino, a quo contractum erat butirum, acetoso valde, quod ipsi vocant Apram: & sic recessimus ab eis. Et visum fuit mihi recte, quod evasissem de manibus daemonum. In crastino pervenimus ad capitaneum. Ex quo recessimus a Soldaia usque ad Sartach in duobus mensibus nunquam iacuimus i● domo nec in tentorio, sed semper sub dio, vel sub bigis nostris, nec vidimus aliquam villam, vel vestigium alicujus aedificij ubi fuisset villa, nisi tumbas Comanorun in maxima multitudine. Illo sero dedit nobis garcio qui ducebat nos bibere cosmos; ad cuius haustum totus sudavi propter horrorem & novitatem, quia nunquam biberam de eo. valde tamen sapidum videbatur mihi, sicut vere est. De curia Scacatay, & quod Christiani non bibunt cosmos. MAne ergo obviavimus bigis Scacatay onustis domibus. Et videbatur mihi quod obuiare● mihi civitas magna. Mirabar etiam super multitudine armentorum boum & equorum & gregum ovium: paucos vide bam homines qui ista gubernarent. unde inquisivi quot homines haberet sub se? & dictum fuit mihi, quod non plusquam quingentos, quorum medietatem transiveramus in alia herbergia. Tunc incepit mihi dicere garcio qui ducebat nos, quod aliquid oporteret Scacatay dare: & ipse fecit nos stare, & praecessit nuncians adventum nostrum. jam erat hora plu●quam tertia, & deposuerunt domos suas juxta quandam aquam. Et venit ad nos interpres ipsius, qui statim cognito, quod nunquam fucramus inter illos, poposcit de cibis nostris, & dedimus ei, poscebat etiam vestimentum aliquod, quia dicturus erat verbum nostrum ante dominum suum. Excusavimus nos. Quaesivit quid portaremus domino suo? Accepimus unum flasconem de vino, & implevimus unum veringal de biscocto & platellum unum de pomis & aliis fructibus. Sed non placebat ei, quia non ferebamus aliquem pannum pretiosum. Sic tamen ingressi sumus cum timore & verecundia. Sedebat ipse in lecto suo tenens citharulam in manu, & uxor sua juxta eum: de qua credebam in veritate, quod amputasset sibi nasum inter oculos ut simior esset: nihil enim habebat ibi de naso, & unxerat locum illum quodam vnguento nigro, & etiam supercilia: quod erat turpissimum in oculis nostris. Tunc dixi ei verba supra dicta. ubique enim oportebat nos dicere idem verbum. Super hoc enim eramus bene premoniti ab illis qui fuerant inter illos, quod nunquam mutaremus verba nostra. Nota diligente●. Rogavi etiam cum ut dignaretur accipere munusculum de manu nostra, excusans me, quia monachus eram, nec erat ordinis nostri possidere aurum, vel argentum, vel vestes preciosas. unde non habebam aliquid talium, quod possem ei dare: sed de cibis nostris acciperet pro benedictione. Tunc fecit recipi, & distribuit statim hominibus suis qui convenerant ad potandum. Dedi etiam e● literas Imperatoris Constantinopolitaniss: (Hoc fuit in octavis ascensionis) Qui statim eas Soldaiam misit ut ibi interpretarentur: quia erant in Graeco, nec habebat secum qui sciret literas Graecas. Quae sivit etiam à nobis, si vellemus bibere cosmos, hoc est, lac iumentinum. Christiani enim Ruteni, Graeci, & Alani, qui sunt inter eos, qui volunt strict custodire legem suam, non bibunt illud: Imo non reputant se Christianus postquam biberunt. Et sacerdotes eorum reconciliant eos, tanquam negassent fidem Christianam. Ego respondi, quod habebamus adhuc sufficienter ad bibendum: & cum ille potus deficeret nobis, oporteret nos bibere illud, quod daretur nobis. Quae sivit etiam quid contineretur in literis nostris, quas mittebatis Sartach. Dixi quod clausae erant bullae nostrae: & quod non erant in eis nisi bona verba & amicabilia. Quae sivit & quae verba diceremus Sartach? Respondi, Verba fidei christian. Quae sivit quae? Quia libenter vellet audire. Tunc exposui ei prout potui per interpretem meum, qui nullius erat in genij, nec alicuius eloquentiae, symbolum fidei. Quo audito, ipse tacuit & movit caput. Tunc assignavit nobis duos homines, qui nos custodirent, & equos & boves: & fecit nos bigare se cum, donec reverteretur nuncius, quem ipse miserat pro interpretatione literarum imperatoris; & ivimus cum eo usque in crastinum Pentecostes. Qualiter Alani venerunt ad eos in vigilia Pentecostes. IN vigilia Pentecostes venerunt ad nos quidam Alani, qui ibi dicuntur ‖ Vel Akas. Acias, Christiani secundum ritum Graecorum; habentes literas Grecas & sacerdotes Graecoes: tamen non sunt schismatici sicut Graeci; sed sine acceptione personarum venerantur omnem Christianum: & detulerunt nobis carnes coctas, rogantes ut comederemus de cibo eorum, & oraremus pro quodam defuncto eorum. Tunc dixi quod vigilia erat tantae solennitatis, quod illa die non comederemus carnes. Et exposui eye de solennitate, super quo fuerunt multum gavisi; quia omnia ignorabant quae spectant ad ritum Christianum, solo nomine Christi excepto. Quaesiverunt & ipsi & alij multi Christiani, Ruteni & Hungari, uttum possent salvari, quia oportebat eos bibere cosmos, & comedere morticinia & interfecta à Saracenis & alijs infidelibus: quae etiam ipsi Graeci & Ruteni sacerdotes reputant quasi morticinia vel idolis immolata: quia ignorabant tempora ieiunij: nec poterant custodire etiam si cognovissent. Tunc rectificabar eos prout potui, docens & confortans in fide. Carnes quas detulerant reseruavimus usque ad diem festum: nihil enim inveniebamus venale pro auro & argento, nisi pro telis & alijs | No●a diligent●●sime. pannis: & illos non habe bamus. Quum famuli nostri offerebant eis ipperpera, ipsi fricabant digitis, & ponebant ad nares, ut odore sentirent, utrum essent cuprum. Nec dabant nobis cibum nisi lac vaccinum acre valde & foetidum. Vinumiam d●ficiebat nobis. Aqua ita turbabatur ab equis, quod non erat potabilis. Nisi fuisset biscoctum quod habebamus, & gratia dei, fortè fuissemus mortui. De Saraceno qui dixit se velle baptizarj, et de hominibus qui apparent leprosi. INdie pentecostes venit ad nos quidam Saracenus, qui cum loqueretur nobiscum, incepimus exponere fidem. Qui audiens beneficia dei exhibita humano generi in incarnatione Christi, & resurrectionem mortuorum, & judicium futurum, & quod ablutio peccatorum es●et in baptismo: dixit se velle baptizari. Et cum pararemus nos ad baptizandum eum, ipse subito ascendit equum suum, dicens se iturum domum & habiturum consilium cum uxore sua. Qui in crastino loquens nobiscum, dixit quod nullo modo auderet accipere baptisma, quia tunc non biberet cosmos. Christiani enim illius loci hoc dicebant, quod nullus verus Christianus deberet bibere: & sine potu illo non posset vivere in solitudine illa. A qua opinione nullo modo potui divertere illum. unde noveritis pro certo quod multum elongantur à fide propter illam opinionem quae iam viguit inter illos per Rutenos, quorum maxima multitudo est inter eos. Illa die dedit nobis ille capitaneus unum hominem, qui nos deduceret usque ad Sartach: & duos qui ducerent nos usque ad proximam herbergiam; quae inde distabat quinque dietas prout boves poterant ire. Dederunt etiam nobis unam capram pro cibo & plures utres lactis vaccini, & de cosmos parum: quia illud preciosum est inter illos. Et sic arripientes iter rectè in aquilonem, visum fuit mihi quod unam portam inferni transissemus. Garciones qui ducebant nos, incipiebant nobis audacter furari, quia videbant nos parum cautos. Tandem amissis pluribus vexatio dabat nobis intellectum. Peruenimus tandem ad extremitatem illius provinciae, quae clauditur uno fossato ab uno mariusque ad aliud: extra quam erat herbergia eorum apud quos intrassemus: videbantur nobis leprosi omnes: Salinae quia erant viles homines ibi collocati, ut reciperent tribu●um ab accipientibus sal a ●alinis superius dictis. Ab illo loco, ut dicebant, oportebat nos ambulare quinde cim diebus, quibus non inveniremus populum. Cum illis bibimus cosmos: & dedimus illis unum veringal plenum fructibus & panem biscoctum. Qui dederunt nobis octo boves, Decem dietae. unam capram pro tanto itinere, & nescio quot utres plenos lact vaccino. Sic mutatis bobus arripuinus iter, quod perfecimus decem diebus usque ad aliam herberglam: nec invenimus a quam in illa via nisi in fossis in convallibus factis, exceptis duobus parvis fluminibus. Et tend bamus rectè in orientem ex quo exivimus praedictam provinciam Gasariae, habentes mare ad meridiem & vastam solitudinem ad aquilonem: quae durat per viginti dietas alicubi in latitudine: In qua nulla est sylua, nullus nions, nullus lapis. Herba est optima. In hac solebant pascere Comani, qui dicuntur Capchat. A Tentonicis verò dicuntur Valani, & provincia Valania. Ab Isidoro vero dicitur à flumine Tanai usque ad paludes Meotidis & Danubium Alania. Et durat ista terra in longitudine a Danubio usque Tanaim; qui est terminus Asiae & Europae, Comanie longitudo. itinere duorum mensium velociter equitando prout equitant Tartari: Quae tota inhabitabatur à Comanis Capchat, & etiam ultra à Tanai usque ‖ E●l●a quae & Volga flumen. Etiliam: Inter quae flumina sunt decem dietae magnae. Ad aquilonem verò istius prouincie ●acet Russia, Russia. que ubique syluas habet, & protenditur à Polonia & Hungaria usque Tanaim: quae tota vastata est à Tartaris, & adhuc quotidie vastatur. Praeponunt enim Rutenis, quia sunt Christiani, Saracenos: & cum non possunt amplius dare aurum vel argentum, ducunt eos & paruulos eorum tanquam greges ad solitudinem ut custodiant animalia eorum. Vltra Russiiam ad aquilonem est Prussia, Prussia. quam nuper subi●gauerunt totam fratres Te●tonici. Et certe de facili acquierent Russiam, si apponerent manum. Si enim Tartari audirent, quod magnus sacerdos, hoc est, Papa faceret cruce signari contra eos, omnes fugerent ad solitudines suas. De tedijs quae patiebantur, & de sepultura Comanorum. IBbanus ergo versus orientem, nihil videntes nisi coelum & te●ram, & aliquando mare ad dextram, quod dicitur Mare Tanais, & etiam sepulturas Comanorum, quae apparebant nobis à duabus le●cis secundum quod solebant parentelae eorum ●epe●●●●m●l, Quam 〈◊〉 ●r●mus in solitudine bene erat nobis: quòd tedium quod patiebar quum veni●ba●us ad mansiones eorum non possem exprimere verbis. Volebat enim dux noster, quod ad quo●l b●t capitan●os ing●ederer cum xe●o: & ad hoc non sufficiebant expensae. Quotidie enim e●amus octo personae comed●ntes viaticum nostrum exceptis seruientibus, qui omnes volebant comedere nobiscum. Nos enim eramus quinque, & ipsi tres qui ducebant nos: duo ducentes bigas, & unus iturus nobiscum usque ad Sattach. Carnes quas dabant non sufficiebant; nec inueni● bamus aliquid venale pro moneta. Et cum sedebamus sub bigis nostris pro umbra, Calor ●aximu● ibiin aestate. quia calor erat ibi maximus illo tempore, ipsi ita importune ingerebant se nobis, quod conculcabant nos, volentes omnia nostra videre. Si arripiebat eos appetitus purgandi ventrem, non elongabant se a nobis, quam possit ●aba iactari. Imo juxta nos colloquentes mutuò faciebant immunditias suas: & multa alia faciebant quae erant supra modum tediosa. Super omnia gravabat me, quod cum volebam dicere eis aliquod verbum aedificationis, interpres meus dicebat, non facietis me praedicare; quia nescio talia verba dicere. Et verum dicebat. Ego enim perpendi postea, quum in●epi aliquantulum intelligere idioma, quod quum di●ebam unum, ipse totum aliud dicebat, secundum quod ei occurrebat. Tunc videns periculum loquendi per ipsum, elegi magis tacere. Ambulavimus ergo cum magno labore de mansione in mansionem: ita quod pancis diebus ante festum bea●ae Mariae Magdalenae veni ad flwium magnum Tanais: qui dividit Asiam ab Europa, Tanais flwius, sicut Nilus flwius AEgypti, Asiam ab Africa. In illo loco quo applicuimus fecerunt Baat● & Sartach fieri quoddam casale de Rutenis in ripa orientali, qui transferunt nuncios & mercatores cum naviculis. Casale Rutenorum. Ipsi transtulerunt nos primo & postea bigas ponentes unam rotam ●n una barea & aliam in alia, ligantes barcas ad invicem; & sic remigantes transibant. Ibi egit dux noster valde stulte. Ipse enim credebat, quod illi de casali deberent nobis ministrare equos, & dimis●● animalia quae adduxeramus in alia biga, utredirent ad dominos suos. Et quam postulavimus ab eis animalia, ipsi respondebant quod habebant privilegium à Baatu, quod non tenerentur ad aliud, nisi transferre euntes & redeuntes: etiam à mercatoribus accipiebant magnum tributum. Stetimus ergo ibi in ripa sluminis tribus diebus. Prima die dederunt nobis mag●●m borbatam recen●em: secunda die panem de siligine & parum de carnibus, quas acceperat procurator villae os●iatim per diversas domos. Tertia die pisces siccos, quos habent ibi in magna multitudine. Flwius ille erat ibi tantae ●atitudinis, quantae est Sequana Parisijs. Latitudo Tanais. Et antequam pervenissemus ad locum illum, transivimus multas aquas pulcherrimas & piscosissimas: Sed Tartari nesciunt eos capere: nec curant de pisce nisi sit ita magnus, quod pos●unt comedere ca●nes eius, sicut carnes arietinas. Ille flwius est terminus Orientalis Russiae; & oritur de paludibus quae pertingunt ad Oceanum ad aquilonem. Oceanus. Flwius vero currit ad merid●em in quoddam magnum Mare septingentorum millium, antequam pertingat ad Mare Ponti: Et omnes aquae quas transivimus vadunt ad illas partes. Habet etiam piedictum flumen magnam syluam in ripa Occidentali. Vlti a locum illum non ascendunt Tartari versus Aquilonem: quia tunc temporis ‖ Ad introi●um Augusti ●●deunt ad meridiem. circa introitum Augusti incipiunt redire versus meridiem. unde aliud est casale infe●ius ubi transeunt nuncij tempore hyemali. Eramus igitur ibi in magna angustia, quia nec equos nec boves inveniebamus pro pecunia. Tandem postquam ostendi eis, quod laboravi pro communi utilitate omnium Christianorum, accommodaverunt nobis boves & homines: nos autem oportebat ire pedibus. Tunc temporis metebant siliginem: tri●icum non proficiebat ibi bene. Milium habent in magna copia. Mulieres Rutenae ornant capita sicut nostrae. Supertunicalia sua exterius ornant vario vel grisio a pedibus usque ad genua. Homines portant capas sicut Teutonici: sed in capite portant pileos de siltro acutos in summitate longo acumine. Ambulavimus ergo tribus diebus non invenientes populum. Et cum essemus valde farigati & boves similiter, nec sciremus quorsum possemus Tartaros invenire, accurretunt sebito duo equi, quos recepimus cum gaudio magno, & ascenderunt eos dux noster & interpres, ut specularentur quorsum possemus populum invenire. Tandem quarta die inventis hominibus gaulsi sumus tanquam naufragi venientes ad portum. Tunc acceptis equis & bobus i●imus de mansione ad mansionem donec pervenimus usque ad herbergiam Sartach secundo Calendas Augusti. De regione Sartach, & de gentibus illius. REgio ista ultra Tanaim est pulcherrima, habens flumina & syluas ad aquilonem. Sunt syluae maximae, quas inhabitant duo genera hominum: Moxel scilicet, qui sunt sine lege, puripagani. Civitatem non habent sed casulas in syluis. Dominus eorum & magna pa●s eorum fuerunt interfecti in Alemania, Tartari enim duxerant eos ad introitum Alemaniae. unde ipsi multum commendant Alemanos, sperantes quod adhuc liberabuntur per eos à servitute Tartarorum. Si mercator veniat ad eos, oportet quod ille apud quem primo descendit provideat ei quamdiu vult esse inter eos. Si quis dormiat cum uxore alterius, ille non curat nisi videat proprijs oculis: unde non sunt Zelotypi. Abundant apud eos porci, mel, & cera, pelles preciosae, & falcones. Post illos sunt alij qui dicuntur Merdas, quos latini vocant Merduos, & ●unt Saraceni. Merdui Saraceni. Post illos est ‖ vel Volga flwius. Etilia, quae est maior flwius, quam unquam viderim: & venit ab Aquilone de maiori Bulgaria tendens ad meridiem: & cadit in quendam lacum habentem spacium quatuor mensium in circuitu, de quo postea dicam vobis. Ista ergo duo flumina Tanais & Etilia versus regiones Aquilonis per quas transivimus non distant ab invicem nisi decem dietis, sed ad meridiem multum dividuntur ab invicem. Tanais enim descendit in Mare Ponti: Etilia facit praedictum Mare sive lacum, cum alijs multis fluminibus, quae cadunt in illum de Perside. Habebamus autem ad meridiem montes maximos in quibus habitant in lateribus versus solitudinem illam Cergis & Alani sive ‖ Kerkis. vel Aas. Acas, qui ●unt Christiani & adhuc pugnant contra Tartaros. Post istos prope Mare sive lacum Etiliae sunt quidam Saraceni qui dicuntur Lesgi, Lesgi Saraceni. qui similiter obediunt. Post hos est Porta ferrea, quam secit Alexander ad excluden das Barbaras gentes de Perside: de cuius situ dicam vobis postea, ‖ Re●i●us eius per Derbent. quia transivi per eam in reditu. Et inter ista duo flumina in illis terris per quas transivimus habitabant Comam antequam Tartari occuparent eas. De Curia Sartach & de gloria eius. invenimus ergo Sartach prope Etiliam per tres dietas: cuius curia valde magna videbatur nobis: quia habet sex uxores, & filius eius primogenitus juxta eum duas vel tres: & quaelibet habet domum magnam & bigas forte ducentas. Accessit autem ductor noster ad quendam Nestorinum Coiat nomine, Coiat Nes●orinus. qui est unus de maioribus Curiae suae. Ille fecit nos ire valde long ad domini Iannam. Ita vocant illum qui habet ●fficium recipiendi nuncios. In sero praecepit nobis dictus Coiat, ut veniremus ad eum. Tunc incepit quaerere ductor noster quid portaremus e●, & coepit multum scandalizari, quum vidit quod nihil parabamus ad portandum. Stetimus coram eo, & ipse sedebat in gloria sua & faciebat sonare citharam & saltare coram se. Tunc dixi ei verba praedicta qualiter veniremus ad dominum eius, rogans eum ut i●uaret nos ut Dominus eius videret literas nostras. Excusavi etiam me quia monachus eram, non habens, nec recipiens, nec tractans aurum vel argentum vel aliquid preciosum, solis libris & capella in qua ser●iebamus deo exceptis: unde nullum xenium afferebamus einec domino suo. Qui enim propria dimiseram, non poteram portator esse alienorum. Tunc respondit satis mansuete, quod bene faciebam ex quo eram monachus: sic seruarem votum meum, & non indigebat rebus nostris; sed magis daret nobis de suis, si indigeremus: & fecit nos sedere & bibere de lact suo. Et post pauca rogavit ut diceremus benedictionem pro eo, quod & fecimus. Quaesivit & quis esset maior dominus inter Francos. Dixi, Imperator, si haberet terram suam in pace. Non, inquit, sed Rex Franciae. Audiverat enim de vobis à domino Baldewyno de Hannonia. inveni etiam ibi unum de Socijs domus Dominicae, qui fuerat in Cypro, qui narraverat omnia quae viderat. Tunc reversi sumus ad hospitium nostrum. In cras●ino misi ei unum flasconem de vino Muscato, quod optime se custodierat in tam longa via; & cophinum plenum biscocto quod fuit ei gratissimum, & retinuir illo sero famulos nostros secum. In crastino mandavit mihi quod venirem ad curiam; afferens literas regis & capellam & libros mecum, quia dominus suus vellet videre ea: quod & fecimus, onerantes unam bigam libris & capella, & aliam pane & vino & fructibus. Tunc fecit omnes libros & vestes explica●i, & circumstabant nos in equis multi Tartari & Christiani & Saraceni: quibus inspectis, quaesivit, si vellemista omnia dare domino suo, quo audito, expavi, & displicuit mihi verbum, dissimulans tamen respondi, domine rogamus, quatenus dominus noster dignetur recipere panem illum, vinum & fructus non pre xenio quia exiguum quid est, sed pro benedictione, ne vacua manu veni● mus coram eo. Ipse autem videbit literas domini regis, & per eas sciet, qua de causa venimus ad eum: & tunc stabimus mandato eius nos & omnes res nostrae. Vestes enim sanctae sunt, & non licet eas contingere nisi sacerdotibus. Tunc praecepit quod indueremus nos ituri coram domino suo: quod & fecimus. Ego autem indutus preciosioribus vestibus accepi in pectore puluinar, quod erat valde pulchrum, & biblium quod dederatis mihi, psalterium pulcherrimum, quod dederat mihi domina regina, in quo erant picturae pulc●rae. Socius meus accepit missale & crucem, clericus indutus supercilicio accepit thu●ibulum: sic accessimus ante dominum eius: fil●rum quod pendebat ante ostium ut nos posset videre. Tunc fecerunt flectere genua ter clerico & interpreti: à nobis non requisiverunt. Tunc monuerunt nos valde diligenter, ut caveremus ingrediendo & egrediendo ne tangeremus limen domus, & ut cantaremus aliquam benedictionem pro eo. Tunc ingressi sumus cantando, Salue regina. In introitu autem ostij stabat bancus cum cosmos & cum ciphis. Et convenerant omnes uxores eius: & ipsi Moal. Ingredientes nobiscum comprimebant nos. Illic Coiac tulit ei thuribulum cum incenso, quod ipse respexit, tenens in manu diligenter: postea tulit ei psalterium quod valde respexi●, & uxor eius sedens juxta eum. Postea tulit biblium, & ipse quaesivit, si evangelium esset ibi. Dixi, etiam tota Scriptura Sacra. Accepit etiam crucem in manu sua, & quaesivit de imagine, utrum esset imago Christi? Respondi quod sic. Ipsi Nestoriani & Armeni nunquam faciunt super cruces suas figuram Christi. unde videntur male sentire de passione, vel erubescunt eam. Postea fecit circumstantes nos retrahere se, ut plenius posset videre ornamenta nostra. Tunc obtuli ei literas vestras cum transcriptis in Arabico & Syriano. Feceram enim eas transferri in Acon in utraque litera & lingua. Et ibi erant sacerdotes Armeni, quisciebant Turcicum & Arabicum, & Ille Socius domus Domini qui sciebat Syrianum, & Turcicum & Arabicum. Tunc exivimus & deposuimus vestimenta nostra: & venerunt scriptores & ille Coiac, & fecerunt literas interpretari. Quibus auditis, fecit recipi panem & vinum & fructus: vestimentà & libros fecit nos reportare ad hospitium. Hoc actum est in festo Sancti Petri ad vincula. Qualiter habuerunt in mandatis adire Baatu patrem Sartach. IN crastino mane venit quidam sacerdos frater ipsius Coiac postulans vasculum cum chrismate, quia Sartach volebat illud videre, ut dicebat, & dedimus ei. Hora vespertina vocavit nos Coiac, dicens nobis: Dominus rex scripsit bona verba Domino meo: Sed sunt in eis difficilia, de quibus nihil auderet facere, sine consilio patris sui. unde oportet vos ire ad patrem suum, & duas bigas quas adduxistis heri cum vestimentis & libris dimittetis mihi, quia Dominus meus vult res diligentius videre. Ego statim suspicatus sum malum de cupiditate eius, & dixi ei. Domine, non solum illas sed etiam duas quas adhuc habemus relinquemus sub custodia vestra. Non inquit, illas relinguetis, de alijs facietis velle vestrum. Dixi quod hoc nullo modo posset fieri. Sed totam dimitteremus ei. Tunc quaesivit si vellemus morari in terra? Ego dixi, Si bene intellexistis literas domini regis, potestis scire, quod sic. Tunc dixit, quod oporteret nos esse patientes multum, & humiles. Sic discessimus ab eo illo sero. In crastino mane misit unum sacerdotem Nestorinum pro bigis, & nos duximus omnes quatuor. Tunc occurrens nobis frater ipsius Coiacis, seperavit omnia nostra ab ipsis rebus quas tuleramus pridie ad curiam, & illa accepit tanquam sua, scilicet libros & vestimenta: & Coiac praeceperat, quod ferremus nobiscum vestimenta quibus induti fueramus coram Sartach ut illis indueremur coram Baatu si expediret: quas ille sacerdos abstulit nobisvi, dicens: Tu attulisti eas ad Sartach, modo vis ferre Baatu? Et cum vellem ei reddere rationem, respondit mihi, Ne loquaris nimis, & vade viam tuam. Tunc necessaria fuit patientia, quia apud Sartach, non patebat nobis ingressus; nec aliquis erat, qui nobis exhiberet justiciam. Timebam etiam de interpret, ne ipse aliquid aliter dixisset, quam ego dixissem ei: quia ipse bene voluisser, quod de omnibus fecissemus xenium. unum erat mihi solacium, quia quum persensi cupidiratem eorum, ego subtraxi de lib●is Biblium & sententias, & alios libros quos magis diligebam. Psalterium dominae reginae non fui ausus subtrahere, quia illud fuerat nimis notatum propter aureas picturas quae erant in eo. Sic ergo reversi sumus cum duobus residuis bigis ad hospitium nostrum. Tunc venit ille, qui debebat ducere nos ad Baatu, volens cum festinatione a●ripere i●er: cui dixi quod nulla ratione ducerem bigas● Quod ipse re●ulit ad Coiac. Tunc praecepit Coiac quod relinqueremus eas apud ipsum cum garcione nostro: quod & fecimus. Sic ergo euntes versus Baatu recta in Orientem, tertia die pervenimus ad Etiliam: Perueniunt ad Eti●iam vel Volgam. cuius aquas cum vidi, mirabar unde ab Aquilone descenderuat tantae aquae. Antequam recederemus à Sartach, dixit nobis supradictus Coiac cum alijs multis scriptoribus curiae, Nolite dicere quod dominus noster sit Christianus, sed Moal Tartari voluns vocari Moal● Quia nomen Christianitatis videtur eis nomen cuiusdam gentis. In tantam superbiam sunt erecti, quod quamuis aliquid forte credant de Christo, tamen nolunt dici Christiani volentes nomen suum, hoc est, Moal exaltare super omne nomen. Nec volunt vocari Tartari: Tartari enim ●uerunt alia gens de quibus sic didici. Qualiter Sartach, & Mangucham & Kencham faciunt reverentiam Christianis. TEmpore quo Franci ceperunt Antiochiam tenebat monarchiam in illis lateribus Aquilonis quidam qui vocabatur Concan. Con ●●n. Con est proprium nomen: Cancrone nomen dignitatis quod idem est qui divinator. Omnes divinatores vocant Can. unde principes dicuntur Cancrone, quia penes eos spectat regimen populi per divinationem. unde legitur in historia Antiochiae, quod Turci miserunt propter succursum contra Francos ad regnum Con can. unde venerunt 〈◊〉. De illis enim partibus venerunt omnes Turci. Iste Con erat Cara-Catay. Caracatay. Cara idem est quod nigrum. Catai nomen gentis. undè Cara-Catay idem est quod nigri Catay. Et hoc dicitur ad differentiam ipsorum Catay qui erant in Oriente super Oceanum de quibus postea dicam vobis. O●●●●us. Isti Catay erant in quibusdam alpibus per quas transivi. Et in quadam planicie inter illas Alpes erat quidam Nestorinus pastor potens & dominus super populum, qui dicebatur Yayman, Vel Nayman. qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Mor●uo Con can elevauit se ille Nestorius in regem, & vocabant eum Nestoriani Regem johannem: Preb●ytes johannes. & plus dicebant de ipso in decuplo quàm veritas esset. Ita enim laciunt Nestoriani venientes de partibus illis. De nihilo enim faciunt magnos rumores. unde disseminaverunt de Sartach quod esset Christianus, & de Mangu Can & Ken can: quia faciunt mai●rem reverentiam Christianis, quàm alijs populis, & tamen in veritate Christiani non sunt. Sic ergo exivit magna fama de illo Rege johann. Et quando ego transivi per pascua eius, nullus aliquid sciebat de co nisi Nestoriani pauci. In pascuis eius habitat Kencam, Kencham ubi habita●●t. apud cuius curiam fuit frater Andreas: Frater Andreas in Curia Kencham. & ego etiam transivi per eam in reditu. Huic johanni erat frater quidam potens, pastor similiter, nomine Vut: Vut can, vel Vnc. & ipse erat ultra Alpes ipsorum Caracatay, distans à fratre suospacium trium hebdomadarum & erat dominus cinusdam Villulae quae dicitur Caracarum, Caracarum V●l●ul●. populum habens sub se, qui dicebantur Crit, Merkit, C●it, & Merkit. qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Sed ipse dominus eorum dimisso cultu Christi, sectabatur idola; habens sacerdotes idolorum, qui omnes sunt invocatores daemonum & sortilegi. Vltra pascua istius ad decem vel quindecem dictas erant pascua Moal: Moal paupe●ri●i homines. qui erant pauperrimi homines sine capitaneo & sine lege, Ta●taro●um s●●es. exceptis sortilegijs & divinationibus, quibus omnes in partibus illis intendunt. Et juxta Moal erant alij pauperes, qui dicebantur Tartari. Rex johannes mortuus fuit sine haerede, & ditatus est frater eius Vnc; & faciebat se vocari Cancrone: & mittebantur a●menta greges eius usque ad terminos Moal. Tunc temporis Chingis faber quidam erat in populo Moal: & furabatur de animalibus Vnc can quod poterat: In tantum quod conquesti sunt pastores Vut domino suo. Tunc congregavit exercitum & equitavit in terram Moal, quaerens ipsum Cyngis. Cyngis. Et ille fugit inter Tartaros & latuit ibi. Tunc ipse Vut accepta praedà Moal & à Tartaris reversus est. Tunc ipse Cyngis allocutus est Tartaros & ipsos Moal dicens, Quia sine duce sumus opprimunt nos vicini nostri. Et fecerunt ipsum ducem & capitaneum Tartari & Moal. Tunc latenter congregato exercitu irruit super ipsum Vut, & vicit ipsum, & ipse fugit in Cathaiam. Ibi cap●a fuit filia eius, quam Cyngis dedit uni ex filijs in uxorem, Mangu-can. ex quo ipsa suscepit istum qui nunc regnat Mangu. Tunc ipse Cyngis pre●●ittebat ubique ipsos Tartaros: & inde exivit nomen eorum, quia ubique clamabatur, E●ce Tartari veniunt. Sed per crebra bella modo omnes fere deleti sunt. unde isti Moal modo volunt extinguere illud nomen, & suum elevare. Terra illa in qua primo suerunt, & ubi est adhuc curia Cyngiscan, vocatur Mancherule. Mancherule. Sed quia Tartari est regio circa quam fuit acquisitio ●orum, illam civitatem habent pro regali, & ibi prope eligunt suum Can. De Rutenis & Hungaris, & Alanis, & de mari Caspio. DESartach autem utrum credit in Christum vel non nescio. Hoc scio quod Christianus non vult dici. Immò magis videtur mihi deridere Christianos. Ipse enim est in itinere Christianorum, scilicet Rutenorum, Blacorum, Bulgarorum minoris Bulgariae, Soldainorum, Kerkisorum, Alanorum: qui omnes transeunt per eum quum vadunt ad curiam patris sui deferre cimunera, unde magis amplectitur eos. Tamen si Saraceni veniant, & maius afferant, citiùs expediuntur. Habet etiam circa se Nestorinos sacerdotes, qui pulsant tabulam, & cantant officium suum. Est alius qui dicitur Berta super Baatu, Berta vel Berca. qui pascit versus Portam ferream, ubi est iret Saracenorum omnium qui veniunt de Perside & de Turchia, qui euntes ad Baatu, & transeuntes per eum, deferunt ei munera. Et ille facit se Saracenum, & non permittit in terra sua comedi carnes porcinas. Baatu in reditu nostro praeceperatei, quod transferret se de illo loco ultra Etiliam ad Orientem, nolens nuncios Saracenorum transire per eum, quia videbatur sibi damnosum. Quatuor autem diebus quibus fuimus in curia Sartach, nunquam provisum fuit nobis de ●●bo, nisi semel de modico cosmos. In via verò inter ipsum & patrem suum habu●●mus magnum timorem. Ru●eni enim & Hungari, & Alani servi eorum, quorum est magna multitudo inter eos, associant se viginti vel triginta simul, & fugiunt de nocte, habentes pharetras & arcus, & quemcunque inveniunt de nocte interficiunt, de die latitantes. Et quando sunt equi eorum fatigati veniunt de nocte ad multitudinem equorum in pascuis, & mutant equos, & unum vel duos-ducunt secum, ut comedant quum indiguerint. Occursum ergo talium timebat multum Dux noster. In illa via fuissemus mortui fame, si non portavissemus nobiscum modicum de biscocto. Venimus tandem ad Etiliam maximum flumen. Est enim in quadruplo maius quàm Sequana, & profundissimum: Veniens de maiori Bulgaria, quae est ad Aquilonem, Exacta ma●is, Caspij descriptio. tendens in quendam lacum, sive quoddam mare, quod modò vocant mare Sircan, à quadam civitate, quae est juxta ripam eius in Perside. Sed Isidorus vocat illud mare Caspium. Habet enim montes Caspios, & Persidem à meridie: montes verò Musi●et, hoc est, Assassinorum ad Orientem, qui contiguantur cum montibus Caspijs: Ad Aquilonem verò habet illam solitudinem, in qua modò sunt Tartari. Prius verò erant ibi quidam qui dicebantur Canglae: Canglae populi, vel Cangit●●e. Et ex illo latere recipit Etiliam, qui crescit in aestate sicut Nilus AEgypti. Ad Occidentem verò habet montes Alanorum & Lesgi; & Portam feream, & montes Georgianorum. Habet igitur illud mare tria latera inter montes, Aquilonare verò habet ad planiciem. Frater Andreas ipse circumdedit duo latera eius, Frater Andreas. meridionale scilicet & Orientale. Ego verò alia duo; Aquilonare scilicet in eundo à Baatu ad Mangu cham, Occidentale verò in revertendo de Baatu in Syriam. Quatuor mensibus potest circundari. Reprehenditur Isidori error de mari Caspio. Et non est verum quod dicit Isidorus, quòd sit sinus exiens ab Oceano: nusquam enim tangit Oceanum, sed undique circundatur terra. De curia Baatu, & qualiter recepti fuerunt ab eo. TOta illa regio à latere Occidentali istius maris, ubi sunt Porta ferrea Alexandri, & montes Alanorum, usque ad Oceanum Aquilonarem & paludes Maeotidis ubi mergitur Tanais, Oceanus Aquilonari●. solebat dici Albania: de qua dicit Isidorus, Isidorus. quòd habet canes ita magnos, tantae que feritatis, ut tauros premant, leones perimant. Quod verum est, prout intellexi à narrantibus, quod ibi versus Oceanum Aquilonarem faciunt canes trahere in bigis sicut boves propter magnitudinem & fortitudinem eorum. Oceanus Aquilonaris. In illo ergo loco ubi nos applicuimus super Etiliam est casale nowm, quod fecerunt Tartari de Rutenis mixtim, qui transponunt nuncios euntes, & redeuntes ad curiam Baatu: quia Baatu est in ulteriori ripa ve●sus Orientem: nec transit illum locum ubi nos applicuimus ascendendo in aestate, sed iam incipiebat descendere. De januario enim usque ad Augustum ascendit ipse, & omnes alij versus frigidas regiones, & in Augusto incipiunt redire. Descendimus ergo in navi ab illo casali usque ad curiam eius. Descendit navi per flumen Volga. Et ab illo loco usque ad villas maioris Bulgarie versus Aquilonem, sunt quinque dietae. Et miror quis Diabolus portavit illuc legem Machometi. Nota. A Porta enim ferrea, 30 diet à Porta fer●ea. quae est exitus Persidis, sunt plusquam triginta dietae per transuersum, solitudinem ascendendo juxta Etiliam v●que in illam Bulgariam, ubi nulla est civitas, Astracan. nisi quaedam casalia propè ubi cadit Etilia in mare. Et illi Bulgari sunt pessimi Saraceni, fortius tenentes legem Machometi, quàm aliqui alij. Quum ergo vidi curiam Baatu, Decscriptio cu●iae Baatu. expavi; quia videbantur propè domus eius, quasi quaedam magna civitas protensa in longum, & populus undique circumfusus, usque ad tres vel quatuor leucas. Et sicut populus Israel sciebat unusquisque, ad quam regionem tabernaculi deberet figere tentoria: ita ipsi sciunt ad quod latus curiae debeant se collocate, quando ipsi deponunt domus. unde dicitur curia Orda lingua corum, quod sonat medium, Horda son●t medium. quia semper est in medio hominum suorum: hoc excepto, quod rectà ad meridiem nullus se collocat, quia ad partem illam aperiuntur portae Curiae: Sed à dextris & à sinistris extendunt se quantum volunt secundum exigentiam locorum: dummodo rectè ante curiam, vel ex opposito curiae non descendunt. Fuimus ergo ducti ad quendam Saracenum, qui non providebat nobis de aliquo cibo: sequenti die fuimus ad curiam, & fecerat extendi magnum tentorium, quia domus non potuisset capere tot homines & mulieres, quot convenerant. Monuit nos ductor noster ut non loqueremur, donec Baatu praeciperet: & tun● loqueremur breviter. Quaesivit etiam utrum misissetis nuncios ad eos. Dixi qualiter miseratis ad Kencham, & quod nec ad ipsum misissetis nuncios, Misit rex Franciae ad Kencham nuncios. nec ad Sartach literas, nisi credidissetis eos fuisse Christianos: quia non pro timore aliquo, sed ex congratulatione, quia audiveratis eos esse Christianos, misistis. Tunc duxit nos ad papilionem: & monebamur, ne ●angeremus cordas tentorij, quas ipsi reputant loco liminis domus. Stetimus ibi nudis pedibus in habitu nostro discoopertis capitibus, & eramus spectaculum magnum in oculis eorum. Fuerat enim ibi frater johannes de Plano carpini, johannes de Plano carpini. sed ipse mutaverat habitum ne contemneretur; quia erat nuncius Domini Papae. Tunc inducti fuimus usque ad medium tentorij, nec requisiverunt ut faceremus aliquam reverentiam genua flectendo, sicut solent facere nuncij. Stetimus ergo co●am eo quantum possit dici, Miserere mei Deus: & omnes erant in summo silentio. Ipse verò super solium longum sedebat & latum sicut lectus, totum deauratum, ad quod ascendebatur tribus gradibus, & una domina juxta eum. Viri vero diffusi sedebant à dextris dominae & à sinistris: quod non implebant mulieres ex part una, quia erant ibi solae uxores Baatu, implebant viri. Bancus verò cum cosmos & ciphis maximis aureis & argenteis, ornatis lapidibus praetiosis erat in introitu tentorij. Respexit ergo nos diligentius, & nos eum: & videbatur mihi similis in statura Domino johanni de Bello monte cuius anima requiescit in pace. Erat et●am vultus eius tunc perfusus gu●ta rosea. Tandem praecepit ut loquerer. Tunc ductor noster precepit ut flecteremus genua, & loqueremur. Flexi unum genu tanquam homini: tunc innuit quod ambo flecterem, quod & feci, nolens contendere super hoc. Tunc praecepit quod loquerer. Et ego cogitans quod orarem Dominum, quia flexeram ambo genua, Incepi verba oratione, dicens: Domine, nos oramus Dominum, à quo bona cuncta procedunt, qui dedit vobis ista terrena, ut det vobis post hec coelestia: quia haec sine illis vana sunt. Et ipse diligenter auscultavit, & subiunxi: Noveritis pro certo quòd coelestia non habebitis, nisi fueritis Christianus. Dicit enim Deus, Qui crediderit & baptizatus fuerit, saluus erit: qui vero non crediderit, condemnabitur. Ad illud verbum ipse modestè subrisit, & alij Moal inceperunt plaudere manus deridendo nos. Et obstupuit interpres meus, quem oportuit me confortare ne timerem. Tunc facto silentio, dixi: Ego veni ad filium vestrum, quia audivimus quòd esset Christianus, & at●uli ei literas ex part Domini Regis Francorum: Li●erae Regis Francorum. ipse misit me huc ad vos. Vos debetis scire qua de causa. Tunc fecit me surgere. Et quae sivit nomen vestrum, & meum, & socij mei, & interpretis, & fecit omnia scribi. Quae sivit etiam, quia intellexerat quod exieratis terram vestram cum exercitu ut haberetis bellum. Respondi, Contra Saracenos violantes domum Dei Jerusalem. Quae sivit etiam si unquam misissetis nuncios ad eum. Ad vos dixi nun quam. Tunc fecit nos sedere, & dari de lact suo ad bibendum, quod ipsi valdè magnum reputant, quando aliquis bibit cosmos cum eo in domo sua. Et dum sedens respicerem terram, praecepit ut elevarem vultum, volens a●huc nos amplius respicere, vel fortè pro sortilegio: quia habent pro malo omine vel signo, vel pro mala Prognostica, quando aliquis sedet coram eis inclinata facie quasi tristis, maximè quum appodiat maxillam, vel mentum super manum. Tunc exivimus, & post pauca, venit Ductor noster ad nos, & ducens nos ad hospitium, dixit mihi, Dominus Rex rogat, quod retinearis in terra ista: & hoc non potest Baatu facere sine conscientia Mangu cham. unde oportet quod tu & interpres tuus eatis ad Mangu cham. Socius verò tuus & alius homo revertentur ad curiam Sartach ibi expectantes donec revertatis. Tunc incepit homo DEI Interpres lugere reputans se perditum: Socius etiam meus contestari, quod citius amputarent ei caput, quam quod divideretur à me. Et ego dixi, quod sine socio non possem ire: Et etiam quod benè indigebamus duobus famulis, quia si contingeret unum infirmari, non possem solus remanere. Tunc ipse reversus ad curiam dixit verba Baatu. Tunc praecepit: vadant duo sacerdotes & interpres: & Clericus revertatur ad Sartach. Ille reversus dixit nobis summam. Et quando volebam loqui pro Clerico, quod iret nobiscum, dixit, Non loquamini amplius, quia Baatu definivit, & eo amplius non audeo redire ad curiam. De elcemosyna habebat Goset clericus viginti sex ipperpera, & non plus: quorum decem retinuit sibi & puero: & sexdecem dedit homini Dei pro nobis. Et sic divisi sumus cum lachrimis ab invicem: Illo redeunte ad curiam Sartach, & nobis ibi remanentibus. De itinere fratrum versus curiam Mangu cham. IN Vigilia Assumptionis pervenit ipse clericus ad Curiam Sartach: & in crastino fuerunt Sacerdotes Nestorini induti vestimentis nostris coram Sartach. Tunc ducti fuimus ad alium hospitem, qui debebat nobis providere de domo & cibo & equis. Sed quia non habuimus quod daremus● ei, omnia malè faciebat. Et bigavimus cum Baatu descendendo juxta Etiliam quinque septimanas. Quinque septimanas juxta Etiliam descendebant. Aliquando habuit socius meus tantam famem, quod dicebat mihi quasi lachrymando: videbatur mihi quod nunquam comederim. Forum sequitur semper Curiam Baatu. Sed illud erat tam longè à nobis, quod non poteramus ire. Oportebat enim nos ire pedibus pro defectu equorum. Tandem invenerunt nos quidam Hungari, Quidam Hu●ga●i. qui fuerant Clericuli, quorum unus sciebat adhuc cantare multa cord, & habebatur ab alijs Hungaris quasi Sacerdos, & vocabatur ad exequias suorum defunctorum: Et alius fuerat competenter instructus in Grammatica: qui intelligebat quicquid dicebamus ei literaliter, sed nesciebat respondere: qui fecerunt nobis magnam consolationem, afterentes cosmos ad bibendum, & carnes aliquando ad comedendum: qui quum postulassent à nobis aliquos libros, & non haberem quos possem dare, nullos enim habebam, nisi Biblium & breviarium, dolui multum. Tunc dixi eis, afferte nobis chartas, & ego scribam vobis, quamdiu erimus hîc: quod & fecerunt. Et scripsi utrasque horas Beatae Virginis & officium defunctorum. Quodam die iunxit se nobis quidam Comanus, Comanus. salutans nos verbis latinis, dicens, Saluete Domini. Ego mirans, ipso resalutato, quaesivi ab eo, quis eum docuerat illam salutationem. Et ipse dixit quod in Hungaria fuit baptizatus à fratribus nostris qui docuerant illum eam. Dixit etiam quod Baatu quaesiverat ab eo multa de nobis, & quod ipse dixerat ei conditiones ordinis nostri. Ego vidi Baatu equitantem cum turba sua, & omnes patres familias equitantes cum eo, secundùm aestimationem meam non erant quingenti viri. Tandem circa finem exaltationis sanctae crucis venit ad nos quidam dives Moal, cuius patererat millenarius, quod magnum est inter eos, dicens, Ego vos debeo ducere ad Mangu cham, & est iter quatuor mensium: Iter quatuor mensium à Vo●ga. & tantum frigus est ibi, quod findunturibi lapides & arbores pro frigore: Ingens frigu●. Videatis utrum poteritis sustinere. Cui respondi: Spero in virtute Dei, quod nos sustinebimus, quod alij homines possunt sustinere. Tunc dixit: Si non poteritis sustinere, ego relinquam vos in via. Cui respondi, hoc non esset justum: quia non ivimus pro nobis, nisi missi à Domino vestro: unde ex quo vobis committimur, non debetis nos dimittere. Tunc dixit, benè erit. Post hoc fecit nos ostendere sibi omnes vestes nostras, & quod sibi videbatur minus necessarium fecit deponere sub custodia hospitis nostri. In crastino attulerunt cuilibet nostrum unam pelliceam villosam arietinam & braccas de eadem, & botas sive bucellos secundùm morem eorum cum soccis de filtro; 16. Septemb. & almucias de pellibus secundùm modum eorum. Et secunda die post exaltationem Sanctae crucis incepimus equitare nos tres habentes signarios: & equitavimus continuè versus Orientem usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, per totam illam terram, & adhuc amplius habitabant Cangle, Cangle populi. quaedam parentèla Romanorum. Ad Aquilonem habebamus maiorem Bulgariam, Maior B●lgaria. & ad meridiem praedictum mare Caspium. De flumine jagag, & de diversis regionibus sive nationibus. jagag flumen 12. die●is à Volga. POstquam iveramus duodecim diebus ab Etilia invenimus magnum flumen, quod vocant jagag: & venit ab Aquilone de terra Pascatir descendens in predictum mare. Idioma Pascatir & Hungarorum idem est: & sunt pastores sine civitate aliqua. Pascatir ●erra, vel Bascinlo●um terra vel Zibier. Et contiguatur maiori Bulgariae ab OccidenteAb illa terra versus Orientem in latere illo Aquilonari non est amplius aliqua civitas. unde Bulgaria maior est ultima regio habens civitatem. De illa regione Pascatir exierunt Huni, Hungari à Pascatir ●riundi. qui posteà dicti sunt Hungari. unde ipsa est maior Bulgaria. Et dicit Isidorus, quòd pernicibus equis claustra Alexandri rupibus Caucasi feras gentes cohibentia transierunt: ita quod usque in AEgyptum soluebatur eis tributum. Destruxerunt etiam omnes terras usque in Franciam. unde fuerunt maioris potentiae, quàm sunt adhuc Tartari. Cum illis occurrerunt Blaci & Bulgari & Vandali. De illa enim maiori Bulgaria venerunt illi Bulgari: Et qui sunt ultra Danubium propè Constantinopolin, & juxta Pascatir sunt Ilac, quod idem est quod Blac: sed B. nesciunt Tartari sonare: Nota. à quibus venerunt illi qui sunt in te●ra Assani. Vtrosque enim vocant Ilac, & hos & illos lingua Rutenorum & Polonorum, & Boëmorum. Sclavorum est idem idioma cum lingua Vandalorum, quorum omnium manus fuit cum Hunis: & nunc pro maiori part est cum Tartaris quos Deus suscitavit à remotioribus partibus, populum multum, & gentem stultam, Deut. 32.21. secundùm quod dicit Dominus, Provocabo eos, id est, non custodientes Legem suam, in eo qui non est populus, & in gente stulta irritabo eos. Hoc completur ad literam super omnes nationes non custodientes Legem Dei. Hoc quod dixi de terra Pascatir scio per fratres Praedicatores, ‖ Qui fuerunt isti fratres? qui iverunt illuc ante adventum Tartarorum. Et ex tunc erant ipsi subiugati à vicinis Bulgaris Saracenis, & plures eorum facti Saraceni. Alia possunt sciri per Chronica: quia constat quod illae provinciae post Constantinopolim, quae modo dicuntur Bulgaria, Valachia, Sclavonia, fuerunt provinciae Grecorum. Hungaria fuit Pannonia. Equitavimus ergo per terram Cangle à festo Sanctae crucis usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, Cangle planicies ingens. quolibet die ferè quantum est à Parisijs usque Aurelianum, secundùm quod possum estimare, & plus aliquando: secundùm quod habebamus copiam equorum. Aliquando enim mutabamus bis in die vel ter equos. Aliquando ibamus duobus diebus vel tribus, quibus non inveniebamus populum, & oportebat levius ire. De viginti vel triginta equis nos semper habebamus peiores, quia extranci eramus. Omnes enim accipiebant ante nos equos meliores. Mihi semper providebant de forti equo, quia eram ponderosus valdè: sed utrum suaviter ambularet vel non, de hoc non auderem facere quaestionem. Nec etiam audebam conqueri, si durè portaret. Sed fortunam suam oportebat unumquemque sustinere. unde oriebatur nobis difficillimus labor: quia multoties fatigabanturequi, ante quam possemus pervenire ad populum. Et tunc oportebat nos percutere & flagellare equos, ponere etiam vestes super alios saginarios, mutare equos saginarios; aliquando nos duos ire in uno equo. De fame & siti, & alijs miserijs quas sustinuerunt in itinere. DE fame & fiti, frigore & fatigatione non est numerus. Non enim dant cibum nisi in sero. In mane dant aliquid bibere, vel sorbere milium. In sero dabant nobis carnes, scapulam arietis cum costis & de brodio ad mensuram bibere. Quando habebamus de brodio carnium ad satietatem optimè reficiebamur. Et videbatur mihi suaviffimus potus & maximè nutriens. Feria sexta permanebam ieiunus usque ad noctem, nihil hauriens. Tunc oportebat me in tristitia & dolore comedere carnes. Aliquando oportebat nos comedere carnes semic octas vel ferè crudas propter defectum materiae ignis, Defectus materie ignis. quando iace bamus in campis & de nocte descendebamus: quia tunc non poteramus benè colligere stercora equorum vel boum: aliam materiam ignis rarò inveni ebamus; nisi fortè alicubi aliquas spinas. In ripis etiam aliquorum fluminum sunt alicubi syluae. Aliqua flumina. Sed hoc rarò. In principio despiciebat nos multùm Ductor noster, & fastidiebat eum ducere tam viles homines. Postea tamen quando incepit nos melius cognoscere, ducebat nos per curias divitum Moallorum: & oportebat nos orare pro ipsis. unde sihabuissem bonum interpretem, habebam oportunitatem seminandi multa bona. Ille Chingis primus Cham habuit quatuor filios, de quibus egressi sunt multi, qui omnes habent modo magnas curias: & quotidiè multiplicantur & diffunduntur per illam Vastam solitudinem, Vasta solitudo. quae est sicut mare. Per multos ergò illorum ducebat nos Ductor noster. Et mirabantur supra modum, quia nolebamus recipere aurum, vel argentum, vel vestes praeciosas. Quaerebant etiam de magno Papa, si esset ita senex sicut audierant: audierant enim quod esset quingentorum annorum. Quaerebant de terris nostris si ibi essent multae oves, & boves, & equi. De Oceano mari non potuerunt intelligere, quod esset sine termino vel sine ripa. In vigilia omnium Sanctorum dimisimus viam in Orientem, ‖ Nota diligenter. Iter versus meridiem octo die●um. quia iam populus descenderat multum versus meridiem: Et direximus iter per quasdam Alpes rectè in meridiem continuè per octo dies. In illa solitudine vidi multos asinos, quos vocant Colan, qui magis assimulantur mulis: quos multum prosecuti sunt Dux noste & socij eius, sed nihil profecerunt propter nimiam velocitatem eorum. Septima die inceperunt nobis apparere ad meridiem montes altissimi: Asini velocissim●● Montes altissimi. & intravimus planiciem, quae irrigabatur sicut hortus, & invenimus terras culta●. Terrae cultae. In octavis omnium Sanctorum intravimus villam quandam Saracenorum nomine Kenchat: Kenchat villa Saracenorum. cuius capiraneus occurrebat extra villam duci nostro cum ceruisia & ciphis. Hic est enim mos eorum; quod de omnibus villis subditis e●s, occurratur nuncijs Baatu, & Mangu cham cum cibo & potu. Tunc temporis ibant ibi super glaciem. Septimo die Novembris ibant super glaciem. Et prius à festo Sancti Michaelis habueramus gelu in solitudine. Quaesivi de nomine Provinciae illius● sed quia iam eramus in alio territorio nescierunt mihi dicere, nisi à nomine civitatis, quae erat valdè pa●ua. Civitas valdè parva. Et descendebat magnus flwius de montibus, Magnus flwius. qui irrigabat totam regionem, secundùm quod volebant aquam ducere: nec descendebat in aliquod mare, sed absorbebatur à terra: & faciebat etiam multas paludes. Mul●ae paludes. Ibi vidi vites, Vites. & bibi bis de vino. De interfectione Ban & habitatione Teutonicorum. SEquenti die venimus ad aliud casale propinquius montibus. Casale. Et quaesivi de montibus, de quibus intellexi, quòd essent montes Caucasi: qui contiguantur ex utraque part maris ab Occidente usque ad Orientem: Montes Caucasi contiguantur ma●i O●ientali. & quod transiveramus mare supradictum, quod intrat Etilia. Quaesivi etiam de Talas civitate, Talas, vel Chincitalas civitas. in qua erant Teutonici servi Buri, de quibus dixerat frater Andreas, Frater Andreas. de quibus etiam quaesiveram multum in curia Sartach & Baatu. Sed nihil poteram intellige●e, nisi quod Ban dominus eorum fuerat interfectus tali occasione. Ipse non erat in bonis pascuis. Et quadam die dum esset ebrius, loquebatur ita cum hominibus suis. Nonne sum de genere Chingis can sicut Baatus (Et ipse erat nepos Baatu vel frater) quare non vadam super ripam Etiliae, sicut Baatu, ut pascam ibi? Quae verba relata fuerunt Baatu. Tunc ipse Baatu scripsit hominibus illius, ut adduce●ent ei dominum ipsorum vinctum: quod & fecerunt. Tunc Baatu quaesivit ab eo si dixisset tale verbum: & ipse confessus est, tamen excusavit se, Casale. quia ebrius erat: (quia solent condonate ebrijs:) & Baatu respondit: Quomodo audebas me nominare in ebrietate tua? Et fecit ei amputari caput. De illis Teutonicis nihil potui cognoscere usque ad curiam Mangu. Sed in supradicto casali intellexi, quod Talas erat post nos juxta montes per sex dietas. Bolac villa. Aurisodinae. Quando veni ad curiam Mangu cham, intellexi quod ipse Mangu transtulerat eos delicentia Baatu versus Orientem spacio itineris unius mensis à Talas ad quandam villam quae dicitur Bolac: ubi fodiunt aurum, & fabricant arma. unde non potui ire necredire per eos. Transivi eundo satis prope, per tres dietas fortè, civitatem illam: sed ego ignoravi: nec potuissem etiam declinasse extra viam, si benè scivissem. A praedicto casali ivimus ad Orientem juxta montes praedictos: & ex tunc intravimus inter homines Mangu cham, Intrat ditionem Mangu cham. qui ubique cantabant & plaudebant coram ductore nostro: quia ipse erat nuncius Baatu. Hunc enim honorem exhibent sibi mutuo, ut homines Mangu cham recipiant nuncios Baatu p●aedicto modo: Et limiliter homines Baatu nuncios Mangu. Tamen hommes Baatu superiores sunt, nec exequuntur ita diligenter. Paucis diebus post hoc intravimus Alpes, Alpes in quibus habitabant Cara-catay. in quibus soleban● habitare Cara catay: & invenimus ibi magnum flwium, Magnus fluuiu●. qu●m oportuit nos transire navigio. Post haec intravimus quandam vallem, ubi vidi castrum quoddam destructum, cuius muri non erant nisi de luto, & terra colebatur ibi. Terra culta. Et pòst invenimus quandam bonam villam quae dicitur Equius, Equius villa bona. in qua erant Saraceni loquentes Persicum: longissimè tamen erant à Perside. Longissimè à Perside. Sequenti die transgressis illis Alpibus quae descendebant à magnis montibus ad meridiem, ingressi sumus pulcherrimam planiciem habentem montes altos à dextris, & quoddam mare à smistris, sive quendam lacum qui durat quindecem dietas in circuitu. Lacus quindecem dieta●um circ●●tu. Et illa planicies tota irrigabatur ad libitum aquis descendentibus de montibus, quae omnes recipiuntur in illud mare. In aestate redivimus ad latus Aquilonare illius maris, ubi similiter erant magni montes. In planicie praedicta solebant esse multae villae: sed pro maiori part omnes erant destructae, ut pascerent ibi Tartari: quia optima pascua erant ibi. unam magnam villam invenimus ibi nomine Cailac, in qua erat forum, & frequentabant eam multi mercatores. Cailac magna villa & plena mercatoribus. In illa quievimus quindecem diebus, expectantes quendam scriptorem Baatu, qui debebat esse socius ducis nostri in negotijs expediendis in curia Mangu. Terra illa solebat dici Organum: & solebant habere proprium idioma, & propriam literam: Sed haec tota erat occupata à Contomannis. Contomanni. Etiam in literatura illa & idiomate solebant facere N●stormi de part●bus illis. Dicuntur Organa, quia solebant esse optimi Organistae vel Citharistae, ut dic●batur mihi. Ibi primo vidi Idolatrias, de quibus noveritis, quod sunt multae sectae in Oriente. Quod Nestorini et Saraceni sunt mixti & Idolatre. Iugures populi, Idolatrae. PRimi sunt Iugures, quorum terra contiguatur cum terra praedicta Organum inter montes illos versus Orientem: Et in omnibus civitatibus eorum sunt mixti Nestorim & Saraceni. Et ipsi etiam sunt diftusi versus Persidem in civitatibus Saracenorum. Cailac. In predicta civitate Cealac habebant etiam ipsi tres Idolatrias, quarum duas intravi, ut viderem stul●itias eorum. In primainueni quendam, qui habebat cruciculam de atramento super manum suam. unde credidi quod esset Christianus: quia adomnia quae quaere bam ab eo, respondebat ut Christianus. unde quesivi ab eo: Quare ergo non habetis crucem & imaginem jesu Christi? Et ipse respondit, non habemus consuetudinem. unde ego credidi quod es●ent Christiani: sed ex defectu doctrine omitterent. Videbam enim ibi post quandam cistam, quae erat eis loco altaris, super quam ponunt lucernas & oblationes, quandam imaginationem habentem alas quasi Sancti Michaelis: & alias quasi ipsorum tenentes digitos sicut ad benedicendum. Illo soro non potui aliud invenire. Quia Saraceni in tantum invitant eos, quod nec etiam volunt loqui inde eis. unde quando quaerebam a Sararcenis deritu talium, ipsi scandalizabantur. In crastino fuerunt kalendae & pasch● Saracenorum & mutavi hospitium: ita quod fui hospitatus prope aliam Idolatri●m. Homines enim co●ligunt nuncios, quilibet secuudum posse suum vel portionem suam. Tunc intrans Idolatriam praedictam inveni sacerdotes Idolorum. In kalendis enim aperiunt templa sua, & ornant se sacerdotes, & ofterunt populi oblationes de pane & f●uctibus. Primò ergo describo vobis ritus communes omnes Idola●rarum: Iugures se●ta divisa ab alijs Idololatris. & postea istorum jugurum; qui sunt quasi secta divisa ab alijs. Omnes adorant ad Aquilonem complosis manibus: & prosternentes se genibus flexis ad terram, ponentes frontem super manus. unde Nestorini in partibus illis nullo modo iungunt manus orando: sed orant extensis palmis ante pectus. Porrigunt templa sua ab Oriente in Occidentem: & in latere Aquilonari faciunt cameram unam quasi eorum exeun●em: vel aliter, Si est domus quadrata, in medio domus ad latus aquilonare intercludunt unam cameram in loco chori. Ibi ergo collocant unam arcam longam & latam sicut mensam unam. Et post illam arcam contra meridiem collocant principale idolum: quod ego vidi apud Cara●arum, sui● apud Caracarum frate● Wilhelmus. ita magnum sicut pingitur Sanctus Christopherus. Et dixit mihi quidam sacerdos Nestorinus, qui venerat ex Cataya, quod in terra illa est Idolum ita magnum, quod potest videri à duabus dietis. Et collocant alia idola in circuitu, omnia pulcherrime deaura●: Super cistam illam, quae est quasi mensa una, ponunt lucernas & oblationes. Omnes portae templorum sunt apertae ad meridiem contrario modo Saracenis. Item habent campanas magnas sicut nos. Ideo credo quod orientales Christiani noluerunt habere eas. Ruteni tamen habent & Graeci in Gasaria. De templis eorum & idolis, & qualiter se habent in officio deorum suorum. OMnes sacerdotes eorum rasum habent totum caput & barbam; sunt vestiti de croceo, & servant castitatem, ex quo radunt caput: Et viwnt pariter centum vel ducenti in una congregatione. Diebus quibus intrant te●plum, ponunt duo scamna, & sedent è regione chorus contra chorum habentes libros in manibus, quos aliquando deponunt super illa scamna: & habent capita discooperta quamdiu insunt in templo, legentes in silencio, & tenentes silencium. unde cùm ingressus fuissem apud Oratorium quoddam eorum, & invenissem eos ita sedentes, multis modis tentavi eos provocare ad verba, & nullo modo potui. Habent etiam quocunque vadunt quendam restem cen●um vel ducentorum nucleorum, sicut nos portamus pater noster: Et dicunt semper haec verba: Ou mam Hactavi: hoc est, Deus tu nosti; secundum quod quidem eorum interpretatus est mihi. Et toties expectant remunerationem à Deo, quoties hoc ●icendo memoratur Dei. Circa templum suum semper faciunt pulchrum atrium, quod bene includunt muro: & ad meridiem faciunt portam magnam, in qua sedent ad colloquendum. Et super illam portam erigunt perticam longam, quae emineat si possint, super totam villam. Et per illam perticam potest cognosci, quod domus illa sit templum Idolorum. Ista communia sunt omnibus Idolatris. Quando ergo ingressus fui predictam Idolatriam, inveni sacerdotes sedentes sub porta exteriori. Illi quos vidi, videbantur mihi fratres Franci esse rasis barbis. Tyaras habebant in capitibus cartaceas. Tyare cartaceae. Istorum jugurum sacerdotes habent talem habitum quocunque vadunt: semper sunt in tunicis croceis satis strictis accincti desuper recte sicut Franci: & habent pallium super humerum sinistrum descendens involutum per pectus & dorsum ad latus dextrum sicut diaconus portans casulam in quadragesima. Istorum literas acceperunt Tartari. Ipsi incipiunt scribere sursum, & ducunt lineam deorsum, Chinenses ita etiam scrib●●●. & eodem modo ipsi legunt & multiplicant lineas a sinistra ad dextram. Isti multum v●uutur cartis & caracteribus pro sortilegio. unde templa sua plena sunt brevibus suspensis. Sortilegi. Et Mangu-cham mittit vobis literas in idiomate Moal & literatura eorum. Isti comburunt mortuos suos secundum antiquum modum, Bombustio mortuorum. & recondunt pulverem in summitate pyramidis. Cum ergo sedissem juxta praedictos sacerdotes, post quam ingressus fueram templum & vidissem idola eorum multa magna & parva: quaesivi ab eis, quid ipsi crederent de Deo. Qui responderunt, Non credimus nisi unum Deum. Et ego quaesivi. Creditis quod ipse sit spiritus vel aliquid corporale? Dixerunt, credimus quod sit spiritus. Et ego: Creditis quod nunquam sumpserit humanam naturam? Dixerunt, minime. Tunc ego: ex quo creditis, qu●d non sit nisi unus spiritus, quare facitis ei imagines corporales, & tot insuper? Et ex quo non creditis quod factus sit homo, quare facitis ei magis imagines hominum, quàm alterius animalis? Tunc responderunt, Nos non figuramus istas imagines Deo. Sed quando aliquis dives moritur ex nostris, vel filius, vel uxor, vel aliquis charus eius facit fieri imaginem defuncti, & ponit eam hic: & nos veneramur eam ad memoriam eius. Quibus ego, Tunc ergo non facitis ista nisi propter adulationem hominum. Immo dixerunt ad memoriam. Tunc quaesiverunt à me quasi deridendo: ubi est Deus? Quibus ego. Vbi est anima vestra? Dixerunt, in corpore nostro. Quibus ego. Nonne est ubique in corpore tuo & totum regit, & tamen non videtur? Ita Deus ubique est, & omnia gubernat, invisibilis tamen, quia intellectus & sapientia est. Tunc cum vellem plura ratiocinati cum illis, interpres meus fatigatus, non valens verba exprimere, fecit me tacere. Istorum sect sunt Moal sive Tartari, quantum ad hoc, quod ipsi non credunt nisi unum Deum: tamen faciunt de filtro imagines defunctorum suorum, & induunt eas quinque pannis preciocissimis, & ponunt in una biga vel duabus, & illas bigas nullus auder tangere: & sunt sub custodia divinatorum suorum, qui sunt eorum sacerdotes, de quibus postea narrabo vobis. Isti divinatores semper sunt ante curiam ipsius Mangu & aliorum divitum: pauperes enim non habent eos; nisi illi qui sunt de genere Chingis. Et cum debent bigare, ipsi praecedunt, sicut columna nubis filios Israel, & ipsi considerant locum metandi castra, & post deponunt domos suas; & post eos tota curia. Et tunc cum sit dies festus sive kalendae ipsi extrahunt praedictas imagines & ponunt eas ordinate per circuitum in domo sua. Tunc veniunt Moal & ingrediuntur domum illam, & inclinant se imaginibus illis & venerantur illas. Et illam domum nemini ingredi extraneo licet: Quadam enim vice volui ingredi & multum durè increpatus fui. De diversis nationibus, & de illis qui comedere solebant parentes suos. PRaedicti vero Iugures, qui sunt mixti cum Christianis & Saracenis, per frequentes disputationes, ut credo, pervenerunt ad hoc, quod non credunt nisi unum deum. Et isti fuerunt habitantes in civitatibus, qui post obediverunt Chingis Chamlet: unde ipse dedit regi eorum filiam suam. Et ipsa Caracarum est quasi in territorio eorum: Et tota terra regis sive presbyteri johannis & Vut fratris eius circa terras eorum: Patria Presbiteri johannis. Sed isti in pascuis ad aquilonem, illi Iugures inter montes ad meridiem. Ind est quod ipsi Moal sumpserunt literas eorum. Et ipsi sunt magni scriptores eorum: & omnes fere Nestorini ●c●unt literas eorum. Post istos sunt ipsi Tangut ad orientem inter montes illos, homines fortissimi, Tangut populi, fortissimi. qui ceperunt Chingis in bello. Et pace facta dimissus ab eis, postea subiugavit eos. Isti habent boves fortissimos habentes caudas plenas pilis sicut equi, & ventres pilosos & dorsa. Boves pilosis caudis● his similes sunt in Qui●era Americae septentrionalis provincia. Bassiores sunt alijs bobus in tibijs, sed ferociores multum. Isti trahunt magnas domos Moallorum: & habent cornua gracilia, longa, acuosa, acutissima: ita quod oportet semper secare summitates corum. Vacca non permittit se iniungi nisi cantetur ei. Habent etiam naturam bubali quia si vident hominem indutum rubeis, insiliunt in eum volentes interficere. Post illos sunt Tebet homines solentes comedere parentes suos defunctos, Tebet populi. ut causa pietatis non facerent aliud sepulchrum eis nisi viscera sua. Modo ●amen hoc dimiserunt, quia abominabiles erant omni nationi. Tamen adhuc faciunt pulchros ciphos de capitibus parentum, ut illis bibentes habeant memoriam eorum in iocu●ditate sua. Hoc dixit mihi qui viderat. Isti habent multum de auro in terra sua. Auri abundantia. unde qui indiget auro, fodit donec reperiat, & accipiat quando indiget, residuum condens in terra: quia si reponeret in arca vel in thesauro, crederet quod Deus a●fe●ret ei aliud quod est in terra. De istis hominibus vidi personas multum deformes. Tangut vidi homines magnos sed fuscos. Tangut homines magnised ●u●ci. Iugures sunt mediocris staturae sicut nostri. Apud Iugures est fons & radix ideomatis Turci & Comanici. Post Tebet sunt Langa & Solanga, Langa & Solanga quorum nuncios vidi in curia: Qui adduxerant magnas bigas plusquam decem, quarum quaelibet trahebatur sex bobus. Isti sunt parvi homines & fusci sicut Hispani: Solangi ●imiles H●●panis, & ●usci. & habent tunicas si cut supertunicale diaconi manicis parum strictioribus: & habent in capitibus mitras sicut episcopi. Sed pars anterior est parum interior quàm posterior, & non terminatur in unum angulum: sed sunt quadrae desuper, & sunt de stramine rigidato per calorem magnum, & limato in tantum, quod fulget ad radium solis sicut speculum vel galea bene burnita. Et circa tempora habent longas bendas de eadem materia assutas ipsi mitrae; quae se extendunt ad ventum sicut duo cornua egredientia de temporibus. Et quando ventus nimis iactat eas plicant eas per medium mitrae superius à tempore in tempus: & jacent sicut circulus ex transuerso capitis. Et principalis nuncius quando veniebat ad curiam, habebat tabulam de dente elephantino ad longitudinem unius cubiti, Tabula de dente elephantino. & ad latitudinem unius palmi, rasam multum: Et quandocunque loquebatur ipsi Chamlet, vel alicui magno viro, semper aspiciebat in illam tabulam, acsi inveniret ibi ea quae dicebat: nec respiciebat ad dextram vel sinistram, nec in faciem illius cui loquebatur. Etiam accedens coram domino & recedens nusquam respicit nisi in tabulam suam. Vltra istos sunt alij homines, ut intellexi pro vero, qui dicuntur Muc, Muc populi. qui habent villas, sed nulla animalia sibi appropriant: tamen sunt multi greges & multa armenta in terra ipsorum, & nullus custodit ea. Sed cum aliquis indiget aliquo, ascendit collem & clamat, & omnia animalia audientia clamorem accedunt circa illum, & permit●unt se tractari quasi domestica. Et si nuncius vel ali●uis extraneus accedat ad regionem illam, ipsi includunt eum in domo, & ministrant ei necessaria, don●● negocium eius fuerit expeditum. Quia si iret extraneus per regionem, animalia ad odorem eius fugerent, & efficerentur syluestria. Vltra est magna Cathaya, Magna Cathaya. cuius incolae antiquitus ut credo dicebantur Seres. Ab ipsis enim veniunt optimi pann● serici. Et ille populus dicitur Seres a quodam oppido eorum. Bene intellexi, quod in illa regione est oppidum habens muros argenteos & propugnacula aurea. In ista terra sunt multae provinciae, quarum plures adhuc non obediunt Moallis. Et inter* Aliqua desiderantur. The journal of friar William de Rubruquis a French man of the order of the minorite friars, unto the East parts of the world. An. Dom. 1253. TO his most Sovereign, & most Christian Lord Lewis, by God's grace the renowned king of France, friar William de Rubruk, the meanest of the Minorites order, wisheth health & continual triumph in CHRIST. It is written in the book of Ecclesiasticus concerning the wise man: Ecclus. 39 ver. 4. He shall travel into foreign countries, and good and evil shall he try in all things. The very same action (my lord and king) have I achieved: howbeit I wish that I have done it like a wise man, and not like a fool. For many there be, that perform the same action which a wise man doth, not wisely but more undiscreetly: of which number I fear myself to be one. Notwithstanding howsoever I have done it, because you commanded me, when I departed from your highness, to writ all things unto you, which I should see among the Tartars, and you wished me also that I should not fear to writ long letters, I have done as your majesty enjoined me: yet with fear and reverence, because I want words and eloquence sufficient to writ unto so great a majesty. Be it known therefore unto your sacred Majesty, that in the year of our Lord 1253. about the Nones of May, we entered into the sea of Pontus, which the Bulgarians call the great sea. It containeth in length (as I learned of certain merchants) 1008 miles, and is in a manner, divided into two parts. About the midst thereof are two provinces, one towards the North, and another towards the South. The South province is called Synopolis, and it is the castle and port of the Sultan of Turkey: but the North province is called of the Latins, Gasaria: of the Greeks, which inhabit upon the sea shore thereof, it is called Cassaria, that is to say Caesaria. And there are certain head lands stretching forth into the sea towards Synopolis. Also, there are 300. miles of distance between Synopolis and Cassaria. Insomuch that the distance from those points or places to Constantinople, in length and breadth is about 700. miles: and 700. miles also from thence to the East, namely to the country of Hiberia which is a province of Georgia. At the province of Gasaria or Cassaria we arrived, Gasari●● which province is, in a manner, three square, having a city on the West part thereof called Kersova, wherein S. Clement suffered martyrdom. And sailing before the said city, we saw an island, in which a Church is said to be built by the hands of angels. But about the midst of the said province toward the South, as it were, upon a sharp angle or point, standeth a city called Soldaia directly over against Synopolis. Soldaia● And there do all the Turkey merchants, which traffic into the North countries, in their journey outward, arrive, and as they return homeward also from Russia, and the said Northern regions, into Turkey. The foresaid merchants transport thither ermines and grey furs, with other rich and costly skins. Others carry clothes made of cotton or bombast, and silk, and divers kinds of spices. But upon the East part of the said province standeth a city called Matriga, The city of Matriga. where the river Tanais dischargeth his streams into the sea of Pontus, the mouth whereof is twelve miles in breadth. For this river, before it entereth into the sea of Pontus, maketh a little sea, which hath in breadth and length seven hundredth miles, & it is in no place thereof above six paces deep, whereupon great vessels cannot sail over it. Howbeit the merchants of Constantinople, arriving at the foresaid city of ‖ Matriga. Materta, sand their barks unto the river of Tanais to buy dried fish, Sturgeons, Thosses, Barbils, and an infinite number of other fish. The foresaid province of Cassaria is compassed in with the sea on three sides thereof: namely on the West side, where Kersova the city of Saint Clement is situate: on the South side the city of Soldaia whereat we arrived: on the East side Maricandis, and there stands the city of Matriga upon the mouth of the river Tanais. Beyond the said mouth standeth Zikia, Zikia. which is not in subjection unto the Tartars: also the people called Suevi and Hiberi towards the East, who likewise are not under the Tartars dominion. Moreover towards the South, standeth the city of Trapesunda, which hath a governor proper to itself, named Guydo, being of the lineage of the emperors of Constantinople, and is subject unto the Tartars. Next unto that is Synopolis the city of the Sultan of Turkey, who likewise is in subjection unto them. Next unto these lieth the country of Vastacius, whose son is called Astar, of his grandfather by the mother's side, who is not in subjection. All the land from the mouth of Tanais Westward as far as Danubius is under their jurisdiction. Yea beyond Danubius also, towards Constantinople, Valakia, which is the land of Assanus, and Bulgaria minor as far as Solonia, do all pay tribute unto them. And besides the tribute imposed, they have also, of late years, exacted of every household an axe, and all such corn as they found lying on heaps. We arrived therefore at Soldaia the twelfth of the Kalends of june. And divers merchants of Constantinople, which were arrived there before us, reported that certain messengers were coming thither from the holy land, who were desirous to travel unto Sartach. Notwithstanding I myself had publicly given out upon Palm Sunday within the Church of Sancta Sophia, that I was not your nor any other man's messenger, but that I travailed unto those infidels according to the rule of our order. And being arrived, the said merchants admonished me to take diligent heed what I spoke: because they having reported me to be a messenger, if I should say the contrary, that I were no messenger, I could not have free passage granted unto me. Then I spoke after this manner unto the governors of the city, or rather unto their Lieutenants, because the governors themselves were go to pay tribute unto Baatu, & were not as yet returned. We herded of your lord Sartach (quoth I) in the holy land, that he was become a Christian: and the Christians were exceeding glad thereof, & especially the most Christian king of France, who is there now in pilgrimage, & fighteth against the Saracens to redeem the holy places out of their hands: wherefore I am determined to go unto Sartach, & to deliver unto him the letters of my lord the king, wherein he admonisheth him concerning the good and commodity of all Christendom. And they received us with gladness, and gave us entertainment in the cathedral Church. The bishop of which Church was with Sartach, who told me many good things concerning the said Sartach, which afterward I found to be nothing so. Then put they us to our choice, whither we would have carts and oxen, or pack horses to transport our carriages. And the merchants of Constantinople advised me, not to take carts of the citizens of Soldaia, but to buy covered carts of mine own, (such as the Russians carry their skins in) and to put all our carriages, which I would daily take out, into them: because, if I should use horses, I must be constrained at every bait to take down my carriages, and to lift them up again on sundry horses backs: and besides, that I should ride a more gentle pace by the oxen drawing the carts. Wherefore, contenting myself with their evil counsel, I was traveling unto Sartach 2. months which I could have done in one, if I had go by horse. I brought with me from Constantinople (being by the merchants advised so to do) pleasant first-fruits, muscadel wine, and delicate biscuit bread to present unto the governors of Soldaia, to the end I might obtain free passage: because they look favourably upon no man which cometh with an empty hand. All which things I bestowed in one of my carts, (not finding the governors of the city at home) for they told me, if I could carry them to Sartach, that they would be most acceptable unto him. We took our journey therefore about the kalends of june, with four covered carts of our own and with two other which we borrowed of them, wherein we carried our bedding to rest upon in the night, and they allowed us five horses to ride upon. For there were just five people in our company: namely, I myself and mine associate friar Bartholomew of Cremona, Friar Bartholomeus de Cremona. and Goset the bearer of these presents, the man of God Turgemannus, and Nicolas my servant, whom I bought at Constantinople with some part of the alms bestowed upon me. Moreover, they allowed us two men, which drove our carts and gave attendance unto our oxen and horses. There be high promontories on the sea shore from Kersova unto the mouth of Tanais. Also there are forty castles between Kersova and Soldaia, every one of which almost have their proper languages: amongst whom there were many Goths, who spoke the Dutch tongue. Beyond the said mountains towards the North, there is a most beautiful wood growing on a plain full of fountains & freshets. And beyond the wood there is a mighty plain champion, continuing five days journey unto the very extremity and borders of the said province northward, and there it is a narrow Isthmus or neck land, The neck of Taurica Che●sonesus. having sea on the East & West sides thereof, insomuch that there is a ditch made from one sea unto the other. In the same plain (before the Tartars sprung up) were the Comanians wont to inhabit, who compelled the foresaid cities and castles to pay tribute unto them. But when the Tartars came upon them, the multitude of the Comanians entered into the foresaid province, and fled all of them, even unto the sea shore, being in such extreme famine, that they which were alive, were constrained to eat up those which were dead: and (as a merchant reported unto me who saw it with his own eyes) that the living men devoured and tore with their teeth, the raw flesh of the dead, as dogs would gnaw upon carrion. Towards the borders of the said province there be many great lakes: upon the banks whereof are salt pits or fountains, the water of which so soon as it entereth into the lake, becometh hard salt like unto ice. And out of those salt pits Baatu and Sartach have great revenues: for they repair thither out of all Russia for salt: and for each cart load they give two webs of cotton amounting to the value of half an Yperpera. There come by sea also many ships for salt, which pay tribute every one of them according to their burden. The third day after we were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia, we found the Tartars. The Tartars. Among whom being entered, me thought I was come into a new world. Whose li●e and manners I will describe unto your Highness aswell as I can. Of the Tartars, and of their houses. Chap. 2. THey have in no place any settled city to abide in, neither know they of the celestial city to come. They have divided all Scythia among themselves, which stretcheth from the river Danubius even unto the rising of the sun. And every of their captains, according to the great or or small number of his people, knoweth the bounds of his pastures, and where he aught to feed his cattle winter and summer, Spring and autumn. For in the winter they descend unto the warm regions southward. And in the summer they ascend unto the cold regions northward. In winter when snow lieth upon the ground, they feed their cattle upon pastures without water, because than they use snow in stead of water. Their houses wherein they sleep, they ground upon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together: the roof whereof consists (in like sort) of wickers, meeting above into one little roundel, out of which roundel ascendeth upward a neck like unto a chimney, which they cover with white felt, and oftentimes they lay mortar or white earth upon the said felt, with the powder of bones, that it may shine white. And sometimes also they cover it with black felt. The said felt on the neck of their house, they do garnish over with beautiful variety of pictures. Before the door likewise they hung a felt curiously painted over. For they spend all their coloured felt, in painting vines, trees, birds, and beasts thereupon. The said houses they make so large, that they contain thirty foot in breadth. For measuring once the breadth between the wheele-ruts of one of their carts, I found it to be 20 feet over: and when the house was upon the cart, it stretched over the wheels on each side five feet at the lest. I told 22. oxen in one team, drawing an house upon a cart, eleven in one order according to the breadth of the cart, and eleven more before them: the axle-tree of the cart was of an huge bigness like unto the mast of a ship. And a fellow stood in the door of the house, upon the forestall of the cart driving forth the oxen. Moreover, they make certain foursquare baskets of small slender wickers as big as great chests: and afterward, from one side to another, they frame an hollow lid or cover of such like wickers, and make a door in the fore side thereof. And then they cover the said chest or little house with black felt rubbed over with tallow or sheep's milk to keep the rain from soaking through, which they deck likewise with painting or with feathers. And in such chests they put their whole household stuff & treasure. Also the same chests they do strongly bind upon other carts, which are drawn with camels, to the end they may wade through rivers. Neither do they at any time take down the said chests from off their carts. When they take down their dwelling houses, they turn the doors always to the South: & next of all they place the carts laden with their chests, here & there, within half a stones cast of the house: insomuch that the house standeth between two ranks of carts, as it were, between two walls. The matrons make for themselves most beautiful carts, The benefit of a painter in strange countries. which I am not able to describe unto your majesty but by pictures only: for I would right willingly have painted all things for you, had my skill been aught in that art. One rich Moal or Ta●tar hath 200. or 100 such carts with chests. Duke Baatu hath sixteen wives, every one of which hath one great house, besides other little houses, which they place behind the great one, being as it were chambers for their maidens to dwell in. And unto every of the said houses do belong 200. carts. When they take their houses from off the carts, the principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier, and so all the rest in their order: so that the last wife dwelleth upon the East frontier: and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another about a stones cast. Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appear like unto a great village, very few men abiding in the same. One woman will guide 20. or 30. carts at once, for their countries are very plain, and they bind the carts with camels or oxen, one behind another. And there sits a wench in the foremost cart driving the oxen, and all the residue follow on a like pace. When they chance to come at any bad passage, they let them lose, and guide them over one by one: for they go a slow pace, as fast as a lamb or an ox can walk. Of their beds, and of their drinking pots. Chap. 3. Having taken down their houses from off their carts, and turning the doors Southward, they place the bed of the master of the house, at the North part thereof. The women's place is always on the East side, namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting upon his bed with his face Southwards: but the men's place is upon the West side, namely at the right hand of their master. Men when they enter into the house, will not in any case hung their quivers on the women's side. Over the master's head there is always an image, like a puppet, made of felt, which they call the master's brother: and another over the head of the good wife or mistress, which they call her brother being fastened to the brickwall: and above between both of them, there is a little lean one, which is, as it were the keeper of the whole hou●e. The good wife or mistress of the house placeth aloft at her beds feet, on the right ha●d, the skin●e of a Kid stuffed with wool or some other matter, and near unto that a little image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women. Next unto the door also on the women's side, there is another image with a cows udder, for the women that milk the cows. For it is the duty of their women to milk cows. On the other side of the door next unto the men, there is another image with the udder of a mare, for the men which milk mares. And when they come together to drink and make merry, they sprinkle part of their drink upon the image which is above the master's head: afterward upon other images in order: then goeth a servant out of the house with a cup full of drink sprinkling it thrice towards the South, and bowing his knee at every time: and this is done for the honour of the fire. Then performeth he the like superstitious idolatry towards the East, for the honour of the air: and then to the West for the honour of the water: & lastly to the North in the behalf of the dead. When the master holdeth a cup in his hand to drink, before he tasteth thereof, he poureth his part upon the ground. If he drinketh sitting on horse back, he poureth out part thereof upon the neck or main of his horse before he himself drinketh. After the servant aforesaid hath ●o discharged his cups to the four quarters of the world, he returns into the house: and two other servants stand ready with two cups, and two basons, to carry drink unto their master and his wife, sitting together upon a bed. And if he hath more wives than one, she with whom he slept the night before, sitteth by his side the day following: and all his other wives must that day resort unto the same house to drink: and there is the court held for that day: the gifts also which are presented that day are laid up in the chests of the said wife. And upon a bench stands a vessel of milk or of other drink and drinking cups. Of their drinks, and how they provoke one another to drinking. Chap. 4. IN winter time they make excellent drink of Rise, of Mill, and of honey, being well and high coloured like wine. Also they have wine brought unto them from far countries. In summer time they care not for any drink, but Cosmos. And it standeth always within the entrance of his door, and next unto it stands a minstrel with his fiddle. I saw there no such citerns and vials as ours commonly be, but many other musical instruments which are not used among us. And when the master of the house gins to drink, one of his servants crieth out with a loud voice HA', and the minstrel plays upon his fiddle. They use the like custom in Florida. And when they make any great solemn feast, they all of them clap their hands & dance to the noise of music, the men before their master and the women before their mistress. And when the master hath drunk, then cries out his servant as before, and the minstrel stayeth his music. Then drink they all around both men and women: and sometimes they carouse for the victory very filthily and drunkenly. Also when they will provoke any man, they pull him by the ears to the drink, and so lug and draw him strongly to stretch out his throat clapping their hands and dancing before him. Moreover when some of them will make great feasting and rejoicing, one of the company takes a full cup, and two other stand, one on his right hand and another on his left, and so they three come singing to the man who is to have the cup reached unto him, still s●nging and dancing before him: and when he stretcheth forth his hand to receive the cup, they leap suddenly back, returning again as they did before, and so having deluded him thr●c● or four times by drawing back the cup until he be merry, and hath got a good appetite, than they give him the cup, singing and dancing and stamping with their feet, until he hath done drinking. Of their food and victuals. Chap. 5. COncerning their food and victuals, be it known unto your Highness that they do, without all difference or exception, eat all their dead carrions. And amongst so many droves it cannot be, but some cattle must needs die. Howbeit in summer, so long as their Cosmos, that is, their mare's milk lasteth, they care not for any food. And if they chance to have an ox or an horse dye, they dry the flesh thereof: Drying of flesh in the wound. for cutting it into thin slices and hanging it up against the Sun and the wound, it is presently dried without salt, and also without stench or corruption. They make better puddings of their horses then of their hogs, which they eat being new made: the rest of the flesh they reserve until winter. They make of their ox skin's great bladders or bags, which they do wonderfully dry in the smoke. Of the hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine sandals & pantofles. They give unto 50. or an 100 men the flesh of one ram to eat. For they mince it in a bowl with salt and water (other sauce they have none) and then with the point of a knife, or a little fork which they make for the same purpose (such as we use to take ro●ted pears or apples out of wine withal) they reach unto everyone of the company a morsel or twain, according to the multitude of guests. The master of the house, before the rams flesh be distributed, first of all himself taketh thereof, what he pleaseth. Also, if he giveth unto any of the company a special part, the receiver thereof must eat it alone, and must not impart aught thereof unto any other. Not being able to eat it up all, he carries it with him, or delivers it unto his boy, if he be present, to keep it: if not, he puts it up into his Saptargat, that is to say, his four square buget, which they use to carry about with them for the saving of all such provision, and wherein they lay up their bones, when they have not time to gnaw them thoroughly, that they may ●urnish them afterward, to the end that no whit of their food may come to naught. How they make their drink called Cosmos. Chap. 6. THeir drink called Cosmos, which is mare's milk, is prepared after this manner. They fasten a long line unto 2. posts standing firmly in the ground, & unto the same line they tie the young foles of those mares, which they mean to milk. Then come the deigns to stand by their foles gently suffering themselves to be milked. And if any of them be too unruly, than one takes her fool, & puts it under her, letting it suck a while, and presently carrying it away again, there comes another man to milk the said mare. And having got a good quantity of this milk together (being as sweet as cows milk) while it is new they power it into a great bladder or bag, and they beaten the said bag with a piece of wood made for the purpose, having a club at the lower end like a man's head, which is hollow within: and so soon as they beaten upon it, it gins to boil like new wine, & to be sour and sharp of taste, and they beat it in that manner till butter come thereof. Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharp they drink it: for it biteth a man's tongue like the wine of raspes, when it is drunk. After a man hath taken a draft thereof, it leaveth behind it a taste like the taste of almond milk, and goeth down very pleasantly, intoxicating weak brains: also it causeth urine to be avoided in great measure. Likewise Caracosmos, that is to say black Cosmos, for great lords to drink, they make on this manner. First they beaten the said milk so long till the thickest part thereof descend right down to the bottom like the leeses of white wine, and that which is thin and pure remains above, being like unto whey or white must. The said leeses or dregss being very white, are given to servants, a●d will 'cause them to sleep exceedingly. That which is thin and clear their masters drink ● and in very deed it is marvelous sweet and wholesome liquor. Duke Baatu hath thirty cottages or granges within a days journey of his abiding place: every one of which serveth him daily with the Caracosmos of an hundredth mare's milk, and so all of them together every day with the milk of 3000. mares, besides white milk which other of his subjects bring. For even as the husbandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruits and carry it unto the courts of their lords, even so do they their mare's milk every third day. Out of their cows milk they first churn butter, boiling the which butter unto a perfect decoction, they put it into rams skins, which they reserve for the same purpose. Neither do they salt their butter: and yet by reason of the long seething, it putrefieth not: and they keep it in store for winter. The churnmilke which remains of the butter, they let alone till it be as sour as possibly it may be, than they boil it and in boiling, it is turned all into curds, which curds they dry in the sun, making them as hard as the dross of iron: and this kind of food also they store up in satchels against winter. In the winter season when milk faileth them, they put the foresaid curds (which they call Gry-ut) into a bladder, and pouring hot water thereinto, they beaten it lustily till they have resolved it into the said water, which is thereby made exceedingly sour, and that they drink in stead of milk. They are very scrupulous, and take diligent heed that they drink not fair water by itself. Of the beasts which they eat, of their garments, and of their manner of hunting. Chap. 7. GReat lords have cottages or granges towards the South, from whence their tenants bring them Millet and meal against winter. The poorer sort provide themselves of such necessaries, for the exchange of rams, & of other beasts skins. The Tartars slaves fill their bellies with thick water, & are therewithal contented. They will neither ea●e mice with long tails, nor any kind of mice with short tails. They have also certain little beasts called by them Sogur, which lie in a cave twenty or thirty of them together, all the whole winter ●●eeping there for the space of six months: and these they take in great abundance. There are also a kind of coneys having long tails like unto cats: & on the outside of their tails grow black & white hairs. They have many other small beasts good to eat, which they know and discern right well. I see no Decree there, & but a few hares, but a great number of Roes. I see wild asses in great abundance, which be like unto Mules. Also I see another kind of beast called Artak, having in all resemblance the body of a ram, & crooked horns, which are of such bigness, that I could scarce lift up a pair of them with one hand: Our falconers use the left fist. Another strange custom, which I leave to be scanned by falconers themselu●s. & of these horns they make great drinking cups. They have Falcons, Girfalcons, & other hawks in great plenty: all which they carry upon their right hands: & they put always about their Falcon's necks a string of leather, which hangs down to the midst of their gorges, by the which string, when they cast them off the fist at their game, with their left hand they bow down the heads & breasts of the said hawks, lest they should be tossed up & down, & beaten with the wound, or lest they should soar too high. Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals, by hunting & hawking. Concerning their garments and attire be it known unto your Majesty, that out of Cataya & other regions of the East, out of Persia also and other countries of the South, there are brought unto them stuffs of silk, clot of gold, & cotton clot, which they wear in time of summer. But out of Russia, Moxel, Bulgaria the greater, & Pascat●r, that is Hungaria the greater, and out of Kersis (all which are Northern regions & full of woods) & also out of many other countries of the North, which are subject unto them, the inhabitants bring them rich and costly skins of divers sorts (which I never see in our countries) where withal they are clad in winter. And always against winter they make themselves two gowns, one with the fur inward to their skin, & another with the fur outward, to defend them from wound & snow, which for the most part are made of wolves skins, or Fox skins, or else of Papions. And when they sit within the house, they have a finer gown to wear. The poorer sort make their upper gown of dogs or of goat's skins. When they go to hunt for wild beasts, there meets a great company of them together, & environing the place round about, where they are sure to found some game, by little & little they approach on all sides, till they have got the wild beasts into the midst, as it were into a circle, & then they discharge their arrows at them. Also they make themselves breeches of skins. The rich Tartars sometimes fur their gowns with pelluce or silk shag, which is exceeding soft, light, & warm. The poorer sort do line their clotheses with cotton clot which is made of the finest wool they can pick out, & of the courser part of the said wool, they make felt to cover their houses and their chests, and for their bedding also. Of the same wool, being mixed with one third part of horse hair, Great expense of wool. they make all their cordage. They make also of the said felt coverings for their stools, and caps to defend their heads from the weather: for all which purposes they spend a great quantity of their wool. And thus much concerning the attire of the men. Of the fashion which the Tartars use in cutting their hair, and of the attire of their women. Chap. 8. THe men shave a plot four square upon the crowns of their heads, and from the two foremost corners they shave, as it were, two seams down to their temples: they shave also their temples and the hinder part of their head even unto the nape of the neck: likewise they shave the forepart of their scalp down to their foreheads, & upon their foreheads they leave a lock of hair reaching down unto their eye brows: upon the two hindermost corners of of their heads, they have two locks also, which they twine and braid into knots and so bind and knit them under each ear one. Moreover their women's garments differ not from their men's, saving that they are somewhat longer. But on the morrow after one of their women is married, she shaves her scalp from the midst of her head down to her forehead, & wears a wide garment like unto the hood of a Nun, yea larger and longer in all parts then a Nun's hood, being open before and gird v●to them under the right side. For herein do the Tartars differ from the Turks: because the Turks fasten their garments to their bodies on the left side: but the Tartars always on the right side. They have also an ornament for their heads which they call Botta, being made of the bark of a tree, or of some such other lighter matter as they can found, which by reason of the thickness & roundness thereof cannot be held but in both hands together: & it hath a square sharp spire rising from the top thereof, being more than a cubit in length, & fashioned like unto a pinnacle. The said Botta they cover all over with a piece of rich silk: & it is hollow within: & upon the midst of the said spire or square top, they put a bunch of quills or of slender canes a cubit long and more: & the said bunch, on the top thereof, they beautify with Peacock's feathers, & round about all the length thereof, with the feathers of a Malards' tail, & with precious stones also. Great ladies wear this kind of ornament upon their heads binding it strongly with a certain hat or coif, which hath an hole in the crown, fit for the spire to come through it: & under the foresaid ornament they cover the hairs of their heads, which they gather up round together from the hinder part thereof to the crown, & so lap them up in a knot of bundle within the said Botta, which afterward they bind strongly under their throats. Hereupon when a great company of such gentlewomen ride together, and are beheld a far off, they seem to be soldiers with helmets on their heads carrying their lances upright: for the said Botta appeareth like an helmet with a lance over it. Albina their women sit on horseback bestriding their horses like men: & they bind their hoods or gowns about their wastes with a sky coloured silk scarf, & with another scarf they gird it above their breasts: & they bind also a piece of white silk like a muffler or mask under their eye●, reaching down unto their breast. These gentlewomen are exceeding fat, & the lesser their noses be, the fairer are they esteemed: they daub over their sweet faces with grease too shamefully: and they never lie in bed for their travel of childbirth. Of the duties enjoined unto the Tartarian women, and of their labours, and also of their marriages. Chap. 9 THe duties of women are, to drive carts: to lay their houses upon carts & to take them down again: to milk cows: to make butter & Gry-ut: to dress skins & to sow them, which they usually sow with thread made of sinews, for they divide sinews into slender threads, & then twine them into one long thread. They make sandals & socks & other garments. Howbeit they never wash any apparel: for they say that God is then angry, & that dreadful thunder will ensue, if washed garments be hanged forth to dry: yea, they beaten such as wash, & take their garments from them. They are wonderfully afraid of thunder: for in the time of thunder they thrust all strangers out of their houses, & then wrapping themselves in black felt, they lie hidden therein, till the thunder be overpast. They never wash their dishes or bowls: yea, when their flesh is sodden, they wash the platter wherein it must be put, with scalding hot broth out of the pot, & then power the said broth into the pot again. They make felt also, & cover their houses therewith. The duties of the men are to make bows & arrows, stirrups, bridles, and saddles: to build houses & carts, to keep horses: to milk mares: to churn Cosmos and mare's milk, & to make bags wherein to put it: they keep camels also & lay burdens upon them. As for sheep & goats they tend and milk them, aswell the men as the women. With sheep's milk thicked & salted they dress and tan their hides. When they will wash their hands or their heads, they fill their mouths full of water, & spouting it into their hands by little and little, they sprinkle their hair & wash their heads therewith. As touching marriages, your Highness is to understand, that no man can have a wife among them till he hath bought her: whereupon sometimes their maids are very stolen before they be married, for their parents always keep them till they can sell them. They keep the first and second degrees of consanguinity inviolable, as we do: but they have no regard of the degrees of affinity: for they will marry together, or by succession, two sisters. Their widows marry not at all, for this reason: because they believe, that all who have served them in this life, shall do them service in the life to come also. Whereupon they are persuaded, that every widow after death shall return unto her own husband. And here-hence ariseth an abominable & filthy custom among them, namely that the son marrieth sometimes all his father's wives except his own mother: For the court or house of the father or mother falls by inheritance always to the younger son. Whereupon he is to provide for all his father's wives, because they are part of his inheritance aswell as his father's possessions. And then if he will he useth them for his own wives: for he thinks it no injury or disparagement unto himself, although they return unto his father after death. Therefore when any man hath bargained with another for a maid, the father of the said damosel makes him a feast: in the mean while she fleeth unto some of her kinsfolks to hide herself. Then says her father unto the bridegroom: Lo, my daughter is yours, take her wheresoever you can found her. Then he and his friends seek for her till they can found her, and having found her he must take her by force and carry her, as it were, violently unto his own house. Of their execution of justice and judgement: and of their deaths and burials. Chap. 10. COncerning their laws or their execution of justice, your Majesty is to be advertised, that when two men fight, no third man dare intrude himself to part them. Yea, the father dare not help his own son. But he that goes by the worst must appeal unto the court of his lord. And whosoever else offereth him any violence after appeal, is put to death. But he must go presently without all delay: and he that hath suffered the injury, carrieth him, as it were captive. They punish no man with sentence of death, unless he be taken in the deed doing, or confesseth the same. But being accused by the multitude, they put him unto extreme torture to make him confess the truth. They punish murder with death, and carnal copulation also with any other besides his own. By his own, I mean his wife or his maid servant, for he may use his s●aue as he listeth himself. Heinous theft also or felony they punish with death. For a light theft, as namely for stealing of a ram, the party (not being apprehended in the deed doing, but otherwise detected) is cruelly beaten. And if the executioner lays on an 100 strokes, he must have an 100 staves, namely for such as are beaten upon sentence given in the court. Also sergeant messenger's, because they feign themselves to be messengers, when as indeed they are none at all, they punish with death. Sacrilegious people they use in like manner (of which kind of malefactors your Majesty shall understand more fully hereafter) because they esteem such to be witches. When any man dieth, they lament & howl most pitifully for him: & the said mourners are free from paying any tribute for one whole year after. Also whosoever is present at the house where any one grown to man's estate lieth dead, he must not enter into the court of Mangu-Can till one whole year be expired. If it were a child deceased he must not enter into the said court till the next month after. Near unto the grave of the party deceased they always leave one cottage. If any of their nobles (being of the stock o● Chingis, who was their first lord & father) deceaseth, his sepulchre is unknown. And always about those places where they inter their nobles, there is one house of men to keep the sepulchres. I could not learn that they use to hide treasures in the graves of their dead. The Comanians build a great tomb over their dead, & erect the image of the dead par●y thereupon, with his face towards the East, holding a drinking cup in his hand, before his navel. They erect also upon the monuments of rich men, Pyramids, that is to say, little sharp houses or pinnacles: & in some places I see mighty towers made of brick, in other places Pyramids made of stones, albeit there are no stones to be found thereabouts. I see one newly buried, in whose behalf they hanged up 16. horse hides, unto each quarter of the world 4, between certain high posts: & they set besides his grave Cosmos for him to drink, & flesh to eat: & yet they said that he was baptised. I beheld other kinds of sepulchres also towards the East namely large flowers or pavements made of stone, some round & some square, & then 4. long stones pitched upright, about the said pavement towards the 4. regions of the world● When any man is sick, he lieth in his bed, & causeth a sign to be set upon his house, to signify that there lieth a sick person there, to the end that no man may enter into the said house: whereupon none at all visit any sick party but his servant only. Moreover, when any one is sick in their great courts, they appoint watchmen to stand round about the said court, who will not suffer any person to enter within the precincts thereof. For they fear lest evil spirits or winds should come together with the parties that enter in. They esteem of soothsayerss, as of their priests. Of our first entrance among the Tartars, and of their ingratitude. Chap. 11. ANd being come amongst those barbarous people, me thought (as I said before) that I was entered into a new world: for they came flocking about us on horse back, after they had made us a long time to await for them sitting in the shadow, under their black carts. The first question which they demanded was whether we had ever been with them heretofore, or no? And giving them answer that we had not, they began impudently to beg our victuals from us. And we gave them some of our biscuit & wine, which we had brought with us from the town of Soldaia. And having drunk off one flagon of our wine they demanded another, saying, that a man goeth not into the house with one foot. Howbeit we gave them no more, excusing ourselves that we had but a little. Then they asked us, whence we came, & whither we were bond? I answered them with the words above mentioned: that we had herded concerning duke Sartach, that he was become a Christian, & that unto him our determination was to travel, having your majesties letters to deliver unto him. They were very inquisitive to know whether I came of mine own accord, or whether I were sent? I answered that no man compelled me to come, neither had I come, unless I myself had been willing: & that therefore I was come according to mine own will, & to the will of my superior. I took diligent heed never to say that I was your majesties ambassador. Then they asked what I had in my carts; whether it were gold or silver, or rich garments to carry unto Sartach? I answered that Sartach should see what we had brought, when we were once come unto him, & that they had nothing to do to ask such questions, but rather aught to conduct me unto their captain, and that he, if he thought good● should 'cause me to be directed unto Sartach: if not, that I would return. For there was in the same province one of Baatu his kinsmen called Scacati, unto whom my lord the Emperor of Constantinople had written letters of request, to suffer me to pass through his territory. With this answer of ours they were satisfied, giving us horses & oxen, & two men to conduct us. Howbeit before they would allow us the foresaid necessaries for our journey, they made us to await a long while, begging our bread for their young brats, wondering at all things which they fawe about our servants, as their knives, gloves, purses, & points, and desiring to have them. I excused myself that we had a long way to travel, & that we must in no wise so soon deprive ourselves of things necessary, to finish so long a journey. Then they said that I was a very varlet. True it is, that they took nothing by force from me: howbeit they will beg that which they see very importunately & shamelessly. And if a man bestow aught upon them, it is but cost lost, for they are thankless wretches. They esteem themselves lords & think that nothing should be denied them by any man. If a man gives them naught, & afterward stands in need of their service, they will do right naught for him. They gave us of their cows milk to drink after the butter was cherned out of it, being very sour, which they call Apram. And so we departed from them. And in very deed it seemed to me that we were escaped out of the hands of devils. On the morrow we were come unto the captain. From the time wherein we departed from Soldaia, till we arrived at the court of Sartach, which was the space of two months, we never lay in house or tent, but always under the starry canopy, & in the open air, or under our carts. Neither yet see we any village, nor any mention of building where a village had been, but the graves of the Comanians in great abundance. The same evening our guide which had conducted us, gave us some Cosmos. After I had drunk thereof I sweated most extremely for the novelty and strangeness, because I never drank of it before. Notwithstanding me thought it was● very savoury, as indeed it was. Of the court of Scacatai: and how the Christians drink no Cosmos. Chap. 12. ON the morrow after we met with the ●artes of Scacatai laden with houses, and me thought that a mighty city came to meet me. I wondered also at the great multitude of huge droves of oxen, & horses, and at the flocks of sheep. I could see but a few men that guided all these matters: whereupon I enquired how many men he had under him, & they told me that he had not above 500 in all, the one half of which number we were come past, as they lay in another lodging. Then the servant which was our guide told me, that I must present somewhat unto Scacatay: & so he caused us to stay, going himself before to give notice of our coming. By this time it was passed three of the clock, and they unladed their houses near unto a certain water: And there came unto us his interpreter, who being advertised by us that we were never there before, demanded some of our victuals, & we yielded unto his request. Also he required of us some garment for a reward, because he was to interpret our sayings unto his master. Howbeit we excused ourselves as well as we could. Then he asked us, what we would present unto his Lord? And we took a flagon of wine, & filled a maund with biscuit, & a platter with apples & other first-fruits. But he was not contented therewith, because we brought him not some rich garment. Notwithstanding we entered so into his presence with fear and bashfulness. He sat upon his bed holding a citron in his hand, and his wife sat by him: who (as I verily think) had cut and pared her nose between the eyes, that she might seem to be more flat and saddle-nosed: for she had left herself no nose at all in that place, having anointed the very same place with a black ointment, and her eye brows also: which sight seemed most ugly in our eyes. Then I rehearsed unto him the same words, which I had spoken in other places before. For it stood us in hand to use one and the same speech in all places. For we were well forewarned of this circumstance by some which had been amongst the Tartars, A ca●●at right worthy the noting. that we should never vary in our tale. Then I besought him, that he would vouchsafe to accept that small gift at our hands, excusing myself that I was a Monk, and that it was against our profession to possess gold, or silver, or precious garments, and therefore that I had not any such thing to give him, howbeit he should receive some part of our victuals in stead of a blessing. Hereupon he caused our present to be received, and immediately distributed the same among his men, who were met together sore the same purpose, to drink and make merry. I delivered also unto him the Emperor of Consta●tinople his letters (this was eight days after the feast of Ascension) who sent them forthwith to Soldaia to have them interpreted there: for they were written in Greek, and he had none about him that was skilful in the Greek tongue. He asked us also whether we would drink any Cosmos, that is to say mare's milk? (For those that are Christians among them, as namely the Russians, Grecians, and Alanians, who keep their own law very strictly, will in no case drink thereof, yea, they account themselves no Christians after they have once drunk of it, & their priests reconcile them unto the Church as if they had renounced the Christian faith.) I gave him answer, that we had as yet sufficient of our own to drink, and that when our drink failed us, we must be constrained to drink such as should be given unto us. He inquired also what was contained in our letters, which your Majesty sent unto Sartach? I answered: that they were sealed up, and that there was nothing contained in them, but good and friendly words. And he asked what words we would deliver unto Sartach? I answered: the words of Christian faith. He asked again what these words were? For he was very desirous to hear them. Then I expounded unto him as well as I could, by mine interpreter, (who had no wit nor any utterance o● speech) the Apostles creed. Which after he had herded, holding his peace, he shook his head. Then he assigned unto us two men, who should give attendance upon ourselves, upon our horses, and upon our Oxen. And he caused us to ride in his company, till the messenger whom he had sent for the interpretation of the emperors letters, was returned. And so we travailed in his company till the morrow after Pentecost. How the Alanians came unto us on Pentecost or Whitsun even. Chap. 13. Upon the even of Pentecost, there came unto us certain Alanians, who are there called * Or, Akas. Acias, being Christians after the manner of the Grecians, using greek books and Graecian priests: howbeit they are not schismatics as the Grecians are, but without acception of people, they honour all Christians. And they brought unto us sodden flesh, requesting us to eat of their meat, and to pray for one of their company being dead. Then I said, because it was the even of so great and so solemn a feast day, that we would not eat any flesh for that time. And I expounded unto them the solemnity of the said feast, whereat they greatly rejoiced: for they were ignorant of all things appertaining to Christian religion, except only the name of Christ. They and many other Christians, both Russians, and Hungarians demanded of us, whether they might be saved or not, because they were constrained to drink Cosmos, & to eat the dead carcases of such things, as were s●aine by the Saracens, and other infidels? Which even the Greek & Russian priests themselves also esteem as things strangled or offered unto idols: because they were ignorant of the times of fasting, neither could they have obseru●d them albeit they had known them. Then instructed I them aswell as I could and strengthened them in the faith. As for the flesh which they had brought we reserved it until the feast day. For there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for gold & silver, but only for clot and garments, of the which kind of merchandise we had none at all. Cloth is the chief merchandise in Tartary. When our servants offered them any coin called Ype●pera, they rubbed it with their fingers, and put it unto their noses, to try by the smell whether it were copper or no. Neither did they allow us any food but cows milk only which was very sour & filthy. There was one thing most necessary greatly wanting unto us. For the water was so foul and muddy by reason of their horses, that it was not meet to be drunk. And but for certain biscuit, which was by the goodness of God remaining unto us, we had undoubtedly perished. Of a Saracen which said that he would be baptised: and of certain men which seemed to be lepers Chap. 14. Upon the day of Pentecost there came unto us a certain Saracen, unto whom, as he talked with us, we expounded the Christian faith. Who (hearing of God's benefits exhibited unto mankind by the incarnation of our Saviour Christ, and the resurrectiou of the dead, & the judgement to come, & that in baptism was a washing away of sins) said, that he would be baptised. But when we prepared ourselves to the baptizing of him, he suddenly mounted on horseback, saying that he would go home and consult with his wife what were best to be done. And on the morrow after he told us, that he dared in no case receive baptism, because than he should drink no more Cosmos. For the Christians of that place affirm that no true Christians aught to drink thereof: and that without the said liquor he could not live in that deserts From which opinion, I could not for my life remove him. Wherefore be it known of a certainty unto your highness, that they are much estranged from the Christian faith by reason of that opinion which hath been broached & confirmed among them by the Russians, of whom there is a great multitude in that place. The same day Scacatay the captain aforesaid gave us one man to conduct us to Sartach, and two other to guide us unto the next lodging, which was distant from that place five days journey for oxen to travel. They gave unto us also a goat for victuals, and a great many bladders of cows milk, & but a little Cosmos, because it is of so great estimation among them. And so taking our journey directly toward the North, me thought that we had passed through one of hell gates. The servants which conducted us begau to play the bold thieves with us, seeing us take so little heed unto ourselves. At length having lost much by their the every, harm taught us wisdom. And then we came unto the extremity of that province, which is fortified with a ditch from one sea unto another: without the bounds whereof their lodging was situate. Into the which, so soove as we had entered, all the inhabitants there seemed unto us to be infected with leprosy: Salt pits. for certain base fellows were placed there to receive tribute of all such as took salt out of the salt pits aforesaid. From that place they told us that we must travel fifte●n days journey, before we should found any other people. Ten days journey. With them we drank Cosmos, and gave unto them a basket full of fruits and of biscuit. And they gave unto us eight oxen and one goat, to sustain us in so great a journey, and I know not how many bladders of milk. And so changing our oxen, we took our journey which we finished in ten days, arriving at another lodging: neither found we any water all that way, but only in certain ditches made in the valleys, except two small rivers. And from the time wherein we departed out of the foresaid province of Gasaria, we travailed directly Eastward, having a Sea on the South side of us, and a waste desert on the North, which desert, in some places, reacheth twenty days journey in breadth, and there is neither tree, mountain, nor stone therein. And it is most excellent pasture. Here the Comanians, which were called Capthac, were wont to feed their cattle. Howbeit by the Dutch men they are called Valani, and the province itself Valania. But Isidore calleth all that tract of land stretching from the river of Tanais to the lake of Meotis, and so along as far as Danubius, the country of Alania. The length of Comania. And the same land continueth in length from Danubius unto Tanais (which divideth Asia from Europe) for the space of two months journey, albeit a man should ride post as fast as the Tartars use to ride: Russia. and it was all over inhabited by the Comanians, called Capthac: yea and beyond Tanais, as far as the river of Edil or Volga: the space between the two which rivers is a great and long journey to be travailed in ten days. To the North of the same province lieth Russia, which is full of wood in all places, and stretcheth from Polonia and Hungaria, even to the river of Tanais: and it hath been wasted all over by the Tartars, and as yet is daily wasted by them. Of our afflictions which we sustained: and of the Comanians manner of burial. Chap. 15. THey prefer the Saracens before the Russians, because they are Christians, Prussia. and when they are able to give them no more gold nor silver, they drive them and their children like flocks of sheep into the wilderness, constraining them to keep their cattle there. Beyond Russia lieth the country of Prussia, which the Dutch knights of the order of Saint Mary's hospital of jerusalem have of late wholly conquered and subdued. And in very deed they might easily win Russia, if they would put to their helping hand. For if the Tartars should but once know, that the great Priest, that is to say, the Pope did 'cause the ensign of the cross to be displayed against them, they would flee all into their desert and solitary places. We therefore went on towards the East, seeing nothing but heaven and earth, and sometimes the sea on our right hand, called the Sea of Tanais, and the sepulchers of the Comanians, which appeared unto us two leagues off, in which places they were wont to bury their kindred altogether. So long as we were traveling through the desert, it went reasonably well with us. For I cannot sufficiently express in words the irksome and tedious troubles which I sustained, when I came at any of their places of abode. For our guide would have us go in unto every Captain with a present, and our expenses would not extend so far. For we were every day eight people of us spending our wayfaring provision, Extreme heat in Summer. for the Tartars servants would all of them eat of our victuals. We ourselves were five in number, and the servants our guides were three, two to drive our carts, and one to conduct us unto Sartach. The flesh which they gave us was not sufficient for us: neither could we find any thing to be bought for our money. And as we sat under our carts in the cool shadow, by reason of the extreme and vehement heat which was there at that time, they did so importunately and shamelessly intrude themselves into our company, that they would even tread upon us, to see whatsoever things we had. Having list at any time to ease themselves, the filthy lozel's had not the manners to withdraw themselves farther from us, than a bean can be cast. Yea, like vile slovens they would lay their tails in our presence, while they were yet talking with us: many other things they committed, which were most tedious and loathsome unto us. But above all things it grieved me to the very heart, that when I would utter aught unto them, which might tend to their edification, my foolish interpreter would say: you shall not make me become a Preacher now: I tell you, I cannot nor I will not rehearse any such words. And true it was which he said, For I perceived afterward, when I began to have a little smattering in the language, that when I spoke one thing, he would say quite another, whatsoever came next unto his witless tongues end. Then seeing the danger I might incur in speaking by such an interpreter, I resolved much rather to hold my peace, and thus we travailed with great toil from lodging to lodging, till at the length, a few days before the feast of Saint Marie Magdalene, we arrived at the bank of the mighty river Tanais which divideth Asia from Europa, Tanais. even as the river Nilus of Egypt disjoineth Asia from Africa. At the same place where we arrived, Baatu and Sartach did 'cause a certain cottage to be built, upon the Eastern bank of the river, for a company of Russians to devil in f to the end they might transport Ambassadors and merchants in ferrie-boates over that part o● the river. First they ferried us over, and then our carts, putting one wheel into one lyter, and the other wheel into another lyter, having bound both the lyters together, and so they row them over. In this place our guide played the fool most extremely. For he imagining that th' ᵉ said Russians, dwelling in the cottage, should have provided us horses, sent home the beasts which we brought with us, in another cart, that they might return unto their own masters. And when we demanded to have some beasts of them, they answered, that they had a privilege from Baatu, whereby they were bond to none other service, but only to ferry over goers & comers: and that they received great tribute of merchants in regard thereof. We stayed therefore by the said rivers side three days. The first day they gave unto us a great fresh turbot: the second day they bestowed rye bread, and a little flesh upon us, which the purveyor of the village had taken up at every house for us: and the third day dried fish, which they have there in great abundance. The breadth of Tanais. The said river was even as broad in that place, as the river of Sein is at Paris. And before we came there, we passed over many goodly waters, and full of fish: howbeit the barbarous and rude Tartars know not how to take them: neither do they make any reckoning of any fish, except it be so great, that they may pray upon the flesh thereof, as upon the flesh of a ram. He is much deceived. This river is the limit of the East part of Russia, and it springeth out of the fens of Maeotis, which fens stretch unto the North Ocean. And it runneth Southward into a certain great sea 700. miles about, before it falls into the sea called Pontus Euxinus. And all the rivers, which we passed over, ran with full stream into those quarters. The foresaid river hath great store of wood also growing upon the West side thereof. Beyond this place the Tartars ascend no farther unto the North: for at that season of the year, about the first of August, About the beginning of August, the Tartars return Southward. they begin to return back unto the South. And therefore there is another cottage somewhat lower, where passengers are ferried over in Winter time. And in this place we were driven to great extremity, by reason that we could get neither horses, nor oxen for any money. At length, after I had declared unto them, that my coming was to labour for the common good of all Christians, they sent us oxen & men; howbeit we ourselves were feign to travel on foot. At this time they were reaping their rye. Wheat prospereth not well in that soil. They have the seed of Millium in great abundance. The Russian women attire their heads like unto our women. They embroider their safegards or gowns on the outside, from their feet unto their knees with particoloured or grey s●uffe. The Russian men wear caps like unto the Dutch men. Also they wear upon their heads certain sharp, & high-crowned hats made of felt, much like unto a sugar loaf. Then travailed we 3. days together, not finding any people. And when ourselves and our oxen were exceeding weary and faint, not knowing how far off we should found any Tartars, on the sudden, there came two horses running towards us, which we took with great joy, and our guide and interpreter mounted upon their backs, to see, how far off they could descry any people. At length upon the fourth day of our journey, having found some inhabitants, we rejoiced like seafaring men, which had escaped out of a dangerous tempest, and had newly recovered the haven. Then having taken fresh horses, and oxen, we passed on from lodging to lodging, till at the last, upon the second of the Kalends of August, we arrived at the habitation of Duke Sartach himself. Of the dominion of Sartach, and of his Subjects. Chap. 16. THe region lying beyond Tanais, is a very goodly country, having store of rivers and woods toward the North part thereof. There be mighty huge woods which two sorts of people do inhabit. One of them is called Moxel, The people of Moxel are pagan. being mere pagan, and without law. They have neither towns nor cities, but only cottages in the woods. Their lord & a great part of themselves were put to the sword in high Germany. Whereupon they highly commend the brave courage of the Almans, hoping as yet to be delivered out of the bondage of the Tartars, by their means. If any merchant come unto them, he must provide things necessary for him, with whom he is first of all entertained, all the time of his abode among them. If any lieth with another man's wife, her husband, unless he be an eiewitnes thereof, regardeth it not: for they are not jealous over their wives. They have abundance of hogs, and great store of honey & wax, and divers sorts of rich & costly skins, and plenty of falcons. Next unto them are other people called Merclas, which the Latins call Merdui, The people called Merdui being Saracens. and they are Saracens. Beyond them is the river of Etilia or Volga, which is the mightiest river that ever I see. And it issueth from the North part of Bulgaria the greater, & so trending along Southward, disimboqueth into a certain lake containing in circuit the space of 4. months travel, whereof I will speak hereafter. The circuit of the Caspian sea. The two foresaid rivers, namely Tanais & Etilia, otherwise called Volga, towards the Northern regions through the which we travailed, are not distant asunder above x. days journey, but Southward they are divided a great space one from another. For Tanais descendeth into the sea of Pontus: Etilia maketh the foresaid sea or lake, with the help of many other rivers which fall thereinto out of Persia. And we had to the South of us huge high mountains, upon the sides whereof, towards the said desert, do the people called Cergis, and the Alani or Acas inhabit, Kergiss or Aas. who are as yet Christians, & wage war against the Tartars. Beyond them, next unto the sea or lake of Etilia, there are certain Saracens called Lesgi, The Saracens called Lesgi. who are in subjection unto the Tartars. Beyond these is Porta ferrea, or the iron gate, now called Derbent, which Alexander built to exclude the barbarous nations out of Persia. Concerning the situation whereof, your majesty shall understand more about the end of this Treatise: for I travailed in my return by the very same place. He returns by De●bent. Between the two foresaid rivers, in the regions through the which we passed did the Comanians of old time inhabit, before they were overrun by the Tartars. Of the Court of Sartach, and of the magnificence thereof. Chap. 17. ANd we found Sartach lying within three days journey of the river Etilia: whose Court seemed unto us to be very great. For he himself had six wives, and his elder son also had three wives: every one of which women hath a great house, & they have each one of them about 200. carts. Our guide went unto a certain Nestorian named Coiat, Co●at the Nestorian. who is a man of great authority in Sartaches Court. He made us to go very far unto the lords gate. For so they call him, who hath the office of entertaining Ambassadors. In the evening Coiac commanded us to come unto him. Then our guide began to inquire what we would present him withal, & was e●ceedingly offended, when he see that we had nothing ready to present. We stood before him, and he sat majestically, having music and dancing in his presence. Then I spoke unto him in the words before recited, telling him, for what purpose I was come unto his lord, and requesting so much favour at his hands, as to bring our letters unto the sight of his Lord I excused myself also, that I was a Monk, not having, nor receiving, nor using any gold, or silver, or any other precious thing, save only our books, and the vestments wherein we served God: and that this was the cause why I brought no present unto him, nor unto his Lord For I that had abandoned mine own goods, could not be a transporter of things for other men. Then he answered very courteously, that being a Monk, and so doing, I did well: for so I should observe my vow: neither did himself stand in need of aught that we had, but rather was ready to bestow upon us such things as we ourselves stood in need of: and he caused us to sit down, and to drink of his milk. And presently after he requested us to say our devotions for him: and we did so. He inquired also who was the greatest Prince among the Franckes? And I said, the Emperor, if he could enjoy his own dominions in quiet. Not (quoth he) but the king of France. For he had herded of your Highness by lord Baldwine of Hena●lt. I found there also one of the Knights of the Temple, who had been in Cyprus, and had made report of all things which he saw there. Then returned we unto our lodging. And on the morrow we sent him a ●lagon of Muscadel wine (which had lasted very well in so long a journey) and a box full of biscuit, which was most acceptable unto him. And he kept our servants with him for that evening. The next morning he commanded me to come unto the Court, and to bring the king's letters and my vestiments, and books with me: because his Lord was desirous to see them. Which we did accordingly, lading one cart with our books and vestments, and another with biscuit, wine, and fruits. Then he caused all our books and vestments to be laid forth. And there stood round about us many Tartars, Christians and Saracens on horseback. At the sight whereof, he demanded whether I would bestow all those things upon his Lord or no? Which saying made me to tremble, and grieved me full sore. Howbeit, dissembling our grief as well as we could, we shaped him this answer: Sir, our humble request is, that our Lord your master would vouchsafe to accept our bread, wine, and first-fruits, not as a present, because it is too mean, but as a benediction, lest we should come with an empty hand before him. And he shall see the letters of my sovereign Lord the king, and by them he shall understand for what cause we are come unto him, and then both ourselves, and all that we have, shall stand to his courtesy: for our vestments be holy, and it is unlawful for any but Priests to touch them. Then he commanded us to invest ourselves in the said garments, that we might go before his Lord: and we did so. Then I myself putting on our most precious ornaments, took in mine arms a very fair cushion, and the Bible which your Majesty gave me, and a most beautiful Psalter, which the Queen's Grace bestowed upon me, wherein there were goodly pictures. Mine associate took a missal and a cross: an● the clerk having put on his surplice, took a censer in his hand. And so we came unto the presence of his Lord: and they lifted up the felt hanging before his door, that he might behold us. Then they caused the clerk and the interpreter thrice to bow the knee: but of us they required no such submission. And they diligently admonished us to take heed, that in going in, and in coming out, we touched not the threshold of the house, and requested us to sing a benediction for him. Then we entered in, singing Salue Regina. And within the entrance of the door, stood a bench with cosmos, and drinking cups thereupon. And all his wines were there assembled. Also the Moles or rich Tartars thrusting in with us pressed us sore. Then Coiat carried unto his lord the censer with incense, which he beheld very diligently, holding it in his hand. Afterwards he carried the Psalter unto him, which he looked earnestly upon, and his wife also that sat beside him. After that he carried the Bible: then Sartach asked if the Gospel were contained therein? Yea (see I) and all the holy scriptures besides. He took the cross also in his hand, and demanded concerning the image, whether it were the image of Christ or no? I said it was. The Nestorians & the Armenians do never make the figure of Christ upon their crosses. Wherefore either they seem not to think well of his passion, or else they are ashamed of it. Not good consequence. Then he caused them that stood about us, to stand aside, that he might more fully behold our ornaments. Afterwards I delivered unto him your majesties letters, with the translation thereof into the Arabike, & Syriake languages. For I caused them to be translated at Acon into the character, & dialect of both the said tongues. And there were certain Armenian priests, which had skill in the Turkish & Arabian languages. The aforesaid knight also of the order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake, Turkish, & Arabian tongues. Then we departed forth, and put off our vestments, and there came unto us certain Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat, & caused our letters to be interpreted. Which letters being herded, he caused our bread, wine and first-fruits to be received. And he permitted us also to carry our vestments and books unto our own lodging. This was done upon the feast of S. Peter ad vincula. How they were given in charge to go unto Baatu the Father of Sartach. Chap. 18. THe next morning betimes came unto us a certain Priest, who was brother unto Coiat, requesting to have our box of Chrisine, because Sartach (as he said) was desirous to see it: and so we gave it him. About eventide Coiat scent for us, saying: My lord your king written good words unto my lord and master Sartach. Howbeit there are certain matters of difficulty in them concerning which he dare not determine aught, without the advise and coun●ell of his father. And therefore of necessity you must departed unto his father, leaving behind you the two carts, which you brought hither yesterday with vestments and books, in my custody: because my lord is desirous to take more diligent view thereof. I presently suspecting what mischief might ensue by his covetousness, said unto him: Sir, we will not only leave those with you, but the two other carts also, which we have in our possession, will we commit unto your custody. You shall not (quoth he) leave those behind you, but for the other two carts first named, we will satisfy your request. I said that this could not conveniently be done: but needs we must leave all with him. Then he asked, whether we meant to tarry in the land? I answered: If you thoroughly understand the letters of my lord the king, you know that we are even so determined. Then he replied, that we aught to be patiented and lowly: and so we departed from him that evening. On the morrow after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the carts, and we caused all the four carts to be delivered. Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet us, and separated all those things, which we had brought the day before unto the Court, from the rest, namely, the books and vestments, and took them away with him. Howbeit Coiat had commanded, that we should carry those vestments with us, which we ware in the presence of Sartach, that we might put them on before Baatu, if need should require: but the said Priest took them from us by violence, saying: thou hast brought them unto Sartach, and wouldst thou carry them unto Baatu? And when I would have rendered a reason, he answered: be not too talkative, but go your ways. Then I saw that there was no remedy but patience: for we could have no access unto Sartach himself, neither was there any other, that would do us justice. I was afraid also in regard of the interpreter, lest he had spoken other things than I said unto him: for his will was good that we should have given away all that we had. There was yet one comfort remaining unto me: for when I once perceived their covetous intent, I conveyed from among our books the Bible, and the sentences, and certain other books which I made special account of. Howbeit I dared not take away the Psalter of my sovereign Lady the Queen, because it was too well known, by reason of the golden pictures therein. And so we returned with the two other carts unto our lodging. Then came he that was appointed to be our guide unto the court of Baatu, willing us to take our journey in all poste-haste: unto whom I said, that I would in no case have the carts to go with me. Which thing he declared unto Coiat. Then Coiat commanded, that we should leave them and our servant with him: And we did as he commanded. And so traveling directly Eastward towards Baatu, the third day we came to Etilia or Volga: They are come as far as Volga. the streams whereof when I beheld, I wondered from what regions of the North such huge and mighty waters should descend. Before we were departed from Sartach, the foresaid Coiat, with many other Scribes of the court said unto us: do not make report that our Lord is a Christian, but a Moal. The Tartars will be called Moal. Because the name of a Christian seemeth unto them to be the name of some nation. So great is their pride, that albeit they believe perhaps some things concerning Christ, yet will they not be called Christians, being desirous that their own name, that is to say, Moal should be exalted above all other names. Neither will they be called by the name of Tartars. For the Tartars were another nation, as I was informed by them. How Sartach, and Mangu-Can, and Ken-Can do reverence unto Christians. Chap. 19 AT the same time when the Frenchmen took Antioch, a certain man named Con Can had dominion over the Northern regions, lying thereabouts. This history of Presbyter john in the North-east, is alleged at large by Gerardu● Mercator in his general map. Con is a proper ●ame: Cancrone is a name of authority or dignity, which signifieth a diviner or soothsayer. All diviners are called Can amongst them. Whereupon their princes are called Can, because that vnto● them belongeth the government of the people by divination. We do read also in the history of Antiochia, that the Turks se●t for aid against the Frenchmen, unto the kingdom of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turks first came. From whence t●e Turke● first sprung. The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catay● Kara signifieth black, and Catay is the name of a country. So that Kara-Catay signifieth the black Catay. This name was given to make a difference between the foresaid people, and the people of Catay, inhabiting Eastward over against the Ocean sea: An Ocean sea. concerning whom your majesty shall understand more hereafter. These Catayans dwelled upon certain Alpes, by the which I travailed. And in a certain plain country within those Alpes, there inhabited a Nestorian shepherd, being a mighty governor over the people called Yayman, Nayman. which were Christians, following the s●ct of Nestorius. After the death of Con Can, the said Nestorian exalted himself to the kingdom, and they called him King john, Presbyter Ioh●. reporting ten times more of him than was true. For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts, use to do. For they blaze abroad great rumours, and reports upon just nothing. Whereupon they gave out concerning Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can, and Ken Can: namely because these Tartars make more account of Christians, than they do of other people, and yet in very deed, themselves are no Christians. So likewise there went forth a great report concerning the said king Iohn● Howbeit, when I travailed along by his territories, there was no man that known any thing of him, but only a few Nestorians. In his pastures or territories dwelleth Ken Can, The place of Ken Can his a●●ade. at whose Court friar Andrew was. And I myself passed by it at my return. This john had a brother, being a mighty man also, and a shepherd like himself, called Vut, Vut Can, or V●e Can. and he inhabited beyond the Alpes of Cara Catay, being distant from his brother john, the space of three weeks journey. He was lord over a certain village, called Cara Carum, The village of Cara Carum. having people also for his subjects, named Crit, or Merkit, Crit and Merkit. who were Christians of the sect of Nestorius. But their Lord abandoning the worship of Christ, followed after idols, retaining with him Priests of the said idols, who all of them are worshippers of devils and sorcerers. Beyond his pastures some ten or fifteen days journey, were the pastures of Moal, Moal in old time a beggarly people. who were a poor and beggarly nation, without governor, and without Law, except their soothsay, and their divinations, unto the which detestable studies, all in those parts do apply their minds. Near unto Moal were other poor people called Tartars. The place of the Tartars. The foresaid king john died without issue male, and thereupon his brother Vut was greatly enriched, and caused himself to be named Can: and his droves and flocks ranged even unto the borders of Moal. About the same time there was one Cyngiss, Cyngis. a black smith among the people of Moal. This Cyngis stolen as many cattle from Vut Can, as he could possibly get: insomuch that the shepherds of Vut complained unto their Lord Then provided he an army, and marched up into the country of Moal to seek for the said Cyngis. But Cyngis fled among the Tartars, and hid himself amongst them. And Vut having taken some spoils both from Moal, and also from the Tartars, returned home. Then spoke Cyngis unto the Tartars, and unto the people of Moal, saying: Sirs, because we are destitute of a governor and Captain, you see how our neighbours do oppress us. And the Tartars and Moles appointed him to be their Chieftain. Then having secretly gathered together an army, he broke in suddenly upon Vut, and overcame him, and Vut fled into Cataya● At the same time was the daughter of Vut taken, which Cyngis married unto one of his sons, by whom she conceived, & brought forth the great Can, Mangu-C●n. which now reigneth, called Mangu-Can. Then Cyngis sent the Tartars before him in all places where he came: and thereupon was their name published and spread abroad: for in all places the people would cry out: Lo, the Tartars come, the Tartars come. Howbeit, through continual wars, they are now, all of them in a manner, consumed and brought to naught. Whereupon the Moles endeavour what they can, to extinguish the name of the Tartars, that they may exalt their own name. The country wherein they first inhabited, and where the Court of Cyngis Can as yet remains, is called Mancherule. Ma●cherule. But because Tartary is the region, about which they have obtained their conquests, they esteem that as their royal and chief city, and there for the most part do they elect their great Can. Of the Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians: and of the Caspian Sea. Chap. 20. NOw, as concerning Sartach, whether he believes in Christ, or not, I know not. This I am sure of, that he will not be called a Christian. Yea rather he seemeth unto me to deride and scoff at Christians. He lieth in the way of the Christians, as namely of the Russians, the Null, the Bulgarians of Bulgaria the lesser, the Soldaianes, the Kerkis, and the Alanians: who all of them pass by him, as they are going to the Court of his father Baatu, to carry gifts: whereupon he is more in league with them. Howbeit, if the Saracens come, and bring greater gifts than they, they are dispatched sooner. He hath about him certain Nestorian Priests, who pray upon their beads, and sing their devotions. Also, there is another under Baatu called Berta, O●, Berc●. who feedeth his cattle toward Porta ferrea, or Derbent, where lieth the passage of all those Saracens, which come out of Persia, and out of Turkey to go unto Baatu, and passing by, they give rewards unto him. And he professeth himself to be a Saracene, and will not permit swine's flesh to be eaten in his dominions. Howbeit, at the time of our return, Baatu commanded him to remove himself from that place, and to inhabit upon the East side of Volga: for he was unwilling that the Saracens messengers should pass by the said Berta, because he saw it was not for his profit. For the space of four days while we remained in the court of Sartach, we had not any victuals at all allowed us, but once only a little Cosmos. And in our journey between him and his father, we travailed in great fear. For certain Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians being servants unto the Tartars (of whom they have great multitudes among them) assemble themselves twenty or thirty in a company, and so secretly in the night conveying themselves from home, they take bows and arrows with them, and whomsoever they find in the night season, they put him to death, hiding themselves in the day time. And having tired their horses, they go in the night unto a company of other horses feeding in some pasture, and change them for new, taking with them also one or two horses besides, to eat them when they stand in need. Our guide therefore was sore afraid, lest we should have met with such companions. In this journey we had died for famine, had we not carried some of our biscuit with us. At length we came unto the mighty river of Etilia, or Volga. For it is four times greater, than the river of Sein, and of a wonderful depth: and issuing forth of Bulgaria the greater, it runneth into a certain lake or sea, which of late they call the Hircan sea, according to the name of a certain city in Persia, standing upon the shore thereof. Howbeit Isidore calleth it the Caspian sea. For it hath the Caspian mountains and the land of Persia situate on the South side thereof: and the mountains of Musihet, that is to say, of the people called Assassini towards the East, which mountains are conjoined unto the Caspian mountains: but on the North side thereof lieth the same desert, wherein the Tartars do now inhabit. Howbeit heretofore there dwelled certain people called Changlae. Changlae. And on that side it receiveth the streams of Etilia; which river increaseth in Summer time, like unto the river Nilus in Egypt. Upon the West part thereof, it hath the mountains of Alani, and Lesgi, and Porta ferrea, or Derbent, and the mountains of Georgia. This Sea therefore is compassed in on three sides with the mountains, but on the North side with plain ground, Friar And●ew. Friar Andrew, in his journey travailed round about two sides thereof, namely the South and the East sides: and I myself about other two, that is to say, the North side in going from Baatu to Mangu-Can, and in returning likewise: and the West side in coming home from Baatu into Syria. A man may travel round about it in four months. And it is not true which Isidore reporteth, namely that this Sea is a bay or gulf coming forth of the Ocean: for it doth, in no part thereof, join with the Ocean, but is environed on all sides with land. Of the court of Baatu: and how we were entertained by him. Chap. 21. ALL the region extending from the West shore of the foresaid sea, where Alexander's Iron gate, otherwise called the city of Derbent, is situate, and from the mountains of Alania, all along by the fens of Meo●is, whereinto the river of Tanais falls, and so forth, to the North Ocean, The North Ocean. was wont to be called Albania. Of which country Isidore reporteth, that there be dogs of such an huge stature, and so fierce, that they are able in fight to match bulls, and to master lions. Which is true, as I understand by divers, who told me, The North Ocean. that there towards the North Ocean they make their dogs to draw in carts like oxen, by reason of their bigness and strength. Moreover, upon that part of Etilia where we arrived, there is a new cottage built, wherein they have placed Tartars and Russians both together, to ferry over, and transport messengers going and coming to and fro the court of Baatu. For Baatu remains upon the farther side towards the East. Neither ascendeth he in Summer time more Northward than the foresaid place where we arrived, but was even then descending to the South. From januarie until August both he and all other Tartars ascend by the banks of rivers towards cold and Northerly regions, and in August they begin to return back again. We passed down the stream therefore in a bark, We descendeth down the river Volga in a bark. from the foresaid cottage unto his court. From the same place unto the villages of Bulgaria the greater, standing toward the North, it is five days journey. I wonder what devil carried the religion of Mahomet thither. For, from Derbent, which is upon the extreme borders of Persia, it is above 30. days journey to pass overthwart the desert, and so to ascend by the bank of Etilia, into the foresaid country of Bulgaria. All which way there is no city, A●tracan. but only certain cottages near unto that place where Etilia falls into the sea. Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens, more earnestly professing the damnable religion of Mahomet, than any other nation whatsoeuer● Moreovers The description of Baatu his court. when I first beheld the court of Baatu, I was astonished at the sight thereof: for his houses or tents seemed as though they had been some huge and mighty city, stretching out a great way in length, the people ranging up and down about it for the space of some three or four leagues. And even as the people of Israel known every man, on which side of the tabernacle to pitch his tent: even so every one of them knoweth right well, towards what side of the court he aught to place his house when he takes it from off the cart. Whereupon the court is called in their language Horda, Horda signifieth the midst. which signifieth, the midst: because the governor or chieftain among them dwells always in the midst of his people: except only that directly towards the South no subject or inferior person placeth himself, because towards that region the court gates are set open: but unto the right hand, and the left hand they extend themselves as far as they will, according to the conveniency of places, so that they place not their houses directly opposite against the court. At our arrival we were conducted unto a Saracen, who provided not for us any victuals at all. The day following, we were brought unto the court: and Baatu had caused a large tent to be erected, because his house or ordinary tent could not contain so many men and women as were assembled. Our guide admonished us not to speak, till Baatu had given us commandment so to do, and that then we should speak our minds briefly. Then Baatu demanded whether your Majesty had sent Ambassadors unto him or no? I answered, that your Majesty had sent messengers to Ken-Can: and that you would not have sent messengers unto him, or letters unto Sartach, had not your Highness been persuaded that they were become Christians: because you sent not unto them for any fear, but only for congratulation, and courtesies sake, in regard that you herded they were converted to Christianity. Then led he us unto his pavilion: and we were charged not to touch the cords of the tent, which they accounted in stead of the threshold of the house. There we stood in our habit barefooted, and bareheaded, and were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes. john de Plano Carpini. For indeed Friar john de Plano Carpini had been there before my coming: howbeit, because he was the Pope's messenger, he changed his habit that he might not be contemned. Then we were brought into the very midst of the tent, neither required they of us to do any reverence by bowing our knees, as they use to do of other messengers. We stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man might have rehearsed the Psalm, Miserere mei Deus: and there was great silence kept of all men. Baatu himself sat upon a seat long and broad like unto a bed, guilt all over, with three stairs to ascend thereunto, and one of his ladies sat beside him. The men there assembled, sat down scattering, some on the right hand of the said Lady, and some on the left. Those places on the one side which the women filled not up (for there were only the wives of Baatu) were supplied by the men. Also, at the very entrance of the tent, stood a bench furnished with cosmos, and with stately great cups of silver, and gold, being richly set with precious stones● Baatu beheld us earnestly, and we him: and he seemed to me to resemble in parsonage, Monsieur john de beau mont, whose soul rests in peace. And he had a fresh ruddy colour in his countenance. At length he commanded us to speak. Then our guide gave us direction, that we should bow our knees & speak. Whereupon I bowed one knee as unto a man: then he signified that I should kneel upon both knees: and I did so, being loathe to contend about such circumstances. And again he commanded me to speak. Then I thinking of prayer unto God, because I kneeled on both my knees, began to pray on this wise: Sir, we beseech the Lord, from whom all good things do proceed, and who hath given you these earthly benefits, that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker of his heavenvly blessings: because the former without these are but vain and improfitable. And I added further. Be it known unto you of a certainty, that you shall not obtain the joys of heaven, unless you become a Christian: for God says, Whoseover believeth & is baptised, shallbe saved: but he that believeth not, shallbe condemned. At this word he modestly smiled: but the other Moles began to clap their hands, and to deride us. And my silly interpreter, of whom especially I should have received comfort in time of need, was himself abashed & utterly da●●t out of countenance. Then, after silence made. I said unto him, I came unto your son, because we herded that he was become a Christian: and I brought unto him letters on the behalf of my sovereign Lord the king of France: The letters of the French king. and your son sent me hither unto you. The cause of my coming therefore is best known unto yourself. Then he caused me to rise up. And he inquired your majesties name, and my name, and the name of mine associate and interpreter, and caused them all to be put down in writing. He demanded likewise (because he had been informed, that you were departed out of your own countries with an army) against whom you waged war? I answered: against the Saracens, who had defiled the house of God at jerusalem. He asked also, whether your Highness had ever before that time sent any messengers unto him, or no? To you sir? (said I) never. Then caused he us to sit down, and gave us of his milk to drink, which they accounted to be a great favour, especially when any man is admitted to drink Cosmos with him in his own house. And as I sat looking down upon the ground, he commanded me to lift up my countenance, being desirous as yet to take more diligent view of us, or else perhaps for a kind of superstitious observation. For they esteem it a sign of ill luck, or a prognostication of evil unto them, when any man s●ts in their presence, holding down his head, as if he were sad: especially when he leans his cheek or chin upon his hand. Then we departed forth, and immediately after came our guide unto us, and conducting us unto our lodging, said unto me: Your master the King requesteth that you may remain in this land, which request Baatu cannot satisfy without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can. Wherefore you, and your interpreter must of necessity go vuto Mangu-Can. Howbeit your associate, and the other man shall return unto the court of Sartach, staying therefore you, till you come back. Then began the man of God mine interpreter to lament, esteeming himself but a dead man. Mine associate also protested, that they should sooner chop off his head, then withdraw him out of my company. Moreover I myself said, that without mine associate I could not go: and that we stood in need of two servants at the lest, to attend upon us, because, if one should chance to fall sick, we could not be without another. Then returning unto the court, he told these sayings unto Baatu. And Baatu commanded saying: let the two Priests and the interpreter go together, but let the clerk return unto Sartach. And coming again unto us, he told us even so. And when I would have spoken for the clerk to have had him with us, he said: No more words: for Baatu hath resolved, that so it shall be, and therefore I dare not go unto the court any more. Goset the clerk had remaining of the alms money bestowed upon him, 26. Y perperas, and no more; 10. whereof he kept for himself and for the lad, and 16. he gave unto the man of God for us. And thus were we parted asunder with tears: he returning unto the court of Sartach, and ourselves remaining still in the same place. Of our journey towards the Court of Mangu Can. Chap. 22. Upon Assumption even our clerk arrived at the court of Sartach. And on the morrow after, the Nestorian Priests were adorned with our vestments in the presence of the said Sartach. Then we ou● selves were conducted unto another host, who was appointed to provide us houseroom, victuals, and horses. But because we had not aught to bestow upon him, he did all things untowardly for us. Then we road on forward with Baatu, descending along by the bank of Etilia, They travel five weeks by the bank of Etilia. for the space of five weeks together: Sometimes mine associate was so extremely hungry, that he would tell me in a manner weeping, that it fared with him as though he had never eaten any thing in all his life before. There is a fair or market following the court of Baatu at all times: but it was so far distant from us that we could not have recourse thereunto. For we were constrained to walk on foot for want of horses. At length certain Hungarians (who had sometime been after a sort Clergy men) found us out: Hungarians. and one of them could as yet sing many songs without book, and was accounted of other Hungarians as a Priest, and was sent for unto the funerals of his deceased country men. There was another of them also prettily well instructed in his Grammar: for he could understand the meaning of any thing that we spoke, but could not answer us. These Hungarians were a great comfort unto us, bringing us Cosmos to drink, yea, and sometimes flesh for to eat also: who, when they requested to have some books of us, and I had not any give them (for indeed we had none but only a Bible, and a breviary) it grieved me exceedingly. And I said unto them: Bring me some ink and paper, and I will writ for you so long as we shall remain here: and they did so. And I copied out for them Horas beatae Virgins, and Officium defunctorum. Moreover, upon a certain day, there was a Comanian that accompanied us, A Comanian. saluting us in Latin, and saying: Saluete Domini. Wondering thereat and saluting him again, I demanded of him, who had taught him that kind of salutation? He said that he was baptised in Hungaria by our Friars, and that of them he learned it. He said moreover, that Baatu had inquired many things of him concerning us, and that he told him the estate of our order. afterward I saw Baatu riding with his company, and all his subjects that were householders or masters of families riding with him, and (in mine estimation) they were not five hundred people in all. At length about the end of Holy rood, there came a certain rich Moal unto us (whose father was a millenary, which is a great office among them) saying: I am the man that must conduct you unto Mangu-Can, and we have thither a journey of four months long to travel, A journey of 4. months from Volga. and there is such extreme cold in those parts, that stones and trees do even rive asunder in regard thereof. Therefore I would wish you thoroughly to advise yourselves, whether you be able to endure it or no. Unto whom I answered: I hope by God's help that we shallbe able to brook that which other men can endure. Then he said: if you cannot endure it, I will forsake you by the way. And I answered him: it were not just dealing for you so to do: for we go not thither upon any business of our own, but by reason that we are sent by your lord. Wherefore sithence we are committed unto your charge, you aught in no wise to forsake us. Then he said: all shallbe well. Afterwards he caused us to show him all our garments: and whatsoever he deemed to be less needful for us, he willed us to leave it behind in the custody of our host. On the morrow they brought unto each of us a furred gown, made all of rams skins, with the wool still upon them, and breeches of the same, and boots also or buskins according to their fashion, and shoes made of felt, and hoods also made of skins after their manner. The second day after Holy rood, we began to set forward on our journey, The 16. of September. having three guides to direct us: and we road continually Eastward, till the feast of All Saints. Throughout all that region, and beyond also did the people of Changle inhabit, 46. days. Or, Kangitrae. who were by parentage descended from the Romans. Upon the North side of us, we had Bulgaria the greater, and on the South, the foresaid Caspian sea. Of the river of jagac: and of divers regions or nations. Chap. 23. Or, jaic. Having travailed twelve days journey from Etilia, we found a mighty river called jagac: jaic twelve days journey from Volga. Pascatir. which river issuing out of the North, from the land of Pascatir, descendeth into the foresaid sea. The language of Pascatir, and of the Hungarians is all one, and they are all of them shepherds, not having any cities. And their country bordereth upon Bulgaria the greater, on the West frontier thereof. From the North-east part of the said country, there is no city at all. For Bulgaria the greater is the farthest country that way, that hath any city therein. Out of the forenamed region of Pascatir, proceeded the Huns of old time, who afterward were called Hungarians. The Hungarians descended from the Bascirdes. Next unto it is Bulgaria the greater. Isidore reporteth concerning the people of this nation, that with swift horses they traversed the impregnable walls and bounds of Alexander, (which, together with the rocks of Caucasus, served to restrain those barbarous and blood-thirsty people from invading the regions of the South) insomuch that they had tribute paid unto them, as far as Egypt. Likewise they wasted all countries even unto France. Whereupon they were more mighty than the Tartars as yet are. And unto them the Blacians, the Bulgarians, and the Vandals joined themselves. For out of Bulgaria the greater, came those Bulgarians. Moreover, Null. they which inhabit beyond Danubius, near unto Constantinople, and not far from Pascatir, are called Ilac, which (saving the pronunciation) is all one with Blac, (for the Tartars cannot pronounce the letter B) from whom also descended the people which inhabit the land of Assani. For they are both of them called Ilac (both these, & the other) in the language of the Russians, the Rolonians, & the Bohemians. The slavonians speak all one language with the Vandals, all which banded themselves with the Huns: and now for the most part, they unite themselves unto the Tartars: whom God hath rassed up from the utmost parts of the earth, according to that which the Lord says: Deut. 32. u 21. Rom. 10. u. 19 I will provoke them to envy (namely such as keep not his Law) by a people, which is no people, and by a foolish nation will I anger them. This prophecy is fulfilled, according to the literal sense thereof, upon all nations which observe not the Law of God. All this which I have written concerning the land of Pascatir, was told me by certain Friars praedicants, which travailed thither before ever the Tartars came abroad. And from that time they were subdued unto their neighbours the Bulgarians being Saracens, whereupon many of them proved Saracens also. Other matters concerning this people, may be known out of Chronicles. For it is manifest, that those provinces beyond Constantinople, which are now called Bulgaria, Valachia, & Sclavonia, were of old time provinces belonging to the Greeks. Also Hungaria was heretofore called Pannonia. And we were riding over the land of Cangle, Cangle A●● huge plain country. from the feast of Holy rood, until the feast of All Saints: traveling almost every day (according to mine estimation) as far, as from Paris to Orleans, and sometimes farther, as we were provided of post ho●●●s: for some days we had change of horses twice or thrice in a day. Sometimes we travailed two or three days together, not finding any people, and then we were constrained not to ride so fast. Of 20. or 30. horses we had always the worst, because we were strangers. For every one took their choice of the best horses before us. They provided me always of a strong horse, because I was very corpulent & heavy: but whether he ambled a gentle pace or not, I dared not make any question. Neither yet dared I complain, although he trotted full sore. But every man must be contented with his lot as it fallen. Whereupon we were exceedingly troubled: for oftentimes our horses were tired before we could come at any people. And then we were constrained to beat and whip on our horses, and to lay our garments upon other empty horses: yea and sometimes two of us to ride upon one horse. Of the hunger, and thirst, and other miseries, which we sustained in our journey. Chap. 24. OF hunger and thirst, cold and weariness, there was no end. For they gave us no victuals, but only in the evening. In the morning they used to give us a little drink, or some sodden Millet to sup off. In the evening they bestowed flesh upon us, as namely, a shoulder and breast of rams mutton, and every man a measured quantity of broth to drink. When we had sufficient of the flesh-broath, we were marvelously well refreshed. And it seemed to me most pleasant, and most nourishing drink. Every Saturday I remained fasting until night, without eating or drinking of aught. And when night came, I was constrained, to my great grief and sorrow, to eat flesh. Sometimes we were feign to eat flesh half sodden, or almost raw, and all for want of fuel to seeth it withal: especially when we lay in the fields, or were benighted before we came at our journeys end: Certain rivers. because we could not then conveniently gather together the dung of horses or oxen: for other fuel we found but seldom, except perhaps a few thorns in some places. Likewise upon the banks of some rivers, there are woods growing here and there. Howbeit they are very rare. In the beginning our guide highly disdained us, and it was tedious unto him to conduct such base fellows. Afterwards, when he began to know us somewhat better, he directed us on our way by the courts of rich Moles, and we were requested to pray for them. Wherefore, had I carried a good interpreter with me, I should have had opportunity to have done much good. The foresaid Chingis, who was the first great Can or Emperor of the Tartars, had four sons, of whom proceeded by natural descent many children, every one of which doth at this day enjoy great possessions: and they are daily multiplied and dispersed over that huge and waste desert, which is, in dimensions, like unto the Ocean Sea. Our guide therefore directed us, as we were going on our journey, unto many of their habitations. And they marveled exceedingly, that we would receive neither gold, nor silver, nor precious and costly garments at their hands. They enquired also, concerning the great Pope, whether he was of so lasting an age as they had herded? For there had go a report among them, that he was 500 years old. They enquired likewise of our countries, whether there were abundance of sheep, oxen, & horses or no? Concerning the Ocean Sea, they could not conceive of it, because it was without limits or banks. Upon the even of the feast of All Saints, we forsook the way leading towards the East, (because the people were now descended very much South) and we went on our journey by certain Alpes, Eight days journey southward. or mountains directly Southward, for the space of 8. days together. In the foresaid desert I see many asses (which they call Colan) being rather like unto mules: these did our guide & his companions chase very eagerly: howbeit, they did but loose their labour: Asses swift of foot. for the beasts were two swift for them. High mountains. Upon the 7. day there appeared to the South of us huge high mountains, and we entered into a place which was well watered, and fresh as a garden, and found land tilled and manured. The eight day after the feast of All Saints, we arrived at a certain town of the Saracens, named Kenchat, Manured grounds. Kenchat a village of the Saracens. the governor whereof met our guide at the towns end with ale and cups. For it is their manner at all towns and villages, subject unto them, to meet the messengers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with meat and drink. At the same time of the year, they went upon the ice in that country. And before the feast of S. Michael, we had frost in the desert. The 7. day of November. I inquired the name of that province: but being now in a strange territory, they could not tell me the name thereof, but only the name of a very small city in the same province. And there descended a great river down from the mountains, A great river. which watered the whole region, according as the inhabitants would give it passage, by making divers channels and sluices: neither did this river exonerate itself into any sea, but was swallowed up by an hideous gulf into the bowels of the earth: Many lakes. Wines. and it caused many fens or lakes. Also I see many vines, and drank of the wine thereof. How Ban was put to death: and concerning the habitation of the Dutch men. Chap. 25. THe day following, we came unto another cottage near unto the mountains. A cottage. And I inquired what mountains they were, which I understood to be the mountains of Caucasus, The mountains of Caucasus are extended unto the Eastern Sea. which are stretched forth, & continued on both parts to the sea, from the West unto the East: and on the West part they are conjoined unto the foresaid Caspian sea, wherinto the river of Volga dischargeth his streams. I inquired also of the city of Talas, The city of Talas, or Chincitai●. wherein were certain Dutchmen servants unto one Buri, of whom Friar Andrew made mention. Concerning whom also I inquired very diligently in the courts of Sartach & Baatu. Howbeit I could have no intelligence of them, Friar Andrew. but only that their lord & master Ban was put to death upon the occasion following: This Ban was not placed in good and fertile pastures. And upon a certain day being drunken, he spoke on this wise unto his men. Am not I of the stock and kindred of Chingis Can, as well as Baatu? (for in very deed he was brother or nephew unto Baatu.) Why then do I not pass and repass upon the bank of Etilia, to feed my cattle there, as freely as Baatu himself doth? Which speeches of his were reported unto Baatu. Whereupon Baatu written unto his servants to bring their Lord bond unto him. And they did so. Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such words? And he confessed that he had. Howbeit, (because it is the Tartars manner to pardon drunken men) he excused himself that he was drunken at the same time. How dared thou (quoth Baatu) once name me in thy drunkenness? And with that he caused his head to be chopped off. Concerning the foresaid Dutchmen, I could not understand aught, till I was come unto the court of Mangu-Can. And there I was informed that Mangu-can had removed them out of the jurisdiction of Baatu, for the space of a months journey from Talas Eastward, unto a certain village, called Bolac: The village of Bolac. where they are set to dig gold, and to make armour. Whereupon I could neither go nor come by them. I passed very near the said city in going forth, as namely, within three days journey thereof: but I was ignorant that I did so: neither could I have turned out of my way, albeit I had known so much. From the foresaid cottage we went directly Eastward, by the mountains aforesaid. And from that time we travailed among the people of Mangu-Can, who in all places sang and danced before our guide, because he was the messenger of Baatu. For this courtesy they do afford each to other: namely, the people of Mangu-Can receiving the messengers of Baatu in manner aforesaid: and so likewise the people of Baatu entertaining the messengers of Mangu-Can. He entereth into the territories of Mangu-Can. Notwithstanding the people of Baatu are more surly and staute, and show not so much courtesy unto the subjects of Mangu-Can, as they do unto them. A few days after, we entered upon those Alpss where the Cara Catayans were wont to inhabit. Certain Alpes wherein the Cara Catayans inhabited. And there we found a mighty river: insomuch that we were constrained to embark ourselves, and to sail over it. Afterwards we came into a certain valley, where I see a castle destroyed, the walls whereof were only mud: A mighty river. and in that place the ground was tilled also. Ground tilled Equius. And there we found a certain village, named Equius, wherein were Saracens, speaking the Persian language: howbeit they dwelled an huge distance from Persia. The day following, having passed over the foresaid Alpes which descended from the great mountains Southward, we entered into a most beautiful plain, having high mountains on our right hand, A lake fifteen days journey in compass. and on the left hand of us a certain Sea or lake, which containeth fifteen days journey in circuit. All the foresaid plain is most commodiously watered with certain freshets distilling from the said mountains, all which do fall into the lake. In Summer time we returned by the North those of the said lake, and there were great mountains on that side also. Upon the forenamed plain there were wont to be great store of villages: but for the most part they were all wasted, in regard of the fertile pastures, that the Tartars might feed their cattle there. We found one great city there named Cailac, Cailac a great city, and full of merchants. wherein was a mart, and great store of Merchants frequenting it. In this city we remained fifteen days, staying for a certain Scribe or Secretary of Baatu, who aught to have accompanied our guide for the dispatching of certain affairs in the court of Mangu. All this country was wont to be called Organum: and the people thereof had their proper language, and their peculiar kind of writing. But it was altogether inhabited of the people called Contomanni. Contomanni. The Nestorians likewise in those parts used the very same kind of language and writing. They are called Organa, because they were wont to be most skilful in playing upon the Organs or cithern, as it was reported unto me. Here first did I see worshippers of idols, concerning whom, be it known unto your majesty, that there be many sects of them in the East countries. How the Nestorians, Saracens, and Idolaters are joined together. Chap. 26. THe first sort of these idolaters are called jugures: The people called jugures idolaters. whose land bordereth upon the foresaid land of Organum, within the said mountains Eastward: and in all their cities Nestorians do inhabit together, and they are dispersed likewise towards Persia in the cities of the Saracens. The citizens of the foresaid city of Cailac had 3. idole-Temples: and I entered into two of them, to behold their foolish superstitions. In the first of which I found a man having a cross painted with ink upon his hand, whereupon I supposed him to be a Christian: for he answered like a Christian unto all questions which I demanded of him. And I asked him, Why therefore have you not the cross with the image of jesus Christ thereupon? And he answered: We have no such custom. Whereupon I conjectured that they were indeed Christians: but, that for lack of instruction they omitted the foresaid ceremony. For I see there behind a certain chest (which was unto them in steed of an altar, whereupon they set candles and oblations) an image having wings like unto the image of Saint Michael, and other images also, holding their fingers, as if they would bless some body. That evening I could not found any thing else. For the Saracens do only invite men thither, but they will not have them speak of their religion. And therefore, when I inquired of the Saracens concerning such ceremonies, they were offended thereat. On the morrow after were the Kalends, and the Saracens feast of Passeover. And changing mine Inn or lodging the same day, I took up mine abode near unto another idole-Temple. For the citizens of the said city of Cailac do courteously invite, & lovingly entertain all messengers, every man of them according to his ability and portion. And entering into the foresaid idole-Temple, I found the Priests of the said idols there. For always at the Kalends they set open their Temples, and the priests adorn themselves, and offer up the people's oblations of bread and first-fruits. First therefore I will describe unto you those rites and ceremonies, which are common unto all their idole-Temples: and then the superstitions of the foresaid jugures, which he, as it were, a sect distinguished from the rest. They do all of them worship towards the North, clapping their hands together, and prostrating themselves on their knees upon the earth, holding also their foreheads in their hands. Whereupon the Nestorians of those parts will in no case join their hands together in time of prayer: but they pray, displaying their hands before their breasts. They extend their Temples in length East and West: and upon the North side they build a chamber, in manner of a Uestry for themselves to go forth into. Or sometimes it is otherwise. If it be a four square Temple, in the midst of the Temple towards the North side thereof, they take in one chamber in that place where the choir should stand. And within the said chamber they place a chest long and broad like unto a table: and behind the said chest towards the South stands their principal idol: which I saw at Caracarum, Friar William was at Caracarum. and it was as big as the idol of Saint Christopher. Also a certain Nestorian priest, which had been in Catay, said that in that country there is an idol of so huge a bigness, that it may be seen two days journey before a man come at it. And so they place other idols round about the foresaid principal idol, being all of them finely gilded over with pure gold: and upon the said chest, which is in manner of a table, they set candles and oblations. The doors of their Temples are always opened towards the South, contrary to the custom of the Saracens. They have also great bells like unto us. And that is the cause (as I think) why the Christians of the East will in no case use great bells. Notwithstanding they are common among the Russians, and Grecians of Gasaria. Of their Temples and idols: and how they behave themselves in worshipping their false gods. Chap. 27. ALl their Priests had their heads and beards shaven quite over: and they are clad in saffron coloured garments: and being once shaven, they lead an unmarried life from that time forward: and they live an hundredth or two hundredth of them together in one cloister or covent. Upon those days when they enter into their temples, they place two long foormes therein: and so sitting upon the said foormes like singing men in a quire, namely the one half of them directly over against the other, they have certain books in their hands, Books. which sometimes they lay down by them upon the foormes: and their heads are bore so long as they remain in the temple. And there they read softly unto themselves, not uttering any voice at all. Whereupon coming in amongst them, at the time of their superstitious devotions, and finding them all sitting mute in manner aforesaid, I attempted divers ways to provoke them unto speech, and yet could not by any means possible. They have with them also whithersoever they go, a certain string with an hundredth or two hundredth nutshells thereupon, much like to our bead-roule which we carry about with us. And they do always utter these words: Ou mam Hactani, God thou knowest: as one of them expounded it unto me. And so often do they expect a reward at God's hands, as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God. Round about their temple they do always make a fair court, like unto a churchyard, which they environ with a good brickwall: and upon the South part thereof they build a great portal, wherein they sit and confer together. And upon the top of the said portal they pitch a long pole right up, exalting it, if they can, above all the whole town besides. And by the same pole all men may know, that there stands the temple of their idols. These rites and ceremonies aforesaid be common unto all idolaters in those parts. Going upon a time towards the foresaid idole-temple, I found certain priests sitting in the outward portal. And those which I saw, seemed unto me, by their shaven beards, as if they had been French men. They wore certain ornaments upon their heads made of paper. The priests of the foresaid jugures do use such attire whithersoever they go. They are always in their saffron coloured jackets, which be very strait being laced or buttened from the bosom right down, after the French fashion. And they have a cloak upon their left shoulder descending before and behind under their right arm, like unto a deacon carrying the houssel-boxe in t●ne of lent. Their letters or kind of writing the Tartars did ●eceiue. Paper. So do the people of China use to writ, drawing their lines perpendicularly downward, & not as we do from the right hand to the left. They begin to writ at the top of their paper drawing their lines right down: and so they read and multiply their lines from the left hand to the right. They do use certain papers and characters in their magical practices. Whereupon their temples are full of such short scrolls hanged round about them. Also Mangu-Can hath sent letters unto your Majesty written in the language of the Moles or Tartars, and in the foresaid hand or letter of the jugures. They burn their dead according to the ancient custom, and lay up the ashes in the top of a Pyramid. Now, after I had sit a while by the foresaid priests, and entered into their temple and seen many of their images both great and small, I demanded of them what they believed concerning God? And they answered: We believe that there is only one God. And I demanded farther: Whether do you believe that he is a spirit, or some bodily substance? They said: We believe that he is a spirit. Then said I: Do you believe that God ever took man's nature upon him? They answered: Noe. And again I said: Sithence you believe that he is a spirit, to what end do you make so many bodily images to represent him? Sithence also you believe not that he was made man: why do you resemble him rather unto the image of a man then of any other creature? Then they answered saying: we frame not those images whereby to represent God. But when any rich man amongst us, or his son, or his wife, or any of his friends deceaseth, he causeth the image of the dead party to be made, and to be placed here: and we in remembrance of him do reverence thereunto. Then I replied: you do these things only for the friendship and flattery of men. No (said they) but for their memory. Then they demanded of me, as it were in scoffing wise: Where is God? To whom I answered: where is your soul? They said, in our bodies. Then said I, is it not in every part of your body, ruling and guiding the whole body, and yet notwithstanding is not seen or perceived? Even so God is every where and ruleth all things, and yet is he invisible, being understanding and wisdom itself. Then being desirous to have had some more conference with them, by reason, that mine interpreter was weary, and not able to express my meaning, I was constrained to keep silence. The Moles or Tartars are in this regard of their sect: namely they believe that there is but one God: howbeit they make images of felt, in remembrance of their deceased friends, covering them with five most rich and costly garments, and putting them into one or two carts, which carts no man dare once touch: and they are in the custody of their soothsayerss, who are their priests, concerning whom I will give your Highness more at large to understand hereafter. These soothsayerss or diviners do always attend upon the court of Mangu and of other great personages. As for the poorer or meaner sort, they have them not, but such only as are of the stock and kindred of Chingis. And when they are to remove or to take any journey, the said diviners go before them, even as the cloudy pillar went before the children of Israel. And they appoint ground where the tents must be pitched, and first of all they take down their own houses: & after them the whole court doth the like. Also upon their festival days or kalends they take forth the foresaid images, and place them in order round, or circle wise within the house. Then come the Moles or Tartars, and enter into the same house, bowing themselves before the said images and worship them. Moreover, it is not lawful for any stranger to enter into that house. For upon a certain time I myself would have go in, but I was chidden full well for my labour. Of divers and sundry nations: and of certain people which were wont to eat their own parents. Chap. 28. BUt the foresaid jugures (who live among the Christians, and the Saracens) by their sundry disputations, as I suppose, have been brought unto this, to believe, that there is but one only God. And they dwelled in certain cities, which afterward were brought in subjection unto Chingis Can: whereupon he gave his daughter in marriage unto their king. Also the city of Caracarum itself is in a manner within their territory: and the whole country of king or Presbyter john, The country of Presbyter john. & of his brother Vut lieth near unto their dominions: saving, that they inhabit in certain pastures Northward, and the said jugures between the mountains towards the South. Whereupon it came to pass, that the Moles received letters from them. And they are the Tartars principal scribes: & all the Nestorians almost can skill of their letters. Next unto them, between the foresaid mountains Eastward, inhabiteth the nation of Tangut, Tangut. who are a most valiant people, and took Chingis in battle. But after the conclusion of a league he was set at liberty by them, and afterward subdued them. Strange oxen. These people of Tangut● have oxen of great strength, with tails like unto horses, and with long shag hair upon their backs and bellies. They have legs greater than other oxen have, and they are exceedingly fierce. These oxen draw the great houses of the Moles: and their horns are slender, long, straight, and most sharp pointed: insomuch that their owners are fame to cut off the ends of them. A cow will not suffer herself to be coupled unto one of them, unless they whistle or sing unto her. They have also the qualities of a Buff: for if they see a man clothed in read, they run upon him immediately to kill him. Next unto them are the people of Tebet, The people of Tebet. men which were wont to eat the carcases of their deceased parents: that for pity's sake, they might make no other sepulchre for them, than their own bowels. Howbeit of late they have left off this custom, because that thereby they become abominable and odious unto all other nations. Notwithstanding unto this day they make fine cups of the skulls of their parents, to the end that when they drink out of them, they may amid all their jollities and delights call their dead parents to remembrance. This was told me by one that see it. The said people of Tebet have great plenty of gold in their land. Abundance of gold. Whosoever therefore wanteth gold, diggeth till he hath found some quantity, and then taking so much thereof as will serve his turn, he layeth up the residue within the earth: because, if he should put it into his chest or storehouse, he is of opinion that God would withhold from him all other gold within the earth. I saw some of those people, being very deformed creatures. In Tangut I see lusly tall men, but brown and smart in colour. The stature of the people of Tangut, and of the jugures. The jugures are of a middle stature like unto our French men. Among the jugures is the original and root of the Turkish, and Comanian languages. Next unto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga, Langa & Solanga whose messengers I see in the Tartars court. And they had brought more than ten great carts with them, every one of which was drawn with six oxen. They be little brown men like unto Spaniards. The people of Solanga resemble Spaniards Also they have jackets, like unto the upper vestment of a deacon, saving that the sleeves are somewhat straighter. And they have mitres upon their heads like bishops. But the fore part of their mitre is not so hollow within as the hinder part: neither is it sharp pointed or cornered at the top: but there hung down certain square flappes compacted of a kind of straw which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat, and is so trimmed, that it glittereth in the sun beams, like unto a glass, or an helmet well burnished. And about their temples they have long bands of the foresaid matter fastened unto their mitres, which hover in the wound, as if two long horns grew out of their heads. And when the wind tosseth them up and down too much, they tie them over the midst of their mitre from one temple to another: and so they lie circle wise overthwart their heads. Moreover their principal messenger coming unto the Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubit in length, and a handful in breadth, being very smooth. And whensoever he spoke unto the Emperor himself, or unto any other great parsonage, he always beheld that table, A table of elephants tooth. as if he had found therein those things which he spoke: neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand, nor to the left, nor upon his face, with whom he talked. Yea, going too and fro before his lord, he looketh no where but only upon his table. Beyond them (as I understand of a certainty) there are other people called Muc, The people called Mu● .. having villages, but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattle unto himself. Notwithstanding there are many flocks and dro●es of cattle in their country, & no man appointed to keep them. But when any one of them standeth in need of any beast, he ascendeth up unto an hill, and there maketh a shout, and all the cattle which are within hearing of the noise, come flocking about him, and suffer themselves to be handled and taken, as if they were tame. And when any messenger or stranger cometh into their country, they shut him up into an house, ministering there things necessary unto him, until his business he dispatched. For if any stranger should travel through that country, the cattle would flee away at the very sent of him, and so would become wild. Beyond Muc is great Cath●ya, Great Cathaya. the inhabitants whereof (as I suppose) were of old time, called Seres. For from them are brought most excellent stuffs of silk. And this people is called Seres of a certain town in the same country. I was credibly informed● that in the said country, there is one town having walls of silver, and bulwarks or towers of gold. There be many provinces in that land, the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued unto the Tartars. And amongst. * Somewhat is wanting. Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque ports, in the sixt year of his reign 1278. for their good services done unto him by sea: wherein is mention of their former ancient Charters from Edward the Confessor, William the Conqueror, William Rufus, Henry the second, king Richard the first, king john, and Henry the third continued unto them. EDward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, & duke of Gascoigne, to all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons, justices, Sheriffs, Provosts, Officers, & to all Bailiffs and true subjects greeting. You shall know that for the faithful service that our Barons of the five Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England, & unto us lately in our army of Wales have done, and for their good service to us and our heirs kings of England, truly to be continued in time to come, we have granted & by this our Charter confirmed for us and our heirs, to the same our Barons and to their heirs, all their liberties and freedoms. So that they shall be free from all toll, and from all custom; that is to say from all lastage, tollage, passage, carriage, rivage, asponsage, and from all wreck, and from all their sale, carrying and recarying through all our realm and dominion, with sock and souke, toll and theme. And that they shall have Infangthefe, and that they shall be wreckefree, lastagefree, and lovecopfree. And that they shall have Den and Strande at great Yarmouth, The fishing at great Yarmouth according as it is contained in the ordinance by us thereof made perpetually to be observed. And also that they are free from all shires and hundred: so that if any person will pled against them, they shall not answer nor plead otherwise then they were wont to pled in the time of the lord, king Henry our great grandfather: And that they shall have their finde●●es in the sea and in the land: And that they be free of all their goods and of all their merchandises as our freemen. And that they have their honours in our court, and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoever they shall come. And that they shall be free for ever of all their lands, which in the time of Lord Henry the king our father they possessed: Henry the third that is to say in the 44. year of his reign, from all manner of summonces before our justices to any manner of plead, journeying in what shire soever their lands are. So that they shall not be bond to come before the justices aforesaid, except any of the same Barons do implead any man, or if any man be impleaded. And that they shall not plead in any other place, except where they aught, and where they were wont, that is to say, a● Shepeway. And that they have their liberties and freedoms from henceforth, as they and their predecessors have had them at any time better, more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England, Edward, Edward the confessor. William the first, William the second, Henry the king our great grandfather's and in the times of king Richard, and king john our grandfathers, and lord king Henry our father, by their Charters: as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereof have, and which we have seen, do reasonably testify. And we forbidden that no man unjustly trouble them nor their merchandise upon our forfeiture of ten pounds. So nevertheless, that when the same Barons shall fail in doing of justice or in receiving of justice, our Warden, and the wardens of our heirs of the Cinque Portes, which for the time shall be, their Ports and liberties may enter for to do their full justice. So also that the said Barons and their heirs, do unto us and to our heirs kings of England by the year their full service of 57 ships at their costs by the space of fifteen days at our somounce, 57 Ships of the Cinque Portes bond to serve the king 15. days at their own costs. or at the somounce of our heirs. We have granted also unto them of our special grace that they have Outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesaid, in the same manner that Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earls and Barons, have in their monours in the county of Kent. And they be not put in any Assizes, juries, or Recognizances by reason of their foreign tenure against their will: and that they be free of all their own wines for which they do travail of our right prize, that is to say, of one tun before the mast, and of another behind the mast. We have granted furthermore unto the said Barons for us and our heirs, that they for ever have this liberty, that is to say, That we or our heirs shall not have the wardship or marriages of their heirs by reason of their lands, which they hold within the liberties and Ports aforesaid, for the which they do their service aforesaid: and for the which we and our progenitors had not the wardships and marriages in time past. But we our aforesaid confirmation upon the liberties and freedoms aforesaid, and our grants following to them of our especial grace, of new have caused to be made, saving always in all things our kingly dignity: And saving unto us and to our heirs, plea of our crown, life and member. Wherefore we will and surely command for us and our heirs that the aforesaid Barons and their heirs for ever have all the aforesaid liberties and freedoms, as the aforesaid Charters do reasonably testify. And that of our especial grace they have outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the manner that Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earls and Barons have in their manors in the county of Kent. And that they be not put in Assizes, juries, or Recognizances by reason of their foreign tenure against their will. And that they be free of their own wines for which they travail of our right price or custom, that is to say of one tun of wine before the mast, and of another tun behind the mast. And that likewise for ever they have the liberty aforesaid: that is to say: That we and our heirs have not the wardships or marriages of their heirs by reason of their lands which they hold within the liberties and Ports aforesaid, for which they do their service aforesaid, and for which we and our predecessors the wardships and marriages have not had in times past. But our aforesaid confirmation of their liberties and freedoms aforesaid and other grants following to them of our especial grace of new we have caused to be made. Saving always and in all things our regal dignity. And saving unto us and our heirs the pleas of our crown of life and member as is aforesaid. These being witnesses, the reverend father Robert of Portuens Cardinal of the holy Church of Rome, friar William of Southampton Prior povincial of the friars preachers in England, William of Valencia our uncle, Roger of the dead sea, Roger of Clifford, Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum, Master Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding, Master Robert of Seyton, Bartholomew of Southley, Thomas of Wayland, Walter of Hoptan, Thomas of Normannel, Steven of Pennester, Frances of Bonava, john of Lenetotes, john of Metingham and others. Given by our hand at Westminster the fourteenth day of june, in the sixth year of our reign. Thomas Walsingham writeth that he had once 1100. strong ships. The roll of the huge fleet of Edward the third before Calais, extant in the king's great wardrobe in London, whereby the wonderful strength of England by sea in those days may appear. The South fleet. The King's Ships 25. Mariners 419. London Ships 25. Mariners 662. Aileford Ships 2. Mariners 24. Ho Ships 2. Mariners 24. Maydstone Ships 2. Mariners 51. Hope Ships 2. Mariners 59 New Hithe Ships 5. Mariners 49. Margat Ships 15. Mariners 160. | Or, Motue. Motue Ships 2. Mariners 22. Feversham Ships 2. Mariners 25. Sandwich Ships 22. Mariners 504. Dover Ships 16. Mariners 336. Wight Ships 13. Mariners 220. Winchelsey Ships 21. Mariners 596. Waymouth Ships 15. Mariners 263. lime Ships 4. Mariners 62. Seton Ships 2. Mariners 25. Sydmouth Ships 3. Mariners 62. Exmouth Ships 10. Mariners 193. Tegmouth Ships 7. Mariners 120. Dartmouth Ships 31. Mariners 757. Portsmouth Ships 5. Mariners 96. Plymouth Ships 26. Mariners 603. Loo Ships 20. Mariners 315. Yalme Ships 2. Mariners 47. | Or, Foy. Fowey Ships 47. Mariners 770. Bristol Ships 22. Mariners 608. Tenmouth Ships 2. Mariners 25. Hasting Ships 5. Mariners 96. Romney Ships 4. Mariners 65. Rye Ships 9 Mariners 156. Hithe Ships 6. Mariners 122. Shoreham Ships 20. Mariners 329. † Or, S●ford. Soford Ships 5. Mariners 80. Newmouth Ships 2. Mariners 18. Hamowlhooke Ships 7. Mariners 117. Hoke Ships 11. Mariners 208. Southampton Ships 21. Mariners 576. Leymington Ships 9 Mariners 159 Pool Ships 4. Mariners 94. Warham Ships 3. Mariners 59 Swanzey Ships 1. Mariners 29. I●fercombe Ships 6. Mariners 79. † Or, Pad●low. Patrickestowe Ships 2. Mariners 27. Polerwan Ships 1. Mariners 60. Wadworth Ships 1. Mariners 14. Kardife Ships 1. Mariners 51. Bridgwater Ships 1. Mariners 15. Kaertnarthen Ships 1. Mariners 16. Cailechesworth Ships 1. Mariners 12. Mulbrooke Ships 1. Mariners 12. sum of the South fleet Ships 493 Mariners 9630 The North fleet. Bamburgh Ships 1. Mariners 9 Newcastle Ships 17. Mariners 314. Walcrich Ships 1. Mariners 12. Hertilpoole Ships 5. Mariners 145. Hull Ships 16. Mariners 466. York Ships 1. Mariners 9 Ravenset Ships 1. Mariners 27. Woodhouse Ships 1. Mariners 22. Stockhith Str●khithe Ships 1. Mariners 10. Barton Ships 3. Mariners 30. Swinefleete Ships 1. Mariners 11. Saltfleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Grimesby Ships 11. Mariners 171. Waynefleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Wrangle Ships 1. Mariners 8. ‡ Or, Linne. Lenne Ships 16. Mariners 382. Blackney Ships 2. Mariners 38. Scarborough Ships 1. Mariners 19 Or, Yermouth. Yernmouth Ships 43. Mariners 1950. or 1075. Donwich Ships 6. Mariners 102. Orford Ships 3. Mariners 62. Goford Ships 13. Mariners 303. Herwich Ships 14. Mariners 283. Ipswich Ships 12 Mariners 239. Mersey Ships 1. Mariners 6. N●w Brickelsey. Brightlingsey Ships 5. Mariners 61. Colchester Ships 5. Mariners 90. Whitbanes Ships 1. Mariners 17. Malden Ships 2. Mariners 32. Derwen Ships 1. Mariners 15. Boston Ships 17. Mariners 361. Swinhumber Ships 1. Mariners 32. Barton Ships 5. Mariners 91. The Sum of the North fleet Ships 217. Mariners 4521. The sum total of all the English fleet Ships 700. Mariners 14151. Estrangers their ships and mariners. Bayon Ships 15. Mariners 439. Spain Ships 7. Mariners 184. Ireland Ships 1. Mariners 25. Flanders Ships 14. Mariners 133. Gelderland Ships 1. Mariners 24. The sum of all the Estrangers Ships 38. Mariners 805. THe sum of expenses aswell of wages, & prests, as for the expenses of the king's houses, and for other gifts and rewards, ships and other things necessary to the parties of France and Normandy, and before Calais, during the siege there, as it appeareth in the accounts of William Norwel keeper of the king's Wardrobe, from the 21. day of April in the 18 year of the reign of the said king, unto the four and twentieth day of November in the one and twentieth year of his reign, is three hundredth xxxvii. thousand li. ix. s, iiii. d. A note out of Thomas Walsingham touching the huge Fleet of eleven hundred well furnished ships wherewith king Edward the third passed over unto Calais in the year 1359. ANno gratiae 1359. johannes Rex Franciae sub umbra pacis, & dolose obtulit Regi Angliae Flandriam, Picardiam, Aquitaniam, aliasque terras quas equitaverat & vastarat: pro quibus omnibus ratificandis idem Rex Edwardus in Franciam nuncios suos direxit; quibus omnibus Franci contradixerunt. unde motus Rex Anglie, celeriter se & suos praeparavit ad transfretandum, ducens secum principem Walliae Edwardum suum primogenitum, ducem Henricum lancaster, & ferè proceres omnes, quos comitabantur vel sequebantur poene mill currus● habuirque apud Sanwicum instructas optime undecies centum naves, & cum hoc apparatu ad humiliandum Francorum fastum Franciam navigavit, relicto domino Thoma de Wooodstock filio suo iuniore admodum paruulo, Anglici regni custode, sub tutela tamen. The same in English. IN the year of our Lord 1359. john the French king craftily, and under pretence of peace, offered unto Edward the third king of England, Flanders, Picardy, Gascoigne, and other territories which he had spoiled and wasted: for the ratifying of which agreement, the foresaid king Edward sent his ambassadors into France, but the Frenchmen gain said them in all their articles and demands. Whereupon the king of England being provoked, speedily prepared himself and his forces to cross the seas, carrying with him Edward Prince of Wales his heir apparent, and Henry duke of Lancaster and almost all his Nobles, with a thousand wagons and carts attending upon them. And the said king had at Sandwich eleven hundred ships exceedingly well furnished: with which preparation he passed over the seas, to abate the Frenchmens' arrogancy: leaving his younger son Thomas of Woodstock, being very tender of age, as his vicegerent in the Realm of England; albeit not without a protector, etc. The voyage of Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan Friar, and an excellent Mathematician of Oxford, to all the Regions situate under the North pole, in the year 1360. and in the reign of Edward the 3. king of England. QVod ad descriptionem partium Septentrionalium attinet, The words of Gerardus M●rcator, in the foot of his general Map, upon the description of the North parts eam nos accipimus ex Itinerario jacobi Cnoyen Buscoducensis, qui quaedam exrebus gestis Arthuri Britanni citat, maiorem autem partem & potiora, à Sacerdote quodam apud Regem Noruegiae, An. Dom. 1364. didicit. Descenderat is ex illis quos Arthurus ad has habitandas insulas miserat, & referebat, An. 1360. Minoritam quendam Anglum Oxoniensem Mathematicum in eas insulas venisse, ipsisque relictis ad ulteriora arte Magica profectum descripsisse omnia, & Astrolabio dimensum esse in hanc subiectam formam ferè, uti ex jacobo collegimus. Euripos illos quatuor dicebat tanto impetu ad interiorem voraginem rapi, ut naves semel ingressae nullo vento retroagi possent, nequè verò unquam tantum ibi ventum esse, ut molae frumentarie circumagendae sufficiat. Simillima his habet Giraldus Cambrensis (qui floruit, An. 1210.) in libro de mirabilibus Hyberniae, sic enim scribit. Non procul ab insulis Hebridibus, Islandia, etc. ex part Boreali, est maris quae dam miranda vorago, in quam à remotis partibus omnes undique fluctus marinitanquam ex condicto fluunt, & recurrunt, qui in secreta naturae penetralia se ibi transfundentes, quasi in Abyssum vorantur. Si verò navem hâc fortè transire contigerit, tanta rapitur, & attrahitur fluctuum violentia, ut eam statim irrevocabiliter vis voracitatis absorbeat. Quatuor voragines huius Oceani, a quatuor oppositis mundi partibus Philosophi describunt, unde & ●am marinos fluctus, quàm & AEolicos flatus causaliter pervenire nonnulli coniectant. The same in English. TOuching the description of the North parts, I have taken the same out of the voyage of james Cnoyen of Hartzevan Busk, which allegeth certain conquests of Arthur king of Britain: and the most part, and chiefest things among the rest, he learned of a certain priest in the king of Norway's court, in the year 1364. This priest was descended from them which king Arthur had sent to inhabit these Islands, and he reported that in the year 1360, a certain English Friar, a Franciscan, and a Mathematician of Oxford, came into those Islands, who leaving them, and passing further by his Magical Art, described all those places that he saw, and took the height of them with his Astrolabe, according to the form that I (Gerard Mercator) have set down in my map, and as I have taken it out of the aforesaid james Cnoyen. He said that those four Indraughts were drawn into an inward gulf or whirlpool, with so great a force, that the ships which once entered therein, could by no means be driven back again, and that there is never in those parts so much wind blowing, as might be sufficient to drive a Corn mill. Giraldus Cambrensis (who flourished in the year 1210, under king john) in his book of the miracles of Ireland, hath certain words altogether alike with these. videlicet: There is a notable whirlpool on the coast of Norway, called Malestrande, about the latitude of 68 Not far from these Islands (namely the Hebrides, Island etc.) towards the North there is a certain wonderful whirlpool of the sea, whereinto all the waves of the sea from far have their course and recourse, as it were without stop: which, there conveying themselves into the secret receptacles of nature, are swallowed up, as it were, into a bottomless pit, and if it chance that any ship do pass this way, it is pulled, and drawn with such a violence of the waves, that eftsoons without remedy, the force of the whirlpool devoureth the same. The Philosophers describe four indraughts of this Ocean sea, in the four opposite quarters of the world, from whence many do conjecture that as well the flowing of the sea, as the blasts of the wind, have their first original. A Testimony of the learned Mathematician master john Dee, touching the foresaid voyage of Nicholas De Linna. ANno 1360. (that is to wit, in the 34. year of the reign of the triumphant king Edward the third) a friar of Oxford, being a good Astronomer, went in company with others to the most Northern Islands of the world, and there leaving his company together, he travailed alone, and purposely described all the Northern Islands, with the indrawing seas: and the record thereof at his return he delivered to the king of England. The name of which book is Inuentio Fortunata (aliter fortunae) qui liber incipit a gradu 54. usque ad polum. In●entio Fortunata. Which friar for sundry purposes after that did five times pass from England thither, and home again. It is to be noted, that from the haven of Linne in Norfolk (whereof the foresaid Francisan friar took his name) to Island, it is not above a fortnight's sailing with an ordinary wind, and hath been of many years a very common and usual trade: which further appeareth by the privileges granted to the Fishermen of the town of Blacknie in the said County of Norfolk, by king Edward the third, An. 2. & 4. & 31. E●●ardi tertij. for their exemption and freedom from his ordinary service, in respect of their trade to Island. The voyage of Henry Earl of Derbie, after Duke of Hereford, and lastly king of England, by the name of Henry the fourth, An. Dom. 1390. into Prussia and Lettowe, against the infidels, recorded by Thomas of Walsingham. An. Dom. 1390. DDominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem tempus profectus est in le Pruys, ubi cum adjutorio marescalli dictae patriae, & cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot devicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe, captis quatuor ducibus, & tribus peremptis, & amplius quam trecentis, de valentioribus exercitus supradicti pariter interemptis. Civitas quoque vocatur ‖ A●●as Vilna. Will, in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe nomine Skirgalle confugerat, potenti virtute dicti Comitis maximè, a●que suorum capta est. Namque qui fuerunt de fam●lia s● primi murum ascenderant, & vexillum ejus super muros, caeteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus, posuerunt. Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum, fratre Regis de Poleyn inter caeteros ibi perempto, qui adversarius nostri fuit● Obsessumque fuit castrum dictae Civitatis per quinque hebdomadas: Sed propter infirmitates, quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys & de Lifland noluerunt diutius expectare. Facti sunt Christiani de gente de Lettowe octo. Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam tria millia captivorum. The same in English. ABout the same time L. Henry the Earl of Derbie travailed into Prussia, where, with the help of the Marshal of the same Province, and of a certain king called Wytot, he vanquished the army of the king of Lettowe, with the captivity of four Lithuanian Dukes, and the slaughter of three, besides more than three hundred of the principal common soldiers of the said army which were slain. The City also which is called Will or Vilna, into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named Skirgalle fled for his safeguard, was, by the valour of the said Earl especially and of his followers, surprised and taken. For certain of the chief men of his family, while others were slothful or at lest ignorant of their intent, scaling the walls, advanced his colours thereupon. And there were taken and slain four thousand of the common soldiers, and amongst others was slain the king of Poland his brother, who was our professed enemy. And the castle of the foresaid City was besieged for the space of five weeks: but by reason of the infirmities and inconveniences wherewith the whole army was annoyed, the great masters of Prussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer. There were converted of the nation of Lettowe eight people unto the Christian faith. And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his country three thousand captives. The voyage of Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloucester into Prussia, in the year 1391. written by Thomas Walsingham. EOdem tempore dux Gloverniae Dominus ‖ Filius natu minimus Edwardi 3. Thomas de Woodstock, multis moerentibus, iter apparavit versùs le Pruys: quem non Londinensium gemitus, non communis vulgi moeror retinere poterant, qui● proficisci vellet, Nam plebs communis tàm Vrbana quàm rustica metuebant quòd eo absent aliquod nowm detrimentum succresceret, quo present nihil tale timebant. Siquidèm in eo spes & solatium totius patriae reposita videbantur. Ipse verò mòx, ut fines patriae suae transijt, illicò adversa agitatus fortuna, nunc hàc nunc illàc turbinibus procellosis circumfertur; & in tantum destituitur, ut de vita etiam desperaret. Reditu●● Tandem post Daciam, post Norwagiam, post Scoticam barbariem non sine mortis pavore transcursam, pervenit Northumbriam, & ad castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velùt assylum antiquitùs notum sibi: ubi per aliquot dies recreatus, iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de Plashy, magnum apportans gaudium toti regno, tam de ejus evasione, quàm de adventu suo. The same in English. AT the same time the Duke of Gloucester Lord Thomas of Woodstock (the youngest son of Edward the third) to the great grief of many, took his journey towards Prussia: whom neither the Londoners moans nor yet the lamentation of the commonalty could restrain from his intended expedition. For the common people both of the City and of the country feared jest in his absence some new calamity might happen; which they feared not while he was present. For in him the whole nation seemed to repose their hope and comfort. Howbeit having scarce passed as yet the bounds of his own country, he was immediately by hard fortune tossed up and down with dangerous storms and tempests, and was brought into such distress, that he despaired even of his own life. At length, having not without danger of death, sailed along the coasts of Denmark, Norway, and Scotland, he returned into Northumberland, and went to the castle of Tinmouth as unto a place of refuge known of old unto him: where, after he had refreshed himself a few days, he took his journey toward his Manor of Plashy, bringing great joy unto the whole kingdom, aswell in regard of his safety as of his return. The ver●es of Geoffrey Chaucer in the knight's Prologue, who living in the year 1402. (as he writeth himself in his Epistle of Cupid) showed that the English Knights after the loss of Acon, were wont in his time to travail into Prussia and Lettowe, and other heathen lands, to advance the Christian faith against Infidels and miscreants, and to seek honour by feats of arms. The English Knights Prologue. A Knight there was, and that a worthy man, that from the time that he first began to ridden out, he loved Chivalry, troth, honour, freedom, and Courtesy. full worthy was he in his lords war: and thereto had he ridden no man far, ●ong travail. As well in Christendom as in Heathennesse, and ever had honour for his worthiness. Alexandria. At Alisandre he was, when it was won: full often time he had the board begon aboven all nations in Pruce, Lettowe, Ruce. In Lettowe had he ridden, and in Ruce, no Christian man so often of his degree: In granada at the siege had he be Algezer in Granado. At Algezer: and ridden in Belmarye: ●ayas in Armenia. At Leyes was he, and also at Satalye, froissart. lib. 3. cap. 40. when they were won: and in the great see at many a Noble army had he be. Satalie in the main of As●a near Rhods. At mortal battles had he been fifteen, And fought for our faith at Tramissen, Tremisen is in Barbary. in lists thries, and ay slain his foe: This ilke worthy Knight had been also, sometime with the lord of ‖ Or, Pallce froissart lib. 3. cap. 40. Turkey. Palathye against another Heathen in Turkey. The time when Chaucer written, is thus mentioned in the end of his letter of Cupid. Written in the lusty month of May in our Palace, where many a million of lovers true have habitation, The year of grace joyful and jocund, a thousand, four hundred and second. The original, proceed and success of the Northern domestical and foreign trades and traffics of this Isle of Britain from the time of Nero the Emperor, who deceased in the year of our Lord 70. under the Romans, Britons, Saxons, and Danes, till the conquest: and from the conquest, until this present time, gathered out of the most authentical histories and records of this nation. A testimony out of the fourteenth Book of the Annals of Cornelius Tacitus, proving London to have been a famous Mart Town in the reign of Nero the Emperor, which died in the year of Christ 70. AT Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hosts Londinium perrexit, cognomento quidem coloniae non ensign, sed copia negociatorum & cōmea●u maxim celebre. The same in English. BUt Suetonius with wonderful constancy passed through the midst of his enemies, unto London, which though it were not honoured with the name and title of a Roman Colony, yet was it most famous for multitude of Merchants and concourse of people. A testimony out of Venerable Beda (which died in the year of our Lord 734.) proving London to have been a City of great traffic and Merchandise not long after the beginning of the Saxons reign. Beda Ecclesiasticae histo●●● Gentis Anglorum lib. 2. cap. 3. ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo quarto Augustinus Britanniarum Archiepiscopus ordinavit duos Episcopos, Mellitum videlicet & Iustum● Mellitum quidem ad praedicandum provinciae Orientalium Saxonum, qui Tamesi flwio dirimuntur à Cantia, & ipsi Oriental● Mari contigui, quorum Metropolis Londonia Civitas est, super ripam praefati fluminis posi●a, & ipsa multorum emporium populorum, terra marique venientium. The same in English. IN the year of the incarnation of Christ 604. Augustine Archbishop of Britain consecrated two Bishops, to wit Mellitus and justus. He appointed Mellitus to preach to the East Saxons, which are divided from Kent by the river of Thames, and border upon the Eastern sea, whose chief and Metropolitan City is London, seated upon the bank of the aforesaid river, which is also a Mart Town of many nations, which repair thither by sea and by land. The league between Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning safe trade of the English Merchants in all the emperors Dominion. This Offa died in the year of our Lord 795. OFfa interea Carolum magnum Regem Francorum frequentibus legationibus amicum paravit: Mal●●bu●. de gestis Regum Anglo●um. lib. 1. cap. 4. quamuis non facile quod suis artibus conduceret in Caroli animo invenerit. Discordarunt antea, adeo ut magnis motibus utrobique concurrentibus, etiam negociatorum commeatus prohiberentur. Est Epistola Albini huiusce rei index, cuius partem hic apponam. Nescio quid de nobis venturum sit. Aliquid enim dissentionis diabolico fomento inflammante, nuper inter Regem Carolum & Regem Offam exortum est: ita ut utrinque navigatio interdicta negociantibus cesset. Navigatio Interdicta. Sunt qui dicant nos pro pace in illas parts mittendos. Et nonnullis interpositis, Nunc, inquit, ex verbis Caroli foedus firmum inter eum & Offam compactum subijciam. Carolus gratia Dei Rex Francorum, & Longobardorum, & patricius Romanorum, viro venerando & fratri charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum salutem. Primo gratias agimus omnipotenti deo, de salute animatum, de Catholicae fidei sinceritate, quam in vestris laudabiliter paginis reperimus exaratam. De peregrinis vero qui pro amore Dei, & salute animarum suarum beatorum Apostolorum limina desiderant adire, cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant. Sed si aliqui, non religioni seruientes, sed lucra sectantes, inveniantur inter eos, locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia. Negociatores quoque ●olumus ut ex mandato nostro patrocinium habeant in Regno nostro legitime. Negociatorum Anglicanorum patrocinium. Et si aliquo loco iniusta affligantur oppressione, reclament ad nos vel nostros judices, & plenam videbimus justitiam fieri. The same in English. IN the mean season Offa by often legacies solicited Charles le maign● the king of France, to be his friend: albeit he could not easily find king Charles any whit inclined to further and promote his crafty attempts. Their minds were so alienated before, that, bearing haughty stomachs on both parts, even the mutual traffic of their Merchants was prohibited. Traffic prohibited. The Epistle of Albinus is a sufficient testimony of this matter: part whereof I will here put down. I know not (quoth he) what will become of us. For there is of late, by the instigation of the devil, some discord and variance sprung up between king Charles and king Of●a: insomuch that sailing to and fro is forbidden● unto the Merchants of both their dominions. Navigation forbidden. Some say that we are to be sent, for the obtaining of a peace, into those parts. And again, after a few lines. Now (quoth he) out of Charles his own words, I will make report of the league concluded between him and Offa. A league between Carol. Mag. and K. Offa. Charles by the grace of God king of the Franks and Lombard's and Senator of the Romans, unto the reverend and his most dear brother Offa king of the Merchant's sendeth greeting. First we do tender unto almighty God most humble thanks for the salvation of souls, and the sincerity of the Catholic faith, which we, to your great commendation, have found signified in your letters. As touching those pilgrims, who for the love of God and their own soul's health, are desirous to resort unto the Churches of the holy Apostles, let them go in peace without all disturbance. But if any be found amongst them not honouring religion, but following their own gain, they are to pay their ordinary customs at places convenient. It is our pleasure also and commandment, that your merchants shall have lawful patronage and protection in our dominions. Protection of the English Merchants. Who, if in any place they chance to be afflicted with any injust oppression, let them make their supplication unto us, or unto our judges, and we will see justice executed to the full. An ancient testimony translated out of the old Saxon laws, containing among other things the advancement of Merchants for their thrice crossing the wide seas, set down by the learned Gentleman Master William Lambert pagina 500 of his perambulation of Kent. IT was sometime in English laws, that the people and the laws were in reputation: and then were the wisest of the people worship-worthy, every one after his degree: Earl, and Churl, Thein, and under-thein. And if a churl thrived so, that he had fully five hides of his own land, a Church and a Kitchen, a Belhouse, and a gate, a seat, and a several office in the King's hall, than was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy. And if a Thein so thrived, that he served the king, and on his message rid in his household, if he than had a Thein that followed him, the which to the king's journey five hides had, and in the king's seat his Lord served, and thrice with his errand had go to the king, he might afterward with his forsooth his lords part play at any great need. And if a Thein did thrive so, that he become an Earl; then was he afterward an Earls right worthy. And if a Merchant so thrived, that he passed thrice over the wide seas, of his own craft, he was thenceforth a Theins right worthy. And if a scholar so prospered thorough learning that he degree had, and served Christ, he was then afterward of dignity and peace so much worthy, as thereunto belonged: unless he forfeited so, that he the use of his degree use ne might. William of Malm●b. lib. ●. cap 9 de gestis Regum Anglorum. A testimony of certain privileges obtained for the English and Danish Merchants of Conradus the Emperor and john the Bishop of Rome by Canutus the King of England in his journey to Rome, extracted out of a letter of his written unto the Clergy of England. SIt vobis notum quia magna congregatio nobilum in ipsa solemnitate Pascali, Romae cum Domino Papa joanne, & imperatore Conrado erat, scilicet omnes principes gentium a monte Gargano, usque ad i●tum proximum Mar●● qui omnes i & honorifice suscepere, & magnificis donis honoravere. Maxim autem ab imperatore donis varijs & muneribus pretiosis honoratus sum, tam in vasis aureis & argenteis, quam in pallijs & vestibus valde pretiosis. Locutus sum igitur cum ipso imperatore, & Domino Papa, & principibus qui ibi erant, de necessitatibus totius populi mei, tam Angli quam Dani, ut eyes concederetur lex aequior, & pax securior in via Roman adeundi, & ne tot clausuris per viam arcerentur, & propter iniustum teloneum fatigarentur. Annuitque postulatis Imperator, & Rodulphus Rex, qui maxim ipsarum clausurarum dominatur, cunctique principes edictis firmarunt, ut homines mei tam Mercatores, quàm alij orandi gratia viatores, absque omni anguria clausurarum & telonea●iorum, cum firma pace Romam eant & redeant. The same in English YOu are to understand, that at the feast of Easter, there was a great company of Nobles with Pope john and Conradus the Emperor assembled at Rome, namely all the princes of the nations from mount Garganus unto the West Ocean sea. Garganus a mountain of Apulia in Italy. Who all of them honourably entertained me, and welcomed me with rich and magnificent gifts: but especially the Emperor bestowed divers costly presents and rewards upon me, both in vessels of gold and silver, and also in cloaks and garments of great value. Wherefore I conferred with the Emperor himself and the Pope, and with the other Princes who were there present, concerning the necessities of all my subjects both Englishmen and Danes; that a more favourable law & secure peace in their way to Rome might be granted unto them, and that they might not be hindered by so many stops & impediments in their journey, and wearied by reason of injust exactions. And the Emperor condescended unto my request, and king Rodulphus also, who hath greatest authority over the foresaid stops and straits, and all the other princes confirmed by their Edicts, that my subjects, as well Merchants, as others who travailed for devotions sake, should without all hindrance and restraint of the foresaid stops and customers, go unto Rome in peace, and return from thence in safety. The flourishing state of Merchandise in the City of London in the days of Willielmus Malmesburiensis, which died in the year 1142. in the reign of K. Stephen. HAud long a Rofa quasi viginti quinque milliarijs est Londonia Civitas nobilis, Guliel. Malmesb. de gestis pon●. Anglorum lib. ●. opima civium divitijs, constipata negociatorum ex omni terra, & maxim ex Germania venientium, commercijs. unde fit ut cum ubique in Anglia caritas victualium pro sterili proventu messium sit, ibi necessaria distrahantur & emantur minore, quàm alibi, vel vendentium compendio, vel ementium dispendio. Peregrinas invehit merces Civitatis sinibus Tamesis flwius famosus, qui citra urbem ad' 80. milliaria fonticulo fusus, ultra plus 70. nomen profert. The same in English. NOt far from Rochester, about the distance of five and twenty miles, standeth the Noble City of London, abounding with the riches of the inhabitants, and being frequented with the traffic of Merchants, resorting thither out of all nations, and especially out of Germany. Germany. Whereupon it cometh to pass, that when any general dearth of victuals falls out in England, by reason of the scarcity of corn, things necessary may there be provided and bought with less gain unto the sellers, and with less hindrance and loss unto the buyers, then in any other place of the Realm. Outlandish wares are conveyed into the same City by the famous river of Thames: which river springing out of a fountain 80. miles beyond the City, is called by one and the self same name .70. miles beneath it. The aforesaid William of Malmesburie writeth of traffic in his time to Bristol in his fourth book degestis pontificum Anglorum, after this manner. IN eadem valle est vicus celeberrimus Bristol nomine, in quo est navium portus ab Hibernia & Norwegia & caeteris transinarinis terris venientium receptaculum, ne scilicet genitalibus divitijs tam fortunata regio peregrinarum opum frauderetur commercio. The same in English. IN the same valley stands the famous Town of Bristol, with an Haven belonging thereunto, which is a commodious and safe receptacle for all ships directing their course for the same, from Ireland, Norway, Norway. and other outlandish and foreign countries: namely that a region so fortunate and blessed with the riches that nature hath vouchsafed thereupon should not be destitute of the wealth and commodities of other lands. The league between Henry the second and Frederick Barbarossa Emperor of Germany, wherein is mention of friendly traffic between the Merchants of the Empire and England, confirmed in the year of our Lord 1157. recorded in the first Book and seventeenth Chapter of Radevicus Canonicus Frisingensis, being an appendix to Otto Frisingensis. IBidem tunc affuere etiam Henrici Regis Angliae missi, varia & preciosa donaria multo lepore verborum adornata praestantes. Inter quae papilionem unum quantitate maximum, qualitate optimum perspeximus. Cuius si quantitatem requitis, non nisi machinis & instrumentorum genere & adminiculo levari poterat: si qualitatem, nec ma●eria nec opere ipsum putem aliquando ab aliquo huiusce apparatu superatum iri. Literas quoque mellito sermon plenas pariter direxerat, quarum hic tenor fuit. Praecordiali amico suo, Frederico Dei gratia Romanorum imperatori invictissimo, Henricus Rex Angliae, dux Normanniae, & Aquitaniae, & Comes Andegavensis, salutem, & verae dilectionis concordiam. Excellentiae vestrae quantas possumus referimus grates, dominantium optime, quod nos nuncijs vestris visitare, salutare literis, muneribus praevenire, & quoth his charius amplectimur, pacis & amoris invicem dignatus estis foedera inchoare. Exultavimus, & quodammodo animum nobis crescere, & in maius sensimus evehi dum vestra promissio, in qua nobis spem dedistis, in disponendis Regni nostri negocijs, alacriores nos reddidit, & promptiores. Exultavimus in quam, & tota ment magnificentiae vestrae assurreximus, id vobis in sincero cordis affectu respondentes, quod quicquid ad honorem vestrum spectare noverimus, pro posse nostro effectui mancipare parati sumus. Regnum nostrum, & quicquid ubique nostrae subijcitur ditioni vobis exponimus & vestre committimus potestari, ut ad vestrum nutum omnia disponantur, & in omnibus vestri fiat voluntas imperij. Sit igitur inter nos & populos nostros dilectionis & pacis unitas indivisa, commercia tuta: Commercia inter Germanos & Anglos. Ita tamen ut vobis, qui dignitate praeminetis, imperandi cedat authoritas, nobis non deerit voluntas obsequendi. Et sicut vestrae Serenitatis memoriam vestrorum excitat in nobis munerum largitio, sic vos nostri quoque reminisci praeoptamus, mittentes quae pulchriora penes nos erant, & vobis magis placitura. Attendite itaque dantis affectum, non data, & eo animo quo dantur accipite. De manu beati jacobi, super qua nobis scripsistis, in ore magistri Hereberti & Guilielmi Clerici nostri verbum posuimus. Teste Thoma Cancellario apud Northanton. The same in English. THere were present also the same time, the messengers of Henry king of England presenting divers rich and precious gifts, and that with great learning & eloquence of speech. Among the which we see a pavilion, most large in quantity, & most excellent in quality. For if you desire to know the quantity thereof, it could not be erected without engines and a kind of instruments, and main force: if the quality, I think there was never any furniture of the same kind, that surpassed the same either in stuff or workmanship. The said king directed his letters also, full of sugared speeches, the tenor whereof was this that followeth. To his entirely beloved friend Frederick by the grace of God Emperor of the Romans most invincible, Henry king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, Earl of Anjou wisheth health and concord of sincere amity. We do tender unto your highness (most renowned and peerless Prince) exceeding great thanks for that you have so graciously vouchsafed by your messengers to visit us, in your letters to salute us, with your gifts to prevent us, and (which we do more highly esteem of then all the rest) to begin a league of peace and friendship between us. We rejoiced, and in a manner sensibly felt ourselves to be greatly emboldened, and our courage to increase, whilst your promise, whereby you put us in good comfort, did make us more cheerful and resolute, in managing the affairs of our kingdom. We rejoiced (I say) & in our secret cogitations did humble obeisance unto your Majesty, giving you at this time to understand from the sincere & unfeigned affection of our heart, that whatsoever we shall know to tend unto your honour, we are, to our power most ready to put in practice. Our kingdom, and whatsoever is under our jurisdiction we do offer unto you, and commit the same unto your highness, that all matters may be disposed according to your direction, and that your pleasure may in all things be fulfilled. Let there be therefore between ourselves and our subjects, an indivisible unity of friendship and peace, and safe trade of Merchandise: yet so, as that unto you (who excel in dignity) authority in commanding may be ascribed, and diligence in obeying shall not want in us. And as the liberality of your rewards doth often put us in remembrance of your Majesty, even so in like manner sending unto your Highness the most rare things in our custody, and which we thought should be most acceptable unto you, we do most hearty with that yourself also would not altogether be unmindful of us. Have respect therefore not unto the gifts, but unto the affection of the giver, and accept of them with that mind, wherewith they are offered unto you. Concerning the hand of S. james, about which you written unto us, we have sent you word by M. Herbert, and by William the Clerk. Witness Thomas our Chancellor at Northanton. A general safe conduct granted to all foreign Merchants by king john in the ‖ 1199. first year of his reign, as appeareth in the Records of the Tower, Anno 1. Regis joannis. joannes Dei gratia etc. Maiori & Communitati Londinensi salutem. Sciatis voluntatem esse nostram, quod omnes Mercatores de quacunque fuerint terra saluum habeant conductum ire & redire cum mercibus suis in Angliam, Solitae me●catorum consuetudines. Volumus etiam quod ean dem habeant pacem in Anglia, quam Mercatores de Anglia habent in terris illis unde fuerunt egressi. Et ideo vobis praecipimus, quod hoc faciatis denunciati in Balliva vestra, & firmiter teneri; permittentes eos ire & redire sine impedimento per debitas & rectas & solitas consuetudines in Balliva vestra. Teste Galfredo silio Perri comite Essexiae apud Kinefard 5. die Aprilis. In eadem forma scribitur vicecomiti Sudsex, Maiori & communitati Civitatis Winton, Ballivo de Southampton, Ballivo de Lenne, Ballivo Kent, Vicecomiti Norffolciae & Suffolciae, Vicecomiti dorset & Somerset, Baronibus de quinque portubus, Vicecomiti de Southampton sire, Vicecomiti de Herteford & Essex, Vicecomiti Cornubiae & Devon. The same in English IOhn by the grace of God etc. to the Mayor and commonalty of London, greeting. You are to understand, that it is our pleasure, that all Merchants of what nation soever, shall have safe conduct to pass and repass with their Merchandise into England. It is our will also, that they be vouchsafed the same favour in England, which is granted unto the English Merchants in those places from whence they come. And therefore we give you in charge, that you 'cause this to be published, and proclaimed in your bailiwicke, & firmly to be observed, permitting them to go & come, without impediment, according to the due, right and ancient customs used in your said Bailiwicke. The ancient customs of Merchants. Witness Geofry Fitz-Peter Earl of Esser at Kinefard the 5. day of April. The same form of writing was sent to the sheriff of Sudsex, to the Mayor and commonalty of the City of Winchester, to the Bailie of Southampton, the Bailie Lenne, the Bailie of Kent, the sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk, the sheriff of Dorset and Somerset, the Barons of the Cinque-ports, the sheriff of Southampton-shire, the sheriff of Hertford and Essex, the sheriff of Cornewal and Devon. Literae regis Henrici tertij ad Haquinum Regem Norwegiae de pacis foedere & intercursu mercandisandi ‖ 1216. Anno 1. Henrici 3. HEnricus Dei gratia etc. Haquino eadem gratia Regi Norwegiae salutem, Immensas nobilitati vestrae referimus gratiarum actiones de his quae per literas vestras & prudentem virum Abbatem de Lisander, nobis significastis, volentes & desiderantes foedus pacis & dilectionis libenter nobiscum inire, & nobiscum confoederari. Bene autem placet & place bit nobis quod terre nostre communes sint, & Mercatores & homines qui sunt de potestate vestra libere & sine impedimento terram nostram adire possint, & homines & Mercatores nostri similiter terram vestram. Dum tamen literas vestras patentes super hoc nobis destinetis, & nos vobis nostras transmittemus. Interim autem bene volumus & concedimus, quod Mercatores tam de terra vestra quàm nostra eant, veniant, & recedant per terras nostras. Et si quid vestrae sederit voluntati, quod facere valeamus, id securè nobis significetis. Detinuimus autem adhuc Abbatem praedictum, ut de navi vestra & rebus in ea contentis pro posse nostro restitutionem fieri faceremus: per quem de statu nostro & Regni nostri vos certificare curabimus, & quàm citius etc. Teste me ipso apud Lamhithe decimo die Octobris. Eodem modo scribitur S. Duci Norwegiae ibidem & eodem die. The letters of King Henry the third unto Haquinus King of Norway concerning a treaty of peace and mutual traffic of merchandise, etc, HEnry by the grace of God, etc. unto Haquinus by the same grace King of Norway, sendeth greeting. We tender unto your highness unspeakable thanks for those things which by your letters, and by your discreet subject the Abbot of Lisander, you have signified unto us, and also for that you are right willing and desirous to begin and to conclude between us both, a league of peace and amity. And we for our part both now are, and hereafter shallbe well contented, that both our lands be common, to the end that the Merchants and people of your dominions may freely and without impediment resort unto our land, and our people and Merchants may likewise have recourse unto your territories. Provided, that for the confirmation of this matter, your send unto us your letters patents, and we will sand ours also unto you. Howbeit in the mean while we do will and freely grant, that the Merchants both of our and your lands, may go, come, and return to and from both our Dominions. And if there be aught in your mind, whereby we might stand you in any stead, you may boldly signify the same unto us. We have as yet detained the foresaid Abbot, that we might, to our ability, cause restitution to be made for your ship, and for the things therein contained: by whom we will certify you of our own estate, and of the estate of our kingdom so soon, etc. Witness ourself at Lamhith the tenth of October. Another letter in the same form and to the same effect was there and then sent unto S. Duke of Norway. Mandatum pro Coga Regis Norwegiae Anno 13. Henrici 3. MAndatum est omnibus Ballivis portuum in quos ventura est Coga de Norwegia, in qua venerint in Angliam milites Regis Norwegiae & Mercatores Saxoniae, quod cum praedictam Cogam in portus suos venire contigerit, saluò permittant ipsam Cogam in portubus suis morari, quamdiu necesse habuerit, & libere sine impedimento inde receder● quando volverint. Teste Rege. The same in English. A Mandate for the King of Norway his Ship called the Cog. We will and command all bailiffs of Ports, at the which the Cog of Norway (wherein certain of the king of Norway his soldiers, and certain Merchants of Saxony are coming for England) shall touch, that, when the foresaid Cog shall chance to arrive at any of their Havens, they do permit the said Cog safely to remain in their said Havens so long as need shall require, and without impediment also freely to departed thence, whensoever the governors of the said ship shall think it expedient. Witness the King. Carta pro Mercatoribus de Colonia anno 20. Henrici 3. Confirmata per Regem Edwardum primum S. julij Anno Regni 18. prout extat in rotulo cartarum de Anno 18. Regis Edwardi primi. REx Archiepiscopis etc. salutem. Sciatis nos quietos clamasse pro nobis & haeredibus nostris dilectos nostros, Cives de Colonia, & mercandisam suam de illis duobus solidis, ‖ Antiqua consucrudo Gildhalle Colonien●●●● Londini. quos solebant dare de Gildhalla sua London, & de omnibus alijs consuetudinibus & demandis, quae pertinent ad nos in London, & per totam terram nostram; & quod liberè possunt ire ad ferias, per totam terram nostram & emere & vendere in villa London & alibi, salva libertate Civitatis nostrae London. Quare volumus & firmiter praecipimus pro nobis etc haeredibus nostris, quod praedicti cives de Colonia praenominatas libertates & liberas consuetudines habeant per totam terram nostram Angliae sicut praedictum est. His testibus, venerabili patre Waltero Caerleolensi Episcopo, Willielmo de Ferarijs, Gilberto Basset, Waltero de Bello campo, Hugone Disspenser, Waltero Marescallo, Galfrido Dispenser, Bartholomaeo Pech, Bartholomaeo de Saukevill, & alijs. Data per manum venerabilis patris Radulphi Cicistrensis Episcopi, Cancellarij nostri apud Davintre Octavo die Novembris, Anno Regni nostri vicesimo. The same in English A Charter granted for the behalf of the Merchants of Colen in the twentieth year of Henry the third, confirmed by King Edward the first, as it is extant in the roll of Charters, in the eighteenth year of King Edward the first. THe King unto Archbishops etc. greeting. Be it known unto you, that we have quite claimed, and for us and our heirs released our well-beloved the Citizens of Colen and their merchandise, from the payment of those two shillings which they were wont to pay out of their Gildhall at London, and from all other customs and demands; The ancient custom of the Coloners Gildhall in London. which pertain unto us, either in London, or in any other place of our Dominions: and that they may safely resort unto Fairs throughout our whole Kingdom, and buy and cell in the City of London. Wherefore we will and firmly command for us and our heirs, that the forenamed Merchants of Colen may enjoy the liberties and free privileges abovementioned, throughout our whole kingdom of England as is aforesaid. Witnesses, the reverend father Walter Bishop of Carlil, William de Ferarijs, Gilbert Basset, Walter de Beau-champ, Hugh Disspenser, Walter Marescal, Geofrie Disspensser, Bartholomew Peach, Bartholomew de Saukevill and others. Given by the hand of the reverend father Ralph Bishop of Chichester and our Chancellor at Davintre, the eight day of November, in the twentieth year of our reign. Carta Lubecensibus ad septennium concessa. Anno 41. Henrici 3. HEnricus dei gracia Rex Angliae, dominus Hiberniae, dux Normanniae, Aquitaniae, & Comes Andegaviae, omnibus Ballivis suis salutem. Sciatis nos ad instantiam dilecti & fidelis fratris nostri Ricardi Comitis Cornubiae in Regem Romanorum electi, Ricardus Comes Cornubiae Rex Romanorum. suscepisse in protectionem & defensionem nostram & saluum & securum conductum nostrum Burgenses de Lubek in Alemania cum omnibus rebus & mercandisis quas in Regnum nostrum deferent, vel facient deferri. Et eyes concessimus, quod de omnibus rebus & mercandisis suis nihil capiatur ad opus nostrum vel alterius contra voluntatem corundem; sed libere vendant & negocientur inde in Regno praedicto, prout sibi viderint expedite. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod dictis Burgensibus vel eorum nuncijs in veniendo in terram nostram cum rebus & mercandisis suis, ibidem morando, & inde recedendo, nullum inseratis, aut ab alijs inferri permittatis impedimentum aut gravamen. Nec eos contra quietantiam praedictam vexetis, aut ab alijs vexari permittatis. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes per septennium durantes: Carta conditionalis. Dum tamen ijdem Burgenses interim been & fideliter se habuerint erga praefatum electum fratrem nostrum. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium undecimo die Maij Anno Regni nostri quadragesimo primo. Haec litera duplicata est, pro Burgensibus & mercatoribus Dacis, Brunswig, & Lubek. The same in English. The charter of Lubek granted for seven years, obtained in the one and fortieth year of Henry the third. HEnry by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Earl of Anjou, to all his Bailiffs sendeth greeting. Know you that at the instant request of our well-beloved and trusty brother Richard Earl of Cornewal being of late elected king of the Romans, we have received under our protection and defence, and under our safe and secure conduct, the citizens of Lubek in Alemain, with all their goods and wares, which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our kingdom. We have also granted unto them, that of all their goods and merchandise, nothing shall be seized unto the use of ourselves, or of any other without their own consent, but that they may freely cell and exercise traffic therewith, according as they shall think expedient. And therefore we straight command you, that neither yourselves do offer, nor that you permit any other to offer any impediment or molestation unto the said Burghers or unto their messengers, either at their coming into our land, with their goods and merchandise, in the time of their abode there, or at their departure from thence, and that ye neither molest them yourselves, nor yet suffer them by others to be molested, contrary to the aforesaid Charter. In testimony whereof, we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents, during the space of seven years next following. Provided, that the said Burghers do in the mean time behave themselves well and faithfully towards our foresaid elected brother. Witness ourselves at Westminster the eleventh day of March, in the one and fortieth year of our reign. This Letter was doubled, namely for the Burghers, and the Merchants of Denmark, of Brunswig, and of Lubeck. Carta pro Mercatoribus Alemanniae, qui habent domum in London, quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur Anno 44. Henriciterty, & Anno primo & 29. Edwardi primi renovata & confirmata. AD instantiam Serenissimi principis Richardi Romanorum Regis charissimi fratris nostri concedimus mercatoribus Alemanniae, illis videlicet qui habent domum in Civitate nostra London, quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur, quod eos universos manutenebimus per totum Regnum nostrum in omnibus ijsdem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus, quibus ipsi nostris & ‖ Nota antiquitatem. progenitorum nostrorum temporibus usi sunt & gavisi. Ipsosque extra hui●sinodi libertates & liberas consuetudines non trahemus, nec trahi aliquatenus permittemus. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. The same in English. A charter for the Merchants of Almain, who have an house at London commonly called ‡ The Stiliard. the Guildhall of the Dutch, granted in the 44. year of Henry the third, renewed and confirmed in the 1. & 29. year of Edward the first. AT the instant request of the most gracious Prince Richard king of the Romans our most dear brother, we do grant unto the Merchants of Alemain (namely unto those that have an house in our city of London, commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch Merchants) that we will, throughout our whole Realm, maintain all and every of them, in all those liberties and free customs, which both in our times, and in the times of our progenitors, they have used and enjoyed. Note the antiquity. Neither will we enforce them beyond these liberties and free customs, nor in any wife permit them to be enforced. In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made patents. Mandatum regis Edwardi primi de mercatoribus alienigenis. MErcatores extranei vendant mercimonia sua in civitate London etc. infra quadraginta dies post ingressum suum, anno 3. Edwardi primi. The same in English. A mandate of king Edward the first concerning outlandish merchants. WE will and command that outlandish merchants do sell their wares in the city of London etc. within forty days of their arrival. The great Charter granted unto foreign merchants by king Edward the first, in the 31 year of his reign commonly called Carta mercatoria, Anno Domini 1303. EDwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, Dominus Hiberniae, dux Aquitaniae, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, justitiarijs, Vicecomitibus, praepositis, ministris, & omnibus ballivis & fidelibus suis salutem. Circa bonum statum omnium mercatorum subscriptorum regnorum, terrarum, & provinciatum, videlicet Alemanniae, Franciae, Hispaniae, Protugalliae, Navarrae, Lombardiae, Thusciae, Provincie, Cataloniae, ducatus nostri Aquitaniae, Tholosanie. Caturluni, Flandriae, Brabantie, & omnium aliarum terrarum & locorum extraneorum, quocunque nomine censeantur, venientium in regnum nostrum Anglie & ibidem conversantium nos precipua cura sollicitar, qualiter sub nostro dominio tranquillitatis & plenae securitatis immunitas eisdem mercatoribus futuris temporibus praeparetur. Vt itaque vota ipsorum reddantur ad nostra & regni nostri seruitia promptiora, ipsorum petitionibus favorabiliter annuentes, & pro statu eorundem plenius assecurando, in forma que sequitur ordinantes, pro nobis & haeredibus nostris in perpetuum subscripta dictis mercatoribus duximus concedenda. In primis videlicet quod omnes mercatores dictorum regnorum & terrarum saluè & secure sub tuitione & protectiove nostra in dictum regnum nostrum Angliae, & ubique infra potestatem nostram alibi veniant cum mercandisis suis quibuscunque, de muragio, pontagio & pannagio liberi & quieti. Quodque infra idem regnum & potestatem nostram in civitatibus, burgis, & villis mercatorijs possunt mercari duntaxat in grosso tam cum indigenis seu incolis, eiusdem regni & potestatis nostrae praedicta, quàm cum alienigenis, extraneis, vel privatis. Ita tamen quod merces, quae vulgariter mercery vocantur, ac species, minutatim vendi possint, prout antea fieri consuevit. Et quod omnes praedicti mercatores mercandisas suas, quas ipsos ad praedictum regnum & potestatem nostram adducere, seu infra idem regnum & potestatem nostram emere, vel alias acquirere contigerit, possint quo volverint tam infra regnum & potestatem nostram praedictam, quàm extra ducere vel portare facere, praeterquam ad terras manifestorum & notoriorum hostium regni nostri, Exceptio contra notorios regni hosts. soluendo consuetudines quas debebunt: vinis duntaxat exceptis, quae de eodem regno seu potestate nostra, postquam infra idem regnum seu potestatem nostram ducta fuerint, sine voluntate & licentia speciali non liceat eye educere quo quo modo. Item quod praedicti mercatores in civitatibus, burgis, & villis praedictis pro voluntate sua hospitari valeant, & morari cum bonis suis ad gratiam ipsorum, quorum sunt hospitia sive domus. Item quod quilibet contractus per ipsos mercatores cum quibuscunque personis undecunque fuerint super quocunque genere mercandisae initus, firmus sit & stabilis, ita quod neuter mercatorum ab illo contractu possit recedere, vel resilire, postquam denarius Dei inter principales personas cótrahentes datus fuerit & receptus. Et si forsan super cótractu eiusmodi contentio oriatur, fiat inde probatio aut inquisitio secundum usus & consuetudines feriarum & villarum, ubi dictum contractum fieri contigerit & iniri. Item promittimus praefatis mercatoribus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris in perpetuum concedentes, quod nullam prisam vel arrestationem, seu dilationem occasione prisae de caetero de mercimonijs, mercandisis seu alijs bonis suis per nos vel alium seu alios pro aliqua necessitate vel casu contra voluntatem ipsorum mercatorum aliquatenus faciemus, aut fieri patiemur, nisi statim soluto precio pro quo ipsi mercatores alijs eiusmodi mercimonia vendere possint, vel eyes aliter satisfacto, ita quod reputent se contentos: Et quod super mercimonia, mercandisas, seu bona ipsorum per nos vel ministros nostros nulla appreciatio aut estimatio imponetur. Item volumus quod omnes ballivi & ministri feriarum, civitatum, burgorum, & villarum mercatoriarum mercatoribus antedictis conquerentibus coram ijs celerem justitiam faciant de die in diem sine dilatione secundum legem mercatoriam, Lex mercatoria. de universis & singulis quae per eandem legem poterunt terminari. Et si forte inveniatur defectus in aliquo ballivorum vel ministrorum praedictorum, unde ijdem mercatores vel corum aliquis dila●ionis incommoda sustinuerint vel sustineant, licet mercator versus partem in principali recuperaverit damna sua, nihilominus balliws vel minister alius versus nos, prout delictum exigit puniatur. Et punitionem istam concedimus in favorem mercatorum praedictorum pro eorum justitia maturanda. Item quod in omnibus generibus placitorum, saluo casu criminis pro quo infligenda est poena mo●tis, ubi mercator implacitatus fuerit, vel alium implacitaverit, cuiuscunque conditionis idem implacitatus exciterit, extraneus vel privatus, in nundinis, civitatibus, sive Burgis, ubi fuerit sufficiens copia mercatorum praedictarum terrarum, & inquisitio fieri debeat, sit medietas inquisitionis de eijsdem mercatoribus, & medietas altera de probis & legalibus hominibus loci illius ubi placitum illud esse contigerit. Et si de mercatoribus dictarum terrarum numerus non inveniatur sufficiens, ponentur in inquisitione illi qui idonei invenientur ibidem, & residij sint de alijs bonis hominibus & idoneis de locis in quibus placitum illud erit. Item volumus, ordinamus, & statuimus, quod in qualibet villa mercatoria & feria regni nostri praedicti & alibi infra potestatem nostram pondus nostrum in certo loco ponatur, & ante ponderationem statera in praesentia emptoris & venditoris vacua videatur, & quod brachia sint equalia: & ex t●●c ponderator ponderet in aequali. Et cum stateram posuerit in aequali sta●im amoveat ma●us suas, ita quod remaneat in aequali: quodque per torum regnum & potestatem nostram sit unum pondus & una mensura: & signostandardi nostri signentur: Et quod quilibet possit habere stateram unius quaternionis, & infra, ubi contra domini loci, aut libertatem per nos & antecessores nostros concessam illud non fuerit, sive contra villarum & feriarum consuetudinem hactenus obseruatam. Item volumus & concedimus, quod aliquis ceitus homo fidelis & discretus Londini residens assignetur iustitiarius mercatoribus memoratis, coram quo valeant specialiter placitare, & debita sua recuperare celeriter, si Vicecomites & Maiores eye non facerent de die in diem celeris justitiae complementum: Et inde fiat Commissio extra Cartam praesentem concessa mercatoribus antedictis: Lex mercatoria, qu●● scilicet de his quae sunt inter mercatores & mercatores secundum legem mercatoriam deducenda. Item ordinamus & statuimus, & ordinationem illam statutumque pro nobis & hear dibus nostris in perpetuum volumus firmiter observari, quod pro quacunque libertate, quam nos vel hear des nostri de caetero concedemus, praetati mercatores supradictas libertates vel earum aliquam non amittant. Pro praedictis autem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus obtinendis, & prisis nostris remittendis ijdem supradicti mercatores universi & singuli pro se & omnibus alijs de partibus suis nobis concorditer & unanimiter concesserunt, quod de quolibet dolio vini, quod adducent vel adduci facient infra regnum & potestatem nostram, & unde marinarijs fretum solvere tenebuntur, Antiquae Cus●umae. soluent nobis & haeredibus nostris nomine Custumae duos solidos ultra antiquas custumas debitas & in denarijs solui consuetas nobis, aut alias infra quadraginta dies, postquam extra naves ad terram posita fuerint dicta vina. Item de quolibet sacco lanarum, quem dicti mercatores, aut alij nomine ipsorum ement & è regno educent, aut emi & educi facient, soluent quadraginta denarios de incremento ultra custumam antiquam dimidie marce, quae prius fuerat persoluta. Et pro lasta coriorum extra regnum & potestatem nostram vehendorum dimidiam marcam supra id quod ex antiqua custuma ante soluebatur. Et similiter de trecentis pellibus lanitis extra regnum & potestatem nostram ducendis quadraginta denarios ultra certum illud, quod de antiqua custuma ●uerat prius datum. Item duos ●olidos de quol●bet scarlato & panno tincto in grano. Item decem & octo denarios de quolibet panno, in quo pars grani fuerit intermixta. Item duodecem dena●ios de quolibet panno al●o sine grano. Item doudecem denarios de qualibet aeris quintalla. Cumque de praefatis mercatoribus nonnulli eorum alias exercere soleant mercandisas, ut de Auerio ponderis, & de alijs rebus subtilibus, sicut de pannis Tarsensibus, de setico, & cindallis, de sera & alijs diversis mercibus, & de equis etiam & alijs animalibus, blado & alijs rebus & mercandisis multimodis, que ad certam custumam facile poni non poterunt, ijdem mercatores concesserunt dare nobis & heredibus nostris de qualiber libra argenti estimationis seu valoris rerum & mercandisarum huiusmodi, quocunque nomine censeantor, ●●es denarios de libra in introitu rerum & mercandisarum ipsarum in regnum & potestatem nostram praedict●m infra viginti dies postquam huiusmodi res & mercandisae in regnum & potestatem nostram adductae & etiam ibidem exoneratae seu venditae fuerint. Et similiter tres denarios de qualibet libra argenti in eductione quarum cunque re●um & mercandisarum huiusmodi emptarum in regno & potestate nostris praedictis ultra custumas nobis aut alijs ante datas. Et super valour & estimatione rerum & mercandisarum huiusmodi de quibus tres denarij de qualibet libra argenti sicut praedicitur sunt soluendi, credatur eyes per literas, quas de Dominis aut socijs suis ostendere poterunt: Et si literas non habeant stetur in hac part praedictorum mercatorum, si presents fuerint, vel valetorum suorum in corundem mercantorum absentia, iuramentis. Liceat insuper socijs de societate predictorum mercatorum infra regnum & potestatem nostram praedictas, lanas vendere alijs suis socijs, & similiter emere ab ijsdem absque cus●uma soluenda. Ita tamen quod dictae lane ad tales manus non deveniant, quod de custuma nobis debita defraudemur. Et praeterea est sciendum, quod postquam supra dicti mercatores semel in unoloco infra regnum & potestatem nostram custumam nobis concessam ●uperius pro mercandisis suis in forma soluerint supradicta, & suum habeant in●e warantum, sive huiusmodimercandisae infra reg●um & potestarem nostram remaneant, sive exterius deferantur, (exceptis vinis, quae de regno & potestate nostris praedictis sine volunta●e & licentia nostra sicut praedictum est, nullatenus educantur:) Volumus, ac pro nobis, ac hear dibus nostris concedimus, quod nulla exactio, prisa, vel praestatio, aut aliquod onus super personas mercatorum predictorum, mercandisas seu bona eorundem aliquatenus imponatur contra formam expressam superius & concessam. His testibus veracibus principalibus, Roberto Contuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae primate, Waltero Coventriae & Lichfildie episcopo, Henrico de Lacie Lincolniense, Humfredo de Bohum comite Herfordiense & Essexie & Constabulo magno Anglie, Adomaro de Valentia, Galfrido de Gaymal, Hugone de Lespensor, Waltero de Bello campo, senescallo hospitij nostri, Roberto de Burijs, & alijs. Datum per manum nostram apud Windesore, primo die Februarij, anno regni nostri xxxj. The aforesaid general Charter in English. EDward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aquitaine, to Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons, justices, Uicounts', governors, officers, and all bailiffs, and his faithful people sendeth greeting. We have special care for the good estate of all merchants of the kingdoms, lands, and countries following: to wit of Almain, France, Spain, Portugal, Navarre, Lombardie, Florence, Provence, Catalonia, of our duchy of Aquitaine, Tholosa, Caturlune, Flanders, Brabant, and of all other foreign countries and places by what name soever they be called, which come into our kingdom of England● and there remain, that the said merchants may live in quiet and full security under our dominion in time to come. Wherefore that their hearts desires may be more readily inclined to our service and the service of our kingdom, we favourably agreeing to their petitions, for the fuller asring of their estate, have thought good to grant to the said merchants for us and our heirs for ever these privileges under written, ordaining in form as followeth. First, that all merchants of the said kingdoms and countries may come into our kingdom of England, and any where else into our dominion with their merchandises whatsoever safely and securely under our defence and protection without paying wharfage, pontage, or pannage. And that in Cities, Boroughs, and market towns of the said kingdom and dominion they may traffic only by the great as well with the natural subjects and inhabitants of our aforesaid kingdom and dominion, as with foreigners, strangers, or private people. Yet so, that merchandises which are commonly called mercery wares, and spices, may be sold by the small, as heretofore hath been accustomed. And that all the aforesaid merchants may carry or 'cause to be carried whither they will, as well within our realm or dominion, as out of the same; An exception for traficking with the known enemies of the kingdom. saving unto the countries of the manifest and known enemies of our kingdom, those merchandises which they shall bring into our foresaid realm and dominion, or buy, or otherwise purchase in our said realm and dominion, paying such customs as they aught to do: except only wines, which it shall not be any ways lawful for them to carry out of our said realm and dominion without our special favour and licence, after they be once brought into our realm and dominion. Item that the aforesaid merchants may at their pleásure lodge & remain with their goods in the cities, boroughs, and towns aforesaid, with the good liking of those which are owners of their lodgings. Item that every bargain made by the said merchants with any manner of people, of what places soever they be, for any kind of merchandise whatsoever, shallbe firm & stable, so that none of both the merchants shall shrink or give back from that bargain, after that the earnest penny be once given and taken between the principal bargayners. And if peradventure any strife arise about the same bargain, the trial and inquiry thereof shall be made according to the uses and customs of the fairs and towns where it chanced that the said bargain was made and contracted. Item, we promise' the aforesaid merchants granting for ever for us and our heirs, that from hence forth we will not in any wise make nor cause to be made any stay or arrest, or any delay by reason of arrest of their wares, merchandises or other goods, by ourselves, or by any other or others for any need or accident against the will of the said merchants, without present payment of such a price as the merchants would have sold those merchandises for to other men, or without making of them other satisfaction, so that they shall hold themselves well contented: and that no price or valuation shallbe set upon their wares, merchandises, & goods by us or by any officer of ours. Item, we will that all bailiffs and officers of fairs, cities, boroughs, and market towns shall do speedy justice from day to day without delay according to the law of Merchants to the aforesaid merchants when they shall complain before them, Where is this law now become? touching all and singular causes, which may be determined by the same law. And if default be found in any of the bailiffs or officers aforesaid, where by the said merchants or any of them have sustained, or do sustain any damage through delay, though the merchant recover his losses against the party principal, yet the bailiff or other officer shall be punished to us ward, according to the quality of the default. And we do grant this punishment in favour of the aforesaid merchants in regard of the hastening of their justice. Item, that in all manner of pleas, saving in case where punishment of death is to be inflicted, where a merchant is impleaded, or sueth another, of what condition soever he be which is sued, whether stranger or home born, in fairs, cities, or boroughs, where sufficient numbers of merchants of the foresaid countries air, and where the trial aught to be made, let the one half of the jury be of the said merchants, and the other half of good and lawful men of the place where the suit shall fall out to be: and if sufficient number of merchants of the said countries cannot be found, those which shall be found fit in that place shall be put upon the jury, and the rest shall be choose of good and fit men of the places where such suit shall chance to be. Item we will, we ordain, and we appoint, that in every market town and fair of our realm aforesaid and elsewhere within our dominion our weight shall be set in some certianes place; and that before the weighing the balance shall be seen empty in the presence of the buyer and of the seller, and that the scales be equal: and that afterward the weigher weigh in the equal balance. And when he hath set the balances even, let him straitghway remove his hands, so that the balance way remain even: And that throughout all our kingdom and dominion there be one weight and one measure, and that they be marked with the mark of our standard. And that every man may have a weight of one quarter of an hundred, and under, where the same hath not been contrary to the liberty of the lord of the place, and contrary to the liberty granted by us and our predecessors, or contrary to the custom of towns and fairs which hath hitherto been observed. Item we will and we grant that some certain faithful and discreet man resident in London be appointed to do justice to the aforesaid merchants, before whom they may have their suits decided, and may speedily recover their debts, if the sheriffs and Mayor should not from day to day give them speedy justice. And hereof let a Commission be made: which we grant unto the aforesaid merchants besides this present Charter: to wit of such things as between merchant and merchant are to be decided according to the law of merchants. Item we ordain and appoint, and we will that this ordinance and statute shall firmly be observed for ever for us and our heirs, that the aforesaid merchants shall not lose the aforesaid liberties nor any of them, for any liberty whatsoever, which we or our heirs hereafter shall grant. And for the obtaining of the aforesaid liberties and free customs, and for remission of our arresting of their goods, the aforesaid merchants all and every of them for themselves and all other of their parties with one accord and one consent have granted unto us, that of every tun of wine, which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our realm and dominion, for which they shall be bond to pay fraught unto the mariners, besides the old customs which are due and were wont to be paid unto us, they will pay unto us and to our heirs in the name of a custom two shillings in money, either out of hand, or else within forty days after the said wines shall be brought on land out of the ships. Item for every sack of wool, which the said merchants or others in their name shall buy and carry out of the realm, or cause to be brought and carried out, they will pay forty pennies above the old custom of half a mark, which was paid heretofore: And for a last of hides to be carried out of our realm and dominion half a mark above that which heretofore was paid by the old custom. And like wise for three hundredth fells with the wool on them to be transported out of our realm and dominion forty pennies, above that certain rate which before was paid by the old custom: Also two shillings upon every scarlate and every clot died in grain. Item eighteen pennies for every clot wherein any kind of grain is mingled. Item twelve pennies upon every clot died without grain. Item twelve pennies upon every quintal of copper. And whereas sundry of the aforesaid merchants are wont to exercise other merchandises, as of Huer de pois, and other fine wares, as sarcenets, lawns, cindalles, and silk, and divers other merchandises, and to cell horses and other beasts, corn, and sundry other things and merchandises, which cannot easily be reduced unto a certain custom: the said merchants have granted to give unto us, and to our heirs of every pound of silver of the estimation and value of these kind of goods and merchandises, by what name soever they be called, three pennies in the pound in the bringing in of these goods into our realm and dominion aforesaid, within twenty days after these goods and merchandises shall be brought into our realm and dominion, and shall be there unladen and sold. And likewise three pennies upon every pound of silver in the carrying out of any such goods and merchandises which are bought in our realm and dominion aforesaid above the customs beforetime paid unto us or any of our progenitors. And touching the value and estimation of these goods and merchandises, whereof three pennies of every pound of silver, as is aforesaid, is to be paid, credit shallbe given unto them upon the letters which they are able to show from their masters or partners. And if they have no letters in this behalf, we will stand to the oath of the foresaid merchants if they be present, or in their absence to the oaths of their servants. Moreover, it shall be lawful for such as be of the company of the aforesaid merchants within our realm and dominion aforesaid, to cell wools to other of their company, and likewise to buy of them without paying of custom. Yet so, that the said wools come not to such hands, that we be defrauded of the custom due unto us. And furthermore it is to be understood, that after that the aforesaid merchants have once paid in one place within our realm and dominion, the custom above granted unto us in form aforesaid for their merchandises, & have their warrant thereof, whether these merchandises remain within our kingdom or be carried out (excepting wines, which in no wise shallbe carried forth of our realm and dominion aforesaid, without our favour & licence as is aforesaid) we will and we grant for us and our heirs, that no execution, attachment, or loan, or any other burden be laid upon the people of the aforesaid merchants, upon their merchandises or goods in any case, contrary to the form before mentioned and granted. The faithful & principal witnesses of these presents are these, Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, Walter bishop of Coventrey and Lichfield, Henry Lacie of Lincoln, Humphrey de Bohume, Earl of Herford and Essex, high Constable of England, Adomare of Valentia, Geoffrey of Gaymal, Hugh Spenser, Walter Beauchampe Seneschal of our house, Robert of Bures, and others. Given by our own hand at Windesore the first day of February, in the year of our reign xxxi. De mercatoribus Angliae in Norwegia arestatis, & eorum mercimonijs dearrestandis literae Edwardi secundi anno sexto regni sui, Haquino regi Norwegie. MAgnifico principi domino Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegie illustri, amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia rex Anglie, Dom. hiberny, & dux Aquitanie salutem cum dilectione sincera. Miramur non modicum & in intimis conturbamur de gravaminibus & oppressionibus quae subditis nostris infra regnum vestrum causa negociandi venien●●bus his diebus plus solito absque causa rationabili, sicut ex gravi querela didicimus, inferuntur. Nu●er siquidem Willihelmus filius Laurentij de Waynfleete, Simon filius Alani de ead●m, Guido filius Mathei & eorum socij mercatores nostri nobis conquerendo monstrarunt, quod cum ipsi quosdam homines & seruientes suos cum tribus navibus suis ad partes regni vestri, ad negotiandum ibidem transmisissent: Villa de Tonnesbergh. & naves illae in portu villae vestrae de Tonnesbergh halece & alijs bonis diversis usque ad magnam summam oneratae fuissent: Et licet nautis navium praedictarum hominibusque & seruientibus praedictis à regno vestro liberè cum navibus & bonis praedictis ad partes Anglie redeundi vestras fieri feceritis de conductu, postmodum ramen antequam naves illae propter venti contrarietatem portum praedictum exire potuerunt, quidam ballivi vestri naves praedictas cum hominibus & bonis omnibus tun● existentibus in eisdem, occasione mortis cuiusdam militis nuper ballivi vestri in Vikia per malefactores & piratas, dum naves praedictae in portu supradicto sicut praemittitur remanserunt supra mare ut dicitur interfecti, de mandato vestro ut dicebant artestarunt, & diu sub aresto huiu●modi detinebant, quousque videlicet homines & marinarij praedicti de quadraginta libris sterlingorum certo die statuto ad opus vestrum pro qualibetnavi predictarum soluendis inviti & coacti securitatem invenissent: Et similiter de eisdem navibus cum hominibus praedictis infra portum praedictum citra sestum nativitatis Sancti joannis Baptistae proximo futuro ad standum runc ibidem de personis & navibus suis vestre gratie seu voluntatis arbitrio reducendis tres obsides ulterius liberassent: quod ipsis valde grave censetur, & auditu mirabile auribus audientium non immerito reputatur. Et quia contra rationem & equitatem, omnemque justitiam fore dinoscitur, atque legem, quòd delinquentium culpe seu demerita in personis vel rebus illorum qui criminis rei conscijvel participes, seu de huiusmodi delinquentium societate non fuerunt, aliqualiter ulciscantur, vestram amicitiam affectuose requirimus & rogamus, quatenus praemissa diligenti meditatione zelo justitiae ponderantes, obsides predictos jubere velitis ab hostagiamento huiusmodi liberari, dictamque securitatem relaxari penitus & resolui. Scientes pro certo, quod si malefactores predicti, qui dictum militem vestrum, ut dicitur, occiderunt, alicubi infra regnum seu potestatem nost●am poterunt inveniri, de ipsis justitiam & judicium secundum legem & consuetudinem eiusdem regni fieri faciemus. Non enim possumus his diebus aequanimiter tolerare, quod naves predicte seu aliae de regno nostro, quae semper prompt ad nostrum seruitium esse debent, extra idem regnum ad partes remotas se divertant sine nostra licentia speciali. Quid autem ad hanc nostram instantiam faciendum decreveritis in premissis, nobis si placeat reseribatis per presentium portatorem. Datae apud Windesore decimo sexto die Aprilis. The same in English. The letters of Edward the second unto Haquinus king of Norway, concerning the English merchants arrested in Norway, and their goods to be freed from arrest. TO the mighty Prince, lord Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous king of Norway his most dear friend, Edward by the same grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere love. We marvel not a little, and are much disquieted in our cogitations, considering the grievances and oppressions, which (as we have been informed by pitiful complaints) are at this present, more than in times past, without any reasonable cause inflicted upon our subjects, which do usually resort unto your kingdom for traffics sake. For of late one William the son of Laurence of Wainfleete, and one Simon the son of Alan of the same town, and Guido the son of Matthew, and their associates our merchants, in complaining wise declared unto us: that having sent certain of their factors and servants, with three ships into your dominions, there to exercise traffic, and the said ships being laden in the haven of your town of Tonnesbergh, The town of Tonesbergh. with Herrings and other commodities, to a great value: and also the said mariners, men, and servants of the foresaid ships, being licensed by virtue of the safe conduct which you had granted them, freely to return from your kingdom unto the parts of England with their ships and goods aforesaid, but afterward not being able to departed out of your haven by reason of contrary winds: certain of your bailiffs upon occasion of the slaughter of a knight being himself also of late your bailiff of Vikia, committed by malefactors and Pirates upon the sea, whilst the said ships remained in the haven aforesaid, did at your commandment (as they say) arrest, and for along season also deceived under that arrest, the foresaid ships, with all the men and goods that were in them: namely until such time, as the men and mariners aforesaid (being driven perforce, and constrained thereunto) should lay in sufficient security for the payment of forty pounds sterling, upon a certain day appointed, unto your use, for every of the foresaid ships: and also until they had moreover delivered three pledges, for the bringing of the said ships and men back again into the foresaid haven, before the feast of the nativity of S. john the Baptist next ensuing, then and there to stand unto your favour and courtesy, as touching the said people, and those ships of there's: which dealing, the parties themselves take very grievously, yea, and all others that hear thereof think it to be a strange and unwonted course. And because it is most undoubtedly contrary to all reason, equity, justice, and law, that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort be punished in such people, or in their goods, as neither have been accessary nor partakers in the crime, nor have had any society with the said offenders: we do hearty entreat and request your Highness, that weighing and pondering the matter in the balance of justice, you would of your love and friendship, command the foresaid pledges to be set at liberty, and the said security utterly to be released and acquitted. And know you this for a certainty, that if the foresaid malefactors, who (as it is reported) slew your Knight aforesaid, shall anywhere within our realm and dominions be found, we will 'cause justice and judgement to be executed upon them, according to the Law and custom of our said Realm. For we cannot in these times conveniently and well endure, that the ships aforesaid, or any other ships of our kingdom (which aught always to be in a readiness for our service) should without special licence, departed out of our said kingdom, unto foreign dominions. Now, what you shall think good at this our request to perform in the premises, may it please you by the bearer of these presents to return an answer unto us. Given at Windsor the 16. of April. Another Letter of Edward the second, to Haquinus King of Norway, in the behalf of certain English Merchants. MAgnifico Principi Dom. Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiae illustri, amico suo charissimo, Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae, dominus Hyberniae, & dux Aquitaniae, salutem cum dilectione sincera. Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostro●um Thomae de Swyn de Waynfle●te, & Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus, continentem, Quod cùm ipsi nuper quosdam seruientes suos infrà regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis mercimonijs transmisissent, Thesaurarius vester bona & mercimonia praedictorum Thomae & Simonis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum, quae seruientes praedicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt, Northbernae villa. die Sancti Michaelis ultimò praeterita fecit absque causa rationabili arestari, & ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniustè, in ipsorum Thomae & Simonis damnum non modicum & depauperationem manifestam. Et quia eisdem mercatoribus nostris subvenire volumus, quatenus suadente justitia poterimus in hac part, vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu, quatenus audita querela praedictorum Thomae & Simonis, vel ipsorum atturnatorum super restitutione bonorum & mercimoniorum praedictorum impendere velitis eisdem celeris justitiae complementum: I●a quod pro defectu exhibitions justitiae super arestatione praedicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris praedictis de alio remedio providere. Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostram instantiam duxeritis faciendum, rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem. Datae ut suprà. The same in English. TO the mighty Prince Lord Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous King of Norway, his most dear friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England, Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere love. We received the complaint of our wel●elo-Merchants Thomas de Swyn of Waynfleet, and Simon the son of Alanus of the same town: the contents whereof are, that whereas of late, the said parties sent certain of their servants to traffic in your kingdom, your Treasurer upon the feast of S. Michael last passed, without any just or reasonable occasion, caused the goods and merchandise of the foresaid Thomas and Simon, to the value of forty pound, which their said servants had under their custody at the town of Northberne, to be arrested, and as yet also injuriously deteineth the same under the same arrest, to the great damage and impoverishing of the said Thomas and Simon. And for as much as our desire is to secure these our merchants so far forth as we can, justice requiring no less in this behalf, we do right earnestly request you, that having heard the complaint and supplication of the foresaid Thomas and Simon, or of their Attorneys, you would of your love and friendship, vouchsafe them speedy administration of justice, about the restitution of their goods and merchandise aforesaid: lest that for want of the exhibiting of justice about the foresaid arrest, we be constrained to provide some other remedy for our merchants aforesaid. Our request is, that you would by the bearer of these presents, return an answer unto us, what you are determined to do, at this our instant motion. Given as above. A third letter of King Edward the second, to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalf of certain English Merchants. MAgnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegiae illustri, amico suo charissimo, Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae, dominus Hyberniae, & dux Aquitaniae, salutem cum dilectione sincera. Pro mercatoribus nostris Lennae, & partium vicinarum, quos Balliws & Officiarij vestri civitatis vestrae Bergen dudum ceperunt, & stricto carceri manciparunt, quorum multi ut iam intelleximus, propter alimentorum subtractionem & duritiam, ac asperitatem carceris perierunt, ut ipsorum & bonorum suorum deliberationem praecipere curaretis, vestrae serenitati Regiae nostras nuper transmisimus literas speciales. Sed vos, retentis adhuc in carcere nostris mercatoribus sicut prius, nobis per● literas vestras quas audivimus & intelleximus diligenter, inter caetera rescripsistis, quod quidam mercatores de regno vestro de iniurijs, violentijs & arrestationibus, quibus in regno nostro his diebus sunt, ut asserunt, contra justitiam aggravati, multipliciter conqueruntur, adijciendo in vestris literis memoratis, quod quidam iniquitatis silij in villa Lennae, ad piscandum ut dicebant halecia venientes, quendam militem Balhuum vestrum, in Vikia unà cum decem alijs subditis vestris, in vestris & regni vestri negorijs existentibus crudeliter occiderunt. Super quibus mens nostra gravatur quàm plurimum & turbatur, praesertim quum nunquam nostrae fuerit voluntatis, quod iniuriae, violentiae, seu arrestationes aliquae mercatoribus, vel alijs de regno vestro per aliquos de regno & potestate nostris fierent indebitè vel iniustè nec adhuc intelligere possumus, quod mercatoribus vestris per aliquem vel aliquos de subditis nostris huc usque aliter factum fuerit: Scientes pro certo quod si nobis per inquisitiones legitimas constare poterit huiusmodi gravamina subditis vestris infra regnum nostrum illata fuisse, nos sufficientes emendas, & satisfactiones debitas super illis, celerísque justitiae complementum fieri faciemus. Et insuper s●malefactores praedicti, qui praefatum militem, & alios secum existentes, ut praemi●titur, occi●erunt, de regno, seu potestate nostra sint, vel infrà idem regnum vel potestatem poterunt inveniri, de ipsis judicium & justitiam fieri praec●piemus, secundùm Leges & consuetudines regni nostri. Et quia inter nos & vos, nostrósque & vestros subditos hinc inde foveri desideramus mutuam concordiam & amorem; ita quod mercatores nostri & vestri mercandisas suas in nostris & vestris regnis & dominijs liberè, Antiquitas commercij inter Angliam & Norwegia●. & absque impedimento valeant exercere, prout temporibus progenitorum nostrorum fieri consuevit, & ex dictarum literarum vestrarum se●ie collegimus evidenter vos promptos esse similiter, & paratos ad omnia & singula, quae pro vobis & vestris subditis super discordijs, contentionibus, aut gravaminibus inter nostros & vestros subditos qualitercunque suscitatis pro bono pacis & justitiae fuerint aeq●animiter facienda: Nos consimilia pro nobis & nostris, quantum ad nos & ad ipsos attinet, illius amore, qui pacis author fore dinoscitur, & pro quiet & commodo populi utriusque regnorum nostrorum, quatenus ius & ratio dictitaverint, promittimus nos facturos: Vestram amicitiam requirentes obnixius & rogan●●s, quatenus mercatores nostros praedictos, qui adhuc superstites relinquuntur, quos etiam tempore, quo dicta felonia committi dicebatur, interclusos tenebat custodia carceralis, jubere velitis nostri contemplatione, zelóque justitiae ab huiusmodi custodia liberari, bona ab ipsis capta eyes prout justum fuerit restitui faciendo. Et ut deliberatio mercatorum nostrorum praedictorum, & bonorum suorum eò facilius concedatur, place at vobis cum diligentia debira ponderare, quod Galfridus drew, & quidam alij mercatores nostri de Lenne, quibusdam mercatoribus de regno vestro occasione eiusdem gravaminis ipsis mercatoribus vestris, ad sectam Tideman ni Lip infrà regnum no●trum, ut dicebatur, illati, centum libras sterlingorum per●oluerunt, sicut in quodam scripto indentato inter Ingelramum Lend de Thorenden, & quosdam alios mercatores vestros ex part una, & praefatum Galfridum, & quosdam alios de regno nostro similiter ex altera confecto, vidimus contineri. Si qui verò de subditis vestris de aliquibus subditis nostris, de aliqua iniuria ipsis facta querelas in curia nostra deponere volverint, & prosequi cum effectu, ipsorum subditorum vestrorum petitiones admitti, & eye super querelis huiusmodi plenam & celerem justitiam fieri faciemus. Ita quod ijdem subditi vestri exinde reputare debebunt meritò se contentos. Et interim de excessibus & gravaminibus subditis vestris infrà regnum nostrum qualitercunque illatis inquiti faciemus cum diligentia veritatem. Vestrae igitur voluntatis beneplacitum in premissis nobis rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem. Datae apud Westminster tertio die Aprilis. The same in English. TO the mighty Prince king Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous king of Norway, his most dear friend Edward by the same grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere love. We sent of late unto your royal majesty our special letters, for the behalf of our late merchants of Lenne, and of the coast adjoining (whom your bailie and officers of the city of Bergen lately apprehended, committing them to close prison, many of whom, as we understand, are, for want of due nourishment, and by reason of the extremity & loathsomeness of the prison, quite perished) that you would 'cause them and their goods to be released. Howbeit, you retaining as yet our merchants in durance as before, in your letters, which we have diligently herded, and thoroughly understood, have, amongst other matters, returned this answer unto us: that certain merchants of your kingdom do make sundry complaints of injuries, violences and arrests, whereby they have lately (as themselves avouch) contrary to justice been aggrieved and oppressed in our dominions: adding moreover in your said letters, that certain sons of iniquity of the town of Lenne, coming, as they said, to fish for herrings, cruelly murdered a certain Knight, who was in times past your bailiff of Vikia, together with ten others of your subjects, being employed about the affairs of your kingdom. In consideration whereof our mind is exceedingly and above measure grieved and troubled, especially sithence it was never any part of our intent, that any injuries, violences, or arrests should unjustly be inflicted upon any merchants, or any others of your realm by any of our kingdoms: neither can we as yet have any intelligence, that any such hard measure hath been offered unto any of your merchants, by any one or more of our subjects: giving you for a certainty to understand, that if upon lawful inquisition we shallbe advertised of any such grievances, which have been offered unto your subjects within our realm, we will 'cause speedy justice to be administered, and sufficient recompense, and due satisfaction to be made in regard thereof. And moreover, if the said malefactors, which, as it is aforesaid, slew the forenamed Knight, and others of his company, either be appertaining unto our kingdom and dominion, or may at any time be found within our said kingdom or dominion, we will command justice and judgement to be executed upon them, according to the laws and customs of our realm. And forasmuch as our desire is, that mutual concord and amity should be maintained and cherished between your and our subjects on both parts: so that our and your merchants may, in both our Realms and dominions, freely and without impediment exercise their traffic, as in the times of our progenitors it hath been accustomed: The antiquity of traffic between England and Norway. Whereas also we evidently gathered out of the contents of your letter, that you are in like sort ready and willing to put all things in practice, which are by you and your subjects (for the taking away of discords, contentions, and molestations howsoever occasioned, and sprung up between your and our subjects) lovingly to be performed: we also do promise for ourselves, and our subjects, so much as in us and them lieth, for his sake who is known to be the author of peace, and for the benefit & tranquility of both our Realms (as justice and reason shall move us) to do the like. Desiring and earnestly requesting at your hands, that of your love and friendship, having regard of us, and consideration of justice, you would command that our foresaid merchants, who as yet remain alive, and who also at the time of the said felony committed, were shut up in close prison, be delivered out of the said thraldom, causing their goods which have been taken from them, to be, according unto justice, restored to them again. And that the delivery of our foresaid merchants and goods, may be the more easily yielded unto, may it please you with diligent observation to consider, that Geoffrey Drawn, and certain other of our merchants of Lenne, upon occasion of the greivances offered unto your merchants within our Realm, (as the report goeth) at the suit of Tidman Lip, paid unto the same your merchants an hundredth pound sterling: even as in a certain Indenture made between Ingelram Lend of Thorenden, and some other of your merchants on the one part, and between the foresaid Geffrey, and certain of our merchants on the other part, we saw contained. Moreover, if any of your subjects be minded to exhibit, and effectually to prosecute their complaints in our Court, concerning any of our subjects, or of any injury done unto them, we will 'cause the petitions of those your subjects to be admitted, and also full and speedy justice to be administered, upon any such like complaints of there's. Insomuch, that those your subjects shall think themselves right well and sufficiently contented therewithal. And in the mean space we will 'cause diligent inquisition of the truth to be made, of all excesses and grievances howsoever offered unto your subjects within our dominions. May it please you therefore, by the bearer of these presents, to return an answer unto us, what you are determined to do in the premises. Given at Westminster, the third day of April. De Stapula tenenda in certo loco ordinatio, Anno 13. Edwardi secundi. REx collectoribus custumae lanarum & pellium lanutarum in portu London salutem. Cùm nos vicesimo die Maij anno regni nostri sexto attendentes damna & gravamina, quae mercatoribus de regno nostro diuersimo●è evenerunt, ex eo quod mercatores tam indigenae quam alienigenae lanas & pelles lanutas infrà regnum & potestatem nostram ementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibus ad vendendum eas ad diversa loca infrà terras Brabantiae, Flandriae, & de Artoys eorum libito voluntatis transtulerint: & volentes etiam huiusmodi damnis & gravaminibus quatenus bono modo possemus providere, de consilio nostro ordinaverimus, quod mercatores indigenae & alienigenae lanas & pelles huiusmodi infrà regnum & potestatem praedictam ementes, & ad terras praedictas ibidem vendendas ducere volentes, lanas illas & pelles ad certam stapulam infrà aliquam earundem terrarum, per Maiorem & Communitatem eorundem mercato●um, Maior & Communitas stapulae. de regno nostro ordinandam assignari, ac prout & quando expedire viderint mu●andum, & non ad alia loca in terris illis ducant, seu duci faciant ullo modo: & inter caetera concesterimus mercatoribus de regno nostro supradicto pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, quòd ipsi Maior & consilium dictorum mercatorum, qui pro tempore fuerint, quibuscunque mercatoribus indigenis seu alienigenis, qui contra dictam ordinationem venerint, & modo rationabili convicti ●uerint, certas pecuniae summas pro delictis illis imponant, & quod illae huiusmodi summae de bonis & mercimonijs mercatorum sic delinquentium, ubicunque ea infrà regnum & potestatem predictam inveniri contigerit, per ministros nostros ad opus nostrum leventur: prout in Charta nostra inde confecta plenius continetur: Charta anno regni sexto con●ecta. quam quidem Chartam per singulos comitatus regni nostri super costeras maris fecimus publicari, & firmiter inhiberi, ne qui mercatores indigene seu alienigenae contra tenorem chart predicte sub poenis contentis in eadem venerint ullo modo: Ac postmodum dato nobis intelligi, quod quàmplures mercatores tam indigenae quàm alienigenae, lanas & pelles lanutas infrà regnum & potestatem praedictas ementes, & se cum eisdem lanis & pellibus ad vendendum eas ad alia loca in dictis terris, quàm ad Stapulam juxta concessionem nostram predictam per Maiorem & communitatem dictorum mercatorum de regno nostro in aliqua terrarum illarum ordinatam & assignatam transtulerint in nostri contemptum, & contra Chartam ordinationis, publicationis & inhibitionis praedictarum assignaverimus quosdam fideles nostros in diversis partibus regni ad inquirendum de lanis & pellibus lanutis ad dictas terras alibi quàm ad Stapulam illam ductis, ita quod emendae inde ad nos pertinentes, ad opus nostrum leventur; etiam intellexerimus, quod quasi omnes mercatores tam indigenae quàm alienigenae huiusmodi mercimonia in dicto regno nostro exercentes sunt culpabiles de praemissis: & quod plures inde indictati, ac alij timentes inde indictari, lanas suas ac pelles lanutas sub nominibus aliorum non culpabilium faciunt advocari, & extra regnum nostrum transmitti quibusdam alienigenis, sic culpabilibus in dictum regnum forsitan non re●ersuris, ut sic forisfacturas praedictas effugiant, & nos de emenda ad nos sic pertinente illudant: quae si permitterentur sic transire ●n nostri damnum non modicum redundarent. Nos volentes huiusmodi fraudibus obuiare, & nostris damnis quatenus bono modo poterimus praecavere, vobis praecipimus firmiter iniungentes, quod à singulis mercatoribus lanas seu pelles lanutas per portum praedictum ad partes ex●eras ducere volentibus corporale sacramentum ad sancta Dei evangelia recipiatis, quod ipsi lanas seu pelles lanutas sub nomine ipsius, cuius propriae sunt, & non alterius advocabunt. & tunc recepta ab illo cuius lanae & pelles huiusmodi erunt, vel nomine suo sufficiente securitate pro qua respondere volueritis, de respondendo & faciendo nobis id quod ad nos pertinet de lanis & pellibus lanutis per ipsum ductis seu missis ad aliquam dictarum terrarum Flandriae & Brabantiae, & de Artoys contra formam Chartae, proclamationis, & inhibitionis supradictarum, si ipsum super hoc convinci contingat, lanas & pelles illas lanutas extra portum praedictum, recepta prius custuma debita de eisdem, ad partes exteras transire permittatis. Teste Rege apud Doveram decimo octavo die Junii, per ipsum Regem & Consilium. Et postmodum per breve de privato sigillo eodem modo mandatum est collectoribus custumae praedictae in portubus subscriptis: Videlicet, In portu villae Southampton. In portu villae Weymouth. In portu villae Sancti Botolphi. In portu villae de Kingtone super Hull. In portu villae de novo Castro. In portu villae de magna jernemutha. In portu villae de Lenne. In portu villae de Gypwico. The same in English. An Ordinance of the Staple to be held at one certain place. THe King unto his Collectors of custom, for wool and woollen fells, in his port of London, greeting. Whereas we upon the 20. of May, in the sixt year of our reign, considering the damages and grievances that have diversly happened unto the merchants of our realm, upon occasion that the merchants both of our owne● & of other countries, buying up wool and woollen fells within our kingdom and dominions, have, for the better sale thereof, at their pleasure conveyed themselves, and trasported the said wool & fells into sundry places within the provinces of Brabant, Flanders and Artoys: and being desirous also, to our power, to provide a remedy against such damages and inconveniences, have ordained by our counsel, that all merchants, both home-born and aliens, buying up such wools and fells, within our kingdom and dominion aforesaid, and being desirous to transport them into the foresaid provinces, there to be sold, may carry the said wools and fells, or 'cause them to be carried to some certain staple, within any of the said Provinces, by the Mayor and Commonalty of the said merchants of our realm, to be appointed and assigned, and when they shall think it expedient, to be changed and removed, and not unto any other place within the said Provinces whatsoever: and whereas also, amongst other things, we have granted unto the merchants of our foresaid realm, for us and our heirs, that the Mayor and Council of the said merchants for the time being, may impose upon all merchants, home-born or aliens whatsoever, that shall transgress the foresaid ordination, and shall thereof lawfully be convicted, certain sums of money to be paid for their offences, and that such sums must by our ministers and officers, to our use, be levied out of the goods and wares of the merchants so offending, wheresoever they shall chance to be found within our kingdom and dominions aforesaid, as in our Charter made for the same purpose, A Charter made in the sixt year of his reign. it is more plainly expressed, (which Charter we have caused to be published upon the Seacoasts, throughout all the countries of our realm, and a strong prohibition to be proclaimed, that no merchants, neither home-born, nor strangers, may in any wise transgress the tenor of the foresaid Charter, under the penalties therein contained) and whereas afterward it being given us to understand, that divers merchants both home-born, and aliens, bought up such wools and woollen fells within our said Realm and dominions, and conveyed themselves with the said wools and fells for the sale thereof, unto other places within the foresaid Provinces, besides the said Staple, which was, according to our grant aforesaid, appointed and ordained by the Mayor and commonalty of the said merchants of our Realm, in some one of those Provinces, to the contempt of our authority, and contrary to the Charter of the ordination, publication, and inhibition aforesaid, we assigned certain of our faithful subjects, in divers parts of our Realm, to make inquisition for such wools and woollen fells, as were conveyed unto any other place of the said Provinces, then unto the Staple, so that by these means, the penalties due unto us might be levied unto our use: and having intelligence also, that in a manner all merchants both home-born, and strangers bartering such wares in our kingdom, are culpable of the premises, and that many being indicted thereupon, and others fearing to be indicted, do cause their wools and woollen fells to be avouched under the names of people not culpable, and to be sent over unto certain strangers being also culpable, and not minding perhaps to return any more into our realm, that they may so escape the foresaid forfeitures, and defraud us of the penalty, appertaining of right unto us, (which abuses, if they were suffered so to go unpunished would redound unto our extreme hindrance:) and being likewise desirous to withstand such deceitful dealing, and so far forth as we can, to prevent our own losses, we firmly command, and straightly charge you, that you do receive of every particular merchant, desirous to convey any wools, or woollen fells out of the foresaid port, into any foreign dominions, a corporal oath upon God's holy Evangelists: that they shall avouch all those wools and woollen fells under his name unto whom they do properly belong, & under the name of none other: and then taking sufficient security from the owner of those wools and fells, or in his name, in regard whereof you will undertake to warrantize, and make good unto us those penalties and forfeitures which shall unto us appertain, for all wools, and woollen fells conveyed or sent by any of the foresaid merchants unto any of the said provinces of Flanders, Brabant, and Artoys, contrary to the Charter of the Proclamation and inhibition above mentioned (if they shall chance to be convinced hereof) that first, our due custom being received, you do permit the said wools and woollen fells to pass out of the foresaid port into foreign countries. Witness the king at Dover the 18. day of june. By the king himself and his Council. And afterward by a writ under the King's privy. Seal there was a like commandment given unto the Collectors of the custom aforesaid in the ports underwritten. That is to say: In the port of the Town of Weymouth. Southampton. Saint Botulphs' town, now called Boston. Kingtone upon Hull● Newcastle. jernemouth magna, or Yermouth. Lenne. Gypwick or Ipswich. A Catalogue of the great Masters of the Order of the Dutch knights, commonly called the Hospitalaries of jerusalem: and what great exploits every of the said Masters hath achieved, either in conquering the land of Prussia, or in taming and subduing the Infidels, or else in keeping them under their obedience and subjection, taken out of Munster. THe order of the Dutch knights had their first original at jerusalem in the year of our Lord 1190. within the Hospital of the blessed virgin: and the first Master of the said order was called Henry of Walpot, under whom many good things, and much wealth and riches were throughout all Germany and Italy procured unto the order: and the said Hospital was removed from jerusalem unto Ptolemais, otherwise called Acon, and the foresaid Order grew and mightily increased, whereof I will hereafter discourse more at large in my Treatise of Syria. Henry of Walpot deceased in the year of Christ 1200. The 2. Master was Or●o of Kerpen, and he continued Master of the Order for the space of six years. The 3. was Hermannus Bart a godly and devout person, who deceased in the year 1210. being interred at Acon, as his predecessors were. The 4. was Hermannus de Saltza, who thirty years together governed the said Order, and managed the first expedition of war against the infidels of Prussia, and ordained another Master also in Prussia to be his Deputy in the same region. In the year 1239. the knights of the sword, E●●seri seatres. who traveled into Livonia to convert the inhabitants thereof unto Christ, seeing they were not of sufficient force to perform that enterprise, and that their enemies increased on all sides, they united themselves unto the famous Order of the Dutch knights in Prussia, that their worthy attempt might be defended and promoted by the aid and assistance of the said Dutch knights. At the very same time the ensign of the cross was exalted throughout all Germany against the Prussians, The first war moved against the Prussian infifidels, anno ●om. 1239. and a great army of soldiers was gathered together, the Burgrave of Meidenburg being general of the army, who combining themselves unto the Dutch knights, joined battle with the Infidels, and slay about five hundred Gentiles, who beforetime had made horrible invasions and inroads into the dominions of Christians, wasting all with fire and sword, but especially the land of Colm, and Lubonia, which were the Provinces of Conradus Duke o● Mas●ouia. Now, the foresaid knights having made so huge a slaughter, built the castle of Reden, between Pomerania and the land of Colm, and so by degrees they got footing in the land, and daily erected more castles, as namely, Crutzburg, Wissenburg, Resil, Bartenstein, Brunsburg, and Heilsburg, and furnishe● them all with garrisons. The fift Master of the Order was Conradus Landgravius, the brother of Lodovick, which was husband unto Lady Elizabeth. This Conradus, by his father's inheritance, gave great riches and possessions unto the Order, and caused Lady Elizabeth to be interred at Marpu●g, within the religious house of his said Order. Under the government of this Master, Acon in the land of Palestina was subdued unto the Saracens. Moreover, in the year 1254. there was another great army of Soldiers prepared against Prussia, by the Princes of Germany. For Octacer, aliâs Odoacer king of Bohemia, Otto Marquis of Brandeburg, the Duke of Austria, the Marquis of Moravia, the Bishops of Colen and of Olmutz came marching on with great strength of their Nobles and common soldiers, and invading the land of Prussia in the Winter season, they constrained the inhabitants thereof to receive the Christian faith, and to become obedient unto the knights. After which exploit, by the advise and assistance of king Odoacer, there was a castle built upon a certain hill of Samogi●ia, which immediately after grew to be a great city, being at this day the seat of the Prince of Prussia: and it was called by Odoacer Kunigsberg, that is to say, King's Mount, or Mount royal, being finished in the year 1255. Due of this fort the knights did bridle and restrain the fury of the Infidels on all sides, and compelled them to obedience. The sixt Master was called Boppo ab Osterna, under whom the city of Kunigsberg was built. At the very same instant the knights being occupied about the war of Curland, the Prussians conspiring together, and abandoning the Christian faith, The Prussians abandon Christianity. in furious manner armed themselves against the Christians, defaced and burned down Churches, s●ew Priests, and to the utmost of their ability, banished all faithful people. The report of which misdemeanour being published throughout all Germany, an huge army was levied and sent for the defence and succour of the knights, which marching into the land of Natan, made many slaughters, & through the inconstancy of fortune sometimes won, and sometimes lost the victory. Also the Infidels besieged these three castles, namely Barstenstein, Crutzberg and Kunigsberg, and brought extreme famine upon the Christians contained within the said forts. Again, in the year of our Lord 1262. the Earl of juliers, with other Princes and great chivalry came down, and giving charge upon the Prussians● put three thousand of them to the edge of the sword. Afterwards the Prussians banding themselves together, were determined to spoil the castle of Kunigsberg, but their confederacy being disclosed, they had the repulse. And when the knights had prevailed against them, they laid in pledges, and yet for all that were not afraid to break their fidelity. For upon a certain time, after they had given divers pledges, they slew two noble knights of the Order, and so by that means incensed the principal of the said order, insomuch that they caused two pair of gallows to be set up besides the castle, & thirty of the Prussians pledges to be hanged thereupon. Which severity so vexed and provoked the Prussians, that in revenge of the said injury, they renewed bloody and cruel wars, slay many Christians, yea, and put 40. knights with the master of the Order, and the Marshal, unto the edge of the sword. There was at the same instant in Pomerania a Duke called Suandepol●us, professing the Christian faith, but being joined in league with the Prussians, he endeavoured for many years, not only to expel the knights, but all Christians whatsoever out of the land of Prussia, in which war the foresaid knights of the Order suffered many abuses. For they lost almost all their castles, and a great number of themselves also were slain. This Suandepolcus put in practise many lewd attempts against religion. For albeit he was baptised, he did more mischief than the very Infidels themselves, until such time as the knights being assisted by the Princes of Germany, brought the said Duke and the Prussians also into such straits, that (maugre their heads) they were constrained to sue for peace. Afterwards Swandepolcus lying at the point of death, admonished his sons that they should not do any in●urie unto the knights of the order, affirming that himself never prospered so long as he urged war against them. Howbeit his sons for a certain time observed not their father's counsel, until at length one of them named Warteslaus, was created one of the Order, and the other called Samborus bestowed by legacy his goods and possessions upon the said Order, receiving maintenance and exhibition from the said Order, during the term of his life. It fortuned also under the government of the foresaid Master Boppo, that one Sir Martin a Golin being accompanied with another knight, went into the country to see how the Prussians were employed. And meeting with three Prussians, they slay two, and the third they reserved to guide them the directest way. But this guide betrayed them into their enemy's hands. Which when they perceived, they slew the Traitor. Then five Prussian horsemen came riding and took them, delivering them bound to the custody of two. And the other three pursued the horses of the two, which broken lose in the time of t●e fray. And they tarrying somewhat long, the other two would have beheaded the two Knights in the mean season. A memorable stratagem. And as one of them was striking with his drawn sword, at the neck of Sir Martin, he said unto them: Sirs, you do unwisely in that you take not off my garment before it be defiled with blood. They therefore losing the cords wherewith he was bound, to take off his garment, set his arms more at liberty. Which Sir Martin well perceiving reached his keeper such a box, that his sword fallen to the ground. Which he with all speed taking up, slew both the keepers and vnb●unde his fellow Knight. Moreover, seeing the other three Prussians coming furiously upon them, with staute courageous hearts they made toward the said Prussians, and slay th●m, and so escaped the danger of death. The seventh great Master was Hanno de Sange●shusen, who deceased in the year one thousand two hundredth seventy five. The eight was Hartmanous ab Heldringen who deceased in the year 1282. The ninth was Burckardus a Schwenden being afterward made knight of the order of Saint john's. The tenth was Conradus a Feuchtwang: under this man the City of Acon in Palestina was sacked by the Sultan, and many people were slain. The Templars which were therein returned home out of France, where they had great revenues. The Knights of Saint john, who also had an Hospital at Acon, changed their place, and went into the Isle of Cyprus, and from●thence departing unto Rhodes, they subdued that Island unto themselves. Now the Dutch Knights abounded with wealth and possessions throughout all Germany, being Lords of a good part of Prussia, Livonia, and Curland, whose chief house was then at Marpurg, till such time as it was removed unto Marieburg, a Town of Prussia. The eleventh great Master was Godfrey Earl of Hohenloc. Under this man the knights sustained a great overthrow in Livonia: but having strengthened their army, they slew near unto Rye four thousand of their enemies. 4000● The twelfth Master was Sifridus a Feuchtwang. Under this man, the principal house of the Order was translated from Martpurg to Marieburg, which in the beginning was established at Acon, and from thence was removed unto Venice, and from Venice unto Martpurg. This Sifridus deceased in the year 1341. The thirteenth Master was called Charles Beffart of Triers. This man built a fort upon the river of Mimmel, and it was named Christmimmel. The fourteenth was Warnerus ab Orsele, whom a certain knight of the Order slew with his sword. The 15. was Ludolphus Duke of Brunswick, who built the Town of Ylgenburg, and deceased 1352. The sixteenth was Theodoricus Earl of Aldenborg, and he built the Town of Bartenstein. The seventeenth was Ludolphus surnamed King. The eighteenth was Henry a Tusimer. The nineteenth Winricus a Knoppenrodt. In this man's time the knights taken the king of the Lithuanians named Kinstut captive, and kept him prisoner in Marieburg half a year, but by the help of a servant, having broken out of the Castle, he escaped away by night. But fearing that he was laid wait for in all places, he left his horse, and went on foot through unknown paths. In the day time he hid himself in secret places, and in the night he continued his journey until he came unto Massovia. But all the knights joy was turned into sorrow, after they had lost so great an enemy. The twentieth grand Master was Conradus Zolner of Rotenstein. This man sent an embassage to Richard the second. The one and twentieth Conradus Walenrod. The two and twentieth Conradus a jungingen, who deceased in the year one thousand four hundredth and seven. The three and twentieth Vlricus a jungingen. This man died in battle in the year one thousand four hundredth and ten: which battle was fought against Vladislaus Father of Casimire. Both parts had levied mighty and huge forces: unto the Polonians the Lithuanians and the Tartars had joined themselves, over whom one Vitoldus was captain: the Dutch Knights had taken up Soldiers out of all Germany. And when each army had encamped themselves one within twenty furlongs of another, (hoping for victory and impatient of delay) the great Master of the Prussians sent an Herald to denounce war unto the King, and immediately (alarm being given) it is reported that there were in both armies forty thousand horsemen in a readiness. Vladislaus commanded the Lithuanians and the Tartars to give the first onset, and placed the Polonians in the rearward of the battle: on the contrary side, the Prussians regarded least of all to reserve any strong troops behind, which might rescue such as were weary, and renew the fight, if need should require, but set forward the flower and chivalry of all his Soldiers in the very forefront of the battle. The charge being given certain unarmed Tartars & Lithuanians were slain handsmooth: howbeit the multitude pressed on, neither dared the fearful Polonians turn their backs, and so a cruel battle was fought upon the heaps of dead carcases. The combat continued a long time, terrible slaughters were committed, and the Lithuanians and Tartars were slain like sheep. But when new and fresh enemies continually issued forth, the Dutch knights being wearied, began to fight more faintly. Which Vladislaus no sooner perceived, but in all haste he sends forward his mighty and well armed hand of Polonians, who suddenly breaking in renewed the skirmish. The Dutch were not able to withstand the fury of the fresh troops (great odds there is between the wearied Soldier and him that comes in a fresh) insomuch that the knights with their people were constrained to flee. The master of the Order seeing his soldiers give way unto the enemy, gathered a company together, and withstood him in the face, howbeit himself was slain for his labour, the flight of his people proved greater and more dishonourable, neither did the Dutch cease to flee, so long as the Polonian continued the chase. There fallen on the Knight's party many thousand of men, and the Polonians got not the victory without great spoil and damage. This battle was fought in regard of the bounds of regions in the year 1410. All Prussia following the happy success of the Polonian king (except Marieburg only) yielded themselves unto him being Conqueror. Howbeit the Emperor Sigismond taking up the quarrel, peace was ordained between the knights and Polonia, and a league concluded, certain sums of money also were paid unto the Polonian, Prussia was restored unto the knights, neither was the said order disturbed in the possession of their lands until the time of Friderick. The 24. Master was Henry Earl of Plaen. This man being deposed by the Chapter, was 7. years held prisoner at Dantzik. The 25. Master was Michael Kuchenmeister, that is, master of the Cooks of Sternberg. The 26. was Paulus a Russdorff. The 27. Conradus ab Ellerichshausen. This man, after divers and sundry conflicts between the Dutch knights, and the king of Polonia, concluded a perpetual league with the said king. Howbeit the citizens of Dantzig secretly going about to obtain their freedom, that the foresaid Order might have no dominion over them, made suit unto the Polonian king to be their Protector. This Conradus died in the year 1450. The 28. was Lewis ab Ellerichshausen. Under this man there arose a dangerous sedition in Prussia between the chief cities and the knights of the Order. The citizens demanded liberty, complaining that they were oppressed with divers molestations. Whereupon they privily made su●e unto Casimir then king of Polonia. The Master of the Order seeing what would come to pass began to expostulate with the king, that he kept not the peace which had been concluded between them to last for ever. Also Frederick the Emperor commanded the Prussians to return unto the obedience of the knights, who by the dint of their sword had released that province out of the hands of Infidels, and had bought it with the shedding of much blood. Notwithstanding the popular sort persisting ●t●l in their stubborn determination, proceeded at length to open war. The cities adhering unto the king usurped divers Castles belonging to the Master, took certain Commanders and knights, yea, and some they slew also. Fifty and five towns conspired together in that rebellion: but thinking their estate and strength not sure enough against their own governors without foreign aid, they chose king Casimir to be their lord. Hereupon the Polonian king marched into Prussia with a great army, taking possession of such cities as yielded themselves unto him, and proceeding forward against Marieburg, besieged the castle and the town. In the mean season the Master having hired an army of german soldiers, suddenly surprised the king at unawares in his tents, and slew about 300. Polonians, The great master overcometh the king of Polonia. took prisoners 136. noblemen, spoilt their tents, took away their horses, victuals, and armour, insomuch that the king himself hardly escaped upon one horse. These things came to pass in the year 1455. The Master having thus obtained the victory, sent his army into the country, and recovered the castles and cities which he had lost, to the number of 80. putting many of his enemies also unto the sword. Moreover, he recovered Kunigsberg being one of the four principal cities, which are by name thorn, Elburg, Kunigsberg, and Gdanum, that is to say, Dantzig. And when the war was longer protracted than the Master could well bear, and a whole years wages was unpaid unto his captains, those captains which were in the garrison of Marieburg conspired against the Master, The king by treason overthroweth the Master. and for a great sum of money betrayed the castle of Marieburg unto the king. Which practice being known, the Master fled to Kunigsberg, and new war was begun, and great spoil and desolation was wrought on both sides: until at length, after composition made, the king retained Pomerella, and all the castles and towns therein, together with Marieburg and Elburg: and the master enjoyed Sama●tia, Kunigsberg, etc. This composition was concluded in the year 1466. The 29. Master was Henry Reuss, first being deputy, and afterward Master of Prussia. The 30● was Henry a Richtenberg, who deceased in the year 1477. The 31. called Martin Truchses died in the year 1489. The 32. john a Tieflen died in the year 1500. The 33. being Duke of Saxony, and marquess of Misn, deceased in the year 1510. This man began to call in question, whether the foresaid composition concluded between the king of Polonia, and the Order, were to be observed or no? especially sithence it contained certain articles against equity and reason. Whereupon he appealed unto the Bishop of Rome, unto the Emperor, unto the princes and electors of Germany, and prevailed with them so far forth, that there was a day of hearing appointed at Posna in Polonia. And the Legates of both parts meeting herded complaints and excuses, & dispatched no other business. In the mean time Prince Frederick deceased in the tenth year of his government. The 34. Master was Albertus' marquess of Brandenburg, whom the King of Polonia did so grievously molest with war, and oppressed all Prussia with such extreme rigour, that the Prince of the country was constrained to make a league of four years with him, and to yield unto such conditions, as turned to the utter overthrow of the whole Order. And amongst other conditions are these which follow. Sithence that the original of all discord between Polonia and the order doth from hence arise, for that hitherto in Prussia, no lawful heir and successor hath born rule and authority, but divers and sundry have had the government thereof, by whose means the nations have been provoked one against another, much Christian blood hath been shed, the lands and inhabitants grievously spoilt, and many widows and Orphans made: the Popes, Emperors, and Princes being often solicited for the establishing of that perpetual league, which Casimir hath heretofore concluded etc. Sithence also that the truce which hath been agreed upon of both parties is in short time to be expired, and that it is to be feared, that bloody wars will then be renewed, and that all things will prove worse and worse, unless some lawful composition be made, and some good and wholesome devise be put in practice, as well for the benefit of the King and of his posterity, as for the commodity of the whole common weal of Prussia, especially considering that Albertus the Marquis refuseth not to submit himself to the Council of the King, etc. The Oration or speech of the Ambassadors sent from Conradus de Zolner Master general of the land of Prussia, unto Richard the second, King of England, and France, etc. The messengers which are sent from the Master general of the land of Prussia, do propound and declare the affairs and negotiations underwritten. WHereas it is apparent, that divers and sundry times heretofore, your famous progenitors and predecessors the kings of England have always been gracious promoters and special friends unto the general Masters of the land of Prussia, and of the whole order: whereas also they have vouchsafed by their Barons, Knights, and other their nobles of the kingdom of England, The ancient assistance of the kings of England against infidels. unto the Masters and order aforesaid, sundry and manifold favourable assistances in the conquest of the Infidels (in whose steps your excellent Majesty insisting, have, in these your days showed yourself in like sort right graciously affected unto the Master general which now is, and unto his famous Predecessor) in due consideration of the premises, and in regard also of divers other affairs, which are at this present to be propounded unto your Highness, the foresaid Master general which now is hath caused us his messengers to be sent with letters of credence unto your Majesty: humbly praying, and earnestly beseeching your royal clemency, that in times to come, the said Master general, his successors, & our whole Order may of your bounty most graciously obtain the same favour, benevolence, and steadfast amity & friendship, which hath been continued from the times of your foresaid predecessors: in regard whereof we do offer the said Master of ours, and our whole company, unto your highness, as your perpetual and devote friends. Notwithstanding (most sovereign Prince) certain other things we have to propound unto your Grace, in the name & behalf of our said Master and Order, by way of complaint, namely, that at certain times past, and especially within the space of x. years last expired, his subjects and merchants have sustained sundry damages and ablations of their goods, by divers subjects and inhabitants of your realm of England, and that very often, both by sea and land: the which, for the behalf, and by the appointment of the Master general aforesaid, & of his predecessor, are put down in registers, and recorded in the writings of his cities in the land of Prussia. Of which parties damnified, some have obtained letters from the Master-general that now is, & also from his predecessor, Edward the 3. unto your renowned grandfather K. Edward of famous memory, and sundry times unto your highness also, to have restitution made for their goods taken from them: whereby they have nothing at all prevailed, but heaping loss upon loss have misspent their time & their charges: both because they were not permitted to propound & exhibit their complaints & letters before your majesty, and also for divers other impediments. Certain of them also considering how others of their countrymen had laboured in vain, & fearing the like success, have troubled the Master general very often with grievous and sundry complaints, craving & humbly beseeching at his hands, that he would vouchsafe graciously to provide for them as his faithful & loyal subjects, as touching the restitution of their losses: especially seeing that so much wealth of the English merchants was every year to be found in Prussia, as being artested, they might obtain some reasonable satisfaction for their losses. Which thing the Master general aforesaid & his predecessor also have deferred unto this present (albeit to the great loss of their subjects) thereby having mere & principal respect unto those special courtesies and favours which your excellent Majesty & your worthy progenitors have right graciously vouchsafed upon our Masters and Orders: neither yet for the injuries aforesaid, was there ever any manner of offence, or molestation offered unto any of your subjects noble or ignoble whatsoever. Moreover, in the name & behalf of our foresaid Ma. general we do propound unto your excellency by way of complaint, that in the year last passed, 6. days after the feast of the Ascension, certain people of your realm of England, with their ships & captains coming unto the port of Flanders, named Swen, & finding there, amongst sundry other, 6. ships of Prussia resident, which had there arrived with divers goods & merchandises: and being informed that they were of Prussia, & their friends, they caused them & their ships to remain next unto their own ships, protesting unto them, that they should in no sort be molested or damnified by themselves or by any other of their company, & that they would faithfully defend them, as if they were their own people, from the hands of their adversaries: & for their farther security & trust, they delivered some of their own men & their standards into our men's ships: howbeit a while after being stirred up, & bend far otherwise, they taken out of the foresaid ships all kind of armours, wherewith they were to guard & defend themselves from pirates, & they detained the masters of those ships, not suffering them to return unto their own ships & companies, one also of the said ships (having taken all the goods out of her) they consumed with fire. And within 3. days after they came with one accord unto the abovenamed ships, and took away from them all goods and merchandises which they could found, and all the armour and weapons of the said ships, the chests also of the merchants, of the shipmasters, & of other people they broke open, taking out money, jewels, garments, & divers other commodities: and so they inflicted upon them irrecoverable losses and unkind grievances. And departing out of the foresaid haven, they carried 2. of the Prussian shipmasters with them, as their captives unto an haven of England called Sandwich. Who, being afterward released, were compelled to swear, that they should not declare the injuries offered unto them, either before your royal majesty, or your hon. Council, or your chancellor: neither were they permitted to come on shore. And being offered such hard measure, when they made pitiful moans & complaints unto your foresaid subjects, amongst other matters they spoke on this wise unto them: Do you complain of injuries & losses offered unto you? Lo, in your own country of Prussia there are English merchants, & goods sufficient, go your ways home therefore, & recover your losses, taking two for one: and in this manner they were left, & so departed. Afterwards returning unto the land of Prussia, they & their friends repaired unto the Mast. general, jointly and with one consent making their complaint unto him of the losses which had been inflicted upon them by your subjects. And prostrating themselves at his feet, they all and every of them made their humble suits, that he would have compassion on them, as upon his poor subjects, regarding themselves, their wives, & children, and pitying their distress, and penury, and that he would graciously procure some redress for them. And when he offered his letters unto them, wishing them to prosecute their cause before your highness, they answered that they were no way able to defray the expenses, and that others, who were in like sort damnified, had laboured that way altogether in vain & to no purpose: beseeching him again and again, that he would by another kind of means, namely by arresting of your merchants and their goods, The arresting of the English goods and merchants. procure them restitution of their losses. At length the Master general being moved by so many and so great complaints, and by the molestation of his subjects, caused (albeit full sore against his will) a certain portion of English merchants goods to be laid hold on, and to be arrested, in his cities of Elburg & Dantzik, and to be bestowed in sure places, until such time as he might conveniently by his messengers propound and exhibit all and singular the premises unto your highness. And forasmuch as the foresaid Master general and our Order do know no just occasion, whereby they have deserved your majesties indignation, but are firmly and most undoubtedly persuaded, to find all courtesy, favour, and friendship at your Highness, according to your wont clemency: the said Master general therefore maketh no doubt, that all the above written●damages & molestations, being in such sort, against God and justice, offered unto his subjects by yours, be altogether unknown unto your magnificence, & committed against your mind: wherefore presently upon the foresaid arrest of your merchants goods, he dispatched his messengers unto your royal majesty. Whereof one deceased by the way, namely in the territory of Holland: & the other remained sick in those parts for a long season: & so that embassage taken none effect. Wherefore the said master general was desirous to sand us now the second time also unto your Highness. We do make our humble suit therefore, in the name & behalf of our Master and Order aforesaid, unto your kingly supremacy, that, having God and justice before your eyes, and also the dutiful and obsequious demeanour of the said master, and order towards you, you would vouchsafe to extend your gracious clemency, for the redress of the premises: whereby the foresaid losses may be restored and repaid unto our subjects. All which notwithstanding, that it would please you of your wisdom & providence to procure so absolute a remedy, by means whereof, in time to come, such dealings and inconveniences may be avoided on both parts, & finally that your merchants may quietly be possessed of their goods arrested in Prussia, and our merchants may be admitted unto the possession of their commodities attached in England, to convert & apply them unto such uses, as to themselves shall seem most convenient. Howbeit (most gracious prince and lord) we are to solicit your Highness, not only about the articles to be propounded concerning the losses aforesaid, but more principally, for certain sinister reports and superstitious slanders, wherewith certain of your subjects, not seeking for peace, have falsely informed your majesty, & your most honourable & discreet Council: affirming that at the time of the aforesaid arrest your merchants were barbarously entreated, that they were cast into loathsome prisons, brenched in mire and water up to the neck, restrained from all conference and company of men, and also that their meat was thrown unto them, as a bone to a dog, with many other enormities, which they have most slanderously devised concerning the master general aforesaid, and his people, and have published them in these dominions: upon the occasion of which falsehoods certain merchants of our parts, and of other regions of Alemain (who, of your special benevolence, were endued with certain privileges and favours in your city of London, and in other places) were, as malefactors, apprehended and carried to prison, until such time as the truth was more apparent. Whereupon, the foresaid master general propoundeth his humble suit unto your majesty, that such enemies of truth and concord, your Majesty would vouchsafe in such sort to chastise, that they may be an example unto others presuming to do the like. Moreover, (high and mighty Prince and lord) it was reported unto our Master general, that his former Legates required of your majesty safe conduct freely to come into your highness Realm. Which when he herded, he was exceedingly offended thereat, sithence undoubtedly they did not this at his commandment or direction. We therefore humbly beseech your Grace, as touching this oversight, to hold the Master general excused, because there is no need of safeconduct, between so special friends. Furthermore, sundry damages and complaints of the foresaid general Master, and his subjects are briefly exhibited, and put down in the bills following. Also, all and singular damnified people, besides other proofs, were compelled to verify their losses by their formal oaths, taken upon the holy Bible. Lastly, we do make our humble suit and petition unto the providence and discretion of your Highness, and of your honourable Council, that concerning the premises, and all other matters propounded, or to be propounded unto your Majesty, we may obtain a speedy answer, and an effectual end. For it would redound unto our great charges and loss to make any long delays. An agreement made by the Ambassadors of England and Prussia, confirmed by king Richard the second. RIchard by the grace of God, king of England, and France, and lord of Ireland, To all, unto whom these present letters shall come, greeting. We have seen and considered the composition, ordination, concord, and treaty, between our well-beloved clerk, master Nicholas Stocket, licentiat in both laws, Walter Sibyl, and Thomas Graa, citizens of our cities of London & York, our messengers and ambassassadors on the one part: and the honourable and religious personages, Conradus de Walrode, great commander, Sifridus Walpode de Bassenheim, chief hospitalary commander in Elburg, and Vlricus Hachenberg, Treasurer, the messengers and ambassadors of the right reverend and religious lord, lord Conradus Zolner de Rothenstein, master general of the knightly order of the Dutch hospital of Saint Mary at jerusalem on the other part, lately concluded and agreed upon in these words. In the name of the supreme and indivisible Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, Amen. Forasmuch as the author of peace will have peacemakers to be the sons of blessedness, and the execrable enemy of peace to be expelled out of the dominions of Christians: therefore for the perpetual memory of the thing, be it known unto all men who shall see or hear the tenor of these presents: that there being matter of dissension and discord bread between the most renowned prince and king, Richard by the grace of God king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, and his subjects on the one part: and the right reverend and religious lord, lord Conradus Zolner de Rothinstein, Master general of the knightly order of the Dutch hospital of S. Marry at jerusalem, and his land of Prussia, and his subjects also, on the other part: the foresaid lord and general master, upon mature counsel and deliberation had, sent his honourable ambassadors towards England unto the forenamed most sovereign prince and king, to propound and make their complaint unto him of violence and injuries offered (as it is said) by the English unto the Prussians: in consideration whereof certain goods of the merchants of England were arrested in the land of Prussia. Whose complaint the foresaid most gracious prince did courteously and friendly admit, receive, and accept, and after many speeches uttered in this treaty, lovingly dismissed them unto their own country again, promising by his letters unto the foresaid reverend Master general, that he would dispatch his ambassadors unto the land of Prussia. Whereupon, in the year 1388. 1388. he sent hono: and reverend personages Master Nicholas Stocket licentiate of both laws, Thomas Graa, and Walter Sibyl, citizens of London and York, with sufficient authority and full commandment, to handle, discuss, and finally to determine the foresaid business, and with letters of credence unto the right reverend lord and master general aforesaid. Which ambassadors, together with john Bevis of London their informer, and the letters aforesaid, and their embassage, the said right reverend lord and Master general, at his castle of Marienburgh, the 28. of july, in the year aforesaid, reverently and honourably received and entertained: and in his mind esteemed them worthy to treat and decide the causes aforesaid: and so unto the said ambassadowrs he joined in commission on his behalf, three of his own counsellors, namely the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander, Seiffridus Walpode de Bassenheim chief hospitalary and commander in Elburg, Wolricus Hachenberger treasurer, being all of the order aforesaid. Which ambassadors so entreating about the premises, and sundry conferences and consultations having passed between them, friendly and with one consent, concluded an agreement and concord in manner following: That is to say: First, that all arrestments, reprisals, and impignorations of whatsoever goods and merchandises in England and Prussia, made before the date of these presents, are from henceforth quiet, free, and released, without all fraud and dissimulation: insomuch that the damages, charges and expenses occasioned on both parts by reason of the foresaid goods arrested, are in no case hereafter to be required or challenged by any man: but the demands of any man whatsoever propounded in this regard, are and aught to be altogether frustrate and void, and all actions which may or shall be commenced by occasion of the said goods arrested, are to be extinct and of none effect. Moreover, it is secondly concluded and agreed, that all and singular Prussians pretending themselves to be injuried by the English at the port of Swen, or elsewhere, howsoever, and whensoever, before the date of these presents, having received the letters of the foresaid right reverend lord and Master general, and of the cities of their abode, are to repair towards England, unto the said hon: ambassadors, who are to assist them, and to propound and exhibit their complaints, unto the forenamed lord and king. The most gracious prince is bound to do his endeavour, that the parties damnified may have restitution of their goods made unto them, or at lest complete justice and judgement without delay. Also in like manner all English men affirming themselves to have been endamaged by Prussians, wheresoever, howsoever, and whensoever, are to have recourse unto the often forenamed right reverend lord the Master general, with the letters of their king and of the cities of their abode, propounding their complaints and causes unto him. Who likewise is bond to do his endeavour that the said losses and damages may be restored, or at the lest that speedy judgement may be, without all delays, executed. This caveat being premised in each clause, that it may and shall be freely granted and permitted unto every man that will civilly make his suit and complaint, to do it either by himself, or by his procurator or procurators. Also thirdly it is agreed, that whosoever of Prussia is determined criminally to propound his criminal complaints in England: namely that his brother or kinsman hath been slain, wounded, or maimed, by English men, the same party is to repair unto the city of London in England, and unto the said ambassadors, bringing with him the letters of the said right reverend lord the master general, and of the cities of their abode: which ambassadors are to have free and full authority, according to the complaints of the men of Prussia, and the answers of the English men, to make and ordain a friendly reconciliation or honest recompense between such parties: which reconciliation the said parties reconciled are bond undoubtedly & without delay to observe. But if there be any English man found, who shall rashly contradict or contemn the composition of the foresaid ambassadors: then the said ambassadors are to bring the forenamed Prussian plaintiffs before the presence of the king's Majesty: and also to make supplication on the behalf of such plaintiffs, that complete justice and judgement may without delays be administered, according as those suits are commenced. Moreover whatsoever English man, against whom any one of Prussia would enter his action, shall absent himself at the term, the said ambassadors are to summon and ascite the foresaid English man to appear at the term next ensuing, that the plaintiffs of Prussia may in no wise seem to departed or to return home, without judgement or the assistance of law. Now if the said English man being summoned shall be found stubborn or disobedient, the forenamed ambassadors are to make their appeal and supplication in manner aforesaid. And in like sort in all respects shall the English plaintiffs be dealt withal in Prussia, namely in the city of Da●tzik, where the deputies of the said city and of the city of Elburg shall take unto themselves too other head boroughs, one of Dantzik, and the other of Elburg: which four commissioners are to have in all respects, the very like authority of deciding, discussing, and determining all criminal complaints propounded criminally, by English men against any Prussian or Prussians, by friendly reconciliation, or honest recompense, if it be possible. But if it cannot friendly be determined, or if any Prussian shall not yield obedience unto any such order or composition, but shallbe found to contradict and to contemn the same: from thenceforth the said four deputies and headboroughs are to make their appeal and supplication unto the Master general of the land aforesaid, that unto the said English plaintiffs speedy judgement and complete justice may be administered. But if it shall so fall out that any of the principal offenders shall decease, or already are deceased in either of the said countries, that then it shall be free and lawful for the plaintiff to prosecute his right against the goods or heirs of the party deceased. Also, for the executing of the premises the terms under written are appointed: namely the first, from the Sunday whereupon Quasi modo geniti is to be sung next ensuing, until the seventh day following: The second upon the feast o● the holy Trinity next to come, and for seven days following: The third upon the eight day after Saint john Baptist next to come, & for seven days following: The fourth, last, and peremptory term shall be upon the feast of S. Michael next to come, and upon seven days next following. And from thenceforth all causes which concern death, or the maiming of a member, with all actions proceeding from them, are to remain altogether void and extinct. And if peradventure any one of the foresaid ambassadors, shall in the mean season dye, than the other two shall have authority to choose a third unto them. And if after the date of these presents any cause great or small doth arise or spring forth, it must be decided in England and in Prussia, An ancient custom. as it hath been accustomed in times past and from ancient times. The privileges of the English merchants in Prussia. Also, it is farther concluded and agreed upon, that all lawful merchants of England whosoever shall have free licence and authority, with all kinds of ships, goods, and merchandises, to resort unto every port of the land of Prussia, and also to transport all such goods and merchandises up farther unto any other place in the said land of Prussia, and there with all kinds of people freely to bargain and make sale, as heretofore it hath from ancient times been accustomed. Which privilege is granted in all things and by all circumstances unto the Prussians in England. And if after the date of these presents, between the said kingdom of England, and land of Prussia any dissension or discord (which God forefend) should arise: then the foresaid sovereign prince and king of England, and the said right reverend lord the Master general are mutually by their letters and messengers to give certificate and intimation one unto another, concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord: which intimation, on the behalf of the foresaid sovereign prince & king of England, shall be delivered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg: but on the behalf of the said right reverend lord the Master general, such intimation shall be given in the city of London aforesaid, unto the Mayor of the said city: that then such a denunciation or intimation being made, the merchants of England and the subjects of the land of Prussia may, within the space of one year next following, freely and safely return home with all their goods & merchandises: if at the lest, in the mean while, some composition, & friendly league between the two for●sayd countries be not in some sort concluded. And that all the premises may more firmly and faithfully be put in due practice a●d execution on both parts, for the strong and inviolable keeping of peace and tranquillity: and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the said premises, the three foresaid honourable and religious personages being by the said right reverend lord the Master general appointed as commissioners to deal in the above written ordination and composition, have caused their seals unto these presents to be put: and the said ordination also, and letter in the same tenor word for word, and in all points even as it is inserted into these presents, they have mutually received from the abovenamed three ambassadors of the right sovereign king of England under their seals. Given at the castle of Marienburg in the year of our lord aforesaid, upon the twentieth day of the month of August. And we therefore do accept, approve, ratify, and by the tenor of these presents do confirm, the composition, ordination, concord, and treaty aforesaid. In testimony whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patents. Witness ourselves a Westminster the 22. of October, in the thirteenth year of our reign. By the king and his counsel, Lincoln. The letters of Conradus de jungingen, Master general of Prussia, written unto Richard the second, king of England, in the year 1398, for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded between England and Prussia, in regard of manifold injuries offered unto the Prussians. OUr humble commendations, with our earnest prayers unto God for your Majesty, premised. Most renowned prince and mighty lord, it is not (we hope) out of your majesties remembrance, how our famous predecessor going immediately before us sent certain letters of his unto your highness, effectually containing sundry complaints of grievances, injuries and losses, wherewith the merchants of his land and Order being wont in times past to visit your kingdom with their goods and merchandises, have been contrary to their liberties and privileges annoyed with manifold injuries and wrongs. Especially sithence they have been molested in your realm, being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono: personages, master Nicholas Stocket, Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil, in the year 1388, with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part, and contrary to God and all justice, oppressed with manifold damages, losses, and grievances: as in certain articles exhibited unto our predecessors aforesaid it doth more manifestly appear. In consideration whereof being vehemently moved by the damnified parties, he humbly besought your highness by his messengers and letters, for compliment and execution of justice. About the which affairs your Majesty returned your letters of answer unto our said predecessor, signifying that the said business of articles concerned all the communality of your realm, and that your highness purposed, after consultation had in your parliament, to sand a more deliberate answer concerning the premises, unto our predecessor aforesaid. Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world, and ourselves by the providence of God succeeding in his room, and also long time expecting an effectual answer from your highness, are not yet informed as we looked for: albeit the complaints of injuries and losses offered unto our subjects do continually increase. But from henceforth to provide a remedy and a caveat for the time to come, the said complaint doth upon great reasons move and invite me. sithence therefore in regard of the said composition, neither you nor your subjects may be judged in the empire: and sithence plain reason requireth that the one be not enriched by the others loss: as undoubtedly our subjects should sustain great damage by the composition aforesaid, by virtue whereof your subjects do enjoy all commodities in our land, and contrariwise our subjects in your realm have suffered, & as yet sundry ways do suffer manifold discommodities, losses and injuries. Wherefore (most sovereign prince and mighty lord) being reasonably moved upon the causes aforesaid, we do, by the advise of our counsellors, revoke and repeal the said composition concluded as is above written, together with the effect thereof, purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents: refusing hereafter to have either ourselves or our subjects in any respect to stand bond by the virtue of the said composition: but from henceforth, and for the times heretofore also, be it altogether void and of none effect. Provided notwithstanding, that from the time of the notice of this denunciation given unto the hono: Mayor of your city of London, for the space of a year next ensuing, it shall be lawful for all merchants of your kingdom whatsoever, with their goods and merchandises to return home, according to the form in the foresaid composition expressed: conditionaly tha● our subjects may even so in all respects be permitted to departed, with the safety of their goods and lives out of your dominions: this present renunciation, revocation, and retractation of the order and composition aforesaid, notwithstanding. Howbeit in any other affairs whatsoever, devoutly to submit ourselves unto your highness pleasure and command, both ourselves, and our whole order are right willing and desirous: and also to benefit and promote your subjects we will endeavour to the utmost of our ability. Given in our castle of Marienburg in the year of our Lord 1398, and upon the 22. day of February. Frater Conradus de jungingen, master general of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Mary's hospital at jerusalem. A brief relation of William Esturmy, and john Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia, and the Hans-townes. 1403. IN primis, that in the moveth of july, and in the year of our Lord 1403, and the fift year of the reign of our sovereign Lord the king that now is, there came into England the ambassadors of the mighty lord Fr: Conradus de lungingen, being then Master general of Prussia, with his letters directed unto our foresaid sovereign lord the king, requiring amendss and recompense for certain injuries unjustly offered by English men unto the subjects of the said Master general, written in 20. articles, which amounted unto the sum of 19120. nobles and a half etc. Item, that the third day of the month of October, in the year of our Lord above written, and in the fift year of the reign of our sovereign lord the king, between the reverend father in God, Henry then bishop of Lincoln lord chancellor, and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England, on the one party and the said ambassadors on the other party, it was (according to their petition) amongst other things ordained: namely that the liege people of our sovereign lord the king should freely he permitted, until the feast of Easter than next after ensuing to remain in the land of Prussia, and from thence with their goods & merchandises to return unto their own home: and also, that the subjects of the said Master general in the kingdom of England should have licence and liberty to do the like. Provided always, that after the time above limited, neither the English merchants in the land of Prussia, nor the Prussian merchants in the realm of England should use any traffic of merchandise at all, unless in the mean space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the said king and the said Master general. Item, immediately after our said sovereign lord the king sent his letters by john Brown merchant of Lin unto the foresaid Master general, for to have mutual conversation and intercourse of dealing to continued some certain space, between the merchants of England and of Prussia: promising in the same letters, that he would in the mean season sand unto the foresaid Master his ambassadors to entreat about the pretended injuries aforesaid: which letters the foresaid Master, for divers causes, refused to yield unto, as in his letters sent unto our lord the king, bearing date the 16. day of the month of july, in the year of our lord 1404. more plainly appeareth. Item, that after the receipt of the letters of the Master aforesaid, which are next above mentioned, our said king, according to his promise, sent William Esturmy knight, M. john Kington cherke, and William Brampton citizen of London, from his court of parliament held at Coventrie, very slightly informed, as his ambassadors into Prussia. Item, before the arrival of the said ambassadors in Prussia, all intercourse of traffic between the English and the Prussians, in the realm of England, and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited: and in the same land it was ordained and put in practice, that in whatsoever port of the land of Prussia any English merchant had arrived with his goods, he was not permitted to convey the said goods, out of that port, unto any other place of the land of Prussia, either by water, or by land, under the pain of the forfeiting of the same: but was enjoined to cell them in the very same port, unto the Prussians only and to none other, to the great prejudice of our English merchants. Item, that after the arrival of the said English ambassadors in the land of Prussia, it was ordained, that from the eight day of the month of October, in the year of our lord 1405, 1405. all English merchants whatsoever should have free liberty to arrive with all kinds of their merchandise in whatsoever port of the land of Prussia, and to make sale of them in the said land, as hath heretofore from ancient times been accustomed. Also sundry other commodious privileges unto the realm of England were then ordained and established: as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appear. Item, the said English ambassadors being arrived in the land of Prussia, demanded of the ●aid Master general, a reformation and amendss, for the damages and injuries offered by the Prussians unto the liege people of our sovereign lord and king, written in fifteen articles, which losses amounted unto the sum of 4535. nobles. Item, the said Master general, besides the articles exhibited unto our sovereign lord the king (as it is above mentioned) delivered unto the said ambassadors divers other articles of certain injuries offered (as he ●ayth) unjustly by English men, unto his subjects, which amounted unto the sum of 5100. nobles. Item, it was afterward concluded, that upon the first of May next than ensuing, namely in the year of our Lord 1406, 1406. or within the space of one year immediately following there should be made a convenient, just, and reasonable satisfaction, for all molestatious unjustly offered on both parts, as well on the behalf of our sovereign lord the king, as of the foresaid Master general. Which satisfaction not being performed, the Prussians with their goods & merchandises, within three months after the end of the said year next following, were without molestation or impediment, enjoined to departed out of the realm of England with their ships and goods, and the English men likewise, out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general, & both of them, without any further admonition, to abstain & separate themselves, from both the countries aforesaid. For the performance of which premises, the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed, were appointed to meet the first day of May, at the town of Dordract in Holland. Item, that the said William Esturmy and john Kington in their return homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chief cities of the Hans, and treated in such sort with the Burgomasters of them, that there were sent messengers and agents, in the behalf of the common society of the Hans merchants, unto the town of Dordract, to confer with the ambassadors of England, about the redressing of injuries attempted on both parts: where divers agreements were set down between the said ambassadors, and messengers, as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appear. Item, that the meeting appointed at the town of Dordract, upon the first of May, was by the letters of the foresaid ambassadors, prorogued unto the first of August than next ensuing, and afterward by virtue of the king's letters unto the first day of March next following: and there was another day of prorogation also. Item, that after the prorogations aforesaid, the ambassadors of England, and the messengers & commissioners of Prussia met together at the town of Hage in Holland, the 28. day of August, in the year of our lord 1407. And there was a treaty between them concerning the sum 25934. nobles and an half, demanded on the behalf of the said Master general for amendss and recompense in consideration of wrongs offered unto himself and unto his subjects of Prussia, as is aforesaid. Also the said Master and his Prussians, besides the sum not yet declared in the articles, which is very small, are to rest contented and satisfied with the sum of 8957. nobles, in am of all the damages aforesaid: no times of pa●ment being then assigned or limited, but afterward to be reasonably limited and assigned, by our said sovereign lord the king. Insomuch, that our said sovereign lord the king is to writ his full intention & determination concerning this matter, in his letters to be delivered the 16. day of March, unto the aldermen of the merchants of the Hans residing at Bruges. Otherwise, that from thenceforth all league of friendship shall be dissolved between the realm of England and the land of Prussia. Also it is farther to be noted, that in the appointment of the sum next before written to be disbursed out of England, this condition was added in writing, namely, that if by lawful testimonies it may sufficiently and effectually be proved, concerning the chief articles above written, or any part of them, that satisfaction was made unto any of those parties, to whom it was due: or that the goods, of and for the which complaint was made on the the behalf of Prussia, in the said articles, did or do pertain unto others, or that any other just, true, or reasonable cause may lawfully be proved & alleged, why the foresaid sums or any of them aught not to be paid: that then in the sums contained in the articles abouementioned, so much only must be cut off, or stopped, as shallbe found, either to have been paid already, or to appertain unto others, or by any true, just, and reasonable cause alleged, not to be due. Neither is it to be doubted, but for the greater part of the sum due unto the Prussians, that not our lord the king, but others (which will in time be nominated) are, by all equity and justice, to be compelled to make satisfaction. Also, at the day and place above mentioned it was appointed and agreed upon, that our lord the king and his liege subjects, for the said 4535. nobles demanded of the English in consideration of recompense to be made for injuries offered unto the Prussians, are to discharge & pay the sum of 764. nobles, which are not as yet disbursed: but they have reserved a petition to them, unto whom the said sum is due, or if they please, there shallbe made satisfaction: which will be very hard and extreme dealing. Item, that in the last assembly of the said ambassadors of England and messengers of Prussia, held at Hage, made as is aforesaid, for the behalf of England, there were exhibited anew certain articles of injuries against the Prussians. The value of which losses amounted unto the sum of 1825. nobles and three shillings. Item, on the contrary part for the behalf of the Prussians the sum of 1355. nobles, eight shillings and six pennies. Item, forasmuch as divers articles propounded, as well on the behalf of England, as of Prussia, and of the cities of the Hans, both heretofore and also at the last convention held at Hage, were so obscure, that in regard of their obscurity, there could no resolute answer be made unto them: and other of the said articles exhibited, for want of sufficient proofs, could not clearly be determined upon: it was appointed and concluded, that all obscure articles given up by any of the foresaid parties whatsoever, aught before the end of Easter than next ensuing, and within one whole year after, to be declared before the Chancellor of England, for the time being: and other articles evidently exhibited, but not sufficiently proved, to be proved, under pain of perpetual exclusion. Which being done accordingly, complete justice shall be administered on both parts. Item, as concerning the eleventh article, for the behalf of the Prussians, first exhibited, which contained losses amounting unto the sum of 2445. nobles: as touching the first article on the behalf of England exhibited in the land of Prussia, containing losses which amounted to the sum of 900. nobles: after many things alleged on both parts, relation thereof shall be made in the audience of the king and of the Master general: so that they shall set down, ordain, and determine such an end and conclusion of those matters, as shall seem most expedient unto them. Now concerning the Livonians who are subject unto the great Master of Prussia. IN primis, that the Master of Prussia demanded of the said English ambassadors, at their being in Prussia, on the behalf of them of Livonia, who are the said Master his liege people, to have restitution of their losses, unjustly (as he saith) offered unto them by the English, namely, for the robbing and rifling of three ships. These ships were taken by the English the 20. of july 1404. The value of which ships and of the goods contained in them, according to the computation of the Livonian merchants, doth amount unto the sum of 8037. pound, 12. shillings 7. pennies. Howbeit afterward the truth being enquired by the said ambassadors of England, the loss of the Livonians exceedeth not the sum of 7498. pound, 13. shillings, 10. pennies halfpenny farthing. Item, forasmuch as in the said ships, on the behalf of the said Master, and of certain cities of the Hans, there are alleged above 250. men very barbarously to be drowned, of whom some were noble, and others honourable personages, and the rest common merchants & mariners, there was demanded, in the first diet or convention held at Dordract, a recompense at the hands of the said English ambassadors: albeit this complaint was exhibited in the very latter end of all the negotiations, inform of a schedule, the tenor whereof is in writing at this present, & beginneth in manner following: Cum vita hominum etc. Howbeit in the last convention held at Hage, as is aforesaid, it was concluded between the ambassadors of England, and the messengers and commissioners of the land of Prussia, and of the cities of the Hans; that our said sovereign lord the king, should, of his great piety, vouchsafe effectually to devise some convenient and wholesome remedy for the souls of such people as were drowned. Item, that our said sovereign lord the king will signify in writing his full purpose & intention as touching this matter, unto the aldermen of the Hans merchants residing at Bruges, upon the sixteenth day of March next following. Otherwise, that from henceforth all amity and friendship, between the realm of England and the land of Prussia shall be dissolved. Neither is it to be doubted, but that a great part of the said goods, for the which they of Livonia do demand restitution, namely wax and furs, redounded unto the use and commodity of our sovereign lord the king. And also our said sovereign lord the king gave commandment by his letters, that some of the said goods should be delivered unto others. And a great part of them is as yet reserved in the town of Newcastle. One Benteld also hath the best of the said three ships in possession. Also it is reported and thought to be true, that certain Furriers of London, which will be detected in the end, have had a great part of the said goods, namely of the Furs. Now as concerning the cities of the Hans. Hamburgh. IN primis the Hamburgers exhibited nine articles, wherein they demanded restitution for certain damages offered, as they said, by the English men, the value of which losses amounted unto the sum of 9117. nobles, 20. pennies. For the which, after due examination, there was promised restitution to the sum of 416. nobles, 5. shillings. Besides the two articles propounded against them of Scardeburg, the sum whereof was 231. pounds, 15. s. 8. d. concerning the which there was sentence given in England by the commissioners of our lord the king, the execution whereof was promised unto the said Hamburgers by the ambassadors of England: leave and licence being reserved unto the said Hamburgers, of declaring or explaining certain obscure articles by them exhibited, which declaration was to be made at the feast of Easter than next to come, or within one year next ensuing the said feast, unto the chancellor of England for the time being, and of proving the said articles and others also, which have not as yet sufficiently been proved. Which being done they are to have full compliment and execution of justice. Also by the Hamburgers there are demanded 445. nobles from certain of the inhabitants of Linne in England. Which sum, if it shallbe proved to be due unto any English men, the Hamburgers are to rest contented with those goods, which they have already in their possessions. Item, they of Breme propounded ●●xe articles, Brem●. wherein the sum contained amounteth unto 4414. nobles. And there was no satisfaction promised unto them. But the same liberty and licence was reserved unto them, in like manner as before unto the Hamburgers. Item, they of Stralessund propounded 23. articles, Stralessund. whereof the sum amounted unto 7415. nobles, 20. d. for the which there was promised satisfaction of 253. nobles. 3. q. Also here is a caveat to be observed: that they of Stralessund had of English men's goods a great sum particularly to be declared, which will peradventure suffice for a recompense. And some of their articles are concerning injuries offered before 20,22,23,24. years past. Also their articles are so obscure that they will never, or very hardly be able to declare or prove them. Howbeit there is reserved the very same liberty unto them, that was before unto the Hamburgers. Item, they of Lubec propounded 23. articles, Lubec. the sum whereof extended unto 8690. nobles and an half: whereupon it was agreed, that they should have paid unto them 550. nobles. There was reserved the same liberty unto them, which was unto the men of Stralessund. Item, they of Gripeswold exhibited 5. articles, Gripeswold. the sum whereof amounted unto 2092. nobles, and an half. For the which there was promised satisfaction of 153. nobles and an half. And the said men of Gripeswold have of the goods of English men in possession, to the value of 22015. nobles, 18. ss, as it is reported by them of Linne. And the same liberty is reserved unto them that was unto the Hamburgers. Item, they of Campen propounded ten articles, Campen. the sum whereof extended unto 1405. nobles. There is no satisfaction promised unto them: but the same liberty is reserved unto them, which was unto the other abouementioned. Item, the ambassadors of England demanded of the citizens of Rostok & Wismer, for damages & injuries by them committed against the subjects of the foresaid sovereign king 32407. nobles, 2. s. 10. d. And albeit every of the foresaid cities sent one of their burgomasters unto the town of Hage in Holland, to treat with the English ambassadors, it was in the end found out, that they had not any authority of negotiating or concluding aught at al. And therefore they made their faithful promises, that every of the said cities should sand unto our sovereign Lord the king one or two procurator or procurators sufficiently instructed to treat & conclude with our said sovereign lord the king about the damages and injuries aforesaid at the feast of the navitie of Saint john the Baptist. Compositions and ordinances concluded between the messengers of Frater Conradus de jungingen master general of Prussia: and the chancellor and treasurer of the realm of England 1403. IN the year of our Lord 1403, upon the feast of S. Michael the Archangel, the right hono: Henry bishop of Lincoln, chancellor of England, and the lord de Roos high treasurer of England, & the ambassadors of Prussia, john Godek of Dantzik, & Henry Monek of Elbing, masters of the same cities have at Westminster treated in manner of composition about the articles underwritten: between the most sovereign lord the king of England, and the right reverend & honourable Conradus de jungingen Master general of Prussia, as concerning the injuries offered unto the people of Prussia and Livonia upon the sea by the English. First, that all ships with their appurtenances, & the commodities of the mariners, according unto the condition of the things, and all other goods taken away by the English, which are actually undivided & whole, are incontinently & with all speed to be restored. And if there be any defect in aught, the value of the said defect is to be accounted, & with other losses of goods to be restored, at the term of the restitution to be made and delivered. Item, that all ships, damages, and goods (as they are contained in our bill of accusation) which are not now immediately restored, are to be restored and paid in the land of Prussia, between this and the term appointed, with full execution and compliment of justice. Item, concerning the people thrown over board or slain in the sea: it shall remain to be determined at the will and pleasure of the most mighty prince the king of England, and of the right reverend the Master of Prussia. Item, between this and the term appointed for the restoring of the goods taken away, & until there be due payment & restitution of the said goods performed, the merchants of England and of Prussia are in no wise to exercise any traffic of merchandise at all in the foresaid lands. 1403. Memorandum, that the third day of the month of October, in the year of our Lord 1403. and in the fift year of the reign of the most mighty prince and lord, king Henry the fourth, by the grace of God king of England and France etc. between the reverend father Henry bishop of Lincol●, chancellor, and the right honourable William lord de Roos, high treasurer of England, both of them counsellors unto the said sovereign king on the one party, and the right worshipful john Godeke, and Henry Moneke, sent as messengers by the right reverend and religious parsonage, Frater Conradus de jungingen Master general of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party: it was, at the request and instancy of the said messengers, appointed, and mutually agreed upon, that all the liege people and subjects of the said sovereign lord and king shall have free licence and liberty until the feast of Easter next ensuing, safely to travel unto the land of Prussia aforesaid, there to remain, and thence, with their ships, merchandises, & other their goods whatsoever, to return unto their own home: which on the other side, all the subjects of the said Master general may, within the term prefixed, likewise do, in the foresaid realm of England. Provided always, that after the time above limited, neither the said merchants of the realm of England may in the land of Prussia, nor the merchants of that land, in the realm of England, exercise any traffic at all: unless it be otherwise ordained by some composition, between the foresaid king of England, & the said Master general in the mean time concluded. In witness whereof, one part of this present Indenture is to remain in the custody of the foresaid messengers. Given in the Chapterhouse of the Church of S. Paul at London, the day and year above written. The letters of the chancellor and treasurer of England, unto Frater Conradus de jungingen, master general of Prussia 1403. RIght reverend and mighty lord, your honourable messengers john Godeke, and Henry Moneke, the bearers hereof coming of late before the presence of our most sovereign lord the king of England and of France, and being welcomed by our said lord with a cheerful and favourable countenance, they presented certain letters on your behalf unto the king's Majesty, with that reverence which be seemed them: expounding unto his highness, sundry piracies & molestations offered of late upon the sea, by his liege people & subjects unto yours, contrary to the leagues of peace and amity, which hitherto (by God's grace) have been maintained and continued on both parts. In consideration of which piracies and molestations, your messengers demanded full restitution and recompense to be made, either unto the damnified parties, or unto their procurators. We therefore at that time, especially being in the presence of our sovereign (who with his puissant army took his progress towards the remote part of Wales being subject unto his dominion, to see justice executed upon his people of those parts, who very rashly have presumed to rebel against him their sovereign, contrary to their allegiance) right well perceived that it was his highness intention, that every one should have due justice faithfully administered unto him, especially your subjects, and that with all favour, whom he hath always in times past right graciously entreated, as if they had been his own liege subjects and native country men, whom also he purposeth hereafter friendly to protect: insomuch that between him and his subjects on the one party, and between you and yours on the other party, great abundance and perfection of mutual amity may increase. And therefore we offered unto your foresaid messengers, after they had particularly declared unto us such piracies and wrongs, to send the king's letters unto them of whom complaint was made, firmly enjoining them, under grievous penalties, that without delay they restore or cause to be restored unto the parties damnified, or unto their procurators, all ships, merchandises, wares, and goods, by them taken or violently stolen from your subjects. And that your said messengers may partly attain their desire, we have commanded certain ‡ Namely the ship of Edgard Scof at C●leis. The ship of Tidman Dordewant and Tidman Warowen, at Orwel and Zepiswich. ships, merchandises, wares, and goods, found in certain havens, to be delivered unto them. Howbeit, as touching other goods, which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction, and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made unto them within a certain time by us limited: may it please your honour to understand, that in the absence of our said sovereign lord the king, being as yet far distant from us, we can in no wise limit or set down any such term of time. Notwithstanding, at the prosperous return of our sovereign, we are determined to common with him about this matter. Of whose answer so soon as we be certified, we purpose to signify his intention unto you by our letters. sithence also (right reverend and mighty lord) your said messengers are contented, for the present, to accept of our offer aforesaid, as indeed by all reason they aught thereat to rest content, especially whereas by this means they shall the more speedily attain unto the effect of their purposes (to the short and wished execution and performance of which offer, we will, by God's help, endeavour, to the utmost of our ability) may it be your will and pleasure, that as in the kingdom of England, your merchants and subjects are courteously entreated: even so the merchants and liege people of our sovereign lord the king and of his kingdoms peaceably frequenting your parts, either in regard of traffic or of any other just occasion, may there in like manner friendly be used, and with your merchants and subjects suffered to communicate, and to have intercourse of traffic, enjoying the commodities of the ancient league. By this also the fervent zeal and affection which you bear unto the royal crown of England shall undoubtedly appear: albeit between the famous houses of England and of Prussia, the bands of unfeigned love and friendship have been successively confirmed and kept inviolable in times past. Note well. And thus (right reverend and mighty lord) wishing unto you increase of honour and prosperity, we take our leaves. Written at London the fift of October, in the year of our lord 1403. 1403. By the chancellor, the treasurer, and other lords of the hono: counsel of the king of England and France, being personally present at London. The letters of king Henry the 4. unto Conradus de jungingen the master general of Prussia, for mutual conversation and intercourse of traffic to continued between the merchants of England and of Prussia, for a certain term of time. HEnry by the grace of God, king of England & France, and lord of Ireland, to the noble and mighty parsonage of sacred religion, Frater Conradus de jungingen Master general of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marry etc. our most dear and well-beloved friend, greeting, and continual increase of our ancient and sincere amity. By the grievous complaints of our liege subjects concerning traffic, as it were circular wise too & fro both our dominions, we have often been advertised that in regard of divers injuries and damages, which as well our as your merchants (who by their dealings in merchandise were wont peaceably to use mutual conversation together, whereupon very many commodities are known to have proceeded) have, by occasion of pirates, roving up and down the sea, sometimes heretofore sustained: both the said merchants of our & of your dominions do abstain themselves from their wont mutual conversation & traffic, as they have likewise carefully abstained at sometimes heretofore, and especially from that time, wherein at the instant request of your messengers, being of late before our presence, the free access of our merchants unto your territories and dominions, & of your merchants unto our realms hath been forbidden. sithence therefore (our most dear friend) such injuries (if any) as have been attempted against your subjects, were never committed by our will and consent, as we think that yourself on the other side have done the like: sithence also, so much as in us lieth, we are ready to exhibit full justice with favour unto any of your people being desirous to make complaint, so that accordingly justice may equally be done unto our merchants by you & your subjects, which merchants have in like sort been injuried, wishing with all our heart, that the ancient friendship & love, The an●cient friendship between England and Prussia. which hath continued a long time between our realm and your territories and dominions, may persevere in time to come, and that sweet and acceptable peace, which is to be embraced of all Christians, may according to the good pleasure of the author of peace, be nourished & maintained: we do most hearty require the said friendship, exhorting you in the Lord that you would on your behalf consent & ordain (even as, if you shall so do, we for our part will consent likewise) that from this present until the feast of Easter next ensuing (all molestations & injuries which may be offered ceasing on both parts) our subjects by your territories & dominions, & your subjects by our realms, may peaceably & securely travel, & that according to their wont manner, they may friendly converse & exercise mutual traffic together: because we are determined to sand unto you & your counsel in the mean time some of our ambassadors, friendly to entreat about the foresaid pretended injuries, so far forth as they shall concern our subjects. At whose arrival we stand in good hope that by the due administration of justice on both parts, such order (by God's assistance) shallbe taken, that mutual peace and tranquillity may be established between us in times to come. Also our desire is in particular, that our merchants & liege subjects may have more free passage granted them unto the parts of Sconia, for the providing of herrings and of other fish there, that they may there remain, and from thence also may more securely return unto their own home: and we beseech you in consideration of our own selves, that you would have our merchants and liege subjects especially recommended unto you, safely protecting them (if need shall require) under the shadow of your defence: even as you would have us to deal in the like case with your own subjects. Moreover, whatsoever you shall think good to put in practice in this behalf, may it please you of your friendship, by our faithful subject john Browne the bearer hereof to give us to understand. In the son of the glorious virgin far you well, with continual prosperity and felicity according to your own hearts desire. Given under our privy seal, at our palace of Westminster, the fift day of june, and in the fift year of our reign. Postscriptum. RIght reverend and our most dear friend: albeit our well-beloved Arnold de Dassele the procurator of your foresaid messengers, being desirous at this time to make his final return unto your parts, by reason of the affairs, for which he hath remained in our realm of England, cannot as yet obtain his wished expedition: notwithstanding you of your sincere affection aught not to marvel or any whit to be grieved thereat: because troubles of wars arising, which in some sort concerned ourselves, and especially in regard of the continual assaults of the French men & Britons against us and our kingdom, for the offence of whom, and our own defence, our liege subjects (especially they, of whom your subjects damnified have made their complaints) have armed themselves to combat upon the sea: we could not grant unto the foresaid Arnold such and so speedy an expedition, as he earnestly desired to have. Unto the which Arnold your procurator we have offered in as short time as may be, to administer complete justice with favour, to the end that for this cause he might dispose himself to remain in our realm of England: & yet notwithstanding we would do the very same even in the absence of the said procurator. Given as above. To the most renowned prince and mighty Lord, Henry king of England etc. our gracious Lord OUr humble recommendations, with our most instant and continual prayers for you being graciously by your Majesty taken in good part etc. Most sovereign king, mighty prince, gracious lord, and unto us most unfeignedly beloved, we received of late your gracious letters by your majesties liege subject john Brown, the contents whereof seemed to be these following: first that of long time heretofore, there have been between the merchants of your realm & of our lands, not only quiet & peaceable access one unto another, but also mutual participation, & common traffic of their wares, being right commodious & available for them both: howbeit, that now the foresaid profitable conversation, by reason of certain notorious robberies, committed upon the sea by pirates against both parts, & the wont access also of your subjects unto our dominions, were altogether forbidden. Moreover, you call to remembrance the ancient amity & friendship between both our lands, with the invaluable commodity of sweet amiable peace, which are by all faithful Christians, to the utmost of their endeavour to be embraced. Whereupon you of your exceeding clemency, do offer your majesties full consent, that the foresaid prohibition being released until the feast of Easter next ensuing, the said merchants of your dominions may in our territories, and our merchants likewise may in your realms (all molestations ceasing) exercise their wonted traffic: especially sithence in the mean season your royal wisdom hath determined to direct unto us your hono: ambassadors in friendly sort to treat and parley with us as touching the pretended injuries, so far forth as they may concern your subjects. Adding moreover in particular that when your people shall repair unto the parts of Sconia to fish for herrings, having consideration & regard unto your majesty, we would have them especially recommended unto our protection etc. Most sovereign lord & king, & gracious prince, we do with unfeigned and hearty affection embrace the oracles of your majesties most courteous & acceptable offer: wherein you have used most diligent & effectual persuasions, that compliment of justice should be done unto the parties injuried, & that peace & friendship should take place, making no doubt of your own royal person, nor of ourselves or of any appertaining unto us, but that our inclinations and desires in this regard are all one and the same: neither would we lightly transgress the limits of your persuasions without some just, weighty, & reasonable cause, forasmuch as the matters persuaded are in very deed most happy preservatives of a common weal, yea & of nature itself. Moreover whereas your highness hath farther requested us, that the prohibition of your subjects access unto our dominions might, until the feast of Easter next ensuing, be released: we answer (under correction of your majesties more deliberate counsel) that it is far more expedient for both parts to have the said prohibition continued then released, until such time as satisfaction be performed on both sides unto the parties endamaged, not in words only, but actually & really in deeds, or by some course of law or friendly composition. For there is no equal nor indifferent kind of consort or trade between the impoverished party and him that is enriched, between the party which hath obtained justice and him that hath obtained none between the offender and the party offended: because they are not moved with like affections. For the remembrance of injuries easily stirreth up inconsiderate motions of anger. Also, such a kind of temperature or permixtion, as it were, by way of contrariety breeds more bitterness than sweetness, more hate than love: whereupon more grievous complaints aswell unto your highness as unto ourselves, might be occasioned. The lord knoweth, that even now we are too much wearied and disquieted with the importunate and instant complaints of our subjects, insomuch that we cannot at this present by any convenient means release or dissolve the said prohibition, before we be sufficiently informed by your majesties ambassadors, of the satisfaction of our endamaged subjects. Furthermore, whereas your majesties request, concerning your subjects that shall come unto the parts of Sconia, is that we would defend them under our protection: be it known unto your highness, that for divers considerations us reasonably moving, being provoked by the queen of Denmark and her people, Margaret queen of Denmark. being also urged thereunto full sore against our wills, for the repelling and avoiding of injuries, we have sent forth our army against them. Howbeit for a certain time a ●ruce is concluded on both parts, so that our people are actually returned home. far be it from us also, that our subjects being occupied in wars, should in any sort willingly molest or reproach any strangers, of what lands or nations soever, not being our professed enemies. For this should be to oppress the innocent in stead of the guilty, to condemn the just for the unjust: than which nothing can be more cruel, nor a revenge of greater impiety. In very deed (most gracious prince and lord) we are mou●d with right hearty sympathy and compassion for any inconvenience which might happen in your regiment: wishing from the bottom of our hearts, that all affairs may right prosperously and happily succeed, about the royal person and regiment of your most excellent Majesty; and that continually. The like whereof we hope from you: most humbly commending ourselves, and our whole Order unto your highness. Given at our castle of Marienburgh, the 16. day the month of july, in the year of our Lord 1404. An agreement made between king Henry the fourth and Conradus de jungingen Master general of the land of Prussia. THis Indentnre made between Sir William Esturmy knight, john Kington clerk, and William Brampton citizen of London the ambassadors, commissioners, & messengers of the most mighty prince and lord, our sovereign lord Henry by the grace of God king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, for the repairing, reformation, and amendss of whatsoever damages, grievances, excesses, violences, and injuries in any sort unjustly attempted, done, or offered, by our said sovereign lord the king and his liege people and subjects, unto the great and mighty lord Conradus de jungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Mary's hospital of jerusalem, or his subjects: and for the requiring, demanding, and receiving of such like reparations, reformations & amendss, by the foresaid lord the Master general, for the behalf of himself or any of his subjects whatsoever, from & in the name of our sovereign lord the king & his subjects, unto the said Master general, into his land of Prussia, by our sovereign lord the king, & appointed as ambassadors on the one party: And between the hono: Lords and religious personages Conradus de Lichtenstein great commander, Warnherus de Tet●ingen chief hospitalary & commander in Elbing, & Arnold de Hacken treasurer, the procurators & commissioners of the great & mighty lord the Master general, being in like & equal sort and in all respects, as the ambassadors of England are, authorised on the contrary side by the authority and power of the said Master general on the other part, witnesseth: That divers treaties & conferences being held between the said ambassadors, messengers, & procurators or commissioners of & concerning the reparations, reformations & amendss of certain damages, grievances, excesses, violences & injuries offered and attempted, aswell by the Prussians against the English as by the English against the Prussians, and of other acts unjustly committed on both parts: in conclusion, after the said treatise, the foresaid ambassadors, procurators and commissioners by virtue of the authority committed unto them appointed, and with one consent agreed unto the articles under written. Inprimis, that for the consideration of mutual love and wonted friendship, and of peace and tranquillity hereafter to be continued and maintained, and also that the articles underwritten may more prosperously be brought unto a wished effect, between our said sovereign lord the king & his liege people & subjects, & the subjects, people, & inhabitants of the territories and dominions of the foresaid lord the Master general, it is agreed and concluded, that all liege merchants of England whatsoever, shall have free licence and liberty to arrive with their ships, goods and merchandises whatsoever, at any port of the land of Prussia, and also the said goods and merchandises farther unto any place of the said land of Prussia to transport, and there with any person or people freely to contract and bargain, even as heretofore, and from ancient times it hath been accustomed. Which liberty in all respects is granted unto the Prussians in England. Item it is farther agreed between the said ambassadors, procurators, and commissioners, that whereas of late, namely in the year of our lord 1403, 1403. the said Master general by his discreet subjects john Godek of Dantzik, and Henry Monek of Elbing, his ambassadors & messengers, for this purpose hath caused certain articles, (namely 20, in number) containing in them matters of damages, molestations, violences, and injuries committed and offered against the said Master general & his subjects, by our said sovereign lord the king his subjects & liege people, to be exhibited, given up and delivered unto our lord the king aforesaid in his kingdom of England: it is concluded and agreed about the said 20. articles, by the aforesaid ambassadors, commissioners, and procurators, as in the acts & pleas had and made before the said ambassadors, commissioners and procurators, and in the records made and written of and about the examination of such articles, it is more at large contained (unto the which the said ambassadors, commissioners, and messengers do here in this place refer themselves) of the which articles also some are received by the commissioners aforesaid, and others are prorogued unto a certain time under written, even as in the foresaid registers it is more fully contained and put down in writing. As touching certain other articles also exhibited a new unto the said English ambassadors, in the land of Prussia being 16 in number (whereof one is admitted, & the rest are prorogued until a term underwritten) the same course is to be taken and observed, which was before appointed and agreed upon, about the articles delivered and exhibited unto our foresaid sovereign lord the king, as is aforesaid. Moreover, as touching the articles exhibited by the English ambassadors in the name and behalf of their said sovereign lord the king of England, unto the procurators and commissioners of the foresaid lord the Master general (of the which some are declared already, and the declaration of the rest is prorogued until a certain term vndernamed, even as in the registers made of and upon the examination of the said articles, it is more manifestly provided) the same course is to be taken, which must be observed about the articles of the said lord the Master general, exhibited, as well unto the foresaid sovereign prince in England, as unto his ambassadors in the land of Prussia, even as about the said articles it is before concluded. The complaints of the Livonians And whereas on the behalf of the citizens and merchants of the cities of Rij and Dorp, and of other towns in the land of Livonia, many and great complaints have bene● by way of articles exhibited and delivered unto the said English ambassadors in the land of Prussia, which for divers causes, could not as then be ended: therefore it is concluded and agreed upon between the ambassadors, and the commissioners aforesaid, that the said citizens and merchants may in the town of Dord●act in Holland, upon the first day of the month of May next ensuing (at the which time and place, the continuation and prorogation of all other articles not fully declared in the parts of Prussia, shall be put in ure) by themselves or their lawful procurators, make their appearance, for the obtaining of a convenient, just, and reasonable reformation of all injuries attempted against them, then, or at some other times within one whole year next following, and not afterward, being effectually set down and limited, at the place aforesaid, by the consent of the ambassadors and commissioners of either part, all lawful impediments ceasing. Provided always, that the value and price of all wares, goods, and merchandises, whereof the said citizens and merchants of Livonia, in their articles received by the said English ambassadors, as is aforesaid, do make mention, shall be justly esteemed, prized, and approved, not by any of England, or of Prussia, or of Livonia, but by some other indifferent merchants of good credit, valuing them at the true rate of merchants, which such like merchandise would have amounted unto, if, at the time when they were taken, they had been to be sold at the town of Bruges in Flanders. Forasmuch also, as divers and sundry Prussians (who exhibited manifold Articles of complaints, being received by the said English Ambassadors, at their abode in Prussia) made not their personal appearance, before the said English Ambassadors, in the land of Prussia aforesaid: The prorogation abovementioned was made unto the first day of the month of May: and also it was agreed upon vy the said Ambassadors, Procurators, and Commissioners, that the said parties which had not appeared before shall have liberty granted them, lawfully to make their appearance, upon the first of May aforesaid, at the town of Dordract, either by themselves or by their Procurators, and also to bring with them the letters testimonial, and patents, sealed with the seal of the said Lord the Master general, (he having first of all received sound and sufficient information from the cities whereof the party's plaintiff are citizens, of the damages and grievances any way unjustly inflicted upon them or any of them by the English) to the end that they may there by articles conveniently declare and prove, before the Ambassadors, Procurators, messengers, and Commissioners of both parts, the rate and value of their said goods: and that in so doing they may obtain convenient, just, and reasonable restitution, for all acts unjustly attempted against them, then, or at some other times effectually to be set down and limited at the foresaid place by the consent of the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts, even as it was above promised unto the merchants of Livonia. But if they of Prussia last abovementioned, shall not upon the first of May, and at the place appointed, for some cause, make their appearance, that then it shallbe lawful for them at anytime within one whole year next following, to repair unto the lord Chancellor of England, at the city of London, and to insinuate and declare unto him their complaints before exhibited unto the said English Ambassadors in the land of Prussia, or which complaints should have been delivered at the foresaid term and place, or else, the which were not then and there fully finished and dispatched: and also by articles as is aforesaid, to declare and prove the true worth and estimation of all damages and grievances any ways unjustly offered by the English unto them or any of them: to the end that they may (as it is above mentioned) effectually receive, and also speedily and easily obtain convenient, just, and reasonable reformation and satisfaction, for all acts unjustly attempted against them, which are contained in the complaints not as yet fully declared and finished. Moreover, it is appointed and agreed upon between the foresaid Ambassadors and Commissioners: that the forenamed sovereign Lord & the said lord the Master general are to sand and set forward their Ambassadors, messengers, and Commissioners, upon the first of May unto the place appointed, to treat, parley, agreed, and conclude about those affairs, which shall then and there happen to be treated of and handled among them. Furthermore, between the often mentioned Ambassadors, Procurators, and Commissioners, it is enacted and concluded: that unto all and singular lawful statutes, ordinations, and prohibitions framed, made, and ordained, by the said lord the Master general, Note well. in his land of Prussia, or by his Proconsul's and Consul's, and his governors of cities, towns, villages, and of other places in the land of Prussia, unto the observation whereof, aswell the subjects of the said Master general, as foreigners and strangers, are tied and bond: unto the very same statutes, ordinations, and prohibitions, all English merchants whatsoever resorting unto the land of Prussia, must be firmly bound and subject. Also it is ordained, that whatsoever sale-clothes are already transported, or at any time hereafter to be transported out of England into Prussia by the English merchants, and shall there be offered to be sold, whether they be whole clothes or half clothes, they must contain both their ends. Lastly, that the matters abovementioned fall not short and void of their wished effect; the treaty and conference about all and singular damages and grievances (whereof there is not as yet done, but there must be, by the virtue of these presents, performed, a reformation and amendment) must be continued and prorogued until the first of May next ensuing: as by these presents they are continued and prorogued with the continuation of the days then immediately following, at the town of Dordract aforesaid: at the which time and place, or at other times and places, in the mean space, as occasion shall serve, by both parties to be limited and assigned, or else within one year after the said first day of the month of May next ensuing be expired: the hurt and damaged parties generally beforementioned, shall have performed vuto them a convenient, just, and reasonable reformation on both parts. Provided always, if within the term of the said year, some convenient, just, and reasonable reformation be not performed unto the parties injuried, and endamaged, which are generally above mentioned: that then, within three whole months after the foresaid year shall expired, the Prussians shall departed out of the realms and dominions of the said Sovereign Lord the king of England, together with their merchandise, and with other goods which they shall have got or bought, within the space of the foresaid three months: and that the English men also are likewise in all respects bound to avoid and (no lawful impediment hindering them) to withdraw themselves and to departed out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general, without all molestation● perturbation, and impediment whatsoever, none other intimation or admonition being necessary in this regard. Howbeit lest that by the robberies and piracies of some insolent and perverse people, matter should be ministered unto the said lord the Master general, of swerving from the faithful observation of the foresaid agreements, or (which God forbidden) any occasion be given him of not observing them: it is also decreed by the often above mentioned Ambassadors and messengers, that if the goods and merchandise of any of the said lord Master general his subjects whatsoever shall be from henceforth unjustly taken upon the Sea, by any English Pirates, and shallbe carried into the realm of England, and there received, that the Governors and keepers of ports, and of other places (with whatsoever names they be called) at the which ports and places such merchandises and goods shall chance to arrive, being only informed of the said goods and merchandises, by sole report, or (other proofs wanting) by probable suspicion are bond to arrest and to keep them in safe custody, favourably to be restored unto the owners thereof, whensoever they shall be lawfully demanded: which if they shall omit or deny to perform, from thenceforth the said governors and keepers are bond to make unto the parties endamaged, a recompease of their losses. And for fault of justice to be executed, by the said governors and keepers, our sovereign lord the king above named, after he shall conveniently be requested by the parties damnified, is bond within three months next ensuing (all lawful impediments being excepted) to make correspondent, just, and reasonable satisfaction, unto the said parties endamaged. Otherwise, that it shall be right lawful for the said lord the Master general, to arrest, and after the arrest to keep in safe custody the goods of the English merchants being in the land of Prussia, to the condign satisfaction of such injuries, as have been offered unto his subjects, until his said subjects be justly and reasonably contented. Likewise also in all respects, the same justice is to be done unto the English by the said Lord the Master general and his subjects in Prussia, even as it hath been enacted and decreed in the above written clause, beginning, Caeterum ne per etc. In English. Howbeit lest that etc. for the said Master general, and his subjects by the foresaid ambassadors of England, and the commissioners of the said lord the Master general, that in like cases justice aught to be administered on the behalf of himself, and of his subjects in the realm of England. And that all and singular the covenants above written, may in time to come, by the parties whom they concern, firmly and inviolably be observed; the forenamed ambassadors, messengers, and commissioners, all and every of them, for the full credit, probation, and testimony of all the premises, have unto these present Indentures, made for the same purpose, caused every one of their seals with their own hands to be put. One part of the which indentures remains in the custody of the English ambassadors, and the other part in the hands of the commissioners of Prussia. Given at the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia, in the year of our Lord 1405. upon the 8. day of the month of October. An agreement made between King Henry the fourth and the common society of the Merchants of the Hans. THis Indenture made between the honourable Sir William Esturmy knight, and john Kington clerk, procurators, messengers, and commissioners sufficiently deputed and authorised by the most mighty Prince, Lord Henry, by the grace of God king of England, & France, and lord of Ireland, for the performation of the things under written, on the one part: & the hon. personages M. Henry Vredeland, M. Riman Salum chief notaries, Thederic Knesuolt secretary, M. Simon Clovesten chief notary, and john Zotebotter citizen, being sufficiently made and ordained procurators and messengers, on the behalf of the cities of Lubec, Bremen, Hamburg, Sund, and Gripeswold, for the demanding & obtaining severally, of due reformation, and recompense at the hands of our said sovereign lord the king, and of his messengers and commissioners aforesaid, for all injuries, damages, grievances, and manslaughters, any ways unjustly done, and offered severally by the liege people and subjects of our sovereign lord the king, unto the common society of the merchants of the Hans, and unto any of the Citizens, people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaid whatsoever on the other part, Witnesseth: That between all and every of the said Procurators, messengers, and Commissioners, by virtue of the authority committed unto them, it hath been and is appointed, concluded, and decreed: that the liege merchants and subjects of our said sovereign lord the king, and the merchants of the common society of the Dutch Hans aforesaid, from henceforth for one whole year and seven months immediately next ensuing and following, shallbe permitted and licensed friendly, freely, and securely, to exercise mutual traffic, and like merchants to buy & cell together, one of, and unto another, even as in times past, namely, in the year 1400. 1400. and before that time also, they have been accustomed to exercise mutual traffic and merchandises and to buy and sell. Also the said William and john agreed and consented, that they themselves, or some other perhaps to be appointed in this behalf by their said lord the king in their stead, shall upon the first day of the month of May next to come, with the continuation of the days following, at the town of Dordract in Holland, or upon any other term or terms, than perhaps to be limited, competently satisfy, and perform convenient recompense unto the said common society, citizens, people, and inhabitants of the cities aforesaid, and also of other cities, towns, and villages of the● Hans, of and for all injuries, damages, grievances, and drown, or manslaughters done and committed, as they allege, against them, delivered and exhibited in written articles, unto the above named William and john, or else hereafter to be delivered and exhibited, either by the same procurators or by some others, which shall perhaps be authorised in their stead, or by the messengers procurators and commissioners of other cities, towns, and places of the Hans, in equal and like manner and form, even as at the said term limited, or then perhaps to be prorogued, there is appointed by the said William and john, reparation, reformation, and recompense unto the inhabitants of Prussia, and Livonia, for the injuries, damages, and grievances unjustly done and committed against them by the liege people and subjects of the said sovereign lord the king, in the presence of the mighty lord the Master general of Prussia, in his land of Prussia, as in certain letters indented, bearing date in the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia the eight day of the month of October, in the year of our lord 1405. and being made and written about the reparation, reformation, and recompense of such like injuries etc. (the tenor whereof aught here to be understood as if it were inserted) it is more manifestly contained. It was furthermore promised by the said William and john, that they should not enforce nor compel the citizens, people, or inhabitants of the common society of the Hans, or of the above named cities, or of any other cities of the Hans aforesaid (having received sufficient information of their dwelling and place of abode) to more difficult or district proofs of their Articles of complaints already exhibited, and in the foresaid terms to come, to be exhibited, then unto the inhabitants of the lands of Prussia and Livonia, according to the form of the Indentures above mentioned. Moreover the said William and john do promise, that so soon as they shall come into the kingdom of England, and before the presence of their king, they shall provide, that all and singular the privileges granted unto the merchants of the said Hans by the renowned kings of England, and confirmed by the said Sovereign lord the king that now is, must, according to all their contents, be inviolably observed by the said sovereign king and his subjects: and also, that from henceforth nothing is unjustly to be attempted, upon any occasion, pretence, or colour, by the said Sovereign Prince, and the inhabitants of the realm of England, to the prejudice of the said privileges. They shall provide also, that all things heretofore attempted and practised against the said privileges, shall, by reasonable amendment and just reformation, utterly be abolished. But if after the date of these presents (which God forfend) within the space of the said one year and seven months prescribed any damages, injuries or grievances, in ships, goods, or people, should, either by the English and the inhabitants of England be unjustly inflicted upon the cities, and merchants of the cities, towns, and places of the Hans aforesaid, or by any merchants or others of the cities or towns of the said Hans, either unto the English, or unto any of the inhabitants of that Realm, upon any feigned pretence whatsoever, all and singular the foresaid messengers, commissioners, ambassadors, and procurators have promised, that all such damages, injuries and molestations so inflicted by them who shall offer and commit them, must be reform and amended, after the very same form and manner, that in the like case reformation, reparation and amendss of injuries, damages, and molestations committed by the English against them of Prussia is to be performed, according unto a certain clause contained in the letters above mentioned, which beginneth: Ceterum ne per etc. In English: Howbeit lest that etc. continuing unto that clause: Et ut praescripta omnia etc. In English: And that all the covenants above written etc. It was also concluded between the foresaid messengers, commissioners, and procurators, and with one general consent agreed upon, that if from the first day of the month of May next to come, within one whole year following, some convenient, just, and reasonable reformation be not performed unto the parties injuried and damnified generally above mentioned, in regard of their damages, molestations, and injuries: then, within three months after the said year be expired, the merchants of the Hans cities aforesaid are bond, without any molestation, perturbation, and impediment whatsoever (none other intimation or admonition being necessary in this behalf) to avoid (and if no lawful impediment shall hinder them) to abstain and departed from the Realms and dominions of the said Sovereign king of England, with their merchandise and other goods bought or got within the space of the said three months: and also the English likewise in all respects shall avoid, abstain, and departed from the territories and dominions of the Hans cities aforesaid. Also it was promised by the said William and john, that at the term appointed, namely upon the first of May next following, or at some other term or terms then limited or to be limited, there must be made a due recompense, and a proportional satisfaction, for all those people of the land of Prussia, Livonia, and of the cities, towns, and other places of the Hans, who have unjustly been drowned, and slain by the English: and that according to the tenor of a certain schedule written concerning a recompense to be had in regard of the said people drowned and slain, and presented unto them by Albertus Road consul of the city of Thoren, and by the forenamed procurators and messengers of the cities aforesaid, they must faithfully and effectually, to the utmost of their ability endeavour, for the obtaining of the said recompense and amendss. In witness whereof (these letters of Indenture remaining in the possession of the said William and john the messengers, procurators, & commissioners of England aforesaid, and left in their custody, by the above named procurators and messengers Henry Rimarus, Thedericus, Simon, and john Sotebotter, of their certain knowledge and assurance) and for the full confirmation and testimony of all the premises, the foresaid procurators and messengers have put to their seals. Given in the town of Dordract the 15. day of December in the year of our Lord 1405. William Esturmy knight, and john Kington canon of Lincoln (being in this behalf sufficiently authorised and deputed as Ambassadors, procurators, messengers and commissioners, by our said sovereign lord the king, namely in regard of the molestations, injuries and damages unjustly done and committed against the liege people and subjects of the foresaid most excellent Prince and lord, Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England & France, and Lord of Ireland, by the commumalties of the cities of Wismer and Rostok underwritten, their common counsel being assembled for the same purpose, & authorised also, and as well closely as expressly maintained and ratified, by the whole company of the common society of the merchants of the Dutch Hans) do, in this present diet at the town of Hage situate in the country of Holland, being appointed for the very same occasion, demand of you Sir john de Aa knight, and Hermannus Meyer deputies for the cities of Wismer and Rostok, and sufficiently ordained by authority requisite in this behalf, to be the procurators and messengers of the said cities, that convenient, just, and reasonable satisfaction and recompense may certainly and effectually be done unto the injuried and endamaged parties, who are specified in the articles under written. Newcastle. Imprimis, that about the feast of Easter, in the year of our Lord 1394. Henry van Pomeren, Godekin Michael, Clays Sheld, Hans Howfoote, Peter Hawfoote, Clays Boniface, Rainbek, and many others, with them of Wismer and of Rostok, being of the society of the Hans, took, by main force, a ship of Newcastle upon Tine, called Godezere sailing upon the Sea towards Prussia, An English ship of 200. tons. being of the burden of two hundred tons, and belonging unto Roger de Thorneton, Robert Gabiford, john Paulin, and Thomas de Chester: which ship, together with the furniture thereof amounteth unto the value of four hundred pounds: also the woollen clot, the read wine, the gold, and the sums of money contained in the said ship amounted unto the value of 200. marks of English money: moreover they unjustly slay john Patanson and john russel in the surprising of the ship and goods aforesaid, and there they imprisoned the said parties taken, and, to their utter undoing, detained them in prison for the space of three whole years. ●ull. Item, that in the year of our Lord 1394. certain people of Wismer and Rostok, with others of the Hans their confederates rob one Richard Horuse of Hull of divers goods anya merchandizes in a ship called the Shipper Berline of Prussia, being then valued at 160. nobles. Item, that in the year of our Lord 1395. Hans van Wethemonkule, Clays Scheld, Hull. Godekin Mighel, and one called Strotbeker, by force of arms, and by the assistance of the men of Wismer and Rostok, and others of the Hans, did upon the Sea near unto Norway, wickedly, and unjustly take from john Tutteburie, five pieces of ware, four hundred of work, and half a last of osmundes, and other goods, to the value of four hundred seventy six nobles. Item, in the year of our Lord 1396. one john van Derlowe, Hans van Gelder, Hull. and other their complices of the Hans villainously and unjustly took a ship of William Terry of Hul called the Cog, with thirty woollen broad clotheses, and a thousand narrow clotheses, to the value of 200. pounds. Item, in the year of our Lord 1398. one john van Derlowe, Wilmer, Hans van Gelder, Hull. Clays Scheld, Euerade Pilgrimson, and divers others of the Hans, did upon the Sea near unto Norway villainously and unjustly take a ship of john Wisdom of Hull called the Trinity, with divers goods and merchandises, namely oil, wax, and work, to the value of 300. pounds. Item, in the year of our Lord 1399. one Clays Scheld, and others above written of Wismer and Rostok, Hull. with certain others of the Hans, their confederates, wickedly and unjustly taken from one William Pound merchant of Hull, two cakes of wax, to the value of 18. pounds, out of the ship called the Hawkin Derlin of Dantzik. Item, in the year of our Lord 1394. one Goddekin Mighel, Clays Scheld, Storbiker, York. and divers others of Wismer and Rostok, and of the Hans, wickedly and unjustly took out of a ship of Elbing (the master whereof was called Henry Puys) of the goods and merchandises of Henry Wyman, john Topeliffe, and Henry Lakenswither of York, namely in work, wax, osmunds, and bowstaves, to the value of 1060. nobles. Item, in the year of our Lord 1394. certain malefactors of Wismer and Rostok, York. with others of the Hans, their confederates, wickedly unjustly taken out of a ship of Holland (the master whereof was called Hinkensman) 140. woollen clotheses (the price of one of the which clotheses was eight nobles) from Thomas Thester of York, and a chest, with armour, silver and gold of the foresaid Thomas, to the value of 9 pounds. Item, in the year of our Lord 1393. certain malefactors of Wismer and Rostok, London. and others their complices of the Hans, wickedly and unjustly took from one Richard Abel of London woollen clot, green clot, meal and fish, to the value of 133. li.6.s. Item, in the year of our Lord 1405. about the feast of S. Michael, London. one Nicholas Femeer of Wismer merchant of the Hans, with the assistance of other his complices of the Hans aforesaid, wickedly and unjustly took from one Richard Morley citizen of London five lasts of herrings, besides 32. pounds, in the sea called Northsound. Item, in the year of our Lord 1398. about the month of September, one Godekin Wisle, Colchester and Gerard Sleyre of Wismer and Rostok, with others of the Hans, their confederates wickedly and unjustly taken out of a ship of Prussia (whereof the master was named Rorebek) from john Seburgh merchant of Colchester two packs of woollen clot, to the value of an 100 marks: from Stephan Flispe, and john Plumer merchants of the same town two packs of woollen clot, to the value of 60. pounds: from Robert Wight merchant of the same town, two packs of woollen clot to the value of an 100 marks: from William Munde merchant of the same town, two fardels of woollen clot, worth 40. li. & from john Daw, and Thomas Cornwall merchants of the same town, three packs of woollen clot, worth 200. marks. Moreover they took and imprisoned certain English men, which were in the said ship, namely William Fubborne servant unto john Diere, Thomas Mersh servant unto Robert Wight, which Thomas paid for this ransom 20. nobles of English money, William Munde merchant of the town aforesaid, which William, by reason of the extremity of that imprisonment, lost the sight of his eyes, and Thomas Cornwall, merchant of the foresaid Town, which Thomas paid for his ransom twenty nobles. Item, in the year of our Lord 1394. certain malefactors of Wismer and Rostok, Yermou●h. upon the coasts of Denmark and Norway, beneath Scawe, and at Anold, took Thomas Adams and john Welter's merchants of Yermouth: and Robert Caumbrigge and Reginald Leman merchants of Norwich, Norwich in a certain ship of Elbing in Prussia (whereof one Clays Goldesmith was master) with divers woollen clotheses of the said Thomas, john, Robert, and Reginald, to the value of one thousand marks English, and carried the people and goods aforesaid, away with them: and the said Thomas, john, Robert, and Reginald they imprisoned at Courtbuttressow, and there detained them, until they paid an hundred marks for their redemption. Yermouth. Item in the year of our Lord 1401. some of the inhabitants of Wismer and of Rostok wickedly took at Longsound in Norway, Longsound in Norway. a certain ship of West-Stowe in Zealand (the Master whereof was one Gerard Dedissen) laden with diverse goods and merchandises of john Hughson of Yermouth, namely with the hides of oxen and of sheep, with butter, masts, sparres, boards, questingstones and wild work, to the value of an hundred marks, and do as yet detain the said things in their possession, some of the Hans being their assistants in the promises. Yermouth. Item, in the year of our Lord 1402. certain of the Hans, of Rostok, and of Wismer, took upon the coast of England, near unto Plymouth a certain barge called the Michael of Yarmouth (whereof Hugh ap Fen was the owner, and Robert Rigweys the master) laden with bay salt, to the quantity of 130. ways, and with a thousand canvas clotheses Britain, and do as yet detain the said goods in their possession, the said Hugh being endamaged, by the loss of his ship, and of his goods aforesaid 800. nobles and the foresaid Master and the mariners losing, in regard of their wages, canvas, and armour, 200. nobles. Yermouth. Selaw in Norway. Item, in the year of our Lord 1405. certain malefactors of Wismer wickedly and unjustly took, in a certain port of Norway called Selaw, a ship of Yarmouth (the owner whereof was William Oxney and the master Thomas Smith) laden with salt, clot, and salmon, to the value of 40. pound, and do as yet detain the said ship and goods in their possession, some of the Hans their confederates aiding and assisting them at the same time. Item, in the year of our Lord 1395. one Godekin Mighel, Clays Scheld, Stertebeker, and other their accomplices of the Hans took upon the sea a certain ship of one john Dulwer of Cley, Cley. called the Friday (whereof Laurence Tuk of Cley was master) and conveyed the said ship unto Maustrond in Norway, and the said Master and mariners they rob of divers commodities, namely of artillery, furniture, and salt fish being in the same ship, to the value of 500 nobles. Cley. Item, in the year of our Lord 1395. Godekin Mighel, Clays Scheld, Stertebeker, and other their accomplices of the Hans, unlawfully took upon the sea a certain ship of one William Bets of Cley called the Margaret (wherein Robert Robines was master) and conveyed the ship itself unto Mawstrond in Norway, and there rob the master and his partners of divers commodities, namely of artillery, furniture, and salt fish, to the value of 400. nobles, and one of the said masters mates they maliciously drowned. Cley. Item, in the year of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the nativity of S. john Baptist, the forenamed Godekin and Stertebeker, with others their accomplices of the Hans, unlawfully taken upon the sea a certain ship of Nicholas Steyhard and john Letis of Cley called the Nicholas, (whereof john priest was master) and conveyed the said ship unto Mawstrond, and there rob the said master and his company of divers commodities, namely of furniture and salt fish, being in the said ship, to the value of 320. nobles. Cley. Item, in the year of our Lord 1395. about the feast aforesaid, the said Godekins and Stertebeker, & their companions of the Hans unjustly taken upon the sea a certain ship of Thomas Peirs of Cley called the Isabel (whereof William Noie was master) and conveyed it unto Mawstrond, and there rob the said master and his company of divers commodities, as namely of furniture, and salt fish, being in the said ship, to the value of 406. nobles. Cley. Item, in the year next above mentioned, upon the Saturday, about the foresaid feast, the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker, and other their accomplices of the Hans unlawfully taken upon the sea, a certain ship of one Thomas Lyderpole of Cley, called the Helena, wherein Robert alway was master, & also wickedly and unjustly drowned in the bottom of the sea divers commodities, as namely salt fish, together with the ship itself. Cley. Item, in the year of our Lord 1398. about the feast of S. Michael the archangel, the foresaid Godekin & Stertebeker, with other their confederates of the Hans, taken at Langsound in Norway a certain crayer of one Thomas Motte of Cley, called the Peter, (wherein Thomas Smith was master) & the foresaid crayer they wickedly and unjustly carried away, being worth 280. nobles. ●●●eton, Item, in the year of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the nativity of S. john Baptist, the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker, and others of the Hans unjustly took a certain ship of Simon Durham, called the Dogger-ship, and the Peter of Wiveton, laden with salt fish (whereof john Austen was master) upon the coast of Denmark. And they carried away the said Dogger, with the furniture thereof, and the foresaid salt fish, to the value of 170. pound. Moreover, the master, and 25● mariners in the same ship they maliciously slew, and a certain lad of the said Dogger they carried with t●em unto Wismer. Item, in the foresaid year, and about the feast aforesaid, the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker, Wiveton. with other their complices, unjustly took upon the sea a certain ship of Thomas Lyderpole, and john Coote of Wiveton: and the master and mariners which were in the said ship, they villainously slew, among whom they put to death one Simon Andrew, the godson, nephew, and servant of the foresaid Simon Durham. Which ship, with the goods and furniture that were therein was worth 410. nobles. Item, in the very same year, about the feast aforesaid, Wiveton. the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker & other their complices wickedly spoilt a certain ship of the foresaid Simon Durham called the Dogger, wherein Gervase Cat was master, lying at an anchor, while the company were occupied about fishing, and likewise unjustly took away with them the salt fish, and furniture of the said ship. Moreover, the master and his company that were in the said Dogger they beat and wounded, so that they utterly lost their fishing for that year, the master and his said company being endamaged thereby, to the sum of 200. nobles. Item, in the year of our Lord 1396. the foresaid Godekins and Stertebeker, Wiveton. and other their complices unjustly took upon the sea a certain crayer, called the Buss of Zealand, which one john Ligate merchant, and servant unto the forenamed Simon Durham had laden in Prussia, on the behalf of the said Simon, to sail for England, and spoilt the said craier, and also took and carried away with them the goods and merchandises of the said Simon, being in the foresaid ship, to the value of 66. pounds. Item, in the year of our Lord 1397. certain malefactors of Wismer and Rostok, Wiveton. with certain others of the Hans, took a crayer of one Peter Cole of Zealand, called the Bussship, which Alan Barret the servant and factor of the foresaid Simon Durham had laden with masts, sparres, and other merchandise, for the behalf of the said Simon, and unjustly took from thence the goods of the said Simon, to the value of 24. pounds, and carried the same away. Item, in the year of our Lord 1394. Lenne. certain malefactors of Wismer and others of the Hans unjustly took upon the sea, and carried away with them a pack of woollen clot of the foresaid Simon, worth 42. pounds, out of a certain crayer of one Thomas Fowler of Lenne being laden and bond for Dantzik in Prussia. Item, pitifully complaining the merchants of Lenne do avouch, Lenne. verify, & affirm, that about the feast of S. George the martyr, in the year of our Lord 1394. sundry malefactors and robbers of Wismer & Rostok, and others of the Hans, with a great multitude of ships, arrived at the town of Norbern in Norway, and took the said town by strong assault, and also wickedly and unjustly taken all the merchants of Lenne there residing with their goods & cattles, and burned their houses and mansions in the same place, and put their people unto great ransoms: even as by the letters of safeconduct delivered unto the said merchants it may more evidently appear, to the great damage and impoverishment of the merchants of Lenne: 21. houses of English merchants burned at Norbern in Norway. namely, Imprimis they burned there 21. houses belonging unto the said merchants, to the value of 440. nobles. Item, they took from Edmund Belyetere, Thomas Hunt, john Brandon, and from other merchants of Lenne, to the value of 1815. pounds. Concerning this surprise Albertus Krantzius in the sixt book of his history of Norway, and the 8. Chapter writeth in manner following. IN the mean while Norway enjoyed peace under the government of a woman: until Albertus' king of Suecia, who had now seven years continued in captivity under Queen Margaret, was to be set at liberty. Which, when the common soldiers of Rostok & Wismer, called the Vitalians perceived, The Vitalians. (who, whilst their king was held captive, in the right of the forenamed cities, for the behalf of their lord the king being prince of Mekleburg by birth, undertook and waged war all the time of his captivity) banding their forces together, they resolved, at their own costs & charges, but in the right of the said cities, to sail into the 3. kingdoms, and to take such spoils as they could lay hold on. These common soldiers therefore, s●eing an end of their tyrannical and violent dealing to approach, sassed into Norway, unto the town of Norbern, being a mart town for all the merchants of Germany: who transporting fish from thence, do bring thither merchandises of all kinds, especially corn, unto the scarcity whereof, unless it be brought out of other countries, that kingdom (as we have said) is very much subject. Departing out of their ships and going on shore, they set upon the town, and by fire and sword they easily compelled the inhabitants dwelling in weak wooden houses, to give place. Thus these Vitalians entering and surprising the town conveyed such spoils unto their ships as them pleased, and having laden their ships with those booties, they returned home frolic unto the ports of their own cities. Without all respect, they rob and rifled the goods, aswell of the Germans, as of the No●uagians: and like lewd companions, wasting and making havoc of all things, proved themselves never the wealthier. For it is not the guise of such good fellows to store up or to preserve aught. The citizens, at the first, seemed to be enriched: howbeit afterward, (no man misdoubting any such calamity) goods ill got were worse spent. Thus far Kran●zius. Item, pitifully complaining, the foresaid merchants avouch, verify, and affirm, that upon Lenne. the 14. day after the feast of S. George, in the year of our Lord next above written, as 4. ships of Lenne, laden with clot, wine, and other merchandises, were sailing upon the main sea, with all the goods and wares contained in them, for Prussia, sundry malefactors of Wismer and Rostok, with others of the Hans, being in divers ships, came upon them, and by ●orce of arms and strong hand took the said ships, with the goods and merchandises contained in them: and some of the people which were in the said four ships, they slay, some they spoiled, and others they put unto extreme ransoms. And carrying away with them those four ships with the commodities and merchandise therein, they parted stakes therewith, as them listed, to the great impoverishment & loss of the said merchants of Lenne, namely in clot of William Silesden, Tho. Waterden, joh. Brandon, joh. Wesenhan, & other merchants of Lenne, to the value of 3623. li.5.s.11. d. Item, pitifully complaining the foresaid merchants do affirm, that one Henry Lambolt and Lenne. other his adherents, in the year of our Lord 1396. look upon the main sea between Norway and S●aw, one crayer laden with osmunds, and with divers other merchandises, pertaining unto john Brandon of Lenne, to the sum and value of 443. li.4.s.2.d. Moreover, they took from john Lakingay 4. lasts and an half of osmunds, to the value of 220. lib.10.ss. Item, the foresaid merchants complain, that certain malefactors of Wismer, with other their Lenne. complices of the Hans, in the year of our Lord 1396. took from Thomas Ploker of Lenne, out of a certain ship sailing upon the main sea towards Scon●land (whereof james Snycop was master) clot and other merchandise, to the sum and value of 13. lib.13.s.4.d. Item, the abovenamed merchants complain saying, that certain malefactors of Wismer, Lenne. with others of the Hans society, in the year of our Lord 1397. wickedly and unjustly taken out of a certain ship of Dantzik (whereof Laurence van Russee was master) from Ralph Bedingam of Lenne, one farthel of clot worth 52. li.7.s.6.d. Also, for the ransom of his servant, 8. li.6.s.8.d. Item● they took from Thomas Earl divers goods, to the value of 24. pounds. Item, the foresaid merchants complain●● that certain malefactors of Wismer & Rostok, with Lenne. others of the Hans, in the year of our Lord 1399. wickedly & unjustly took one crayer pertaining unto john Lakingli●h of Lenne, laden with divers goods and merchandise pertaining unto sundry merchants of Lenne, namely from the forenamed john one farthel of clot, and one chest full of harness, and other things, to the value of 90. lib. Item, they taken out of the foresaid ship from Roger Hood, one farthel of clot, and one chest with divers goods, to the value of 58. lib. Item, from john Pikeron, one farthel of clot, and one chest with divers goods, to the value of 440. lib. Item, from Andrew Purser one farnell of clot, and one chest with divers commodities therein, to the value of ten pounds. Item, the abovenamed merchants complain saying, that certain malefactors of Wismer & Lenne. Rostok, and others of the Hans, namely, Godekin Mighel, Henry van Hall de Stertebeker, with other of their confederates, in the year of our Lord 1399. wickedly and unjustly taken from john Prior of Lenne, out of the ship of Michael van Bu●gh, namely ●60. nests of masers, worth 100L. lib.13.s.4.d. Item, 30. furs rigges of Kaleber worth 13. s.4.d. a pi●ce, the sum total amounting to 20. li. Item, 20. furs wombies of Kalebre worth etc. Item, one girdle of silver, and one dagger adorned with silver worth 30. s. Item, two coats, and one long jacket, and other goods, to the value of 30. s. Item, he paid for his ransom 4. lib.13.s.4.d. Unto all and singular the articles abovewritten, the ambassadors of England aforesaid do further add, that the doers and authors of the damages, injuries, and robberies set down in the articles above written, (of whom some are named in particular, and others in general) performed and Note the 〈◊〉 treasons of the Han●. committed all those outrages, being hired thereunto at the expenses and charges of the common societies of the cities aforesaid. And that the inhabitants of every household in the foresaid cities (each man according to his ability) wittingly & purposely set forth one, two, or more men● for the very same expedition, wherein all and singular the foresaid trespasses were committed. The foresaid English ambassadors do exhibit the articles above written unto the procurators of the cities of Wismer and Rostok aforesaid: leave and liberty being always reserved unto the said ambassadors, to enlarge, or to diminish, or to expound all, or every, or any of the said Articles whatsoever, so often as it shall ●eeme expedient unto them. These be the grievances and offences, whereat the merchants of the Hans of Almain, coming unto, and residing in the Realm of England, do find themselves aggrieved, contrary to the Articles and privileges of the Charter granted unto them by the worthy Progenitors of the king of England that now is, and also by the said sovereign Lord the King, ratified, and confirmed. IMprimis, whereas the foresaid merchants have a privilege granted unto them by Charter, that they may, in cities, boroughs, and in other towns and villages throughout the whole realm of England, exercise traffic in gross, as well with the natural inhabitants of the kingdom, ●s with strangers, and private person●: of late, those that are free denizens in the cities, boroughs, and villages within the foresaid kingdom, do hinder and restrain all others that be strangers, foreigners, and aliens, that they neither c●n, nor dare buy and sell with the merchants of the Hans aforesaid, to their great hindrance and loss. Item, the foresaid merchants by virtue of their charter were wont to have and to hold Inns and mansions, for the reposing of themselves and of their goods, wheresoever they pleased in any cities, boroughs, or villages, throughout the whole kingdom: howbeit of late the foresaid merchants are not suffered to take up their mansions, contrary to the tenor of their charter. Item, the foresaid merchants are privileged not to undergo any other burdens or impositions, but only to pay certain customs, as it doth by their charter manifestly appear. Notwithstanding at the same time when Simon de Moreden was mayor of London, the foresaid merchants were constrained, in the ward of Dove-gate at London, to pay fifteenths, tallages, and other subsidies contrary to the liberties of their charter. Whereupon the said merchants prosecuted the matter before the Council of our sovereign lord the king, insomuch that they were released from paying afterward any such tallages, fifteenths, and subsidies. Which merchants, a while after, of their own accord and free will, gave unto the gildhall of London an hundredth marks sterling, conditionally, that they of the city aforesaid should not at any time after exact or demand of the said merchants, or of their successors, any tallages, fifteenths, or subsidies, contrary to the tenor of their charter, as by records in the foresaid gildhall, it doth more plainly appear. Howbeit of late the officers of our lord the king, in the foresaid ward of Dove-gate, constrained the merchants aforesaid to pay tallages, fifteenths, & other subsidies. And because the said merchants murmured and refused to pay any such contributions, alleging their privileges, the foresaid officers arrested the goods of those said merchants (which are as yet detained upon the ar●est) notwithstanding that they were released before the council of our sovereign lord the king, & also that they gave unto the said gildhall one hundredth marks to be released, as it is aforesaid. And also the foresaid merchants were constrained to pay 12.d. in the pound, and of late 6.d. and other subsidies, more than their ancient customs, to the great damage of those merchants. Item, the foresaid merchants are privileged as touching customs of wols by them bought within The ancient customs of wools. the realm of England, that they are not bond to pay, over & besides their ancient customs, but only xl.d. more than the homeborn merchants of England were wont to pay. But now the foresaid merchants are compelled to pay for every sack of wool (besides the ancient custom & the 40.d. aforesaid) a certain imposition called Pennies for the town of Cales, namely for every sack of wool 19.d. more Pennies for the town of Cales. than the merchants of England do pay, to their great loss, & against the liberty of their charter. Item, the foresaid merchants are privileged by their charter, that concerning the quantity of their merchandise brought into the realm of England (in regard whereof they are bond to pay 3.d. for the worth of every pound of silver) credit is to be given unto them for the letters of their masters and of their companies, if they were able to show them. And if so be they had no letters in this behalf to show, that then credit should be given unto themselves, and that their oath, or the oath of their attorney should be taken, without any other proof, as touching the value of their merchandise so brought in, & that thereupon they should be bond to pay customs, namely the customs of 3.d. justly for that cause to be paid. But now the customers of our sovereign lord the king put their goods to an higher rate than they aught or were wont to be: and hereupon they compel them to pay custom for their goods, at their pleasure, scanning about their freight and expenses particularly disbursed in regard of the said goods and merchandise, to the great hindrance of the said merchants, and against the te●or of their charter. Item, the foresaid merchants by way of pitiful complaint do allege, that whereas the worthy The great charter of merchants. progenitors of our Lord the king that now is, by virtue of the said great charter, granted liberty unto them to pay the customs of certain clotheses, namely of scarlet, and clot died in grain, and of other clotheses of assize, which were by them to be carried out of the realm of England, even as by their foresaid Charter in doth more plainly appear: and whereas our sovereign lord the king that now is (ratifying and confirming the said charter, and being willing that they should have more especial favour showed unto them) granted unto them by their Charter, that the said merchants should be exempted and freed from all custom and imposition of small clotheses, as in pieces and in narrow clotheses which were not of assize, and in such other clotheses of like quality: yet of late the Customers of our Lord the King that now is, not allowing their said special A special Charter. Charter so granted unto the merchants aforesaid, do compel them to pay for strait clotheses and for pieces of clotheses which are not of assize, (together with other demands particularly & severally made) as great custom as if the clotheses were full ou● of assize. Moreover also of late, the customers The customers of the petty custom. of the small or petty custom & of the subsidy do demand of them custom for kersey-clothes equal unto the custom of those clotheses, that be of full assize, whereas the foresaid merchants were no● wont to pay for those kerseys by virtue of their Charter, but only according to the worth of each pound of silver, as namely for other goods which are of gold weight: to the great hindrance of the foresaid parties, and against the manifest grant of our sovereign Lord the king, as it appeareth in the said special Charter. Item, the said merchants allege, that they are privileged by their Charter, if they pay custom and subsidy for their goods in the behalf of our lord the king, at any port of England where those goods have arrived, and afterward would transport the said goods or any part of them unto any other port within the realm aforesaid: that then they should be quite released from paying of any other custom for the same goods, if they bring a warrant that they have paid the said custom, as is aforesaid. Of late it fortuned, that a certain man of their socie●●e named Nicholas Crossehaire, being a merchant of the land of Prussia, immediately after the concord was concluded between the English and the Prussians, brought unto the town of Sandwich a ship laden 1405 with bow-s●aues and other merchandise, and there well and truly paid the custom of our lord the king, for all his wares: and selling there part of the same goods, he afterward transported parcel thereof in a small bark unto London, there to be sold, and carried a warrant also with him, that he had at Sandwich paid the custom due unto our lord the king: & yet (the said warrant notwithstanding) the customers of the petty custom & subsidy of London came & demanded custom of him at another time contrary to reason, & against the tenor of their charter: and the said Nicholas offered pledges unto them, yea, even ready m●ney down into their hands, until the question were discussed and determined, whether he should pay new custom or no: but this they would not do●. Then the said Nicholas brought a brief from our lord the king, to get himself discharged from paying the said custom: and for all that, the foresaid customers would not as yet have regard unto him, but kept the said goods within shipboard, upon the river of Thames, for the space of 15. days, until he had paid another custom, to the great loss of the said Nicholas, for that which he sold first at Sandwich to be delivered at London for seven nobles, he could not afterward have for it above four nobles, and yet so was it sold, by reason of the harm which his wares had taken by lying so long upon the water, contrary to the tenor of their Charter. Item, the said merchants do allege, that another of their company called Peter Hertson bought at Bristol certain clotheses, & laded the same in a ship, to be transported for Prussia, for the which he truly paid at Bristol, the customs & subsidies due unto our sovereign lord the king: which ship with the foresaid goods arriving at London: the customers of the pety-custome and of the subsidy there would not permit the said ship with the goods to pass unto the parts aforesaid, until the said Peter had paid another custom for the same goods (the warrant, which he brought with him notwithstanding) to his great hindrance, and contrary to the tenor of their Charter. Item, pitifully complaining the foresaid merchants allege, that whereas every merchant, bringing wares into the realm, was wont to have a schedule wherein his name was written, for a specification & certificate of the quantity of his goods in the said schedule to be found at the arrival of the ship, without paying therefore aught at all, of late the customers of the petty custom do compel them to pay for each man's name written a penny, at the arrival of their goods out of every ship wherein the said goods are found, what commodities & merchandise soever they be: whenas notwithstanding, if there be a chest or any other small matter, there should not therefore be any custom due unto our lord the king, nor any received unto his majesties use. In like manner do the customers of the subsidy deal. Whereas also the foresaid merchants were not wont to pay for a cocket for the conveyance The customers of the subsidy. & transportation of their goods out of the realm (albeit many names were written therein) more than 4.d. of late the customers of the petty custom do compel them to pay for every name contained in the same cocket, 4.d. and in like sort do the customers of the said subsidy deal. Which contribution in a year extendeth itself unto a great sum, to the unknown prejudice of our lord the king, more than any man could suppose (for the customers enjoy their tees and commodities from his Majesty that they may do him faithful service) and likewise to the great damage of the said merchants. Item, pitifully complaining the said merchants do allege that they are constrained to pay for subsidy, sometime 12.d. and sometime 6.d. in the pound, contrary to the tenor of their charter: and yet notwithstanding when their merchandise cometh to the wharf, the customers prolong & delay the time 3. or 4. weeks before they will take custom for their goods, in the which space other merchants sell their goods, the customers not regarding whether the goods aforesaid take we● or no; to the great damage aswell of our lord the king, as of the said merchants: because, if they had quick dispatch, they might pay custom unto his Majesty oftener than they do. Item, the said merchants do farther allege, that the customers of the peti● custom, and of the subsidy in the port of London have appointed among themselves certain men to seal up the goods of the said merchants, so soon as they are arrived at the port of safety, until the said goods be customed. By means of the which sealing, the foresaid parties do compel the merchants abovenamed, (upon an use and custom whereof themselves have been the authors) to pay a certain sum of money, to the great hindrance of the said merchants, and contrary to justice and to their charter. Moreover, the said customers have ordained between themselves, that the said merchants shall put or make up no clo●h into fardels, to transport out of the realm, unless certain m●n appointed by them for the same purpose be there present, to see what manner of clotheses they be, under pain of the forfeiture of the said goods. Also of late, when the said merchants would have made up such fardels, the foresaid parties assigned to be overseers refused to come, unless they might have for their coming some certain sum of money, delaying and procrastinating from day to day, so long as themselves listed, to the great loss and undoing of the foresaid merchants, and contrary to their liberties: because the foresaid customers are bond by their office to do this, without any contribution therefore to be paid unto them by the said merchants: for that they do enjoy from our sovereign Lord the King their fees and commodities, to the end that they may serve him and every merchant justly and faithfully, without any contribution by them to be imposed anew upon the said merchants, of custom. Item, the said merchants do allege, that the customers & bailiffs of the town of Southampton do compel them to pay for every last of herrings, pitch, & soap ashes brought thither by them 2. s. more than the king's custom: and for each hundredth of bowstaves & boards called Waghenscot, 2. d. for every hundredth of boards called Richolt, 4.d. & for all other merchandise brought by the foresaid merchants unto the same town: which contributions they never paid at any time heretofore, being greatly to their hindrance, and contrary to the tenor of their Charter. Item, the foresaid merchants do allege, that one of their company, called Albert Redewish of Prussia, bringing divers goods & merchandises unto Newcastle upon Tine, & there paying the usual custom of 3.d. in the pound for all his wares, the bailiffs of the said town, against all reason, exacted 7. pound sterling at his hands more than the custom: whereupon the foresaid merchant got a brief from the king's majesty, for the recovery of the said 7. li. according to equity & reason: howbeit, that at the coming of the said brief the foresaid bailiffs would do nothing on his behalf, but would have slain their foresaid associate, contrary to their charter and privileges. William Esturmy knight, & john Kington canon of Lincoln, being by the most mighty prince & lord, L. Henry by God's grace ●. of England & France & lord of Ireland, sufficiently deputed and appointed to parley, treat, & agreed with the common society of the merchants of the Hans of Dutchland or Almain, concerning & about the redressing & reformation of unjust attempts happening between our said sovereign L. the king his liege people & subjects on the one part, & between the common society aforesaid, the cities, towns, & particular people thereof on the other part: do (for the behalf of our said souraign L. the king, with a mind & intention to have all & singular the things underwritten to come to the knowledge of the said common society) intimate, declare, & make known unto you (hono. sirs) Henr. Westhoff citizen & deputy of the city of Lubec, Henry Fredelaw, joh. van Berk citizen of Colen, Mainard Buxtehude citizen, & deputy of the city of Hamburgh, M. Simon Clawsten clerk, sir john de Aa knight deputy of the city of Rostok, Herman Meyer deputy of the city of Wismar, being, as the procurators messengers, & commissioners of the foresaid cities, assembled together at the town of Hage in Holland, with the forenamed Will● & john in regard of the foresaid redress & reformation: that, even as our said sovereign L. the king his meaning is not to disturb or hinder such privileges as have been heretofore granted & vouchsafed unto the common society of the merchants aforesaid, by the renowned kings of England, & the worthy progenitors of our L. the K. that now is, & by himself also under a certain form confirmed: even so he is determined (without the prejudice of foreign laws) upon just, mature and sober deliberation, by his royal authority to withstand such privileges, as by reason of the abuse thereof● have been infinitely pre●●diciall unto himself and his subjects. Inprimis the said ambassadors do affirm as afore, that whereas all and every the Merchants of the said company, as often as they would, were, both in the Realm of England, and in other territories & dominions subject unto our sovereign lord the king, admitted and suffered (according to the tenor of the forenamed privileges granted unto them) freely, friendly and securely to traffic and converse with any of his majesties liege people and subjects whatsoever, or with other people of whatsoever nation living in the realm of England, or in the dominions aforesaid: the said common society of merchants by their public & deliberate common counsel did appoint & ordain, that no society in any cities, towns, or places, neither yet any particular man of any such society (there being no lawful or reasonable cause why) should in any wise admit any merchants of the realm of England resorting unto their cities or other places for merchandise, to enjoy intercourse of traffic: but that the said English merchants should be altogether excluded from all traffic and mutual conversation among them, by denouncing and inflicting grievous penalties of money as well upon cities as other places, and upon particular merchants also of the foresaid society practising the contrary. Item, that immediately after, the foresaid parties enacting and ordaining published their said statute and ordinance, in all kingdoms, provinces, parts, cities, and towns, wherein any merchants of the said society were conversant. Item, that after that publication, the statute and ordinance aforesaid by every of the merchants of the forenamed society were inviolably observed. Item, that the said statute and ordinance hath been so rigorously put in execution, that whereas immediately after certain English merchants with their ships, mariners, and merchandise being in a certain part of one of the principal cities of the foresaid society, utterly destitute of meat, drink, and money, publicly offered to cell their woollen clotheses of England, only to provide themselves of necessary victuals: yet the merchants of the said city, stoutly persisting in their statute and ordinance aforesaid, straight prohibited the buying of such clotheses, unchristianly denying meat and drink unto the said English merchants. Item, the foresaid society decreed and ordained, that no merchant of the said company should in any place or country whatsoever, buy any woollen clotheses of the realm or dominion of England (albeit offered by others and not by English men) or, having bought any, should, after the term prefired, sell them, imposing grievous pecuniary mulets, besides the forfeiture of the clotheses so bought or sold, upon them that would attempt the contrary Item, that after the said statute and ordinance, the foresaid society decreed, that all merchants of the said company, having among their wares and merchandise any woollen clotheses made in England, should either cell the said clotheses, or within a short space then limited should, underpenaltie of forfeiting the said clotheses, utterly renounce the use and commodity thereof: Notwithstanding a grievous penalty of money being imposed upon the violaters of the same statute. Item, that the statutes and ordinances aforesaid might with more speed and celerity be put in The Hans society determineth the overthrow of English merchants. execution, the said authors and publishers thereof imagining, according to their desire, that by this means an utter extirpation and overthrow of English merchants might● yea & of necessity must ensue: upon their serious & long premeditated deliberation, straightly commanded & enjoined, under pain of losing the benefit of all privileges, wheresoever, or by the princes of what lands, or the Magistrates of what Cities or towns soever vouchsafed unto the said common society, that not only the aldermen of that society in all places throughout the realm of England, but also all other merchants of the said company, after the manner of merchants conversing in the said Realm, should, without exception of people, utterly abstain from all intercourse of traffic with the merchants of the realm aforesaid: yea, and that they should departed out of the said kingdom within a very short space limited. For the dispatching of all which premises without delay, it was according to their commandment effectually provided. Item, that the society aforesaid hath approved divers very unreasonable statutes & ordinances, Statutes against the English merchants in Norway and in Suedland. made & published by the merchants of the same society residing in the kingdoms of Norway and Swedland, to the great prejudice of the kingdom of England, and the merchants thereof: and as yet both covertly and expressly do approve the same, unjustly putting them in daily execution. Item, whereas in the privileges & indulgences granted by the renowned princes sometimes kings of England, the worthy progenitors of our sovereign lord the king that now is, unto the society aforesaid, it is provided, that the said merchants shall not avow any man which is ●ot of their company, nor shall not colour his goods and merchandise under their company: whereas also in the confirmation of the said privileges made by our sovereign lord that now is, it is manifestly provided, that the merchants of the Hans towns, under the colour of their privileges in England, shall not upon pain of the perpetual frustration and revocation of the foresaid privileges, receive any stranger of any other town in their liberties, by whom the king's custom may in any sort be withheld or diminished: & yet the contrary unto all these provisoes hath been every yer●, for these 20. years or thereabouts notoriously practised and committed, as well jointly by the general counsel, and toleration of the foresaid society, as also severally by the advise and permission of divers particular cities of the foresaid Hans company to the great diminution of his majesties custom, the estimation whereof the foresaid ambassadors are not able at this present fully to declare. But that all occasions of the last above mentioned diminution may b●e prevented for the time to come, the said ambassadors do demand to have from the foresaid society a declaration in writing, what and How many & which be the Hans towns. what manner of territories, cities, towns, villages or companies they be, for which the said society challengeth and pretendeth, that they aught to enjoy the privileges granted unto their merchants, as is above mentioned. Moreover, it is required by the foresaid ambassadors, if the society aforesaid hath not decreed nor ordained the things above written, that the names of the cities and places decreeing and ordaining such statutes & ordinances, may by the said common society either now or at some other times and places convenient for the same purpose, be expressed and set down in writing. A letter of Henry the fourth king of England etc. unto Frater Conradus de jungingen the master general of Prussia. HEnrie etc. to the most noble and mighty parsonage of sacred religion Fr: Conradus de jungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Marry, our most dear friend, greeting, and continual perfection of amity. When as your messengers and ambassadors were of late personally present in Holland, and there expected the arrival of our ambassadors until the first day of the month of November last expired, that there might be by way of friendly conference a remedy provided in regard of certain injuries pretended to be off●●ed, by both our subjects one against another's for the public commodity of both parts, we were determined to have sent unto Dordract, at the foresaid day, our well-beloved and faithful knight William Sturmy, and our well-beloved clerk john Kington, upon our ambassage-affayres: having as yet in our desires, for a peaceable ending of the matter, (which, our foresaid ambassadors, by reason of the shortness of time, or the finding out of some other remedy and happy conclusion of all and singular the foresaid attempts concerning the principal business, could by no means at that instant attain unto) that upon some other more convenient day (to the end your ambassadors might not return home altogether frustrate of their expectation) there might be, after the wont friendly manner, a conference & agreement with your foresaid ambassadors, even as by other letters of ours directed unto your said ambassadors the second day of the month of November aforesaid we have delivered our mind unto them. But it fortuned not long before the departure of your ambassadors into their own country, that no sufficient shipping could be found wherein our said ambassadors might have secure and safe passage unto Dordract, or Middleburgh, neither was it thought that they should get any passage at all, till the ships at Middleborough were returned into our kingdom, by the force whereof they might be the more strongly wafted over. And so by reason of the departure of your ambassadors, all matters remain in suspense till such time as the said ambassadors shall again meet with ours to add perfection unto the business as yet imperfect. Wherefore (our friend unfeignedly beloved) desiring from the bottom of our heart that the integrity of love, which hath from ancient times taken place between our & your subjects, may in time to come also be kept inviolable, we have thought good once again to sand one of our foresaid ambassadors, namely William Esturmy knight to Dordract, giving him charge thither to make haste, and there to stay, till some of your messengers, at your commandment do in time convenient repair unto that place, there (by God's assistance) to bring the matter unto an happy conclusion. May it please you therefore of your unfeigned friendship, without all inconvenience of delay, to return, not unto us, but unto our forenamed knight an answer in writing, what your will and determination is. Neither let it seem strange unto you, that we have not at this present sent our forenamed john Kington clerk together with the said William: for the cause of his abode with us is, that he may in the mean season employ his care and diligence about those matters which must be preparatives for the final conclusion of the foresaid business. Honourable sir, and most dear friend, we do most hearty with increase of prosperity and joy unto your person. Given in our palace of Westminster the 14. day of Feb. in the year of our Lord 1407. To the right noble and valiant knight Sir William Sturmy sent at this present by the most sovereign King of England etc as his ambassador unto Dordract, his most sincere friend. Honourable sir, our most entire friend, we received the royal letters of the most mighty prince and lord, our lord the king of England and France and lord of Ireland, sent unto us under the date of the 14. day of February (which we received at our castle of Marienburgh the 11. of April) containing, amongst other matters, that his majesties purpose was once again to send one of his ambassadors, namely yourself our very sincere friend unto Dordract, giving you in charge that you would make haste thither & there slay, until some of our subjects might at our commandment, in convenient time repair unto the same place, there (by God's assistance) to bring our matters unto a happy conclusion. And then he requested that we should without delay writ our determination unto you, as the conclusion of the said letter imports. Howbeit (our most dear friend) the treaties & conferences about the redress or reformation of unjust attempts committed by the subjects of our said lord the king & our subjects, one against another, are both on our behalf, and on the behalf of the common society of the Hans merchants, hitherto had, made, and continued common. And so our commissioners upon our full and absolute commandment, shall, for the managing of these and of other affairs of the foresaid society, many ways urgent and difficult, upon the feast of our Lord's Ascension next to come, meet with the said society at Lubec, there to give notice what they have determined to conclude in this present business & in others for their own behalf. For we will give our ambassadors which are there to appear, straightly in charge that according to the kings request aforesaid they do without delay procure an answer to be written unto your honour concerning the determination of the foresaid society. Given at the place and upon the day above named, in the year of our Lord 1407. Fr. Wernherus de Tettingen, commander in Elbing● general vice-master and lieutenant in the room of the Master general of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Marry etc. of late deceased. The letters of Henry the 4. king of England etc unto Vlricus de jungingen Master general of Prussia, 1408. wherein he doth ratify and accept the last agreement made at Hage in Holland. HEnry etc. unto the honourable and religious parsonage Fr. Vlricus de jungingen Master general of the Dutch knights of S. Marry etc. our most dear friend, greeting and daily increase of our accustomed amity and friendship. We do by these presents give your honour to understand, that our faithful & well-beloved William Esturmy knight, and Master john Kington clerk, our ambassadors and messengers sent of late on our behalf, unto the presence of your predecessor for the redressing of certain grievances and damages being contrary to justice offered against us and our liege subjects by the people & subjects of your predecessors, & against them also by our subjects as it is aforesaid, in friendly manner to be procured, of late returning out of the parts of Alemain made relation unto us and to our counsel, that having conferred with your forenamed predecessor about the foresaid affairs, the particulars following were at length concluded: namely first of all, that at a certain day and place they should meet in Holland with his ambassadors and messengers, to hold a friendly conference between them about the redressing and reformation of the grievances and damages aforesaid: and that they should by the equal weight of diligent examination ponder, & in the balance of justice discuss & define all & singular the foresaid grievances & damages inflicted on both parts. Howbeit at length after sundry prorogations then made & continued on this behalf, our ambassadors & messengers aforesaid upon the 28. of August last passed, A meeting at Hage the 28. of August 1407. assembling themselves for our part at the town of Hage in Holland, the hon. & discreet personages Arnold Heket burgomaster of the town of Dantzik, & john Crolowe, for the behalf of your subjects of Prussia, and Tidman de Meule, & john Epenscheid for the behalf of Livonia, being assembled as messengers and commissioners about the redress and reformation aforesaid, did then and there demand in certain articles, of our ambassadors and messengers abovenamed 25034. nobles & half a noble, for the grievances & damages offered (as it was thē●aid) to your subjects of Prussia, and 24082. nobles, 12. s.8.d. in recompense of the damages offered unto those your subjects of Livonia. And when the substance of those articles about the grievances & losses aforesaid was by the said ambassadors and messengers thoroughly examined and discussed, by their general consent it was finally agreed, that your subjects, in consideration of all and singular the foresaid grievances and damages offered unto them by our people, should within three years after the feast of Easter next ensuing, at three equal payments receive from us, namely they of Prussia, 8957. nobles, and they of Livonia 22496. nobles, six pennies, half penny, farthing, and no more, so that we ourselves thought good to condescend thereunto. Howbeit, forasmuch as certain other articles of your subjects of Prussia, and also certain articles in the behalf of our subjects containing grievous complaints in them, being propounded before the ambassadors & messengers aforesaid, for the attaining of reformation in regard of the damages & grievances offered on both parts, could not as them, for the great obscurity of divers of the said articles, and also for want of sufficient proof at the last meeting appointed and held by the foresaid ambassadors at the town of Hage in Holland, sufficiently to be examined, discussed, and defined, it was agreed upon by the ambassadors and messengers of both parts, that from the 15. day of October then last expired unto the feast of Easter now next ensuing, and from thenceforth within one whole year immediately following, the plaintiffs of both parts should thoroughly declare before our chancellor of England for the time being, the foresaid obscurities concerning the substance of their articles, and that they should, for the obtaining of execution, and compliment of justice at our said chancelours hands, peremptorily minister necessary probations, under pain of perpetual exclusion from the petition of those things which are contained in the articles above mentioned. Provided always, that if at the last it shall be by lawful proofs made manifest concerning the sums above written or any part or parcel thereof, that due satisfaction hath been made to him or them unto whom it was due, or that those goods of and for the which complaint hath been made on the behalf of your subjects have pertained or do appertain unto others, or any other just, true, and reasonable cause may lawfully be alleged, why the payment of all the foresaid sums or any of them aught not to be performed: that then so much only is to be cut off or deducted from the said sums as shall be found to be already paid or to pertain unto others, or else upon some true, just, and reasonable cause (as is aforesaid) not to be due. We therefore considering that the said friendly conference, and the final agreement ensuing thereupon are agreeable unto reason and equity, do, for our part ratify and willingly accept the very same conference and agreement. And forasmuch as it hath been always our desire, and is as yet our intention, that the league of amity and the integrity of love, which hath of old time been observed between our and your subjects, may in times to come perpetually remain inviolable, and that your and our people may hereafter, not only for the good of our common weal but also for the commodity and peace of both parts, according to their wonted manner, assemble themselves and enjoy the faithful and mutual conversation one of another: we will 'cause in our city of London, with the sum of 8957. nobles satisfaction to be made unto the Prussians, and with the sum of 22496. nobles, six pennies, half penny, farthing, recompense to be performed unto the Livonians, in regard of the damages and injuries (which in very deed proceeded not of our consent) by our subjects offered unto them, as it is aforesaid, and within three years after the feast of Easter next ensuing the said sums of money to be paid at three payments, and by three equal portions. Conditionally that unto our subjects which be endamaged correspondent satisfaction be likewise on your part within the term of the foresaid three years performed, with paying the sums of 766. nobles and of 4535. nobles, demanded on our behalf, and also with the payment of such sums as within one year immediately ensuing the feast of Easter aforesaid, shallbe found by sufficient delarations and proofs to be made on the behalf of our subjects (as is aforesaid) to be due. Even as we in like manner will make satisfaction unto your subjects within our city aforesaid. Now as touching the request of your ambassadors and of the Livonians, whereby we were required to procure some wholesome remedy for the souls of certain drowned people, as conscience and religion seemeth to challenge (in regard of whom we are moved with compassion, and do for their sakes hearty condole their mishaps) you are (our entire friend) of a certainty to understand, that after we shall be by your letters advertised of the number, state, and condition of the said parties drowned, we will 'cause suffrages of prayers and divers other wholesome remedies profitable for the souls of the deceased and acceptable to God and men, religiously to be ordained and provided: upon condition, that for the souls of our drowned country men there be the like remedy provided by you. The almighty grant unto yourself and unto your whole Order, that you may prosperously triumph over the enemies of Christ his cross. Given under our privy seal at our palace of Westminster the 26. of March, in the year of our Lord 1408. and in the ninth year of our reign. The letters of Fr: Vlricus Master of Prussia directed unto the king of England, signifying that he is contented with the agreements concluded by his messengers at Hage. To the most renowned prince and mighty lord L Henry king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, our most gracious lord. Unto your highness pleasure at all assays humbly recommending my voluntary service etc. Most revowmed king, mighty prince, and gracious lord, we received of late with great reverence as it be cometh us, by our well-beloved Arnold de Dassel the bearer of of these presents, your majesties letters of late directed unto us, making mention amongst other matters of certain appointments first made and concluded between the noble and worthy personages William Esturmy knight, john Kington clerk, and William Brampton citizen of London your ambassadors and messengers on the one par●e, and our hovorable and religious brethren, namely Conradus Lichtensten great commander, Warnherus de Tettingen chief hospitalary & commander in Elbing, and Arnold de Hacken treasurer, being the procurators and commissioners of Fra. Conradus de jungingen our last predecessor of famous memory on the other part, concerning the redressing, reformation, and amendment of unjust attempts committed on both sides, at our castle of Marienburgh, and also very lately at the town of Hage in Holland, namely the twenty eight of the month August in the year immediately passed, between your foresaid ambassadors William Esturmy knight, and john Kington clerk, for your part, and our trusty and well-beloved commissioners and procurators, namely Arnold Hecht burgomaster of our city of Dantzik, and john Crolow citizen of the same city, for our part. And for our more perfect knowledge in this behalf, our said commissioners made relation unto us and unto our whole counsel, that associating unto themselves our messengers of Livonia, namely, Tidman Myeul, and john Epensh●id, together with your foresaid ambassadors and messengers, they there finally appointed and concluded, of and about the above mentioned sums of money due on both parts, of the which mention is made in your letters aforesaid. With this special proviso, that in like manner satisfaction be made in all points, both unto other of our damnis●ed subjects of Prussia, namely such whose goods or the true value thereof have been finally adjudged by the judges or professors of our laws, and unto such who having brought their articles of complaints unto the audience of the most dread and mighty prince and lord, our lord Rupertus king of the Romans always most sovereign, Here relation is had unto the king of the Romans. were in conclusion to have the estimations of their goods to be adjudged by the sentence of the said lord, with the advise of two of his counsellors, and also unto other of our subjects who have brought in sufficient proof of damages unjustly inflicted upon them by your subjects, over and besides the premises. So that in like manner satisfaction be made unto the common society of the Hans merchants: and by the arbitrement set down in the conferences had at Marienburgh, of the which it was above provided and enacted on their behalf, namely if they will rest contented with our subjects in the courses and means then concluded. If not, we intent not at all to adhere unto them in this behalf. Afterwards our messengers aforesaid, both they of Prussia and of Livonia demanded convenient, just, and speedy satisfaction, with the payment of all and singular the sums above mentioned, due unto both parts (so far forth as equity and reason would yield unto, for the recompense of the parties injuried and endamaged on both sides) to be made within one whole year accounting from the feast of Easter now last expired unto the very same feast next to come in the year immediately following, & that in three several terms of payment, by three portions of the said sums equally to be divided, at the town of Bruges in Flanders as being a place indifferent for all parties, in manner and form as it was before at Marienburgh required and stood upon: namely that reformation, reparation, and amendment of all unjust attempts committed on both parts aught to be performed within one year. Howbeit contrariwise your ambassadors aforesaid decreed that the said satisfaction should be performed unto the parties injuried of both parts within three years, beginning to account from the feast of Easter last passed. And when your ambassadors were not contented with the manner of satisfaction set down by our men, nor our commissioners were willing in any sort to consent unto that course which was thought convenient by your ambassadors, the honourable messengers of the sea-townes of the Hans being there at that time present, made a motion that the foresaid satisfaction might be performed within two years and an half, accounting from the feast of Easter last passed, often before mentioned: yet under a certain pro●sta●o●, namely it both parties should agreed unto that form of satisfaction, and if they should think good finally and conclusively to yield their consent, unto it. Which kind of satisfaction also conceived by the messengers, your said ambassadors without giving notice thereof unto your royal Majesty, refused finally to approve; being rather desirous to make a true & faithful report of the said form of satisfaction last above mentioned unto your kingly highness, and that in such sort, that (as they hoped) effectual satisfaction and payment of all and singular the sums due and to be due on both parts should more conveniently and speedily be performed. Whereupon we might be put in good hope, that more speedy and convenient appointments of terms, for the said satisfaction friendly on both parts to be performed in, would have proceeded from your bountiful and gracious clemency. And in very de●de (most mighty prince) albeit it was never the meaning of our foresaid predecessor, so far forth as these affairs concerned him, to protract and delay the execution of the said business so many and such long distances of time, and that for divers respects, both because restitution unto the parties rob consisted herein, and also because the said restitutions and satisfactions are to be made unto poor people, widows, orphans, and other miserable creatures, diversly and miserably slain and oppressed: notwithstanding we being moved with hearty & fervent zeal and special affection unto your royal crown of England, and having due regard and consideration of your most excellent Majesty, upon the advise of our honourable brethren our counsellors, do thankfully receive, & by the tenor of these presents totally ratify and approve such satisfactions of the foresaid sums howsoever due unto our subjects both Prussians and Livonians, in friendly sort to be performed at such times and seasons limited and prefixed by your highness as are expressed in your majesties letters, and also of other sums which within one year immediately ensuing after the feast of Easter last passed, by sufficient proofs to be made on their part before your chancellor at your city of London shall be found due unto them. Conditionally that without inconvenience of delay and impediment they be performed as they aught to be, according to the premises. In like manner also we ourselves within the terms of payment above mentioned will procure satisfaction to be without fail performed unto your subjects endamaged, with the sum of 766. nobles, being in regard of their losses, of the which they have given up sufficient informations, due unto them● and with other like sums also which are by sufficient proofs, within the year aforesaid, and in manner and form prescribed to be exhibited before our treasurer at our city of Dantzik. The almighty vouchsafe prosperously and long time to preserve your majesties royal person. Given at our castle of Marienburgh the 27. of September, in the year of our Lord 1408. Septem. 27. 1408. Fr. Vlricus de jungingen master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Mary's hospital of jerusalem. The letters of king Henry the 4. sent unto Fr. Vlricus master general of Prussia, wherein he doth absolutely approve the foresaid conference held at Hage, and treateth about a perpetual league and amity to be concluded between England and Prussia. HEnry by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland, unto the noble & mighty parsonage of sacred religion Vlricus de jungingen master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Mary's hospital of jerusalem, our entirely beloved friend, greeting and increase of unfeigned friendship. After divers conferences had in sundry places beyond the seas, between the ambassadors and messengers of your late predecessor and of yourself also, on the one part, and between our especial ambassadors and messengers on the other part, concerning reformations, reparations, & restitutions in certain manner & form to be performed unto our subjects of both parts, in regard of manifold injuries practised against them both, and after that, in the last conference held by the ambassadors of us both at the town of Hage in Holland, there was a motion made concerning a certain form of satisfaction, by way of final conclusion in that behalf: but not being as then by our ambassadors condescended unto, because they dared not proceed unto the same conclusion without our privity, relation thereof at length being by them made before us and our counsel: we returned unto your honour an answer in writing by our letters under our privy seal, of our full purpose and intention (unto the which letters we do at this present refer ourselves, as if they were here again expressly written) what we thought good to have done in this behalf: so that we also might by your friendly letters be certainly informed of your will and express consent, being likewise conformable unto your foresaid intention. Now whereas since that time we have of late received the certainty of the matter by your letters written unto us from your castle of Marienburgh, bearing date the 27. of September last passed, containing in effect amongst other matters, that you being moved with a fervent zeal and special affection (as you writ) unto the royal crown of our realm, and having due regard and consideration of our royal majesty, upon the advise of your honourable brethren your counsellors, do with a thankful mind accept, and by the tenor of the said letters of yours totally approve the concord of a certain satisfaction to be performed with the payment of certain sums of money howsoever due unto your subjects as well of Prussia as of Livonia, expressed in our former letters, within the terms prefixed by our consent and limited in our said letters, and also of other sums which within one whole year immediately following the feast of Easter last passed, by sufficient proofs on their part to be made before our chancellor at our city of London, shall be found due unto them: conditionally, that without inconvenience of delay and impediments, the premises be performed as they aught to be. And that yourself also will without fail, upon the terms appointed for the said payments, procure satisfaction ●o be made accordingly unto our endamaged subjects with the sums due unto them by reason of their losses, whereof they have sufficient information. Wherefore in regard of those your friendly letters, and your courteous answer returned by them unto us, as is aforesaid, we do yield unto you right unfeigned thanks. But because it will undoubtedly be most acceptable and pleasing both unto us and unto our people, and unto you and your subjects, that the zeal and fervency of love which hath from ancient times grown and increased between our progenitors for them and their subjects, and your predecessors and their subjects, and which by the insolency of of certain lewd people, without any consent of the principal lords, hath often been violated between us and you and mutually between the subjects of us both, may be put in perpetual ure and obtain full strength in time to come, A motion for a perpetual league. sithence hereupon (by God's assistance) it is to be hoped, that unspeakable commodity and quiet will redound unto both parts: may it seem good unto your discretion, as it seemeth expedient unto us, that some messengers of yours sufficiently authorised to parley, agreed, and conclude with our deputy, about the mutual contraction of a perpetual league and confirmation of friendship, may with all convenient speed be sent unto our presence. At whose arrival, not only in this business so profitable and behoveful, but also in certain other affairs concerning the former treaties and conclusions, they may, yea and of necessity must greatly avail. Wherefore (our entirely beloved friend) even as upon confidence of the premises we have thought good to grant unto the merchants and subjects of our realm full authority to resort unto your dominions, so we do in like manner grant unto your merchants and subjects free licence and liberty with their merchandises and goods securely to come into our realms and dominions, there to stay, and at their pleasures thence to return home. Moreover, if Arnold Dassel, who last of all presented your foresaid letters unto us, shall think good in the mean season to make his abode here in our dominions (as in very deed it is expedient) he may both by serious consideration and deliberate consulting with our commissioners more conveniently and prosperously find out ways and means, for the more speedy expedition of all the premises. Far you well in Christ. Given under our privy seal at our palace of Westminster, the seventh of March, in the year of our lord 1408, according to the computation of the Church of England, and in the tenth year of our reign. A new concord concluded between king Henry the 4. and Vlricus de jungingen Master general of Prussia, in the year of our Lord 1409. BY this indenture or letters indented be it evidently known (for the perpetual memory of the matter) unto all faithful Christians, that the noble & honourable personages Richard Merlowe Maior and citizen of London, Master john Kington clerk, and William Askham citizen and Alderman of the same city, the commissioners of the most sovereign prince and lord, L. Henry by the grace of God king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, and Tidericus de Longenthorpe knight, Lefardus de Hereford burgomaster of Elbing, and john Crolowe citizen of the city of Dantzik, the procurators, commissioners, deputies and messengers of the right noble and religious parsonage Fr. Vlricus de jungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Mary's hospital of jerusalem, having in the names of the said king and Master by virtue of the power on both parts committed unto them, sufficient authority, have appointed and with one consent agreed upon all and singular the things under written. Imprimis for the conservation of mutual love and wont amity, and for the tranquility of sweet amiable peace, it is decreed and ordained, that all and singular the liege people & subjects of the Realm of England and the Merchants of the territories & dominions of the said Realm and all other people of what state or condition soever, shall and may safely and securely, as well by land as by water enter into the parts of Prussia, and there mutually converse, and freely after the manner of merchants exercise traffic aswell with the Prussians as with others of what nation or quality soever, there also make their abode, and thence unto their own homes and dwelling places return, and departed unto any place whither and so often as they shall think good, as well by land as by water, with their goods, merchandise, and wares whatsoever; faithfully paying in the mean time all rights & customs due in regard of their said wares and merchandise. Reserved always unto the said Master and his successors all right and remedy ordained, granted, and vouchsafed in certain obligations by our Lord the king, whereof mention shall be made in the articles following. Item it is ordained, that all and singular the subjects of the said Master general and of his order, of what state and condition soever, shall and may, as well by water as by land enter into the kingdom of England and into the territories and dominions thereof, and there mutually converse, and freely after the manner of merchants exercise traffic as well with all English people as with others of what nation or quality soever, and there also make their abode, and thence return unto their own habitations and dwelling places, and to departed whither they will and as often as they shall think good, as well by land as by water, with their goods, merchandise and wares whatsoever: truly paying in the mean time all rights and customs due in regard of their said wares and Merchandise. Reserved always unto the said sovereign king, his heirs and successors, all rights and remedies ordained and granted unto them in certain obligations, by the commissioners and procurators of the said Master general abovenamed, and in the name of the said Master general. Item it is with one consent agreed upon, promised, and granted that for all and singular damages, grievances, and robberies howsoever done and committed before the date of these presents against the foresaid sovereign Prince and his subjects whatsoever, and all others which at the time of the grievances, damages, and robberies aforesaid, were, or at this present are the said sovereign king his subjects; there are due to be paid unto the said king or his successors by the said Master general or his successors, in full satisfaction and recompense of the damages, grievances, and robberies abovewritten, certain sums of English money: even as in the letters obligatory made by the said Master general his procurators, and messengers abovenamed in this behalf, and sealed with their seals, and delivered unto the forenamed procurators and commissioners of our said Lord the king it is expressed more at large. Item it is covenanted, granted, and promised, that no subject of the said Master general or of his successors, by reason or occasion of the damages, grievances, and robberies aforesaid, shall, by the said sovereign king or his successors, or by their authority or commandment, or by any other person whatsoever who in regard of the foresaid losses, grievances and robberies hath been molested and damnified, or at the procurement or instant suit of any, be attached, arrested, imprisoned, or detained; nor that the goods of the said Master general, or of his successors, or of any of them, shallbe laid hold on, arrested, or detained. Item it is covenanted and ordained, that if any of the liege people and subjects of the said Master general or of his successors shall, contrary to the form of the concord and grant next abovewritten, chance to be molested or endamaged: that then the foresaid sovereign Lord the King and his successors the kings of England are bond to make full satisfaction for all such losses as the subjects of the said Master general or of his successors or any of them shall for that cause have unjustly sustained, unto the parties endamaged. Which thing, if the foresaid sovereign Prince, or his successors in the Realm of England, being conveniently requested by the letters of the said Master general or of his successors, shall refuse to do, that then after the term of six months immediately following the said denial or refusal, it shallbe right lawful for the Master general that now is and for any of his successors in time to come (having first made convenient proof that the foresaid request was by him or them exhibited) to arrest so many goods of the foresaid king his subjects found in the land of Prussia, as may suffice for the reasonable satisfaction and recompense of any person or people whatsoever unjustly molested in this behalf; and also to detain the said goods under arrestes, until condign satisfaction and amendss be made unto the party or parties molested. Item by the commissioners and procurators often abovenamed it is covenanted, promised, and granted, that for all and singular the damages, molestations, and robberies by the foresaid sovereign king his liege people & subjects howsoever before the date of these presents committed and offered against the said Master general or against any of his subjects whether Prussians or Livonians, and against all others who at the time of the damages, grievances & robberies aforesaid were, or at this present are the subjects of the Master general aforesaid (except notwithstanding certain damages & grievances hereafter to be mentioned, whereof also some provisoes shallbe had in the articles following, which damages were before the date of these presents by the said sovereign king his liege people and subjects inflicted upon certain subjects of the foresaid general Master, especially them of Prussia which hereafter shallbe named) there are certain sums of money due to be paid unto the said Master general or unto his successors by the said sovereign Prince or his successors for the full satisfaction of the foresaid damages, molestations and robberies inflicted upon the Prussians and Livonians, and the others above mentioned, even as in the letters obligatory of the said sovereign Lord the king made in this behalf, being given and delivered unto the said Master general his procurators and messengers, it is declared more at large. Item, it is covenanted, granted and promised, that none of the liege people or subjects of the foresaid sovereign prince or of his heirs shall, by reason or occasion of the damages, grievances, and robberies aforesaid, by the said Master general or his successors or by their authority and commandment, or by any other who in respect of the said damages, grievances and robberies above mentioned, hath been molested or damnified, or by any of their procurements or instant suits, shallbe attached, arrested, imprisoned or detained; nor that any goods of the subjects of the said sovereign king or his heirs or any of them, shall be attached, arrested, or detained. Reserved always unto the forenamed Master general and his subjects all right and remedy any way requisite or competent unto them by means of the obligations aforesaid. Item it is covenanted and agreed that if any of the liege people or subjects of the said sovereign prince or of his heirs and successors shall (contrary to the form of concord and grant next abovewritten) chance to be molested or endamaged; that then the said Master general and his successors, for all losses and hindrances which the liege people and subjects the foresaid sovereign prince or of his heirs or successors, shall by that means have unjustly sustained, are bond to make full satisfaction unto the party endamaged. Which if the Master general aforesaid or his successors being conveniently requested by the letters of the said sovereign prince or of his heirs, shall refuse to do; that then, after the space of six months next ensuing the time of the foresaid request, it may be right lawful for the forenamed sovereign prince that now is, or that then for that time shall be (convenient proof being first brought, that the foresaid request had conveniently been exhibited) to arrest so many goods of the said Master general his subjects found in the Realm of England, as may suffice for the reasonable satisfaction and amendss of any person or people unjustly molested in this behalf; and also to detain the said goods under safe custody, until condign satisfaction and amendss be made unto the party or parties aggrieved. Item it is covenanted, that besides the sums due unto the said Master general and his successors in the behalf of his subjects both of Prussia and of Livonia (whereof mention is made in the former Articles) there are due to be paid unto the said Master general and his successors, for sundry other damages, grievances, and robberies against himself and divers other of his subjects of Prussia, namely Matthew Ludekensson, Arnold Asshen, Henri Culeman, john Vnkeltop, john Halewater, Egghard Scoff of Dantzik, and Nicolas Wolmerstene of Elbing, done and committed by the said sovereign king his liege people and subjects under-written, even before the date of these presents, for the full satisfaction of the said damages, grievances and robberies, certain sums of nobles hereafter following. Namely Inprimis by Tutburie, and Ter●y of Hull, 82. nobles, which are due unto the foresaid Matthew Ludekinson. Item by Nicholas Scot of Caleis the son of Tutbury, and Hilg of Hull, 256. nobles, which are due unto the foresaid Arnold de Aschen. Item by the inhabitants of Scardeburgh, Blakeney, and Crowmer (who had one john jolly of Blakeney for their captain) 156. nobles, which are due unto Henry Culeman aforesaid. Item by the inhabitants of Bayon (Whose captain was one Pideville) 125. nobles which are due unto the said john Vnkeltop. Item by the inhabitants of Plymmouth and Dertmouth (whose Captains were Henry Pay, and William Gadeling) 600. nobles which are due unto the foresaid john Halewater, in respect of his goods by them violently taken away. Item 334. nobles to be paid by the self same parties, being due unto the said john Halewater by reason that they detained his ship from him three months and more, which ship was of the burden of three hundredth tons of wine, A ship of the burden of 300. Tons. and had in it all the foresaid time five and forty servants maintained at the expenses of the said john Halewater. Item that Sir William de Ethingham knight, who was Uiceadmirall for the sea, must be summoned to allege a reasonable cause (for that the said Sir William with his servants expelled the said john Halewater out of his ship for the space of fifteen days together, and took of the goods and victuals of the said john to the sum of 114. nobles) why he aught not to pay the said sum of 114. nobles unto john Halewater aforesaid: which if he shall not be willing nor able to allege before the first of April next ensuing, that then by the king's authority he must be compelled to pay unto the foresaid john the said 114 nobles. Item by the inhabitants of Caleis (whose captains were Michael Scot, Bishop, and William Horneby) 1900. nobles, which are due unto the foresaid Eggard Scoff, because the said sovereign king hath given them in charge by the said Michael Scot and the rest concerning the payment of the sum aforesaid. Item by john Bilis near unto Crowmer, 68 nobles, which are due unto Nicholas Wolmersten of Elbing. Which sums of nobles must by the king's authority be levied at the hands of his subjects abovementioned, between the time that now is and the feast of the Purification of the blessed virgin which shall fall in the year of our Lord 1411. effectually to be delivered and paid unto the said Master general or his lawful procurator, or unto his successors or their lawful procurators, at the City of London, upon the feast aforesaid. Item it is covenanted that besides the sums specified in the foresaid letters obligatory made in the behalf of the said sovereign prince, there are due to be paid unto one john Marion of Wersingham lately deceased being in his lifetime the liege subject of the foresaid sovereign prince 200. nobles of English money in regard of certain injuries and robberies done and committed before the date of these presents against the foresaid john, by one Eghard Scoff subject unto the said Master general, for the full satisfaction of the said damages and robberies to be made unto the said deceased john, his wife, children, heirs or exceutors by the said Egghard, his herres, or by the administrators of his goods at the time and place abovementioned. Item it is covenanted, confirmed, and promised, that for all the injuries and robberies done and committed against one john Dordewant of Elbing, being in his life time subject unto the said Master general, by the liege people and subjects of the said sovereign king the inhabitants of Scardeburgh before the date of these presents; for the full recompense of all such injuries and robberies, there must be paid unto one john Gruk of Dantzik eight hundred nobles of English money, upon the feast of Easter next following in the City of London by them of Scardeburgh being guilty and culpable in this behalf; who are by definitive sentence condemned unto the said john in the sum of 800. nobles by reason of the injuries and robberies aforesaid. Except the lawful expenses in this behalf laid out: they are also taxed in due time for the issue. And therefore the foresaid condemned parties (whose names are in the sentence against them pronounced in this behalf, more expressly contained) must in the mean season by the king's authority be compelled and constrained really and actually to obey the foresaid sentence, namely by delivering and paying unto john Gruk the sum of 800. nobles at the time and place above mentioned, with reasonable expenses, wherein also the said parties stand condemned, their lawful taxation being reserved. Item it is covenanted and granted, that the heirs of Lord Henry de Percy the younger after they shall come unto lawful age, and shall have attained unto the possessions and goods of their inheritance, must be compelled by the king's authority (justice going before) to make satisfaction unto the great procurator of Marienburgh with the sum of 838. nobles in am of certain corn and grain which the foresaid Lord Henry, in the year 1403, bought and received of the said great procurator, for the use of the castle of Zutberwik. In testimony and confirmation of all the which premises, the said Tedericus, Lefardus, and john Crolow, of their certain knowledges have put their seals unto these present letters indented, in the presence of the abovenamed Richard Merlow, john Kington, and William Askam, commissioners for the behalf of England. Given at the City of London in England the fourth day of December, in the year of our Lord 1409. Carta Henrici quarti Anno ‖ 1404. quinto regni sui conces●a mercatoribus Angliae in partibus Prussiae, Daciae, Norwegiae, Swethiae, & Germaniae, de gubernatore inter ipsos ibidem constituendo. HEnricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae & Dominus Hiberniae omnibus, ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint, salutem. S●iatis quod cum, ut accepimus, ob defectum boni & sani regiminis & gubernationis, diversa damna, dissensiones, gravamina, & angustiae inter mercatores Regni nostri Angliae in partibus Pruciae, Daciae, Norwegiae, Hansae, & Swethiae commor●ntes saepius ante haec tempora mota fuissent & perpetrata, ac maiora exinde, quod absit, futuris temporibus verisimiliter evenire formidantur, nisi pro meliori gubernation inter eosdem mercatores mutuò habenda manus nostras adiutrices apponamus: Nos damnis & periculis in hac part imminentibus praecavere, & eosdem Mercatores & alios de dicto regno nostro ad parts praedictas venturos just & fideliter regi & pertractari intime desiderantes, volumus & tenore praesentium concedimus eisdem mercatoribus, quod ipsi quoties & quando eye placuerit in quodam loco competenti & honesto, ubi sibi placuerit, se congregare & unire, & certas personas sufficientes & idoneas in gubernatores suos in eisdem pattibus inter se ad eorum libitum eligere & obtinere valeant libere & impune: Dantes ulterius & concedentes huiusmodi gubernatoribus per praedictos Mercatores sic eligendis, quantum in nobis est, potestatem & authoritatem speciales, omnes & singulos mercatores Anglicos ad parts praedictas de caetero venientes & declinantes per se vel sufficientes loca sua tenentes regendi & gubernandi, ac eyes & eorum cuilibet in suis causis & querelis quibuscunque inter eos in partibus praedictis motis vel movendis plenam & celerem justiciam faciendi & quascunque quaestiones, contentiones, discordias, & debatas inter ipsos mercatores Anglicos partium praedictarum motas seu movendas reformandi, reformationemque petendi, redigendi sedandi, & pacificandi, & quascunque transgressiones, damna, mesprisiones, excessus, vio-, lencias, & iniurias mercatoribus partium praedictarum per praedictos mercatores Anglicos factas seu faciendas redigendi, reparandi, restaurandi, & emendandi, consimilesque restitutiones, reparationes, restaurationes & emendationes de ipsis mercatoribus partium praedictarum seu deputatis suis requirendi, petendi, & recipiendi: Ac de communi assensu mercatorum Anglicorum praedictorum statuta, ordinationes, & consuetudines, prout pro meliori gubernation status eorundem mercatorum Anglicorum in hac part videbitur expedire, faciendi & stabiliendi, & omnes & singulos mercatores Anglicos praefatis gubernatoribus sic eligendis vel eorum loca tenentibus seu eorum alicui, aut alicui statutorum, ordinationum, & consuetudinum praedictarum contrarios, rebels, vel inobedientes juxta quantitatem delicti sui in hac part rationabiliter puniendi. Volentes insuper omnia justa & rationabilia statuta, ordinationes & consuetudines per dictos gubernatores sic eligendos in forma praedicta facienda & stabilienda, nec non omnes iustas & rationabiles ordinationes per ‖ Nota● nuper gubernatores praedictorum mercatorum Anglicorum de communi assensu eorundem mercatorum pro huiusmodi gubernation sua in partibus praedictis juxta privilegia & authoritates sibi per magistrum Pruciae seu alios dominos partium praedictarum concessa, factas & stabilitas, seu per praedictos gubernatores nunc ut praemittitur eligendos juxta privilegia praedicta, seu alia privilegia eisdem mercatoribus Anglicis per praedictos magistrum & dominos in posterum concedenda, facienda & stabilienda, rata, firma & accepta haberi, & pro ratis, firmis, & acceptis ibidem firmiter & inviolabiliter observari. Damus autem universis & singulis mercatoribus Anglicis praedictis tenore praesentium firmiter in mandatis, quod eisdem gubernatoribus sic eligendis & eorum loca tenentibus in praemissis omnibus & singulis ac●alijs gubernationem & regimen in hac part qualitercunque concernentibus intendentes sint, consulentes, obedientes & auxiliantes, prout decet. Data in palatio nostro Westmonasterij sub magni sigilli nostri testimonio sexto die Junii Anno regni nostri quinto. A Charter of King Henry the fourth granted in the fift year of his reign to the English Merchants resident in the parts of Prussia, Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Germany for the choosing of Governors among themselves. HEnry by the grace of God king of England and of France, and Lord of Ireland: to all to whom these present letters shall come, sendeth greeting. Know you, that whereas, according as we are informed, through want of good and discreet rule and government, sundry damages, strifes, oppressions, and wrongs oftentimes heretofore have been moved and committed among the Merchants of our kingdom of England remaining in the parties of Prussia, Denmark, Norway, the Hans steeds, and Sweden, and greater hereafter, which God forbidden, are feared to be like to fall out, unless we put to our helping hands for the procuring of better government to be maintained among the said Merchants: we hearty desiring to prevent the perils and dangers which are like to fall out in this case, and that the said Merchants and others which shall travail out of our said Realm into the parts aforesaid may justly and faithfully be ruled and entreated, we will and grant by the tenor of these presents to the said Merchants, that they may freely and without danger assemble and meet together as often and whensoever they please in some convenient and honest place where they shall think good, and that they may choose among themselves certain sufficient and fit people for their governors in those parts at their good liking. And furthermore we give and grant to the said Governors which are in such sort to be choose by the aforesaid Merchants, as much as in us lieth, special power and authority to rule and govern all and singular the English Merchants which hereafter shall come or repair to the parts aforesaid by themselves or their sufficient Deputies, and to minister unto them and every of them in their causes and quarrels whatsoever, which are sprung up or shall hereafter fall out among them in the parts aforesaid full and speedy justice, and to reform all manner of questions, contentious discords, and debates moved or to be moved between the English Merchants remaining in those parts, and to seek reformation, to redress, appease, and compound the same. And further to redress, restore, repair and satisfy all transgressions, damages, misprisions, outrages, violences, and injuries done or to be done by the aforesaid English Merchants against the Merchants of those parts: And to require, demand and receive the like restitutions, reparations, satisfactions and amendss of the Merchants of those parts or of their deputies. And by the common consent of the aforesaid English Merchants to make and establish statutes, ordinances, and customs, as shall seem expedient in that behalf for the better government of the state of the said English Merchants: and to punish with reason according to the quantity of their fault in that behalf all and singular the English Merchants which shall withstand, resist or disobey the aforesaid governors so to be choose or their deputies, or any of them; or any of the aforesaid statutes, ordinances, or customs. Moreover we do ratify, confirm, and approve, and as ratified, confirmed, and approved, we command firmly and inviolably there to be observed all just, and reasonable statutes, ordinances, and customs which shallbe made and established by the said governors, so to be choose, in form aforesaid, and also all just and reasonable ordinances made & established by the late governors of the aforesaid English Merchants with the common consent of the said Merchants for this their government in the parts aforesaid, according to the privileges and authorities now granted unto them by the Master of Prussia, or other Lords of the parts aforesaid, or which shall be made and established by the aforesaid governors now as is mentioned to be choose according to the aforesaid privileges heretofore granted, or other privileges hereafter to be granted to the said English Merchants by the aforesaid Master and lords of the Country. And furthermore by the tenor of these presents we straightly command all and singular the aforesaid English Merchants, that they attend, advise, obey and assist, as it becometh them, the said governors so to be choose, and their deputies in all and singular the premises, and other things, which any way may concern in this behalf their rule and government. Given in our Palace at Westminster under the testimony of our great Seal the sixt day of june in the fift year of our reign. A note touching the mighty ships of King Henry the fift, mentioned hereafter in the treaty of keeping the Sea, taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinity Church of Winchester. EOdem Anno quo victoria potitus est videlicet Anno Domini 14●5. & regni sui Annotertio, post bellum de Agincourt, conducti a Francis venerunt cum multis Navibus recuperatur● Harfletum, Sed Rex Angliae misit fratrem suum johannem Ducem Bedfordiae & Andegaviae, qui pugnavit cum eyes & vicit, & Naves cepit, & quasdam submersit: caeteri fugerunt cum Hispanis navibus qui venerant cum eyes Anno gratiae 1416. Sequenti vero Anno redierunt potentiores, & iterum devicti perpetuam pacem ●cum Rege composuerunt, & propter eorum naves fecit Rex fieri naves quales non erant in mundo. De his sic conductis a Francis ita metricè scribitur. Naves maximae Henrici quinti. Regum belligero trito celeberrimus aruo Gallos', Hispanos, janos, devicit, & Vrget, Vastat; turbantur caetera regna metu. Navali bello bis devicti quoque jani. A branch of a Statute made in the eight year of Henry the sixt, for the trade to Norwey, Sweveland, Denmark, and Fynmarke. ITem because that the kings most dear Uncle, the king of Denmark, Norway & Sweveland, as the same our sovereign Lord the king of his intimation hath understood, considering the manifold & great losses, perils, hurts and damage which have late happened aswell to him and his, as to other foraines and strangers, and also friends and special subjects of our said sovereign Lord the king of his Realm of England, by the going in, entering & passage of such foreign & strange people into his realm of Norwey & other dominions, straits, territories, jurisdictions & places subdued and subject to him, specially into his Isles of Fynmarke, and elsewhere, aswell in their people as their things and goods: for eschewing of such losses, perils, hurts & damages, and that such like (which God forbidden) should not hereafter happen: our said sovereign Lord the king hath ordained and statuted, that all and singular strangers, aswell Englishmen and others willing to apply by Ship and come into his Realm of Norwey and other dominions, straits, territories, jurisdictions, Isles & places aforesaid with their ships, to the intent to get or have fish or any other Merchandises, or goods, shall apply and come to his Town of Northberne, where the said king of Denmark hath specially ordained and established his staple for the concourses of strangers and specially of Englishmen, to the exercise of such Merchandises: granting to the said Englishmen that they shall there enjoy in and by all things● the same favour, privileges and prerogatives which they of the Hans did enjoy. Therefore our said sovereign Lord the king willing the love, affinity and amities to be firmly observed, which betwixt his said Uncle and his noble progenitors of good memory, their Realms, lands, dominions, streites, territories, jurisdictions and their said places, and the same our sovereign Lord the king & his noble progenitors of famous memory, his great men, subjects, Realms, lands & dominions hath been of old times hitherto continued, nor nothing by our said sovereign Lord the king or his people to be attempted or done whereby such amities by reason of any dissensions, enemities or discords might be broken: by the advise of the Lords spiritual & temporal & of the commons of his said Realm of England, assembled in this present Parliament, hath ordained, prohibiting that none of his liege people nor subjects of his Realm of England by audacity of their folly presume to enter the Realms, lands, dominions, straits, territories, jurisdictions & places of the said king of Denmark against the ordinance, prohibition & interdiction of the same his Uncle above remembered, & in contempt of the same, upon pain of forfeiture of all their movable goods & imprisonment of their people at the kings will. Another branch of a statute made in the tenth year of the reign of Henry the sixt concerning the state of the English Merchants in the dominions of the king of Denmark. ITem because that our sovereign Lord the king at the grievous complaint to him made in this Parliament by the commons of his realm of England being in this Parliament is informed, that many of his faithful liege people be greatly impoverished, undone, & in point to be destroyed by the king of Denmark & his liege's, which be of the amity of the king our sovereign Lord, because that they do daily take of his said faithful subjects their goods, so that they have taken of merchants of York and Kingston upon Hul goods & merchandises to the valour of u M.li within a year, and of other liege's & merchants of the Realm of England goods & cattals to the valour of xx. M.li whereof they have no remedy of the said king of Denmark, nor of none other, forasmuch as none of them cometh within the Realm of England, nor nothing have in the same Realm of England, & that the goods be taken out of the same Realm: The king willing to provide remedy for his said liege people, hath ordained & established, that if the goods of any of the said his liege's be or shallbe taken by the said king of Denmark or any of his said liege's, the keeper of the privy seal for the time being, shall have power to make to the party grieved letters of request under the privy seal, without any other pursuit to be made to any for restitution to be had of the goods so taken & to be taken. And if restitution be not made by such letters, the king our sovereign lord by the advise of his counsel shall provide to the party grieved his covenable remedy, according as the case requireth. Here beginneth the Prologue of the process of the Libel of English policy, exhorting all England to keep the sea, and namely the narrow sea: showing what profit cometh thereof, and also what worship and salvation to England, and to all Englishmen. Incipit liber de custodia Maris praeserti● arcti inter Doveram & Galisiam. THe true process of English policy Of utterward to keep this regne in Of our England, that no man may deny, Ne'er say of sooth but it is one of the best, Is this, that who seethe South, North, East and Wes●● Cherish Merchandise, keep the admiralty; That we be Mas●ers of the narrow see. Sigismond died 1438. For Sigismond the great Emperor, He was here 1416. With yet reigneth, when he was in this land With king Henry the fift, Prince of honour, Videns imperator Sigismundus duas villas inter caeteras Angliç scilicet Calisiam & Doveream, ponens suos duos digitos super duos suon oculos, ait regi: Frater, custodite istas duas villas sicut duos vestros oculos. Here much glory, as him thought, he found, A mighty land which had take in hand To were in France, and make mortality, And ever well kept round about the see. And to the king thus he said: My brother, (When he perceived two Towns Caleis and Dover) Of all your Towns to choose of one and other, To keep the sea and soon to come over To were outwards and your regne to recover: Keep these two Towns sure, and your Majesty As your twain eyen: so keep the narrow see. For if this sea be kept in time of were, Who can here pass without danger and woe? Who may escape, who may mischief differre? What Marchandie may forby be ago? For needs hem must take trewes every foe: Flanders and Spain, and other, trust to me, The Noble was coined by Edward the third Anno regni 18. Or else hindered all for this Narrow see. Therefore I cast me by a little writing To show at eye this conclusion, Quatuor consider●ntur in monet● aurea Anglic●, quae dicitur Nobile: scilicet Rex, Navis, gladius, & Mare: Quae designant potestatem Anglico●um super Mare. In quorum opprobrium his diebus britons minores & Flandrenses & alij dicunt Anglicis: Tollite de vestro Nobile navem & imponite onem. Intendentes, quod sicut quondam á tempore Edwardi tertij Anglici erant domini Maris, modo his diebus sunt v●●ordes, victi, & ad bell●ndum & Mare obseruandum velut o●es. For conscience and for mine acquitting Against God and again abusion, And cowardice, and to our enemy's confusion. For four things our Noble showeth to me, King, Ship, and Sword, and power of the see. Where been our ships, where been our swerds become? Our enemy's bed for the ship set a sheep. Alas our rule halteth, it is benumb. Who dare well say that lordship should take keep? I will assay, though mine heart gin to weep, To do this work, if we will ever thee, For very shame to keep about the see. Shall any Prince, what so be his name, Which hath Nobleses much leche ours, Be Lord of ●ee: and Flemings to our blame, Stop us, take us, and so make fade the flowers Of English state, and disteyne our honours? For cowardice alas it should so be. Therefore I gin to writ now of the see. Of the commodities of Spain and of Flanders. The first Chapter. Figs, raisins, Wine, Bastard, Dates, Lycoras, ●iuil Oil, Grains, White Pastel, Sop●, Wax, Iron, Wadmolle, Gotefell, ●idfell, Saffron, Quicksilver. Know well all men that profits in certain Commodities called coming out of Spain And Marchandie, who so will weete what it is, Been Figs, Raisins, wine Bastard, and Datis, And Licorts, Seville oil, and grain, White Pastill Soap, and Wax is not vain. Iron, Wool, Wadmolle, Gotefell, ●idfell also: For Pointmakers full needful been they tweyn: Saffron, Quickesilver, which own Spain Marchandy, Is into Flanders shipped full craftily, Unto Bruges as to her staple fair: The Haven of Scluse her Haven for her repair Which is cleped Swyn though ships giding: Where many vessels and fair are abiding. But these Marchandes with their ships great, And such chaffer as they buy and get By the ways must need take on hand By the coasts to pass of our England, Betwixt Dover and Caleis, this is no doubt. Who can well else such matter bring about? And when these said Merchants discharged be Of Marchandie in Flanders near the see, Then they be charged again with Marchandy, That to Flanders bougethfull richly. Fine clot of Ypre that named is better than ours, Cloth of Curtrike, fine clot of all colours, Much Fustian, and also Linen clot. But Flemings, if ye be not wroth, Flemish clot made of English Wool. The great substance of your clot at the full Ye wots you make it of our English will. Then may it not sink in man's brain, But that it must this Marchandy of Spain Both out and in by our costs pass: He that said nay in wit was like an ass. We should have peace with the grounds twain Thus if this see were kept, I dare well sayne. The necessary conjunction of Spain and Flanders. For Spain and Flanders is as each other brother, And neither may well live without other: They may not liuen to maintain their degrees, Without our English commodities: Wolle and Tin: for the wool of England sustaineth the Commons Flemings I understand. Then if England would her wool restrain From Flanders, this followeth in certain, Flanders of need must with us have peace, Or else she is destroyed without leeses. Also if Flanders thus destroyed be: Some Marchandy of Spain will never ythee: For destroyed it is, and as in cheeffe The wool of Spain it cometh not to preeffe, But if it be costed and menged well Among the English wool the greater delle. For Spanish wool in Flaunders draped is, And ever hath be, that men have mind of this: And yet Wool is one of the chief Marchandy That longeth to Spain: who so will espy, It is of little value, trust unto me, With English wool but if it menged be. Thus if the sea be kept, than hearken hither, If these two lands comen not together: So that the Fleet of Flanders pass naught That in the narrow see it be not brought Into the Rochel to fetch the fumose wine, Ne'er into Bytonuse Bay for salt so fine, What is then Spain? What is Flanders also? As who said, naught, the thrift is ago. For the little land of Flanders is But a staple to other lands iwis: And all that groweth in Flanders grain and seed May not a month find 'em meat and breed. What hath then Flanders, be Flemings lief or loath But a little Mader and Flemish Cloth: By Drapering of our wool in substance liven her commons, this is her governance, Without which they may not live at ease. Thus must hem starve, or with us must have peace. Of the commodities of Portugal. The second Chapter. THe Marchandy also of Portugal By divers lands turn into sale. Portugalers with us have troth in hand: Whose Marchandy comes much into England● They been our friends, with their commodities, And we English passen into their countries. Wine, Osey, Wax, Grain, Figs, Reisens', Honey, Cordeweyne, Dates, Salt, Hides. Her land hath wine, Osey, Wax, and Grain, Figs, Raisins, Honey and Cordoweyne: Dates, and Salt, Hides, and such Marchandy: And if they would to Flanders pass for by, They should not be suffered once ner twice, For supporting of our cruel enemies, That is to say Flemings with her guile: Note well. For changeable they are in little while. Then I conclude by reasons many more, If we suffered neither friend nor foe, What so enemies, and so supporting Pass for by us in time of werring, Seth our friends will not been in cause Of our hindering, if reason lead this clause: Then need from Flanders peace be to us sought, And other lands should seek peace, doubt naught: For Flanders is Staple, as men tell me, To all nations of Christianity. The commodities of petty Britain, with her Rovers on the sea. The third Chapter. FUrthermore to writ I am feign Somewhat speaking of the little Britain. Commodity thereof there, is and was, Salt, and wine, crest clot and canvas. And the land of Flaunders sickerly Is the staple of their Marchandy. Which Marchandie may not pass away But by the coast of England, this is no nay. And of this Britain, who so truth lovis, The Britons great Rovers and thieves. Are the greatest rovers and the greatest theevis, That have been in the sea many one year: That our Merchants have bought full dear. For they have took notable goods of ours, On this side see, these false pelours Called of Saint Malo, and else where: Which to their Duke none obeisance will bear: With such colours we have be hindered sore. And feigned peace is called no were herefore. Thus they have been in divers coasts many Of our England, more than rehearse can I: In Norfolk coasts, and other places about, And rob and brent and slaive by many a rout: And they have also ransomed Town by Town: That into the regnes of boast have run her sown: Which hath been ruth unto this Realm and shame: They that the sea should keep are much to blame. For Britain is of easy reputation; And Saint Malo turneth 'em to reprobation. A story of Edward the third his ordinance for Britain. Historia o●●enden● quam ordinationem Rex Edwardus tertius fecit contra depraedatores marinos Britanniae minoris, ad debellandum eos & subiugandum Britannos minores. HEre bring I in a story to me lent, That a good Squire in time of Parliament took unto me well written in a scrowe: That I have commond both with high and low, Of which all men accord into one, That it was done not many years agone. But when noble King Edward the third Reigned in grace, right thus it betid. For he had a manner jealousy To his Merchants and loved them heartily. He field the ways to rule well the see, Whereby Merchants might have prosperity. That for Harflew Houndflew did he maken; And great were that time were undertaken, betwixt the King and the Duke of Britain: At last to fall to peace both were they fayne: Upon the which made with convention Our Merchants made 'em ready boon Toward Britain to load their Marchandie, Wening 'em friends they went forth boldly: But soon anon our Merchants were tale, And we sped never the better for truce sake. They lost her good, her navy and spending: But their complaint came unto the king. Then wext he wroth, and to the Duke he sent, And complained that such harm was hent; By convention and peace made so refused: With Duke sent again, and him excused, Rehearsing that the mount of Saint Michael, And Saint Malo would never a dell Be subject unto his governance, Nor be under his obeisance: And so they did withouten him that deed. But when the king anon had taken heed: He in his heart set a judgement, Without calling of any Parliament, Or great tarry to take long advise To ●ortifie anon he did devise Of English Towns three, that is to say, Der●mouth, Plymouth, the third it is Fowey: And gave 'em help and notable puissance With insistence set them in governance Upon petty Bretayne for to were. Those good sea men would no more differre, But beat 'em home and made they might not cowte, took prisoners, and made them for to lout. And eft the Duke, an ensample wise, Written to the king as he first did devise, Him excusing: But our men wood With great power passed over the flood And werred forth into the Duke's land, And had nigh destroyed free and bond. But than the Duke knew that the towns three Should have lost all his native Country, He undertook by surety true not false, For mount Michael and Saint Malo als, And other parties of the little Britain, Which to obey, as said was, were not fain. The Duke himself for all did undertake: With all his heart a full peace did he make: So that in all the life time of the king, Merchants had peace withouten werring: He made a statute for Lombard's in this land, Statutum Regis Edwardi tertij pro Lombardis. That they should in no wise take on hand Here to inhabit, here to charged and discharged But forty days, no more time had they large. This good king by wit of such appreiffe Kept his Merchants and the sea from mischief. Of the commodities of Scotland and draping of her wolles in Flanders. The fourth Chapter. Moreover of Scotland the commodities Are fells, Hides, and of Wool the Fleece. And all these must pass by us away Into Flanders by England, sooth to say. And all her wool was draped for to cell In the Towns of Poperinge and of Bell; Which my Lord of Gloucester with ire For her falsehood set upon a fi●e. Anno Domini 1436. Hen. 6.14. And yet they of Bell and Poperinge Can never drape her wool for any thing, But if they had English will withal. Our goodly wool which is so general Needful to them in Spain and Scotland als, And other costs, this sentence is not false: Ye worthy Merchants I do it upon you, I have this learned you wots well where and how: You wot the Staple of that Marchandie, Of this Scotland is Flaunders sikerly. And the Scots been charged known at the eye, Out of Flanders with little mercery, And great plenty of Haberdashers War●, And half her ships with cart wheels bore, And with Barrowes are laden as in substance: Thus most rude ware are in her chevesance. So they may not forbear this Flemish land. Therefore if we would manly take in hand, To keep this Sea from Flanders and from Spain, And from Scotland, like as from petty Britain, We should right soon have peace for all her boasts, For they must needs pass by our English costs. Of the commodities of Pruce, and High Dutch men, and Easterlings. The fifth Chapitle. Now go forth to the commodities, That cometh from Pruce in two manner degrees. For two manner people have such use, That is to say, High Dutch men of Pruse, And Esterlings, which might not be forborn, Out of Flanders, but it were verily lorne. For they bring in the substance of the Beer, That they drinken feel too good cheap, not dear. Ye have herded that two Flemings together Will undertake or they go any whither, Or they rise once to drink a Ferkin full, Of good Beerekin: so sore they hall and pull. Under the board they pissen as they sit; This cometh of covenant of a worthy wit. Without Caleis in their Butter they cakked When they fled home, and when they leisure lacked To hold their siege, they went like as a Do: Well was that Fleming that might truss, and go. For fear they turned back and hied fast, My Lord of Gloucester made 'em so aghast With his coming, and sought 'em in her land, And brent and slow as he had take on hand: So that our enemies dared not bide, nor steer, They fled to mewe, they dared no more appear, Rebuked sore for ever so shamefully, Unto her utter everlasting villainy. Now Beer and Bacon been fro Pruse ybourhgt Into Flanders, as loved and far ysought; Osmond, Copper, Bow-staves, Steel, and Wax, Peltreware and grey Pitch, Terre, Board, and flexe: And Colleyne thread, Fustian and Canvas, Pitch, Tar, Board, Flexe, colein thread, Fustian, Canvas, Cards, Bokeram, Siluer-plate, Wedges of Silver and Metal. Card, Bukeram: of old time thus it was. But the Flemings among these things dear, In common loven best Bacon and Beer. Also Pruse men maken her adventure Of Plate of silver of wedges good and sure In great plenty which they bring and buy, Out of the lands of Beam and Hungary: Which is increase full great unto their land, And they been laden, I understand, With woollen clot all manner o● colours By dyers crafted full divers, that been ours. And they adventure full greatly unto the Bay, for salt that is needful withouten nay● Thus if they would not our friends be, We might lightly stop 'em in the see: They should not pass our streemes withouten leave, It would not be, but if we should hem grieve. Of the commodities of the Genuoys and her great Caracks. Chap. 6. THe Genuois comen in sundry wives Into this land with divers merchandises In great Caracks, arrayed withouten lack With clot of gold, silk, and pepper black They bring with them, and of ‖ 〈◊〉, Woad. crood great plenty, wol Oil, Woad ashen, by vessel in the see, Cotton, Rochalum, and good gold of Genne. And then be charged with wool again I wen, And woollen clot of ours of colours all. And they adventure, as oft it doth befall, Into Flanders with such things as they buy, That is their chief staple sekerly: And if they would be ou● full enemies, They should not pass our streams with merchandise. The commodities and nicetees of the Venetians and Florentines, with their Gallees. Chap. 7. THe great Galees of Venice and Florence Be well laden with things of complacence, All spicery and of gross ware: With sweet wines all manner of chaffer, Apes, and japes, and marmusets tailed, Nifles and trifles that little have availed: And things with which they fetely blear our eye: With things not enduring that we buy. For much of this chaffer that is wastable Might be forborn for dear and deceivable. And that I ween as for infirmities In our England are such commodities Withouten help of any other land Which by wit and practice both yfound: That all humours might be voided sure, Which that we gleder with our English cure: That we should have no need of Scamonie, Turbit, enforbe, correct Diagredie, Rhubarb, Sene, and yet they been to needful, But I know things all so speedefull, That grown here, as those things said. Let of this matter no man be dismayed; But that a man may void infirmity Without degrees ●et fro beyond the sea. And yef they should except be any thing It were but sugar, trust to my saying: He that trusteth not to my saying and sentence, Let him better search experience. In this matter I will not ferther press, Who so not believeth, let him leave and cease. Thus these galeys for this licking ware, And eating ware, bore hence our best chaffer: Cloth, will, and tin, which as I said before, Out of this land worst might be forbore, Foreth other land of necessity Have great need to buy some of them three: And we receive of h●m into this cost Ware and chaffer that lightly willbe lost. And would jesus, that our Lord is would Consider this well both young and old: Namely old that have experience, That might the young exhort to prudence; What harm, what hurt, and what hindrance Is done to us, unto our great grievance, Of such lands, and of such nations: As expert men know by probations, By writings as discovered our counsels, And false colour always the countertailes Of our enemies: that doth us hindering Unto our goods, our realm, and to the king: As wise men have showed well at eye; And all this is coloured by marchandye. An example of deceit. ALso they bear the gold out of this land, And suck the thrift away out of our hand: As the Wasp souketh honey fro the Bee, So minisheth our commodity. Now will you here how they in Cotteswold Were wont to borrow or they should be sold Her will good as for year and year. Of clot and tin they did in like manner: And in her galies ship this marchandie: Then soon at Venice of them men will it buy. Then utterne there the chaffer by the poise, And lightly als there they make her raise. And when the goods been at Venice sold, Then to carry her change they this money have, They will it proffer, their subtlety to save, To English merchants to give it out by eschange To be paid again they make not strange, At the receiving and sight of a letter, Here in England, seeming for the better, by four pennies less in the noble round: That is twelve pennies in the golden pound. And if we will have of payment A full month, than must him needs assent To eight pennies loss, that is shillings twain In the English pound; as eft soon again, For two months twelve pennies must he pay. In the English pound what is that to say, But shillings three? So that in pound fallen For hurt and harm hard is with 'em to devil. And when English merchants have content This eschange in England of assent, That these said Venetians have in won And Florentines to bear her gold soon Over the see into Flanders, again: And thus they live in Flanders, sooth to sau●e, And in London with such chevisance, That men call usury, to our loss and hindrance. Another example of deceit. NOw lesten well how they made us a valleys When they borrowed at the town of Caleis As they were wont, their will that was 'em lent, For year and year they should make payment. And sometime als two year and two year. This was fair ‖ Or, love. love: but yet will you hear, How they to Bruges would her will carry, And for 'em take payment withouten tarry, And cell it fast for ready money in hand. For fifty pounds of money of loss they would not word In a thousand pound, and live thereby Till the day of payment easily, Come again in exchange: making Full like usury, as men make undertaking. Than when this payment of a thousand pound Was well content, they should have chaffer sound If they would fro the Staple full, Receive again three thousand pound in will. In Co●teswold also they ride about, And all England, and buy withouten doubt What them list with freedom and franchise, Moore than we English may gitten many wise. But would God that without longer delays These galees were unfraught in forty days, And in forty days charged again, And that they might be put to certain To go to host, as we there with 'em do. It were expedient that they did right so, As we do there. If the king would it: Ah what worship would fall to English wit? What profit also to our marchandie Which would of need be cherished hertilie? For I would wit, why now our navy faileth, Note diligently When many a foe us at our door assaileth. Now in these days, that if there come a need, A woeful complaint of lack of navy if need come. What navy should we have it is to dread. In Denmark were full noble conquerors In time past, full worthy warriors: Which when they had their merchants destroyed, A story of destruction of Denmark for destruction of their merchants. To poverty they fallen, thus were they noyed: And so they stand at mischief at this day. This learned I late well written, this no nay. Therefore beware, I can no better will, Is grace it will, of other men's peril. For if merchants were cherished to her speed, We were not likely to fail in any need. If they be rich, then in prosperity shallbe our land, lords, and commontee, And in worship. Now think I on the son Of marchandy Richard of Whitingdon; The p●a●se of Richard of Whitingdon merchant. That load star, and chief choose flower: What hath by him our England of honour, And what profit hath been of his riches, And yet lasteth daily in worthiness? That pen and paper may not me suffice Him to describe: so high he was of price Above merchants, that set him one of the best: I can no more, but God have him in rest. Now the principal matter. WHat reason is it that we should go to host In their countries, & in this English cost They should not so? but have more liberty Than we ourselves now also mot I thee. I would to gifts men should take no heed That letteth our thing public for to speed. For this we s●e well every day at eye, Gifts and fests s●open our policy. Now see that fools been either they or we: But ever we have the worse in this country. Therefore let 'em unto host go here, Or be we free with 'em in like manner In their countries: and if it will not be, Compel them unto host, and ye shall see Much advantage, and much profit arise, Much more than I can writ in any wise. Of our charge and discharge at her marts. Conceive well here, that Englishmen at martes be discharged, for all her crafts and arts, In Brabant of her marchandy In fourteen days, and again hastily In the same days fourteen acharged eft. And if they bide longer all is bereft, Anon they should forfeit her goods all, Or marchandy: it should no better fall. And we to martis in Brabant charged been With English clot full good and fair to seen: We been again charged with mercery, Haburdasher ware, and with grosserie: To which marts, that English men call fairs, Each nation often maketh her repairs: English, and French, Lombard's, jennoyes, Catalones', thedre they take her ways: Scots, Spaniards, Irishmen there abides, With great plenty bringing of sale hides. And I here say that we in Brabant buy, Flanders and Zealand more of marchandy In common use then done all other nations: This have I herded of merchants relations: And if the English been not in the marts They been feeble, and as naught been her parts. For they byemore, and fro purse put out Moore marchandie than all the other rout. Kept then the see, ships should not bring ne fetch, And then the carreys would not thidre stretch: And so those marts would full evil thee, If we manly kept about the see. Of the commodities of Brabant and Zealand and Henauld and marchandy carried by land to the martes. Cap. 8. YEt marchandy of Brabant and Zealand Mader, Woad The Madre and Woad, that dyers take on hand To dyen with, Garlic and Onions, And saltfish als for husband and commons. Garlic, Onions, saltfish. But they of Holland at Caleis byen our fells, And wolles our, that Englishmen him sells. And the chaffer that Englishmen do byen In the marts, that no man may denien, Is not made in Brabant that country: It cometh from out of Henauld, not by see, But all by land, by carts, and from France, Bourgoyne, Colein, Cameret in substance, Therefore at marts if there be a restraint, Men say plainly that list no fables paint, If Englishmen be withdrawn away, Is great rebuke and loss to her affray: As though we sent into the land of France Ten thousand people, men of good puissance, To were unto her hindering multifarie, So been our English merchants necessary. If it be thus assay, and we shall witten Of men expert, by whom I have this written. For said is that this carted marchandy Draws in value as much verily, As all the goods that come in ships thither, What our merchants buy in that cost more than all other. Which Englishmen buy most and bring it hither. For her marts been febel, shame to say, But Englishmen thither dress her way. A conclusion of this depending of keeping of the sea. THan I conclude, if never so much by land Were by cars brought unto their hand, If well the sea were kept in governance They should by sea have no deliverance. We should hem stop, and we should hem destroy, As prisoners we should hem bring to annoyed. And so we should of our cruel enemies Make our friends for fear of merchandise, If they were not suffered for to pass Into Flanders. But we be frail as glass And also brittle, not thought never abiding; But when grace shines soon are we sliding; We will it not receive in any wise: That maken lust, envy, and covetise: Expone me this; and ye shall soothe it found, Bear it away, and keep it in your mind. Then should worship unto our Noble Bee In feat and form to lord and Majesty: Lirhe as the seal the greatest of this land On the one side hath, as I understand, A prince riding with his sword ydraw, In the other side sitting, soothe it is in see, Be tokening good rule and punishing In very deed of England by the king. And it is so, God blessed might he be. So in likewise I would were on the see By the Noble, that sword should have power, And the ships on the sea about us here. What needeth a garland which is made of ivy Show a tavern winelesse, also thrive I? If men were wise, the Frenchmen and Fleming Should bear no state in sea by werring. Of Hankin lions. Then Hankin lions should not be so bold To stop wine, and ships for to hold Unto our shame. He had be beaten thence. Alas, alas, why did we this offence, Fully to shend the old English fames; And the profits of England, and their names: Why is this power called of covetise; With false colours cast before our eyes? That if good men called werriours Would take in hand for the commons succours, To purge the sea unto our great avail, And win 'em goods, and have up the sail, And on our enemies their lives to impart, So that they might their prizes well depart, As reason would, justice and equity; To make this land have lordship of the sea. Lombard's are cause enough to hurt this land, although there were none other cause. Then shall Lombard's and other feigned friends Make her challenges by colour false offends, And say their chaffer in the ships is, And challenge al. Look if this be amiss. For thus may all that men have bought to sore, False colouring of goods by Lombard's. Ben soon excused, and saved by false colour. Beware ye men that bear the great in hand That they destroy the policy of this land, Alas for bribe's & gift of good, feasts & other means, that s●oppen our policy. By gift and good, and the fine golden clothiss, And silk, and other: say ye not this sooth is? But if we had very experience That they take meed with privy violence, This is the very state of our time. Carpets, and things of price and pleasance, Whereby stopped should be good governance: And if it were as ye say to me, Than would I say, alas cupidity, That they that have her lives put in dread, shallbe soon out of winning, all for meed, And loose her costs, and brought to poverty, That they shall never have lust to go to sea. An exhortation to make an ordinance against colour of maintainers and excusers of folks goods. FOr this colour that must be said aloft And be declared of the great full oft, It to a marvelous thing that so great a sickness and hurt of the land may have no remedy of so many as take henselues wise men of governance. That our seamen will by many wise Spoil our friends in steed of our enemies: For which colour and Lombard's maintenance, The king it needs to make an ordinance With his Counsel that may not fail, I trow, That friends should from enemies be know, Our enemies taken and our friends spared: The remedy of hem must be declared. Thus may the sea be kept in no cell, For if aught he spoken, wots ye well, We have the strokes, and enemies have the winning: But maintainers are partners of the finning. We live in lust and ●ide in covetise: This is our rule to maintain merchandise, And policy that we have on the sea. And, but God help, it will no other be. Of the commodities of Ireland, and policy and keeping thereof, and conquering of wild Irish: with an incident of Wales. Chap. 9 I Cast to speak of Ireland but a little: Commodities of it I will entitle, Hides, and fish, Salmon, Hake, Herringe, Irish wool, and linen clot, faldinge, And martens good been her marchandie, hearts Hides, and other of * Or, hunting. venery. Skins of Otter, Squirrel and Irish hare, Of sheep, lamb, and Fore, is her chaffer, fells of Kids, and Coneys great plenty. So that if Ireland help us to keep the sea, Because the King cleped is Rex Angliae, And is Dominus also Hyberniae, Did possessed by progenitors: The Irish men have cause like to ours Our land and hers together to defend, That no enemy should hurt ne offend, Ireland ne us: but as one commonty Should help well to keep about the sea: For they have havens great, and goodly bays, Sure, wide and deep, of good assays, At Waterford, and colles many one. And as men say in England be there none Better havens, ships in to ride, No more sure for enemies to abide. Why speak I thus so much of Ireland? For all so much as I can understand, It is fertile for things that there do grow And multiplien, look who lust to know, So large, so good, and so commodious, That to declare is strange and marvelous. For of silver and gold there is the oore, mines of silver and gold in Ireland. Among the wild Irish though they be poor. For they are rude and can thereon no skill: So that if we had their peace and good will To mine and fine, and metal for to pure, In wild Irishman might we find the cure, As in London says a juellere, Which brought from thence gold oore to us here, Whereof was fyned metal good and clean, As they touch, no better could be seen. Now here beware and hearty take intent, As ye will answer at last judgement, That for slought and for racheshede Ye remember with all your might to heed To keep Ireland that it be not lost. For it is a boterasse and a post, Under England, and Wales another: God forbidden, but each were others brother, Of one ligeance due unto the king. But I have pity in good faith of this thing That I shall say with avisement: I am afeard that Ireland will be shent: It must away, it will be lost from us, But if thou help, thou jesus gracious, And give us grace all slought to leave beside. For much thing in my heart is hide, Which in another treatise I cast to writ Made all only for that soil and site, Of fertile Ireland, which might not be forborn, But if England were nigh as good as go. God forbidden that a wild Irish wirlinge Should be choose for to be their king, After her conquest for our last puissance, And hinder us by other lands alliance. Wise men sayne, which felin not, ne douten, That wild Irish so much of ground have got There upon us, as likeness may be Like as England to sherris two or three Of this our land is made comparable: So wild Irish have won on us unable Yet to defend, and of none power, That our ground is there a little corner, To all Ireland in true comparison. It needeth no more this matter to expon. Which if it be lost, as Christ jesus forbed, Farewell Wales, than England cometh to dread, This is now to be greatly feared. For alliance of Scotland and of Spain, And other m●e, as the petty Bretaine, And so have enemies environ round about. I beseech God, that some prayers devout Mutt let the said appearance probable Thus disposed without feigned fable. But all only for peril that I see Thus imminent, it's likely for to be. And well I wot, that from hence to Rome, And, as men say, in all Christendom, Is n● ground ne land to Ireland liche, So large, so good, so plenteous, so rich, That to this word Dominus do long. Then me seemeth that right were and no wrong, To get the land: and it were piteous To us to lose this high name Dominus. And all this word Dominus of name Should have th● ground obeisant wild and tame, That name and people togidre might accord All the ground subject to the Lord And that it is possible to be subject, Unto the king well shall it be detect, In the little book that I of spoke. I trow reason all this well undertake. And I know well how it stante, Alas fortune beginneth so to scant, Or else grace, that dead is governance. For so minisheth parties of our puissance, In that land that we lose every year, Moore ground and more, as well as ye may here. This Lord was the Earl of Ormond that told to me this matter, that he would undertake i●, n● pain of loss of all his livelihood. I herd a man speak to me full late. Which was a lord of full great estate; Than expense of one year done in France Werred on men well willed of puissance This said ground of Ireland to conquer. And yet because England might not forbear But this proffer could not be admitted. Ergo malè. These said expenses gathered in one year, But in three years or four gathered up here, Might win Ireland to a final conquest, In one sole year to set us all at rest. And how soon would this be paid again: Which were it worth yearly, if we not feign: I will declare, who so lust to look, I trow full plainly in my little book. But covetise, and singularity Of own profit, envy, cruelty, Hath done us harm, and do us every day, And musters made that shame is to say: Our money spent all to little avail, And our enemies so greatly done prevail, That what harm may fall and overthwerte I may uneath writ more for sore of heart. An exhortation to the keeping of Wales. BEware of Wales, Christ jesus mu●t us keep, That it make not our childers' child to weep, Ne us also, so if it go his way, By unwarenes: seth that many a day Men have be feared of her rebellion, By great tokens and ostentation: seek the means with a discrete avise, And help that they rudely not arise For to rebel, that Christ it forbid. Look well about, for God wot ye have need, Unfainingly, unfeyning and unfeynt, That conscience for slought you not attaint: Keep well that ground, for harm that may ben used, Or afore God mutte ye been accused. Of the commodious Stockfish of Island, and keeping of the Sea, namely the Narrow sea, with an incident of the keeping of Caleis. Chap. 100L The trade of Bristol to Island. OF Island to writ is little need, Save of Stockfish: Yet forsooth in deed Out of Bristol, and costs many one, Men have practised by needle and by stone thither wards within a little while, Within twelve year, and without peril Gon and come, as men were wont of old The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North. O● Scarborough unto the costs cold. And now so feel ships this year there ware, That much loss for unfreyght they bore: Island might not make 'em to be fraught Unto the Hawys: thus much harm they caught, Then here I end of the commoditees For which need is well to keep the seas: Este and West, South and North they be, And chief keep the sharp narrow see, Between Dover and Caleis: and as thus that foes pass none without good will of us: And they abide our danger in the length, What for our costis and Caleis in our strength. An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis. ANd for the love of God, and of his bliss Cherish ye Caleis better then it is, See well thereto, and hear the great complaint That true men tell, that will no lies paint, And as ye know that writing cometh from thence: Do n●t to England for slought so great offence, But that redressed it be for any thing: lest a song of sorrow that we sing. For little wealth the fool who so might these What harm it were good Caleis for to lose: What woe it were for all this English ground. Th● joy of Sigi●mond the Emperor that ●ale●s was English. Which well conceived the Emperor Sigismound, Tha● of all ●oyes made it one of the most, That Caleis, was subject unto English cost. Hun thought it was a jewel most of all, A●d so the same in Latin did it call. And if ye will more of Caleis hear and know, I cast to writ within a little scrowe, Like as I have done before by and by In other parteis of our policy. Look how hard it was at the first to get; And by my counsel lightly do not it let. For if we lose it with shame of face Wilfully, it is for lack of grace. How was Harflew tried upon, and Rone, That they were likely for shought to be go; How was it warned and cried on in England, I make record with this pen in my hand. It was warened plainly in Normandy, And in England, and I thereon did cry. The world was defrauded, it betide right so. Farewell Harflew was lo●t in the year 1449 in the 27. of Henry the sixth. Harflew: jewdly it was a go. Now ware Caleis, I can say no better: My soul discharge I by this present letter. After the Chapitles of commodities of divers lands, showeth the conclusion of keeping of the sea environ by a story of King Edgar and two incident● of King Edward the third, and King Henry the fifth. Chap. 11. Now see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship showed there the sail, And our king with royal apparel, With sword drawn bright and extent For to chastise enemies violent; Should be lord of the sea about, To keep enemies from within and without; To behold through christianity Master and lord environ of the see: All living men such a prince to dread, Of such a a r●gne to be afeard indeed. Thus prove I well that it was thus of old; Which by a * Dieit Chronica, quod isle Edgaru cunctis praed● ce●io ibu ●ui● faelic●or, nolli salutary inferior, omnibus mo●um 〈◊〉 are prellantior lucre 〈◊〉 se Anglisnon minus t● 〈◊〉, quam Cyris Persia, Catolin F●anci, Homulus verò Romanis. Chronicle anon shallbe told, Right curious: but I will interpret It into English, as I did it get: Of king Edgar: OH most marvelous Prince living, witty, and chevalerous: So good that none of his predecessors Was to him liche in prudence and honours. He was fortunate and more gracious Than other before, and more glorious: He was beneath no man in holiness: He passed all in virtuous sweetness. Of English kings was none so commendable: To English men no less memorable, Then Cyrus was to pierce by puissance, And as great Charles was to them of France, And as to the Romans was great Romulus, So was to England this worthy Edgarus. I may not writ more of his worthiness For lack of time, ne of his holiness: But to my matter I him exemplify, Of conditions twain and of his policy: Within his land was one, this is no doubt, And another in the see without; That in time of Winter and of were, When boisterous winds put see men into fere; Within his land about by all provinces He passed through, perceiving his princes, Lords, and others of the commontee, Who was oppressor, and who to poverty Was drawn and brought, and who was clean in life, And was by mischief and by strife With over leding and extortion: And good and bad of each condition He aspied: and his ministers als, Who did trought, and which of 'em was falls: How the right and laws of the land Were execute, and who dared take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees, If they were well kept in all countries: Of these he made subtle investigation Of his own espy, and other men's relation. Among other was his great business, Well to ben ware, that great men of riches, And men of might in city nor in town Should to the poor do non oppression. Thus was he wont in this Winter tied On such enforchise busily to abide. This was his labour for the public thing, Thus was he occupied: a passing holy King, Now to purpose, in the Soonner fair Dicit Chronica, preparauer●t naue● rob utissi nas numero ●ria millia sexcenta: in quibus redeunie aellate omnem insulam ad retrorem extraneoeun, & a) suorum excitationem cum maximo apparatu circumnavigate cons●euerno. Of lusty season, when cleared was the air, He had ready ships made before Great and huge, not few but many a store: Full three thousand and six hundred also Stately enough on our sea to go. The Chronicles say, these ships were full boisterous: Such things long to kings victorious. In Summer tide would he have in won And in custom to be full ready soon, With multitude of men of good array And instruments of were of best assay. Who could hem well in any wise describe? It were not light for any man alive. Thus he and his would enter ships great Habtliments having and the fleet Of See werres, that joy full was to see Such a navy and Lord of majesty, There present in person 'em among To sail and row environ all along, So regal liche about the English isle; To all stranger's terrors and peril. Whose fame went about in all the world stout, Unto great fere of all that be without, And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natal country. For courage of need must have exercise, Thus occupied for esshewin of vice. This known the king that policy espied; Winter and Summer he was thus occnpied. Thus conclude I by authority Of Chronike, that environ the see Should been our subjects unto the King, And he be Lord thereof for any thing: For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro every foo. That worthy king I leave, Edgar by name, Dicit Ch●onica etc. ut non minus quantam ei eriam in bac vita bo●orum operum mercolem donaverit: cum aliquando ad maxim●m cius festivitatem, reger, comites, mul●a●umque provineiarum protector es convenissent, etc. And all the Chronike of his worthy fame: safr only this I may not pass away, A word of mighty strength till that I say, That granted him God such worship here, For his merits, he was without peer, That sometime at his great festivitee Kings, and Earls of many a country, And princes feel were there present, And many Lords came thither by assent, To his worship: but in a certain day He bade ships to be ready of array: For to visit Saint john's Church he list Rowing unto the good holy Baptist, He assigned to Earls, Lords, and knights Many ships right goodly to sights: And for himself and eight kings moo Subject to him he made keep one of thoo, A good ship, and entrede into it With eight kings, and down did they sit; And each of them an over took in hand, At over hales, as I understand, And he himself at the ship behind As steris man it become of kind. Such another rowing I dare well say, Was not seen of Princes many a day. Lo than how he in waters got the price, In land, in see, that I may not suffice To tell, OH right, OH magnanimity, That king Edgar had upon the see. An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third. Of king Edward I pass and his prows On land, on sea ye know his worthiness: The siege of Caleis, you know well all the matter Round about by land, and by the water, Caleis was ye●lded to the English 1347. How it lasted not years many ago, After the battle of Creeye was ydoe: How it was closed environ about, Old men saw it, which liuen, this is no doubt, Did Knights say that the Duke of Burgoyn, Late rebuked for all his golden coin; Of ship on see made no besieging there, For want of ships that dared not come for fear. It was nothing besieged by the see: Thus call they it no siege for honesty. Gonnes assailed, but assault was there none, No siege, but fuge: well was he that might be gover: This manner carping have knights far in age, Expert through age of this manner language. But king Edward made a siege royal, King Edward has 700 English ships, and 14151. English mariners before Caleis. And wan the town: and in especial The sea was kept, and thereof he was Lord Thus made he Nobles coined of record; In whose time was no navy on the see That might withstand his majesty. The battle of Scluse by sea. Battle of Scluse ye may read every day, How it was done I leave and go my way: It was so late done that ye it know, In comparison within a little throw: For which to God give we honour and glory; For Lord of see the king was with victory. Another incident of keeping of the see, in the time of the marvelous warrior and victorious Prince, King Henry the fifth, and of his great ships. ANd if I should conclude all by the King Henry the fift, what was his purposing, When at Hampton he made the great dromons, Which passed other great ships of all the commons; The great ships of Henry the fift, made at Hampton. The Trinity, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost, And other nwe, which as now be lost. What hope you was the king's great intent Of thoo ships, and what in mind he meant? It was not elliss, but that he cast to be Lord round about environ of the see. And when Harflew had her siege about, Great caracks of Genua taken by the Duke of Bedford. There came caracks horrible great and stout In the narrow see willing to abide, To stop us there with multitude of pride. My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure, Destroyed they were by that discomfiture. 1416. This was after the king Harflew had won, When our enemies to siege had begun; The French name thus onery H●owen was of five hundred sail. That all was stain or take, by true relation, To his worship, and of his English nation. There was present the king's chamberlain At both battles; which knoweth this in certain; He can it tell otherwise then I: Ask him, and wit; I pass forth hastily. What had this king of his magnificence, Of great courage, of wisdom, and prudence? Provision, forewitte, audacitee, Of fortitude, justice, and agilitee, Discretion, subtle avisednesse, Attemperance, Noblesse, and worthiness: Science, prowess, devotion, equity, Of most estate, with his magnanimity Liche to Edgar, and the said Edward, As much of both liche him as in regard. Where was on live a man more victorious, And in so short time prince so marvelous? By land and sea, so well he him acquit, To speak of him I stony in my wit. Thus here I leave the king with his noblesse, Henry the fift, with whom all my process Of this true book of pure policy Of sea keeping, intending victory I leave endly: for about in the see No Prince was of better strenuitee. And if he had to this time lived here, He had been Prince named withoutenpere: His great ships should have been put in preese, The Trinity, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost. Unto the end that he meant of in chief. For doubt it not but that he would have be Lord and master about the round see: And kept it sure to stop our enemies hence, And won us good, and wisely brought it thence: That no passage should be without danger, And his licence on see to move and star. Of unity, showing of our keeping of the see: with an endly or final process of peace by authority. Chap. 12. NOw in than for love of Christ, and of his joy, Bring it England out of trouble and noy: Take heart and wit, and set a governance, Set many wits withouten variance, To one accord and unanimitee. Ex●orta●io generalis in cuslodiam to●lus Angliae, per diligentiam custodiae circuirus maris circa litto●a eiusdem: quae debe● esse per vnanimi●a●é Consilia●io●um regis, & hominum bonae v●lu●t●ti●. Put to good will for to keep the see, First for worship and profit also, And to rebuke of each evil wisted foe. Thus shall worship and riches to us long. Than to the Noble shall we do no wrong, To bear that coin in figure and in deed, To our courage, and to our enemy's dread: For which they must dress 'em to peace in haste, Or else their thrift to standen, and to waste. As this process hath proved by and by All by reason and expert policy; And by stories which proved well this part: Or else I will my life put in ieoparte, But many londs would seche her peace for need, The see well kept: it must be d●● for dread. Thus must Flanders for need have unity And peace with us: it will none other be, Within short while: and ambassadors Would been here soon to treat for their succours. This unity is to God pleasance: T●●●●un● c●u●ae predictae custodiae: s●ilicet, ho●o●, commodum ●egni, & oppro●●●m inquiries. And peace after the werres variance. The end of battle is peace sikerly, And power causeth peace finally. Kept than the sea about in special, Which of England is the town brickwall. As though England were likened to a city, And the brickwall environ were the see. Keep then the sea that is the brickwall of England: And than is England kept by God's hand; That as for any thing that is without, England were at ease withouten doubt. And thus should every land one with another Entercommon, as brother with his brother, And live together werrelesse in unity, Without rancour in very charity, In rest and peace, to Christ's great pleasance, Without strife, debate and variance. Which peace men should enserche with business, And knit it saddely holding in holiness. The Apostle seith, if you list to see, Be ye busy for to keep unity Ephes. 4. Solliciti sius seruate unitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis. Of the spirit in the bond of peace. Which is needful to all withouten lose. The Prophet biddeth us peace for to inquire To pursue it, this is holy desire. Our Lord Jesus says, Blessed mot they be That maked peace; that is tranquillity. For peace makers, as Matthew writeth aright, Matth. 5. Beati pacifici, quoniam filij Dei vocabuntur. Should be called the sons of God almight. God give us grace, the ways for to keep Of his precepts, and slugly not to sleep In shame of sin: that our very foo Might be to us convers, and turned so. For in the Proverbs is a text to this purpose Cum placu●●ine Domino viae hominis, eius inimicos ad pacem convertet. Plain enough without any gloze: When mens ways please unto our Lord, It shall convert and bring to accord Man's enemies unto peace verray, In unity, to live to god's pay, With unity, peace, rest and charity. He that was here clad in humonitie, That came from heaven, and stied up with our nature, Or he ascended, he gave to us cure, And left with us peace, again strife and debate, Mo●e give us peace, so well irradicate Here in this world: that after all this self We may have peace in the land of behest, jerusalem, which of peace is the sight, Vibs beata jerusalem dicta pacis visio. With his brightness of eternal light, There glorified in rest with his tuition, The Deity to see with full fru●●ion: Be second person in divineness is, Who us assume, and bring us to the bliss. Amen. Here endeth the true process of the Libel of English policy, exhorting all England to keep the sea environ: showing what profit and salvation, with worship cometh thereof to the reign of England. Go forth Libelle, and meekly show thy face; Appearing ever with humble countenance: And pray my Lords to take in grace, In opposaile and cherishing the advance. To hardiness if that not variance Thou hast fro trought by full experience Authors and reasons: if aught fail in substance Remit to h●m that gave thee this science; That seth it is sooth in verray faith, That the wise Lord Baron of Hungerford The wise lord of Hungerfords judgement of this book. Hath thee overseen, and verily he says That thou art true, and thus he doth record, Next the Gospel: God wot it was his word, When he thee red all over in a night. Go forth true book, and Christ defend thy right. Explicit libellus de Politia conseruativa maris. A large Charter granted by K. Edward the 4. in the second year of his reign, to the merchants of England resident especially in the Netherlands, for their choosing of a master and governor among themselves, which government was first appointed unto one William Obray: with express mention, what authority he should have. 1462 EDward by the grace of God king of France, & of England, & lord of Ireland, to all those which shall see or hear these letters, sendeth greeting, & good wil Know you, that whereas we have understood, as well by the report of our loving and faithful Counsellors, as by the common complaint and report of all men, that many vexations, griefs, debates, discords, annoys, dissensions, & damages, have heretofore been done, moved, committed●●nd happened, and do daily fall out and happen among the common merchants & mariners, our subjects of our realms of France & England, & our lordships of Ireland and Wales, & of other our dominions, seigneuries, and territories, because that good discretion and authority hath not been observed among our said subjects, which abide, frequent, converse, remain, inhabit, & pass, aswell by sea as by land, into the parts of Brabant, Flanders, Henault, Holland, Zealand, and divers other countries & seigneuries belonging aswell to the high and mighty prince, our most dear and loving cousin the Duke of Burgoine, of Brabant, carl of Flanders, etc. as being in the obedience & dominion of other lords, which are in friendship, alliance, & good will with us: and that it is to be doubted that through the said inconvenience and occasion, many discommodities may ensue & fall out in time to come (which God forbidden) unless we should provide convenient remedy in this behalf for our subjects aforesaid: wherefore we desiring most effectually and hearty to avoid the mischief of the said inconveniences & to provide convenient remedy for the same, to the end that the said common merchants and mariners and others our subjects of our said realms & dominions, which at this present & hereafter shall haunt and frequent the said countries, may be justly & lawfully ruled, governed, and entreated by right & equity in the countries aforesaid, and that equity, reason, & justice may be ministered unto them and every of them, according as the cases shall require, we being well assured and having full confidence, in the discretion, faithfulness, wisdom, experience, & good diligence of our most dear & well-beloved subject Will. Obray our servant, & in regard of the good, faithful, and acceptable services, which he hath done us in our realm & among our subjects in times past, & hoping that he will do also hereafter, we have made, ordained, constituted, committed, and established, and by the tenor of these presents, of our special grace, full power, & authority royal, we ordain, appoint, commit, and establish, (during our pleasure) to be governor, judge, warden of justice, and the appurtenances & appendances thereof, which we have or may have over our said common subjects the merchants travailing hereafter as well by sea as by land, and abiding in the said countries of Brabant, Flanders, Henault, Holland, Zealand, and other countries beyond the sea, as is aforesaid, together with the wages, rights, profits, and emoluments heretofore accustomed, & as the said Will. Obray at other times hath had and received of our said subjects, when he had, used, and exercised the said office of governor, & also with other such rights and profits, as hereafter shall more plainly be declared. And furthermore for our parts we have given him, and by these presents do give him, as much as in us lieth, during our pleasure, full power, authority, and special commandment, to govern, rule, and cause to be governed and ruled with good justice by himself, or by his sufficient lieutenants or deputies, all a●d every our foresaid subjects the common merchants & mariners coming, remaining, frequenting, passing, & repairing from henceforth into the said countries of Brabant, Flanders, Henault, Holland, Zealand and other countries beyond the sea, as it is said, and to keep and cause to be kept, to exercise and maintain, for us and in our place, the said office of governor, and to do all such things which a faithful governor aught to do, and to take knowledge and administration of the causes of the said common merchants and mariners, our subjects, and of every of them, and of their causes and quarrels moved, or hereafter to be moved in the countries aforesaid, or within the limits & borders thereof, and to do them full & speedy justice. And to reform, cause reformation, govern, appease, and pacify all contentions, discords, questions, or debates between those our said subjects moved, or to moved: and to right, redress, repair, restore, and amend all transgressions, damages, enterprises, outrages, violences and injuries committed, or to be committed: and like wise to require, to ask, demand, and receive, restitutions, reparations, restaurations, and amendss of our said subjects the common merchants & mariners, or of their factors in the countries aforesaid. And that, whensoever and as often as it shall please the said governor or his deputies, they may in some convevient and honest place within the said countries make or cause to be made, summon, and hold in our name jurisdictions, courts, and assemblies: and in our said name take administration and knowledge of causes, as it is aforesaid, and to hold and keep pleas, for and in our behalf, and to make agreements, mediators, and umpires, to judge, to make decrees, and to minister justice, to ordain, appoint, censure, and constrain our said subjects to swear and take all kind of oaths, which order of justice and custom require and afford, and to enjoy our authority, and to use, execute and accomplish, by way of equity and justice, and to do, or cause to be done all execution and exercise of law and justice; and to ordain, appoint, & establish sire sergeants or under, to do the executions & arrests of our said court, by the commandment of the said governor or of his deputies, or at the request of the party or otherwise, according as the case shall require by their advise, and to discharge and displace the said sergeants, as shall seem good unto him, as often and whensoever as it shall please him, and change them, and appoint and set others in their rooms, and to require return and answer of the court, whensoever need shall be, of all causes, quarrels, and businesses in regard of the said office belonging unto us and to our said subjects the common merchants and mariners at all times, and as often as the case shall permit and require: and generally and specially to do as much for us and in our stead, in the cases before mentioned, and which hereafter shallbe declared, as we could do or cause to be done, could say or require, if we were there present in our own person. Moreover we will, and by the tenor of these presents we give and grant unto the said governor, and to our said subjects the common merchants and mariners, that as often and whensoever it please them, they may meet and assemble in some honest and convenient place, and by the consent of the said governor to choose and appoint among them at their pleasure, freely and without danger, certain sufficient and fit people to the number of twelve or under, which we will have to be named justicers, unto the which justicers so elected by the said governor and our said subjects, as it is said, and to every of them, we give and grant especial power and authority to sit and assist in court, with the said governor or his lieutenants, for their aid and assistance, and to hear the griefs, complaints, and demands of our said subjects their suits, pleas, and the state of their causes and quarrels whatsoever moved or to be moved unto the end of their cause, and at the request of the said governor, his lieutenants, or any of them, to say, propound, and plainly to express and declare their opinions, according to right and conscience, upon the causes brought before them and by the parties uttered and declared, and well, lawfully, and faithfully to counsel and advise the said governor or his lieutenants, to order and censure, judge and determine, and end the same justly and equally, according as the case shall permit and require. And furthermore we will, that all just and reasonable statutes, laws, ordinances, decrees, and constitutions made and established, or to be made and established, in the countries aforesaid, by the consent of the said governor, and of the say justicers, shallbe corrected, amended, and made, as they shall see to be expedient in this behalf, for the better government of the estate of the common merchants and mariners our said subjects, and shallbe held as ratified, firm, acceptable and approved; and from henceforth we accept, admit, allow and approve them for ratified and confirmed, there to be firmly and inviolably observed, kept and obeyed. And also, of our farther favour and grace we will and we grant, that by the consent of our said governor, our said subjects the common merchants and mariners may make and set down in the said countries, by their common consent, as often as they shall think good for their better government and estate, such just and reasonable laws, statutes, ordinances, decrees, constitutions, and customs, as they shall think expedient in this behalf: which we command to be kept as ratified, confirmed, allowed, & approved, available, and established. Provided always, that they do not nor seek any thing prejudicial to this present power and authority given and granted by us to the said governor, in any point or article herein comprised, by any means or way whatsoever: in which case if they should do anything, or aught should happen, we will that it shall take no place, force, vigour, strength, nor virtue: neither that it shallbe of any effect, but it shallbe abolished, disannulled, and utterly frustrate; and as abolished, disannulled, and utterly frustrated, from this time forward, we hold and take it, and will hereafter hold and take the same. And so to do, and put in execution in our name, we have and do give full and absolute power, & special authority to our said servant William Obray, & to his said lieutenants. And likewise, to the end that the course of merchandise may be kept in good estate, and that by order of justice a firm and constant rule may be set down among those our said subjects and merchants, we have ordained and do ordain, have consented & do consent, and by these presents have given & do giveful power & especial authority to our said servant Will. Obray governor aforesaid, that at all time and times when he shall think good, he may ordain, elect, choose, and appoint, in the countries aforesaid, such ministers, officers, and servitors as hereafter shallbe named, and such others as he shall think necessary, and to discharge them, and to change them, & set others in their rooms, at his good will and pleasure, unto such a number as he shall think good and reasonable for the time being to be employed: as namely correctors or brokers as many as he shall think good, to make and to witness the bargains which are made or to be made, between our said subjects and others with whom they shall have to do or to deal in the foresaid countries: and also as many alnagers to alner and measure all kinds of merchandises which they shall buy or sell by the yard: and also as many weighers to weigh the merchandise which shallbe sold or bought by weight: and also so many folders to fold their clotheses, and so many packers to pack their packs, and to make their fardels, mands, and baskets, and other things needful for the defence & preservation of their merchandise. All which ministers, officers, and servitors, so choose, elected, charged, admitted, and established by the said governor, as is said, may take their wages for their pains & attendances upon the said merchants, according to the custom of the said countries, and as they have been accustomed to take of the said merchants before these presents by us given and granted. And hereupon we have given and do give express charge and commandment by us and in our names to all our said subjects common merchants and mariners, and to every of them which shall frequent, come, remain, pass, repair, or inhabit within the countries aforesaid, that they shall not make contract or bargain, cell or buy, nor shall not 'cause any contract or barga●ne to be made, nor in the said countries cell or buy any manner of wares, goods, or merchandises, secretly nor openly, by way of fraud, barat, or deceit whatsoever, with any person or people, of what estate, country, or condition soever they be, without he hath some of the said brokers at the bargain making, to present, report, and to testify the said contracts or bargains before the said governor or others, if need require, and strife or contention should grow thereof between them: nor to pack or cause to be packed any goods or merchandises belonging unto them, in packs, bales, or fardels, coffers, chests, mands, dryfats, or rolls, without having some deputy present thereat: nor to take or cause to be taken or set on work in the said countries, any other brokers, alnagers, weighers, folders, or packers, than the aforesaid so choose, admitted, established, and ordained by the said governor, & hereto authorised in our name, as it is said, under pain of falling into, and incurring of our displeasure, and of forfeiture, and confiscation of all such goods, wares, and merchandises, which shallbe found to have passed by other hands or order, than that or those which are before mentioned: the fourth part of which forfeitures and confiscations shall be employed to the repairing and maintenance of two chapels founded to the honour of Saint Thomas of Canterbury by our said subjects, in the towns of Bruges in Flanders, and of Middleborough in Zealand; the other fourth part to us, & our use; the third fourth part to our said cousin of Burgundy, or the natural Lord of the country wherein the said go●ds shall be found; and the fourth fourth part to him or them which shall discover, detect, or find out the said fraud. And also that none of our said subjects shall unlade or cause to be unladen, under any colour nor otherwise, nor unpacke, in the countries abovesaid, no kind of wares, goods, nor merchandises whatsoever, which they shall bring or cause to be brought into the cowtreyes' aforesaid, coming out of our countries, dominions, or obeisance, without first and beforehand they make the governor or his deputies acquainted with their arrival, and crave leave, and deliver, show, and declare their cockets, that it may duly appear, that the said goods and merchandises have truly and lawfully paid unto us our rights and customs, and not to unpacke them but in the presence of the said governor, his lieutenants or deputies, upon pain of forfeiture, and confiscation of the said goods, in manner and form before declared in the foresaid article. And if it be found by the visitation of the said governor, his lieutenants or deputies, that any goods, wares, or merchandises whatsoever be arrived and discharged in the countries aforesaid, belonging to our said subjects, not lawfully customed and acquitted toward us of our right and custom, for which they cannot nor are not able to make any due proof of our letters of coquet, as is metioned, or if they find any other fraud: we will, we ordain, and we grant, that the said governor, his lieutenants or deputies may seize upon the said goods on our behalf, and may confiscate and forfeit the same, distributing the same into four parts in manner aforesaid. And also we will, that every one of the said packs, fardels, baskets, mands, coffers, tons, bales, rolls, and other furnitures and gear, wherein the said merchandises shallbe packed, to be sent out of the said countries, shall not be laden upon ships, carts, nor horses, to come into our dominion, without being first sealed with a seal ordained by us and given by the said governor, upon pain to be forfeited, applied, and confiscated to us and into our hand, if they be found unsigned and not sealed with the seal. And for every piece of merchandise which shall be sealed with the said seal, they shall pay to the said sealer two pennies of gross money of Flanders, which shall go to the profit of the said governor. And forasmuch as according to right and conscience, we aught not to use the labour, travels, nor service of any man, without waging, paying, and fully contenting him according to reason and equity, especially when we do appoint any person or people to do or cause to be done so great travels, labours, business, and executions, as these which are contained in this present charter, aswell for the benefit and profit of us and ourselves, as for the wholesome, perfect, & good government of our said subjects: we by the good advise and deliberation of the said lords of our privy counsel, have granted and given, and as before, do grant and give, of our said grace, to the said William Obray our said servant and governor abovenamed, during our pleasure, for part of his wages and fee of the said office, one penny of our money of England of the value of a liver of gross money of Flanders, upon all and singular the goods, wares and merchandises of our said subjects frequenting the said countries, to be levied, gathered, received, and paid unto the said William Obray or to his deputies, upon the said wares and merchandises belonging unto our said said subjects buying and selling, or which they shall 'cause to cell, buy, put away, truck or exchange in the countries abovesaid, aswell of the goods and merchandises which they shall bring or cause to be brought into the said countries, as of all other goods which they shall lad and carry, or cause to be carried and conveyed out of those countries into our dominion or elsewhere into any other part whatsoever. And to 'cause the same to be gathered, received, levied and paid, we have given, and by these presents do give full power and special authority unto the said William Obray, and to his lieutenants and deputies aforesaid, to levy, gather, and cause to be levied and received the said money, in form and manner above mentioned, to his profit and use, during our pleasure: and to enjoy and use the same as his proper goods, without any contradiction, constraining and arresting if need be, as well on land, as on the water, our said subjects, their said goods, and every of them, by way of law and justice, and to 'cause them to yield and pay the said money, upon the said goods and merchandises, as is aforesaid. For such is our pleasure, and so will we have it done without contradiction or impeachment to him and his, during our pleasure. And also we will that the said William Obray, over and above that which is said, shall take, gather, and receive of our said subjects from henceforth yearly, during our pleasure, all such and like wages and profits, as he had and received of our said subjects, in the year 1458, when he held and exercised the said office of governor, without diminishing or rebating any thing thereof, notwithstanding this present augmentation made, increased, and done unto him, of our grace and favour: and that he shall gather, take, and receive the same in such form and manner, as the other money above mentioned is to be gathered. And to the end that the said William Obray may have and take possession, season, and entrance of the said office of governor in our name we have and do place him, by the delivery of these presents, in possession, season, and entrance of the said office, and of the rights, profits, stipends, wages, and money's aforesaid, to begin to exercise the said office of governor in our name, the first day of May next ensuing after the date of these presents, for the said William Obray to hold and exercise, practice and use the same, during our pleasure, with the said wages, monies, rights, and profits above mentioned, without any contradiction or impeachment. And all and singular our subjects the common merchants and mariners, which shall be contrary, rebellious, and disobedient to the said governor so ordained by us, to his said lieutenants, to the said justicers so choose, or to any of them, or to any of the statutes, laws, decrees, sentences, ordinances, and customs, offices, gifts, and grants abovesaid, let them grievously be punished by the said governor or his lieutenants, in this behalf, according to the quantity of their offences, and the exigency of the cases. We do summon, command, straightly and expressly enjoin by these presents all and every our said subjects, that unto the said governor so by us ordained, to his lieutenants, attorneiss, or deputies, and also to the said justicers, officers, and ministers, in all and every the things aforesaid, and others any way concerning in this behalf our said ordinances, their government and rule, the circumstances and dependences thereon that they give their attendance, counsel, comfort, obedience, and aid, diligently without fault or difficulty, surely, safely, fully and peaceably: without doing, inferring, or inflicting, or suffering to be done, inferred, or inflicted to them or any of them in body or goods, any disturbance or impeachment, in any manner whatsoever: but rather if any thing be done unto them contrary and to the prejudice of these presents, they shall remove and 'cause the same to be removed, and that which shall be hindered they shall set at free deliverance, upon pain to fall into and to incur our high displeasure. For such is our pleasure and so will we have it, notwithstanding any letters falsely crept in, obtained, or to be obtained contrary hereunto. And you our subjects, the common merchants and mariners, so behave yourselves, that you may receive commendation of us for your good obedience, knowing that such as shall be found doing or to have done the contrary, we will see them so punished without redemption, that they shall be an example to all rebellious people. We pray and most instantly require in the aid of equity, all others our friends, allies, and well-willers, aswell princes and potentates, as their justicers, officers, lieutenants, deputies, commissaries, and subjects, and every of them, in regard of equity; that they would vouchsafe, and that it would please them to give, do, and lend comfort, aid, assistance, and prisons if need require, to our said governor, his lieutenants, commissaries, deputies, justicers, & others our officers and ministers aforesaid: and herein we pray them on our behalf, and in our own name. And it may please them herein to do so much, that we may have occasion to thank them, and to account ourselves beholding for the same: and as they would that we should do for them in the like matter, or in a greater: which we will willingly do, if we be required thereunto by them. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patents. Witness ourselves at Westminster, the sixteenth of April, in the second year our reign. A declaration of the Indies and lands discovered, and subdued unto the Emperor, and the king of Portugal: And also of other parts of the Indies and rich countries to be discovered, which the worshipful M. Robert thorn merchant of London (who dwelled long in the city of Sivil in Spain exhorted king Henry the eight to take in hand. MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE, EXperience proveth that naturally all princes be desirous to extend and enlarge their dominions and kingdoms. Wherefore it is not to be marvelled, to see them every day procure the same, not regarding any cost, peril, and labour, that may thereby chance, but rather it is to be marveled, if there be any prince content to live quiet with his own dominions. For surely the people would think he lacketh the noble courage and spirit of all other. The world knoweth that the desires of Princes have been so fervent to obtain their purpose, that they have adventured and proved things to man's conjecture impossible, the which they have made possible, and also things difficult have made facile: and thus to obtain their purpose, have in manner tnrned up and down the whole world so many times, that the people inhabiting in the farthest region of the Occident have pursued with great distress, labours and perils, to penetrate and enter into the farthest regions of the Orient: and in likewise those people of the said parts of the Orient have had no less labour and desire to enter and penetrate into the farthest land of the Occident, and so following their purchase have not ceased until they could pass no farther by reason of the great seas. This natural inclination is cause, that scarcely it may be said, there is any kingdom stable, nor king quiet, but that his own imagination, or other princes his neighbours do trouble him. God and nature hath provided to your Grace, and to your gracious progenitors, this Realm of England, and set it in so fruitful a place, and within such limits, that it should seem to be a place quiet and aparted from all the foresaid desire. One special cause is, for that it is compassed with the Sea: by reason thereof it seems, this notwithstanding, their desires and noble courages have been most commonly like unto others: and with marvelous great labours, costs and perils, they have travailed and passed the Seas, making war, not only with Kings and dominions nigh neighbours, but also with them of far countries, and so have won and conquered many rich and fair dominions, and amplified this your Grace's Realm with great victory and glory. And also now of late your Grace having like courage and desire, and not without just cause, to enlarge this your kingdom, and demand your limits and tribute of the French king. which at that present he restrained, your Grace in person passed with a great power into France, putting your Grace's person to great pain and labour, and without doubt victoriously you had conquered the said Realm of France, as you began, if your adversary had not reconciled himself, and knowledged your Grace's right and title: and so promised truly to pay the tribute then due, & fulfil your request in all things, and also desired your Grace for peace, the which of your clemency you could not refuse. Now I considering this your noble courage and desire, and also perceiving that your Grace may at your pleasure, to your greater glory, by a godly mean, with little cost, peril, or labour to your Grace or any of your subjects, amplify and enrich this your said Realm, I know it is my bound duty to manifest this secret unto your Grace, which hitherto, A secret. as I suppose, hath been hide: which is, that with a small number of ships there may be discovered divers New lands and kingdoms, in the which without doubt your Grace shall win perpetual glory, and your subjects infinite profit. To which places there is left one way to discover, The discovery of the North. which is into the North: for that of the four parts of the world, it seemeth three parts are discovered by other Princes. For out of Spain they have discovered all the Indies and Seas Occidental, and out of Portugal all the Indies and Seas oriental: so that by this part of the Orient & Occident, they have compassed the world. For the one of them departing toward the Orient, and the other toward the Occident, met again in the course or way of the midst of the day, and so then was discovered a great part of the same Seas and coasts by the Spaniards. So that now rest to be discovered the said North parts, the which it seemeth to me, is only your charge and duty. Because the situation of this your Realm is thereunto nearest and aptest of all other: and also for that you have By Sebastian Cabot and sir Thomas Pere in the right year of his reign. And this is the voyage spoken of by Gonsaluo Ouiedo, that came to S. Domingo. already taken it in hand. And in mine opinion it will not seem well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily and with so little cost, labour and danger, be followed and obtained: though heretofore your Grace hath made thereof a proof, & found not the commodity thereby as you trusted, at this time it shall be no impediment. For there may be now provided remedies for things, then lacked, and the inconveniences and let's removed, that then were cause that your Grace's desire took no full effect, which is, the courses to be changed, & followed the foresaid new courses. And concerning the mariners, ships, and provision, an order may be devised and taken meet and convenient, much better than hitherto. By reason whereof, and by God's grace, no doubt your purpose shall take effect. Surely the cost herein will be nothing, in comparison to the great profit. The labour is much less, yea nothing at all, where so great honour and glory is hoped for: and considering well the courses, truly the danger & way is shorter to us, then to Spain or Portugal, as by evident reasons appeareth. And now to declare something of the commodity and utility of this Navigation and discovery: Note. it is very clear and certain, that the Seas that commonly men say, without great danger, difficulty and peril, yea rather it is impossible to pass, that those same Seas be navigable and without any such danger, but that ships may pass and have in them perpetual clearness of the day without any darkness of the night: which thing is a great commodity for the navigants, to see at all times round about them, as well the safegards as dangers, and how great difference it is between the commodity and perils of other which lose the most part of every four and twenty hours the said light, and go in darkness groping their way, I think there is none so ignorant but perceiveth this more plainly, than it can be expressed. Yea what a vantage shall your Grace's subjects have also by this light to discover the strange lands, countries, and coasts? For if they that be discovered, to sail by them in darkness is with great danger, much more than the coasts not discovered be dangerous to travel by night or in darkness. Yet these dangers or darkness hath not letted the Spaniards and Portugeses and other, to discover many unknown Realms to their great peril. Which considered (and that your Grace's subjects may have the same light) it will seem your Grace's subjects to be without activity or courage, in leaving to do this glorious and noble enterprise. For they being past this little way which they named so dangerous, (which may be two or three leagues before they come to the Pole, Navigation under the Pole and as much more after they pass the Pole) it is clear, that from thence forth the seas and lands are as temperate as in these parts, and that then it may be at the will and pleasure of the mariners, to choose whether they will sail by the coasts, that be cold, temperate or hot. For they being past the Pole, it is plain, they may decline to what part they list. If they will go toward the Orient, they shall enjoy the regions of all the Tartarians that extend toward the midday, Tartary. and from thence they may go and proceed to the land of the Chinas', China. and from thence to the land of the Cathaio oriental, which is of all the main land most oriental that can be reckoned from our habitation. And if from thence they do continued their navigation, following the coasts that return toward the Occident, they shall fall in with Malaca, and so with all the Indies which we call oriental, and following the way, may return hither by the Cape of Buona Speransa: and thus they shall compass the whole world. And if they will take their course after they be passed the Pole, toward the Occident, they shall go in the back side of the new found land, which of late was discovered by your Grace's subjects, New found land discovered by the English. until they come to the back side and South Seas of the Indies Occidental. And so continuing their voyage they may return thorough the straight of Magellan to this country, and so they compass also the world by that way: and if they go this third way, and after they be passed the Pole, go right toward the Pole Antarctike, and then decline toward the lands and Islands situated between the Tropikes, and under the Equinoctial, without doubt they shall find there the richest lands and Islands of the world of gold, precious stones, balms, spices, and other things that we here esteem most: which come out of strange countries, and may return the same way. By this it appeareth, your Grace hath not only a great advantage of the riches, but also your subjects shall not travel half of the way that other do, which go round about as aforesaid. The book made by the right worshipful M. Robert Thorn in the year 1527. in Siuil, to Doctor Ley, Lord ambassador for king Henry the eight, to Charles the Emperor, being an information of the parts of the world, discovered by him and the king of Portugal: and also of the way to the Moluccaes by the North. RIght noble and reverend in etc. I have received your letters, and have procured and sent to know of your servant, who, your Lordship written, should be sick in Merchena. I cannot there or else where hear of him, without he be returned to you, or go to S. Lucar, and shipped. I cannot judge but that of some contagious sickness he died, so that the owner of the house for defaming his house would bury him secretly, and not be known of it. For such things have often times happened in this country. Also to writ unto your Lordship of the new trade of Spicery of the Emperor, there is no doubt but that the Islands are fertile of Cloves, Nutmegs, Mace, and Cinnamom: and that the said Islands, with other there about, abound with gold, Rubies, Diamonds, Balasses, Granates, jacinets, and other stones & pearls, as all other lands, that are under and near the Equinoctial. For we see, where nature giveth any thing, she is no niggard. For as with us and other, that are aparted from the said Equinoctial, our metals be Lead, Tin, and Iron, so there's be Gold, Silver, and Copper. And as our first-fruits and grains be Apples, Nuts, and Corn, so there's be Dates, Nutmegs, Pepper, Cloves, and other Spices. And as we have jet, Amber, Crystal, jasper, and other like stones, so have they Rubies, Diamonds, Balasses, sapphires, jacinets, and other like. And though some say that of such precious metals, grains, or kind of spices, and precious stones, the abundance and quantity is nothing so great, as our metals, first-fruits or stones above rehearsed: yet if it be well considered, how the quantity of the earth under the Equinoctial to both the Tropical lines, (in which space is found the said Gold, spices and precious stones) is as much in quantity, as almost all the earth from the tropics to both the Poles; it cannot be denied but there is more quantity of the said metals, fruits, spices, and precious stones, than there is of the other metals and other things before rehearsed. And I see that the preciousness of these things is measured after the distance that is between us, and the things that we have appetite unto. For in this navigation of the Spicery was discovered, that these Islands nothing set by gold, but set more by a knife and a nail of iron, then by his quantity of Gold: and with reason, as the thing more necessary for man's service. And I doubt not but to them should be as precious our corn and seeds, if they might have them, as to us their spices: & likewise the pieces of glass that here we have counterfeited are as precious to them, as to us their stones: which by experience is seen daily by them that have trade thither. This of the riches of those countries is sufficient. Doctor Leys letters. Touching that your Lordship written, whether it may be profitable to the Emperor or no? it may be without doubt of great profit: if, as the king of Portugal doth, he would become a merchant, and provide ships and their lading, and trade thither alone, and defend the trade of these Islands for himself. But other greater business withholdeth him from this. But still, as now it is begun to be occupied, it would come to much. For the ships coming in safety, there would thither many every year, of which to the Emperor is due of all the wares and jewels that come from thence the fift part for his custom clear without any cost. And besides this he putteth in every float a certain quantity of money, of which he enjoyeth of the games pound and pounds like as other adventurers do. This was the fleet wherein Cabot discovered the river of Plate, 1526; In a fleet of three ships and a Caravel that went from this city armed by the merchants of it, which departed in April last passed, I and my partner have one thousand four hundred ducats that we employed in the said fleet, principally for that two English men, friends of mine, which are somewhat learned in cosmography, should go in the same ships, to bring me certain relation of the situation of the country, and to be expert in the navigation of those seas, and there to have informations of many other things, and advise that I desire to know especially. Seeing in these quarters are ships, and mariners of that country, and cards by which they sail, though much unlike ours, that they should procure to have the said cards, and learn how they understand them, and especially to know what navigation they have for those Islands Northwards, and Northeastward. For it from the said Islands the sea did extend, Note. without interposition of land, to sail from the North point to the North-east point one thousand seven hundred or one thousand eight hundred leagues, they should come to the New found Islands that we discovered, The New found Islands discovered by the English. and so we should be nearer to the said Spicery by almost two thousand leagues then the Emperor, or the king of Portugal are. And to advise your Lordship whether of these Spiceries of the king of Portugal or the Emperors is nearer, and also of the titles that either of them hath, and how our New found lands are parted from it, (for that by writing without some demonstration, it were hard to give any declaration of it) I have caused that your Lordship shall receive herewith a little Map or Card of the world: A Map of the world. the which, I fear me, shall put your Lordship to more labour to understand, then me to make it, only for that it is made in so little room that it cannot be but obscurely set out, that is desired to be seen in it, and also for that I am in this science little expert: Yet to remedy in part this difficulty, it is necessary to declare to your Lordship my intent, with which I trust you shall perceive in this Card part of your desire, if, for that I cannot express mine intent, with my declaration I do not make it more obscure. First, your Lordship knoweth that the Cosmographers have divided the earth by 360 degrees in latitude, and as many in longitude, under the which is comprehended all the roundness of the earth: the latitude bring divided into four quarters, ninety degrees amount to every quarter, which they measure by the altitude of the Poles, that is the North and South stars, being from the line Equinoctial till they come right under the North star the said ninety degrees: and as much from the said line Equinoctial to the South star be other ninety degress. And as much more is also from either of the said stars again to the Equinoctial. Which imagined to be round, is soon perceived thus, 360 degrees of latitude to be consumed in the said four quarters of ninety degrees a quarter: so that this latitude is the measure of the world from North to South, and from South to North. And the longitude, in which are also counted other 360, is counted from West to East, or from East to West, as in the Card is set. The said latitude your Lordship may see marked and divided in the end of this Card on the left hand: To know the latitudes. so that if you would know in what degrees of latitude any region or coast standeth, take a compass, and set the one foot of the same in the Equinoctial line right against the said region, & apply the other foot of the compass to the said region or coast, & then set the said compass at the end of the Card, where the degrees are divided. And the one foot of the compass standing in the line Equinoctial, the other will show in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the said region is in. Also the longitude of the world I have set out in the neither part of the Card, containing also 360 degrees: which begin to be counted after Ptoleme and other Cosmographers from an headland called Capo Verde, which is over against a little cross made in the part Occidental, where the division of the degrees beginneth, and endeth in the same Capo Verde. Now to know in what longitude any land is, your Lordship must take a ruler or a compass, To know the longitudes. and set the one foot of the compass upon the land or coast whose longitude you would know, and extend the other foot of the compass to the next part of one of the transuersall lines in the oriental or Occidental part: which done, set the one foot of the compass in the said transuersal line at the end of the neither scale, the scale of longitude, and the other foot showeth the degree of longitude that the region is in. And your Lordship must understand that this Card, though little, containeth the universal whole world betwixt two collateral lines, the one in the Occidental part descendeth perpendicular upon the 175 degree, & the other in the oriental on the 170 degree, whose distance measureth the scale of longitude. And that which is without the two said transuersall lines, is only to show how the oriental part is joined with the Occident, and Occident with the Orient. For that that is set without the line in the Oriental part, is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidental part: and that that is set without the line in the Occidental part, is the same that is set within the line in the oriental part, to show that though this figure of the world in plain or flat seemeth to have an end, yet one imagining that this said Card were set upon a round thing, where the ends should touch by the lines, it would plainly appear how the Orient part joineth with the Occident, as there without the lines it is described and figured. And for more declaration of the said Card, your Lordship shall understand, that beginning on the part Occidental within the line, the first land that is set out, is the main land and Islands of the Indies of the Emperor. Which main land or coast goeth Northward, and finisheth in the land that we found, which is called here Terra de Labrador. So that it appeareth the said land that we found, and the Indies to be all one main land. The said coast from the said Indies Southward, as by the Card your Lordship may see, cometh to a certain strait Sea, called Estrecho de todos Santos: Now called the strait of Magelane. by which strait Sea the Spaniards go to the Spiceries, as I shall declare more at large: the which strait Sea is right against three hundred fifteen degrees of longitude, and is of latitude or altitude from the Equinoctial three and fifty degrees. The first land from the said beginning of the Card toward the Orient are certain Islands of the Canaries, and Islands of Capo verde. But the first main land next to the line Equinoctial is the said Capo verde, and from thence Northward by the strait of this sea of Italy. And so followeth Spain, France, Flanders, Almain, Denmark, and Norway, which is the highest part toward the North. And over against Flanders are our Islands of England and Ireland. Of the lands and coasts within the straits I have set out only the Regions, dividing them by lines of their limits, by which plainly I think your Lordship may see, in what situation every region is, and of what highness, and with what regions it is joined. I do think few are left out of all Europe. In the parts of Asia and Africa I could not so well make the said divisions: for that they be not so well known, nor need not so much. This I writ because in the said Card be made the said lines & strikes, that your Lordship should understand wherefore they do serve. Also returning to the foresaid Capo verde, the coast goeth Southward to a Cape called Capo de buona speransa: which is right over against the 60. & 65. degree of longitude. And by this Cape go the Portugeses to their Spicery. For from this Cape toward the Orient, is the land of Calicut, as your Lordship may see in the headland over against the 130. degree. From the said Cape of Buona speransa the coast returns to ward the line Equinoctial, and passing forth, entereth the read sea, & returning out, entereth again into the gulf of Persia, and returns toward the Equinoctial line, till that it cometh to the headland called Calicut aforesaid, and from thence the coast making a gulf, where is the river of Ganges, returns toward the line to a headland called Malaca, where is the principal Spicery: & from this Cape returns and maketh a great gulf, and after the coast goeth right toward the Orient, and over against this last gulf and coast be many Islands, which be Islands of the Spiceries of the Emperor. Upon which the Portugeses and he be at variance. Note. The said coast goeth toward the Orient, and endeth right against the 155. degrees, and after returns toward the Occident Northward: which coast not yet plainly known, I may join to the New found land found by us, that I spoke of before. So that I finish with this brief declaration of the Card aforesaid. Well I know I should also have declared how the coasts within the straits of the Sea of Italy run. It is plain that passing the straits on the North side of that Sea after the coast of Granado, and with that which pertains to Spain, is the coast of that which France hath in Italy. And then followeth in one piece all Italy, which laud hath an arm of the Sea, with a gulf which is called Mare Adriaticum. And in the bottom of this gulf is the city of Venice. And on the other part of the said gulf is Sclavonia, and next Grecia, than the straits of Constantinople, and then the sea called Euxinus, which is within the said straits: and coming out of the said straits, followeth Turcia mayor (though now on both sides it is called Turcia.) And so the coast runneth Southward to Syria, and over against the said Turcia are the Islands of Rhodes, Candie, and Cyprus. And over against Italy are the Islands of Sicilia and Sardinia. And over against Spain is Maiorca and Minorca. In the end of the gulf of Syria is judea. And from thence returns the coast toward the Occident, till it cometh to the straits where we began, which all is the coast of Africa and Barbary. Also your Lordship shall understand that the coasts of the Sea throughout all the world. I have coloured with yellow, for that it may appear that all that is within the line coloured yellow, is to be imagined to be main land or Islands: and all without the line so coloured to be Sea: whereby it is easy and light to know it. Albeit in this little room any other description would rather have made it obscure then clear. And the said coasts of the Sea are all set justly after the manner and form as they lie, as the navigation approveth them throughout all the Card, save only the coasts and Isles of the Spicery of the Emperor which is from over against the 160. to the 215. degrees of longitude, For these coasts and situations of the Islands, every of the Cosmographers and pilots of Portugal & Spain do set after their purpose. The Spaniards more towards the Orient, because they should appear to appertain to the Emperor: & the Portugeses more toward the Occident, for that they should fall within their jurisdiction. So that the pilots and navigants thither, which in such cases should declare the truth, by their industry do set them falsely every one to favour his prince. And for this cause can be no certain situation of that coast and Islands, till this difference betwixt them be verified. Doctor Leys demand. Now to come to the purpose of your Lordship's demand touching the difference between the Emperor and the king of Portugal, to understand it better, I must declare the beginning of this discovery. Though peradventure your Lordship may say that in that I have written aught of purpose, I fall in the proverb, A gemino ovo bellum: But your Lordship commanded me to be large, and I take licence to be prolixious, and shallbe peradventure tedious, but your Lordship knoweth that Nihil ignorantia verbofius. In the year 1484 the king of Portugal minded to arm certain Carvels to discover this Spicery. Then forasmuch as he feared that being discovered, every other prince would send and trade thither, so that the cost and peril of discovering should be his, and the profit common: wherefore first he gave knowledge of this his mind to all princes Christened, saying that he would seek amongst the infidels new possessions of regions, and therefore would make a certain army: and that if any of them would help in the cost of the said army, he should enjoy his part of the profit or honour that should come of it. And as then this discovering was held for a strange thing and uncertain. Now they say, that all the Princes of Christendom answered, that they would be no part of such an army, nor yet of the profit that might come of it. After the which he gave knowledge to the Pope of his purpose, and of the answer of all the Princes, desiring him that seeing that none would help in the costs, that he would judge all that should be found and discovered to be of his jurisdiction, and commanded that none other princes should intermeddle therewith. The Pope said not as Christ says, Quis me consticui● judicem inter vos? The Pope reprehended. He did not refuse, but making himself as Lord and judge of all, not only granted that all that should be discovered from Orient to Occident, should be the kings of Portugal, but also, that upon great censures no other Prince should discover but he. And if they did, all to be the kings of Portugal. So he armed a fleet, and in the year 1497 were discovered the Islands of Calicut, from whence is brought all the spite he hath. After this in the year 1492 the king of Spain willing to discover lands toward the Occident without making any such diligence, or taking licence of the king of Portugal, armed certain Carvels, and then discovered this India Occidental, especially two Islands of the said India, that in this Card I set forth, naming the one la Dominica, and the other Cuba, and brought certain gold from thence. Of the which when the king of Portugal had knowledge, he sent to the king of Spain, requiring him to give him the said Islands. For that by the sentence of the Pope all that should be discovered was his, and that he should not proceed further in the discovery without his licence. And at the same time it seemeth that out of Castil into Portugal had go for fear of burning infinite number of jews that were expelled out of Spain, for that they would not turn to be Christians, and carried with them infinite number of gold and silver. So that it seemeth that the king of Spain answered, that it was reason that the king of Portugal asked, and that to be obedient to that which the Pope had decreed, he would give him the said Islands of the Indies. Now for as much as ●t was decreed betwixt the said kings, that none should receive the others subjects fugitives, nor their goods, therefore the king of Portugal should pay and return to the king of Spain a million of gold or more, that the jews had carried out of Spain to Portugal, & that in so doing he would give these Islands, and desist from any more discovering. And not fulfilling this, he would not only not give these Islands, but procure to discover more where him thought best. It seemeth that the king of Portugal would not, or could not with his ease pay this money. And so not paying that he could not let the king of Spain to discover: so that he enterprised not toward the Orient where he had begun & found the Spicery. And consented to the king of Spain, that touching this discovering they should divide the world between them two. And that all that should be discovered from Cape Verde, where this Card beginneth to be counted in the degrees of longitude, to 180 of the said scale of longitude, which is half the world toward the Orient, & finisheth in this Card right over against a little cross made at the said 180 degrees, to be the king of Portugeses. And all the land from the said Cross toward the Occident, until it joineth with the other Cross in the Orient, which containeth the other hundredth and eighty degrees, that is the other half of the world, to be the king of Spain's. So that from the land over against the said hundredth & eighty degrees until it finish in the three hundred and sixty on both the ends of the Card, is the jurisdiction of the king of Spain. So after this manner they divided the world between them. Now for that these Islands of Spicery fall near the term and limits between these princes (for as by the said Card you may see they begin from one hundred and sixty degrees of longitude, and end in 215) it seemeth all that falls from 160 to 180, degrees, should be of Portugal: and all the rest of Spain. And for that their Cosmographers and Pilots could not agreed in the situation of the said Islands (for the Portugeses set them all within their 180 degrees, and the Spaniards set them all without:) and for that in measuring, all the Cosmographers of both parts, or what other that ever have been cannot give certain order to measure the longitude of the world, The longitudes hard to be found out. as they do of the latitude: for that there is no star fixed from East to West, as are the stars of the Poles from North to South, but all moveth with the moving divine: no manner can be found how certainly it may be measured, but by conjectures, as the Navigants have esteemed the way they have go. But it is manifest that Spain had the situation of all the lands from Cape Verde, toward the Orient of the Portugeses to their 180 degrees. And in all their Cards they never hitherto set the said Islands within their limitation of the said 180 degrees, (though they knew very well of the Islands,) till now that the Spaniards discovered them. And it is known that the king of Portugal had trade to these Islands afore, but would never suffer Portugal to go thither from Calicut: for so much as he known that it fallen out of his dominion: lest by going thither there might come some knowledge of those other Islands of the king of Spain, but bought the cloves of Merchants of that country, that brought them to Calicut, much dearer than they would have cost, if he had sent for them, thinking after this manner it would abide always secret. And now that it is discovered he sends and keeps the Spaniards from the trade all that he can. Also it should seem that when this foresaid consent of the division of the world was agreed of between them, the king of Portugal had already discovered certain Islands that lie over against Cape Verde, and also certain part of the main land of India toward the South, from whence he fet brasil, and called it the land of Brasil. So for that all should come in his term and limits, he took three hundred and seventy leagues beyond Cape Verde: and after this, his 180 degrees, being his part of the world, should begin in the Card right over against the 340 degrees, where I have made a little compass with a cross, and should finish at the 160 degree, where also I have made another little mark. And after this computation without any controversy, the Islands of the spicery fall out of the Portugeses domination. So that now the Spaniards say to the Portugeses, that if they would begin their 180 degrees from the said Cape Verde, to the intent they should extend more toward the Orient, and so to touch those Islands of the Spicery of the Emperor, which is all that is between the two crosses made in this Card, that then the Islands of Cape Verde and the land of Brasil that the Portugeses now obtain, is out of the said limitation, and that they are of the Emperors. Or if their 180 degrees they count from the 370 leagues beyond the said Cape Verde, to include in it the said Islands and lands of Brasil, then plainly appeareth the said 180 degrees should finish long before they come to these Islands of the Spicery of the Emperor: As by this Card your Lordship may see. For their limits should begin at the 340 degrees of this Card, and end at the 160 degrees, where I have made two little marks of the compass with crosses in them. So that plainly it should appear by reason, that the Portugeses should leave these Islands of Cape Verde and land of Brasil, if they would have part of the Spicery of the Emperors: or else holding these, they have no part there. To this Portugeses say, that they will begin their 180 degrees from the self same Cape Verde: for that it may extend so much more toward the Orient, and touch these Islands of the Emperors: and would win these Islands of Cape Verde and land of Brasil nevertheless, as a thing that they possessed before the consent of this limitation was made. So none can verily tell which hath the best reason. They be not yet agreed, Quare sub judice lis est. But without doubt (by all conjectures of reason) the said Islands fall all without the limitation of Portugal, and pertain to Spain, as it appeareth by the most part of all the Cards made by the Portugeses, save those which they have falsified of late purposely. But now touching that your Lordship written, whether that which we discovered toucheth any thing the foresaid coasts: once it appeareth plainly, that the Newefound land that we discovered, New found land discovered by the Englishmen. is all a main land with the Indies Occidental, from whence the Emperor hath all the gold and pearls: and so continueth of coast more than 5000 leagues of length, as by this Card appeareth. For from the said New lands it proceedeth toward the Occident to the Indies, and from the Indies returns toward the Orient, and after turneth Southward up tillit come to the Straitss of Todos Sa●tos, which I reckon to be more than 5000 leagues. So that to the India's it should seem that we have some title, Note. at lest that for our discovering we might trade thither as other do. But all this is nothing near the Spicery. Now than it from the said New found lands the Sea be navigable, there is no doubt, but sailing Northward and passing the Pole, To sail by the Pole. descending to the Equinoctial line, we shall hit these Islands, and it should be a much shorter way, then either the Spaniards or the Portugeses have. For we be distant from the Pole but thirty and nine degrees, and from the Pole to the Equinoctial be ninety, the which added together, be an hundred twenty and nine degrees, leagues 2489. and miles 7440: Where we should found these Islands. And the Navigation of the Spaniards to the Spicery is, as by this Card you may see, from Spain to the Islands of Canary, and from these Islands they run over the line Equinoctial southward to the Cape of the main land of the Indians, called the Cape of Saint Augustine, and from this Cape Southwards to the straitss of Todos Santos, Or the straitss of Magelane. in the which navigation to the said straitss is 1700. or 1800 leagues; and from these Straitss being past them, they return toward the line Equinoctial to the Islands of Spicery, which are distant from the said Straitss 4200. or 4300. leagues. The navigation of the Portugeses to the said Islands is departing from Portugal Southward toward the Cape Verde, and from thence to another Cape passing the line Equinoctial called Capo de bona speransa, and from Portugal to the Cape is 1800 leagues, and from this Cape to the Islands of Spicery of the Emperor is 2500. leagues. So that this navigation amounteth all to 4300. leagues. So that (as afore is said,) if between our New found lands or Norway, or Island, the seas toward the North be navigable, we should go to these Islands a shorter way by more than 2000 leagues. And though we went not to the said Islands, Note for that they are the Emperors or kings of Portugal, we should by the way and coming once to the line Equinoctial, find lands no less rich of gold and Spicery, as all other lands are under the said line Equinoctial: and also should, if we may pass under the North, enjoy the navigation of all Tartary. Benefit to England. Which should be no less profitable to ●ur commodities of clot, than these Spiceries to the Emperor, and king of Portugal. But it is a general opinion of all Cosmographers, that passing the seventh clime, Objection. the sea is all ice, and the cold so much that none can suffer it. And hitherto they had all the like opinion, that under the line Equinoctial for much heat the land was unhabitable. Yet since (by experience is proved) no land so much habitable nor more temperate. Answer. And to conclude I thiuke the same should be found under the North, if it were experimented. For as all judge, Nihil fit vacuum in rerum natura: So I judge, there is no land unhabitable, nor Sea innavigable. A true opinion. If I should writ the reason that presenteth this unto me, I should be too prolix, and it seemeth not requisite for this present matter. God knoweth that though by it I should have no great interest, A voyage of discovery by the Pole. M. Therne and M. Eliot discoverers of New found land. yet I have had and still have no little mind of this business: So that if I had faculty to my will, it should be the first thing that I would understand, even to attempt, if our Seas Northward be navigable to the Pole, or no. I reason, that as some sicknesses are hereditarious, and come from the father to the son, so this inclination or desire of this discovery I inherited of my father, which with another merchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the discoverers of the New found lands, of the which there is no doubt, (as now plainly appeareth) if the mariners would then have been ruled, and followed their Pilots mind, the lands of the West Indies (from whence all the gold cometh) had been ours. The cause why the West Indies were not ours: which also Sebastian Gabot writeth in an Epistle to Baptista Ramusius. For all is one coast, as by the Card appeareth, and is aforesaid. Also in this Card by the coasts where you see C. your Lordship shall understand it is set for Cape or headland, where I for Island, where P. for Port, where R. for River. Also in all this little Card I think nothing be erred touching the situation of the land, save only in these islands of Spicery: which, for that (as afore is said) everyone setteth them after his mind, there can be no certification how they stand. I do not deny, that there lack many things, that a consummate Card should have, or that a right good demonstration desireth. For there should be expressed all the mountains and Rivers that are principal of name in the earth, with the names of Ports of the sea, the names of all principal cities, which all I might have set, but not in this Card, for the little space would not consent. Your Lordship may see that setting the names almost of every Region, and yet not of all, the room is occupied. Many Islands are also left out, for the said lack of room, the names almost of all Ports put to silence, with the roses of the winds or points of the compass: For that this is not for Pilots to sail by, but a summary declaration of that which your Lordship commanded. And if by this your Lordship cannot well perceive the meaning of this Card, of the which I would not marvel, by reason of the rude composition of it, will it please your Lordship to advise me to make a bigger and a better Map, or else that I may 'cause one to be made. For I know myself in this and all other nothing perfect, but Licet semper discens, nunquam tamen ad perfectam scientiam perveniens. Also I know, to set the form Spherical of the world in Plano after the true rule of cosmography, it would have been made otherwise then this is: howbeit the demonstration should not have been so plain. And also these degrees of longitude, that I set in the lower part of this card, should have been set along by the line Equinoctial, & so then must be imagined. For the degrees of longitude near either of the poles are nothing equal in bigness to them in the Equinoctial. But these are set so, for that setting them along the Equinoctial, it would have made obscure a great part of the map. Many other curiosities may be required, which for the nonce I did not set down, as well for that the intent I had principally was to satisfy your doubt touching the spicery, as for that I lack leisure and time. I trust your Lordship correcting that which is erred, will accept my good will, which is to do any thing that I may in your Lordship's service. But from henceforth I know your Lordship will rather command me to keep silence, then to be large, when you shall be wearied with the reading of this discourse. jesus prospero your estate and health. Your Lordship's Robert thorn 1527. ALso this Card and that which I writ touching the variance between the Emperor and the king of Portugal, is not to be showed or communicated there with many of that court. For though there is nothing in it prejudicial to the Emperor, yet it may be a cause of pain to the maker: as well for that none may make these Cards, but certain appointed and allowed for masters, as for that peradventure it would not sound well to them, that a stranger should know or discover their secrets: and would appear worst of all, if they understand that I writ touching the short way to the spicery by our Seas. Though peradventure of troth it is not to be looked to, as a thing that by all opinions is unpossible, and I think never will come to effect: and therefore neither here nor else where is it to be spoken of. For to move it amongst wise men, it should be had in derision. And therefore to none I would have written nor spoken of such things, but to your Lordship, to whom boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasy as to myself. But if it please God that into England I may come with your Lordship, I will show some conjectures of reason, though against the general opinion of Cosmographers, by which shall appear this that I say not to lack some foundation. And till that time I beseech your Lordship let it be put to silence: and in the mean season it may please God to sand our two Englishmen, that are go to the Spicery, which may also bring more plain declaration of that which in this case might be desired. Also I know I needed not to have been to prolix in the declaration of this Card to your Lordship, if the said Card had been very well made after the rules of cosmography. For your Lordship would soon understand it better than I, or any other that could have made it: and so it should appear that I showed Delphinum natare. But for that I have made it after my rude manner, it is necessary that I be the declarer or glosser of mine own work, or else your Lordship should have had much labour to understand it, which now with it also cannot be excused, it is so grossly done. But I known you looked for no curious things of me, and therefore I trust your Lordship will accept this, and hold me for excused. In other men's letters that they writ they crave pardon that at this present they writ no larger: but I must finish, ask pardon that at this present I writ so largely. jesus preserve your Lordship with augmentation of dignities. Your servant Robert thorn, 1527. Epitaphium M. Roberti Thorni, sepulti in Ecclesia Templariorum Londini. RObertus iacei hic thorn, quem Bristolia quondam Praetoris meritò legit ad officium. Huic etenim semper magnae Respublica cure, Charior & cunctis patria divitijs. Ferre inopi auxilium, tristes componere lites, Dulce huic consilio quósque iware suit. Qui pius exaudis miserorum vota precésque, Christ huic coeli des regione locum. A brief Treatise of the great Duke of Muscovia his genealogy, being taken out of the Moscovites manuscript Chronicles written by a Polacke. IT hath almost ever been the custom of nations, in searching out the infancy and first beginnings of their estate, to ascribe the same unto such authors as lived among men in great honour and endued mankind with some one or other excellent benefit. Now, this inbred desire of all nations to blaze and set forth their own pedigree hath so much prevailed with the greater part, that leaving the undoubted truth, they have be taken themselves unto mere fables and fictions. Yea and the Chronicles of many nations written in divers and sundry ages do testify the same. Even so the Grecians boasted that they were either Autocthones, that is earthbredde, or else lineally descended from the Gods. And the Romans affirm that Mars was father unto their first founder Romulus. Right well therefore and judicially saith Titus Livius: Neither mean I to avouch (quoth he) ne to disable or confute those things which before the building and foundation of the City have been reported, being more adorned and fraught with Poetical fables then with incorrupt and sacred monuments of truth: antiquity is to be pardoned in this behalf, namely in joining together matters historical and poetical, to make the beginnings of cities to seem the more honourable. For sith antiquity itself is accounted such a notable argument of true nobility, even private men in all ages have contended thereabouts. Wherefore citizens of Rome being desirous to make demonstration of their Gentry, use to have their ancestors arms painted along the walls of their houses: in which regard they were to puffed up, that oftentimes they would arrogantly disdain those men, which by their own virtue had attained unto honour. In like sort Poets, when the original of their worthiness and brave champions was either utterly unknown or somewhat obscure, would oft refer it unto their Gods themselves. So in these our days (to let pass others) the Turkish Emperor with grert presumption boasteth himself to be descended of the Trojan blood. Likewise the great duke of Moscovie, to make himself and his predecessors seem the more sovereign, deriveth the beginnings of his parentage from the Roman Emperors, yea even from Augustus Cesar. Albeit therefore no man is so fond as to accept of this report for truth, yet will we briefly set down what the Moscovites have written in their Chronicles as touching this matter. Augustus (believe it who lifts) had certain brethren or kinsfolks which were appointed governors over divers provinces. Among the rest one Prussus (of whom Prussia was named) had his place of government assigned unto him upon the shore of the eastern or Baltic sea, and upon the famous river of Wixel. This man's grand children or nephews of the fourth generation were Rurek, Sinaus, and Trwor, who likewise inhabited in the very same places. Whereas therefore at the very same time the Russians or the Moscovites without any civil regiment possessed large and spacious territories towards the north, the foresaid three brethren, upon the persuasion of one Gostomislius the chief citizen of Novogrod, in the year since the worlds creation (according to the computation of the Greeks) 6370, which was in the year of our Lord 572, Russia become civil in the year of our Lord 572. were sent for, to bear rule. And so joining their kinsman Olechus unto them, and dividing these huge countries among themselves, they laboured to reduce the barbarous and savage people unto a civil kind of life. Sinaus and Trwor deceasing without issue, Rurek succeeded and left a son behind him named Igor; who not being of sufficient years to bear rule, was committed unto the protection of his kinsman Olechus. The said Igor begat of O●ha daughter unto a citizen of Plesco (who, after her husband was slain by his enemies, taking her journey to Constantinople, was there baptised by the name of Helena) a son called Stoslaus, who fought many battles with the neighbour countries. Howbeit at length Stoslaus was slain by his foe, who making a drinking cup of his skull, engraved thereupon in golden letters this sentence: Seeking after other men's, he lost his own. He left behind him three sons, namely Teropolchus, Olega, and Vulodimir. The which Vulodimir having slain his two brethren, become sole governor of Russia, or (as the Moscovites call it) Rosseia, his own self. This man beginning at length to loathe and mislike the ethnik religion, and the multitude of false gods, applied his mind unto the religion of Christ, and having taken to wife Anna sister unto Basilius and Constantinus Emperors of Constantinople, was together with his whole nation, in the year of Christ 988. baptised, and embraced the Christian religion, with the rites and ceremonies of the Greek Church, and his name being changed, he was called Basilius. Howbeit Zonara's reporteth that before the time of Vulodimir, Basilius Emperor of Constantinople sent a bishop unto the Russians, by whose means they were converted unto the Christian faith. He reporteth moreover that they would not be persuaded unless they might see a miracle: whereupon the said bishop having made his prayers unto almighty God, threw the book of the Evangelists into the fire, which remained there vnconsumed. And that by this miracle they were moved to give credit unto the doctrine of Christ, and to conform themselves thereunto. The sons of Vulodimir were Vuiseslaus, Isoslaus, jaroslaus, Suatopolcus, Borissus, Glebus, Stoslaus, Vulzevolodus, Stanislaus, Sudislaus, and Podius who died in his childhood. Among the residue all Russia was divided by their father, who not being contented with their portions, but invading each other, were most of them slain by their mutual contentions. Borissus and Glebus in regard of their holy conversation were registered for Saints, whose feasts are every year celebrated with great solemnity upon the twelfth of November. At length jaroslaus only got the Sovereign authority into his own hands, and left behind him four sons, Wlodimir, Isoslaws, Weceslaws, and Vuszevolodus. Kiow. The foresaid Vulodimir son of jaroslaus kept his residence at the ancient city of Kiow standing upon the river of Boristhenes, and after divers conflicts with his kinsmen, having subdued all the provinces unto himself, was called Monomachos, that is, the only champoin. This man (for I think it not amiss to report those things which their own Manuscript Chronicles make mention of) waged war against Constantine the Emperor of Constantinople, and when he had wasted & overrun Thracia, being returned home with great and rich spoils, and making preparation for new wars, Constantine sent Neophytus the Metropolitan of Ephesus and two Bishops, with the governor of Antiochia, and Eustaphius, the Abbot of jerusalem, to present rich and magnificent gifts unto him; as namely, part of the cross of our Saviour Christ, a crown of gold, a drinking cup curiously made of Sardonyx stone, a cloak set all over with precious, stones, and a golden chain; commanded them to salute him by the name of Czar (which name, as it may be proved by many arguments, signifieth a king, and not an Emperor) and concluded a most inviolable league of amity and friend ship with him. The foresaid Vulodimir begat Vuszevolodus the second. This Vuszevolodus left eight sons behind him, Miscislaus, Isoslaus, Stoslaus, Teropolcus, Weceslaus, Romanus, Georgius, and Andrew. The sons of George were Roseslaus, Andrew, Basilius, and Demetrius. 1237. Demetrius begat George, who in the year 1237. was slain by one Bathy a Tartarian duke, which Bathy wasted Moscovia, and subdued the same unto himself. Since which time the Russians were tributary to the Tartars, and were governed by such dukes as they pleased to set over them. Howbeit the Tartars so greatly abused that authority, that when they sent their ambassadors unto the prince of Moscovie, he was constrained to go forth and meet with them, and (as Herbortus Fulstinius in his Polonian history reporteth) to offer them a basin full of mare's milk, and if they had spilled any whit thereof upon their horses manes, to lick it off with his tongue, and having conducted them into his princely court, to stand bareheaded before them while they sat down, and with all reverence to give ear and attendance unto them. But by what means they shook off at the length this yoke of servitude, I will forth with declare. About the same time almost all Polonia, and the dukedom of Silesia were overrun by the Tartars with fire and sword. Who having burned Pres●a the chief city of Silesia, & being come before the city of Legnitz, they fought there a most cruel and bloody field, wherein was slain duke Henry himself being son unto the most holy and devout lady Heduice, with many others, whose monuments and graves be as yet extant in sundry places, and with an infinite multitude of common soldiers, insomuch that the Tartars filled nine great sacks with the ears of them which they had slain. The Tartars to the end they might obtain the victory, presented unto the view of our soldiers the portraiture of a man's head placed by art magic upon a banner, wherein the letter X. was painted, which being shaken and moved up and down breathed forth a most loathsome stench, & struck such a terror into the hearts of our men, that being as it were astonished with the snaky visage of Medusa, they were utterly daunted and dismayed. From thence Bathy and his company with the same bloodthirsty intent marched into Hungary, and had almost slain king Bela the fourth, who together with his son escaping by slight did scarcely rid themselves out of the enemy's hand. And when the whole world almost was exceedingly terrified at the cruel invasions of this most barbarous nation, at length Pope Innocentius the fourth sending ambassadors unto Bathy obtained peace for five years: These ambassadors were johan de ● lano Carpini & friar Benedict of Polonian. but to forsake his heathenish superstitions and to become a Christian, he would by no means be persuaded. For he was by the instigation of the Saracens infected with devilish opinions of Mahomet, as being more agreeable unto his barbarous rudeness, which even unto this day the Tartars do maintain, like as the profane Turks also. This Bathy had a son called Tamerlan, whom the Moscovites call Temirkutla, who likewise, as it is recorded in histories, attained unto great renown. For he carried about with him in a cage Bajazet the Turkish Emperor being fettered in golden chains, and made him a laughing stock unto all men. Let us now return unto the Russians. George being slain, jaroslaus his brother succeeded in his room, and left behind him three sons, Theodorus, Alexander and Andreas. Daniel the son of Alexander first established his royal seat in the city of Moscow, The city of Moscow first made the sea●e of the great Duke. and magnificently building the castle which before time had been obscure, he took upon him the title of the great Duke of Russia. He had five sons, namely, George, Alexander, Borissus, Ophonias, and john. This john succeeded his father, and because he continually carried a scrip about with him to bestow alms, he was surnamed Kaleta, which word signifieth a scrip. His sons were, Simeon, john, and Andrew. He gave unto his son Simeon the provinces of Wlodimiria and Moscovia: which Simeon deceasing without issue his brother john succeeded, who begat a son called Demetrius. This Demerius had seven sons, namely Daniel, Basilius, George, Andrew, Peter, john, & Constantine. Basilius' reigned after his father's death. This man dishinheriting his son which was called after his own name, because he suspected his mother of adultery, at his death surrendered his Dukedom unto his brother George, who kept his nephew a long time in prison. Howbeit at his death, though himself had two sons namely Andrew and Demetrius, yet being strike perhaps with remorse of conscience, he bestowed the Dukedom upon his nephew Basilius. Against whom his two cousins bearing a grudge waged war, and at length having taken him by a wily stratagem they put out his eyes. Notwithstanding the Boiarens (for so the Moscovites call their nobles) continued their dutiful allegiance unto this their blind Duke, whom for his blindness they called Cziemnox, that is to say, dark or darkened. He left a son behind him called ivan Vasilowich who brought the Russian common wealth, ivan Vasilowich. being before his time but obscure, unto great excellency and renown. Who that he might the better get all the superiority into his own hands put to death so many sons and nephews of the former Dukes as he could lay hold on, and began to take upon him the title of the great Duke of Wlodimiria, Moscovia, and Novogardia, and to call himself the Monarch or Czar of all Russia. He brought under his subjection two principal cities namely Plesco being the only walled city in all Moscovie, The name of the Moscovites first advanced. and Movogrod, both of them being in regard of traffic most rich and flourishing cities, and having been subject unto the Lithuanians for the space of 50. years before. The treasure of Novogrod was so exceeding, that the great Duke is reported to have carried home from thence 300. carts laden with gold and silver. He also was the first man that waged war against the Polonians and the Livonians: against Polonia he pretended a quarrel, alleging that his daughter Helena (whom he had married unto Alexander the great Duke of Lithuania, which was afterward king of Polonia) was evil entreated, and was withdrawn from the Greekish religion unto the ceremonies of the Church of Rome. But against the Livonians for none other cause, but only for an incredible desire of enlarging his dominions. Howbeit what impulsive causes of little or no moment happened in the mean season, we will in another place more plainly declare. Notwithstanding he was very often and in divers battles vanguished by Plettebergius the great master of the Dutch knights: but it is not to the purpose to stand any longer upon this discourse. He was married first unto Marie the Duke of Tyversky his daughter, and of her he begat john, unto whom in his life time he surrendered his Dukedom, and married him unto the daughter of Stephan the Palatine of Moldavia: which john, after he had begotten his son Demetrius deceased before his father. Afterwards ivan Vasilowich aforesaid married a wife called Sophia being daughter unto Thomas Palaelogus, which is reported to have had her dowry out of the Pope's treasury, because the Moscovite had promised to conform himself unto the Romish Church. This Sophia being a woman of a princely and aspiring mind, and often complaining that she was married unto the Tartars vassal, at length by her instant entreaty and continual persuasions, and by a notable stratagem she cast off that slavish yoke very much unbeseeming so mighty a prince. For whereas the Tartarian Duke had his procurators and agents in the Moscovites court, who dwelled in their own houses built within the very castle of Moscow, and were eye witnesses of all affairs which were there performed: Sophia said she was admonished from heaven to build a Temple in the self same place where the Tartars house stood, and to consecrated it unto Saint Nicholas. Being therefore delivered of a son she invited the Tartarian Duke unto the solemn baptizing of him, and being come, she requested him to give her his house, and obtained it at his hands. Which house being razed and those Tartarian espials being excluded, The yoke of the Tartars shaken off. the Tartars at length were quite bereaved and utterly dispossessed of their authority which they had exercised over the Russians for many years, and could never yet recover it; albeit they have given sundry attempts. Of his wife Sophia he begat six children, namely, a daughter called Helena, & five sons, that is to say, Gabriel, Demetrius, George, Simeon, and Andrew. The Dukedom of right appertained unto Demetrius the son of john, which was the son of Vasilowich by his first marriage. Howbeit Sophia prevailed so with her husband, that neglecting his graundchilde Demetrius, he bestowed his Dukedom upon Gabriel his son. Andrew the younger had a son called Wlodimir, of whom Mary was born, which in the year of Christ 1573. was married unto Magnus the Duke of Holst. Basilius. Gabriel having obtained the great dukedom of Russia, changed his name calling himself Basilius, and applied his mind to the achieving of high and great enterprises. For he reduced a great part of the dukedom of Moscovie, which Vitoldus the great Duke of Lithuania held in possession, under his own jurisdiction, and won upon the river of Boristhenes (which the Russians call Neiper) many cities and especially Smolensco, in the year of our Lord 1514. Having divorced his first wife, he begat of Helena daughter unto Duke Glinskie, ivan Vasilowich, ●●an Vasilowich. which now this present 1580. reigneth as great Duke. He was born in the year of our Lord 1528. the 25. of August, six hours after the rising of the son. The great dukedom of Russia fallen unto the said ivan Vasilowich in the fifth year of his age, having his uncle George for his great protector: being 25. years of age, and being of a strong body and of a courageous mind he subdued the Tartars of Cazan and Astracan upon the river of Volgha, carrying their Dukes and chieftains into captivity. But by what ways and means (after the league which by the in●erecession of the most sacred Roman Emperor, continued from the year 1503. for the space of fifty years, was expired) having renewed wars against Livonia, he brought that most flourishing province into extreme misery, using for the same purpose a new pretence, and alleging that it belonged unto him by right of inheritance, I tremble to recount: and it requireth a large history, which perhaps in time and place convenient some more learned than myself will take upon them to address. He is exceedingly addicted unto piety and devotion, and doth oftentimes observe very strict fasting and abstinence with his monks: and whereas the Russes in doing reverence & adoration unto God do beat their foreheads against the ground, this ivan Vasilowich with performing of the same ceremony causeth his forehead to be full of boines and swellings, and sometimes to be black and blue, and very often to bleed. He is much delighted with building of Churches & spares no cost for that purpose. Whether therefore by nature, or (which he pretendeth to be the cause) by reason of his subjects malice & treachery, he be so addicted unto all rigour and cruelty, I dare not determine, especially sithence he hath not an illiberal or misshapen countenance, as Attila is reported to have had. Of his first wife which was sister unto Mikita Romanowich, being now great steward of his household, he begat two sons, namely ivan and Theodore. Theodore. And albeit he was five times married, yet had he not one child more. Whereas this ivan Vasilowich upon certain frivolous reasons calleth himself the natural lord of Livonia, I thought it not amiss to add an Epistle hereunto, which was written by a certain honourable man concerning the same matter. S. All we which inhabit this Province with all seemly reverence and submission of mind, do offer most humble thanks unto the Emperors most sacred and peerless majesty our most gracious lord, in that according to his fatherly affection which he beareth towards all Christendom, and for the good & commodity of this our distressed and afflicted country, which these many years hath been in stead of a bulwark against the invasion of barbarous nations, he hath sent his ambassadors unto the great duke of Moscovia. In regard of which his fatherly love and great benefit vouchsafed on us, we are ready when occasion shall serve, to adventure our lives and goods: praying in the mean season unto Almighty God, who is the only establisher and confounder of common wealths, to bring this excellent work, the foundation whereof is already lai●e unto a prosperous conclusion. But as touching the title which the Moscovite maketh to this province, to say the very truth, we greatly wondered and were astonished at the declaration thereof. For it is most apparent, not only out of all ancient and credible histories, but even from the experience and state of these regions, that the said title and allegations are fabulous and feigned. For out of all ancient monuments, by what names soever they be called (whereof there are divers extant among us) it cannot be proved by any mention, nor yet by any likelihood or conjecture, that those things which the Moscovite affirmeth concerning the people which were governors of these regions in times past, and concerning the right and title of his ancestors unto this province, are grounded upon truth. For it is not unknown by what means this province, partly through the industry of merchants, The commodities of traffic and of navigation. and partly by the benefit of navigation, was first discovered: neither is it unknown how the inhabitants thereof being wholly addicted unto heathenish superstitions and idolatry, were by the croised knights (who drawn other knights professing the same order in Prussia to aid and accompany them in this their enterprise) and that with great labour and difficulty, converted unto the Christian faith: when as at the same time the ●iuonians had no knowledge at all of the jurisdiction, religion, manners, or language of Moscovie: who had not only no conversation nor dealings with the Moscovites, but were estranged also from all other nations whatsoever: for leading a miserable, poor, barbarous, and heathenish life, in savage manner among wild beasts, and in the desert and solitary woods, they were utterly ignorant of God and destitute of civil magistrates. Howbeit this kind of government was peculiar unto them, namely that all of our family and society used a kind of reverence unto their elders more than to any other, whom also, that their authority might be the greater, they called by the name of kings, and (albeit one of their families consisted of a 100 people) th●y obeyed them in all respects, and after their rude and barbarous manner did them loyal service. At the very same time the Moscovites had received the religion, and the Ecclesiastical ceremonies of the Greek and Eastern Church, which religion they published and dispersed throughout all provinces subject to their dominion, using their own proper letters and characters for the same purpose. Of all which things the Livonians which very barbarously inhabited a land being environed with Russia, Lithuania, Samogitia, Prussia, and the Balthic sea, never herded any report at all. It is moreover to be noted that never at any time heretofore either within the earth, or in other places of Livonia, there have been found any monuments at all of the antiquity or letters of the Russes: which verily must needs have come to pass, if the Moscovites, Russes, or any other nations which use the foresaid particulars, had born rule and authority over the Livonians: yea there had been left some remainder and token, either of their religion and divine worship, or of their laws and customs, or at the lest of their manners, language, and letters. This indeed we can in no wise deny, that even in Livonia itself, there have been in times past and at this present are many and divers languages spoken by the people. Howbeit no one language of them all hath any affinity either with the Moscovian tongue, or with the tongues of any other nations. But whereas the Moscovite pretendeth that there hath been usually paid a pension or tribute unto himself and his predecessors out of the whole province, it is as incredible as the former. About the beginning of this tragical war, the Moscovite, to cloak his tyranny and ambition under some fair pretence, amongst other of his demands, made mention also of a tribute which should be due unto him out of the bishop of Dorpat his jurisdiction, whereof notwithstanding he could neither bring any just account, nor affirm any certainty: howbeit there is no man living to be found which either can tell of his own remembrance, or from the relation of others, that any such tribute was ever paid unto the Moscovite. What time therefore he referred all this negotiation unto the master of the Livonian order, and commanded him to get what knowledge he could thereof from the men of Dorpat, & urged the tribute, saying if it were worth but one hair, that he would not remit it: at length it was found recorded in the ancient Chronicles of Dorpat, that beyond the memory of man, when the territory of Plesco contained nothing but woods and forests for wild beasts, that the pesaunts of the liberty of Dorpat called Neuhus, by the consent of the Russian borderers, enjoyed Bee-hives in the said woods, and paid every year in am thereof unto the Russian governors, six shillings of Livonian coin. But so soon as the Russians had felled the woods and had built towns and villages in their place, the said pension ceased together with the trees which were cut down. Wherefore the said six shillings were never since that time either demanded by the Russes or paid by the Livonians. These things which I known concerning the causes of the Livonian wars I thought good to signify unto you. Given the 22. of May, in the year of our Lord 1576. Ordinances, instructions, and advertisements of and for the direction of the intended voyage for Cathay, compiled, made, and delivered by the right worshipful M. Sebastian Cabota Esquire, governor of the mystery and company of the merchants adventurers for the discovery of Regions, Dominions, Islands and places unknown, the 9 day of May, in the year of our Lord God 1553. and in the 7. year of the reign of our most dread sovereign Lord Edward the 6. by the grace of God, king of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, and of the Church of England and Ireland, in earth supreme head. FIrst the Captain general, with the pilot mayor, the masters, merchants & other officers, to be so knit and accorded in unity, love, conformity, and obedience in every degree on all sides, that no dissension, variance, or contention may rise or spring betwixt them and the mariners of this company, to the damage or hindrance of the voyage: for that dissension (by many experiences) hath overthrown many notable intended and likely enterprises and exploits. 2 Item, for as much as every person hath given an oath to be true, faithful, and loyal subjects, and liege men to the kings most excellent Majesty, his heirs and successors, and for the observation of all laws & statutes, made for the preservation of his most excellent Majesty, & his crown Imperial of his realms of England and Ireland, and to serve his grace, the Realm, and this present voyage truly, and not to give up, intermit, or leave off the said voyage and enterprise until it shallbe accomplished, to far forth as possibility and life of man may serve or extend: Therefore it behoveth every person in his degree, as well for conscience, as for duties sake to remember his said charge, and the accomplishment thereof. 3 Item, where furthermore every mariner or passenger in his ship, hath given like oath to be obedient to the Captain general, and to every Captain and master in his ship, for the observation of these present orders contained in this book, and all other which hereafter shallbe made by the 12. counsellors in this present book named, or the most part of them, for the better conduction, and preservation of the flette, and achieving of the voyage, and to be prompt, ready and obedient in all acts and feats of honesty, reason, and duty to be ministered, showed & executed, in advancement and preferment of the voyage and exploit: therefore it is convenient that this present book shall once every week (by the discretion of the Captain) be read to the said company, to the intent that every man may the better remember his oath, conscience, duty and charge. 4 Item, every person by virtue of his oath, to do effectually & with good will (as far forth as him shall comply) all, and every such act and acts, deed and deeds, as shallbe to him or them from time to time commanded, committed and enjoined (during the voyage) by the Captain general, with the assent of the Counsel and assistants, as well in and during the whole Navigation and voyage, as also in discovering and landing, as cases and occasions shall require. 5 Item, all courses in Navigation to be set and kept, by the advice of the Captain, Pilot mayor, masters, & master's mates, with the assents of the counsellors and the most number of them, and in voices uniformly agreeing in one to prevail, and take place, so that the Captain general, shall in all counsels and assemblies have a double voice. 6 Item, that the fleet shall keep together, and not separate themselves asunder, as much as by wind & weather may be done or permitted, & that the Captains, Pilots & masters shall speedily come aboard the Admiral, when and as often as he shall seem to have just cause to assemble them for counsel or consultation to be had concerning the affairs of the fleet and voyage. 7 Item, that the merchants, and other skilful people in writing, shall daily writ, describe, and put in memory the Navigation of every day and night, with the points, and observation of the lands, tides, elements, altitude of the sun, course of the moon and stars, and the same so noted by the order of the Master and pilot of every ship to be put in writing, the captain general assembling the masters together once every week (if wind and weather shall serve) to confer all the observations, and notes of the said ships, to the intent it may appear wherein the notes do agreed, and wherein they descent, and upon good debatement, deliberation, and conclusion determined, to put the same into a common leger, to remain of record for the company: the like order to be kept in proportioning of the Cards, Astrolabes, and other instruments prepared for the voyage, at the charge of the company. 8 Item, that all enterprises and exploits of discovering or landing to search Isles, regions, and such like, to be searched, attempted, and enterprised by good deliberation, and common assent, determined advisedly. And that in all enterprises, notable ambassages, suits, requests, or presentment of gifts, or presents to Princes, to be done and executed by the captain general in person, or by such other, as he by common assent shall appoint or assign to do or cause to be done in the same. 9 Item, the steward and cook of every ship, and their associates, to give and tender to the captain and other head officers of their ship weekly (or oftener) if it shall seem requisite, a just or plain and perfect account of expenses of the victuals, as well flesh, fish, biscuit, meat, or bread, as also of beer, wine, oil, or vinegar, and all other kind of victualling under their charge, and they, and every of them so to order and dispe●de the same, that no waste or unprofitable excess be made otherwise then reason and necessity shall command. 10 Item, when any inferior or mean officer of what degree or condition he shallbe, shallbe tried untrue, remiss, negligent, or unprofitable in or about his office in the voyage, or not to use himself in his charge accordingly, than every such officer to be punished or removed at the discretion of the captain and assistants, or the most part of them, and the person so removed not to be reputed, accepted, or taken from the time of his remove, any more for an officer, but to remain in such condition and place, as he shall be assigned unto, and none of the company, to resist such chastisement or worthy punishment, as shallbe ministered unto him moderately, according to the fault or desert of his offence, after the laws and common customs of the seas, in such cases heretofore used and observed. 11 Item, if any Mariner or officer inferior shallbe found by his labour not meet nor worthy the place that he is presently shipped for, such person may be unshipped and put on land at any place within the king's majesties realm & dominion, and one other person more able and worthy to be put in his place, at the discretion of the captain and masters, & order to be taken that the party dismissed shallbe allowed proportionably the value of that he shall have deserved to the time of his dismission or discharge, & he to give order with sureties, pawn, or other assurance, to repay the overplus of that he shall have received, which he shall not have deserved, & such wages to be made with the party newly placed as shallbe thought reasonable, and he to have the furniture of all such necessaries as were prepared for the pa●tie dismissed, according to right and conscience. 12 Item, that no blaspheming of God, or detestable swearing be used in any ship, nor communication of ribaldry, filthy tales, or ungodly talk to be suffered in the company of any ship, neither dicing, carding, tabling, nor other devilish games to be frequented, whereby ensueth not only poverty to the players, but also strife, variance, brawling, fight, and oftentimes murder to the utter destruction of the parties, and provoking of Gods most just wrath, and sword of vengeance. These and all such like pestilences, and contagious of vices, and sins to be eschewed, and the offenders once monished, and not reforming, to be punished at the discretion of the captain and master, as appertaineth. 13 Item, that morning and evening prayer, A minister in the voyage. with other common services appointed by the king's Majesty, and laws of this Realm to be read and said in every ship daily by the minister in the Admiral, and the merchant or some other person learned in other ships, and the Bible or paraphrases to be read devoutly and Christianly to God's honour, and for his grace to be obtained, and had by humble and hearty prayer of the Navigants accordingly. 14 Item, that every officer is to be charged by Inventory with the particulars of his charge, and to tender a perfect account of the diffraying of the same together with modest & temperate dispending of powder, shot, and use of all kind of artillery, which is not to be misused, but diligently to be preserved for the necessary defence of the fleet and voyage, together with due keeping of all instruments of your Navigation, and other requisites. 15 Item, no liquor to be spilled on the ballast, nor filthiness to be left within board: the cook room, and all other places to be kept clean for the better health of the company, the gromals & pages to be brought up according to the laudable order and use of the Sea, as well in learning of Navigation, as in exercising of that which to them appertaineth. 16 Item, the liveries in apparel given to the mariners be to be kept by the merchants, and not to be worn, but by the order of the captain, when he shall see cause to muster or show them in good array, for the advancement and honour of the voyage, and the liveries to be redelivered to the keeping of the merchants, until it shall be thought convenient for every person to have the full use of his garment. 17 Item, when any mariner or any other passenger shall have need of any necessary furniture of apparel for his body, and conservation of his health, the same shall be delivered him by the Merchant, at the assignment of the captain and Master of that ship, wherein such needy person shall be, at such reasonable price as the same cost, without any gain to be exacted by the merchants, the value thereof to be entered by the merchant in his book, and the same to be discounted off the party's wages, that so shall receive, and wear the same. 18 Item the sick, diseased, weak, and visited person within board, to be tendered, relieved, comforted, and helped in the time of his infirmity, and every manner of person, without respect, to bear another's burden, and no man to refuse such labour as shall be put to him, for the most benefit, and public wealth of the voyage, and enterprise, to be achieved exactly. 19 Item if any person shall fortune to die, or miscarry in the voyage, such apparel, and other goods, as he shall have at the time of his death, is to be kept by the order of the captain and Master of the ship, and an inventory to be made of it, and conserved to the use of his wife, and children, or otherwise according to his mind, and will, and the day of his death to be entered in the Merchants and Stewards books: to the intent it may be known what wages he shall have deserved to his death, and what shall rest due to him. 20 Item, that the Merchants appointed for this present voyage, shall not make any show or sale of any kind of merchandises, or open their commodities to any foreign princes, or any of their subjects, without the consent, privity, or agreement of the Captains, the cape Merchants and the assistants, or four of them, whereof the captain general, the Pilot Maior, and cape merchant to be three, and every of the petty merchants to show his reckoning to the cape merchant, when they, or any of them shall be required: and no commutation or truck to be made by any of the petty merchants, without the assent abovesaid: and all wares, and commodities trucked, bought or given to the company, by way of merchandise, truck, or any other respect, to be booked by the merchants, and to be well ordered, packed, and conse●●ed in one mass entirely, and not to be broken or altered, until the ships shall return to the right discharges, and inventory of all goods, wares, and merchandises so trucked, bought, or otherwise dispended, to be presented to the Governor, Consuls, and Assistants in London, in good order, to the intent the King's Majesty may be truly answered of that which to his grace by his grant of corporation is limited, King Edward● corporation. according to our most bond duties, and the whole company also to have that which by right unto them appertaineth, and no embezelment shall be used, but the truth of the whole voyage to be opened, to the common wealth and benefit of the whole company, and mystery, as appertaineth, without guilt, fraud, or male engine. 21 Item, no particular person, to hinder or prejudicate the common stock of the company, in sale of preferment of his own proper wares, and things, and no particular emergent or purchase to be employed to any several profit, until the common stock of the company shall be furnished, and no person to hinder the common benefit in such purchases or contingents, as shall fortune to any one of them, by his own proper policy, industry, or chance, nor no contention to rise in that behalf, by any occasion of jewel, stone, pearls, precious metals, or other things of the region, where it shall chance the same to rise, or to be found, bought, trucked, permuted, or given: but every person to be bound in such case, and upon such occasion, by order, and directions as the general captain, and the Council shall establish and determine, to whose order and discretion the same is left: for that of things uncertain, no certain rules may or can be giu●n. 22 Item not to disclose to any nation the state of our religion, but to pass it over in silence, without any declaration of it, seeming to bear with such laws, and rites, as the place hath, where you shall arrive. 23 Item for as much as our people, and ships may appear unto them strange and wondrous, and there's also to ours: it is to be considered, how they may be used, learning much of their natures and dispositions, by some one such person, as you may first either allure, or take to be brought aboard your ships, and there to learn as you may, without violence or force, and no woman to be tempted, or entreated to incontinency, or dishonesty. 24 Item the person so taken, to be well entertained, used, and appareled, to be set on land, to the intent that he or she may allure other to draw nigh to show the commodities: and if the person taken may be made drunk with your beer, or wine, you shall know the secrets of his heart. 25 Item our people may not pass further into a land, then that they may be able to recover their pinnesses, or ships, & not to credit the fair words of the strange people, which be many times tried subtle, and false, nor to be drawn into peril of loss, for the desire of gold, silver, or riches, and esteem your own commodities above all other, and in countenance show not much to desire the foreign commodities: nevertheless take them as for friendship, or by way of permutation. 26 Item every nation and region is to be considered advisedly, & not to provoke them by any disdain, laughing, contempt, or such like, but to use them with prudent circumspection, withal gentleness, and courtesy, and not to tarry long in one place, until you shall have attained the most worthy place that may be found, in such sort, as you may return with victuals sufficienty prosperously. 27 Item the names of the people of every Island, are to be taken in writing, with the commodities, and in commodities of the same, their natures, qualities, and dispositions, the site of the same, and what things they are most desirous of, & what commodities they will most willingly departed with, & what metals they have in hills, mountains, streams, or rivers, in, or under the earth. 28 Item if people shall appear gathering of stones, gold, metal, or other like, on the sand, your pinnesses may draw nigh, marking what things they gather, using or playing upon the drum, or such other instruments, as may allure them to hearkening, to fantasy, or desire to see, and hear your instruments and voices, but keep you out of danger, and show to them no point or sign of rigour and hostility. 29 Item if you shall be invited into any Lords or Rulers house, to dinner, or other parlance, go in such order of strength, that you may be stronger than they, and be wary of woods and ambushes, and that your weapons be not out of your possessions. 30 Item if you shall see them wear Lions or Bears skins, having long bows, and arrows, be not afraid of that sight: for such be worn oftentimes more to fear strangers, then for any other cause. 31 Item there are people that can swim in the sea, havens, & rivers, naked, having bows and shafts, coveting to draw nigh your ships, which if they shall find not well watched, or warded, they will assault, desirous of the bodies of men, which they covet for meat: if you resist them, they dive, and so will flee, and therefore diligent watch is to be kept both day & night, in some Islands. 32 Item if occasion shall serve, that you may give advertisements of your proceed in such things as may correspond to the expectation of the company, and likelihood of success in the voyage, passing such dangers of the seas, perils of ice, intolerable colds, and other impediments, which by sundry authors & writers, have ministered matter of suspicion in some heads, that this voyage could not succeed for the extremity of the North pole, lack of passage, & such like, which have caused wavering minds, and doubtful heads, not only to withdraw themselves from the adventure of this voyage, but also dissuaded others from the same, the certainty whereof, when you shall have tried by experience, (most certain Master of all worldly knowledge) then for declaration of the truth, which you shall have exper●ed, you may by common assent of counsel, send either by land, or otherways, such two or one pe●son, to bring the same by credit, as you shall think may pass in safety: which sending is not to be done, but upon urgent causes, in likely success of the voyage, in finding of passage, in towardliness of beneficial traffic, or such other like, whereby the company being advertised of your estates and proceed, may further provide, foresee, and determine that which may seem most good and beneficial for the public wealth of the same: either providing before hand such things, as shall be requisite for the continuance of the voyage, or else otherwise to dispose as occasion shall serve: in which things your wisdoms and discretious are to be used, and showed, and the contents of this capitule, by you much to be pondered, for that you be not ignorant, how many people, as well the king's Majesty, the Lords of his honourable Counsel, this whole company, as also your wives, children, kinsfolks, allies, friends and familiars, be replenished in their hearts with ardent desire to learn and know your estates, conditions, and welfares, and in what likelihood you be in, to obtain this notable enterprise, which is hoped no less to succeed to you, than the Orient or Occident India's have to the high benefit of the Emperor, and kings of Portugal, whose subjects industries, and travails by sea, have enriched them, by those lands and Islands, which were to all Cosmographers, and other writers both unknown, Reason void of experience. and also by appearances of reason void of experience thought and reputed unhabitable for extremities of heats, and colds, and yet indeed tried most rich, peopled, temperate, and so commodious, as all Europe hath not the like. 33 Item no conspiracies, parttaking, factions, false tales, untrue reports, which be the very seeds, and first-fruits of contention, discord, & confusion, by evil tongues to be suffered, but the same, & all other ungodliness to be chastened charitably with brotherly love, and always obedience to be used and practised by all people in their degrees, not only for duty and conscience sake towards God, under whose merciful hand navigants above all other creatures naturally be most nigh, and vicine, but also for prudent and worldly policy, and public weal, considering and always having present in your minds that you be all one most royal kings subjects, and naturals, with daily remembrance of the great importance of the voyage, the honour, glory, praise, and benefit that depend of, and upon the same, toward the common wealth of this noble Realm, the advancement of you the travailers therein, your wives, and children, and so to endeavour yourselves as that you may satisfy the expectation of them, who at their great costs, charges, and expenses, have so furnished you in good sort, and plenty of all necessaries, as the like was never in any realm seen, used, or known requisite and needful for such an exploit, which is most likely to be achieved, and brought to good effect, if every person in his vocation shall endeavour himself according to his charge, and most bound duty: praying the living God, to give you his grace, to accomplish your charge to his glory, whose merciful hand shall prospero your voyage, and preserve you from all dangers. In witness whereof I Sebastian Gabota, Governor aforesaid, to these present ordinances, have subscribed my name, and put my seal, the day and year above written. The names of the twelve Counsellors appointed in this voyage. 1 SIr Hugh Willoughby Knight, Captain general. 2 Richard Chancellor Captain of the Edward Bonaventure, and Pilot general of the fleet. 3 George Burton Cape merchant. 4 Master Richard Stafford Minister. 5 Thomas Langlie Merchant. 6 james Dalabere Gentleman. 7 William Gefferson Master of the Bona Speranza Admiral. 8 Stephen Burrough Master of the Edward Bonaventure. 9 Gornelius Du●furth Master of the Considentia. 10 Roger Wilson. Master's mates. 11 john Buckland. Master's mates. 12 Richard Ingram. Master's mates. Exemplar Epistolae seu literarum Missivarum, quas illustrissimus Princeps Eduardus eius nominis Sextus, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Rex, misit ad Principes Septentrionalem, ac Orientalem mundi plagam inhabitantes juxta mare glaciale, nec non Indiam Orientalem; Anno Domini 1553 Regni sui anno septimo, & ultimo. EDuardus sextus, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Rex, etc. Omnibus Regibus & principibus ac dominis, & cunctis judicibus terrae, & Ducibus eius, quibuscunque est excellens aliqua dignitas in ea, cunctis in locis quae sunt sub universo coelo: Pax, tranquillitas, & honor vobis, terris, & regionibus vestris quae imperio vestro subiacent, cuique vestrum quemadmodum convenit ei. Proptereà quòd indidit Deus Opt. Max. hominibus prae cunctis alij● viventibus, cor & desiderium tale, ut appetat quisque cum aliis societatem inire, amare, & vicissim amari, beneficijs afficere, & mutua accipere beneficia studeat, ideò cuique pro facultate sua hoc desiderium in omnibus quidem hominibus beneficijs fovere & consetuare convenit, in illis autem maximè, qui hoc desiderio adducti, à remotis etiam regionibus ad eos veniunt. Quo enim longius iter eius rei gratia ingressi sunt, eò ardentius in eis hoc desiderium fuisse declararunt. Insuper etiam ad hoc, nos patrum maiorumque nostrorum exempla invitant, qui semper humanissimè susceperunt & benignissimè tractaverunt illos, qui tum à locis propinquis, t●●●●à remotis, cosamicè adibant, eorum se protectioni commendantes. Quod si omnibus id praestare aequum est, certè mercatoribus imprimis praestari debet, qui per universum orbem discurrunt, mare circumlustrantes & aridam, ut res bonas & utiles, que Dei beneficio in regione eorum inveniuntur, ad remotissimas regiones & regna adferant, atque inde vicissim referant, quòd suae regioni utile ibi repeterint: ut & populi ad quos eunt, non destituantur commodis quae non profert illis terra eorum, & ipsi sint participes rerum quibus illi abundant. Nam Deus coeli & terrae, humano generi maximè consulens, noluit ut omnia in quavis regione inueni●entur, quò regio ope alterius regionis indigeret, & gens ab alia gente commodum aliquod expectaret, ac ita stabiliretur amicitia inter omnes, singulique omnibus benefacere quaererent. Hoc ita que ineundae ac stabiliendae amicitiae desiderio moti viri quidam regni nostri, iter in remotas maritimas regiones instituerunt, ut inter nostros & illos populos, viam mercibus inferendis & efferendis aperirent, nosque rogaverunt ut id illis concederemus, Qui petitioni illorum annuentes, concessimus viro honorabili & forti, Hugoni Wilib●o, & alijs qui cum eo sunt servis nostris fidis & charis, ut pro sua voluntate, in regiones eye priùs incognitas eant, quaesituri ea quibus nos caremus, & adducant illis ex nostris terris id quo illi carent. Atque ita illis & nobis commodum inde accedat, sitque amicitia perpetua, & foedus indissolubile inter illos & nos, dum permittent illi nos accipere de rebus, quibus superabundant in regnis suis, & nos concedemus illis ex regnis nostris res, quibus destituuntur. Rogamus itaque vos Reges & Principes, & omnes quibus aliqua est potestas in terra, ut viris istis nostris, transitum permittatis per regiones vestras. Non en●m tangent quicquam ●x rebus vestris invitis vobis. Cogitate quòd homines & ipsi sunt. Et si qua re caruerint, oramus pro vestra beneficentia, eam vos illis tribuatis, accipientes vicissim ab eis quod poterunt rependere vobis. Ita vos gerite erga eos, quemadmodum cuperetis ut nos, & subditi nostri, nos gereremus erga servos vestros, si quando transierint per regiones nostras. Atque promittimus vobis per Deum omnium quae coelo, terra & mari continentur, perque vitam nostram, & tranquillitatem regnorum nostrorum, nos pari benignitate servos vestros accepturos, si ad regna nostra aliquando venerint. Atque à nobis & subditis nostris, ac si nati fuissent in regnis nostris ita benignè tractabuntur, ut rependamus vobis benignitatem, quam nostris exhibueritis. Postquam vos Reges, Principes, etc. rogavimus, ut humanitate & beneficentia omni prosequamini servos nostros nobis charos, oramus omnipotentem Deum nostrum, ut vobis diuturnam vitam largiatur, & pacem quae nullam habeat finem. Scriptum Londini, quae civitas est primaria regni nostri, Anno 5515. à creato mundo, mense jiar, 14. die mensis, anno septimo regni nostri. The copy of the letters missive, which the right noble Prince Edward the sixt sent to the Kings, Princes, and other Potentates, inhabiting the North-east parts of the world, toward the mighty Empire of Cathay, at such time as Sir Hugh Willoughby knight, and Richard Chancellor, with their company, attempted their voyage thither in the year of Christ 1553. and the seventh and last year of his raigne● EDward the sixt, by the grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, etc. To all Kings, Princes, Rulers, judges. and Governors of the earth, and all other having any excellent dignity on the same, in all places under the universal heaven: peace's tranquility, and honour be unto you, and your lands and regions, which are under your dominions, and to every of you, as is convenient. Forasmuch as the great and Almighty God hath given unto mankind, above all other living creatures, such an heart and desire, that every man desireth to join friendship with other, to love, and be loved, also to give and receive mutual benefits: it is therefore the duty of all men, according to their power, to maintain and increase this desire in every man, with well deserving to all men, and especially to show this good affection to such, as being moved with this desire, come unto them from far countries. For how much the longer voyage they have attempted for this intent, so much the more do they thereby declare that this desire hath been ardent in them. Furthermore also, the examples of our fathers and predecessors do invite us hereunto, forasmuch as they have ever gently and lovingly entreated such as of friendly mind came to them, aswell from Countries near hand, as far remote, commending themselves to their protection. And if it be right and equity to show such humanity toward all men, doubtless the same aught chief to be showed to merchants, who wandering about the world, search both the land and the sea, to carry such good and profitable things, as are found in their Countries, to remote regions and kingdoms, and again to bring from the same, such things as they found there commodious for their own Countries: both aswell that the people, to whom they go, may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not forth to them, as that also they may be partakers of such things, whereof they abound. For the God of heaven and earth greatly providing for mankind, would not that all things should be found in one region, to the end that one should have need of another, that by this means friendship might be established among all men,, and every one seek to gratify all. For the establishing and furtherance of which universal amity, certain men of our Realm, moved hereunto by the said desire, have instituted and taken upon them a voyage by sea into far Countries, to the intent that between our people and them, a way may be opened to bring in, and carry ou● merchandises, desiring us to further their enterprise. Who assenting to their petition, have licenced the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby, knight, and other our trusty and faithful servants, which are with him, according to their desire, to go to countries to them heretofore unknown, aswell to seek such things as we lack, as also to carry unto them from our regions, such things as they lack. So that hereby not only commodity may ensue both to them and us, but also an indissoluble and perpetual league of friendship be established between us both, while they permit us to take of their things, such whereof they have abundance in their regions, and we again grant them such things of ours, whereof they are destitute We therefore desire you kings & princes, and all other, to whom there is any power on the earth, to permit unto these our servants free passage by your regions and dominions: for they shall not touch any thing of yours unwilling unto you. Consider you that they also are men. If therefore they shall stand in need of any thing, we desire you of all humanity, and for the nobility which is in you, to aid and help them with such things as they lack, receiving again of them such things as they shall be able to give you in recompense. Show yourselves so towards them, as you would that we and our subjects should show ourselves towards your servants, if at any time they shall pass by our regions. Thus doing, we promise' you by the God of all things that are contained in heaven, earth, and the Sea, and by the life and tranquility of our kingdoms, that we will with like humanity accept your servants if at any time they shall come to our kingdoms, where they shall as friendly and gently be entertained, as if they were born in our Dominions, that we may hereby recompense the favour and benignity which you have showed to our men. Thus after we have desired you Kings and princes, etc. with all humanity and favour, to entertain our well-beloved servants, we will pray our Almighty God, to grant you long life, and peace, which never shall have end. Written in London, which is the chief City of our kingdom, in the year from the creation of the world, 5515. in the month of jiar, the fourteenth day of the month, and seventh year of our reign. jiar. I would read Mair, that is, in the Sarasen language, mirt of Turkish and Egyptian, February, interpreted by them the month to see ships to the sea. This letter was written also in Greek, and divers other languages. The true copy of a note found written in one of the two ships, to wit, the Speranza, which wintered in Lappia, where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his company died, being frozen to death. Anno 1553. THe voyage, intended for the discovery of Cathay, and divers other regions, dominio●s, Islands, and places unknown, set forth by the right worshipful, master Sebastian Cabota Esquire, and Governor of the mystery and company of the merchants Adventurers of the city of London: which fleet being furnished, did set forth the tenth day of May, 1553. and in the seventh year of our most dread Sovereign Lord, and King, Edward the sixt. The names of the ships of the fleet, and of their burden, together with the names of the Captains, and Counsellors, Pilot Maior, Masters of the ships, Merchants, with other officers, and Mariners, as hereafter followeth. The first ship. The Bona Esperanza, Admiral of the fleet, of 120. tons, having with her a pinnace, and a boat. Sir Hugh Willoughby, knight, Captain general of the fleet. William Gefferson, Master of the ship. Roger Wilson, his Mate. William Gittons, Charles Barret, Gabriel Willoughby, john Andrews, Alexander Woodfoord, Ralph Chatterton, Merchants. Mariners and officers, according to the custom, and use of the Seas, john Brooke, Master Gunner. Nicholas Anthony, Boatswain. john Web, his Mate. Christopher Banbrucke, Thomas Davison, Robert Rosse, Thomas Simpson, quarter Masters. William White, james Smith, Thomas Painter, john Smith, their Mates. Richard Gwinne, George Goiswine, Carpenters. Robert Gwinne, Purser. Laurence Edward's, his Mate, and Couper, Richard Morgan, Cook. Thomas Nashe, his Mate. William Light, john brand, Cuthbert Chelfie, George Blage, Thomas Walker, Thomas Allen, Edward Smith, Edward Hunt, john Falconer, Rowland Brooke. Alexander Gardiner, Richard Molton, Surgeons, which two were taken in at Harwich. Discharged at Harwich, by reason of sickness, George Blake, Nicholas Anthony. For pickery ducked at the yards arm, and so discharged Thomas Nash. The Edward Bonaventure, of 160. tons, with her a pinnace, and a boat. The second ship. Richard Chancellor, Captain, and Pilot mayor of the fleet. Stephen Borowgh, Master of the ship. john Buckland, his Mate. George Burton, Arthur Edwards, Merchants. john Stafford, Minister. john Stafford Minister. james Dallaber, Nicholas Newborrow, john Segswike, Thomas Francis, john Hasse, Richard johnson, William Kempe. Mariners and officers, according to the custom and use of the Seas. Robert Stanton, Master Gunner. john Walker, his Mate. james Long, john Cocks, Gunners. Thomas Walter, Surgeon. Peter Palmer, Boatswain. Richard Strowde, his Mate. john Robinson, john Carowe, Thomas Stone, Roger Lishbie, quarter Masters. john Austen, Steward: Patrick Stevens, his Mate. Austen jacks, Cook. William Every, Cowper. Griffin Wagham, Carpenter. Thomas Stelston, Thomas towns, john Robinson, john White, William Laurence, Miles Butter, john Browne, William Morren, William Watson, Thomas Handcocks, Edward Peace, M. William Burrough now controller of her majesties navy. Thomas Browne, Arthur Pet, George Phibarie, Edward Patterson, William Bear, john Potter, Nicholas Laurence, William Burrough, Roger Welford, john Williams. The Bona Confidentia of 90. tons, having with her a pinnace, and a boat. The third ship. Cornelius Durfoorth, Master of the ship. Richard Ingram, his Mate. Thomas Langlie, Edward Kever, Henry Dorset, Merchants. Mariners and officers, according to the use and custom of the Sea. Henry Tailer, Master Gunner. George Thurland, his Mate. william Hamane, Boatswain. john Edward's, his Mate. Thomas Kirbie, Henry Dickenson, john hay, William Shepwash, quarter Masters. john rain, Steward. Thomas Haunt, Cook. William Lassie, his Mate. Nicholas Knight, Carpenter. Peter Lewike, Nicholas Wiggleworth, john Moor, William Chapman, Brian Chester, William Barrie, Richard Wood, Clement Gibson, john Clarocke, Erasmus Bently, john Duriforth. The juramentum, or oath, ministered to the Captain. YOu shall swear to be a faithful, true, and loyal subject in all points, and duties, that to a subject appertaineth, to our sovereign Lord the king's Majesty, his heirs, and successors: and that you shall well and truly to the uttermost of your capacity, wit, & knowledge, serve this present voyage, committed to your charge, and not to give up, nor sooner intermit the same, until you shall have achieved the same, so far forth, as you may without danger of your life, and loss of the fleet: you shall give good, true, and faithful counsel to the said society, and to such as shall have the charge with or under you, and not to disclose the secrets, or privities of the same to any person by any manner of mean, to the prejudice, hurt, or damage of it. You shall minister justice to all men under your charge, without respect of person, or any affection, that might move you to decline from the true ministration of justice. And further, you shall observe, and cause to be observed, as much as in you lieth, all and singular rules, articles, provisions hitherto made, or hereafter to be made for the preservation or safe conduct of the fleet and voyage, and benefit of the company. You shall not permit nor suffer the stock or goods of the company to be wasted, embezzled, or consumed, but shall conserve the same whole and entire, without diminishment, until you shall have delivered, or cause to be delivered the same, to the use of the company. And finally you shall use yourself in all points, sorts, and conditions, as to a faithful captain, and brother of this company shall belong and appertain: So help you God, etc. The oath ministered to the Master of the ship, etc. YOu shall swear by the holy contents in that book, that you according and to the uttermost of your knowledge, and good understanding in mariners science and craft, shall in your vocation do your best to conduct the good ship called the N. etc. whereof you now are Master under God, both unto and from the ports of your discovery, and so use your endeavour and faithful diligence, in charging, discharging, lading again, and roomaging of the same ship, as may be most for the benefit and profit of this right worshipful fellowship: and you shall not privately bargein, buy, cell, exchange, barter, or distribute any goods, wares, merchandise, or things whatsoever (necessary tackles and victuals for the ship only excepted) to or for your own lucre, gain or profit, neither to nor for the private lucre, gain, or profit of any other person or people whatsoever. And further, If you shall know any boatswain, mariner, or any other person or people whatsoever, to buy, cell, barter, truck, or exchange any goods, wares, merchandises, or things for private account, reckoning, or behalf, you shall do your best to withstand and let the same: and if you cannot commodiously so do, that then before the discharge of such goods bought for private account, you shall give knowledge thereof to the cape merchant of this said fellowship for the time being. And you shall not receive nor take, nor suffer to be received or taken into your said ship during this voyage any manner person or people whatsoever, going or returning, but only those mariners wh●ch without fraud or guile shall be hired to be of your company, and to serve in mariners craft and science only: So help you God, etc. These foresaid ships being fully furnished with their pinnesses and boats, well appointed with all manner of artillery, and other things necessary for their defence with all the men aforesaid, departed from Ratcliff, and vailed unto Detford, the 10. day of May, 1553. The 11. day about two of the clock, we departed from Detford, passing by Greenwich, saluting the king's Majesty then being there, shooting off our ordinance, & so vailed unto Blackwall, and there remained until the 17. day, and that day in the morning we went from Blackwall, and came to Woolw●ch by nine of the clock, and there remained one tide, and so the same night unto Heyreth. The 18. day from Heyreth unto Gravesend, and there remained until the twentieth day: that day being Saturday, from Gravesend unto Tilberie Hope, remaining there until the two and twentieth day. May. The 22. day from Tilbery Hope to Holly haven. The 23. day from Holly Haven, till we came against Lee, and there remained that night, by reason that the wind was contrary to us. The 24. day the wind being in the South-west in the morning, we sailed along the coast over the Spits, until we came against S. Osyth, about six of the clock at night, and there came to anchor, and abode there all that night. The 25. day about ten of the clock we departed from S. Osyth, and so sailed forward unto the Nase, and there abode that night for wind and tide. The 26. day at five of the clock in the morning, we weighed our anchor, and sailed over the Nase, the wind being at the South-west, until we came to Orwell wands, and there came to an anchor, and abode there until the 28. day. The same day being Trinity Sunday about 7. of of the clock before noon we weighed our anchors, and sailed till we came athwart Walsursye, and there came to an anchor. The 29. day from thence to Holmehead, where we stayed that day, where we consulted which way, and what courses were best to be held for the discovery of our voyage, and there agreed. The 30. day of May at five of the clock in the morning we set sail, and came against Yermouth about three leagues into the sea, riding there at anchor all that night. The last of May ●nto the Sea six leagues North-east, and there tarried that night, where the wind blew very sore. june. The first of june the wind being at North contrary to us, we came back again to Orwell, and remained there until the 15. day, tarrying for the wind, for all this time the wind was contrary to our purpose. The 15 day being at Orwel in the latitude of 52 degrees, in the morning we weighed our anchors, and went forth into the wands about two miles from the town, and lay there that night. The 16 day at eight of the clock we set forward, and sailed until we came athwart Alburrough, and there stayed that night. The 17 day about five of the clock before noon we went back unto Orfordnesse, and there remained until the 19 day. The 19 day at eight of the clock in the morning we went back to Orwel, and abode there three days tarrying for the wind. The 23 day of june the wound being fair in the South-west we hailed into the seas to Orfordnesse, and from thence into the seas ten leagues North-east: then being past the sands, we changed our course six leagues Northnortheast: about midnight we changed our course again, and went due North, continuing in the same unto the 27 day. The 27 day about seven of the clock Northnorthwest 42 leagues to the end to fall with Shotland: then the wound veared to the West, so that we could lie but North and by West, continuing in the same course 40 leagues, whereby we could not fetch Shotland: then we sailed North 16 leagues by estimation, after that North and by West, & Northnorthwest, than Southeast, with divers other courses, traversing and tracing the seas, ●y reason of sundry and manifold contrary winds, until the 14 day of july: july. and then the sun entering into Leo, we discovered land Eastward of us, unto the which we sailed that night as much as we might: and after we went on shore with our Pinnace, & found little houses to the number of 30, where we known that it was inhabited, but the people were fled away, as we judged, for fear of us. The land was all full of little Islands, and that innumerable, which were called (as we learned afterwards) AEgeland and Halgeland, In this land dwellt Octher as it seemeth. which lieth from Orfordnesse North and by East, being in the latitude of 66 degrees. The distance between Orfordnesse and AEgeland 250 leagues. Then we sailed from thence 12 leagues Northwest, and found many other Islands, and there came to anchor the 19 day, and manned our Pinnace, and went on shore to the Islands, and found people mowing and making of hay, which came to the shore and welcomed us. In which place were an innumerable sort of Islands, which were called the Isles of roast, Roast Islands. being under the dominion of the king of Denmark: which place was in latitude 66 degrees, and 30 minutes. The wind being contrary, we remained there three days, & there was an innumerable sort of fowls of divers kinds, of which we took very many. The 22 day the wind coming fair, we departed from roast, sailing Northnortheast, keeping the sea until the 27 day, and then we drawn near unto the land, which was still East of us: then went forth our Pinnace to seek harborough, & found many good harbours, of the which we entered into one with our ships, which was called Stanfew, Stanfew harbour. and the land being Islands, were called Lewfoot, or Lofoot, Lofoot● which were plentifully inhabited, and very gentle people, being also under the king of Denmark: but we could not learn how far it was from the main land: and we remained there until the 30 day, being in latitude 68 degrees, and from the foresaid roast about 30 leagues Northnortheast. The 30 day of july about noon we weighed our anchors, August. and went into the Seas, and sailed along these Islands Northnortheast, keeping the land still in sight ●ntill the second day of August: then hailing in close aboard the land, to the intent to know what land it was, there came a skiff of the Island aboard of us, of whom we asked many questions, who showed unto us, that the Island was called Seynam, which is the latitude of seventy degrees, Seyman in 70 degrees. and from Stanfew thirty leagues, being also under the king of Denmark, and that there was no merchandise there, but only dried fish, and train oil. Then we being purposed to go unto Finmarke, enquired of him, if we might have a pilot to bring us unto Finmarke, & he said, that if we could bear in, we should have a good harbour, and on the next day a pilot to bring us to Finmarke, unto the wardhouse, which is the strongest hold in Finmarke, and most resorted to by report. But when we would have entered into an harbour, the land being very high on eu●ry side, there came such flaws of wind and terrible whirl winds, that we were not able to bear in, but by violence were constrained to take the sea again, our Pinnace being unshipt: we sailed North and by East, the wound increasing so sort that we were not able to bear any sail, but took them in, and lay a drift, to the end to let the storm over pass. And that night by violence of wind, and thickness of mists, we were not able to keep together within sight, and then about midnight we lost our pinnace, which was a discomfort unto us. assoon as it was day, and the fog overpast, we looked about, and at the last we descried one of our ships to Leeward of us: then we spread an bullock of our foresail, and bore room with her, which was the Confidence, but the Edward we could not see. Then the flaw something abating, we and the Confidence hoist up our sails the fourth day, sailing North-east and by North, to the end to fall with the Wardhouse, as we did consult to do before, in case we should part company. Thus running North-east and by North, and North-east fifty leagues, than we sounded, and had 160 fathoms, whereby we thought to be far from land, and perceived that the land lay not as the Globe made mention. Wherefore we changed our course the sixt day, and sailed Southeast and by South eight and forty leagues, thinking thereby to found the Wardhouse. The eight day much wind rising at the Westnorthwest, we not knowing how the coast lay, struck our sails, and lay a drift, where we sounded and found 160 fathoms as afore. The ninth day, the wound ●earing to the South Southeast, we sailed North-east 25 leagues. The tenth day we sounded, and could get no ground, neither yet could see any land, whereat we wondered: then the wound coming at the North-east, we ran Southeast about 48 leagues. The 11 day, the wound being at South, we sounded, and found 40 fathoms, and fair sand. The 12 day the wind being at South and by East, we lay with our sail East, and East and by North 30 leagues. The 14 day early in the morning, we descried land, which land we bore with all, hoising out our boat to discover what land it might be: but the boat could not come to landlord the water was so shoal, where was very much ice also, but there was no similitude of habitation, and this land lieth from Seynam East and by North 160 leagues, being in latitude 72 degrees. Willoughby his land, i● 72 degrees. Then we plied to the Northward the 15,16 and 17 day. The 18 day, the wind coming at the North-east, and the Confidence being troubled with bilge water, and stocked, we thought it good to seek harbour for her redress: then we bore room the 18 day Southsoutheast, about 70 leagues. The 21 day we sounded, and found 10 fathom, after that we sounded again, and found but 7 fathom, so shoalder and shoalder water, and yet could see no land, where we maru●iled greatly: to avoid this danger, we bore roomer into the sea all that night Northwest and by West. The next day we sounded, and had 20. fathoms, then shaped our course, and ran West South-west until the 23. day: then we descried Low land, unto which we bore as nigh as we could, and it appeared unto us unhabitable. Then we plied Westward along by that land, which lieth West Southwest, and East Northeast, and much wind blowing at the West, we haled into the sea North and by East 30. leagues. Then the wind coming about at the North-east, we sailed West Northwest: after that, the wind bearing to the Northwest, we lay with our sails West south-west, about 14. leagues, and then descried land, and bore in with it, being the 28. day, finding shoal water, and bore in till we came to 3. fathom, then perceiving it to be shoal water, and also seeing dry sands, we haled out again North-east along that land until we came to the point thereof. That land turning to the Westward, we ran along 16. leagues Northwest: then coming into a fair bay, we went on land with our boat, which place was unhabited, but yet it appeared unto us that the people had been there, by crosses, and other signs: from thence we went all along the coast Westward. September. The fourth day of September we lost sight of land, by reason of contrary winds, and the eight day we descried land again. Within two days after we lost the sight of it: then running West and by South about 30. lea●●es, we ●at the sight of land again, and bore in with it until night: then perceiving it to be a lee shore, we got us into the sea, to the end to have sea room. The 12. of September we hailed to shoareward again, having then indifferent wind and weather: then being near unto the shore, and the tide almost spent, we ran to an anchor in 30. fathoms water. The 13. day we came along the coast, which lay Northwest and by West, and Southeast and by East. The 14. day we came to an anchor within two leagues of the shore, having 60. fathoms. There we went a shore with our boat, & found two or three good harboroughs, the land being rocky, and high, but as for people could we see none. The 15 day we ran still along the coast until the 17 day: then the wind being contrary unto us, we thought it best to return unto the harbour which we had found before, and so we bore ro●mer with the same, howbeit we could not accomplish our desire that day. The next day being the 18 of September, we entered into the haven, In this haven they died. and there came to an anchor at 6 fathoms. This haven runneth into the main, about two leagues, and is in breadth half a league, wherein were very many seal fish, & other great fish, and upon the main we see bears, great dear, foxes, with divers strange beasts, as ‖ Or, Ellons. guloines, and such other which were to us unknown, and also wonderful. Thus remaining in this haven the space of a week, seeing the year far spent, & also very evil wether, as frost, snow, and hail, as though it had been the deep of winter, we thought best to winter there. Wherefore we sent out three men Southsouthwest, to search i● they could and people, who went thr●e days journey, Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughby his note, which was written with his own hand. but could find none: after that, we sent other three Westward four days journey, which also returned without finding any people. Then sent we three men Southeast three days journey, who in like sort returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation. These two notes following were written upon the outside of this Pamphlet, or Book. 1 The proceed of Sir Hugh Willoughby after he was separated from the Edward Bonaventure. 2 Our ship being at an anchor in the harbour called Sterfier in the Island Lofoote. The river or haven wherein Sir Hugh Willoughby with the company of his two ships perished for cold, is called Arzina in Lapland, near unto Kegor. But it appeareth by a Will found in the ship that Sir Hugh Willoughby and most of the company were alive in january 1554. The book of the great and mighty Emperor of Russia, and Duke of Moscovia, and of the dominions orders and commodities thereunto belonging: drawn by Richard Chancellor. FOrasmuch as it is meet and necessary for all those that mind to take in hand the travel into far or strange countries, to endeavour themselves not only to understand the orders, commodities, and fruitfulness thereof, but also to apply them to the setting forth of the same, whereby it may encourage others to the like travail: therefore have I now thought good to make a brief rehearsal of the orders of this my travail in Russia and Moscovia, and other countries thereunto adjoining; because it was my chance to fall with the North parts of Russia before I came towards Moscovia, I will partly declare my knowledge therein. Russia is very plentiful both of land and people, and also wealthy for such commodities as they have. They be very great fishers for Salmon and small cods: they have much oil which we call treine oil, the most whereof is made by a river called ‖ Duyna Duina. They make it in other places, but not so much as there. They have also a great trade in seething of salt water. Toithe North part of that country are the places where they have their Furs, as Sables, martens, greesses Bevers, Foxes white, black, and red, Minx, Ermines, Miniver, and Hearts. There are also a fish teeth, which fish is called a Morsse. The takers thereof devil in a place called Postesora, Note. which bring them upon Hearts to Lampas to cell, and from Lampas carry them to a place called Colmogro, where the high market is held on Saint Nicholas day. To the West of Colmogro there is a place called Gratanove, in our language Novogorode, where much fine Flax and Hemp groweth, and also much wax and honey. The Dutch merchants have a Staplehouse there. There is also great store of hides, and at a place called Plesco: and thereabouts is great store of Flax, Hemp, Wax, Honey; and that town is from Colmogro 120 miles. There is a place called Vologda; the commodities whereof are Tallow, Wax, and Flax: but not so great plenty as is in Gratanove. From Vologda to Colmogro there runneth a river called Duyna, and from thence it falls into the sea, Colmogro serveth Gratanove, Vologda and the Moscow with all the country thereabouts with salt and saltfish. From Vologda to jeraslave is two hundredth miles: which town is very great. The commodities thereof are hides, and tallow, and corn in great plenty, and some Wax, but not so plentiful as in other places. The Moscow is from jeraslave two hundredth miles. The country betwixt them is very well replenished with small Uillages, which are so well filled with people, that it is wonder to see them: the ground is well stored with corn which they carry to the city of Moscow in such abundance that it is wonder to see it. You shall meet in a morning seven or eight hundred sieds coming or going thither, that carry corn, and some carry fish. You shall have some that carry corn to the Moscow, and some that fetch corn from thence, that at the lest devil a thousand miles off: and all their carriage is on sleds. Those which come so far devil in the North parts of the Duke's dominions, where the cold will suffer no corn to grow, it is so extreme. They bring thither fish, furs, and beasts skins. In those parts they have but small store of cattle. The Moscow itself is great: I take the whole town to be greater than London with the suburbs: but it is very rude, and standeth without all order. Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire. There is a fair Castle, the walls whereof are of brick, and very high: they say they are eighteen foot thick, but I do not believe it, it doth not so seem, notwithstanding I do not certainly know it: for no stranger may come to view it. The one side is ditched, and on the other side runneth a river called Moscua which runneth into Tartary and so into the sea called Mare Caspium: and on the North side there is a base town, the which hath also a brick brickwall about it, and so it joineth with the Castle brickwall. The Emperor lieth in the castle, wherein are nine fair Churches, and therein are religious men. Also there is a Metropolitan with divers Bishops. I will not stand in description of their buildings nor of the strength thereof because we have better in all points in England. They be well furnished with ordinance of all sorts. The Emperors or Duke's house neither in building nor in the outward show, nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I have seen. It is very low built in eight square, much like the old building of England, with small windows, and so in other points. Now to declare my coming before his Majesty: After I had remained twelve days, the Secretary which hath the hearing of strangers did sand for me, advertising me that the Duke's pleasure was to have me to come before his Ma. with the kings my master's letters: whereof I was right glad, and so I gave mine attendance. And when the Duke was in his place appointed, the interpreter came for me into the utter chamber, where sat one hundred or more gentlemen, all in clot of gold very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the Counsel chamber, where sat the Duke himself with his nobles, which were a fair company: they sateround about the chamber on high, yet so that he himself sat much higher than any of his nobles in a chair gilt, and in a long garment of beaten gold, with an imperial crown upon his head, and a staff of Crystal and gold in his right hand, and his other hand half leaning on his chair. The Chancellor stood up with the Secretary before the Duke. After my duty done and my letter delivered he bade me welcome, & inquired of me the health of the King my master, and I answered that he was in good health at my departure from his court, and that my trust was that he was now in the same. Upon the which he bade me to dinner. The Chancellor presented my present unto his Grace bareheaded (for before they were all covered) and when his Grace had received my letter, I was required to departed: for I had charge not to speak to the Duke, but when he spoke to me. So I departed unto the Secretary's chamber, where I remained two hours, and then I was sent for again unto another palace which is called the golden palace, but I see no cause why it should be so called; for I have seen many fairer than it in all points: and so I came into the hall, which was small and not great as is the King's Majesties of England, and the table was covered with a tablecloth; and the Marshal sat at the end of the table with a little white rod in his hand, which board was full of vessel of gold: and on the other side of the hall did stand a fair cupboard of place. From thence I came into the dining chamber, where the Duke himself sat at his table without clot of estate, in a gown of silver, with a crown imperial upon his head, he sat in a chair somewhat high: There sat none near him by a great way. There were long tables set round about the chamber, which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner: they were all in white. Also the places where the tables stood were higher by two steps then the rest of the house. In the midst of the chamber stood a table or cupboard to set place on; which stood full of cups of gold: and amongst all the rest there stood four marvelous great pots or crudences as they call them, of gold and silver: I think they were a good yard and a half high. By the cupboard stood two gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders, and in their hands each of them had a cup of gold set with pearls and precious stones, which were the Dukes own drinking cups: when he was disposed, he drunk them off at a draft. And for his service at meat it came in without order, yet it was very rich service: for all were served in gold, not only he himself, but also all the rest of us, and it was very massy: the cups also were of gold and very massy. The number that dined there that day was two hundred people, and all were served in golden vessel. The gentlemen that waited were all in clot of gold, and they served him with their caps on their heads. Before the service came in, the Duke sent to every man a great shiver of bread, and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloud, and said, john Basilivich Emperor of Russia and great Duke of Moscovia doth reward thee with bread: then must all men stand up, and do at all times when those words are spoken. And then last of all he giveth the marshal bread, whereof he eateth before the Duke's Grace, and so doth reverence and departeth. Then cometh the Duke's service of the Swans all in pieces, and every one in a several dish: the which the Duke sendeth as he did the bread, and the bearer saith the same words as he said before. And as I said before, the service of his meat is in no order, but cometh in dish by dish: and then after that the Duke sendeth drink, with the like saying as before is told. Also before dinner he changed his crown, and in dinner time two crowns; so that I see three several crowns upon his head in one day. And thus when his service was all come in he gave to every one of his gentlemen waiters meat with his own hand, & so likewise drink. His intent thereby is, as I have herded, that every man shall know perfectly his servants. Thus when dinner is done he calleth his nobles before him name by name, that it is wonder to hear how he could name them, having so many as he hath. Thus when dinner was done I departed to my lodging, which was an hour within night. I will leave this, and speak no more of him nor his household: but I will some what declare of his land and people, with their nature and power in the wars. This Duke is Lord and Emperor of many countries, & his power is marvelous great. For he is able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men: he never goeth into the field himself with under two hundred thousand men: And when he goeth himself he furnisheth his borders all with men of war, which are no small number. He leaveth on the borders of Liefland forty thousand men, and upon the borders of Letto 60 thousand men, and toward the Nagayan Tartar's sixty thousand, which is wonder to hear of: yet doth he never take to his wars neither husbandman nor merchant. All his men are horsemen: he useth no footmen, but such as go with the ordinance and labourers, which are thirty thousand. The horsemen are all archers, with such bows as the Turks have, and they ride shore as do the Turks. Their armour is a coat of plate, with a skull on their heads. Some of their coats are covered with velvet or clot of gold: their desire is to be sumptuous in the field, and especially the nobles and gentlemen: as I have herded their trimming is very costly, and partly I have seen it, or else I would scarcely have believed it: but the Duke himself is richly attired above all measure: his pavilion is covered either with clot of gold or silver, and so set with stones that it is wonderful to see it. I have seen the Kings Maieslies' of England and the French Kings pavilions, which are fair, yet not like unto his. And when they be sent into far or strange countries, or that strangers come to them, they be very gorgeous. Else the Duke himself goeth but meanly in apparel: and when he goeth betwixt one place and another he is but reasonably appareled over other times. In the while that I was in Moscow the Duke sent two ambassadors to the King of Poleland, which had at the least five hundred horses; their sumptuousness was above measure, not only in themselves, but also in their horses, as velvet, clot of gold, and clot of silver set with pearls and not scant. What shall I farther say? I never herded of nor sa● men so sumptuous: but it is no daily guise, for when they have not occasion, as I said before, all their doing is but mean. And now to the effect of their wars: They are men without all order in the field. For they run hurling on heaps, and for the most part they never give battle to their enemies: but that which they do, they do it all by stealth. But I believe they be such men for hard living as are not under the sun: for no cold will hurt them. Yea and though they lie in the field two months, at such time as it shall freeze more than a yard thick, the common soldier hath neither tent nor any thing else over his head: the most defence they have against the wether is a felt, which is set against the wind and weather, and when Snow cometh he doth cast it off, and maketh him a fire, and layeth him down thereby. Thus do the most of all his men, except they be gentlemen which have other provision of their own. Their lying in the field is not so strange as is their hardness: from every man must carry & make provision for himself & his horse for a month or two, which is very wondered. For he himself shall live upon water & oatmeal mingled together cold, and drink water thereto: his horse shall eat green wood, & such like baggage, & shall stand open in the cold field without covert, & yet will he labour & serve him right well. I pray you amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we found to endure the field with them but one month. I know no such region about us that beareth that name for man & beast. Now what might be made of these men if they were trained & broken to order and knowledge of civil wars? If this Prince had within his countries such men as could make them to understand the things aforesaid, I do believe that 2 of the best or greatest princes in Christendom were not well able to match with him, considering the greatness of his power & the hardness of his people & strait living both of people and horse, and the small charges which his wars stand him in: for he giveth no wages, except to strangers. They have a yearly stipend & not much. As for his own country men every one serveth of his own proper costs and charges, saving that he giveth to his Harcubusiers certain allowance for powder & shot: or else no man in all his country hath one penny wages. But it any man hath done very good service he giveth him a farm or a piece of land; for the which he is bond at all times to be ready with so many men as the Duke shall appoint: who considereth in his mind what that land or farm is well able to find: and so many shall he be bond to furnish at all and every such time as wars are held in any of the Duke's dominions. For there is no man of living, but he is bond likewise, whether the Duke call for either soldier or labourer, to furnish them with all such necessaries as to them belong. Also, if any gentleman or man of living do die without issue male, immediately after his death the Duke entereth his land, notwithstanding he have never so many daughters, and peradventure giveth it forthwith to another man, except a small portion that he spares to marry the daughters with all. Also if there be a richman, a farmer, or man of living, which is stricken in age or by chance is maimed, and be not able to do the Duke service, some other gentleman that is not able to live and more able to do service, will come to the Duke and complain, saying, your Grace hath such an one, which is unmeet to do service to your Highness', who hath great abundance of wealth, and likewise your Grace hath many gentlemen which are poor and lack living, and we that lack are well able to do good service, your Grace might do well to look upon him, and make him to help those that want. Immediately the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his wealth: and if it be so proved, he shall be called before the Duke, and it shall be said unto him, friend, you have too much living, and are unserviceable to your prince, less will serve you, and the rest will serve other men that are more able to serve. whereupon immediately his living shall be taken away from him, saving a little to found himself and his wife on, and he may not once repined thereat: but for answer he will say, that he hath nothing, but it is Gods and the Duke's Graces, and cannot say, as we the common people in England say, if we have any thing; that it is Gods and our own. Men may say, that these men are in wonderful great awe, and obedience, that thus one must give and grant his goods which he hath been scraping and scratching for all his life to be at his Prince's pleasure and commandment. O that our sturdy rebels were had in the like subjection to know their duty toward their Princes. They may not say as some snudges in England say, I would found the Queen a man to serve in my place, or make his friends tarry at home if money have the upper hand. Not, not, it is not so in this country: for he shall make humble suit to serve the Duke. And whom he sendeth most to the wars he thinketh he is most in his favour: and yet as I before have said, he giveth no wages. If they knew their strength no man were able to make match with them: nor they that dwell near them should have any rest of them. But I think it is not Gods will: For I may compare them to a young horse that knoweth not his strength, whom a little child ruleth and guideth with a bridle, for all his great strength: for if he did, neither child nor man could rule him. Their wars are held against the Crimme Tartarians and the Nagai●●●. I will stand no longer in the rehearsal of their power and wars. For it were too tedious to the reader. But I will in part declare their laws, and punishments, and the execution of justice. And first I will begin with the commons of the country, which the gentlemen have rule on: And that is, that every gentleman hath rule and justice upon his own tenants. And if it so fall out that two gentlemen's servants or tenants do disagree, the two gentlemen examine the matter, and have the parties before them, and so give the sentence. And yet cannot they make the end betwixt them of the controversy, but either of the gentlemen must bring his servant or tenant before the high judge or justice of that country, and there present them, and declare the matter and case. The plaintiff saith, I require the law; which is granted: then cometh an officer and arresteth the party defendant, and useth him contrary to the laws of England. For when they attach any man they beat him about the legs, until such time as he finds sureties to answer the matter: And if not, his hands and neck are bond together, and he is led about the town and beaten about the legs, with other extreme punishments till he come to his answer: And the justice demandeth if it be for debt, and saith: OH west thou this man any such debt? He will perhaps say nay. Then saith the judge: art thou able to deny it? Let us hear how? By oath saith the defendant. Then he commands to leave beating him till further trial be had. Their order in one point is commendable. They have no man of Law to plead their causes in any court: but every man pleadeth his own cause, and giveth bill and answer in writing: contrary to the order in England. The complaint is in manner of a supplication, & made to the Duke's Grace, and delivered him into his own hand, requiring to have justice as in his complaint is alleged. The duke giveth sentence himself upon all matters in the Law. Which is very commendable, that such a Prince will take pains to see ministration of justice. Yet notwithstanding it is wonderfully abused: and thereby the Duke is much deceived. But if it fall out that the officers be espied in cloaking the truth, they have most condign punishment. And if the plaintiff can nothing prove, than the defendant must take his oath upon the crucifix whether he be in the right or no. Then is demanded if the plaintiff be any thing able further to make proof: if he be not; then sometimes he will say, I am able to prove it by my body and hands, or by my champion's body, so requiring the Campe. After the other hath his oath, it is granted aswell to the one as to the other. So when they go to the field, they swear upon the Crucifix, that they be both in the right, and that the one shall make the other to confess the truth before they departed forth of the field: and so they go both to the battle armed with such weapons as they use in that country: they fight all on foot, & seldom the parties themselves do fight, except they be Gentlemen. for they stand much upon their reputation. for they will not fight, but with such as are come of as good an house as themselves. So that if either party require the combat, it is granted unto them, and no champion is to serve in their room: wherein is no deceit: but otherwise by champions there is. For although they take great oaths upon them to do the battle truly, yet is the contrary often seen: because the common champions have none other living. And assoon as the one party hath got the victory, he demandeth the debt, and the other is carried to prison, and there is shamefully used till he take order. There is also another order in the law, that the plaintiff may swear in some causes of debt. And if the party defendant be poor, he shallbe set under the Crucifix, and the party plaintiff must swear over his head, and when he hath taken his oath, the Duke taketh the party defendant home to his house, and useth him as his bondman, and putteth him to labour, or letteth him for hire to any such as need him, until such time as his friends make provision for his redemption: or else he remains in bondage all the days of his life. Again there are many that will cell themselves to Gentlemen or Merchants to be their bondmen, to have during their life meat, drink and clot, and at their coming to have a piece of money. yea and some will cell their wives and children to be bawds and drudges to the bier. Also they have a Law for Felons and pickers contrary to the Laws of England. For by their law they can hung no man for his first offence; but may keep him long in prison, and oftentimes beat him with whips and other punishment: and there he shall remain until his friends be able to bail him. If he be a picker or a cutpurse, as there be very many, the second time he is taken, he hath a piece of his Nose cut off, and is burned in the forehead, and kept in prison till he find sureties for his good behaviour. And if he be taken the third time, he is hanged. And at the first time he is extremely punished and not released, except he have very good friends, or that some Gentleman require to have him to the wars: And in so doing, he shall enter into great bonds for him: by which means the country is brought into good quietness. But they be naturally given to great deceit, except extreme beating did bridle them. They be naturally given to hard living aswell in fare as in lodging. I herded a Russian say, that is was a great deal merrier living in prison then forth, but for the great beating. For they have meat and drink without any labour, and get the charity of well disposed people: But being at liberty they get nothing. The poor is very innumerable, and live most miserably: for I have seen them eat the pickle of Hearing and other stinking fish: nor the fish cannot be so stinking nor rotten, but they will eat it and praise it to be more wholesome than other fish or fresh meat. In mine opinion there be no such people under the sun for their hardness of living. Well, I will leave them in this point, and will in part declare their Religion. They do observe the law of the Greeks with such excess of superstition, as the like hath not been herded of. They have no graven images in their Churches, but all painted, to the intent they will not break the commandment: but to their painted images they use such idolatry, that the like was never herded of in England. They will neither worship nor honour any image that is made forth of their own country. For their own images (say they) have pictures to declare what they be. and how they be of God, and so be not ours: They say, Look how the Painter of Carver hath made them, so we do worship them, and they worship none before they be Christened. They say we be but half Christians: because we observe not part of the old law with the Turks. Therefore they call themselves more holy than us. They have none other learning but their mother tongue, nor will suffer no other in their country among them. All their service in Churches is in their mother tongue. They have the old and new Testament, which are daily read among them: and yet their superstition is no less. For when the Priests do read, they have such tricks in their reading, that no man can understand them, nor no man giveth ear to them. For all the while the Priest readeth, the people sit down and one talk with another. But when the Priest is at service no man sitteth, but gagle and duck like so many Geese. And as for their prayers they have but little skill, but use to say As body pomele: As much to say, Lord have mercy upon me. For the tenth man within the land cannot say the Pater noster. And as for the Creed, no man may be so bold as to meddle therewith but in the Church: for they say it should not be spoken of, but in the Churches. Speak to them of the Commandments, and they will say they were given to Moses in the law, which Christ hath now abrogated by his precious death and passion: therefore, (say they) we observe little or none thereof. And I do believe them. For if they were examined of their Law and Commandments together, they should agreed but in few points. They have the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in both kinds, and more ceremonies than we have. They present them in a dish in both kinds together, and carry them round about the Church upon the priests head, and so do minister at all such times as any shall require. They be great offerers of Candles, and sometimes of money, which we call in England, Soul pense, with more ceremonies than I am able to declare. They have four Lents in the year, whereof our Lent is the greatest. Look as we do begin on the Wednesday, so they do on the Monday before: And the week before that they call The Butter week: And in that week they eat nothing but Butter and milk. Howbeit I believe there be in no other country the like people for drunkenness. The next Lent is called Saint Peter's Lent, and beginneth always the Monday next after Trinity sunday, and endeth on Saint Peter's even. If they should break that fast, their belief is, that they should not come in at heaven gates. And when any of them die, they have a testimonial with them in the Coffin, that when the soul cometh to heaven gates it may deliver the same to Saint Peter, which declareth that the party is a true and holy Russian. The third Lent beginneth fifteen days before the later Lady day, and endeth on our Lady Eeuen. The fourth Lent beginneth on Saint Martin's day, and endeth on Christmas even: which Lent is fasted for Saint Philip, Saint Peter, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clement. For they four be the principal and greatest Saints in that country. In these Lents they eat neither Butter, Eggs, Milk, nor Cheese; but they are very straightly kept with Fish, Cabbages, and Roots. And out of their Lents, they observe truly the Wednesdays and Fridays throughout the year: and on the Saturday they do eat flesh. Furthermore they have a great number of Religious men: which are black Monks, and they eat no flesh throughout the year, but fish, milk and Butter. By their order they should eat no fresh-fish, and in their Lents they eat nothing but Coleworts, Cabbages; salt Cucumbers, with other roots, as Radish and such like. Their drink is like our penny Ale, and is called Quass. They have service daily in their Churches; and use to go to service two hours before day, and that is ended by day light. At nine of the clock they go to Mass: that ended, to dinner: and after that to service again: and then to supper. You shall understand that at every dinner and supper they have declared the exposition of the Gospel that day: but how they wrist and twine the Scripture and that together by report it is wonderful. As for whoredom and drunkenness there be none such living: and for extortion, they be the most abominable under the sun. Now judge of their holiness. They have twice as much land as the Duke himself hath: but yet he is reasonable even with them, as thus: When they take bribes of any of the poor and simple, he hath it by an order. When the Abbot of any of of their houses dieth, than the Duke hath all his goods movable and unmovable: so that the successor buyeth all at the Duke's hands: and by this mean they be the best farmers the Duke hath. Thus with their Religion I make an end, trusting hereafter to know it better. To the right worshipful and my singular good Uncle, Master Christopher Frothingham, give these. Sir, read and correct; For great is the defect. The Testimony of M. Richard Eden in his Decades, concerning the Book following. AND whereas (says he) I have before made mention how Moscovie was in our time discovered by Richard chancellor in his voyage toward Cathay, by the direction and information of M. Sebastian Cabota, who long before had this secret in his mind: I shall not need here to describe that voyage, forasmuch as the same is largely and faithfully written in the Latin tongue, by that learned young man Clement Adams, schoolmaster to the Queen's henshmen, as he received it at the mouth of the said Richard chancellor. The new Navigation and discovery of the kingdom of Moscovia, by the North-east, in the year 1553: Enterprised by Sir Hugh Willoughby knight, and performed by Richard Chancellor Pilot mayor of the voyage: Written in Latin by Clement Adams. AT what time our Merchants perceived the commodities and wares of England to be in small request with the countries and people about us, Upon what occasions, and by whom this voyage was set out, and of the discovery of Moscovie by the North. and near unto us, and that those merchandises which strangers in the time and memory of our ancestors did earnestly seek and desire, were now neglected, and the price thereof abated, although by us carried to their own ports, and all foreign Merchandises in great account, and their prizes wonderfully raised: certain grave Citizens of London, and men of great wisdom, and careful for the good of their Country, began to think with themselves, how this mischief might be remedied. Neither was a remedy (as it then appeared) wanting to their desires, for the avoiding of so great an inconvenience: for seeing that the wealth of the Spaniards and Portugese's, by the discovery and search of new trades and Countries was marvelously increased, supposing the same to be a course and mean for them also to obtain the like, they thereupon resolved upon a new and strange Navigation. And whereas at the same time one Sebastian Cabota, a man in those days very renowned, happened to be in London, they began first of all to deal and consult diligently with him, and after much speech and conference together, it was at last concluded that three ships should be prepared and furnished out, for the search and discovery of the Northern part of the world, 3. Ships furnished for the discovery. to open a way and passage to our men for travail to new and unknown kingdoms. And whereas many things seemed necessary to be regarded in this so hard and difficult a matter, they first make choice of certain grave and wise people in manner of a Senate or company, which should lay their heads together, and give their judgements, and provide things requisite and profitable for all occasions: by this company it was thought expedient, that a certain sum of money should publicly be collected to serve for the furnishing of so many ships. And left any private man should be too much oppressed and charged, a course was taken, that every man willing to be of the society, should disburse the portion of twenty and five pounds a piece: so that in short time by this means the sum of six thousand pounds being gathered, the three ships were bought, the most part whereof they provided to be newly built and trimmed. But in this action, I wot not whether I may more admire the care of the Merchants, or the diligence of the Shipwrights: for the Merchants, they get very strong and well seasoned planks for the building, the Shippewrights, they with daily travail, and their greatest skill do fit them for the dispatch of the ships: they calke them, pitch them, and among the rest, they make one most staunch and firm, by an excellent and ingenious invention. For they had herded that in certain parts of the Ocean, a kind of worms is bred, which many times pierceth and eateth through the strongest oak that is: and therefore that the Mariners, and the rest to be employed in this voyage might be free and safe from this danger, they cover a piece of the keel of the ship with thin sheets of lead: and having thus built the ships, and furnished them with armour and artillery, than followed a second care no less troublesome and necessary than the former, namely, the provision of victuals, Provision of victuals for 18. months. which was to be made according to the time and length of the voyage. And whereas they afore determined to have the East part of the world sailed unto, and yet that the sea towards the same was not open, except they kept the Northern tract, whereas yet it was doubtful whether there were any passage yea or not, they resolved to victual the ships for eighteen months, which they did for this reason. For our men being to pass that huge and cold part of the world, they wisely foreseeing it, allow them six months victual to sail to the place, so much more to remain there if the extremity of the winter hindered their return, and so much more also for the time of their coming home. Now this provision being made and carried aboard, with armour and munition of all sorts, sufficient Captains and governors of so great an enterprise were as yet wanting: Choice of Captains and Pilots. to which office and place, although many men, (and some void of experience) offered themselves, yet one Sir Hugh Willoughby a most valiant Gentleman, Sir Hugh Willoughby. and well borne● very earnestly requested to have that care and charge committed unto him: of whom before all others, both by reason of his goodly parsonage (for he was a tall stature) as also for his singular skill in the services of war, the company of the Merchants made greatest account: so that at the last they concluded and made choice of him for the General of this voyage, and appointed to him the Admiral, with authority and command over all the rest. And for the government of other ships although divers men seemed willing, and made offers of themselves thereunto, yet by a common consent one Richard chancellor, a man of great estimation for many good parts of wit in him, was elected, in whom alone great hope for the performance of this business rested. This man was brought up by one master Henry Sidney, a noble young Gentleman and very much beloved of King Edward, who at this time coming to the place where the Merchants were gathered together, began a very eloquent speech or Oration, and spoke to them after this manner following. Master Henry Sidney his Oration. My very worshipful friends, I cannot but greatly commend your present godly and virtuous intention, in the serious enterprising (for the singular love you bear to your Country) a matter, which (I hope) will prove profitable for this nation, and honourable to this our land. Which intention of yours we also of the Nobility are ready to our power to help and further: neither do we hold any thing so dear and precious unto us, which we will not willingly forego, and lay out in so commendable a cause. But principally I rejoice in myself, that I have nourished and maintained that wit, which is like by some means and in some measure, to profit and steed you in this worthy action. But yet I would not have you ignorant of this one thing, that I do now part with chancellor, not because I make little reckoning of the man, or that his maintenance is burdenous and chargeable unto me, but that you might conceive and understand my good will and promptitude for the furtherance of this business, and that the authority and estimation which he deserveth may be given him. You know the man by report, I by experience, you by words, I by deeds, you by speech and company, but I by the daily trial of his life have a full and perfect knowledge of him. And you are also to remember, into how many perils for your sakes, and his countries love, he is now to run: whereof it is requisite that we be not unmindful, if it please God to sand him good success. We commit a little money to the chance and hazard of Fortune: He commits his life (a thing to a man of all things most dear) to the raging Sea, and the uncertainties of many dangers. We shall here live and rest at home quietly with our friends, and acquaintance: but he in the mean time labouring to keep the ignorant and unruly Mariners in good order and obedience, with how many cares shall he trouble and vex himself? with how many troubles shall he break himself? and how many disquietings shall he be forced to sustain? We shall keep our own coasts and country: He shall seek strange and unknown kingdoms. He shall commit his safety to barbarous and cruel people, and shall hazard his life amongst the monstrous and terrible beasts of the Sea. Wherefore in respect of the greatness of the dangers, and the excellency of his charge, you are to favour and love the man thus departing from us: and if it fall so happily out that he return again, it is your part and duty also, liberally to reward him. After that this noble young Gentleman had delivered this or some such like speech, much more eloquently than I can possibly report it, the company then present began one to look upon another, one to question and confer with another: and some (to whom the virtue and sufficiency of the man was known) began secretly to rejoice with themselves, and to conceive a special hope, that the man would prove in time very rare and excellent, and that his virtues already appearing and shining to the world would grow to the great honour and advancement of this kingdom. After all this, the company growing to some silence, it seemed good to them that were of greatest gravity amongst them, to inquire, search and seek what might be learned & known, concerning the Easterly part or tract of the world. For which cause two Tartarians, which were then of the king's S●abie, were sent for, & an interpreter was got to be present, by whom they were demanded touching their Country and the manners of their nation: But they were able to answer nothing to the purpose: being in deed more acquainted (as one there merrily and openly said) to toss pots, then to learn the states and dispositions of people. But after much ado and many things passed about this matter, they grew at last to this issue, to set down and appoint a time for the departure of the ships: because divers were of opinion, that a great part of the best time of the year was already spent, and if the delay grew longer, the way would be stopped and bard by the force of the Ice, and the cold climate: and therefore it was thought best by the opinion of them all, that by the twentieth day of May, the Captains and Mariners should take shipping, and departed from Radeliffe upon the ebb, They departed from Ra●eliffe the 20. of May 1553. if it pleased God. They having saluted their acquaintance, one his wife, another his children, another his kinsfolks, and another his friends dearer than his kinsfolks, were present and ready at the day appointed: and having weighed anchor, they departed with the turning of the water, and sailing easily, came first to Greenwich. The greater ships are towed down with boats, and oars, and the mariners being all appareled in Watchet or sky coloured clot, rowed amain, and made way with diligence. And being come near to Greenwich, (where the Court then lay) presently upon the news thereof, the Courtiers came running out, and the common people flocked together, standing very thick upon the shore: the privy Counsel, they looked out at the windows of the Court, and the rest ran up to the tops of the towers: the ships hereupon discharge their Ordinance, and shoot off their pieces after the manner of war, and of the sea, insomuch that the tops of the hills sounded therewith, the valleys and the waters gave an Echo, and the Mariners, they shouted in such sort, that the sky rang again with the noise thereof. One stood in the poop of the ship, and by his gesture bids farewell to his friends in the best manner he could. Another walks upon the hatches, another climbs the shrouds, another stands upon the main yard, and another in the top of the ship. To be short, it was a very triumph (after a sort) in all respects to the beholders. But (alas) the good King Edward (in respect of whom principally all this was prepared) he only by reason of his sickness was absent from this show, and not long after the departure of these ships, the lamentable and most sorrowful accident of his death followed. But to proceed in the matter. The ships going down with the tide came at last to Woolwich, where they stayed and cast anchor, with purpose to departed therehence again, as soon as the turning of the water, and a better wind should draw them to set sail. After this they departed and came to Harwich, in which port they stayed long, not without great loss and consuming of time: yet at the last with a good wind they hoist up sail, and committed themselves to the sea, giving their last adieu to their native Country, which they knew not whether they should ever return to see again or not. Many of them looked oftentimes back, and could not refrain from tears, considering into what hazards they were to fall, and what uncertainties of the sea they were to make trial of. Among the rest, Richard chancellor the Captain of the Edward Bonaventure, was not a little grieved with the fear of wanting victuals, part whereof was found to be corrupt and putrefied at Harwich, and the hogsheads of wine also leaked, and were not staunch: his natural and fatherly affection also somewhat troubled him, for he left behind him his two little sons, which were in the case of Orphans if he sped not well: the estate also of his company moved him to care, being in the former respects after a sort unhappy, and were to abide with himself every good or bad accident: but in the mean time while his mind was thus tormented with the multiplicity of sorrows and cares, after many days sailing, they kenned land afar off, whereunto the Pilots directed the ships: and being come to it, they land, and find it to be Roast Island, where they stayed certain days, and afterwards set sail again, and proceeding towards the North, they espied certain other Islands, which were called the Cross of Islands. From which places when they were a little departed, Sir Hugh Willoughby the General, a man of good foresight and providence in all his actions, erected and set out his flag, by which he called together the chiefest men of the other ships, that by the help and assistance of their counsels, the order of the government, and conduction of the ships in the whole voyage might be the better: who being come together accordingly, they conclude and agreed, that ●f any great tempest should arise at any time, and happen to disperse and scatter them, every ship should endeavour his best to go to Wardhouse, a haven or castle of some name in the kingdom of Norway, and that they that arrived there first in safety should stay and expect the coming of the rest. The very same day in the afternoon, about four of the clock, so great a tempest suddenly arose, and the Seas were so outrageous, that the ships could not keep their intended course, but some were perforce driven one way, and some another way, to their great peril and hazard: The general with his loudest voice cried out to Richard chancellor, and earnestly requested him not to go far from him: but h●e neither would nor could keep company with him, if he sailed still so fast: for the Admiral was of better sail than his ship. But the said Admiral (I know not by what means) bearing all his sails, was carried away with so great force and swiftness, that not long after he was quite out of sight, and the third ship also with the same storm and like rage was dispersed and lost us. The ship boat of the Admiral (striking against the ship, They return the next year not knowing what was become of the other 2. ships. ) was overwhelmed in the fight and view of the Mariners of the Bonaventure: and as for them that are already returned and arrived, they know nothing of the rest of the ships what was become of them. But if it be so, that any miserable mishap have overtaken them, If the rage and fury of the Sea have devoured those good men, or if as yet they live, and wander up and down in strange Countries, I must needs say they were men worthy of better fortune, and if they beliuing, let us wish them safety and a good return: but if the cruelty of death hath taken hold of them, God sand them a Christian grave and Sepulchre. Now Richard chancellor with his ship and company being thus left alone, and become very pensive, heavy, and sorrowful, by this dispersion of the Fleet, he (according to the order before taken,) shapeth his course for Wardhouse in Norway, there to expect and abide the arrival of the rest of the ships. And being come thither, and having stayed there the space of 7. days, and looked in vain for their coming, he determined at length to proceed alone in the purposed voyage. And as he was preparing himself to departed, it happened that he fallen in company and speech with certain Scottishmen: who having understanding of his intention, and wishing well to his actions, began earnestly to dissuade him from the further prosecution of the discovery, by amplifying the dangers which he was to fall into, and omitted no reason that might serve to that purpose. But he holding nothing so ignominious and reproachful, as inconstancy and levity of mind, and persuading himself that a man of valour could not commit a more dishonourable part then for fear of danger to avoid and shun great attempts, was nothing at all changed or discouraged with the speeches and words of the Scots, remaining steadfast and immutable in his first resolution: determining either to bring that to pass which was intended, or else to die the death. And as for them which were with Master chancellor in his ship, although they had great cause of discomfort by the loss of their company (whom the foresaid tempest had separated from them,) and were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of mind, in respect of their doubtful course: yet notwithstanding, they were of such consent and agreement of mind with Master chancellor, that they were resolute, and prepared under his direction and government, to make proof and trial of all adventures, without all fear or mistrust of fu●ure dangers. Which constancy of mind in all the company did exceedingly increase their captains carefulness: for he being swallowed up with like good will and love towards them, feared lest through any error of his, the safety of the company should be endangered. To conclude, when they saw their desire and hope of the arrival of the rest of the ships to be every day more and more frustrated, they provided to sea again, and Master chancellor held on his course towards that unknown part of the world, and sailed so far, that he came at last to the place where he found no night at all, but a continual light and brightness of the Sun shining clearly upon the huge and mighty Sea. And having the benefit of this perpetual light for certain days, at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certain great Bay, They arrive in the Bay of Saint Nicholas. which was of one hundredth miles or thereabouts over. Whereinto they entered, and somewhat far within it cast anchor, and looking every way about them, it happened that they espied a far off a certain fisher boat, which Master chancellor, accompanied with a few of his men, went towards to common with the fishermen that were in it, and to know of them what Country it was, and what people, and of what manner of living they were: but they being amazed with the strange greatness of his ship, (for in those parts before that time they had never seen the like) began presently to avoid and to flee: but he still following them at last overtook them, and being come to them, they (being in great fear, as men half dead) prostrated themselves before him, offering to kiss his feet: but he (according to his great and singular courtesy,) looked pleasantly upon them, comforting them by signs and gestures, refusing those duties and reverences of there's, and taking them up in all loving sort from the ground. And it is strange to consider how much favour afterwards in that place, this humanity of his did purchase to himself. For they being dismissed spread by and by a report abroad of the arrival of a strange nation, of a singular gentleness and courtesy: whereupon the common people came together offering to these newecome guests victuals freely, and not refusing to traffic with them, except they had been bond by a certain religious use and custom, not to buy any foreign commodities, without the knowledge and consent of the king. The discovery of Russia. By this time our men had learned that this Country was called Russia, or Moscovie, and that ivan Vasiliwich (which was at that time their King's name) ruled and governed far and wide in those places. And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men whence they were, and what they came for: whereunto answer was made, that they were Englishmen sent into those coasts, from the most excellent King Edward the sixt, having from him in commandment certain things to deliver to their King, and seeking nothing else but his amity and friendship, and traffic with his people, whereby they doubted not, but that great commodity and profit would grow to the subjects of both kingdoms. The Barbarians herded these things very gladly, and promised their aid and furtherance to acquaint their king out of hand with so honest and a reasonable request. In the mean time Master chancellor entreated victuals for his money of the governor of that place (who together with others came aboard him) and required hostages of them likewise for the more assurance of safety to himself and his company. To whom the Governors answered, that they knew not in that case the will of their king, but yet were willing in such things as they might lawfully do, to pleasure him: which was as then to afford him the benefit of victuals. Now while these things were a doing, they secretly sent a messenger unto the Emperor, to certify him of the arrival of a strange nation, and withal to know his pleasure concerning them. Which message was very welcome unto him, insomuch that voluntarily he invited them to come to his Court. But if by reason of the tediousness of so long a journey, they thought it not best so to do, than he granted liberty to his subjects to bargain, and to traffic with them: and further promised, that if it would please them to come to him, he himself would bear the whole charges of post horses. In the mean time the governors of the place differred the matter from day to day, pretending divers excuses, and saying one while that the consent of all the governors, and another while, that the great and weighty affairs of the kingdom compelled them to differ their answer: and this they did of purpose, so long to protract the time, until the messenger (sent before to the king) did return with relation of his will and pleasure. But Master chancellor, (seeing himself held in this suspense with long and bane expectation, and thinking that of intention to delude him, they posted the matter off so often,) was very instant with them to perform their promise: Which if they would not do, he told them that he would departed and proceed in his voyage. So that the Moscovites (although as yet they known not the mind of their king) yet fearing the departure in deed of our men who had such wares and commodities as they greatly desired, they at last resolved to furnish our people with all things necessary, and to conduct them by land to the presence of their king. And so Master chancellor began his journey, which was very long and most troublesome, wherein he had the use of certain sleds, which in that Country are very common, for they are carried themselves upon sleds, and all their carriages are in the same sort, the people almost not knowing any other manner of carriage, the cause whereof is the exceeding hardness of the ground congealed in the winter time by the force of the cold, which in those places is very extreme and horrible, whereof hereafter we will say something. But now they having passed the greater part of their journey, met at last with the Sleddeman (of whom I spoke before) sent to the king secretly from the justices or governors, who by some ill hap had lost his way, and had go to the Sea side, wh●ch is near to the Country of the Tartars, thinking there to have found our ship. But having long erred and wandered out of his way, at the last in his direct return, he met (as he was coming) our Captain on the way. To whom he by and by delivered the emperors letters, The emperors courteous letters to M. chancellor. which were written to him with all courtesy and in the most loving manner that could be: wherein express commandment was given, that post horses should be got for him and the rest of his company without any money. Which thing was of all the Russes in the rest of their journey so willingly done, that they began to quarrel, yea, and to fight also in striving and contending which of them should put their post horses to the fled: so that after much a●oe and great pains taken in this long and weary journey, (for they had travailed very near fifteen hundred miles) Master chancellor came at last to Moscow the chief city of the kingdom, and the seat of the king: of which city, and of the Emperor himself, and of the principal cities of Moscovie, we will speak immediately more at large in this discourse. Of Moscovie, which is also called Russia. Moscovie, which hath the name also of Russia the white, is a very large and spacious Country, every way bounded with divers nations. Towards the South and the East, it is compassed with Tartary: the Northern side of it stretcheth to the Scytian Ocean: upon the West part border the Lappians, a rude and savage nation, living in woods, whose language is not known to any other people: next unto these, more towards the South, is Swecia, than Finlandia, than Livonia, and last of all Lituania. This Country of Moscovie, hath also very many and great rivers in it, and is marish ground in many places: and as for the rivers, the greatest and most famous amongst all the rest, is that, which the Russes in their own tongue call Volga, but others know it by the name of Rha. Next unto it in fame is Tanais, which they call Don, and the third Boristhenes which at this day they call Neper. Two of these, to wit, Rha, and Boristhenes yssuing both out of one fountain, run very far through the land: Rha receiving many other pleasant rivers into it, & running from the very head or spring of it towards the East, after many crooked turnings and windings, dischargeth itself, and all the other waters and rivers that fall into it by divers passages into the Caspian Sea. Tanais springing from a fountain of great name in those parts, and growing great near to his head, spreads itself at length very largely, and makes a great lake: and then growing narrow again, doth so run for certain miles, until it fall into another lake, which they call ivan: and therehence fetching a very crooked course, comes very near to the river Volga: but disdaining as it were the company of any other river, doth there turn itself again from Volga, and runs toward the South, and falls at last into the Lake of Moeotis. Boristhenes, which comes from the same head that Rha doth, (as we said before) carrieth both itself, and other waters that are near unto it, towards the South, not refusing the mixture of other small rivers: and running by many great and large countries falls at last into Pontus Euxinus. Besides these rivers, are also in Moscovie certain lakes, and pools, the lakes breed fish by the celestial influence: and amongst them all, the chiefest and most principal is called Bealozera, The mighty lake of Bealozera. which is very famous by reason of a very strong tower built in it, wherein the kings of Moscovie reserve and repose their treasure in all time of war and danger. Touching the Riphean mountains, whereupon the snow lieth continually, and where hence in times past it was thought that Tanais the river did spring, and that the rest of the wonders of nature, which the Grecians feigned and invented of old, were there to be seen: our men which lately came from thence, neither saw them, nor yet have brought home any perfect relation of them, although they remained there for the space of three months, and had got in that time some intelligence of the language of Moscovie. The whole Country is plain and champion, and few hills in it: and towards the North it hath very large & spacious woods, wherein is great store Fir trees, a wood very necessary, and fit for the building of houses: there are also wild beasts bread in those woods, as Buffs, Bears, and black Wolves, and another kind of beast unknown to us, but called by them Rossomakka: and the nature of the same is very rare and wonderful: for when it is great with young, and ready to bring forth, it seeketh out some narrow place between two stakes, and so going through them, presseth itself, and by that means is eased of her burden, which otherwise could not be done. They hunt their buffs for the most part a horseback, but their Bears a foot, with wooden forks. The north parts of the Country are reported to be so cold, that the very ice or water which distilleth out of the moist wood which they lay upon the fire is presently congealed and frozen: the diversity growing suddenly to be so great, that in one and the self same firebrand, a man shall see both fire and ice. When the winter doth once begin there it doth still more & more increase by a perpetuity of cold: neither doth that cold slake, until the force of the Sun beams doth dissolve the cold, and make glad the earth, returning to it again. Our mariners which we left in the ship in the mean time to keep it, in their going up only from their cabins to the hatches, The sharpness of the winter in Moscovie. had their breath oftentimes so suddenly taken away, that they eftsoons fallen down as men very near dead, so great is the sharpness of that cold climate: but as for the South parts of the Country, they are somewhat more temperate. Of Moscow the chief City of the kingdom, and of the Emperor thereof. IT remains that a larger discourse be made of Moscow, the principal City of that Country. and of the Prince also, as before we have promised. The Empire and government of the king is very large, and his wealth at this time exceeding great. And because the city of Moscow is the chiefest of all the rest, it seemeth of itself to challenge the first place in this discourse. Our men say, that in bigness it is as great as the City of London, with the suburbs thereof. There are many and great buildings in it, but for beauty and fairness, nothing comparable to ours. There are many Towns and Uillages also, but built out of order, and with no handsomeness: Their manner of building. their streets and ways are not paved with stone as ours are: the walls of their houses are of wood: the roofs for the most part are covered with shingle boards. There is hard by the City a very fair Castle, strong, and furnished with artillery, whereunto the City is joined directly towards the North, with a brick brickwall: the walls also of the Castle are built with brick, and are in breadth or thickness eighteen foot. This Castle hath on the one side a dry ditch, on the other side the river Moscua, whereby it is made almost i●erpugnable. The same Moscua trending towards the East doth admit into it the company of the river Occa. In the Castle aforesaid, there are in number nine Churches, or Chapels, not altogether unhandsome, which are used and kept by certain religious men, over whom there is after a sort, a Patriarch, or Governor, and with him other reverend Fathers, all which for the greater part, devil within the Castle. As for the king's Court and Palace, it is not of the nearest, only in form it is four square, and of low building, much surpassed and excelled by the beauty and elegancy of the houses of the kings of England. The windows are very narrowly built, and some of them by glass, some other by levisses admit the light: and whereas the Palaces of our Princes are decked, and adorned with hangings of clot of gold, there is none such there: they build and join to all their walls benches, and that not only in the Court of the Emperor, but in all private men's houses. Now after that they had remained about twelve days in the City, there was then a Messenger sent unto them, to bring them to the King's house: and they being after a sort wearied with their long stay, were very ready, and willing so to do: and being entered within the gates of the Court, there sat a very honourable company of Courtiers, to the number of one hundred, all appareled in clot of gold, down to their ankles: and there-hence being conducted into the chamber of presence, our men began to wonder at the Majesty of the Emperor: his seat was aloft, in a very royal throne, having on his head a Diadem, or Crown of gold, appareled with a rob all of Goldsmith's work, and in his hand he held a Sceptre garnished, and beset with precious stones: and besides all other notes and appearances of honour, there was a Majesty in his countenance proportionable with the excellency of his estate: on the one side of him stood his chief Secretary, on the other side, the great Commander of silence, both of them arrayed also in clot of gold: and then there sat the Counsel of one hundred and fifty in number, all in like sort arrayed, and of great state. This so honourable an assembly, so great a Majesty of the Emperor, and of the place might very well have amazed our men, and have dash● them out of countenance: but not withstanding Master chancellor being therewithal nothing dismayed saluted, and did his duty to the Emperor, after the manner of England, and withal, delivered unto him the letters of our king, Edward the sixt. King Edward's letters delivered. The Emperor having taken, & read the letters, began a little to question with them, and to ask them of the welfare of our king: whereunto our men answered him directly, & in few words: hereupon our men presented some thing to the Emperor, by the chief Secretary, which at the delivery of it, put of his hat, being before all the time covered: and so the Emperor having invited them to dinner, dismissed them from his presence: and going into the chamber of him that was Master of the Requests to the Emperor, & having stayed there the space of two hours, at the last, the Messenger cometh, and calleth them to dinner: they go, and being conducted into the golden Court, (for so they call it, although not very fair) they find the Emperor sitting upon an high and stately seat, apparelled with a rob of silver, and with another Diadem on his head: our men being placed over against him, sit down: in the mids of the room stood a mighty Cupboard upon a square foot, whereupon stood also a round board, in manner of a Diamond, broad beneath, and towards the top narrow, and every step rose up more narrow than another. Upon this Cupboard was placed the emperors plate, which was so much, that the very Cupboard itself was scant able to sustain the weight of it: the better part of all the vessels, and goblets, was made of very fine gold: and amongst the rest, there were four pots of very large bigness, which did adorn the rest of the place in great measure: for they were so high, that they thought them at the lest five foot long. There were also upon this Cupboard certain silver casks, not much differing from the quantity of our Fyrkins, wherein was reserved the emperors drink: on each side of the Hall stood four Tables, each of them laid and covered with very clean table clotheses, whereunto the company ascended by three steps or degrees: all which were filled with the assembly present: the guests were all appareled with linen without, and with rich skins within, and so did notably set out this royal feast. The Emperor, when he takes any bread or knife in his hand, doth first of all cross himself upon his forehead: they that are in special favour with the Emperor sit upon the same bench with him, but somewhat far from him: and before the coming in of the meat, the Emperor himself, according to an ancient custom of the kings of Moscovy, doth first bestow a piece of bread upon every one of his guests, with a loud pronunciation of his title, and honour, in this manner: The great Duke of Moscovie, and chief Emperor of Russia, john Basiliwich (& then the officer nameth the guest) doth give thee bread. Whereupon all the guests rise up, and by & by sit down again. This done, the Gentleman Usher of the Hall comes in, with a notable company of servants, carrying the dishes, and having done his reverence to the Emperor, puts a young Swan in a golden platter upon the table, and immediately takes it thence again, delivering it to the Carver, and seven other of his fellows, to be cut up: which being performed, the meat is then distributed to the guests, with the like pomp, and ceremonies. In the mean time, the Gentleman Usher receives his bread, and tasteth to the Emperor, and afterward, having done his reverence, he departeth. Touching the rest of the dishes, because they were brought in out of order, our men can report no certainty: but this is true, that all the furniture of dishes, and drinking vessels, which were then for the use of a hundred guests, was all of pure gold, and the tables were so laden with vessels of gold, that there was no room for some to stand upon them. We may not forget, that there were 140. servitors arrayed in clot of gold, that in the dinner time, changed thrice their habit and apparel, which servitors are in like sort served with bread from the Emperor, as the rest of the guests. Last of all, dinner being ended, and candles brought in, (for by this time night was come) the Emperor calleth all his guests and Noble men by their names, in such sort, that it seems miraculous, that a Prince, otherwise occupied in great matters of estate, should so well remember so many and sundry particular names. The Russes told our men, that the reason thereof, as also of the bestowing of bread in that manner, was to the end that the Emperor might keep the knowledge of his own household: and withal, that such as are under his displeasure, might by this means be known. Of the discipline of war among the Russes. Whensoever the injures of their neighbours do call the King forth to battle, he never armeth a less number against the enemy, than 300. thousand soldiers, 100 thousand whereof he carrieth out into the field with him, and leaveth the rest in garrison in some fit places, for the better safet●e of his Empire. He presseth no husbandman, nor Merchant: for the Country is so populous, that these being left at home, the youth of the Realm is sufficient for all his wars. As many as go out to warfare do provide all things of their own cost: they fight not on foot, but altogether on horseback: their armour is a coat of mail, & a helmet: the coat of mail without is gilded, or else adorned with silk, although it pertain to a common soldier: they have a great pride in showing their wealth: they use bows, and arrows, as the Turks do: they carylances also into the field. They ride with a short stirrup, after the manner of the Turks: They are a kind of people most sparing in diet, and most patiented in extremity of cold, above all others. For when the ground is covered with snow, and is grown terrible and hard with the frost, this Ruff hangs up his mantle, or soldiers coat, against that part from whence the wind and Snow drives, and so making a little fire, lieth down with his back towards the weather: this mantle of his serves him for his bed, brickwall, house and all: his drink is cold water of the river, mingled with oatmeal, and this is all his good cheer, and he thinketh himself well, and daintily fe●re therewith, and so sitteth down by his fire, and upon the hard ground, roasteth as it were his weary sides thus daintily stuffed: the hard ground is his feather bed, & some block or stone his pillow: and as for his horse, he is as it were a chamberfellow with his master, faring both alike. How justly may this barbarous, and rude Russee condemn the daintiness and niceness of our Captains, who living in a soil & air much more temeprate, yet commonly use furred boots, and cloaks? But thus much of the furniture of their common soldiers. But those that are of higher degrees come into the field little better provided. As for the furniture of the Emperor himself, it is then above all other times, most notable. The coverings of his tent for the most part, are all of gold, adorned with stones of great price, and with the curious workmanship of plumasiers. As often as they are to skirmish with the enemy, they go forth without any order at all: they make no wings, nor military divisions of their men, as we do, but lying for the most part, in ambush, do suddenly set upon the enemy. Their horses can well abstain two whole days from any meat. They feed upon the barks of trees, and the most tender branches, in all the time of war. And this scant and miserable manner of living, both the horse and his Master can well endure, sometimes for the space of two months, lusty, and in good state of body. If any man behave himself valiantly in the field, to the contentation of the Emperor, he bestoweth upon him in recompense of his service, some farm, or so much ground as he and his may live upon, which not withstanding after his death, returns again to the Emperor, if he die without a male issue. For although his daughters be never so many, yet no part of that inheritance comes to them, except peradventure the Emperor of his goodness, give some portion of the land amongst them, to bestow them withal. As for the man, whosoever he be, that is in this sort rewarded by the emperors liberality, he is bond in a great sum, to maintain so many soldiers for the war, when need shall require, as that land, in the opinion of the Emperor, is able to maintain. And all those, to whom any land falls by inheritance, are in no better condition: for if they die without any male issue, all their lands fall into the hands of the Emperor. And moreover, if there be any rich man amongst them, who in his own person is unfit for the wars, and yet hath such wealth, that thereby many Noble men and warriors might be maintained, if any of the Courtiers present his name to the Emperor, the unhappy man is by and by sent for, and in that instant, deprived of all his riche●, which with great pains and travel all his life time he had got together: except perhaps some small portion thereof be left him, to maintain his wife, children and family. But all this is done of all the people so willingly at the emperors commandment, that a man would think, they rather make restitution of other men's goods, then give that which is their own to other men. Now the Emperor having taken these goods into his hands, bestoweth them among his Courtiers, according to their deserts: and the oftener that a man is sent to the wars, the more favour he thinketh is born to him by the Emperor, although he go upon his own charge, as I said before. So great is the obedience of all men generally to their Prince. Of the Ambassadors of the Emperor of Moscovie. THe Moscovite, with no less pomp, and magnificence, then that which we have spoken of, sends his Ambassadors to foreign Princes, in the affairs of estate. For while our men were abiding in the City of Moscow, there were two Ambassadors sent to the King of Poland, accompanied with 500 notable horses, and the greater part of the men were arrayed in clot of gold, and of silk, and the worst apparel was of garments of blue colour, to speak nothing of the trappingss of the horses, which were adorned with gold and silver, and very curiously embroidered: they had also with them one hundred white and fair spare horses, to use them at such times, as any weariness came upon them. But now the time requireth me to speak briefly of other Cities of the Moscovites, and of the wares and commodities that the Country yieldeth. Novogorode. NExt unto Moscow, the City of Novogorode is reputed the chiefest of Russia: for although it be in Majesty inferior to it, yet in greatness it goeth beyond it. It is the chiefest and greatest Mart Town of all Moscovie: and albeit the emperors seat is not there, but at Moscow, yet the commodiousness of the river, falling into that gulf, which is called Sinus Finnicus, whereby it is well frequented by Merchants, makes it more famous than Moscow itself. This town excels all the rest in the commodities of flax and hemp: it yields also hides, honey, and wax. The Flemings there sometimes had a house of Merchandise, but by reason that they used the like ill dealing there, which they did with us, they lost their privileges, a restitution whereof they earnestly sued for at the time that our men were there. But those Flemings hearing of the arrival of our men in those parts, The manners of the Flemings against our men. written their letters to the Emperor against them, accusing them for pirates and rovers, wishing him to detain, and imprison them. Which things when they were known of our men, they conceived fear, that they should never have returned home. But the Emperor believing rather the King's letters, which our men brought, than the lying and false suggestions of the Flemings, used no ill entreaty towards them. Yeraslave. Yeraslave also is a Town of some good fame, for the commodities of hides, ●allow, and corn, which it yields in great abundance. Cakes of wax are there also to be sold, although other places have greater store: this Yeraslave is distant from Moscow, about two hundred miles: and betwixt them are many populous villages. Their fields yield such store of corn, that in conveying it towards Moscow, sometimes in a forenoon, a man shall see seven hundred or eight hundred sleds, going and coming, laden with corn and salt fish: the people come a thousand miles to Moscow, to buy that corn, and then carry it away upon sleds: and these are those people that devil in the North parts, where the cold is so terrible, that no corn doth grow there, or if it spring up, it never comes to ripeness. The commodities that they bring with them, are saltfish, skins, and hides. Vologda. VOlogda being from Moscow, 550. miles yields the commodities of Hemp and Flax also: although the greatest store of Flax is sold at Novogrode. Plesco. THe Town of Plesco, is frequented of Merchants for the good store of Honey and Wax that it yieldeth. Colmagro. THe North parts of Russia yield very rare and precious skins: and amongst the rest, those principally, which we call Sables, worn about the necks of our Noble women and Ladies: it hath also Martin's skins, white, black, and read Fox skins, skins of Hares, and Ermyns, and others, which they call and term barbarously, as Bevers, Minres, and Miniver. The sea adjoining, breeds a certain beast, which they call the Mors, which seeketh his food upon the rocks, climbing up with the help of his teeth. The Russes use to take them, for the great virtue that is in their teeth, whereof they make as great account, as we do of the Elephant's tooth. These commodities they carry upon Deeres backs to the town of Lampas: and from thence to Colmagro, and there in the winter time, are kept great Fairs for the sale of them. This City of Colmagro, serves all the Country about it with salt, and salt fish. The Russians also of the North parts, sand thither oil, which they call train, which they make in a river called ‖ Doctor, Dwina. una, although it be also made elsewhere: and here they use to boil the water of the sea, whereof they make very great store of salt. Of controversies in Law, and how they are ended. Having hitherto spoken so much of the chiefest Cities of Russia, as the matter required: it remains that we speak somewhat of the laws, that the Moscovites do use, as far forth as the same are come to our knowledge. If any controversy arise among them, they first make their Landlord's judges in the matter, and if they cannot end it, than they prefer it to the Magistrate. The plaintiff craveth of t●e said Magistrate, that he may have leave to enter law against his adversary: and having obtained it, the officer fetcheth the defendant, and beateth him on the legs, till he bring forth a surety for him: but if he be not of such credit, as to procure a surety, then are his hands by an officer tied to his neck, and he is beaten all the way, till he come before the judge. The judge than asketh him (as for example in the matter of debt) whether he owes any thing to the plaintiff. If he denies it, then says the judge, How canst thou deny it? the defendant answereth, By anothe: thereupon the officer is commanded to cease from beating of him, until the matter be further tried. Th●y have no Lawyers, but every man is his own Advocate, and both the complaint of the accuser, and the answer of the defendant, are in manner of petition delivered to the Emperour● entreating justice at his hands. The Emperor himself heareth every great controversy, and upon the hearing of it, giveth judgement, and that with great equity, which I take to be a thing worthy of special commendation, in the Majesty of a Prince. But although he do this with a good purpose of mind, yet the corrupt Magistrates do wonderfully pervert the same: but if the Emperor take them in any fault, he doth punish them most severely. Now at the last, when each party hath defended his cause with his best reasons, the judge demandeth of the accuser, whether he hath any more to say for himself: he answereth, that he will try the matter in fight by his Champion, or else entreateth, that in fight betwixt themselves the matter may be ended: which being granted, they both fight it out: or if both of them, or either of them seem unfit for that kind of trial, than they have public Champions to be hired, which live by ending of quarrels. These Champions are armed with iron axes, and spears, and fight on foot, and he whose Champion is overcome, is by and by taken, and imprisoned, and terribly handled, until he agreed with his adversary. But if either of them be of any good calling, and degree, and do challenge one another to fight, the judge granteth it: in which case they may not use public Champions. And he that is of any good birth, doth contemn the other, if he be basely born, and will not fight with him. If a poor man happen to grow in debt, his Creditor takes him, & maketh him pay the debt, in working either to himself, or to some other man, whose wages he taketh up. And there are some among them, that use willingly to make themselves, their wives, and children bondslaves unto rich men, to have a little money at the first into their hands, and so for ever after content themselves with meat and drink: so little account do they make of liberty. Of punishments upon thieves. IF any man be taken upon committing of theft, he is imprisoned, and often beaten, but not hanged for the first offence, as the manner is with us: and this they call the law of mercy. He that offendeth the second time hath his nose cut off, and is burned in the forehead with a hot iron. The third time, he is hanged. There are many curpurses among them, and if the rigour of the Princè did not cut them off, they could not be avoided. Of their religion. THey maintain the opinions of the Greek Church: they suffer no graven images of saints in their Churches, but their pictures painted in tables they have in great abundance, which they do adore and offer unto, and burn wax candles before them, and cast holy water upon them, without other honour. They say that our images which are set up in Churches, and carved, have no divinity in them. In their private houses they have images for their household saints, and for the most part, they are put in the darkest place of the house: he that comes into his neighbour's house doth first salute his saints, although he see them not. If any form or stool stand in his way, he oftentimes beateth his brow upon the same, and often ducking down with his head, and body, worshippeth the chief Image. The habit, and attire of the Priests, and of the Lay men, doth nothing at all differ: as for marriage, it is forbidden so no man: only this is received and held amongst them for a rule, and custom, that if a Priest's wife do die, he may not marry again, nor take a second wife: and therefore they of secular Priests, as they call them, are made Monks, to whom then chastity for ever is commanded. Their divine service is all done and said in their own language, that every man may understand it: they receive the Lords Supper with leavened bread, and after the consecration, they carry it about the Church in a saucer, and prohibit no man from receiving and taking of it, that is willing so to do. They use both the Old and the New Testament, and read both in their own language, but so confusedly, that they themselves that do read, understand not what themselves do say: and while any part of either Testament is read, there is ●●bertie given by custom to prottle, talk, and make a noise: but in the time of the rest of the service they use very great silence and reverence, and behave themselves very modestly, and in good sort. As touching the Lords prayer, the tenth man amongst them knows it not: and for the articles of our faith, and the ten commandments, no man, or at the lest very few of them do either know them or can say them: their opinion is, that such secret and holy things as they are should not rashly and imprudently be communicated with the common people. They hold for a Maxim amongst them, that the old Law, and the commandments also are abolished by the death and blood of Christ: all studies and letters of humanity they utterly refuse: concerning the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues, they are altogether ignorant in them. Every year they celebrated four several fasts, which they call according to the names of the Saints: the first begins with them, at the time that our Lent begins. The second is called amongst them the fast of S. Peter. The third is taken from the day of the Virgin Marie. And the fourth and last gins upon S. Philip's day. But as we begin our Lent upon Wednesday, so they begin there's upon the Sunday. Upon the Saturday they eat flesh: whensoever any of those fasting feasts do draw near, look what week doth immediately go before them, the same week they live altogether upon white meats, and in their common language they call those weeks, the fast of Butter. In the time of their fasts, the neighbours every where go from one to another, and visit one another, and kiss one another with kisses of peace, in token of their mutual love and Christian concord: and then also they do more often then at any other time go to the holy Communion. When seven days are past, from the beginning of the fast, than they do often either go to their Churches, or keep themselves at home, and use often prayer: and for that seven-night they eat nothing but herbs: but after that sevennights' fast is once past, than they return to their old intemperancy of drinking, for they are notable tosspots. As for the keeping of their fasting days, they do it very straightly, neither do they eat any thing besides herbs, and salt fish, as long as those fasting days do endure: but upon every Wednesday and Friday, in every week throughout the year, they fast. There are very many Monasteries of the order of S. Benedict, amongst them, to which many great livings, for their maintenance, do belong: for the Friars and the Monks do at the lest possess the third part of the livings, throughout the whole Moscovite Empire. To those Monks that are of this order, there is amongst them a perpetual prohibition, that they may eat no flesh: and therefore their meat is only salt fish, milk, and butter: neither is it permitted them by the laws, and customs of their religion, to eat any fresh fish at all: and at those four fasting times, whereof we spoke before, they eat no fish at all: only they live with herbs, and cucumbers, which they do continually for that purpose cause and take order to grow and spring, for their use and diet. As for their drink, it is very weak, and small. For the discharge of their office, they do every day say service, and that early in the mornings before day: and they do in such sort, and with such observation begin their service, that they will be sure to make an end of it, before day: and about nine of the clock in the morning they celebrated the Communion. Note. When they have so done, they go to dinner, and after dinner they go again to service, and the like also after supper: and in the mean time while they are at dinner there is some exposition or interpretation of the Gospel used. Whensoever any Abbot of any monastery dieth, the Emperor taketh all his household stuff, beasts, flocks of sheep, gold, silver, and all that he hath: or else he that is to succeed him in his place and dignity doth redeem all those things, and buyeth them of the Emperor for money. Their churches are built of timber, and the towers of their churches for the most part are covered with shingle boards. At the doors of their churches, they usually build some entrance or porch as we do, and in their churchyards they erect a certain house of wood, wherein they set up their bells, wherein sometimes they have but one, in some two, and in some also three. There is one use and custom amongst them, which is strange and rare, but yet it is very ridiculous, and that is this: when any man dieth amongst them, they take the dead body and put it in a coffin or chest, and in the hand of the corpse they put a little scroll, & in the some there are these words written, that the same man died a Rusle of Russes, having received the faith, and died in the same. This writing or letter they say they sand to S. Peter, who receiving it (as they affirm) reads it, and by and by admits him into heaven, and that his glory and place is higher and greater than the glory of the Christians of the Latin church, reputing themselves to be followers of a more sincere faith and religion than they: they hold opinion that we are but half Christians, and themselves only to be the true and perfect church: these are the foolish and childish dotages of such ignorant Babarians. Of the Moscovites that are Idolaters, dwelling near to Tartary. Aurea vetul●, o● ●●lo●ibaba, THere is a certain part of Moscovie bordering upon the countries of the Tartars, wherein those Moscovites that devil are very great idolaters: they have one famous idol amongst them, which they call the Golden old wife: & they have a custom that whensoever any plague or any calamity doth afflict the country, as hunger, war, or such like, than they go to consult with their idol, which they do after this manner: they fall down prostrate before the idol, & pray unto it, & put in the presence of the same, a cymbal: & about the same certain people stand, which are choose amongst them by lot● upon their cymbal they place a silver toad, and sound the cymbal, and to whomsoever of those lotted people that toad goeth, he is taken, and by and by slain: and immediately, I know not by what illusions of the devil, or idol, he is again restored to life, & the● doth reveal and deliver the causes of the present calamity. And by this means knowing how to pacify the idol, they are delivered from the imminent danger. Of the form of their private houses, and of the apparel of the people. THe common houses of the country are every where built of beams of Fir tree: the lower beams do so receive the round hollowness of the uppermost, that by the means of the building thereupon, they resist, and expel all winds that blow, and where the timber is joined together, there they stop the chinks with moss. The form & fashion of their houses in all places is four square, with straight and narrow windows, whereby with a transparent casement made or covered with skin like to parchment, they receive the light. The roofs of their houses are made of boards covered without with the bark of trees: within their houses they have benches or griezes hard by their walls, which commonly they sleep upon, for the common people know not the use of beds: they have stooves wherein in the morning they make a fire, and the same fire doth either moderately warm, or make very hot the whole house. The apparel of the people for the most part is made of wool, their caps are picked like unto a rike or diamond, broad beneath, and sharp upward. In the manner of making whereof, there is a sign and representation of nobility: for the loftier or higher their caps are, the greater is their birth supposed to be, and the greater reverence is given them by the common people. The Conclusion to Queen Marie. THese are the things most excellent Queen, which your Subjects newly returned from Russia have brought home concerning the state of that country: wherefore if your majesty shall be favourable, and grant a continuance of the travel, there is no doubt but that the honour and renown of your name will be spread amongst those nations, whereunto three only noble personages from the very creation have had access, to whom no man hath been comparable. The copy of the Duke of Moscovie and Emperor of Russia his letters, sent to King Edward the sixt, by the hands of Richard Chancellor. THe Almighty power of God, and the imcomprehensible holy Trinity, rightful Christian belief, etc. We great Duke ivan Vasilivich, ivan Vasilivich, that is to say, john the form of Basilius. by the grace of God great lord and Emperor of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Moscow, and Novograd, King of Kazan, King of Astracan, lord of Plesko, and great duke of Smolensko, of Twerria, joughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, lord and great duke of Novograd in the Low country, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskoy, Rostove, Yaruslaveley, Bealozera, Liefland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Condensa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and lord of many other countries, greeting. Before all, right great and worthy of honour Edward King of England etc. according to our most hearty and good zeal, with good intent and friendly desire, & according to our holy Christian faith, & great governance, & being in the light of great understanding, our answer by this our honourable writing unto your kingly governance, at the request of your faithful servant Richard Chancellor, with his company, as they shall let you wisely know, is this. In the strength of the twentieth year of our governance, be it known, that at our sea coasts arrived a ship, with one Richard, and his company, and said, that he was desirous to come into our dominions, and according to his request, hath seen our Majesty, and ‖ That is, come into our presence. our eyes: and hath declared unto us your majesties desire, as that we should grant unto your subjects, to go and come, and in our dominions, and among our subjects, to frequent free Marts, with all sorts of merchandises, and upon the same to have wares for their return. And they have also delivered us your letters, which declare the same request. And hereupon we have given order, that wheresoever your faithful servant Hugh Willoughby land or touch in our dominions, to be well entertained, who as yet is not arrived, as your servant Richard can declare. And we with Christian belief and faithfulness, and according to your honourable request, and my honourable commandment will not leave it undone: and are furthermore willing that you sand unto us your ships and vessels, when and as often as they may have passage, with good assurance on our part to see them harmless. And if you sand one of your majesties counsel to treat with us whereby your country merchants may with all kinds of wares, and where they will make their market in our dominions, they shall have their free Mart with all free liberties through my whole dominions with all kind of wares to come and go at their pleasure, without any let, damage or impediment, according to this our letter, our word and our seal which we have commanded to be under sealed. Written in our dominion, in our city and our palace in the castle of Moscow, in the year 7060, the second month of February. This letter was written in the Moscovian tongue, in letters much like to the Greek letters, very fair written in paper, with a broad seal hanging at the same, sealed in paper upon wax. This seal was much like the broad scale of England, having on the one side the image of a man on horseback in complete harness fight with a dragon. Under this letter was another paper written in the Dutch tongue, which was the interpretation of the other written in the Moscovian letters. These letters were sent the next year after the date of king Edward's letters, 1554. The coins, weights and measures used in Russia, written by john Hasse, in the year, 1554. FOrasmuch as it is most necessary for all merchants which seek to have traffic in any strange regions, first to acquaint themselves with the coins of those lands with which they do intent to join in traffic, and how they are called from the valuation of the highest piece to the lowest, and in what sort they make their payments, as also what their common weights and measures be: for these causes I have thought good to writ some thing thereof according to mine own knowledge and experience, to the end that the merchants of that new adventure may the better understand how the wealth of that new frequented trade will arise. Not coins of gold in Russia, but all of silver First, it is to be noted that the Emperor of Russia hath no other coins than silver in all his land, which goeth for payment amongst merchants, yet notwithstanding there is a coin of copper, which serveth for the relief of the poor in Moscow, & no where else, and that is but only for quasse, water and fruit, as nuts, apples, and such other like. The name of which money is called Pole or Poles, of which Poles there go to the lest of the silver coins, 18. But I will not stand upon this, because it is no currant money among merchants. Of silver coins there be three sorts of pieces: the lest is a Poledenga, the second a Denga, the third, Nowgrote, which is as much to say in English as halfpenny, penny, and twopences, and for other valued money then this, there is none: there are oftentimes there coins of gold, but they come out of foreign countries, whereof there is no ordinary valuation, but they pass according to the agreement of merchants. Their order in summing of money is this: as we say in England, halfpenny, penny, shilling and pound, so say they Poledenga, Denga, Altine and Rubble: There goeth two Poledengas to a Denga, six Dengaes to an Altine, and 23 Altines, and two Dengaes to a Rubble. The weights in Russia. Concerning the weights of Russia they are these: There are two sorts of pounds in use amongst them, the one great, the other small: the great pound is just two small pounds: they call the great weight by the name of Beasemar, and the small they call the Skalla weight: with this small weight they weigh their silver coins, of the which the Emperor hath commanded to put to every small pound three Rubbles of silver, and with the same weight they weigh all Grocery wares, and almost all other wares which come into the land, except those which they weigh by the Pode, as hops salt, iron, lead, tin & batrie with divers others, notwithstanding they use to weigh batrie more often by the small weight then by the great. Whensoever you found the prices of your wares rated by the Pode, consider that to be the great weight, and the pound to be the small. Also they divide the small pound into 48 parts, and they call the eight and fortieth part a Slotnike, by the which Slotnike the retailers cell their wares out of their shops, as Goldsmiths, Grocers, Silkesellers and such other like as we do use to retail by the ounce: and as for their great weight which they call the Beasemar, they sell by pode, or shippond. The pode doth contain of the great weight, 40 pounds, and of the small 80: there go 10. podes to a shippond. Yet you must consider that their great weight is not full with ours: for I take not their great pound to be full 13 ounces, but above 12 I think it be. But for your just proof, weigh 6 Rubbles of Russia money with our pound weight, and then shall you see what it lacketh: for 6 Rubbles of Russia is by the Emperor's standard, the great pound: so that I think it the next way to know the just weight, as well of the great pound as of the small. The weight of Wardhouse. There is another weight needful to be known, which is the weight of Wardhouse, for so much as they weigh all their dry fish by weight, which weight is the Beasemar, as they of Russia do use, not withstanding there is another sort in it: the names of those weights are these: the mark pound, the great pound, the weigh, and the shippond. The mark pound is to be understood as our pound, and their great pound is 24 of their mark pound: the weigh is 3 great pound, and 8 weigh is a shippound. The Russia measures. Now concerning their measures. As they have two sorts of weights, so they have also two sorts of measures: wherewith they measure clothe both linen and woollen: they call the one an Areshine, and the other a Locut: the Areshine I take to be as much as the Flanders ell, and their Locut half an English yard: with their Areshine they may meet all such sorts of clotheses as come into the land, and with the Locut all such clot both linen and woollen, as they make themselves. And whereas we use to give yard and inch, or yard and handful, they do give nothing but bore measure. They have also a measure wherewith they do met● their corn which they call a Setforth, and the half of that an Osmine: this Setforth I take take to be three bushels of London measure. And as for their drink measure, they call it a Span, which is much like a bucket, and of that I never see any true rate, but that some was greater than other some. And as for the measures of Wardhouse wherewith they meet their clot, The measure of Wardhouse in clot, is the measure of Dansk. there is no difference between that and the measure of Dansk, which is half an English ell. Concerning the tolles & customs of Russia, it was reported to me in Moscovia, that the Turks and Armenians pay the tenth penny custom of all the wares they bring into the Emperor's land, The Turks and Armenians pay custom. and above that they pay for all such goods as they weigh at the emperors beam, two pennies of the Rubble, which the buyer or seller must make report to of the Master of the beam: they also pay a certain horse toll, which is in divers places of his Realm four pennies of a horse. The Dutch nation are free of this: notwithstanding for certain offences, The Emperor's beam. they had lost their privileges which they have recovered this Summer to their great charge. It was reported to me by a justice of that country, that they paid for it thirty thousand Rubbles, The Dutch nation lost their privileges, & renewed them with a great sum. and also that Rye, Dorpte and Revel have yielded themselves under the government of the Emperor of Russia: whether this was a brag of the Rusles or not, I know not, but thus he said, and in deed while we were there, there came a great Ambassador out of Liefland, for the assurance of their privileges. To speak somewhat of the commodities of this country, it is to be understood, that there is a certain place four score miles from the Sea called Colmogro: The commodities of Russia. to which place there resort all the sorts of Wares that are in the North parts, as Oils, Salt, Stockfish, Salmon, Feathers and Furs: their Salt they make of salt-water by the sea side: their Oils they make of Seals, whereof they have great store which is brought out of the Bay where our ships came in: they make it in the Spring of the year, and bring it to Colmogro to cell, and the merchants there carry it to Novogrode, and so cell it to the Dutch nation. Their Stockfish and Salmon cometh from a place called Mallums, not far from Wardhouse: their Salmon and their Salt they carry to Moscow, and their dry fish they carry to Novogrode, and cell it there to the Lieflanders. The Furs and Feathers which come to Colmogro, as Sables, Beavers, Minx, Armine, Lettuce, Grai●s, Wooluerings, and white Foxes, with Dear skins, they are brought thither, by the men of Penninge, Lampas, and Powstezer, which fetch them from the Samoedes that are counted savage people: and the merchants that bring these Furs do use to truck with the merchants of Colmogro for Cloth, Tin, Batrie, & such other like, and the merchants of Colmogro carry them to Novogrode, Vologda, or Moscow, & cell them there. The Feathers which come from Penning they do little esteem. If our merchants do desire to know the meetest place of Russia for the standing house, in mine opinion I take it to be Vologda, which is a great town standing in the heart of Russia, with many great and good towns about it. There is great plenty of corn, victuals, and of all such wares as are raised in Rusland, but specially, flax, hemp, tallow and bacon: there is also great store of ware, but it cometh from the Mosko. The town of Vologda is meetest for our merchants, Vologda and the state thereof. because it lieth amongst all the best towns of Russia, and there is no town in Russia but trades with it: also the water is a great commodity to it. If they plant themselves in Moscow or Novogrode, their charge will be great and wonderful, but not so in Vologda: for all things will there be had better cheap by the one half. And for their vent, I know no place so meet. It is likely that some will think the Mosko to be the meetest by the reason of the court, but by that reason I take it to be worse: for the charge there would be so great by cravers and expenses, that the ●●●itie of the profit would be wholly consumed, which in the other place will be saved. And yet not withstanding our merchants may be there in the Winter to serve the Emperor and his court. The Emperor is a great merchant himself of ware and sables, The Emperor of Moscovie is a merchant himself. which with good foresight may be procured to their hands: as for other commodities there are little or none in Moscovia, besides those above rehearsed: if there be other, it is brought thither by the Turks, who will be dainty to buy our clotheses considering the charges of carriage over land. Our merchants may do well to provide for the Russes such wares as the Dutch nation doth serve them of, as Flanders and Holland clotheses, which I bel●eue, they shall serve better and with less charge than they of Rye or Dorpt, or Revel: for it is no small adventure to bring their clotheses out of Flanders to either of these places, and their charge not little to carry them over land to Novogrode, which is from Rye nine hundred Russian miles. This Novogrode is a place well furnished with flare, Wax, Hides, tallow and many other things: the best flare in Russia is brought thither and there sold by the hundred bundles, which is done also at Vologda, and they that bring the flare to Novogrode, devil as near Vologda, as Novogrode, and when they hear of the viterance which they may have with our nation, they will as willingly come to them as go to other. They have in Russia two sorts of flax, the one is called great flax, and the other small: that which they call great flax is better by four rubbles in 100 bundles then the small: Two sorts of glaxe. It is much longer than the other, and cleaner without wood: and whereas of the small flax there go 27. or 28 bundles to a shippound, there goeth not of the greater sort above 22. or 24 at the most. There are many other trifles in Russia, as soap, mats, etc. but I think there will be no great account made of them. The letters of king Philip and Queen Marie to ivan Vasilivich the Emperor of Russia written the first of April 1555 and in the second voyage. PHilip and Marie by the grace of God, King and Queen of England, France, Naples, jerusalem, and Ireland, defenders of the faith. Princes of Spain and Sicily, Archdukes of Ostrich, Dukes of Burgundy, Milan, and Brabant, Countries of Haspurge, Flanders, and tirol: To the right High, right Mighty, and right excellent Prince, garnished with all gifts of nature, by God's gra●e john Va●iliuich Emperor of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Moscow, and Novogrod, King of Cazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Plesco, and great Duke of Smolensko, of Tueria, joughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, Lord and great Duke of Novogrod of the low Country, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskay, Rostove, Yeraslave, Bealozera, Liefland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Condensa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and lord of many other countries, greeting. Whereas by the consent and licence of our most dear and entirely believed late brother, King Edward the sixt, whose soul God pardon, sundry of our subjects merchants of the city of London within this our realm of England did at their own proper costs and adventure furnish three ships to discover, search, and found lands, Islands, regions, and territories before this adventure not known, ne commonly haunted and frequented by seas. The one of the which three ships, named the Edward Bonaventure, (whereof our right well-beloved Richard Chancellor was then governor and great Captain) chanced by the grace of God, and the good conduct of the said Chancellor to arrive and winter in the North part of your Empire of Russia. Forasmuch as we be credibly informed by the report of our trusty and well-beloved subject, that your Majesty did not only call him and certain of his company to your imperial presence and speech, entertained and banqueted them with all humanity and gentleness: but also being thereunto requested partly by the letters of our said brother, & partly by request of the said Richard Chancellor, have by your letters patents under your seal among other things granted: That all such merchants as shall come forth of any of our realms of England or Ireland withal manner of wares, if they will travel or occupy within your dominions, The same merchants with their merchandises in all your lordship may freely, & at their liberty travail out and in without hindrance or any manner of loss: And of your farther ample goodness have promised that our ambassadors, if we sand any, shall with free good will pass to and from you without any hindrance or loss, with such message as shall come unto you, and to return the same to our kingdoms well answered, as by the same your letters, written in your lordly Palace and Castle of Moscow in the year 7063 the month of February more at large appeareth. Like as we cannot but much commend your princely favour and goodness, and in like manner thank you for the abundant grace, extended to the said Richard Chancellor, and others our subjects merchants: Even so these are to pray and request you to continued the same benevolence toward them, and other our merchants and subjects, which do or hereafter shall resort to your country: And for the more assurance and encouragement to trade and exercise the feat of merchandise with your subjects and all other merchants within your dominions, that it may please you at this our contemplation to assign and authorize such Commissaries as you shall think meet to trade and confer with our well-beloved subjects and merchants, the said Richard Chancellor, George Kill worth, & Richard Grace, bearers of these our letters: who are by us authorise● for that purpose: and to confirm and grant such other liberties and privileges unto the Governor, Consuls, Assistants, and Commonalty of the fellowship of the said Merchants, as the said bearers in their name propone and require by you to be granted for their safe conduct, good government, and order to be erected and continued among them in your said dominions; And this with such your clemency and expedition, as we, upon the next arrival of the said Richard Chancellor may be informed of your gracious disposition and answer. Which your benevolences so to be extended, we be minded to requited towards any your subjects Merchants, that shall frequent this our realm at your contemplation therefore to be made. Thus right high, right Excellent, and right mighty, Almighty God the Father, the Son and the holy Ghost have you in his blessed keeping. Given under our seal at our Palace of Westminster, the first of April, in the year from the blessed incarnation of our Saviour jesus Christ, 1555. and in the first and second years of our reigns. Articles conceived and determined for the Commission of the Merchants of this company resiant in Russia, and at the Warhouse, for the second voyage, 1555. the first of May, as followeth. FIrst, the Governor, Consuls, Assistants and whole company assembled this day in open court, committeth and authorizeth Richard Gray and George Kill worth, jointly and severally to be Agents, Factors, and Atturneiss general and special, for the whole body of this company, to buy, sell, truck, change and permute all, and every kind and kinds of wares, merchandises and goods to the said company appertaining, now laden & shipped in the good ship called the Edward Bonaventure, appointed for Russia, the same ●o utter and cell to the best commodity, profit and advantage of the said corporation, be it for ready money, wares & merchandises, or truck, presently, or for time, as occasion & benefit of the company shall require: and all such wares as they or either of them shall buy, truck, or provide, or cause to be bought for the company to lad them homeward in good order and condition, as by prudent course of merchandises, shall, and aught to appertain, which article extendeth also to john Brook for the Wardhouse, as in the 17. and 18. articles of this commission appeareth. 2 Item, it is also committed, as above, to the said Agents, to bind & charge the said company by debt for wares upon credit, as good opportunity and occasion shall serve, with power to charge and bind the said company, and their successors, for the payments of such things as shallbe taken up for credit, and the said Agents to be relieved ab opere satis dandi. 3 Item full authority and power is committed to the said first named factors, together with Richard Chancellor grand Pilot of this fleet, to repair to the Emperor's court, there to present the king and Queen's majesties letters, written in Greek, Polish, and Italian, and to give and exhibit the merchants presents at such time and place as shallbe thought most expedient, they, or one of them to demand, and humbly desire of the Emperor such further grants and privileges to be made to this company, as may be beneficial for the same, to continued in traffic with his subjects, according to such instructions as be in this behalf devised and delivered to the Agents whereunto relation is to be had, and some one of these people to attend upon the court for the obtaining of the same, as to their discretions shallbe thought good. 4 Item, that all the said Agents do well consider, ponder and weigh such articles as be delivered to them to know the natures, dispositions, laws, customs, manners and behaviours of the people of the countries where they shall traffic, as well of the Nobility as of the Lawyers, Merchants, Mariners and common people, and to note diligently the subtleties of their bargaining, buying and selling, making as few debts as possibly may be, and to be circumspect, that no law neither of religion nor positive be broken or transgressed by them or any minister under them, ne yet by any mariner or other person of our nation, and to foresee that all toll, customs, and such other rites be so duly paid, that no forfeiture or confiscation may ensue to our goods either outward or inward, and that all things pass with quiet, without breach of the public peace or common tranquility of any of the places where they shall arrive or traffic. 5 Item, that provision be made in Moscow or elsewhere, in one or more good towns, where good trade shall be found for a house or houses for the Agents, and company to inhabit and devil at your accustomed diets, with warehouses, sellers, and other houses of offices requisite, and that none of the inferior ministers of what place or vocation soever he be, do lie out of the house of the Agents without licence to be given, and that every inferior officer shallbe obedient to the orders rules and governments of the said Agents, and in case any disobient person shall be found among any of them, than such person to be punished for his misbehaviour, at the discretion of the said Agents, or of one of them in the absence of the other. 6 Item, if any person of the said ministers shall be of such pride or obstinacy, that after one or two honest admonitions, he will not be reform nor reconciled from his faults, than the said Agents to displace every such person from the place or room to him here committed, and some other discreet person to occupy the same, as to the said Agents by their discretions shall seem meet. 7 Item, if any person shall be found so arrogant, that he will not be ordered nor reform by the said Agents or by one of them in the absence of the other, than the said person to be delivered to the justice of the country, to receive such punishment, as the laws of the country do require. 8 Item, that the said Agents and factors shall daily one hour in the morning confer and consult together what shall be most convenient and beneficial for the company, and such orders as they shall determine, to be written by the Secretary of the company in a book to be provided for that purpose, and no inferior person to infringe or break any such order or devise, but to observe the same exactly, upon such reasonable pain as the Agents shall put him to by discretion. 9 Item, that the said Agents shall in the end of every week, or oftener as occasion shall require, peruse, see and try, not only the Casshers, books, reckonings and accounts, firming the same with their hands, but also shall receive and take w●●kly the account of every other officer, as well of the Vendes, as of the ●mpteous, and also of the s●ate of the household expenses, making thereof a perfect declaration as shall appertain, the same accounts also to be firmed by the said Agents hands. 10 Item, that no inferior minister shall take upon him to make any bargain or sale of any wares, merchandises or goods, but by the Commission and Warrantise of the said Agents under their hands, and he not to transgress his Commission by any way, pretence or colour. 11 Item, that every inferior minister, that is to understand, all Clerks and young merchants being at the order of the said Agents, shall ride, go, sail and travail to all such place, and places, as they or he shall be appointed unto by the said Agents, and effectually to follow and do all that which to him or them shall be committed, well and truly to the most benefit of the company, according to the charge to him or them committed, even as by their oaths, duties and bonds of their masters they be bound and charged to do. 12 Item, that at every months end, all accounts and reckonings shallbe brought into perfect order, into the Leaguer or memorial, and the decrees, orders, and rules of the Agents together with the privileges, and copies of letters, may and shall be well and truly written by the secretary, in such form as shallbe appointed for it, and that copies of all their doings may be sent home with the said ship at her return. 13 Item, that all the Agents do diligently learn and observe all kind of wares, as well naturals as foreign, that be beneficial for this Realm, to be sold for the benefit of the company, and what kind of our commodities and other things of these West parts be most vendible in those Realms with profit, giving a perfect advise of all such things requisite. 14 Item, if the Emperor will enter into bargain with you for the whole mass of your stock, and will have the trade of it to utter to his own subjects, then debating the master prudently among yourselves, set such high prizes of your commodities, as you may assure yourselves to be gainers in your own wares, and yet to buy there's at such base prizes, as you may here also make a commodity and gain at home, having in your minds the notable charges that the company have diffrayed in advancing this voyage: and the great charges that they sustaire daily in wages, Note. victuals and other things: all which must be requited by the wise handling of this voyage, which being the first precedent shallbe a perpetual pr●●id●nt forever: and therefore all circumspection is to be used, and foreseen in this first enterprise, which God bless and prospero under you, to his glory, and the public wealth of this Realm, whereof the Queen's Majesty, and the Lords of the Council have conceived great hope, whose expectations are not to be frustrated. Inqui●ie for the way to Catbaya. 15 Item, it is to be had in mind, that you use all ways and means possible to learn how men may pass from Russia, either by land or by sea to Cathaia, and what may be herded of our other ships, and to what knowledge you may come, by conferring with the learned or well travailed people, either natural or foreign, such as have travailed from the North to the South. 16 Item, it is committed to the said Agents, that if they shall be certified credibly, that any of our said first ships be arrived in any place whereunto passage is to be had by water or by land, that the● certain of the company at the discretion of the Agents shall be appointed to be sent to them, to learn their estate & condition, to visit, refresh, relieve, and furnish them with all necessaries and requisites, at the common charges of the company, and to embrace, accept, and entreat them as our dear and well-beloved brethren of this our society, to their rejoicing and comfort, advertising Sir Hugh Willoughby and others of our carefulness of them and their long absence, with our desire to hear of them, with all other things done in their absence for their commodity, no less then if they had been present. 17 Item, it is decreed, that when the ships shall arrive at this going forth at the Wardhouse, that their Agents, with master Chancellor grand pilot, john Brooke merchant, deputed for the Wardhouse, with john Buckland master of the Edward, john Owlet master, and john Robin's pilot of the Philip and Marie, The Philip and Ma●y. shall confer and consult together, what is most profitable to be done therefore for the benefit of the company, & to consider whether they may bargain with the captain of the castle, and the inhabitants in that place, or alongst the coall for a large quantity of fish, dry or wet, killed by the naturals, or to be taken by our men at a price reasonable for truck of clot, meal, salt, or beer, and what train oil, or other commodity is to be had there at this time, or any other season of the year, and whether there will be had or found sufficient lading for both the said ships, to be bought there, and how they may confer with the naturals for a continuance in haunting the place, if profit will so arise to the company, and to consider whether the Edward in her return may receive at the Wardhouse any kind of lading homeward, and what it may amount unto, and whether it shall be expedient for the Philip to abide at the Wardhouse the return of the Edward out of Russia, or getting that she may return with the first good wound to England, without abiding for the Edward, and so to conclude & accord certainly among themselves upon their arrival, that the certainty may (upon good deliberation) be so ordered and determined between both ships, that the one may be assured of the other, and their determinations to be put in writing duplicate to remain with each ship, according to such order as shall be taken between them. 18 Item, that john Brook our merchant for the Wardhouse take good advise of the rest of our Agents, how to use himself in all affairs, while the ship shallbe at the Wardhouse, he to see good order to be be kept, make bargains advisedly, not crediting the people until their natures, Note. dispositions & fidelities shall be well tried, make no debts, but to take ware for ware in hand, and rather be trusted then to trust. Note diligently what be the best wares for those parts, Note, and how the fish falls on the coast, and by what mean it is to be bought at the most advantage, what kinds and diversities of sorts in fish be, and whether it will keep better in bulk piled, or in cask. 19 Item, he to have a diligent eye & circumspection to the beer, salt, and other liquid wares, and not to suffer any waste to be made by the company, and he in all contracts to require advise, counsel, and consent of the master and pilot, the merchant to be our housewife, as our special trust is in him, he to tender that no laws nor customs of the country be broken by any of the company, and to tender to the prince, and other officers, all that which to them doth appertain, the company to be quiet, void of all quarreling, fight, or vexation, abstain from all excess of drinking as much as may be, and in all to use and behave themselves as to quiet merchants doth, and aught to appertain. 20 Item, it is decreed by the company, that the Edward shall return home this year with as much wares as may be conveniently & profitably provided, bought, and laden in Russia, and the rest to be taken in at the Wardhouse, as by the Agents shall be accorded. But by all means it is to be foreseen and noted, that the Edward return home, and not to winter in any foreign place, but to come home, and bring with her all the whole advertisements of the merchants, with such further advise for the next years provision, as they shall give. 21 Item, it is further decreed and ordained, inviolably to be observed, that when the good ships, or either of them (by God's grace) shall return home to the coasts of England, that neither of them shall stay or touch in any Haven or Port of England, otherwise then wound and weather shall serve, but shall directly sail and come to the Port of the city of London, the place of their right discharge, and that no bulk be broken, hatches opened, chest, farthel, truss, barrel, fat, or whatsoever thing it shall be, be brought out of the ship, until the company shall give order for the same, and appoint such people of the company as shall be thought meet for that purpose, to take view, and consider the ship and her lading, and shall give order for the breaking up of the said bulk, or give licence by discretion, for things to be brought to land. And that every officer shall show the invoise of his charge to him first committed, and to examine the wastes and losses, and to deliver the remainder to the use and benefit of the company, according to such order as shall be appointed in that behalf. Note. 22 Item, the company exhorteth, willeth, and requireth, not only all the said Agents, pilots, masters, merchants, clerks, boatswaines, stewards, skaf●masters, and all other officers and ministers of this present voyage, being put in charge and trust daily to peruse, read, and study such instructions as be made, given, & delivered to them for perfect knowledge of the people of Russia, Moscovia, Wardhouse, and other places, their dispositions, manners customs, uses, tolles, carriages, comes, weights, numbers, measures, wares, merchandises, commodities, and incommodities, the one to be accepted and embraced, the other to be rejected and utterly abandoned, to the intent that every man taking charge, may be so well taught, perfited, and readily instructed in all the premises, that by ignorance, no loss or prejudice may grow or chance to the company: assuring themselves, that forasmuch as the company hath traveled and laboured so in these their instructions to them given, that every man may be perfect, and fully learned to eschew all losses, hurts and damages that may ins●e by pretence or colour of none knowledge, the company intendeth not to allow, or accept ignorance for any lawful or just cause of excuse, in that which shall be misordered by negligence, the burden whereof shall light upon the negligent offending person, especially upon such as of their own heads, or temerity, will take upon him or them to do or to attempt any thing, whereby prejudice may arise, without the commission of the Agents as above is mentioned, whereunto relation must be had. 23 Forasmuch as it is not possible to writ and indite such prescribed orders, rules and commissions to the Agents and factors, but that occasion, time and place, and the pleasures of the princes, together with the operation or success of fortune shall change or shifted the same, although not in the whole, yet in part, therefore the said company do commit to you their dear and entire beloved Agents and factors to do in this behalf for the commodity and wealth of this company, as by your discretions, upon good advised deliberations shallbe thought good and beneficial. Provided always, that the honour, good name, fame, credit, and estimation of the same company be conserved and preserved: which to confirm we beseech the living Lord to his glory, the public benefit of this realm, our common profits, and your praises. Finally for the service, and due accomplishment of all ●he premises, every Agent and minister of and for this voyage, hath not only given a corporal oath upon the Evangelists to observe, and cause to be observed, this commission, and every part, clause and sentence of the same, as much as in him lieth, as well for his own part as for any other person, but also have bound themselves and their friends to the company in several sums of money, expressed in the acts and records of this society, for the truth and fidelities of them, for the better, and also manifester testification of the truth, and of their oaths, promises, and ●ands aforesaid, they have to this Commission subscribed particularly their several hands, and the company also in confirmation of the same, have set their seal. Yeven the day, month, and years first above mentioned. The othé ministered to the servants of the fellowship. YOU swear by the holy contents of that book, that you shall well, faithfully and truly, and uprightly, and with all your endeavour, serve this right worshipful company in that order, which by this fellowships Agent or Agents in the dominions of the Emperors of Russia, etc. shall be unto you committed, by commission, commandment, or other his direction. And that you shall be obedient and faithful to the same our Agent or Agents, and that well, and truly and uprightly according to the commission, charge, commandment, or other direction of the said Agent or Agents to you from time to time given and to be given, you shall prosecute and do all that which in you lieth, for the good renown, commodity, benefit and profit of the said fellowship: and you shall not directly or indirectly, openly or covertly do, exercise or use any trade or feat of merchandises for your own private account, commodity, gain or profit, or for the account of or for any other person or people, without consent or licence of this said fellowship, first obtained in writing. And if you shall know or understand any other person or people to use, exercise or do any trade, traffic or feat of merchandise, to or for his or their own account or accounts, at any time or times hereafter, that then you shall truly and plainly disclose, open, utter and reveal, and show the same unto this said fellowship, without fraud, colour, couyn or delay: So help you God, etc. The letter of M. George Killingworth the companies first Agent in Moscovie, touching their entertainment in their second voyage. Anno 1555. the 27. of November in Moscow. RIght worshipful, my duty considered, etc. It may please your worship to understand, that at the making hereof we all be in good health, thanks be to God, save only William our cook as we came from Colmogro fallen into the river out of the boat, and was drowned. And the 11. day of September we came to Vologda, and there we laid all our wares up, and sold very little: but one merchant would have given us 12. robles for a broad clot, & he said he would have had them all, and 4. altines for a pound of sugar, but we did refuse it because he was the first, and the merchants were not come thither, nor would not come before Winter, trusting to have more: but I fear it will not be much better. Yet notwithstanding we did for the best. And the house that our wares lie in costs from that day until Easter ten robles. And the 28. day of September we did determine with ourselves that it was good for M. Gray, Arthur Edwards, Thomas Hautory, Christopher Hudson, john Segewicke, Richard johnson, and Richard judde, to tarry at Vologda, and M. Chancellor, Henry Lane, Edward Prise, Robert Best and I should go to Moscow. And we did lad the emperors sugar, with part of all sorts of wares to have had to the Moscow with us, but the way was so deep, that we were feign to turn back, and leave it still at Vologda till the frost. And we went forth with post horse, & the charge of every horse being still ten in number, comes to 10. ●. 7. d. half penny, besides the guides. And we came to the Moscow the 4. day of October, and were lodged that night in a simple house: but the next day we were sent for to the Emperor his secretary, and he bade us welcome with a cheerful countenance and cheerful words, and we showed him that we had a letter from our Queen's grace to the Emperor his grace, Queen Mary's letters to the Emperor of Russia. and then he desired to see them all, and that they might remain with him, to have them perfect, that the true meaning might be declared to the Emperor, and so we did: and then we were appointed to a better house: and the seventh day the secretary sent for us again, & then he showed us that we should have a better house, for it was the Emperor his will, that we should have all things that we did lack, and did sand us mead of two sorts, and two hens, our house free, and every two days to receive eight hens, seven altines, and two pennies in money, and mead a certain, and a poor fellow to make clean our house, & to do that whereunto we would set him. And we had given many rewards before, which you shall perceive by other, and so we gave the messengers a reward with thanks: and the ninth day we were sent to make us ready to speak with the Emperor on the morrow. And the letters were sent us, that we might deliver them ourselves, & we came before him the tenth day: and before we came to his presence we went thorough a great chamber, where stood many small tons, pails, bowls and pots of silver, I mean, like washing bowls, all parsel gilt: and within that another chamber, wherein sat (I think) near a hundred in clot of gold, and then into the chamber where his grace sat, & there I think were more than in the other chamber also in clot of gold, and we did our duty, & showed his grace our Queen's graces letters, with a note of your present which was left in Vologda: and then his grace did ask how our Queen's grace did, calling her cousin, saying that he was glad that we were come in health into his Realm, and we went one by one unto him, and took him by the hand, and then his grace did ●id us go in health, and come to dinner again, and we dined in his presence, and were set with our faces towards his grace, & none in the chamber sat with their backs towards him, being I think near a hundred at dinner then, and all served with gold, as platters, chargers, pots, cups, and all not slender but very massy, and yet a great number of platters of gold, standing still on the cupboard, not moued● and divers times in the dinner time his grace sent us meat and drink from his own table, and when we had dined we went up to his grace, and rece●ued a cup with drink at his own hand, and the same night his grace sent certain gentlemen to us with divers sorts of wine and meed, to whom we gave a reward. And afterward we were by divers Italians counseled to take heed whom we did trust to make the copy of the privileges that we would desire to have, The Italians counsel to our people. for fear it should not be written in the Bustle tongue, as we did mean. So first a Russian did writ for us a breu●at to the Emperor, the tenor whereof was, that we did desire a stronger privilege: & when the Secretary see it, he did deliver it to his grace, and when we came again, his grace willed us to writ our minds, and he would see it, and so we did. And his grace is so troubled with preparations to wars, that as yet we have no answer: but we have been required of his Secretary, and of the under Chancellor, to know what wares we had brought into the Realm, and what wares we do intent to have, that ●re, or may be had in this Realm: and we showed them, and they showed the Emperor thereof. And then they said his grace's pleasure was, that his best merchants of the Moscow should be spoken to, to meet and talk with us. And so a day was appointed, and we meet in the Secretary his office, and there was the under Chancellor, who was not passed two years since the Emperor's merchant, and not his Chancellor: and then the conclusion of our talk was, that the Chancellor willed us to be think us, where we would desire to have a house or houses, that we might come to them as to our own house, and for merchandise to be made preparation for us, and they would know our prizes of our wares and frise: and we answered, that for our prices they must see the wares before we could make any price thereof, for the like in goodness hath not been brought into the Realm, and we did look for an example of all sorts of our wares to come from Vologda, with the first ●ledway, and then they should see them, and then we would show them the prices of them: and likewise we could not tell them what we would give them justly, till we did know as well their just weights as their measures: The diversity of weights & measures in Russi●. for in all places where we did come, all weights and measures did vary. Then the Secretary (who had made promise unto us before) said, that we should have all the just measures under seal, & he that was found faulty in the contrary, to buy or sell with any other measure then that, the law was, that he should be punished: he said moreover, that if it so hap that any of our merchants do promise by covenant at any time to deliver you any certain sum of wares in such a place, and of such like goodness, at such a day, for such a certain price, that then because of variance, we should 'cause it to be written, according as the bargain is, before a justice or the next ruler to the place: if he did not keep covenant & promise in all points, according to his covenant, that then look what loss or hindrance we could justly prove that we have thereby, he should make it good if he be worth so much: and in like case we must do to them: and to that we did agreed, save only if it were to come over the sea, then if any such fortune should be (as God forbidden) ● that the ship should mischance or be rob, & the proof to be made that such kind of wares were laden, the English merchants to bear no loss to the other merchant. Then the Chancellor said, me thinks you shall do best to have your house at Colmogro, which is but 100 miles from the right discharge of the ships, and yet I trust the ships shall come nearer hereafter, because the ships may not tarry long for their lading, which is 1000 miles from Vologda by water, and all our merchants shall bring all our merchandise to Colmogro to you, Colmogro. and so shall our merchants neither go empty nor come empty: for if they lack lading homeward, there is salt, which is good ware here, that they may come laden again. So we were very glad to hear that, and did agreed to his saying: for we shall nevertheless, if we lust, have a house at Vologda, & at the Moscow, yea, & at Novogrode, or where we will in Rusland: But the three & twentieth of this present we were with the secretary, and then among other talk, we moved, that if we should tarry at Colmogro with our wares, and should not come to Vologda, or further to seek our market, but tarry still at Colmogro, and then the merchants of the Moscow and others should not come and bring their wares, and so the ships should come, and not have their lading ready, that then it were a great loss and hindrance for us: then said he again to us, that the merchants had been again together with him, and had put the like doubt, that if they should come and bring their wares to Colmogro, and that they should not found wares there sufficient to serve them, that then they should be at great loss and hindrance, they leaving their other trades to fall to that: and to that we did answer, that after the time that we do appoint with them to bring their wares to Colmogro, God willing, they should never come thither, but at the beginning of the year, they should found that our merchants would have at the lest for a thousand robles, although the ships were not come: so that he said, that then we must talk further with the merchants: so that as yet I know not, but that we shall have need of one house at Colmogro, and another at Vologda, and if that they bring not their wares to Colmogro, than we shall be sure to buy some at Vologda, and to be out of bondage. Vologda. And thus may we continued three or four years, and in this space we shall know the country and the merchants, and which way to save ourselves best, and where to plant our houses, and where to seek for wares: for the Moscow is not best for any kind of wares for us to buy, save only ware, which we cannot have under seven pennies the Ruff pound, and it lacks two ounces of our pound, neither will it be much better cheap, for I have bidden 6. pennies for a pound. And I have bought more, five hundred weight of yarn, which stands me in eight pennies farthing the Ruff pound one with another. And if we had received any store of money, and were dispatched here of that we tarry for, as I doubt not but we shallbe shortly (you know what I mean) then as soon as we have made sale, I do intent to go to Novogrode, Novogrode. and to Plesco, whence all the great number of the best tow flax cometh, and such wares as are there I trust to buy part. And fear you not but we will do that may be done, if God sand us health, desiring you to prepare fully for one ship to be ready in the beginning of April to departed off the coast of England. Concerning all those things which we have done in the wares, you shall receive a perfect note by the next bearer (God willing) for he that carrieth these from us is a merchant of Terwill and he was caused to carry these by the commandment of the Emperor his secretary, whose name is ivan Mecallawich Weskawate, The Russian secretary his name. whom we take to be our very friend. And if it please you to sand any letters to Dantiske to Robert Elson, or to William Watsons servant Dunstan Walton to be conveyed to us, it may please you to enclose ours in a letter sent from you to him, written in Polish, Dutch, Latin or Italian: so enclosed, coming to the Moscow to his hands, he will convey our letters to us wheresoever we be. And I have written to Dantiske already to them for the conveyance of letters from thence. And to certify you of the weather here, men say that these hundred years was never so warm weather in this country at this time of the year. But as yesternight we received a letter from Christopher Hudson from a city called Yeraslave, who is coming hither with certain of our wares, but the winter did deceive him, so that he was feign to tarry by the way: and he written that the emperors present was delivered to a gentleman at Vologda, and the sled did overthrow, and the butt of Hollocke was lost, which made us all very sorry. I pray you be not offended with these my rude letters for lack of time: but assoon as sales be made, I will find the means to convey you a letter with speed: for the way is made so doubtful, that the right messenger is so much in doubt, that he would not have any letters of any effect sent by any man, if he might, for he knows not of these: and to say the truth, the way is not for him to travel in. But I will make another shift beside, which I trust shall serve the turn till he come, if sales be made before he be ready, which is and shall be as pleaseth God: who ever preserve your worship, and sand us good sales. Written in haste. By yours to command GEORGE KILLINGWORTH Draper. A copy of the first Privileges granted by the Emperor of Russia to the English Merchants in the year 1555. IOhn Vasilivich, by the grace of God Emperor of Russia, great duke of Novogrode, Moscovia, etc. To all people that shall see, read, hear or understand these presents, greeting. Forasmuch as God hath planted all realms and dominions in the whole world with sundry commodities, so as the one hath need of the amity and commodities of the other, and by means thereof traffic is used from one to another, and amity thereby increased: and for that as amongst men nothing is more to be desired then amity, without the which no creature being of a natural good disposition can live inquietness, so that it is as troublesome to be utterly wanting, as it is perceived to be grievous to the body to lack air, fire, or any other necessaries most requisite for the conservation and maintenance thereof in health: considering also how needful merchandise is, which furnisheth men of all that which is convenient for their living and nouriture, for their clothing, trimming, the satisfying of their delights, and all other things convenient and profitable for them, and that merchandise bringeth the same commodities from divers quarters in so great abundance, as by means thereof nothing is lacking in any part, and that all things be in every place (where intercourse of merchandises is received and embraced) generally in such sort, as amity thereby is entered into, and planted to continued, and the injoyers thereof be as men living in a golden world: Upon these respects and other weighty and good considerations, us hereunto moving, and chief upon the contemplation of the gracious letters, directed from the right high, right excellent, and right mighty Queen Mary, by the grace of God Queen of England, France, etc. in the favour of her subjects, merchants, the governor, consuls, assistants, and commonalty of merchants adventurers for discovery of lands, etc. Know you therefore, that we of our grace special, mere motion, and certain knowledge, have given and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant as much as in us is and lieth, unto Sebastian Cabota Governor, Sir George Barne● knight, etc. Consuls: Sir john Gresham, etc. Assistants, and to the commonalty of the aforenamed fellowship, and to their successors for ever, and to the successors of every of them, these articles, grants, immunities, franchises, liberties and privileges, and every of them hereafter following, expressed and declared. Videlicet: 1 First, we for us, our heirs and successors, do by these presents give and grant free licence, faculty, authority and power unto the said Governor, Consuls, Assistants, and communality of the said fellowship, and to their successors for ever, that all and singular the merchants of the same company, their Agents, factors, doers of their business, attorneys, servants, and ministers, and every of them may at all times hereafter for ever more surely, freely and safely with their ships, merchandizes, goods and things whatsoever sail, come and enter into all and singular our lands, countries, dominions, cities, towns, villages, castles, ports, jurisdictions and destrai●ts by sea, land or fresh waters, and there tarry, abide and sojourn, and buy, cell, barter and change all kind of merchandizes with all manner of merchants and people, of whatsoever nation, rite, condition, state or degrees they be, and with the same or other ships, wares, merchandises, goods & things whatsoever they be, unto other empires, kingdoms, dukedoms, parts, and to any other place or places at their pleasure and liberty by sea, land or fresh waters may departed, and exercise all kind of merchandizes in our empire and dominions, and every part thereof freely and quietly without any restraint, impeachment, price, exaction, priest, strait custom, ●oll, imposition, or subsidy to be demanded, taxed or paid, or at any time hereafter to be demanded, taxed, set, levied or inferred upon them or any of them, or upon their goods, ships, wares, merchandises and things, of, for or upon any part or parcel thereof, or upon the goods, ships, wares, merchandizes, and things of any of them, so that they shall not need any other safe conduct or licence general, ne special of us, our heirs or successors, neither shall be bond to ask any safe conduct or licence in any of the aforesaid places subject unto us. 2 Item, we give and grant to the said merchants this power and liberty, that they, ne any of them, ne their goods, wares, merchandises or things, ne any part thereof, shall be by any means within our dominions, lands, countries, castles, towns, villages, or other place or places of our jurisdiction, a● any time hereafter attached, stayed, arrested ne disturbed for any debt, duty or other thing, for the which they be not principal debtor or sureties, ne also for any offence or trespass committed, or that shall be committed, but only for such as they or any of them shall actually commit, and the same offences (if any such happen,) shall be by us only herded, and determined. 3 Item, we give and grant, that the said Merchants shall and may have free liberty, power, and authority to name, choose and assign brokers, shippers, packers, weighers, measurers, wagoners, and all other meet and necessary labourers for to serve them in their feat of merchandises, and minister and give unto them and every of them a corporal oath, to serve them well and truly in their offices, and finding them or any of them doing contrary to his or their oath, may punish and dismiss them, and from time to time choose, swear and admit other in their place or places, without contradiction, let, vexation or disturbance, either of us, our heirs or successors, or of any other our justices, officers, ministers or subjects whatsoever. 4 Item, we give and grant unto the said Merchants and their successors, that such person as is, or shallbe commended unto us, our heirs or successors by the Governor, Consuls and assistants of the said fellowship restant within the city of London within the realm of England, to be their chief Factor within this our empire and dominions, may and shall have full power and authority to govern and rule all Englishmen that have had, or shall have access, or repair in or to this said Empire and jurisdictions, or any part thereof, and shall and may minister unto them, and every of them good justice in all their causes, plaints, quarrels, and disorders between them moved, and to be moved, and assemble, deliberate, consult, conclude, define, determine and make such acts, and ordinances● as he so commended with his Assistants shall think good and meet for the good order, government and rule of the said Merchants, and all other Englishmen repairing to this our said empire and dominions, or any part thereof, and to set and levy upon all, and every Englishmen● offender or offenders, of such their acts and ordinances made, and to be made, penalties and mul●ts by fine or imprisonment. 5 Item, if it happen that any of the said Merchants, or other Englishman, as one or more do rebel against such chief Factor or Factors, or his or their deputies, and will not dispose him or themselves to obey them and every of them as shall appertain, if the said Rebels or disobedients do come, and be found in our said Empire and jurisdictions, or any part and place thereof, than we promise' and grant, that all and every our officers, ministers, and subjects shall effectually aid and assist the said chief Factor or factors, and their deputies, and for their power shall really work, to bring such rebel or disobedient rebels, or disobedients to due obedience: And to that intent shall lend unto the same Factor or factors, and their deputies upon request therefore to be made, prisons, and instruments for punishments ●rom time to time. 6 Item, we promise' unto the said Merchants, and their successors upon their request to exhibit and do unto them good, exact and favourable justice, with expedition in all their causes, and that when they or any of them shall have access, or come to or before any of our justices, for any their plaints moved, and to be moved between any our subjects or other stranger, and them, or any of them, that then they shallbe first and forthwith herded, as soon as the party wh●ch they shall found before our justices shallbe depeached, which party being herded forthwith, and assoon as may be, the said English merchants shall be rid and dispatched: And if any action shall be moved by or against any of the said Merchants being absent out of our said empire and dominions, than such Merchants may substitute an attorney in all and singular his causes to be followed as need shall require, and as shall seem to him expedient. 7 Item, we grant and promise' to the said Merchants, and to their successors, that if the same Merchants or ●ny of them shall be wounded, or (which God forbidden) slain in any part or place of our Empire or dominions, then good information thereof given, We and our justices and other officers shall execute due correction and punishment without delay, according to the exigence of the case: so that it shall be an example to all other not to commit the like. And if it shall chance the factors, servants, or ministers of the said Merchants or any of them to trespass or offend, whereby they or any of them shall incur the danger of death or punishment, the goods, wares, merchandises, and things of their Masters shall not therefoore be forfeited, confiscated, spoilt ne seized by any means by us, our heirs or successors, or by any our officers, ministers or subjects, but shall remain to their use, frank, free, and discharged from all punishment and loss. 8 Item, we grant that if any of the English nation be arrested for any debt, he shall not be laid in prison, so far as he can put in sufficient surety and pawn: neither shall any sergeant, or officer lead them or any of them to prison, before he shall have known whether the chief Factor or factors, or their deputies shallbe sureties, or bring in pawn for such arrested: then the officers shall release the party, and shall set h●m or them at liberty. 9 Moreover, we give, grant and promise' to the said Merchants, that if any of their ships or other vessels shall be spoiled, rob, or damnified in sailing, anckoring or returning to or from our said Empires and Dominions, or any part thereof, by any Pirates, Merchants, or other person, whatsoever he or they be, that then and in such case, we will do all that in us is to 'cause restitution, reparation, and satisfaction to be duly made to the said English merchants by our letters and otherwise, as shall stand with our honour, and be consonant to equity and justice. 10 Item, for us, our heirs and successors, we do promise and grant to perform, maintain, corroborated, autenticate, and observe all and singular the aforesaid liberties, franchises, and privileges, like as presently we firmly do intent, and will corroborated, authentic and perform the same by all mean and way that we can, as much as may be to the commodity and profit of the said English Merchants, and their successors for ever. And to the intent that all and singular the said gifts, grants and promises, may be inviolably observed and performed, we the said john Vasilivich by the grace of God Emperor of Russia, great Duke of Novogrode, Moscow, etc. for us, our heirs and successors, by our Imperial and lordly word in stead of an oath, have and do promise by these presents, inviolably to maintain and observe, and cause to be inviolably observed and maintained all and singular the aforesaid gifts, grants and promises from time to time, and at all and every time and times hereafter. And for the more corroboration hereof have caused our Signet hereunto to be put: Dated in our Castle of Moscow the 20. day of in the year. The Charter of the Merchants of Russia, granted upon the discovery of the said Country, by King Philip and Queen Marie. PHilip and Marie, by the grace of God King and Queen, etc. To all manner of officers, true jury men, ministers and subjects, and to all other people as well within this our Realm or elsewhere under our obeisance, jurisdiction, and rule, or otherwise unto whom these our letters shall be showed, seen, or read, greeting. Whereas we be credibly informed, that our right trusty, right faithful, and well-beloved Counsellors, William Marquis of Winchester Lord high Treasurer of this our Realm of England, Henry Earl of Arundel Lord Steward of our household, john Earl of Bedford Lord keeper of our privy Seal, William Earl of Pembroke, William Lord Howard of Esfingham Lord high Admiral of our said Realm of England, etc. Have at their own adventure, costs and charges, provided, rigged, and tackled certain ships, pinnesses, and other meet vessels, and the same furnished with all things necessary have advanced and set forward, for to discover, descry, and find Isles, lands, territories, Dominions, and signiories unknown, and by our subjects before this not commonly by sea frequented, which by the sufferance and grace of Almighty God, it shall chance them sailing Northwards, Northeastwards, and Northwestwards, or any parts thereof, in that race or course which other Christian monarchs (being with us in league and amity) have not heretofore by Seas trafficked, haunted, or frequented, The discovery principally intended for God's glory. to find and attain by their said adventure, as well for the glory of God, as for the illustrating of our honour and dignity royal, in the increase of the revenues of our Crown, and general wealth of this and other our Realms and Dominions, and of our subjects of the same: And to this intent our subjects above specified and named, have most humbly beseeched us, that our abundant grace, favour and clemency may be graciously extended unto them in this behalf: Whereupon we inclined to the petition of the foresaid our Counsellors, subjects and merchants, and willing to animate, advance, further and nourish them in their said godly, honest, and good purpose, and, as we hope, profitable adventure, and that they may the more willingly, and readily achieve the same, Of our especial grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, have granted, and by these presents do grant, for us, our heirs and successors, unto our said right trusty, and right faithful, and right well-beloved Counsellors, and the other before named people, that they by the name of merchants adventurers of England, for the discovery of lands, territories, Isles, Dominions, and signiories unknown, and not before that late adventure or enterprise by sea or Navigation, commonly frequented as aforesaid, shallbe from henceforth one body and perpetual fellowship and commonalty of themselves, both in deed and in name, and them, by the names of merchants adventurers for the discovery of lands, territories, Isles & signories unknown, and not by the seas, and Navigations, before their said late adventure or enterprise by sea or Navigation commonly frequented, We do incorporate, name, and declare by these presents, and that the same fellowship or communality from henceforth shallbe, and may have one Governor of the said fellowship, and commonalty of merchants adventurers. Sebastian Cabota first governor of the Moscovie company. And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath been the chiefest setter forth of this journey or voyage, therefore we make, ordain, and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and present governor of the same fellowship and commonalty, by these presents. To have and enjoy the said office of Governor, to him the said Sebastian Cabota during his natural life, without amoving or dimissing from the same room. And furthermore, we grant unto the sane fellowship and commonalty and their successors, that they the said fellowship and commonalty, and their successors af●er the decease of the said Sebastian Cabota, shall, and may freely and lawfully in places convenient and honest, assemble themselves together, or so many of them as will or can assemble together, as well within our city of London, or elsewhere, as it shall please them, in such sort and manner, as other worshipful corporations of our said city have used to assemble, and there yearly name, elect and choose one Governor or two, of themselves, and their liberties, and also as well yearly during the natural life of the said Sebastian Cabota now Governor, as also at the election of such said Governor or governors before his decease, to choose, name and appoint eight and twenty of the most sad, discreet, and honest people of the said fellowship, and commonalty of Merchant adventurers, as is above specified, and 4. of the most expert and skilful people of the same 28. to be named and called Consuls, and 24. of the residue, to be named and called Assistants to the said Governor or governors, and Consuls for the time being, which shall remain and stand in their authorities for one whole year than n●●t following. And if it shall fortune the said Governor, Consuls, and assistants, or any of them so to be elected, and choose as is aforesaid, to die within the year after his or their election, that then and so often, it shall and may be lawful to and for the said fellowship, and communality, to elect and choose of themselves other Governor or governors, Consuls and assistants, in the place and sled of such as so shall happen to die, to serve out the same year. Sir George Barnes, William Garret. Anthony Husie. joh. Su●hcot, the first 4. Consul●. And further we do make, ordain, and constitute George Barnes knight and Alderman of our City of London, William Garret Alderman of our said City, Athonie Husie, and john Suthcot, to be the first and present 4. Consuls of the said fellowship and communality by these presents, to have and enjoy the said offices of Consuls to them the said George Barnes, William Garret, Anthony Husie, & john Suthcot, for term of one whole year next after the date of these our letters patents: And we do likewise make, ordain and constitute Sir john Gresham knight, Sir Andrew judde knight, Sir Thomas White knight, Sir john York knight, Thomas Offley the elder, Thomas Lodge, Henry Herdson, john Hopkins, William Watson, Will. Clifton, Richard Pointer, Richard Chamberlain, William Mallorie, Thomas Pallie the elder, William Allen, Henry Becher, Geffrey Walkenden, Richard Fowls, Rowland Heyward, George Eaton, john Ellot, john Spark, Blaze Sanders, & Miles Mording, to be the first and present 24. Assistants to the said Governor or governors, and Consuls, and to the said fellowship and commonalty by these presents, to have and enjoy the said offices of assistants to them for term of one whole year, next after the date of these our letters patents. And further, we for us, our heirs and successors, as much as in us is, will & grant by these presents unto the said Governor, Consuls, assistants, fellowship & company of merchants adventurers aforesaid, & to their successors, that the said governor or governors, 4. Consuls, & 24. assistants, that now by these patents are nominated and appointed, or that hereafter by the said fellowship & commonalty of merchants adventurers, or the more part of them, which shallbe then present, so from time to time to be choose, so that there be 15. at the least wholly agreed thereof, the said Governor or governors, or one of them, and 2. of the said Consuls shallbe there, and 12. of the residue of the said number of 15. shall be of the said assistants, and in the absence of such Governor, that then 3. of the said Consuls, and 12. of the said assistants at the lest for the time being shall & may have, use and exercise full power and authority to rule and govern all and singular the Merchants of the said fellowship and commonalty, and to execute and do full and speedy justice to them, and every of them, in all their causes, differences, variances, controversies, quarrels, and complaints, within any our realms, dominions & jurisdictions only moved, and to be moved touching their merchandise, traficks, and occupiers aforesaid, or the good order or rule of them or any of them. Also we for us, our heirs and successors, so much as in us is, do likewise by these presents grant, that the said Governor, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and commonalty, and their successors shall and may have perpetual succession, and a common Seal which shall perpetually serve for the affairs and business of the said fellowship and commonalty. And that they and their successors, shall and may be for ever able people, and capa● in the law, for to purchase and possess in fee and perpetuity, and for term of life or lives, or for term of years or otherwise, lands, tenements, rents, reversions, and other possessions, and hereditaments whatsoever they be, by the name of the Governor, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and commonalty of the merchants adventurers by Seas and Navigations for the discovery of lands, territories, Isles, Dominions, and signiories vnknowe●, and before the said last adventure or enterprise by seas not frequented, as before is specified, and by the same names shall and may lawfully alien, grant, let and set the same or any part thereof to any person or people able in the law to take and receive the same. So that they do not grant nor alien the same, or any part thereof into mortmain, without special licence of us, our heirs or successors, first had and obtained. Also we for us, our heirs and successors have granted, and by these presents do grant unto the said Governors, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and commonalty of the said Merchants and to their successors, that they and their successors, shall and may lawfully purchase unto them and their successors for ever, lands, tenements and hereditaments whatsoever, of the clear yearly value of threescore six ●ounds, thirteen shillings & four pennies of lawful money of England and not above, as well of such lands, tenements and hereditaments, as be held or shall be held of us, our heirs or successors, as of any other person or people, the statutes provided against alienations into mortmain, or any of them, or any article or clause in them or any of them contained, or any other law, custom, statute or provision to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And that they by the name of the Governor, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and commonalty of merchants adventurers, for the discovery of lands territories, Isles, dominions and signiories unknown by the Seas and Navigations, and not before the said late adventure or enterprise by seas frequented as aforesaid, shall and may be able in the law to implead, and be impleaded, to answer, and to be answered, to defend, and to be defended before whatsoever judge or justice, temporal or spiritual, or other people whatsoever, in whatsoever court, or courts, and in all actions personal, real, and mixed, and in every of them, and in all plaints of novel disseison, and also in all plaints, suits, quarrels, affairs, businesses and demands whatsoever they be, touching and concerning the said fellowship and commonalty, and the affairs and business of the same only, in as ample manner and form, as any other corporation of this our Realm may do. Moreover, we for us, our heirs and successors, have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant unto the said Governor, Consuls, assistants, fellowship, and commonalty of merchants adventurers aforesaid, and to their successors, that the said Governor, or Governors, Consuls and assistants, and their successors, in manner, form, and number afore rehearsed, shall have full power and authority from time to time hereafter, to make, ordain, establish and erect all such statutes, acts and ordinances, for the government, good condition, and laudable rule of the said fellowship and commonalty of merchants adventurers aforesaid, as to them shall be thought good, meet, convevient and necessary, and also to admit unto the said Corporation and fellowship to be free of the same, such and as many people, as to them shall be thought good, meet, convenient and necessary. And that every such person or people, as shall fortune hereafter to be admitted into the said fellowship, commonalty and corporation, shall from the time of his or their admittance, be free of the same. And also we will, and by these presents grant for us, our heirs and successors, unto the said Governors, Consuls, assistants, fellowship; commonalty of merchants adventurers aforesaid, and to their successors, that the Governor, or governors, Consuls and assistants of the same, in manner, form, and number afore rehearsed, and their successors for the time being, shall, and may have full power and authority by these presents from time to time, as to them shall seem good, to limit, set, ordain and make, mulets, and penalties by fines, forfeitures, & imprisonments, or any of them upon any offender of the said fellowship and commonalty, for any offence touching the same fellowship and commonalty, and also that all acts and ordinances by them or their successors to be made, which time shalt think not necessary or prejudicial to the said fellowship or commonalty, at all times to revoke, break, frustrate, annihilate, repeal and dissolve at their pleasure and liberty. And further, we will, that if any of the said fellowship and commonalty shallbe found contrarious, rebellious, or disobedient to the said Governor or governors, Consuls, and the said assistants for the time being, or to any statutes, acts or ordinances by them made or to be made, that then the said Governor or governors, Consuls, and the said assistants, in manner, form, and number above specified, for the time being, shall and may by virtue of these presents, mulet, and punish every such offender or offenders, as the quality of the offence requireth, according to their good discretions. And further, we will that none of the said offender or offenders shall decline from the power of the said Governor, or governors, Consuls and assistants, in manner, form, and number abovesaid for the time being: so always, that the said acts, statutes and ordinances, do only touch and concern the said Governor or governors, Consuls, assistants, and the said fellowship and commonalty of our before named Merchants adventurers, or the men of the same fellowship and commonalty, and none other; And so always, that such their acts, statutes and ordinances he not against our prerogative, laws, statutes, and customs of our realms and Dominions, nor contrary to the several duty of any our subjects towards us, our heirs and successors, nor contrary to any compacts, treaties or leagues, by us or any our progenitors heretofore had or made, or hereafter by us, our heirs and successors to be made, to or with any foreign Prince or potentate, nor also to the prejudice of the corporation of the Mayor, commonalties and Citizens of our City of London, nor to the prejudice of any person or people, body politic, or corporate, or incorporate, justly pretending, claiming, or having any liberties, franchises, privileges, rights or pre-eminences, by virtue or pretext of any grant, gift, or Letters patents, by us, or any our progenitors, heretofore given, granted, or made. Moreover, we for us, our heirs, and successors, will, and by these presents, do grant unto the said Governors, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and commonalty of our merchants aforesaid, that their said Governor or governors, Consuls and assistants, and their successors for the time being, in manner, form and number above rehearsed, shall have full power and authority to assign, constitute and ordain one officer, or divers officers as well within our aforesaid City of London, as also in any other place or places of this our Realm of England, or else where within our dominions, which officer or officers, we will to be named and called by the name of Sergeant or Sergeants to the fellowship or communality of the said merchants, and that the said sergeant or sergeants, shall and may have full power and authority by these presents, to take, levy and gather all manner fines, forfeitures, penalties and mulcts of every person and people, of the said fellowship and commonalty convict, and that shallbe convicted, upon or for breaking of any statutes, acts, ordinances, to be made by the said Governor or governors, Consuls and assistants for the time being. And further, we will and also grant for us, our heirs and successors, that the said officer or officers shall have further power and authority for the default of payment, or for disobedience in this behalf (if need be) to set hands and arrest aswell the body and bodies, as the goods and chattels of such offender, and offenders, & transgressers, in every place and places not franchised. And if it shall fortune any such offender or offenders, their goods and chattels or any part thereof, to be in any city, borough, town incorporate, or other place franchised or privileged, where the said officer or officers may not lawfully intromit or intermeddle, that then the Mayor, sheriffs, bailiffs, and other head officers, or ministers, within every such city, borough, town incorporate, or place or places franchised, upon a precept to them, or any of them, to be directed from the governor or governors, Consuls and assistants of the said fellowship, in number and form aforesaid, under the common seal of the said fellowship and commonalty for the time being, shall and may attach & arrest the body or bodies of such offender or offenders, as also take, and self the goods and chattels of all and every such offender or offenders, being within any such place or places franchised, and the same body and bodies, goods and chattels of all and every such offender and offenders, being within any such place or places franchised, and every part thereof so attached and seized, shall according to the tenor and purport of the said precept, return, and deliver unto the said officer or officers of the aforesaid fellowship, and commonalty. And further, we will and grant for us, our heirs and successors by these presents, that all, and every such Mayor, sheriff, bailiff, or other head officers or ministers of any city, borough, town incorporate, or other places franchised, shall not be impeached, molested, vexed or sued in any our court or courts, for executing or putting in execution of any of the said precept or precepts. And furthermore, we of our ample and abundant grace, mere motion, & certain knowledge, for us, our heirs, and successors, as much as in us is, have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant unto the said governor, Consuls, assistants, fellowship, and commonalty of merchants adventurers, and to their successors, and to the Factor and Factors, assign and assigns of every of them, full and free authority, liberty, faculty and licence, and power to sail to all ports, regions, dominions, territories, lands, Isles, Islands, and coasts of the sea, wheresoever before their late adventure or enterprise unknown, or by our Merchants and subjects by the seas not heretofore commonly frequented, under our ●anner, standard, flags and ensigns, K. Philip and Queen Mary hereby ●o disannul Pope Alexander's division. with their ship, ships, bark, pinnesses, and all other vessels of whatsoever portage, bulk, quantity or quality they may be, and with any Mariners, and men as they will lead with them in such ship or ships, or other vessels at their own and proper costs and expenses, for to traffic, descry, discover and find, whatsoever Isle, Islands, countries, regions, provinces, creeks, arms of the sea, rivers & streams, as well of Gentiles, as of any other Emperor, king, prince, governor or Lord whatsoever he or they shallbe, and in whatsoever part of the world they be situated, being before the said late adventure or enterprise unknown, and by our Merchants and subjects not commonly frequented: and to enter and land in the sanle, without any manner of denying, pain, penalty or forfeiture to be had or taken by any our laws, customs or statutes to our use, or to the use of our heirs or successors for the same. And we have also granted, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do grant unto the said Governors, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and commonalty, and to their successors, and to their Factors and assigns, and to every of them, licence for to rear, plant, erect, and fasten our banners, standards, flags, and Ensigns, in whatsoever city, town, village, castle, Isle, or main land, which shall be by them newly found, without any the penalties, forfeitures, Conquest permitted. or dangers aforesaid, and that the said fellowship and commonalty, and their successors, Factors & assigns and every of them shall and may subdue, possess and occupy, all manner cities, towns, Isles, and main lands of infidelity, which is or shall be by them, or any of them newly found or descried, as our vassals and subjects, and for to acquire and get the Dominion, title, and jurisdiction of the same Cities, Towns, Castles, Uillages, Isles, and main lands, which shall be by them, or any of them newly discovered or found unto us, our heirs and successors for ever. And furthermore, whereas by the voyage of our subjects in this last ‖ Anno 1554. year attempted by Navigation, towards the discovery and disclosure of unknown places, Realms, Islands, and Dominions by the seas not frequented, it hath pleased Almighty God to 'cause one of the three ships by them set forth for the voyage, and purpose above mentioned, named the Edward Bonaventure, to arrive, abide, and winter within the Empire and dominions of the high and mighty Prince our cousin and brother, Lord john Basilivich Emperor of all Russia, Volodomer, great duke of Moscovie, etc. Who, of his clemency, for our love and zeal, did not only admit the Captain, and merchants our subjects into his protection, and Princely presence, but also received and entertained them very graciously, and honourably, granting unto them by his letters addressed unto us, The Moscotutes privileges unto the English. frank access into all his signiories and dominions, with licence freely to traffic in and out with all his Subjects in all kind of Merchandise, with divers other gracious privileges, liberties and immunities specified in his said letters under his Signet: Know ye therefore that we of our further royal favour and munificence, of our mere motion, certain knowledge, and special grace, for us our heirs and successors, have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant unto the same Governors, Consuls, assistants, fellowship, and comunalty above named, and to their successors, as much as in us is, that all the main lands, Isles, ports, havens, creeks, and rivers of the said mighty Emperor of all Russia, and great duke of Moscow, etc. And all and singular other lands, dominions, territories, Isles, Portes, havens, creeks, rivers, arms of the sea, of all and every other Emperor, king, prince, ruler and governor, whatsoever he or they before the said late adenture or enterprise not known, or by our foresaid merchants and subjects by the seas, not commonly frequented, nor by any part nor parcel thereof lying Northwards, Northeastwards, or Northwestwards, The largeness of the privilege of the Moscovite company. as is aforesaid, by sea shall not be visited, frequented nor haunted by any our subjects, other then of the said company and fellowship, and their successors without express licence, agreement and consent of the Governor, Consuls, and Assistants of the said fellowship and commonalty above named, or the more part of them, in manner and number asoresayd, for the time being, upon pain of forfeiture and loss, as well of the ship and ships, with the appurtenances, as also of all the goods, merchandises, and things whatsoever they be, of those our subjects, not being of the said fellowship and communality, which shall attempt or presume to sail to any of those places, which be, or hereafter shall happen to be found, and ●raffiked unto: the one half of the same forfeiture to be to the use of us, our heirs and successors, and the other half to be to the use of the said fellowship and commonalty. And if it shall fortune any stranger or strangers, for to attempt to hurt, hinder, or endamage the same merchants, their factors, deputies or assigns, or any of them is sailing, going or returning at any time in the said adventure, or for to sail or trade to or from any those places, lands or coasts, which by the said merchants, their factors, deputies and assigns have been, or shall be descried, discovered and found, or frequented, aswell within the coasts and limits of gentility, as within the dominions and signiories of the said mighty Emperor and Duke, and of all and every other Emperor, King, Prince, Ruler and governor whatsoever he or they be, before the said late adventure or enterprise not known by any our said merchants and subjects, by the seas not commonly frequented, and lying Northwards, Northwestwards or Northeastwards as aforesaid, than we will and grant, and by these presents do licence, and authorize for us, our heirs and successors, the said merchants, their factors, deputies, and assigns, and every of them to do their best in their defence, to resist the same their enterprises and attempts. Willing therefore, and straight commanding and charging all and singular our Officers, Majors, Sheriffs, Escheators, Constables, Barlives, and all and singular other our ministers and liege men, and subjects whatsoever, to be aiding, favouring, helping & assisting unto the said governor or governors, Consuls, assistants, fellowship and communality, and to their successeors and deputies, factors, servants, and assigns, and to the deputies, factors and assigns of every of them, in executing and enjoying the premises, as well on land as in the sea, from time to time, and at all times when you or any of you shall be thereunto required. In witness whereof, etc. Anno 1555. Apud Westmonasterium, 6 die Feb. Annis regnorum nostrorum, primo & secundo. Certain instructions delivered in the third voyage, Anno 1556. for Russia to every Purser and the rest of the servants, taken for the voyage, which may serve as good and necessary directions, to all other like adventurers. FIrst you shall before the ship doth begin to lad, go aboard, and shall there take, and writ one inventory, by the advise of the Master, or of some other principal officer there aboard, of all the tackle, apparel, cables, anchors, ordinance, chambers, shot, powder, artillery, and of all other necessaries whatsoever doth belong to the said ship: and the same justly taken, you shall writ in a book, making the said Master, or such officer privy of that which you have so written, so that the same may not be denied, when they shall call account thereof: that done, you shall writ a copy of the same with your own hand, which you shall deliver before the ship shall departed, for the voyage to the companies book keeper here to be kept to their behalf, to the end that they may be justly answered the same, when time shall require: and this order to be seen and kept every voyage orderly, by the Pursers of the companies own ship, in any wise. 2 Also when the ship beginneth to lad, you shall be ready a board with your book, to enter such goods as shall be brought aboard, to be laden for the company, packed, or unpacked, taking the marks and numbers of every pack, farthel, truss, or packet, corovoya, chest, fat, butt, pipe, punchcon, whole barrel, half barrel, firken, or other cask, mand, or basket, or any other thing, which may, or shall be packed by any other manner of ways or devise. And first, all such packs, or trusses, etc. as shall be brought aboard to be laden, not marked by the companies mark, you shall do the best to let that the same be not laden, and to inquire diligently to know the owners thereof, if you can, and what commodity the same is, that is so brought aboard to be laden: if you can not know the owners of such goods, learn what you can thereof, as well making a note in your book, as also to sand or bring word thereof to the Agent, and to some one of the four Merchants with him adjoined so speedily as you can, if it be here laden or to be laden in this river, being not marked with the companies mark, as is aforesaid: and when the said ship hath received in all that the companies Agent will have laden, you shall make a just copy of that which is laden, reciting the parcels, the marks and numbers of every thing plainly, which you shall likewise deliver to the said bookekeeper to the use aforesaid. 3 Also when the ship is ready to departed, you shall come for your cockets and letters to the Agent, and shall show him all such letters as you have received of any person or people privately or openly, to be delivered to any person or people in Russia or elsewhere, and also to declare if you know any other that shall pass in the ship either master or mariner that hath received any letters to be privily delivered to any there, directed from any person or people, other then from the Agent here to the Agent there: which letters so by you received, you shall not carry with you, without you be licensed so to do by the Agent here, and some of the four merchants, as is aforesaid: and such others as do pass, having received any privy letters to be delivered, you shall all that in you lieth, let the delivery of them at your arriving in Russia: and also if you have or do receive, or shall know any other that doth or hath received any goods or ready money to be employed in Russia, or to be delivered there to any person or people from any person or people, other than such as be the companies goods, and that under their mark, you shall before the ship doth departed, declare the same truly to the said Agent, and to some of the other merchants to him adjoined, as it is before declared. 4 Also when the ship is ready to departed, and hath the master and the whole company aboard, you shall diligently foresee and take heed, that there pass not any privy person or people, other than such as be authorised to pass in the said ship, without the licence and warrant of one of the Governors and of the assistants, for the same his passage, to be first showed. And if there be any such person or people that is to pass and will pass without showing the same warrant, you shall let the passage of any such to the uttermost of your power: And for that there may no such privy person pass under the cloak and colour of some mariner, you shall upon the weighing of your ships anchor, call the master and the mariners within board by their names and that by your books, to the end that you may see that you have neither more nor less, but just the number for the voyage. 5 Also you must have in remembrance, that if it shall chance the ship to be put into any harbour in this coast by contrary winds or otherwise in making the voyage, to sand word thereof from time to time as the case shall require, by your letters in this manner. To master I B. Agent for the company of the New trades in S. in London: If you do higher any to bring your letters, writ that which he must have for the portage. And for your better knowledge and learning, you shall do very well to keep a daily note of the voyage both outwards and homewards. 6 And principally see that you forget not daily in all the voyage both morning and evening, to call the company within board to prayer, in which doing you shall please God, and the voyage will have the better success thereby, and the company prospero the better. 7 Also in calm weather and at other times when you shall fortune to come to anchor in the seas during the voyage, you shall for the companies profit, and for the good husbanding of the victuals aboard, call upon the Boatswain and other of the company to use such hooks and other engines as they have aboard to take fish with, that such fish so taken may be eaten for the cause aforesaid: and if there be no such engines aboard, then to provide some before you go from hence. 8 And when God shall sand you in safety into the Bay of S. Nicholas at an anchor, you shall go a shore with the first boat that shall departed from the ship, taking with you such letters as you have to deliver to the Agent there: and if he be not there at your coming a land, then sand the companies letters to Colmogro to him by some sure mariner or otherwise, as the master and you shall think best, but go not yourself at any hand, nor yet from aboard the ship, unless it be a shore to treat with the Agent for the lading of the ship that you be appointed in, which you shall apply diligently to have done so speedily as may be. And for the discharging of the goods therein in the Bay, to be carried from thence, see that you do look well to the vulading thereof, that there be none other goods sent a shore then the companies, and according to the notes entered in your book as is aforesaid: if there be, inquire diligently for whom they be, and what goods they be, noting who is the receiver of the said goods, in such sort that the company may ●anethe true knowledge thereof at your coming home. 9 Also there a shore, and likewise aboard, you shall spy and search as secretly as you may, to learn and know what bargaining, buying and selling there is with the master and the mariners of the ship and the Russes, or with the companies servants there: and that which you shall perceive and learn, you shall keep a note thereof in your book secretly to yourself, which you shall open and disclose at your coming home to the governors and assistants, in such sort as the truth of their secret trades and occupying may be revealed and known. You shall need always to have Argos eyes, to spy their secret packing and conveyance, aswell on land as aboard the ship, of and for such ●urres and other commodities, as yearly they do use to buy, pack and convey hither. If you will be vigilant and secret in this article, you cannot miss to spy their privy packing one with another, either on shore or aboard the ship: work herein wisely, and you shall deserve great thanks of the whole company. 10 Also at the lading again of the ship, you shall continued and abide aboard, to the end that you may note and writ in your book all such goods and merchandises as shall be brought and laden, which you shall orderly note in all sorts as heretofore, as in the second article partly it is touched: and in any wise put the Master and the company in remembrance, to look and foresee substantially to the roomaging of the ship, by fair means or threats, as you shall see and think will serve for the best. 11 Thus when the ship is full laden again, and all things aboard in good order, and that you do fortune to go a shore to the Agent for your letters, and dispatch away: you shall demand whether all the goods be laden that were brought thither, and to know the truth thereof, you shall repair to the companies storehouse there at S. Nicholas, to see if there be any goods left in the said storehouse: if there be, you shaldemand why they be not laden, and note what kind of goods they be that be so left: and seeing any of the ships there not fully laden, you shall put the Agent in remembrance to lad those goods so left, if any such be to be laden, as is aforesaid. And thus God sending you a fair wound, to make speed and away. 12 Finally, when God shall sand you to arrive again upon this coast in safety, either at Harewich, or elsewhere, go not you aland, if you may possibly, to the end that when you be go a shore, there may no goods be sent privily ashore to be sold, or else to be sold aboard the ship in your absence, but keep you still aboard, if you can by any means, for the causes aforesaid, and writ the company a letter form the ship of your good arrival, which you may convey to them by land by some boy or mariner of the ship, or otherwise as you shall think best: and likewise when God shall sand you and the ship into the river here, do not in any wise departed out of the ship that you be in, until the company do sand some other aboard the ship, in your stead and place, to keep the ship in your absence. The Navigation and discovery toward the river of Ob, made by Master Steven Burrough, Master of the Pinnace called the Serchthrift, with divers things worth the noting, passed in the year 1556. April 23. WE departed from Ratclifte to Blackewall the 23 of April. Saturday being S. Marks day, we departed from Blackewall to Grays. The 27 being Monday, the right Worshipful Sebastian Cabota came aboard our Pinnace at Gravesende, accompanied with divers Gentlemen● and Gentlewomen, who after that they had viewed our Pinnace, and tasted of such cheer as we could make them aboard, they went on shore, giving to our mariners right liberal rewards: and the good old Gentleman Master Cabota gave to the poor most liberal alms, wishing them to pray for the good fortune, and prosperous success of the Serchthrift, our Pinnace. And then at the sign of the Christopher, he and his friends banketted, and made me, and them that were in the company great cheer: and for very joy that he had to see the towardness of our intended discovery, he entered into the dance himself, amongst the rest of the young and lusty company: which being ended, he and his friends departed most gently, commending us to the governance of almighty God. Tuesday we road still at Gravesend, making provision for such things as we wanted. Wednesday in the morning we departed from Gravesende, the wind being at South-west, that night we came to an anchor thwart our Lady of Hollands. Thursday at three of the clock in the morning we weighed, and by eight of the clock, we were at an anchor in Orwell wannes, and the● incontinent I went aboard the Edward Bonaventure, where the worshipful company of merchants appointed me to be, until the said good ship arrived at Wardhouse. Then I returned again into the pinnace. Note Friday the 15 of May we were within 7 leagues of the shore, on the coast of Norway: May 15. the latitude at a South sun, 58 degrees and a half, where we see three sails, beside our own company: and thus we followed the shore or land, which lieth Northnorthwest, North and by West, and Northwest and by North, as it doth appear by the plot. Saturday at an East sun we came to S. Dunstan's Island, which Island I so named. It was of us East two leagues and a half, the wound being at Southeast: the latitude this day at a South sun 59 degrees, 42 minutes. Also the high round mountain bore East of us, at a south sun: and when this hill is East of you, and being bond to the Northward, the land lieth North and half a point Westerly, from this said South sun, unto a North sun twenty leagues Northwest alongst the shore. Upon Sunday at six of the clock in the morning, the farthest land that we could see that lay Northnorthwest, was East of us three leagues, and then it trended to the Northwards, and to the Eastwards of the North, which headland I judged to be Scoutsnes●e. At seven of the clock we changed our course and went North, the wound being at Southsoutheast, and it waxed very thick and misty, and when it cleared, we went Northnortheast. At a South sun we lost sight of the Serchthrift, because of the mist, making our way North. And when we lost sight of the shore and pinnace, we were within two leagues & a half of the shore: the last land that we see when this mist came upon us, which is to the Northwards of Scowtsnesse, lay Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest, and we made our way North until a west sun five leagues. From that until Monday three a clock in the morning ten leagues Northnortheast: and then we went North and by East, because the wind came at the Westsouthwest with thick mist: the latitude this day at a South sun sixty three degrees and a half truly taken: at this season we had sight of our Pinnace again. From that until Tuesday a South sun Northnortheast forty four leagues, and then North-east. From a South sun until eight of the clock, fifteen leagues North-east. From that until Wednesday a South sun Northnortheast, except the first watch Northeast: then had we the latitude in sixty seven degrees, thirty nine minutes. From that unto a Northwest sun eighteen leagues North-east, & then we were within two leagues of the shore, and see the high land to the Southwards of Lowfoot break out through the mist, and then we went North and by east. From the said Northwest sun until four of the clock in the morning North and by East ten leagues and a half: and then Northnortheast until a South sun, the latitude being sixty nine degrees, and a half. From that until half an hour past seven of the clock, Northnortheast eleven and a half, and then we went North-east ten leagues. From that 3 leagues and a half Eastnortheast, and then we saw the land through the clouds and hazie thwart on the broad side of us the wind being then a Southsouthwest. From that until Saturday, at eight of the clock in the morning Eastnortheast, and to the Northwards forty eight leagues, and then the wound came up at North, we being aboard the shore, and thwart of the Chapel, which I suppose is called Kedilwike: Kedelwike chapel. then we cast the ships head to the seawards, because the wind was very scant: and then I caused the Pinnace to bear in with the shore, to see whether she might found an harbour for the ships or not, and that she found and see two roaders ride in the sound: and also they saw houses. But notwithstanding, God be praised, the wind enlarged upon us, that we had not occasion to go into the harbour: and then the Pinnace bore her Myssen mast over board with flag and all, and lost the flag: with the mast there fallen two men over board, but God be praised, they were saved: the flag was a token, whereby we might understand whether there were a good harbour there or not. At a North sun the Norh cape (which I so named the first voyage) was thwart of us, The North cape so named by Steven Burrow. which is nine leagues to the Eastwards of the foresaid Chapel from the Eastermost point of it. june. THe sunday we weighed in Corpus Christi Bay, at a North-east and by East sun: the Bay is almost half a league deep: the headland which is Corpus Christi point, lieth Southeast and by East, one league from the head of the Bay, where we had a great ride, like a race over the flood: the Bay is at the lest two leagues over: so do I imagine from the fair foreland to Corpus Christi point ten leagues Southeast and by East: It floweth in this Bay, at a South and by West moon full sea. From that we went until seven a clock at after noon twenty leagues Southeast and by South: and then we took in all our sails, because it was then very misty, and also we met with much ice that ran out of the Bay, and then we went Southsoutheast with our foresail: at eight of the clock, we herded a piece of ordinance, which was out of the Edward, which bade us farewell, and then we shot off another piece, and bade her farewell: we could not one see the other, because of the thick mist: at a Northwest sun it began somewhat to clear, and then we saw a head land, and the shore trended to the Southwestward, which I judged to be about Cross Island: it was of us at a Northnorthwest sun, Westsouthwest. From this Northnorthwest sun, until Monday, we went Southeast, and this morning we came at anchor among the shoals that lie off of point Look out, at a North-east and by East sun, the wound being at Eastsoutheast. At this point Look out, a south Moon maketh a full sea. Cape good fortune lieth from the Isle of Crosses Southeast, and between them is ten leagues: point Look out lieth from Cape Good fortune Eastsoutheast, and between them are six leagues. S. Edmond point lieth from point Look out Eastsoutheast, and half a point to the Southwards, and between them are six leagues. There is between these two points, a Bay that is half a league deep, and is full of shoals and dangers. At a Southeast sun we weighed, and turned to the windwards, the wind being at Eastsoutheast: and at a Southeast sun, we came to an anchor, being then a full sea, in five fathoms and a half water. It hieth at this place where we road, and also at point Look out, four fathom water. At a Westnorthwest sun we weighed, and drived to the windewards, until Tuesday, a Northnortheast sun, and then being a high water, we came to an anchor open of the river Cola, in eight fathom water. Cape S. Bernard lieth from S. Edmond point, Southeast and by South, and betwixt them are six leagues, and also betwixt them is the River Cola, into which River we went this evening. Wednesday we road still in the said river, the wind being at the north: we sent our skiff aland to be dressed: the latitude of the mouth of the river Cola is sixty five degrees, The latitude of Cola. forty and eight minutes. Thursday at 6 of the clock in the morning, there came aboard of us one of the Ruff Lodiaes', ● Russee Lodia. rowing with twenty oars, and there were fcure and twenty men in her. The master of the boat presented me with a great loaf of bread, and six rings of bread, which they call Colaches, and four dried pikes, and a peck of fine o●emeale, and I gave unto the Master of the bone, a comb, and a small glass: and he declared unto me, that he was bond to Pechora, and after that, I made them to drink, the tide being somewhat broken, they gently departed. The Master's name was Pheodor. Whereas the tenth day I sent our Pinnace on shore to be mended, because she was leak, and weak, with the Carpenter and three men more to help him, the weather chanced so, that it was Sunday before they could get aboard our ship. All that time they were without provision of victuals, but only a little bread, which they spent by Thursday at night, thinking to have come aboard when they had listed, but wind and weather denied them: insomuch that they were feign to eat grass, and such weeds as they could find then above ground, but fresh water they had plenty, but the meat with some of them could scant frame by reason of their queasy stomachs. From Thursday at afternoon, until Sunday in the morning, our bark did ride such a road stead that it was to be marveled, without the help of God, how she was able to abide it. In the bite of the Southeast shore of the river Cola, there is a good road in five fathom, or four fathom and a half, at a low water: but you shall have no land Northnortheast of you then. I proved with our pinnace, that the depth goeth on the Southeast shore. Thursday we weighed our anchors in the River Cola, and went into the Sea seven or eight leagues, where we met with the wind far Northerly, that of force it constrained us to go again back into the said river, where came aboard of us sundry of their Boats, which declared unto me that they were also bond to the northwards, a fishing for Morse, and Salmon, and gave me liberally of their white and wheaten bread. As we road in this river, we saw daily coming down the river many of their Lodias, Lodias having 24 men a p●●ce and they that had lest, had four and twenty men in them, and at the last they grew to thirty sail of them: and amongst the rest, there was one of them whose name was Gabriel, who showed me very much friendship, and he declared unto me, that all they were bond to Pechora, a fishing for Salmon, and Morses: insomuch that he showed me by demonstrations, that with a fair wind we had seven or eight days sailing to the River Pechora, From Cola to Pechora is but 7 or 8 days sailing. so that I was glad of their company. This Gabriel promised to give me warning of shoals, as he did indeed. Sunday being the one and twentieth day, Gabriel gave me a barrel of Meade, and one of his special friends gave me a barrel of beer, which was carried upon men's backs at lest 2 miles. Monday we departed from the river Cola, with all the rest of the said Lodias, but sailing before the wound, they were all too good for us: but according to promise', The ●●●●esse of one Gabriel. this Gabriel and his friend did often strike their sails, and carried for us forsaking their own company. Tuesday at an Eastnortheast sun we were thwart of Cape S. john. It is to be understood, that from the Cape S. john unto the river or bay that goeth to Mezen, A good & necessary note. it is all sunk land, and full of shoals and dangers, you shall have scant two fathom water, and see no land. And this present day we came to an anchor thwart of a creak, which is 4 or 5 leagues to the Northwards of the said Cape, into which creak Gabriel and his fellow rowed, but we could not get in: and before night there were above 20 sail that went into the said creak, the wound being at the North-east. We had indifferent good landfang. This afternoon Gabriel came aboard with his skiff, and then I rewarded him for the good company that he kept with us over the shoals with two small ivory combs, and a steel glass, with two or three trifles more, for which he was not ungrateful. But notwithstanding, his first company had got further to the Northwards. Wednesday being Midsummer day, we sent our skiff aland to sound the creak, where they found it almost dry at a low water. And all the Lodaiss within were on ground. Although the harbour were evil, yet the stormy similitude of Northerly winds tempted us to set our sails, & we let slip a cable and an anchor, and bore with the harbour, for it was then near a high water: and as always in such journeys varieties do chance, when we came upon the bar in the entrance of the creak, the wound did shrink so suddenly upon us, that we were not able to lead it in, and before we could have flatted the ship before the wind, we should have been on ground on the lee shore, so that we were constrained to let fall an anchor under our sails, and road in a very breach, thinking to have warped in. Gabriel came out with his skiff, and so did sundry others also, showing their good will to help us, but all to no purpose, for they were likely to have been drowned for their labour, in so much that I desired Gabriel to lend me his anchor, because our own anchors were two big for our skiff to layout, who sent me his own, and borrowed another also and sent it us. Then we laid out one of those anchors, with a hawser which he had of 140 fathom long, thinking to have warped in, but it would not be: for as we shorted upon the said warp the anchor came home, so that we were feign to bear the end of the warp, that we rushed in upon the other small anchor that Gabriel sent aboard, and laid that anchor to seawards: and then between these two anchors we traversed the ships head to seawards, and set our foresail and main sail, and when the bark had way, we cut the hawser, and so gate the sea to our friend, and tried out all that day with our main corpse. The Thursday we went room with Cape S. john, where we found indifferent good road for a Northnortheast wound, and for a need, for a North and by West wind. Friday at afternoon we weighed, and departed from thence, the wether being meetly fair, & the wind at Eastsoutheast, and plied for the place where we left our cable and anchor, and our hawser: & as soon as we were at an anchor, the foresaid Gabriel came aboard of us, with 3 or four more of their small boats, and brought with them of their Aquavitae & Mead, professing unto me very much friendship, and rejoiced to see us again, declaring that they earnestly thought that we had been lost. This Gabriel declared unto me, that they had saved both the anchors and our hauser, and after we had thus communed, I caused 4 or 5 of them a go into my cabin, where I gave them f●gs, and made them such cheer as I could. While I was thus banqueting of them, there came another of their skiffes aboard with one who was a Keril, whose name afterwards I learned, & that he dwelled in Colmogro, & Gabriel dwelled in the town of Cola, which is not far from the rivers mouth. This foresaid Keril said unto me that one of the anchors which I borrowed was his, I gave him thanks for the love of it, thinking it had been sufficient. And as I continued in one accustomed manner, that if the present which they brought were worth entertainment, they had it accordingly, he brought nothing with him, & therefore I regarded him but little. And thus we ended, & they taken their leave and went a shore. At their coming ashore, Gabriel and Keril were at unconvenient words, and by the ears, as I understand: the cause was because the one had better entertainment than the other: but you shall understand that Gabriel was not able to make his party good, because there were 17 lodias of the Kerils company who took his part, and but 2 of Gabriels' company. Twenty eight Lodias belonging to Cola. The next high water Gabriel and his company departed from thence, and rowed to their former company and neighbours, which were in number 28 at the lest, and all of them belonging to the river Cola. And as I understood Keril made reckoning that the hawser which was fast in his anchor should have been his own, and at first would not deliver it to our boat, insomuch that I sent him word that I would complain upon him, whereupon he delivered the hawser to my company. The next day being Saturday, I sent our boat on shore to fetch fresh water and wood, and at their coming on shore this Keril welcomed our men most gently, and also banketed them: and in the mean time caused some of his men to fill our baricoes with water, and to help our men to bear wood into their boat: and then he put on his best silk coat, and his collar of pearls, and came aboard again, & brought his present with him: and thus having more respect unto his present then to his person, because I perceived him to be vainglorious, I bade him welcome, and gave him a dish of figs: and then he declared unto me that his father was a gentleman, and that he was able to show me pleasure, and not Gabriel, who was but a priest's son. After their departure from us we weighed, and plied all the ebb to the windewards, the wind being Northerly, & towards night it waxed very stormy, so that of force we were constrained to go room with Cape S. john again, in which storm we lost out skiff at our stern, that we bought at Wardhouse, and there we road until the fourth of july. The latitude of Cape S. john is 66 degrees 50 minutes. The latitude of Cape S. john 66 degrees 50 minutes. And it is to be noted, that the land of Cape S. john is of height from the full sea mark, as I judge, 10 fathoms, being clean without any trees growing, & also without stones or rocks, and consists only of black earth, which is so rotten, that if any of it fall into the sea, Earth swimming above water like wood. it will swim as though it were a piece of wood. In which place, about three leagues from the shore you shall not have above 9 fathom water, and clay ground. julie. SAturday at a Northnorthwest sun the wound came at Eastnortheast, & then we weighed, and plied to the Northwards, and as we were two leagues shot past the Cape, we see a house standing in a valley, which is dainty to be seen in those parts, and by and by I see three men on the top of the hill. Then I judged them, as it afterwards proved, that they were men which came from some other place to set traps to take vermin for their furs, which traps we did perceive very thick alongst the shore as we went. Sunday at an East sun we were thwart off the creak where the Russes lay, and there came to an anchor, and perceiving the most part of the Lodias to be go we thought it not good to tarry any longer there, but weighed and spent all the ebb, plying to the windewards. Monday at a South sun it was high water. All alongst the coast it floweth little, only a South moon makes a full sea: and as we were a weighing we espied the Ruff Lodias, which we first lost. They came out of a creak amongst the sandy hills, which hills begin 15 leagues Northnortheast from Cape S. john. Plying this ebb to an end, we came to an anchor 6 leagues Northnortheast from the place where we see the Russes come out: and there the Russes harboured themselves within a sunk bank, but there was not water enough for us. At a North sun we weighed and plied to the Northwards, the land lying Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest, until a South sun, and then we werein the latitude of 68 degrees & a half ● and in this latitude end those sandy hills, The latitude 68 degrees and a half. and the land beginneth to lie North and by West, South and by East, and Northnorthwest, and to the Westwards, and there the water beginneth to ware deep. At a Northwest sun we came to an anchor within half a league of the shore, where we had good plenty of fish, both Haddocks and Cod, riding in 10 fathom water. Wednesday we weighed, and plied nearer the headland, which is called Caninoz, the wound being at East and by North. Thursday the wound being scant we turned to windwards the ebb, to get about Caninoz: the latitude this day at noon was 68 degree 40 minutes. Friday we turned to the windward of the ebb, but to no purpose: and as we road at an anchor, we see the similitude of a storm rising at Northnorthwest, & could not tell where to get road nor succour for that wind, and harbour we known none: & that land which we road under with that wind was a lee shor●. And as I was musing what was best to be done. I see a sail come out of a creak under the foresaid Caninoz, which was my friend Gabriel, who forsook his harbour and company, and came as near us as he might, and pointed us to the Eastwards, & then we weighed and followed him, and went East and by South, the wound being at Westnorthwest, and very misty. Saturday we went Eastsoutheast & followed Gabriel, and he brought us into an harbour called Morgiovets, Morgiovets an harbour. which is 30 leagues from Caninoz, & we had upon the bar going in two fathom and a fourth part: and after we were passed in over the bar, it waxed de●per, for we had 5 fathoms, 4 and a half, and 3 fathom etc. Our bark being mored, I sent some of our men to shore to provide wood, where they had plenty of drift wood, Drift wood. but none growing: and in this place we found plenty of young foul, as Gulls, Seapies, and others, whereof the Russes would eat none, whereof we were nothing sorry, for there came the more to our part. Sunday our men cut wood on shore, and brought it aboard, and we balasted our ship with stones. This morning Gabriel see a smoke on the way, who rowed unto it with his skiff, which smoke was two leagues from the place where we road: and at a Northwest sun he came aboard again, and brought with him a Samoed, A Samoed. which was but a young man: his apparel was then strange unto us, and he presented me with three young wild geese, and one young barnacle. Monday I sent a man to the main in Gabriels' boat, and he brought us aboard 8 barricoes of fresh water: the latitude of the said Morgiovets is sixty eight degrres and a terce. It floweth there at a Southsouthwest moon full sea, and hyeth two fathom and a half water. At a Westnorthwest sun we departed from this place, and went East 25 leagues, and then see an Island North and by West of us eight leagues, which Island is called Dolgoieve: Dolgoieve an Island. and from the Eastermost part of this Island, there lieth a sand East and by South 7 leagues long. Wednesday at a North and by East sun Swetinoz was South of us 5 leagues. This day at afternoon we went in over the dangerous bar of Pechora, Pechora. and had upon the bar but one fathom water. Thursday we road still. Friday I went on shore and observed the variation of the Compass, which was three degrees and a half from the North to the West: The variation of the Compass the latitude this day was sixty nine degrees ten minutes. From two or three leagues to the Eastward of Swetinoz, until the entering of the river Pechora, it is all sandy hills, and towards Pechora the sandy hills are very low. It higheth on the bar of Pechora four foot water, & it floweth there at a South-west moon a full sea. Monday at a North & by East sun, we weighed, and came out over the said dangerous bar, where we had but slew foot water, insomuch that we found a foot less water coming out then we did going in. I think the reason was, because when we went in the wind was off the sea. which caused the sands to break on either side of us, and we kept in the smoothest between the breaches, which we dared not have done, except we had seen the Russes to have go in before us: and at our coming out the wind was off the shore, and fair weather, and then the sands did not appear with breaches as at our going in: we thank God that our ship did draw so little water. When we were a seaboord the bar the wound scanted upon us, and was at Eastsoutheast, insomuch that we stopped the ebbs, and plied all the floods to the windewards, and made our way Eastnortheast. Tuesday at a Northwest sun we thought that we had seen land at East, or East & by North of us: which afterwards proved to be a monstrous heap of ice. Within a little more than half an hour after, we first see this ice, Ice. we were enclosed within it before we were ware of it, which was a fearful sight to see: for, for the space of six hours, it was as much as we could do to keep our ship aloof from one heap of ice, and bear roomer from another, with as much wound as we might bear a corse. And when we had passed from the danger of this ice, we lay to the Eastwards close by the wound. The next day we were again troubled with the ice. Thursday being calm, we plied to the windwards, the wind being Northerly. We had the latitude this day at noon in 70 degrees 11 minutes. The lat. 70 degrees 11 min. We had not run past two hours Northwest, the wound being at Northnortheast and North-east and by North a good gale, but we met again with another heap of ice: we wethered the head of it, and lay atime to the seawards, and made way West 6 leagues. Friday at a Southeast sun we cast about to the Eastwards, the wound being at Northnortheast: the latitude this day at noon was 70 degrees 15 minutes. On S. james his day bolting to the windewardes, we had the latitude at noon in seventy degrees twenty minutes. The same day at a South-west sun, there was a monstrous Whale aboard of us, so near to our side that we might have thrust a sword or any other weapon in him, which we dared not do for fear he should have overthrown our ship: and then I called my company together, and all of us shouted, & with the cry that we made he departed from us: there was as much above water of his back as the breadth of our pinnace, and at his falling down, he made such a terrible noise in the water, that a man would greatly have marveled, except he had known the cause of it: but God be thanked, we were quietly delivered of him. And a little after we spied certain Islands, with which we bore, and found good harbour in 15 or 18 fathom, and black oze: we came to an anchor at a North-east sun, & named the Island S. james his Island, S james Island. where we found fresh water. Sunday, much wound blowing we road still. Monday I went on shore and took the latitude, which was 70 degrees 42 minutes: the variation of the compass was 7 degrees and a half from the North to the West. The variation of the Compass 7 degrees and a half. Tuesday we plied to the Westwards alongst the shore, the wound being at Northwest, and as I was about to come to anchor, we see a sail coming about the point, wherunder we thought to have ankered. Then I sent a skiff aboard of him, and at their coming aboard, they took acquaintance of them, and the chief man said he had been in our company in the river Cola, The relation of Loshak. and also declared unto them that we were past the way which should bring us to the Ob. The way to the river of Ob. This land, said he, is called Nova Zembla, A mighty hill in Nova Zembla. that is to say, the New land: and then he came aboard himself with his skiff, and at his coming aboard he told me the like, and said further, that in this Nova Zembla is the highest mountain in the world, as he thought, & that Camen Bolshay, which is on the main of Pechora, is not to be compared to this mountain, but I see it not: he made me also certain demonstrations of the way to the Ob, and seemed to make haste on his own way, being very loath to tarry, because the year was far passed, and his neighbour had set Pechora, and not he: so I gave him a steel glass, two pewter spoons, and a pair of velvet sheathed knives: and then he seemed somewhat the more willing to tarry, and showed me as much as he known for our purpose: he also gave me 17 wild geese, and showed me that four of their lodias were driven perforce from Caninoze to this Nova Zembla. This man's name was Loshak. Loshak. Wednesday, as we plied to the Eastwards, we espied another sail, which was one of this Loshaks company, and we bore room, and spoke with him, who in like sort told us of the Ob, as the other had done. Thursday, we plied to the Eastwards, the wind being at Eastnortheast. Friday, the gale of wind began to increase, and came Westerly withal, so that by a Northwest sun we were at an anchor among the Islands of Uaigats, where we see two small lodias, The Islands of Uagaits. the one of them came aboard of us, and presented me with a great loaf of bread: and they told me that they were all of Colmogro, except one man that dwelled at Pechora, who seemed to be the chiefest among them in kill of the Morse. There were some of their company on shore, which did chase a white bear over the high clifs into the water, which bear the lodia that was aboard of us killed in our sight. This day there was a great gale of wound at North, and we see so much ice driving a seaboord, that it was then no going to sea. August. SAturday I went ashore, and there I see three morses that they had killed: they held one tooth of a Morse, which was not great, at a roble, and one white bear skin at three robles & two robles: they further told me, that there were people called Samoeds on the great Island, Samoeds. and that they would not abide them nor us, who have no houses, but only coverings made of Deers skins, set over them with stakes: they are men expert in shooting, and have great plenty of Deer. This night there fallen a cruel storm, the wound being at West. Sunday we had very much wind, with plenty of snow, and we road with two anchors a head. Monday we weighed and went room with another Island, which was five leagues Eastnortheast from us: and there I met again with Loshak, and went on shore with him, and he brought me to a heap of the Samoeds idols, which were in number above 300, the worst and the most unartificial work that ever I see: The manners of the Samoeds. the eyes and mouths of sundry of them were bloody, they had the shape of men, women and children, very grossly wrought, & that which they had made for other parts, was also sprinkled with blood. Some of their idols were an old stick with two or three notches, made with a knife in it. I see much of the footing of the said Samoeds, and of the sleds that they ride in. There was one of their sleds broken, and lay by the heap of idols, & there I see a deers skin which the fowls had spoiled: and before certain of their idols blocks were made as high as their mouths, being all bloody, I thought that to be the table whereon they offered their sacrifice: I see also the instruments, whereupon they had roasted flesh, and as far as I could perceive, they make their fire directly under the spit. Loshak being there present told me that these Samoeds were not so hurtful as they of Ob are, The Samoeds of the Ob very hurtful and shrewd people. and that they have no houses, as indeed I see none, but only tents made of Deers skins, which they underproppe with stakes and poles: their boats are made of Deers skins, and when they come on shore they carry their boats with them upon their backs: for their carriages they have no other beasts to serve them, but Dear only. As for bread and corn they have none, except the Russes bring it to them: their knowledge is very ba●e, for they know no letter. Tuesday we turned for the harbour where Loshaks bark lay, whereas before we road under an Island. And there he came aboard of us and said unto me: if God send wind and weather to serve, I will go to the Ob with you, because the Morses were scant at these Islands of Vaigats: but if he could not get to the river of Ob, than he said he would go to the river of Naramzay, where the people were not altogether so savage as the Samoyds of the Ob are: Naramzay. he showed me that they will shoot at all men to the uttermost of their power, that cannot speak their speech. Wednesday we see a terrible heap of ice approach near unto us, and therefore we thought good with all speed possible to departed from thence, and so I returned to the Westwards again, to the Island where we were the 31 of july. Thursday I went a shore, and took the latitude, which was 70 degrees 25 minutes: and the variation of the compass was 8 degrees from the North to the West. The latitude. The variation of the compass. Loshak and the two small Lodias of Pechora departed from this Island, while I was on shore taking the latitude, and went to the Southwards: I marveled why he departed so suddenly, and went over the shoals amongst the Islands where it was impossible for us to follow them. But after I perceived them to be weatherwise. Friday we road still, the wind being at Northnortheast, with a cruel storm. The ice came in so abundantly about us at both ends of the Island that we road under, that it was a fearful sight to behold: the storm continued with snow, rain, and hail plenty. Saturday we road still also, the storm being somewhat abated, but it was altogether misty, that we were not able to see a cables length about us, the wind being at Northeast and by East. Sunday at four of the clock in the morning we departed from this Island, the wind being at Southeast, and as we were clear a sea board the small Islands and shoals, it came so thick with mists, that we could not see a base shot from us. Then we took in all our sails to make little way. At a Southeast sun it waxed clear, and then we set our sails, and lay close by the wound to the Southwards alongst the Islands of Vaigats. At a West sun we took in our sail again because of the great mist and rain. We sounded at this place, and had five and twenty fathoms water, and soft black oze, being three leagues from the shore, the wind being at South and by East, but still misty. Monday at an East sun we sounded, and ●ad 40 fathoms, and oze, still misty: at noon we sounded again, and had 36 fathom, still misty. Tuesday at an Eastnortheast sun we let fall our anchor in three and twenty fathom, the mist still continuing. Wednesday at three of the clock in the morning the mist broke up, the wound being at Northeast & by East, and then we see part of the Islands of Vaigats, which we bore withal, and went Eastsoutheast close by the wind: at a West sun we were at an anchor under the South-west part of the said Vaigats, They land upon Vaigats. and then I sent our skiff to shore with three men in her, to see if they might speak with any of the Samoeds, but could not: all that day was rainy, but not windy. Thursday the wound came Westerly, so that we were feign to seek us another place to ride in, because the wound came a seaboord land, and although it were misty, yet we followed the shore by our lead: and as we brought land in the wind of us, we let fall our anchor. At a West sun the mist broke up, so that we might see about us, and then we might perceive that we were entered into a sound. This afternoon we took in two or three skiffes lading of stones to ballast our ship withal. It hyeth here four foot water, and floweth by fits, uncertain to be judged. The vncer●entie of ●●bing & flowing. Friday we road still in the sound, the wound at South-west, with very much rain, and at the end of the rain it waxed again misty. Saturday there was much wind at West, and much rain, and then again misty. Sunday was very misty, and much wind. Monday very misty, the wind at Westnorthwest. Tuesday was also misty, except at noon: then the sun broke out through the mist, so that we had the latitude in 70 degrees 10 minutes: the afternoon was misty again, the wound being at Westnorthwest. Wednesday at three of the clock afternoon the mist broke up, & the wound came at Eastnortheast, and then we weighed, and went South & by East, until seven of the clock, eight leagues, thinking to have had sight of the sandy hills that are to the Eastwards of the river Pechora. At a Northwest sun we taken in our main sail, because the wound increased, & went with a foresail Westnorthwest, the wound being at Eastnortheast: at night there grew so terrible a storm, that we see not the like, although we had endured many storms since we came out of England. It was wonderful that our bark was able to brook such monstrous & terrible seas, without the great help of God, who never faileth them at need, that put their sure trust in him. Thursday at a Southsouthwest sun, thanks be to God, the storm was at the highest, & then the wind began to slake, and came Northerly withal, & then I reckoned the Westermost point of the river Pechora to be South of us 15 leagues. They were within 15 leagues of Pechora At a Westsouthwest sun we set our main sail, and lay close by the wind, the wind being at Northwest and by North, making but little way, because the billow went so high: at midnight we cast about, and the ship caped Northnortheast, making little way. Friday at noon we had the latitude in 70 degrees 8 minutes, and we sounded, and had 29 fathoms sand, and in manner stremy ground. At a West sun we cast about to the Westwards, and a little after the wound came up at West. Saturday was calm: the latitude this day at noon was 70 degrees and a terce, we sounded here, and had nine and forty fathoms and oze, which oze signified that we drawn towards Nova Zembla. And thus we being out of all hope to discover any more to the Eastward this year, we thought it best to return, and that for three causes. They return the 22 of August. The first, the continual North-east and Northerly winds, which have more power after a man is passed to the Eastwards of Caninoze, then in any place that I do know in these Northerly regions. Second, because of great and terrible abundance of ice which we see with our eyes, and we doubt greater store abideth in those parts: I adventured already somewhat too far in it, but I thank God for my safe deliverance from it. Third, because the nights waxed dark, and the winter began to draw on with his storms: and therefore I resolved to take the first best wound that God should sand, and ply towards the bay of S. Nicholas, and to see if we might do any good there, if God would permit it. This present Saturday we see very much ice, and were within two or three leagues of it: it showed unto us as though it had been a firm land as far as we might see from Northwest of us to the Eastwards: and this afternoon the Lord sent us a little gale of wound at South, so that we bore clear off the Westermost part of it, thanks be to God. And then against night it waxe● calm again, and the wind was at South-west: we made our way until Sunday noon Northwest and by West, and then we had the latitude in 70 degrees and a half, the wind at South-west: there was a billow, so that we could not discern to take the latitude exactly, but by a reasonable guess. Monday there was a pretty gale of wound at South, so that we went West and by South, the latitude this day at noon was 70 degrees 10 minutes: we had little-winde all day: at a Westnorthwest sun we sounded, and had 29 fathoms black sandy oze, & then we were North-east 5 leagues from the North-east part of the Island Colgoieve. Tuesday the wound all Westerly we plied to the wound wards. Wednesday the wound was all Westerly, and calm: we had the latitude this day in 70 degrees 10 minutes, we being within three leagues of the North part of the Island Colgoieve. Thursday, we went room about the Westermost part of the Island, seeking where we might find a place to ride in for a Northwest wound, but could found none, and then we cast about again to the seawards, and the wind came at Westsouthwest, and this morning we had plenty of snow. Friday, the wind being at Southwest and by West, we plied to the windewards. Saturday, the wind being at South, we plied to the Westwards, and at afternoon the mist broke up, and then we might see the land seven or eight leagues to the Eastwards of Caninoz: we sounded a little before and had 35. fathoms and oze. And a while after we sounded again, and had 19 fathom and sand: then we were within three leagues and a half of the shore, and towards night there came down so much wind, that we were feign to bring our ship a try, and laid her head to the Westwards. Sunday, the wind become more calm, and then it waxed very misty: At noon we cast about to the Eastwards, the wind being at South, and ran eight hours on that board, and then we cast about and caped West south-west: we sounded and had 32. fathoms, and tough oaze like clay. Monday, we doubled about Caninoze, and came at an anchor there, to the intent that we might kill some fish if God would permit it, and there we gace a great Nuse, which Nuses were there so plenty, that they would scarcely suffer any other fish to come near the hooks: the said Nuses carried away sundry of our hooks and leads. A little after at a West Sun, the wind began to blow stormy at West south-west, so that we were feign to weigh and forsake our fishing ground, and went close by the wind Southwest, and South-west and by West, making our way South south-west. September. TUesday at a West Sun we sounded and had 20. fathoms, and broken W●●keshels: I reckoned Canonize to be 24. leagues Northnortheast from us. The eleventh day we arrived at Colmogro, and there we wintered, expecting the approach of the next Summer to proceed farther in our intended discovery for the Ob: which (by reason of our employments to Wardhouse the next spring for the search of some English ships) was not accordingly performed. Certain notes unperfectly written by Richard johnson servant to Master Richard Chancellor, which was in the discovery of Vaigatz and Nova Zembla, with Steven Burrow in the Serchthrift 1556. 1556 and afterward ●●ong the Samoedes, whose devilish rites he describeth. FIrst, after we departed out of England we fallen with Norway, Norway. and on that cost lieth Northbern or Northbergen, and this people are under the King of Denmark: But they differ in their speech from the Da●es, for they speak Norsh. And North of Northbern lie the Isles of Roast and Lofoot, Roast & Lofoot. and these Islands pertain unto Finmarke, Finmarke. and they keep the laws and speak the language of the Islanders. And at the Eastermost part of that land is a castle which is called the Ward house, Wardhouse. and the King of Denmark doth fortify it with men of war: and the Russes may not go to the Westward of that castle. And East Southeast from that castle is a land called Lappia: Lappia. in which land be two manner of people, that is to say, the Lappians, and the Scrickfinnes, The Scricfinnes. which Scrickfinnes are a wild people which neither know God, nor yet good order: and these people live intents made of dears skins: and they have no certain habitations, but continued in herds and companies by one hundred and two hundred. And they are a people of small stature, and are clothed in dears skins, and drink nothing but water, and eat no bread but flesh all raw. And the Lappians be a people adjoining to them & be much like to them in all conditions: The Lappians. but the Emperor of Russia hath of late overcome many of them, and they are in subjection to him. And this people will say that they believe in the Russes God. And they live in tents as the other do. And Southeast and by South from Lappia lieth a province called Corelia, Corelia. and these people are called Kerilli. And South southeast from Corelia lieth a country called Novogardia. Novogardia. The Russes. And these three nations are under the Emperor of Russia, and the Russes keep the Law of the Greeks in their Churches, and writ somewhat like as the Greeks writ, and they speak their own language, and they abhor the Latin tongue, neither have they to do with the Pope of Rome, and they hold it not good to worship any carved Image, yet they will worship painted Images on tables or boards. And in Russia their Churches, steeples, and houses are all of wood: and their ships that they have are sowed with withes and have no nails. The Kerilles, Russians and Moscovians be much alike in all conditions. And South from the Moscovians lieth Tartarians, Tartary. which be Mahumetans, and live in tents and wagons, and keep in herds and companies: and they hold it not good to abide long in one place, for they will say, when they will curse any of their children, I would thou mightest tarry so long in a place that thou mightest smell thy own dung, as the Christians do: and this is the greatest curse that they have. And East North-east of Russia lieth Lampas, Lampas a mart or fair of the Russes, Tartars and Samoeds. which is a place where the Russes, Tartars and Samoeds meet twice a year, and make the fair to barter wares for wares. And North-east from Lampas lieth the country of the Samoeds, which be about the river of Pechere, and these Samoeds be in subjection to the Emperor of Russia, The Samoeds country. and they lie in tents made of Dear skins, and they use much witchcraft, and shoot well in bows. And North-east from the river Pechere lieth Vaygatz● Or. Pechora● Vaegatz. and there are the wild Samoeds which will not suffer the Russes to land out of the Sea, but they will kill them and eat them, as we are told by the Russes: and they live in herds, and have all their carriages with dear, for they have no horses. Beyond Vaygatz lieth a land called Nova Zembla, Nova Zembla. Store of foul. White Foxes. White bears. which is a great land, but we saw no people, and there we had Fowl enough, and there we saw white Foxes and white Bears. And the said Samoeds which are about the banks of Pechere, which are in subjection to the Emperor of Russia, when they will remove from one place to another, than they will make sacrifices in manner following. The manner of the Samoeds sacrifices, about the river of Pechere. Every kindred doth sacrifice in their own tent, and he that is most ancient is their Priest. And first the Priest doth begin to play upon a thing like to a great sieve, with a skin on the one end like a drum: and the stick that he playeth with is about a span long, and one end is round like a ball, covered with the skin of an Heart. Also the Priest hath upon his head a thing of white like a garland, and his face is covered with a piece of a shirt of mail, with many small ribs, and teeth of fish, and wild beasts hanging on the same mail. Then he singeth as we use here in England to hollow, whope, or shout at hounds, and the rest of the company answer him with this Owtis, Igha, Igha, Igha, and then the Priest replieth again with his voices. And they answer him with the selfsame words so many times, that in the end he becometh as it were mad, and falling down as he were dead, having nothing on him but a shirt, lying upon his back I might perceive him to breath. I asked them why he lay so, and they answered me, Now doth our God tell him what we shall do, and whither we shall go. And when he had lyen still a little while, they cried thus three times together. Oghao, Oghao, Oghao, and as they use these three calls, he rises with his head and lieth down again, and then he rose up and sang with like voices as he did before: an● his audience answered him, Igha Igha, Igha. Then he commanded them to kill five Olens or great Deer, and continued singing still both he and they as before. Then he took a sword of a cubit and a span long, (I did meet it myself) and put it into his belly halfeway and sometime less, but no wound was to be seen, (they continuing in their sweet song still) Then he put the sword into the fire till it was warm, and so thrust it into the slit of his shirt and thrust it through his body, as I thought, in at his navel and out at his fundament: the point being out of his shirt behind, I laid my finger upon it, than he pulled out the sword and sat down. This being done, they set a kettle of water over the fire to heat, and when the water doth se●●he, the Priest beginneth to sing again they answering him, for so long as the water was in heating, they sat and sang not. Then they made a thing being four square, and in height and squareness of a chair, and covered with a gown very close the forepart thereof, for the hinder part stood to the tents side. Their tents are round and are called Chome in their language. The water still seething on the fire, and this square seat being ready, the Priest put off his shirt, and the thing like a garland which was on his head, with those things which covered his face, & he had on yet all this while a pair of hosen of deer's skins with the hair on, which came up to his buttocks. So he went into the square seat, and sat down like a tailor and sang with a strong voice or hallowing. Then they took a small line made of deer's skins of four fathoms long, and with a small knot the Priest made it fast about his neck, and under his left arm, and gave it unto two men standing on both sides of him, which held the ends together. Then the kettle of hot water was set before him in the square seat, all this time the square seat was not covered, and then it was covered with a gown of broad clot without lining, such as the Russes do wear. Then the 2. men which did hold the ends of the line still standing there, began to draw, & drawn till they had drawn the ends of the line stiff and together, and then I heard a thing fall into the kettle of water which was before him in the tent. Thereupon I asked them that sat by me what it was that fallen into the water that stood before him. And they answered me, that it was his head, his shoulder and left arm, which the line had cut off, I mean the knot which I saw afterward drawn hard together. Then I rose up and would have looked whether it were so or not, but they laid hold on me, and said, that if they should see him with their bodily eyes, they should live no longer. And the most part of them can speak the Ruff tongue to be understood: and they took me to be a Russian. Then they be gan to hollow with these words, Oghaoo, Oghaoo, Oghaoo, many times together. And as they were thus singing & out calling, I saw a thing like a finger of a man two times together thrust through the gown from the Priest. I asked them that sat next to me what it was that I saw, and they said, not his finger; for he was yet dead: and that which I see appear through the gown was a beast, but what beast they known not nor would not tell. And I looked upon the gown, and there was no hole to be seen: and then at the last the Priest lifted up his head with his shoulder and arm, and all his body, and came forth to the fire. Thus far of their service which I saw during the space of certain hours: but how they do worship their Idols that I see not: for they put up their stuff for to remove from that place where they lay. And I went to him that served the Priest, and asked him what their God said to him when he lay as dead. He answered, that his own people doth not know, neither is it for them to know: for they must do as he commanded. This I see the fift day of januarie in the year of our Lord 1556. after the English account. A discourse of the honourable receiving into England of the first Ambassador from the Emperor of Russia, in the year of Christ 1556. and in the third year of the reign of Queen Marie, serving for the third voyage to Moscovie. Registered by Master john Incent Protonotary. IT is here recorded by writing and authentical testimony, partly for memory of things done, and partly for the verity to be known to posterity in time to come, that whereas the most high and mighty ivan Vasilivich Emperor of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Moscovia and Novogrode, Emperor of Cassan, and of Astrachan, Lord of Pleskie, and great Duke of Smolenskie, Tuerskie, Yowgoriskie, Permskie, Viatskie, Bolgarskie, and Sibierskie, Emperor and great Duke of many others, as Novogrode in the neither countries, Chernigoskie, Rezanskie, Polodskie, Rezewskie, Bielskie, Rostoskie, Yeraslaveskie, Bealozarskie, Oudarskie, Obdorskie, Condenskie, and many other countries, and lord over all those parts, in the year of our Lord God, following the account of the Latin church, 1556. sent by the sea from the port of S. Nicholas in Russia, his right honourable ambassador surnamed Osep Napea, his high officer in the town and country of Vologda, to the most famous and excellent princes, Philip and Mary by the grace of God, king and Queen of England, Spain, France and Ireland, defenders of the faith, Archdukes of Austria, dukes of Burgundy, Milan, & Brabant, counties of Haspurge, Flanders and tyrol, his ambassador & Orator with certain letters tenderly conceived, together with certain presents and gifts mentioned in the foot of this memorial, as a manifest argument and token of a mutual amity and friendship to be made and continued between their majesties & subjects respectively, for the commodity and benefit of both the realms and people: which Orator was the 20. day of july embarked and shipped in, and upon a good English ship named the Edward Bonaventure, belonging to the Governor, Consuls and company of English merchants, Richard Chancellor being grand Pilot, and john Buckland master of the said ship. In which was laden at the adventure of the foresaid Ambassador, and merchants at several accounts, goods & merchandizes, viz. in wax, trane oil, tallow, furs, felts, yarn and such like, to the sum of 20000. li. sterling, together with 16. Russies' attendant upon the person of the said Ambassador. Over and above ten other Russies shipped within the said Bay of S. Nicholas, Four ships. in one other good ship to the said company also belonging called the Bona Speranza, with goods of the said Orators & merchants to the value of 6000. lib. sterling, as by the invoises and letters of lading of the said several ships (whereunto relation is to be had) particularly appeareth. Which good ships coming in good order into the seas, & traversing the same in their journey towards the coast of England, were by contrary winds and extreme tempests of weather severed the one from the other, that is to say, the said Bona Speranza with two other English ships also appertaining to the said company, the one surnamed the Philip and Mary, the other the Confidentia, were driven on the coast of Norway, into Drenton water, where the said Confidentia was seen to perish on a Rock, and the other, videlicet, the Bona Speranza, with her whole company, being to the number of four and twenty people seemed to winter there, whereof no certainty at this present day is known. The third, videlicet, the Philip and Mary arrived in the Thames nigh London the eighteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred fifty and seven. The Edward Bonaventure traversing the seas four months, The Edward Bonaventure arrived in Scotland● in the Bay of Pettislego. Novemb. 7. 1556. finally the tenth day of November of the aforesaid year of our Lord one thousand f●ue hundred, fifty and six, arrived within the Scottish coast in a Bay named Pettislego, where by outrageous tempests, and extreme storms, the said ship being beaten from her ground tackles, was driven upon the rocks on shore, where she broke and split in pieces in such sort, as the grand Pilot using all carefulness for the safety of the body of the said Ambassador and his train, taking the boat of the said ship, trusting to attain the shore, and so to save and preserve the body, and seven of the company or attendants of the said Ambassador, the same boat by rigorous waves of the seas, was by dark night overwhelmed and drowned, wherein perished not only the body of the said grand Pilot, Rich. Chancellor drowned. with seven Russes, but also divers of the Mariners of the said ship: the noble parsonage of the said Ambassador with a few others (by God's preservation and special favour) only with much difficulty saved. In which shipwreck not only the said ship was broken, but also the whole mass and body of the goods laden in her, was by the rude and ravenous people of the Country thereunto adjoining, rifled, spoiled and carried away, to the manifest loss and utter destruction of all the lading of the said ship, and together with the ship, apparel, ordinance and furniture belonging to the company, in value of one thousand pounds, of all which was not restored toward the costs and charges to the sum of five hundred pound sterling. As soon as by letters addressed to the said company, and in London delivered the sixt of December last passed, it was to them certainly known of the loss of their Pilot, men, goods and ship, the same merchants with all celerity and expedition, obtained not only the Queen's majesties most gracious and favourable letters to the Lady Dowager, and lords of the Council of Scotland for the gentle comfortment and entertainment of the said Ambassador, his train and company, with preservation and restitution of his goods, as in such miserable cases, to Christian pity, princely honour and mere justice appertaineth, but also addressed two Gentlemen of good learning, gravity and estimation, videlicet, Master Laurence Hussie Doctor of the Civil Law, and George Gilpin with money and other requisites into the Realm of Scotland, to comfort, aid, assist, and relieve him and his there, and also to conduct the Ambassador into England, sending with them by post a Talmach or Speachman for the better furniture of the service of the said Ambassador, trusting thereby to have the more ample and speedy redress of restitution: which personages using diligence, arrived at Edinburgh (where the Queen's court was) the three and twentieth day of the said month of December, who first visiting the said Ambassador, declaring the causes of their coming and Commission, showing the letters addressed in his favour, the order given them for his solace and furniture of all such things as he would have, together with their daily and ready service to attend upon his person and affairs, repaired consequently unto the Dowager Queen, delivering the letters. Whereupon they received gentle answers, with hope and comfort of speedy restitution of the goods, apparel, jewels and letters: for the more appearance whereof, the Queen sent first certain Commissioners with an Harold of arms to Pettislego, the place of the Shipwreck, commanding by Proclamation and other Edicts, all such people (no degree excepted) as had any part of such goods as were spoiled and taken out or from the ship to bring them in, and to restore the same with such further order as her grace by advise of her Council thought expedient: by reason whereof not without great labours, pains and charges (after long time) divers small parcels of Wax, and other small trifling things of no value, were by the poorer sort of the Scots brought to the Commissioners, but the jewels, rich apparel, presents, gold, silver, costly furs, and such like, were conveyed away, concealed and utterly embezzled. Whereupon, the Queen at the request of the said Ambassador, caused divers people to the number of 180. or more, to be called personally before her princely presence, to answer to the said spoil, & really to exhibit and bring in all such things as were spoilt and violently taken, & carried out of the same, whereof not only good testimony by writing was showed, but also the things themselves found in the hands of the Scottish subjects, who by subtle and crafty dealings, by connivence of the commissioners, so used or rather abused themselves towards the same Orator & his attendants, that no effectual restitution was made: but he fatigated with daily attendance and charges, the 14. day of February next ensuing, distrusting any real and effectual rendering of the said goods and merchandises and other the premises, upon leave obtained of the said Queen, departed towards England, having attending upon him the said two English Gentlemen and others (leaving nevertheless in Scotland three Englishmen to pursue the delivery of such things as were collected to have been sent by ship to him in England: His departure from Scotland towards England. which being in April next, and not before embarked for London, was not at this present day here arrived) came the 18. day of February to Barwike within the dominion and realm of England, where he was by the Queen's majesties letters and commandment honourably received, used and entertained by the right honourable lord Wharton, lord Warden of the East marches, with goodly conducting from place to place, as the daily journeys done ordinarily did lie, in such order, manner and form, as to a parsonage of such estate appertaineth. He prosecuting his voyage until the 27. 1557. Febr. 27. of February approached to the city of London within twelve English miles, where he was received with fourscore merchants with chains of gold and goodly apparel, as well in order of men servants in one uniform livery, as also in and upon good horses and geldings, who conducting him to a merchants house four miles from London, received there a quantity of gold, velvet and silk, with all furniture thereunto requisite, wherewith he made him a riding garment, reposing himself that night. The next day being Saturday and the last day of February, he was by the merchants adventuring for Russia, to the number of one hundred and forty people, and so many or more servants in one livery, as abovesaid, conducted towards the city of London, where by the way he had not only the hunting of the Fox and such like sport showed him, but also by the Queen's majesties commandment was received and embraced by the right honourable U●scount Montague, sent by her grace for his entertainment: His honourable receiving into the city of London. he being accompanied with divers lusty knights, esquires, gentlemen and yeomen to the number of three hundred horses led him to the North parts of the City of London, where by four notable merchants richly appareled was presented to him a right fair and large gelding richly trapped, together with a foot-cloth of Orient crimson velvet, enriched with gold laces, all furnished in most glorious fashion, of the present, and gift of the said merchants: where upon the Ambassador at instant desire mounted, riding on the way towards Smithfield bars, the first limits of the liberties of the City of London. The Lord Maior accompanied with all the Aldermen in their scarlet did receive him, and so riding through the City of London in the middle, between the Lord Maior and Uiscount Montague, a great number of merchants and notable personages riding before, and a large troop of servants and apprentices following, was conducted through the City of London (with great admiration and plausibility of the people running plentifully on all sides, and replenishing all streets in such sort as no man without difficulty might pass) into his lodging situate in Fant church street, where were provided for him two chambers richly hanged and decked, over and above the gallant furniture of the whole house, together with an ample and rich cupboard of plate of all sorts, to furnish and serve him at all meals, and other services during his abode in London, which was, as is underwritten, until the third day of May: during which time daily divers Aldermen and the gravest personages of the said company did visit him, providing all kind of victuals for his table and his servants, with all sorts of Officers to attend upon him in good sort and condition, as to such an ambassador of honour doth and aught to appertain. It is also to be remembered that at his first entrance into his chamber, there was presented unto him on the Queen's majesties behalf for a gift and present, and his better furniture in apparel, one rich piece of clot of tissue, a piece of clot of gold, another piece of clot of gold raised with crimson velvet, a piece of crimson velvet in grain, a piece of purple velvet, a piece of Damask purpled, a piece of crimson damask, which he most thankfully accepted. In this beautiful lodging refreshing and preparing himself and his train with things requisite he abode, expecting the king's majesties repair out of Flanders into England, whose highness arriving the one and twenty of March, the same Ambassador the five and twentieth of March being the Annunciation of our Lady (the day twelvemonth he took his leave from the Emperor his master) was most honourably brought to the King and Queen's majesties court at Westminster, where accompanied first with the said Uiscount and other notable personages, and the merchants, he arriving at Westminster bridge, was there received with six lords, conducted into a stately chamber, where by the lords, Chancellor, Treasurer, Privy seal, Admiral, bishop of Elie, and other Counsellors, he was visited and saluted: and consequently was brought unto the Kings and Queen's majesties presence, sitting under a stately clot of honour, the chamber most richly decked and furnished, and most honourably presented. Where, after that he had delivered his letters, made his Oration, given two timber of Sables, and the report of the same made both in English and Spanish, in most loving manner embraced, was with much honour and high entertainment, in sight of a great confluence of people, Lords and Ladies eftsoons remitted by water to his former lodging, to the which, within two days after by the assignment of the King and Queen's majesties, repaired and conferred with him secretly two grave Counsellors, that is, the lord Bishop of Elie, and Sir William Peter Knight, chief Secretary to their Highness, who after divers secret talks and conferences, reported to their highness their proceed, the gravity wisdom, and stately behaviour of the said Ambassador, in such sort as was much to their majesties contentations. A league and articles of amity concluded and confirmed under the great seal of England. Finally concluding upon such treaties and articles of amity, as the letters of the Kings and Queen's majesties most graciously under the great seal of England to him by the said counsellors delivered, doth appear. The three and twentieth of April, being the feast of S. George, wherein was celebrated the solemnity of the Noble order of the Garter at Westminster, the same lord ambassador was eftsoons required to have audience: and therefore conducted from the said lodging to the court by the right Noble the lords Talbot and Lumley to their majesties presence: where, after his Oration made, and thanks both given and received, he most honourably took his leave with commendations to the Emperor. Which being done, he was with special honour led into the chapel where before the Kings and Queens majesties, in the sight of the whole Order of the Garter, was prepared for him a stately seat, wherein he accompanied with the Duke of Norfolk, the lords last above mentioned, and many other honourable personages, was present at the whole service, in ceremonies which were to him most acceptable: the divine service ended, he eftsoons was remitted and reduced to his barge, and so repaired to his lodging, in like order and gratulation of the people universally, as before. Four goodly ships of the merchants provided for Russia, 1557. The time of the year hasting the profection and departure of the Ambassador, the merchants having prepared four goodly and well trimmed ships laden with all kinds of merchandises apt for Russia, the same Ambassador making provision for such things as him pleased, the same ships in good order vailed down the River of Thames, from London to Gravesend, where the same Ambassador with his train and furniture was embarked towards his voyage homeward, which God prospero in all felicity. It is also to be remembered, that during the whole abode of the said Ambassador in England, the Agents of the said merchants did not only prosecute and pursue the matter of restitution in Scotland, and caused such things to be laden in an English ship hired purposely to convey the ambassadors goods to London, there to be delivered to him, but also during his abode in London, did both invite him to the Mayor, and divers worshipful men's houses, feasting and banqueting him right friendly, showing unto him the most notable and commendable sights of London, as the king's palace and house, the Churches of Westminster and Paul's, the Tower and Guild hall of London, and such like memorable spectacles. And also the said 29. day of April, the said merchants assembling themselves together in the house of the Draper's hall of London, exhibited and gave unto the said Ambassador, a notable supper garnished with music, Interludes and banquets: in the which a cup of wine being drunk to him in the name and ●lieu of the whole company, it was signified to him that the whole company with most liberal and friendly hearts, did frankly give to him and his all manner of costs and charges in victuals riding from Scotland to London during his abode there, and until setting of sail aboard the ship, requesting him to accept the same in good part as a testimony and witness of their good hearts, zeal and tenderness towards him and his country. It is to be considered that of the Bona Speranza no word nor knowledge was had at this present day, nor yet of the arrival of the ships or goods from Scotland. The third of May the Ambassador departed from London to Gravesend, accompanied with divers Aldermen and merchants, who in good guard set him aboard the noble ship, the Primrose Admiral to the Fleet, where leave was taken on both sides and parts, after many embracements and divers farewells not without expressing of tears. The King and Queens second letters to the Emperor of Russia. Memorandum, that the first day of May the Counsellors, videlicet, the Bishop of Elye, and Sir William Peter on the behalf of the Kings and Queen's majesties repairing to the lord Ambassador did not only deliver unto him their highness letters of recommendations under the great seal of England to the Emperor, very tenderly and friendly written, but also on their majesties behalf gave and delivered certain notable presents to the emperors person, and also gifts for the lord Ambassadors proper use and behoof, as by the particulars under written appeareth, with such further good words and commendations, as the more friendly have not been herded, whereby it appeareth how well affected their honour's be to have and continued amity and traffic between their honours and their subjects: which thing as the kings and Queen's majesties have showed of their princely munificences & liberalities, so have likewise the merchants and fellowship of the Adventurers, for and to Russia, manifested to the world their good wills, minds and zeals ●orne to this new commenced voyage, as by the discourse above mentioned, and other the notable acts over long to be recited in this present memorial, doth and may most clearly appear, the like whereof is not in any precedent or history to be showed. Forasmuch as it may be doubted how the ship named the Edward Bonaventure suffered shipwreck, what become of the goods, how much they were spoilt and detained, how little restored, what charges and expenses ensued, what personages were drowned, how the rest of the ships either arrived or perished, or how the disposition of almighty God hath wrought his pleasure in them, how the same ambassador hath been after the miserable case of shipwreck in Scotland unreverently abused, and consequently into England received and conducted, there entertained, used, honoured, and finally in good safety towards his return, and repair furnished, and with much liberality and frank handling friendly dismissed, to the intent that the truth of the premises may be to the most mighty Emperor of Russia sincerely signified in eschewment of all events and misfortunes that may chance in this voyage (which God defend) to the ambassadors person, train, and goods, this present memorial is written, and autentikely made, and by the said Ambassador his servants, whose names be underwritten, and train in presence of the Notary, and witnesses vndernamed, recognised, and acknowledged. Given the day, month, and year underwritten, of which instrument into every of the said Ships one testimonial is delivered, and the first remains with the said Company in London. Gifts sent to the King and Queen's Majesties of England by the Emperor of Russia, by the report of the Ambassador, and spoiled by the Scots after the Shipwreck. 1 First, six timber of Sables rich in colour and hair. 2 Item, twenty entire Sables exceeding beautiful with teeth, ears and claws. 3 Item, four living Sables with chains and collars. 4 Item, thirty Lusarnes large and beautiful. 5 Item, six large and great skins very rich and rare, worn only by the Emperor for worthiness. 6 Item, a large and fair white jerfawcon for the wild Swan, Crane, Goose, and other great Fowls, together with a drum of silver, the hoops gilded, used for a lure to call the said Hawk. Gifts sent to the Emperor of Russia by the King and Queen's Majesties of England. 1 First, two rich pieces of clot of Tissue. 2 Item, one fine piece of Scarlet. 3 Item, one fine Violet in grain. 4 Item, one fine Azure clot. 5 Item, a notable pair of Brigandines with a Morion covered with Crimson velvet and gilded nails. 6 Item, a Male and Female Lions. Gifts given to the Ambassador at his departure, over and above such as were delivered unto him at his first arrival. 1 First, a chain of gold of one hundred pound. 2 Item, a large Basin and Ewer, silver and gilt. 3 Item, a pair of pottle pots gilt. 4 Item, a pair of flagons gift. The names of all such Russies as were attendant upon the Ambassador, at and before his departure out of England. Isaak Fwesschencke. Demetre. Gorbolones. Symonde. Yeroffia. Stephen. Lowca. Andria. Foma. Memorandum, the day and year of our Lord above mentioned, in the house of the worshipful john Dimmocke Citizen and Draper of London, situate within the famous City of London in the Realm of England, the above named honourable Osep Gregorywich Napea Ambassador and Orator above mentioned, personally constituted and present, having declared unto him by the mouth of the right worshipful master Anthony Hussie Esquire, the effect of the causes and contents, of, and in this book, at the interpretation of Robert Best his interpreter sworn, recognised, and knowledged in presence of me the Notary & personages under written, the contents of this book to be true, aswell for his own person as for his servants above named, who did not subscribe their names as is above mentioned, but only recognised the same. In witness whereof. I john Incent Notary Public, at the request of the said Master Anthony Hussie, and other of the Merchants have to these presents underwritten set my accustomed sign, with the Subscription of my name, the day and year above written, being present the right Worshipful, Aldermen of London: Knights. Andrew judde. George Barn. William Chester. Ralph Greeneaway.— john Mersh Esquire. john Dimmock. Blaze Sanders. Hubert Hussie, and Robert Best above mentioned. The voyage of the foresaid M. Stephen Burrough, An. 1557. from Colmogro to Wardhouse, which was sent to seek the Bona Esperanza, the Bona Confidentia, and the Philip and Mary, which were not herded of the year before. May. Upon Sunday the 23. of May, I departed with the Searchthrift from Colmogro, the latitude whereof is 64. degrees, 25. minutes, and the variation of the compass, 5. degrees, 10. minutes from the North to the East. Wednesday we came to the Island called Pozanka, which Island is within four leagues of the bar Berozova. It floweth here at an East and by South Moon full sea. Saturday in the morning we departed from Pozanka, and plied to the bar of Berôzova Gooba, whereupon we came to anchor at a low water, and sounded the said Bar with our two Skiffes, and found in the best upon the shoaldest of the bar 13. foot water by the rule. It high●th upon this bar, in spring streams 3. foot water: and an East Moon maketh a full sea upon this bar. Sunday in the morning we departed from the bar of Berozova, and plied along by the shoalds in five fathom, until I had sight of S. Nicholas road, and then we cast about to the Northwards, and went with a hommocke, which is half a mile to the Eastwards of Coya Reca, Coia Reca. which hommocke and S. Nicholas abbey lie Southsouthwest, and Northnortheast, and between them are 11. leagues. Coia Reca is half a mile to the Eastwards of Coscaynos. Coscaynos & the mids of the Island called Mondeustova ostrove, Coscaynos. which is thwart of the bar of Berozova lieth South and by East, North and by West, and between them are 4. leagues, or as you may say from the Seaboord part of the bar to Coscaynos are 3. leagues and a half. Monday at a North-east and by East sun we were thwart of Coscaynos. Dog's nose lieth from Coscaynos Northnorthwest, and between them are eight leagues: and Dogs nose showeth like a Gurnerds head, if you be inwardly on both sides of it: on the low point of Dog's nose there standeth a cross alone. june. FRom Dog's nose to Foxenose are three leagues, North and by West. The 2. day of june I went on shore 2. miles to the Northwards of Dog's nose, and had the latitude of that place in 65. degrees, 47. minutes. It floweth a shore at this place, at an East Moon full sea, and the ship lay thwart to wend a flood● in the off, at a Southsoutheast moon. So that it is to be understood, that when it is a full sea on the shore, it is two points to ebb, before it be a low water in the off. The variation of the Compass at this place is 4. degrees from the North to the East. Dog's nose. The variation of the Compass 4. degrees. This day the Northnorthwest wind put us back again with Dog's nose, where a ship may ride thwart of a salt house, in 4. fathom, or 4. fathom and a half of water, and have Landfange for a North and by West wind: which Salt house is half a mile to the Southwards of Dog's nose. Friday at a Southsouthwest Sun, we departed from this Salt house. It is to be noted that four miles to the Northwards of Dog's nose there grow no trees on the bank by the water side: and the banks consist of fullers earth. Over the cliffs there grow some trees: so that Dog's nose is the better to be known because it is fullers earth, and the like I have not seen in all that Country. A head of Fox nose a league from the shore there are 15. fathom: Fox nose. betwixt Fox nose and Zolatitsa there are 6. leagues, I mean the Southerly part of Fox nose. Sunday I sounded the bar of Zolatitsa, which the Russes told me was a good hardorow, but in the best of it I found but 4. foot water. Monday, I had the latitude in 66. degrees, and then was point Pentecost six leagues South of us. Point Pentecost. Wednesday I went on land at Cross Island, and took the latitude, which was 66. degrees 24. minutes . We being one league North-east of Cross Island, Cross Island. I saw the land on the Eastside, which I judged to be Cape good fortune, Cape good fortune. and it was then Eastsoutheast of us 9 leagues. Cape grace is 7. leagues and a half North-east from Cross Island. There are 2. Islands 5. leagues Northnortheast from Cape grace, Cape grace. the Southermost of them is a little long Island almost a mile long, and the Northermost a little round Island, and they are both hard aboard the shore. Cape Race is from the Southermost Island North and by West, Cape Race. and between them are two leagues, and from that and half a league Northnorthwest, there is another point. Between which point and Cape Race, the Russes have a Stanavish or harborough for their Lodias: and to the Westwards of the said point, there is a shoal bay. Three leagues and a half to Northwards of Cape Race, we had the latitude on the 10. day of this month in 67. degrees 10. minutes. Riding within half a league of the shore in this latitude I found it to be a full sea at a North and by East moon. I had where we road two and twenty fadoome, and the tallow which is taken up is full of great broken shells, and some stones withal like unto small sand congealed together. From a South sun that we weighed, the wind being at North and by East, we drived to the windwards half the ebb, with the ships head to the Eastwards. And then when we cast her head to the Westwards, we sounded, and had 22. fathom broken shells, and grey sand; this present day was very misty, with frost on the shrouds as the mist fallen. Frost in june. Friday in the morning at an East sun, the mist broke up a little, the wind being at North and by West a stiff gale, our shrouds and ropes over head being conered with frost, and likely to be a ●●orme: I thought it good to seek an harborough, and so plied room with the Islands which are two leagues to the Southwards of Cape Race, and within these Islands (thanks be to God) we found harborough for us. It higheth at these Islands two fathom water: it floweth in the harborough at this place at a Southsoutheast moon full sea: and a sea board it floweth at a Southsouthwest moon a full sea. Tri Ostrove. The Russes call this Island, Tri Ostrove. You may come in between the little Island and the great Island, and keep you in the mids of the Sound, and if you borrow on any side, let it be on the greatest Island, and you shall have at a low water, four fathom, and three fathom and a half, and three fathom, until that you be shot so far in as the narrowest, which is between the Northermost point of the greatest Island, and the Southern point of the main which is right against it, and then hale to the Northwards with the cross which standeth in the main, and you shall have at a low water 10. foot water, and fair sand. And if you be disposed to go through the Sound to the Southwards, keep the Northwest shore aboard, for on the Island side after you be shot so far in as the cross, it is a shoal of rocks half the sound over: which rocks do last unto the Southerly part of the great Island, and rather to the Southwards. And if you be constrained to seek a harbour for Northerly winds, when you come out of the sea, hale in with the Southerly part of the great Island, giving the Island a fair birth, and as you shoot towards the main, you shall find road for all Northerly winds, in four fathom, five six and seven fathom, at a low water. Also within this great Island (if need be) you may have a good place to ground a ship in: the great Island is almost a mile long and a quarter of a mile over. This storm of Northerly wind lasted until the 16. of this month, and then the wind came Southerly, but we could not get out for Ice. Ice. I went on shore at the cross, and took the latitude, which is 66. degrees, 58. minutes, 30. seconds: The variation. the variation of the Compass 3. degrees and a half from the North to the East. Thursday being fair weather, and the wind at North we plied to the windewards with sails and oars: we stopped the flood this day three leagues to the Northwards of Cape Race, two miles from the shore, and had twenty fathom water, fair grey and black sand, and broken shells. And when the slake came we weighed and made aboard to the shoare-wards, and had within two cables length of the shore, eighteen fathoms fair grey and black land: a man may find road there for a North wind, and so to the Westwards. Two leagues to the Southward of Corpus Christi point, you may have Landfang for a North and by East wind, and from that to the Westwards in 23. fathom almost a mile from shore, and fair sand, and amongst the sand little young small limpets, or such like as grow upon muscles: and within two cables length and less of the shore are eighteen fathoms, and the sounding aforesaid, but the young limpets more plentiful. It was a full sea where we road, almost a mile from shore, at a South and by West moon: two leagues to the Southwards of Corpus Christi point is the uttermost land, which land and Cape Race lieth South and half a point to Westwards, and North and half a point to the Eastwards, and between them are six leagues. Riding this day six leagues to the Northwards of Cape Race, the wind at Northnorthwest, with mist and frost, at noon the sun appeared through the mist, so that I had the latitude in 67. degrees, 29. minutes. Monday we were thwart of Corpus Christi point, Corpus Christi point. two leagues and a half from shore, or rather more, where we sounded, and had 36. fathoms, and broken cockle shells, with brannie sand, but the broken shells very thick. Tuesday in the morning we were shot a head of Cape gallant, Cape Gallant. which the Russes call Sotinoz. And as we were shot almost half a league betwixt it, and Cape comfort, the wound came up at the Northwest, and after to the Northwards, so that we were feign to bear room to seek a harbour, where we found good harbour for all winds, and the lest 7. fathom water between S. john's Islands, and the main. After that we came to an anchor, we took the latitude, which was 68 degrees 1. minute, after noon, the wind at North with plenty of snow. At a West sun there came aboard us certain Lappians in a boat, to the number of sixteen people, and amongst them there were two wenches, and some of them could speak the Ruff tongue: I asked them where their abiding was, and they told me that there was a company or herded of them, to the number of 100 men, besides women and children, but a little from us in the river jekonga. They told me that they had been to seek meat among the rocks, saying, If we get no meat, we eat none. I saw them eat rock weeds as hungerly, as a cow doth grass when she is hungry. I saw them also eat fowls eggs raw, and the young birds also that were in the eggs. I observed certain words of their language, which I thought good to set down for their use, that hereafter shall have occasion to continued this voyage. COwghtie coteat, what call you this. Poddythecke, come hither. Auanchythocke, get the hence. Anna, farewell. Teyrue, good morrow. jomme ●emaufes, I thank you. Passevellie, a friend. Olmuelke, a man. Captella, a woman. Alke, a son. Neit, a daughter, or young wench. Oyvie, a head. Cyelme, an eye. Nenna, a nose. Nealma, a mouth. Pannea, teeth. Neughtema, a tongue. Seaman, a beard. Peallee, an ear. Teappat, the neck. Voapt, the hair. Keat, a hand. Soarme, fingers. jowlkie, a leg. Peelkie, the thumb, or great toe. Sarke, woollen clot. Lein, linen clot. Payte, a shirt. Tol, fire. Keatses, water. Murr, wood. Vannace, a boat. Ariea, an oar. Nurr, a rope. Peyve, a day. Her, a night. Peyvezea, the Sun. Manna, the Moon. last, stars. Cozam volka, whither go you. Ottapp, sleep. Tallye, that. Keiedde pieve, a week. Isckie, a year. Kesse, summer. Talue, Winter. jowksam, cold. Parox, warm. Abrye, rain. Youghang, ice. Kea●ykye, a stone. Sellowpe, silver. Solda, gold. Tennae, tinnne. Veskue, copper. Rowadt, iron. Neybx, a knife. Axshe, a hatchet. Leabee, bread. jeavegoat, meal. Pencka, the wind. jowte, A platter. Kemnie, a kettle. Keestes, gloves. Sapege, shoes. Conde, a wild Dear. Poatsa, the labouring dear. Their words of number are these as followeth. Oft, 1. Noumpte, 2. Colme, 3. Nellye, 4. Vitte, 5. Cowte, 6. Keydeem, 7. Kaffts, 8. Owghchte, 9 Lock, 10. Ostretumbelocke, 11. Cowghtnumbelocke, 12. Colmenonbelocke, 13. Nellynombelocke, 14. Vittie nombelocke, 15. Cowtenombelocke, 16. Keydemnombelocke, 17. Kafts' nombelocke, 18. ought nombelocke, 19 Coffreylocke, 20. Colmelocke, 30. Nellylocke, 40. Vitte lock, 50. Cowtelocke, 60. Keydemlocke, 70. Kaffstelocke, 80. Oughcheteloke, 90. Tewer. 100 25 Friday in the morning we departed from Saint john's Island: to the Westwards thereof, a mile from the shore, we sounded, and had 36. fathoms, and oazie sand. juana Creos. juana Creos is from Cape gallant Westnorthwest, and half a point to the Northwards, and between them is 7. leagues. The point of the Island, which is Cape comfort, lieth from juana Creos, Northwest and by North, and almost the 3. part of a point to the Westwards, and between them are 3. leagues. S. George's Islands. The Eastermost of S. George's Islands, or the 7. Islands, lieth from juana Creos Northwest, & half a point to the Northwards, and between them are 14. leagues & a half. The uttermost of the 7. Islands, Cape comfort. & Cape comfort lieth Northwest, & by North, Southeast, and by South. Under the Southermost Island you shall find good road for all Northerly winds from the Northwest to the North-east. From the Southeast part of the 7. Islands, unto the Northwest part of them, are 3. leagues and a half. S. Peter's Islands. From the Northwest part of the Islands aforesaid, unto S. Peter's Islands, are 11. leagues Northwest. 26 S. Peter's Islands rise an indifferent low point, not seeming to be an Island, and as if it had a castle upon it. S. Paul's Islands. S. Paul's Islands lie from S. Peter's Island Northwest and to the Westwards, and between them are 6. leagues. Within these Islands there is a fair sandy bay, and there may be found a good road for Northerly winds. Cape Sower beer. Cape Sower beer lieth from S. Paul's Island Northwest and by West, and between them are 5. leagues. Kildina. Cape comfort, which is the Island of Kildina, lieth from Cape Sower beer, 6. leagues West Northwest, and it is altogether a bay between them seeming many Islands in it. Cape Bonaventure. From Cape Bonaventure, to Chebe Navoloche are 10. leagues Northwest, and a little to the Westwards. Chebe Navoloche is a fair point, whereon standeth a certain black, like an empty bu●te standing a head. From Chebe Navoloch to Kegor, is 9 leagues and a half Northwest, and half a point to the Westwards. Kegor rises as you come from the Eastwards like 2. round homocks standing together, begor. and a fair saddle between them. 27 It floweth where we road this Sunday to the Eastwards of Kegor, at a Southeast and by East moon, a full sea: we road in 15. fathom water within half a mile of the shore: at a Northwest Sun the mist came down so thick, that we were feign to come to an anchor within less than a mile of the point that turneth to Doms haff, Domshaff. where we had 33. fathom, and the sounding like to the scurf of a scaled head. Wardhouse. 28 Monday at afternoon, we came into the Sound of Wardhouse, although it were very misty. Then I sent a man a shore to know some news, and to see whether they could hear any thing of our ‖ Which were the Bona Esperanza, the Bona confidentia and the Philip and Marie. Whereof the two first were lost. ships. 29 Tuesday I went on shore, and dined with the captains deputy, who made me great cheer: the Captain himself was not as yet come from Bergen: they looked for him every hour, and they said that he would bring news with him. At a Northwest and by North sun we departed from Wardhouse, toward Colmogro. 30 Wednesday we came to Kegor, where we met with the wind at East Southeast, so that we were feign to go in to a bay to the Westwards of the point Kegor, where a man may more 2. or 3. small ships, that shall not draw past 11. or 12. foot water, for all winds, an East Northeast wind is the worst. It is a ledge of rocks, that defendeth the Northerly winds from the place where they more. When we came into the bay we see there a bark which was of ‖ Or, ●rondon. Dronton, & three or four Norway you aghes, belonging to Northberne: so when I came a shore, I met first with the Dutchmen, amongst whom was the Borrowmasters son of Dronton, who told me that the Philip and Mary wintered at Dronton, The Philip and Marie. The bona Confidentia cast away. and withal he showed me that the Confidence was lost, and that he had bought her sails for his ship. Then the Dutchmen carried me to their Boothe, and made me good cheer, where I saw the Lappians chepen of the said Dutchmen, both silver platters and dishes, spoons, gilded rings, ornaments for girdles of silver & gilt, and certain things made to hung about the neck, with silver chains belonging to them. The Dutchmen bring hither mighty strong beer, I am certain that our English double beer would not be liked of the Kerils and Lappians, as long as that would last. Here I saw the Dutchmen also have course clot, both blue, green and red, and sad horseflesh colour. And hither they bring also Ottars cases and fox cases, both black and red: our English fox cases are but counterfeits unto them. They would not let me understand any of their prizes, but as I otherwise understood they bartered 2. load of silver for 200 of stockfish, and 2. load is a dolor. And the Dutchmen told me, that they had made a notable good year this present year 1557. They told me that they should be feign to go to Wardhouse with one lading, and lay it on land there, and so come again and fetch another. The Borrowmasters' son told me, that he would go to Amsterdam with his lading of stockfish, who gave me a barrel of strong beer, and brought it in aboard our ship himself. After this I went among the Russes and Kerils, who offered me fish to cell, and likewise the Lappians desired me to look upon their fish. I made them answer, that I had now no wares nor money to barter with them, and said that I came only to see if I might meet with our English ships. Then they desired me that I would come thither the next year: A gainful trade of fishing at Kegor. I said to them, If I should come the next year, I think here would not be fish enough to serve the Dutchmen and us also. They answered me, that if more ships did resort thither, there would more people labour to kill and make fish: and further they said, that some of them came thither a fishing 8. weeks journey with Deer, which Deer will travail more speedily than horses will. As I was thus in talk with the Kerils and Lappians, the Emperor of Russia his deputy (who was there to gather the tribute of the Lappians) sent for me to come to his tent, who after familiar salutations, made me good cheer. He demanded of me, why none of our ships came thither. I answered him, because we known not the place before now, neither yet herded of any fair that was kept there. Then said he, If you will come hither, here would more people resort to kill fish, I think it good (said he) that you make a beginning. I told him, that by the grace of God the next year, one English ship should come thither. Because I saw the servants of the king of Denmark there also gathering the tribute, I asked Vasilie Pheodorovich the Russie deputy, whether the Denmark's would not be a let to us, if we should come to this Kegor. And he said, not, they should not: for this land is my kings, and therefore be bold to come hither. The Kerils and the Lappians sold no fish, until the said deputy had looked upon it, and had given them leave to sell. I asked him what wares were best for us to bring thither, and he said, silver, Commodities fit for Kegor. pearls, clot, blue, read, and green, meal, strong beer, wine, pewter, fox cases, and gold. The Lappians pay tribute to the Emperor of Russia; to the king of Denmark, and to the king of Sweden. He told me that the River Cola is little more than 20. leagues to the Southwards of Kegor, where we should have great plenty of salmon, if corn were any thing cheap in Russia: for then poor men would resort thither to kill salmon. The Dutchmen told me that they had made a good year of this, but the Kerils complained of it, because they could not cell all their fish, and that which they sold was as pleased the Dutchmen, and at their own price. I asked the Kerils at what price they sold their fish to the Russes, & they said good cheap: we cell 24. fish for 4. altines. I think they sold little above 20. pennies, the 25. fish this year. The Dutchmen told me that the best stockfish is made at Kegor. I saw at Vasilies' tent 7. or 8. javelins, and half a dozen of bows bend, with their budgets of arrows, & likewise swords with other weapons: Otherwise I saw no weapons there. I was also conveyed to their lodgings, which gathered tribute for the king of Denmark, where I saw a pair of bilbowes: and I asked whether they were for the Lappians (if need were,) and they said no, but only for their own company if they should chance to be unruly. The Kerils and the Lappians are not to be trusted, for they will steal as well as the Russes, if they may conveniently come by any thing. Concerning my voyage, because the wind was scant to go back again to Colmogro, I tarried to the Eastwards of the point Kegor, and sent to land, and baked two batches of bread in the ovens that the Kerils have for their provision. Instructions given to the Masters and Mariners to be observed in and about this Fleet, passing this year 1577. toward the Bay of S. Nicolas in Russia, for this present Race to be made & return of the same by God's grace to the port of London, the place of their right discharge, as in the Articles ensuing is deduced. FIrst, it is accorded and agreed between the several proprietaries and owners, masters and companies of the four ships, surnamed the Primrose, the john Evangelist, the Anne and the Trinity, and the Lieutenant, Consuls, assistants and company of the Merchant adventurers, that the above named four ships shall in good order and conduct, sail, pass, and travail together in one float, ging, and conserve of society, to be kept indissolubly and not to be severed, but united within continual sight, so far forth as (by wind & weather) by possibility shall or may be without any separation or departure of one from the other. 2 Item, it is agreed that the good ship named the Primrose, shallbe Admiral of this float, and that Anthony jenkinson Gentleman, shallbe captain thereof: and that all other the 3. ships shall ensue and follow her in all courses, and that no course nor weighing (in harbour especially) shall be made without advice, consent and agreement of the said Captain, the Master, his mate, and two other officers of the said ship, or of three of them at the lest. 3 Item, that the said Anthony is and shallbe reputed & taken for Captain general of the said float together with all such orders, pre-eminences, privileges and preferments as by the order of seas is due and accustomed to a Captain during his abode and exercise of the same. 4 It is also ordained, that if any one or more of the said 3. ships shallbe out of sight either before or behind the Admiral, that then the rest of the ships shall tack or take off their sails in such sort as they may meet and come together, in as good order as may be, to the intent to keep the consortment exactly in all points. 5 It is constituted, that if any ships shallbe severed by mist or dark weather, in such sort as the one cannot have sight of the other, then and in such case the Admiral shall make sound and noise by drum, trumpet, horn, gun or otherwise or means, that the ships may come as nigh together, as by safety and good order they may. 6 It is also to be observed, that every day once the other three ships shall sand and come aboard the Admiral, and there consult and determine of such matter and things as shall be for the assurance of their Navigation, and most expedition of the same. 7 Item, that notes & entries be daily made of their Navigations put in writing & memory, and that the young Mariners and apprentices may be taught & caused to learn and observe the same. 8 It is accorded that the said Captain shall have the principal rule and government of the apprentices: And that not only they, but also all other the sailors, shallbe attendant and obedient to him, as of duty and reason appertaineth. 9 Also that no beer nor broth, or other liquor be spilled upon the ballast, or other place of the ship, whereby any annoyance, stink, or other unsavoriness shall grow in the ship to the infection or hurt of the people in the same. 10 Item, that the Captain by discretion shall from time to time disship any artificer or English serving man or apprentice out of the Primrose into any of the other three ships, and in am of him or them, take any such apprentice as he shall think convenient and most meet to serve the benefit of the company. 11 Item, that great respect be had to the Gunners and Cooks rooms, that all danger and peril of powder and fire may be eschewed and avoided. 12 Item, that singular care and respect be had to the ports of the ship, aswell in Navigation as in harborough, and especially in lading and unlading of the ships, that nothing be lacking or surcharged: and that the books may oftentimes be conferred and made to agreed in eschuement of such losses, as may ensue. 13 Special foresight is to be had, that at the Wardhouse no treachery, invasion, or other peril of molestation be done or procured to be attempted to our ships by any kings, princes, or companies, that do mislike this new found trade by seas to Russia, or would let & hinder the same; whereof no small boast hath been made: which giveth occasion of more circumspection and diligence. 14 If the wind and weather will serve, it is thought good rather to go by the Wardhouse then to come in and an●re there, jest any male engine, or danger may be the rather attempted against us, our goods and ships as above. 15 It is thought good that Richard johnson, late servant to M. chancellor, shall be sent home in this next return, to instruct the company of the state of the Country, and of such questions as may be demanded of him, for our better advertisements and resolutions, in such doubts as shall arise here: and that he shall have the room of the Captain in such sort, as Master jenkinson is in this present cocket assigned unto. And if johnson can not, may not, nor will not return and occupy the said place, than any other person to be preferred thereunto, as by the discretion of our said Captain, with consent of our Agents, shall be thought meet and apt to supply the same. 16 Provided always, that the ships returning be not disfurnished of one such able man, as shall occupy the Captainship in like order, as is, and hath been in such case appointed, as reason and good order requireth. 17 Item that all other former orders, rules, and devices, made and provided for the good order of our ships, wares, and goods, being not repugnant, contrary or diverse, to these articles, and the contents of the same, shall be, and stand in full force and effect, to be in all respects observed and kept of all and every person and people, whom the same doth or shall touch or concern. In witness of the premises faithfully to be observed and kept, the owners and Masters of the said four ships, together with the said Captain, to these seventeen articles, contained in two sheets of paper, have subscribed their hands. Given in London, the third of May, in the year of our Lord God 1557. ¶ Owners of the Primrose. Andrew judde. William Chester. Anthony Hickman. Edward Casteline. ¶ Owners of the john Evangelist. Andrew judde. William Chester. ¶ Owner of the Anne. john Dimocke. ¶ Owner of the Trinity. R.T. A letter of the Company of the merchants adventurers to Russia unto George Killingworth, Richard Gray, and Henry Lane their Agents there, to be delivered in Colmogro or else where: sent in the john Evangelist. AFter our hearty commendations unto you and to either of you: 1557. your general letter and other particular letters with two books of the sale and remainders of our goods, and the buying of ware there with you, we received about the end of November out of the Edward, with heavy news of the loss of the said good ship and goods at Petslego in Scotland, with the death of Richard chancellor and his Boy, with certain of the Ambassadors servants, and he himself with nine of his servants escaped very hardly only by the power of God: but all his goods and ours in manner were lost and pilfered away by the Scots, and that that is saved is not yet come to our hands, but we look for it daily, and it will scant pay the charges for the recovering of it. No remedy but patience: and to pray to God to sand us better fortune hereafter. As touching the receiving and entertaining of the Ambassador and his retinue since his coming to England at the king and Queen's majesties hands, with the Counsel & Lords of this Realm, and the Merchants that be free in Russia with feasting and benevolence given him, we refer it to his report and others. The like we think have not been seen nor showed here of a long time to any Ambassador. The Philip and Marie arrived here ten days past: she wintered in Norway. The Confidence is lost there. And as for the Bona Esperanza, as yet we have no news of her. We fear it is wrong with her. By your bills of lading received in your general letters we perceive what wares are laden in them both. Your letters have no date nor mention where they were made, which were written by Henry Lane, and firmed by you George Killingworth and Richard Gray: both it and the other Letters and Books came so sore spoiled and broken with water that we cannot make our reckoning by them. You shall understand we have freighted for the parts of Russia four good ships to be laden there by you & your order: That is to say, The Primrose of the burden of 240. Tons, Master under God john Buckland: The john Evangelist of 170. Tons, Master under God Laurence Roundal: The Anne of London of the burden of 160. tons, Master under God David Philly, and the Trinity of London of the burden of 140. Tons, Master under God john Robins, as by their Charter parties may appear: which you may require to see for divers causes. You shall receive, God willing, out of the said good ships, God sending them in safety for the use of the Company, these kinds of wares following, all marked with the general mark of the Company as followeth. 25. fardels containing 207. sorting clotheses, one fine violet in grain, and one scarlet, and 40. cottons for wrappers, Wares sent into Russia out of England. beginning with number 1. and ending with number 52. The sorting clotheses may cost the first penny 5. li. 9 s. the clot, one with the other. The fine violet 18. li. 6. s. 6. d. The scarlet 17. li. 13. s. 6. d. the cottons at 9 li. 10. s. the pack, accounting 7. cottons for a pack more 500 pieces of Hampshire kerseys, that is 400. watchets, 43. blewes, 53. r●ds, 15. greene's, 5. ginger colours, and 2. yelowes which cost the first penny 4. li. 6. s. the piece, & 3. packs containing 21. cottons at 9 li. 10. s. the pack: and part of the clotheses is measured by Arshines. The Arshine is a Russie measure. More 9 barrels of Pewter of Thomas Hasels making, etc. Also the wares be packed and laden as is aforesaid, as by an Inuoyce in every Ship more plainly may appear. So that when it shall please God to sand the said good ships to you in safety, you are to receive our said goods, and to procure the sales to our most advantage either for ready money, time or barter: having consideration that you do make good debts, and give such time, if you give any, as you may employ and return the same against the next voyage; and also foreseeing that you barter to a profit, and for such wares as be here most vendible, as wax, tallow, train oil, hemp and flax. Of furs we desire no great plenty, because they be dead wares. And as for Felts, we will in no wise you sand any. And whereas you have provided tar, and as as we suppose, some hemp ready bought, our advise is, that in no wise you sand any of them hither unwrought, because our freight is 4. li. a tun or little less: which is so dear, as it would not bear the charges: and therefore we have sent you 7. rope-makers, 7. Rope-makers sent into Russia. as by the copies of their covenants here enclosed shall appear. Whom we will you sit to work with all expedition in making of cables & ropes of all sorts, from the smallest rope to twelve. inches: And that such tar and hemp as is already brought to the water side, they may there make it out, and after that you settle their work in Vologhda or Colmogro as you shall think good, where their stuff may be nearest to them: at which place and places you do assign them a principal overseer aswell to see the delivery of the stuff unwrought, as also to take charge of the stuff wrought, & to foresee that neither the yarn be burned in taring, nor the hemp rotten in the watering; and also to furnish them so with labourers, workmen and stuff, as hereafter when these workmen shall come away, we be not destitute of good workmen, and that these may dispatch as much as possibly they may, doing it substantially: for we esteem it a principal commodity, and that the Counsel of England doth well allow. Cables and Ropes a principal commodity. Let all diligence be used, that at the return of these ships we may see samples of all ropes & cables if it be possible, and so after to continued in work, that we may have good store against the next year. Therefore they have need to have a place to work in, in the winter: and at any hand let them have help enough to spin their stuff: for seeing you have great plenty of hemp there, and at a reasonable price, we trust we shallbe able to bring as good stuff from thence, and better cheap than out of Dansk: Dansk the old chief place for Cables. if it be diligently used, and have a good overseer. Let the chiefest lading of these four ships be principally in wax, flax, tallow and train oil. And if there be any more wares then these ships be able to take in, then leave that which is lest in value and grossest in stovage until the next shipping: for we do purpose to ground ourselves chief upon these commodities, as wax, cables and ropes, train oil, flax and some linen yarn. Commodities not bearing the charges of long freight. As for Masts, Tar, Hemp, Feathers, or any such other like, they would not bear the charges to have any, considering our dear freight. We have sent you a Skinner to be there at our charges for meat, drink and lodging, to view and see such furs as you shall cheap or buy, not minding nevertheless, that you shall charge yourselves with many, except those which be most vendible, Furs most vendible. as good martens, minivers, otherwise called Lettuce, and Minxes. Of these you may sand us plenty, finding them good and at a reasonable price. As for Sables and other rich Furs, they be not every man's money: therefore you may sand the fewer, using partly the discretion of the skinner in that behalf. Steel. We hear that there is great plenty of steel in Russia and Tartary, whereof we would you sent us part for an example, and to writ your minds in it what store is to be had: for we hear say there is great plenty, and that the Tartars steel is better than that in Russia. And likewise we be informed that there is great plenty of Copper in the emperors Dominions: Copper. we would be certified of it what plenty there is, and whether it be in plates or in round flat cakes, and sand us some for an example. Also we would have you to certify us what kind of woollen clot the men of Rye and Revel, Woollen clot of Rye and Revel, of Poland and Lettowe. and the Poles and Lettoes do bring to Russia, and sand the skantlings of them with part of the lists, and a full advise of the lengths and breadths, colours and prices, and whether they be strained or not: and what number of them may be uttered in a year, to the intent we may make provision for them for the like sorts, and all other Flemish wares which they bring thither and be most vendible there. And to certify us whether our set clotheses be vendible there or not: and whether they be rowed and shorn: because oft-times they go undressed. Moreover, we will you sand us of every commodity in that Country part, but no great quantity other than such as is before declared. And likewise every kind of Leather, Russian leather. whereof we be informed there is great store bought yearly by the Esterlings and Duchess for high Almaigne and Germany. Moore, that you do sand us for proof a quantity of such earth, herbs, or what thing soever it be, that the Russes do die and colour any kind of clot linen or woollen, Leather or any other thing withal: Things good● to die withal. and also part of that which the Tartars and Turks do bring thither, and how it must be used in dying and colouring. Moreover, that you have a special foresight in the choosing of your Tallow, and that it may be well purified and tried, or else it will in one year putrify & consume. Also that you certify us the truth of the weights and measures, and how they do answer with ours, and to sand us 3. robles in money, that we may try the just value of them. Also we do sand you in these ships ten young men that be bond Prentices to the Company, Ten young men sent into Russia. whom we will you to appoint every of them as you shall there find most apt and meet, some to keep accounts, some to buy and cell by your order and Commission, and some to sand abroad into the notable Cities of the Country for understanding and knowledge. And we will you sand us advertisement from time to time aswell of the demeanours of our Prentices which we do sand now, as also of such other as be already there with you. And if you find any of them remiss, negligent, or otherwise misuse themselves and will not be ruled, that then you do sand him home, and the cause why. And because we do perceive the Country to be large, and that you have three households, we do appoint Henry Lane to be one of our Agents, Henry Lane Agent. and to join with you in all your doings, and to have like authority and power as you George Killingworth and Richard Gray have: not doubting but you three will so confer together, as both our Prentices and others may be appointed and divided every of them to his office, and to that he can best skill of: and you also so divide yourselves every of you to an house, as by advertisement one from another, our business and traffic may take good success. And for divers considerations, to avoid many troubles and business that might happen, we have appointed that he which shall abide at Colmogro (which we do think to be most nicetest Henry Lane) shall have with him there such of our young wen, as can best skill in keeping of accounts after the manner of Merchants, that is, by Debtor and Creditor: And that there shall be the place, where our books shallbe kept: because it is nearer the sea side, where our goods shallbe discharged and our ships laden. And the said Henry Lane to be charged with all such goods as we shall discharge there out of our ships, according to our Inuoyces. Which goods are to be sent from Colmogro to Vologhda or to Moscow, or to any other place where you three or two of you do apppoynt them to be sold, so that Henry Lane be one. And so from time to time immediately as any thing is sold, do you certify the same to Henry Lane, that he may enter it into the Books as appertaineth: otherwise he should be too far behind in his Books at the coming of our ships, when he should sand us the account of the whole year passed. And we will also that you George Killingworth and Richard Gray do in the fine of April next sand either of you unto Henry Lane a whole, perfect, & just account firmed with your own hands of all the goods you have sold and bought until that time, and what remains unsolde: and also the account of all manner costs of wares, and charges of you and the young men under you particularly in such sort as the said account may be with him in Colmogro at the fine of May at the furthest: to the intent that he may make all our accounts perfit against the coming of our ships: and in any wise to keep account of every voyage by itself, and not mingle one voyage with another at no hand. And as we will have you to keep account of every voyage by itself, even so we would have all the whole costs and charges of every year put into the voyage of that year. As the charges of all the last year must be put to the account of the third voyage: and the charges of this year present, must in the fine of April next, be put to the fourth voyage. The fourth voyage. Not doubting but your wisdom is such, that you will not take it in evil part, that we do appoint Henry Lane to take the account of the rest. For we do it for none other cause, but to keep a good order in our books, that his books and ours may by this means agreed: and he being the younger man, may best take pains: and that you do keep account of every kind of wares by itself, to the intent we may perceive wherein is our most gain. And also in the making of your return, in any wise name in your bills of lading, letters, and accounts, what wares do appertain to the first, second, and third voyage: and that we may know the same by the numbers or otherwise as you shall think good by your wisdoms, putting the charges of the said wares unto them, as nigh as you can. And all such money as shall be made of your goods in any place, we refer that to your discretion, where it shall remain until it be employed, either at Vologhda, Moscow, or else where. And likewise we will that Henry Lane do make in a readiness about the beginning of june every year our whole account of the voyage in that year passed: in such sort that we may receive the same by our ships: and that we may plainly perceive what sales are made, and what remains of the first, second, third, and fourth voyage, and what charges have been laid out for the said voyages, and what wares be bought, and laden, and what they cost, and for what voyage every parcel thereof is: and to sand us a copy of the same account in every ship. And also forasmuch as at this time we have sent you but small store of wares in comparison of that we have hope will be uttered in short space, and yet nevertheless much more than you written for, whereby there shall not be sufficient to make any ample return: and understanding that there is great quantity of goods stayed for our trade there by the Emperor, we have moved the Ambassador that you may have credit for such quantity as shall seem good to you to provide for our benefit. Which credit if you may by his means obtain, or otherwise have, we would you bought as much Wax principally as you may get. For if there be in that country so great quantity, as we be informed there is, it will be the best commodity we may have: for having that wholly in our hands, we may serve our own country and others. Therefore seeing the Emperor doth mind, that such commodities as be in his dominions shall not pass to Rye and Revel and Poland as they have done, The old traffic of Russia to Rei, Revel and Poland turned to Saint Nichol●●. but be reserved for us: therefore we must so lay for it, that it may not lie upon their hands that have it to cell, always having consideration in the price and time as our next dispatch may correspond. Whereof you may sand a certain advise, as well what you shall receive of credit, and to what quantity, as also what wares are remaining in your hands: which together well considered, you may advertise us as well for how many hundredth tons we must provide freight against the next year, as also what sorts, quantities and qualities of wares we shall sand you, as well to pay your credit, as also to furnish the next adventure after. Of this we would be answered largely. For we trust by this time you are able to give full instructions of the state of the country: according to the articles of your first Commissions, The articles of their first Commission given 1555. and what commodities do principally abound there with their prices: and likewise what of our commodities have most utterance there, and what prices will be given for them there: and all other things requisite and necessary to be known. Also we do understand that in the Country of Permia or about the river of Pechora is great quantity of Yew, and likewise in the Country of Vgory, which we be desirous to have knowledge of, because it is a special commodity for our Realm. Therefore we have sent you a young man, whose name is Leonard Brian, Leonard Brian sent to search out Yew in the North parts of Russia. that hath some knowledge in the wood, to show you in what sort it must be cut and cloven. So our mind is if there be any store, and that it be found to be good, that there you do provide a good quantity against the next year for the coming of our ships: and if there can be found none that will serve for our purpose, than you may set the said Leonard Brian to any other business that you shall find most fittest for him, until the return of our ships the next year. For he is hired by the year only for that purpose. We doubt not but that he shall do you good service there. For he hath good knowledge of wares of that Country: for his bringing up hath been most in Dansk, and hath good understanding in making of Ropes and Cables. Also we do sand you two Cooper's to remain there with you at our finding for meat and drink and lodging to make in a readiness all such cask as shallbe needful for train oil, 2. Cooper's sent into Russia. tallow, or any thing else. One of them may go with Leonard Brian to cut and cleave such Yew as he shall like there. And because we be not sure what timber they shall find there to make Cask, we have laden in these ships 140. tons empty Cask, that is 94. tons shaken Cask and 46. tons whole, and ten thousand hoops, & 480. wreaths of twigs: they may be doing with that till they can provide other timber, which we would be glad to hear of. They have an example with them of the bigness of the Cask they shall make. Nevertheless, all such Butts and Hogsheads as may be found to serve we will shallbe filled with Train Oil. Also we charge you that you suffer no goods nor merchandise of any people being not free of the Company, and of the account of the Company to be laden in any wise in our ships either now or at any time hereafter: except the Emperor or Ambassador mind to sand any thing to the King and Queen's Majesties, or to any noble man, or to the Merchants of the Company: Nor likewise that you suffer any goods that go in these ships to be brought on land there, except the ambassadors goods, and the Physicians & Apothecaries, and others that he hath with him, who carry no Merchandise. And because our ships be freighted by the great, it shallbe very needful that you do appoint certain to see the rummaging of the ships, and to give the master or Boatswain, or him that will take upon him to rummage, a good reward for his labour to see the goods well romaged. If it be iii d. or iiii. d. the tun, it shall not be amiss. For if it be not substantially well looked unto, it may be a great deal of money out of our ways. Also because we reckon that from the Moscow will be always better conveyance of letters to us by land: our mind is that from time to time as occasion shall serve, our Agents shall writ to him that shall lie at Moscow of all things that shall pass, that he may give us large instructions, aswell what is sold and bought, as also what lading we shall take, and what quantity and kind of goods we shall sand. For hitherto we have had but a slender advise, more like a bill to serve a Chapman, then for quantity of wares to serve a kingdom. For we must procure to utter good quantity of wares, especially the commodities of our Realm, although we afford a good pennyworth, to the intent to make other that have traded thither, weary, and so to bring ourselves and our commodities in estimation, and likewise to procure to have the chief commodities of that country in our hands, as beware and such others, that other nations may be served by us and at our hands. For we do understand that the greatest quantity of wax that cometh to Dansk, Lubeck, and Hambourgh, cometh out of Russia. Therefore if we should buy part, and they also buy, it would raise the price there, and would be little worth here. And all such letters of importance and secrecy as you do sand by land for any wares or otherwise, you must writ them in Ciphers, The merchants letters over land written in cyphers. after the order of a book sent you in the ships: always taking goodheede in placing of your letters and cyphers, that we may understand them by the same book here, and to sand them in such sort, that we may have them here by Christmas or Candlemas, if it be possible. And because you cannot so certainly advertise us by letters of your doings, but some doubt may arise, whereof we would most gladly be certified: our mind is therefore that with these ships you sand us home one such young man as is most expert in knowledge of that country, and can best certify us in such questions as may be demanded, whom we will remit unto you again in the next ships. We think Arthur Edwards willbe fittest for that purpose: nevertheless use your discretion in that matter. As touching our goods that were rob and pilfered out of our ships at Colmogro and Vologda we trust by this time they are restored again, and the malefactor's so punished that other may take example for doing the like, otherwise it will be an evil precedent. Moreover, we do perceive that Richard Gray doth buy masts to sand into England, they will not quit the costs, except we had a ship of purpose for them. And likewise that Steven Burrow is returned from his discovery with the Serchthrift, The voyag of Steven Burrow for the discovery of the river of Ob. and wintereth at Colmogro, and is minded to set forth in the beginning of june next to seek the river of Ob. We pray God to speed him well, and trust to have him here in England this year to bring us good news. We do perceive there is a river found about the mouth of S. Nicholas Bay that hath thirteen foot upon the bar at a low water, and is as near Colmogro as S. Nicholas: which will be a great pleasure unto us. We will that Steven Burrow do proceed on his voyage to discover. Also we have sent you one Anthony jenkinson Gentleman, M. Anthony jenkinson his first travail intended for Cathay by the Caspian sea and Boghar. a man well traveled, whom we mind to use in further traveling, according to a Commission delivered him, subscribed by master Anthony Huse and others. Wherefore we will you deliver him one or more of such painful young men as he shall think meetest for his purpose: and likewise such money and wares as he shall think best to take with him. He must have forty pounds a year for four years, to be paid him by the half year, or as he will demand it of you, so let him have it from Easter last. Also the prices of wares here at this present are, bale flax twenty pound the pack and better, tow flax twenty eight pound the hundred, train oil at nine pound the tun, wax at four pound the hundred, tallow at sixteen shillings the hundred, cables and ropes very dear: as yet there are no ships come out of Dansk. Kept until the tenth day of this present. As this day came the goods out of Scotland that were recovered out of the Edward Bonaventure: and now we do perceive that the cask that the train oil came in, Good cask made in Russia. is very good, and much better than ours. Therefore our mind is, that you shall lad it all in such barrels of the bigger sort as you laded in the Edward, and no long barrels nor small. And that cask that we have sent may serve for the Tallow or any other ware that is not leakage. Nevertheless, this voyage you must take such as you can get. Also if the Emperor be minded to deliver you any sum of money, or good Wax at as reasonable a price as you may buy for ready money, we will that you shall take it and lad it for our accounts, and to come at our adventure, and he to be paid at the return of the ships in Velvets, Satins, or any other kind of silk, or clot of gold, clot of tissue, or according as his Commission shall be that he shall send us in the ships, and according to such patterns as he shall sand. We do not find the Ambassador now at the la●t so conformable to reason as we had thought we should. He is very mistrustful, and thinketh every man will beguile him. Therefore you had need to take heed how you have to do with him or with any such, and to make your bargains plain, and to set them down in writing. For they be subtle people, and do not always speak the truth, and think other men to be like themselves. Therefore we would have none of them to sand any goods in our ships at any time, nor none to come for passengers, unless the Emperor do make a bargain with you, as is aforesaid, for his own person. Also we charge you not to suffer any of our nation to sand any wares to their wives or friends in any of our ships; but to take their money there to be paid here by the company and not otherwise: and to have consideration how you do take the roble. For although we do rate it after sixteen shillings eight pennies of our money, yet it is not worth past 12. or 13. shillings sterling. Moreover, you had need to send new accounts, for them that came in the Edward be marred and torn, so that we can make no reckoning by them: and likewise to writ us a perfect note of all the goods which you received the last voyage out of the Edward, and herein not to fail. Andrew judde. George Barn. Anthony Huse. William Garrard. William Chester. A Letter of Master Thomas Hawtrey to the worshipful Master Henry Lane Agent at Colmogro, written in Vologda the 31. of januarie 1557. 1557 Worshipful Sir, hearty commendations premised. These may be to advertise you, that yesterday the thirtieth of this present came hither Robert Best, and brought with him two hundred robles, that is, one hundred for this place, and one hundred for you at Colmogro. As for hemp which is here at two robles and a half the bercovite, master Gray hath written to buy no more at that price: for john Sedgewicke hath bought for six or seven hundred robles worth at Novogrode for one roble and a half the bercovite, john Sedgewick at No●ogrode. and better cheap: and white Novogrode flax is there at three robles the bercovite. I trust he will do much good by his going thither. As I do understand, Richard johnson is go to Novogrode with money to him, I doubt not but Master Gray hath advertised you of all their doings, both at the Moscow and at Novogrod. And touching our doings here, you shall perceive that we have sold wares of this fourth voyage for one hundred and forty robles, besides fifty robles of the second and third voyage since the giving up of my last account, and for wares of the Country, you shall understand that I have bought tried and untried for 77. robles four hundred podes of tried tallow, besides four hundred podes that I have given out money for, whereof God grant good receipt when the time cometh, which is in Lent. And in brown flax and hemp I have bought seventeen bercovites, six podes and sixteen pound, which cost 28. robles, eleven altines two pennies. Masts of 30. yards. And as for other kinds of wares I have bought none as yet. And for masts to be provided, you shall understand that I written a letter to Totma the 28. of this present for fifty masts, to wit, for 25. of fifteen fathoms, and 25. of fourteen fathoms, to be an arshine and a half at the small end. And more, I have written for 30. great trees to be two arshines and a half at the small end, An Arshine is 3. quarters of a yard or more. and for the other that were provided the last year, I trust they shall be sent down in the spring of the year. And as concerning the Rope-makers, you shall understand that their abiding place shall be with you at Colmogro, A rope house ●r●ted at Colmogro. as I do think Master Gray hath advertised you. For, as Roger Bontinge Master of the works doth say, there is no place more meet for their purpose then with you: and there it will be made with lesser cost, considering that the pale is the one half of it: which is to set one pale more to that, and so for to cover it over, which as they say, will be but little cost. They do pray that it may be made sixteen foot broad, and one hundred and eighty fathoms long: and that in the mid way twenty foot from the pale toward the water side there may be a house made to tar in, standing alone by itself for danger of fire. The Tar house that they would have made, A tar house. is to be fifteen fathoms long, and ten fathoms broad, and they would that house should be made first: for I think they will not tar before they come there. And farther they desire that you will provide for as much tar as you may, for here we have small store, but when the time cometh that it should be made, I will provide as much as I can here, that it may be sent down when the Nasade cometh. The stuff that they have ready spun is about five thousand weight, and they say that they trust to have by that time they come down yarn enough to make 20. cables. As concerning a copy of the Alphabet in ciphers Master Gray hath written hither that Robert Austen had one, Robert Austen. which he willed that he should deliver to you. Thus I surcease, beseeching God to preserve you in health, and to sand you your hearts desire. By yours to command to his power, Thomas Hawtrey. A Letter of Master Richard Gray one of the first Agents of the Moscovie company to Master Henry Lane at Moscow, written in Colmogro the 19 of February 1558. 1558 Worshipful Sir, after hearty commendations etc. You shall understand that this Lent cometh to Lampas such a number of men of divers nations with wares, Lampas a great mate for the Samoeds in the North. as hath not been seen these ten years. Thither come many out of Vgori: therefore I would have been there myself, and also have received such money as is owing us in wares by Kerill his brother and Osep Boscovo. For as you well know, thence they will go with their wares to the Moscow, and make us payment with delays, as they have done these other years past. Colobone and his partner be departed towards Lampas with seven ●leddes laden with victuals. Others also are go to that Mart. As touching the bringing of money with you, it will be good, for I assure you since our coming to this country have not so many people go to the Sea, as will do this year. Trusting that God will s●nd good store of train oil, I will 'cause as much cask to be in a readiness as I can, if you shall think it meet to sand some money before. All our old hemp is spun and wrought in ten cables from fifteen inches to ten the lest, and thirteen Hawsers from six inches to three inches: and all may weigh whi●e eight and twenty thousand pound weight and upward. There is in hemp ockam five thonsand pound two hundred weight in twelve sacks at the lest: the flax that came down in the Nassadaes with those seven podes that came last is all spun with a good part of that hemp that came last. God sand more shortly, for all that is here and that is coming in the three other sleddes, will be dispatched by the fourth week in Lent. Within these few days I bought thirteen podes, seven pound of hemp that cost two robles, twenty eight al●nes, four pennies, which together with that that was bought before, shall be laid in dipping and sounding lines, for it is very good. There are spent above fifty barrels of tar already: you shall understand that these eight workmen will spin and lay above fourscore and ten thousand pound of hemp, What quantity of ●empe & workmen will work in a peer. so it be dressed ready to their hands, having two to turn the wheels, and two to wind up. Therefore I have agreed with these two boys to serve the worshipful company four years a piece. One of them windeth up and is very apt to spin: therefore I will have two other young men Russes to spin, if they can find good sureties for their truth. I have been in hand with these two young men that came out of the Trinity, and they with me, but under seven pound a year they will not serve, nor Thomas Bunting that was Roger Bunting his servant. Therefore I would have three Russes at the lest to spin, five of them will be as good as these three, and will not be so chargeable all, as one of these would be. I think it were good that our Nassada were somewhat strengthened in her floor on both sides with planks of five or six inches thick, from the stem to the stern, as I have written to Thomas Hawtrey at Vologda. Also if you shall so think meet, your wax and tallow shall be laden in two Dosnickes, for they be meet to go aboard the ships: I do intent to set up an house at Boroseva over against the place whereas the ships shall ride, your advise therein I expect, it shall not cost above three robles, and yet if we will, there shall be two warm rooms in it. As for other matter at this present I have not to trouble you withal, and if it would please you I would be glad to hear some good news of Master jenkinson. Thus jesus be with you and be his guide. Postscriptum. As for these our Hawks they be not white, but white and mayled, White hawks & white bears prohibited without licence. but indeed are jarfawkons. These days past our Olen died. So this year our Masters of the company are like to have none, nor any white bears. Neither may any pass out of the realm without a special licence from the Emperor. I intent God willing to go to Lampas, Master Gray's journey to Lampas. if I do I will take four or five kerseys with me, but as for money there is small store here to cart. Yours, Richard Gray. A Letter of Thomas Alcocke to the worshipful Richard Gray, and Henry Lane Agents in Moscovia from Tirwill in Polonia, written in Tirwill the 26. of April 1558. 1558 MY duty premised unto your worships, with commendations etc. It may please you to be advertised, that my last I sent from Smolensco, which I trust you have received with other letters to divers of our English men, wherein I certified you of my long retaining there, as also of my departure from thence, and how that I had hired a Totar to bring me to Dansk. We came to a certain village on Saturday the six and twentieth of February, and there remained that night and Sunday to refresh our horses, intending to have go away on Monday early. But on Saturday at night one of his neighbours departed to Tirwill, and there declared to the Captain how that at such a place there was a Dutch man that was come from the Moscow, and would ride to Dansk, saying, for the one, I cannot tell what he is. The Captain incontinent rid to the King to show him thereof, so that without any delay there was sent out for me one of the Gentlemen of the King's house, and one of the Mesnickes of the Town with six Officers to take me. They came thither in the night about midnight, and there apprehended me and took all that I had from me: they lef● me nothing but my clotheses to put on my back, and so brought me to Tirwill to the captains house, where before I dined, I had a pair of fetters clapped on my legs, wherewithal I sat until it was Monday in the Easterw●eke. On which day, after long and earnest calling to the Captain as he rid by the window, he commanded the Marshal that mine irons should be taken off, but no word I could hear when I should be delivered out of captivity till it was Saint George his day: on which day I was had before the Marshal, who declared unto me that the Kings. Majesty had showed his mercy and goodness towards me: for his pleasure was that I should be delivered out of prison to departed into England, but no way else. So after I had given thanks for the King's majesties goodness showed unto me, I desired him that he would be a mean that I might have the remainder of such things as were taken from me restored unto me again. He made me answer, that I might thank God that I escaped with my head, and that if ever there came any more of us through the land, they should not so do. The week before Easter they delivered me my Corobia again with all things that were therein. They took from me in money nine Hunger's gylderns in gold, five shillings four pennies in Lettoes money, forty Altines in Russee money, whereof twenty and more were for tokens, half an angel and a quarter of Master Doctor Standishes, Doctor Standish the emperors Physician. with his gold ring. Your two pieces of money (Master Gray) that you sent to your wife and daughter, with my two pieces of Boghary money. Of all this I had eight Hunger's gilderns delivered me the third week of mine imprisonment to pay for my charges, which stood me in a Doller a week. So that at the day of my delivery I had but three gyldernes left me. For the rest I made a supplication to the Captain and had the like answer given me as the Marshal gave me. So that all the rest of the things before written are lost, and no recovery to be had, which grieveth me more for the tokens ●akes then doth mine eight week's imprisonment. They have also my sword, my boots, my bow and arrows that I bought at Smolensco, which cost me four marks, my sled, my felt, the comhold, a book of the Flowers of godly prayers, and my book wherein my charges were written. Of all these I can get nothing again, not so much as my two books. After I had remained there five and thirty days, I was had before the Captain up into a great chamber to be examined for letters and of the cause of my coming through the Country. In the captains company was one of the Lords of Dansk. They demanded of me where my letters were, I declared unto them that I had none: your Officers (said I) took me when I was in my bed, they searched me and took all that I had from me, if there be any they shall find them among my stuff which they have. They asked me then, for what cause I went home over land? I declared unto them, that the Winter being a warm season, and having intelligence that The frozen Sea was not much frozen, and supposing this Summer it would be navigable, I was only sent to provide a Ship to be sent to pass the said Seas to discover Cataia: which if God granted we might do, it would not only be a commodity to the Realm of England, but unto all Christian lands, by the riches that might be brought from thence, if the histories be true that are written thereof. Much other communication I had with them concerning the same voyage. Then he demanded of me what wares we brought into Russia, and what we carried from thence. I declared the same unto them. Then they burdened me, that we brought thither thousands of ordinance, as also of harness, sword, with other munitions of war, artificers, copper, with many other things: I made them answer, that we had brought thither about one hundred shirts of mail, such old things new scoured as no man in England would wear. Other talk they had with me concerning the trade of Moscovia too long to commit to writing. At my coming hither here were Ambassadors from the towns of Dansk, Lubeck, and Hamburgh, as also out of Liefland to desire this king to be their Captain and head in their intended voyage, which was to stop all such ships as should go out of England for Moscovia. An attempt to hinder our trade to Moscovia by the Hans towns & Easterlings. Whereunto the King granted, and immediately they departed to prepare their ships. So that I am afraid that either these our enemies, or the great wars that we have with France and Scotland will be an occasion that you shall have no ships at Colmogro this year. To conclude, although I have no tokens to deliver them, that the tokens token from me were sent unto, yet I will declare unto them that I had tokens for them, with the mischance. And thus I commit you to almighty God with the rest of the company, who keep you in health to his holy will and pleasure. By yours to command THOMAS ALCOCKE. A Letter of Master Anthony jenkinson upon his return from Boghar to the worshipful Master Henry Lane Agent for the Moscovie company resident in Vologda, written in the Moscow the 18. of September, 1559. 1559 Worshipful Sir, after my hearty commendations pr●mised with most desire to God of your welfare and prosperous success in all your affairs. It may please you to be advertised that the fourth of this present I arrived with Richard johnson and Robert johnson all in health, thanks be to God. We have been as far as Boghar, and had proceeded farther on our voyage toward the land of Cathay, Master jenkensons voyage intended for Cathay. had it not been for the uncessant and continual wars, which are in all these brutal and wild countries, that it is at this present impossible to pass, neither went th●re any Caravan of people from Boghar that way these three years. And although our journey hath been so miserable, dangerous, and chargeable with losses, charges and expenses, as my pen is not able to express the same: yet shall we be able to satisfy the worshipful Companies minds, as touching the discovery of The Caspian Sea, The discovery of its Caspian sea. with the trade of merchandise to be had in such lands and counteyes as be thereabouts adjacent, and have brought of the wares and commodities of those Country's able to answer the principal with profit: wishing that there were utterance for as great a quantity of kerseys and other wares as there is profit to be had in the sales of a small quantity, (all such evil fortunes being escaped as to us have chanced this present voyage,) for than it would be a trade worthy to be followed. Sir, for that I trust you will be here shortly (which I much desire) I will defer the discourse with you at large until your coming, as well touching my travel, as of other things. Sir, john luck departed from hence toward England the seventh of this present, and intends to pass by the way of Sweden, Passage to and from Moscovia by Sweden. by whom I sent a letter to the worshipful Company, and have written that I intent to come down unto Colmogro to be ready there at the next shipping to embark myself for England, declaring that my service shall not be needful here, for that you are a man able to serve their worships in greater affairs than they have here to do, so far as I perceive. As touching the Companies affairs here, I refer you to Christopher Hudsons letters, for that I am but newly arrived. Having here but little business to do, This was a young Bohemian-tartar girl which he gave to the Queen afterward. I sand you Richard johnson to help you there in your affairs. Thus giving you most hearty thanks for my wench Aura Soltana, I commend you to the tuition of God, who sand you health with hearts desire. Your assured to command, Anthony jenkinson. A Letter of the Moscovie company to their Agents in Russia, Master Henry Lane, Christopher Hudson, and Thomas Glover sent in their seventh voyage to Saint Nicholas with three ships, the Swallow, the Philip and Marie, and the jesus the fifth of May, 1560. AFter our hearty commendations to you. The twelfth day of the last month here arrived in safety, thanks be to God, our two ships, & by them we received your letters & invoices very well perceiving what you have laden in them. The tallow came evil conditioned and broken, Tallow. by reason it came in Corrobias, we loose and spoil more than the Cask will cost, and much of this tallow is very evil, black, soft and putrefied. Touching the Wax, Wax. as yet we know not how the weight will rise, by reason that some of it was lost in the barks. The weight of the last years wax did not rise so well as the other years before it did. There had need good heed to be taken in the weighing. Also much of this Wax had a great foot and is not so fair wax as in times past we have had. You must 'cause the foot to be taken off before you do weigh it, or else you must seek to have a good allowance for it. The train Oils which you laded this year came well conditioned, Train oils. and the cask was good and of a good size. But if they were made a little bigger it were the better, for they be not hogsheads. You have written to us to sand you cask which is not here to be had, veither do we think it so best if it were here, considering it must go either shaken and bound up, or else empty, which will be pesterable, and likewise will shrink and dry, and not be fit to lad oils in. Therefore our mind is, you shall 'cause so much cask to be made there of the size of hogsheads as will serve both for your oils and tallow, and let them be well trimmed with pitch on the heads and seams, and stand full of water three or four days before you put Oils in them. Your Cowper may be overseer to them that make them, that they be well hooped and clear timber without knots, the worst cask you may put the tallow in. He that seethe the filling of the oils had need to look well to it, for there was much water in this that came now. We perceive you have bought and have in a readiness one hundred and forty tons of oils, and that if need be you may have more store. Wherefore we do mind to sand you shipping for three hundred tons and upwards, because we would have this next Summer as great a return as you can of the commodities of that Country, as also such of our wares as you have that are not vendible, or will not be sold or bartered, because we would have a full knowledge and state of our accounts. The Sables which you sent this year be very base, Sables. among them all we could not make one principal timber: we have always written unto you to sand them that be good or else none. The Woluerings were indifferent, Woluerings. and some of the wolves, the rest very base, the Lusernes but mean, Luserns. the Lets not so large skins as we have had: Lets. the best is, they were of a new death. As for the Ermines, Ermines. they cost more there with you, than we can cell them for here. Therefore buy no more of them, nor of Squirrels, Squirrels. for we lost the one half in the other. The wares that we would have you provide against the coming of the ships are, Wax, Tallow, train Oils, Flax, Cables and Ropes, and Furs, Flax. Cables and ropes. such as we have written to you for in our last letters by the ships: and from henceforth not to make any great provision of any rich Furs except principal Sables & Lets: for now there is a Proclamation made that no furs shall be worn here, A proclamion against scorn Furs. but such as the like is growing here within this our Realm. Also we perceive that there might be a great deal of tallow more provided in a year than you sand. Therefore our mind is, you should enlarge somewhat more in the price, and to sand us if you can three thousand podes a year: for we do most good in it. 3000. podes of Tallow a year. And likewise the Russes, if you would give them a reasonable price for their waxes, would be the willinger to buy and cell with you, and not to carry so much to Novogrode as they do, but would rather bring it to Vologda to you, both Wax, Tallow, Flax, Hemp, and all kind of other wares fit for our Country. Our mind is you should provide for the next ships five hundred Losh hides, 500 Losh hides. of them that be large and fair, and thickest in hand, and to be circumspect in the choosing, that you buy them that be killed in season and well dried and whole. If they be good we may cell them here for sixteen shillings and better the piece, we would have the whole skins, that is, the neck and legs withal, for these that you sent now lack their necks and legs. Note. Nevertheless for this time you must send them as you may get them: if you could find the means that the hair might be clipped of them, they would not take so much room in the ships as they do. We perceive by your letters that the prices of Wax do rise there with you, by reason that the Poles and Lifelanders do trade into Russia by licence: which, if there should be peace between them, would be an occasion that all other commodities in Russia would rise to a bigger price, and not be sufficient to serve them and us too, and likewise would bring down there the prices of our commodities. Therefore we think it good you should make a supplication to the Emperor in the name of The Company to return the trade from Rye and Revel to us, especially for such wares as we do buy: promising that we will be bound to take them at a reasonable price, as we have bought them in times past: and likewise that we will bring to them such wares of ours, as are thought fit for the Country, and to cell them at such reasonable prices as we have done. If this should not come to pass, we might be out of hope of doing any good by the trade there: but that we have a further hope of some good trade to be found out by Master Antony jenkinson: Hope of trade to be found by master Antony jenkinson. by reason we do perceive by your letters, that raw silk is as plentiful in Persia, as flare is in Russia: beside other commodities that may come from thence. We understand by your letters that you be at a point with the Ruff for the Wax, Tallow, and Train oils that he shipped the last year for 311 robles 20 altines, which is well: although much be not got by it, but because they should not understand our reckonings We much marvel what you mean to buy Seal skins and can them. Seal skins tawed. All that you have sent in times past lie here unsold, and will yield no money. If you sand 100 of them tawed with the hair on, they will be sold, or else not. In our ship we will sand you such things as you writ to have for the ropers: and we would they should make more store of small cables and ropes, as cables of 7,8,9,10,11,12. inches. Small cables best besidible. For these great cables be not for every man; and the greatest cables be not best laded: and likewise small ropes for shrouds, shoals, and other small tackeling: and that you look better to the spinning of their yarn that it be even and well tarred. The sables that you do mind to sand us let them be principal and fair, and not past four or five timbars. For they will not be so commonly worn here as they have been with noble men: and likewise of Luserns sand few and principal good. We mind to sand you in our ships 100 tons of salt. And because we perceive that ballast is hardly to be had at our lading place there with you, we would you should have in a readiness 100 tons of the white stones whereof you sent us home an example two years past. Masts of all sorts to be prepared. And likewise to have in a readiness masts of all sorts for our ships: for we know not what need we shall have of them. The bringer hereof is Thomas Alcock, he could not be suffered the the last year to pass through Poland. And as we written unto you in our ships, he is our servant for years: And for that we know him to be honest, true and painful, our mind is he shallbe placed where he may do best service. He doth know the commodities and discommodities of all kind of wares which you do sand us. Therefore we would you should credit his sayings both in quantity of wares and goodness, as also wherein is most our profit. We see by your letters that your opinion is that the rope-makers should remain there two years more; and that you have provided great plenty of hemp, which we are content withal. But as yet we have sold none of our cable nor hawsers, neither is the proof of them known; because the first you sent us were made of flare, which are worth no money: for after they be once wet they will rot and moulder away like moss. And those which you sent us now last, by misfortune there with you at the lading were wet and fretted in many places, and have lost their colour: by means whereof they be not so vendible as if they had come well conditioned. Of an hard beginning we trust God will sand us a good ending. We hope in your next letters to hear good news of the proceed of Master Antony jenkinson. We perceive by his letters that Astracan is not so good a Mart town as the fame hath go of it: Astracan not great good mart. and marvel much that round pewcer should be so good, and good cheap there, and from whence it should come. And whereas you writ that you will come for England in our next ships, we would gladly have you to remain there until the next year following, for the better instruction of our servants there; who have not had so long time of continuance for the language, and knowledge of the people, country, and wares as you have had. Nevertheless if you will needs come away, we have no doubt, but that you will leave good order with our servants there, namely with Christopher Hodson and Thomas Glover, Christopher Hodson and Thomas Glover appointed Agents 1560. whom we appoint to remain there as Agents in your room, till further order be taken: not doubting but that they will use themselves so discreetly and wisely in all their doings, as shall be to the worship and benefit of this company. And as we have a good hope in them that they will be careful, diligent and true in all their doings: so have we no less hope in all the rest of our servants there, that they will be not only obedient to them (considering what room they be in) but also will be careful, painful, diligent, and true every one in his room and place for the benefit and profit of the company: That hereafter in the absence of others they may be called and placed in the like room there or elsewhere. And if you found any to be disobedient and stubborn, and will not be ruled; we will you shall sand him home in our ships: who shall found such small favour and friendship during the time that he hath to serve, as by his disobedience and evil service he hath deserved. And whereas Christopher Hodson hath written to come home, as partly he hath good cause, considering the death of his father and mother: yet in regard that Sir George Barn and the Lady his wife were his special friends in his absence, we doubt not but that he will remain in the room, which we have appointed him, if you do not tarry and remaive there, till farther order be taken: and for his service and pains he shall be considered, as reason is, as friendly as if his friends were living. Thus we trust you will take such order the one to remain at the Moscow, and the other at Colmogro, or elsewhere, as most need is. Thomas Alcocke is desirous to be in the Moscow: nevertheless you shall found him reasonable to serve where he may do most good. The 62 robles which you received o● john Boucher we have paid him here, and also the 8 robles, which you received the year before of Christopher Rose, and the money which you received more of George Burton, for the which we have you our debtors. Thus we rest, referring that which is here omitted to the report of the bringer: and so God have you in his keeping. Also we would that you should sand us in our ships 200 horse-clothes more. The things before written we would that you should let our servants see and read, to the intent they may perceive our minds. Another letter to the foresaid parties. 1560. THis letter before written is the copy of one sent you by Thomas Alcock, trusting that he was with you long since. The 26 day of the last month we received a letter from him, dated in Stockholme in Sweden the 14 day of january, Stockholme. and we perceive by his letter that he had talked with a Dutch man that came lately from the Moscow, who informed him that our friend Master Antony jenkinson was returned to the Moscow in September last passed, but how far he had been, or what he had done, he could not tell. Also he written that one john luck a joiner was taken by the Liefelanders, john Luck taken prisoner in Lieflando. and put in prison. As yet we have not herded from the said john luck, nor know not whether he be released out of prison or not. We suppose that by him you written some letter which as yet is not come to our hands: so that we think h●e is yet in prison, or otherwise dispatched out of the way. The fifteenth day of December we received a letter from Christopher Hodson, dated in the Moscow the 29 of july, by the way of Dansk: which is in effect a copy of such another received from him in our ships. You shall understand that we have laden in three good ships of ours these kind of wares following: to wit, in the Swallow of London, The Swallow. Master under God Steven Burrow, 34 fardels. Nᵒ 136 broad short clotheses, and four fardels Nᵒ 58 Hampshire Kerseys: and 23 pipes of bastards and seeks, and 263 pieces of raisins and 4 hogsheads Nᵒ 154 pieces of round pewter, and ten hogsheads and poncheons of prunes, and one dryfatte with Almonds. And in the Philip and Marie, The Philip and Marie. Master under God Thomas Wade, 25 fardels Nᵒ 100 broad clotheses, and three fardels Nᵒ 42 Hampshire Kerseys, and thirty pipes of seeks and bastards, and 100 pieces of raisins. And in the jesus of London, The jesus. Master under God Arthur Pette, 10 fardels Nᵒ 40 broad short clotheses, and twenty seven pipes of bastards and seeks, as by the Inuoices herewith enclosed may appear: Also you shall receive such necessaries as you did writ to be sent for the rope makers: trusting that you shall have better success with them which you shall sand us in these ships, then with the rest which you have sent us yet: for we as yet have sold none of them. And whereas we written unto you in our former letter, that we would sand you a hundred tons of salt, by reason it is so dear here we do sand you but nine tons and a half, for it cost here ten pennies the bushel the first penny: namely in the Swallow 6 tons and a half, in the Philip and Marie one tun and a half, and in the jesus one tun and a half. The 4 hogsheads of round pewter go in the Swallow and in the Philip and Marie Nᵒ 154 pieces, as is aforesaid. We sand you three ships, trusting that you have provided according to our former writing good store of lading for them. If ye have more wares than will lad the ships, let it be Train oils that you leave behind: the price is not here so good as it was: it is worth here 9 pound the tun. We think it good you should let the smaller ship bring as much of the train as she can carry: And that the masters of the ships do look well to the rummaging, for they might bring away a great deal more than they do, if they would take pain in the rummaging: and bestow the train by itself, and the ware and tallow by itself: for the leakage of the train doth fowl the other wares much. As for Allard the skinner, if you think good, he may come home in these ships. We have no doubt but that you Henry Lane, if you mind to come home now in these ships as you requested, will leave such good order there with our servants as shall be for our most profit and their preferment, if they do their duties diligently and truly. If our friend Master Antony jenkinson be returned, and mean to come away in these ships to declare his mind and opinion of his travail, if need require and he be so minded he may return thither by land and be there by the fine of januarie or before. But as we be uncertain whether he be returned or not: so we know not what he hath done, nor what benefit may rise hereafter of his travail. Therefore in this we remit it to his and your good discretions. We sand you Thomas Hawtrey which is our servant for years: our mind is he should be placed, where he may do best service. Nicholas Chancellor. Also we sand you Nicholas Chancellor to remain there, who is our apprentice for years: our mind is he should be set about such business as he is most fit for: he hath been kept at writing school long: he hath his algorithm, and hath understanding of keeping of books of reckonings. We sand you now but 100 Kerseys: but against the next year, if occasion serve, we will sand you a greater quantity, according as you shall advise us: One of the pipes of seeks that is in the Swallow, which hath 2 round compasses upon the bung, is to be presented to the Emperor: for it is special good. The neat weight of the 10 puncheons of prunes is 4300. 2 thirds 1 pound. It is written particularly upon the head of every puncheon: and the neat weight of the fat of almonds is 500 li. two quarters. The raisins, prunes, and almonds you were best to dispatch away at a reasonable price, and principally the raisins. The salt of Russia is not so good as Bay salt. for in keeping of them will be great loss in the weight, and the fruit will decay. We think it good that you provide against the next year for the coming of our ships 20 or 30 bullocks killed and salted, for beef is very dear here. Therefore you were best to save some of this salt that we do sand you in these ships for the purpose. The salt of that country is not so good. In this you may take the opinion of the masters of the ships. Fox skins, white, black, and russet will be vendible here. Before skins white, black, and russet vendible in England The last year you sent none: but there were mariners that bought many. If any of the mariners do buy any trifling furs or other commodities, we will they shall be registered in our pursers' books, to the intent we may know what they be. We desire to know how the Emperor took the letter which we sent in our ships, May 5. 1560. as an answer to the letter that came in his name and under his seal for the six thousand dallers. Thus we rest, committing you to God, from London the fift day of May 1560. For lack of time the governors have not firmed this letter: which is the copy of the other two letters firmed by them. Yours, William Mericke, Yours, Blaze Sanders. The manner of justice by lots in Russia, written by Master Henry Lane, and executed in a controversy between him and one Sheray Costromitskey in Moscow. 1560. AFter the coming home into Russia of joseph Napea the first ambassador to Queen Marie, I remaining the Agent there, sundry Russian merchants by joseph's procurement obtained letters from the Emperor to fraught goods and pass in our ships for England: which thing upon good consideration I answered and refused. They were then driven to credit us and compound in value until the next return. At which time, notwithstanding good account in the value of 600 robles, there grew question by their double demand. So in April Anno 1560. trial by combat or lo●. before my coming from Moscovia, they obtained trial by combat or letter to have their sum double, or as I proffered 600 robles. For combatte I was provided of a strong willing Englishman, Robert Best, one of the companies servants: whom the Russes with their Champion refused. So that we had the words of our privilege put in effect, which were to draw lots. The day and manner of trial appointed by the Emperor at his castle in his palace and high Court of Moscovia was thus. The Emperors two Treasurers, being also Chancelours and chief judges, sat in court. They appointed officers to bring me, mine interpreter, & the other, through the great press within the rail or bar, and permitted me to sit down some distance from them: the adverse parties being without at the bar. Both parties were first persuaded with great courtesy, to wit, I to enlarge mine offer, and the Russes to mitigate their challenge. Notwithstanding that I protested my conscience to be clear, and their gain by account to be sufficient, yet of gentleness at the magistrates request I made proffer of 100 robles more: which was openly commended, but of the plaintiffs not accepted. Then sentence passed with our names in two equal balls of wax made and held up by the judges, their sleeves stripped up. Then with standing up and wishing well to the truth attributed to him that should be first drawn, by both consents among the multitude they called a tall gentleman, saying: Thou with such a coat or cap, come up: where room with speed was made. He was commanded to hold his cap, wherein they put the balls, by the crown upright in sight, his arm not abasing. With like circumspection, they called at adventure another tall gentleman, commanding him to strip up his right sleeve, and willed him with his bore arm to reach up, and in God's name severally to take out the two balls: which he did, delivering to either judge one. Then with great admiration the lot in ball first taken out was mine: which was by open sentence so pronounced before all the people, and to be the right and true part. The chief plaintiffs name was Sheray Costromitsky. I was willed forthwith to pay the plaintiffs the sum by me appointed. Out of which for their wrong or sin, as it was termed, they paid ten in the hundred to the Emperor. Many days after, as their manner is, the people took our nation to be true and upright dealers, and talked of this judgement to our great credit. Note. The former letters dated 1558, 1559, and 1560, should all follow M. jenkinsons' voyage to Boghar. The first voyage made by Master Anthony jenkinson, from the City of London toward the land of Russia, begun the twelfth of May, in the year 1557. FIrst by the grace of God, the day and year above mentioned, I departed from the said City, and the same day at Gravesend embarked myself in a good ship, named the Primrose, being appointed, although unworthy, chief captain of the same, and also of the other 3 good ships, to say, the john Evangelist, the Anne, and the Trinity, having also the conduct of the Emperor of Russia his ambassador named Osep Nepea Gregoriwich, who passed with his company in the said Primrose. And thus our four tall ships being well appointed, aswell for men as victuals as other necessary furniture, the said twelfth day of the month of May, we weighed our anchors, and departed from the said Gravesend, in the after n●one, and plying down the Thames, the wound being Easterly, and fair weather, the 13 day we came a ground with the Primrose, upon a sand called the black tail, where we sat f●st until the 14 day in the morning, and then God be praised, she came off: and that day we plied down as far as our Lady of Holland, and there came to an anchor, the wound being Easterly, & there remained until the 20 day: then we weighed and went out at Goldmore gate, and from thence in at Balsey liade, and so into Orwel wands, where we came to an anchor: but as we came out at the said Goldemore gate, the Trinity came on ground on certain rocks, that lie to the Northward of the said gate, and was like to be bilged and lost. But by the aid of God, at the last she came off again, being very leak: and the 21 day the Primrose remaining at an anchor in the wands● the other three ships bore into Orwel haven, where I caused the said Trinity to be grounded, searched, and repaired. So we remained in the said haven, until the 28 day: and then the wind being Westerly, the three ships that were in the haven, weighed and came forth, and in coming forth the john Enangelist came on ground upon a sand, called the Andros, where she remained one tide, and the next full sea she came off again without any great hurt, God be praised. The 29 day in the morning all four ships weighed in the Wands, and that tide went as far as Orfordnesse, where we came to an anchor, because the wound was Northerly: And about six of the clock at night, the wound vered to the South-west, and we weighed anchor, and bore clear of the nesse, and then set our course, North-east & by North until midnight, being then clear of Yarmouth sands. Then we wound North and by West, and Northnorthwest, until the first of june at noon, june. than it waxed calm, and continued so until the second day at noon: then the wind came at Northwest, with a tempest, and much rain, and we lay close by, and caped Northnortheast, and North-east and by North, as the wind shifted, and so continued until the third day at noon: then the wound vered Westerly again, and we went North our right course, and so continued our way until the fourth day, at three of the clock in the afternoon, at which time the wound vered to the Northwest again and blew a fresh gale, and so continued until the seventh day in the morning, we lying with all our ships close by, and caping to the Northwards: and then the wound vering more Northerly, we were forced to put roomer with the coast of England again, and fallen overthwart Newcastle, but went not into the haven, & so plied upon the coast the eight day & the ninth. The tenth day the wind came to the Northnorthwest, & we were forced to bear roomer with Flamborow head, where we came to an anchor, and there remained until the seventeenth day. Then the wind came fair, and we weighed, and set our course North and by East, and so continued the same with a merry wind until the 21 at noon, at which time we took the sun, and had the latitude in sixty degrees. Then we shifted our course, and went Northnortheast, and North-east and by North, until the 25 day. Then we discovered certain Islands, Heilick Islands in 66 degrees 40 minutes. called Heilick Islands, lying from us North-east, being in the latitude of sixty six degrees, 40 minutes. Then we went north and by West, because we would not come too nigh the land, and running that course four hours, we discovered, and had sight of Roast Islands, joining to the main land of Finmarke. Roast Islands. Thus continuing our course along the coast of Norway and Finmark, the 27 day we took the Sun, being as far shot as Lofoot, and had the latitude in 69 degrees. And the same day in the afternoon appeared over our heads a rainbow, like a semicircle, with both ends upward. Note that there is between the said Roast Islands & Lofoot, a whirl pool called Malestrand, Malestrand a strange whirl pool. which from half ebb until half flood, maketh such a terrible noise, that it shaketh the rings in the doors of the inhabitants houses of the said Islands ten miles off. Also if there cometh any Whale within the current of the same, they make a pitiful cry. Moreover, if great trees be carried into it by force of streams, and after with the ebb be cast out again, the ends and boughs of them have been so beaten, that they are like the stalks of hemp that is bruised. Note, that all the coast of Finmarke is high mountains and hills, being covered all the year with snow. And hard aboard the shore of this coast, there is 100 or 150 fathoms of water in depth. Thus proceeding and sailing forward, we fallen with an Island called Zenam, Zenam Island. being in the latitude of 70 degrees. About this Island we see many Whales, very monstrous, about our ships, some by estimation of 60 foot long: and being the engendering time they roared and cried terribly. From thence we fallen with an Island, called Kettelwicke. Kettelwike Island. This coast from roast unto Lofoot lieth North and south, and from Lofoot to Zenam Northeast and south-west, and from Zenam to Kettelwike Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest. From the said Kettelwike we sailed East and by North 10 leagues, and fallen with a land called Inger sound, Inger sound. where we fished, being becalmed, and took great plenty of Cod. Thus plying along the coast, we fallen with a Cape, called the North Cape, The North Cape. which is the Northermost land that we pass in our voyage to S. Nicholas, and is in the latitude of 71 degrees and ten minutes, and is from Inger sound East, and to the Northwards 15 leagues. And being at this North Cape the second day of july, we had the sun at North 4 degrees above the Horizon. The third day we came to Wardhouse, Wardhouse. having such mists that we could not see the land. This Wardhouse is a Castle standing in an Island 2 miles from the main of Finland, subject to the king of Denmark, and the Eastermost land that he hath. There are two other Islands near adjoining unto that, whereon the Castle of Wardhouse standeth. The inhabitants of those three Islands live only by fishing, and make much stockfish, which they dry with frost: their most feeding is fish; bread and drink they have none, but such as is brought them from other places. They have small store of cattle, which are also fed with fish. cattle fed with fish. From Wardhouse we sailed Southsoutheast ten leagues, and fallen with a Cape of land called Kegor, the Northermost part of the land of Lappia. And between Wardhouse, and the said Cape is a great Bay, called Dommes haff, in the South part whereof is a Monastery of Monks of the Russes religion, called Pechinchow. The Monastery of Pechinchow. Thus proceeding forward and sailing along the coast of the said land of Lappia, winding Southeast, the fourth day through great mists and darkness we lost the company of the other three ships, and met not with them again, until the seventh day, when we fallen with a Cape or headland called Swetinoz, which is the entering into the Bay of S. Nicholas. At this Cape lieth a great stone, to the which the barks that passed thereby, were wont to make offerings of butter, meal, and other victuals, thinking that unless they did so, their barks or vessels should there perish, as it hath been oftentimes seen: and there it is very dark and misty. Note that the sixt day we passed by the place where Sir Hugh Willoughby, Arzina reca the river where sir Hugh Willoughby was frozen. with all his company perished, which is called Arzina reca, that is to say, the river Arzina. The land of Lappia is an high land, having snow lying on it commonly all the year. The people of the Country are half Gentiles: they live in the summer time near the sea side, and use to take fish, of the which they make bread, and in the winter they remove up into the country into the woods, where they use hunting, and kill Dear, Bears, Wolves, Foxes, and other beasts, with whose flesh they be nourished, and with their skins appareled in such strange fashion, that there is nothing seen of them bore but their eyes. The Lappians covered all saving their eyes. They have none other habitation, but only in tents, removing from place to place, according to the season of the year. They know no art nor faculty, but only shooting, which they exercise daily, as well men as women, and kill such beasts as serve them for their food. Thus proceeding along the coast from Swetinoz aforesaid, the ninth day of july we came to Cape Grace, being in the latitude of 66 degrees and 45 minutes, and is at the entering in of the Bay of S. Nicholas. Aboard this land there is 20 or 30 fathoms water, and sundry grounds good to anchor in. The current at this Cape runneth Southwest and Northeast. The current at Cape Grace. From this Cape we proceeded along until we came to Cross Island, which is seven leagues from the said Cape Southwest: and from this Island, we set over to the other side of the Bay, The entering of the Bay of S. Nicholas is seven leagues broad at the lest. and went Southwest, and fallen with an headland called Foxenose, which is from the said Island 25 leagues. The entering of this Bay from Cross Island to the nearest land on the other side is seven leagues over. From Foxenose proceeding forward the twelfth day of the said month of july, all our four ships arrived in safety at the road of Saint Nicholas in the land of Russia, where we ankered, and had sailed from London unto the said road seven hundred and fifty leagues. The Russian ambassador and his company with great joy got to shore, and our ships here forthwith discharged themselves: and being laden again, and having a fair wind, departed toward England the first of August. August. The third of the said month I with other of my company came unto the city of Colmogro, being an hundred versses from the Bay of Saint Nicholas, and in the latitude of 64 degrees 25 minutes. I carried at the said Colmogro until the fifteenth day: and then I departed in a little boat up the great river of Dwina, which runneth very swiftly, and the self same day passed by the mouth of a river called Pinego, Pinego river. leaving it on our left hand fifteen verstes from Colmogro. On both sides of the mouth of this river Pinego is high land, great rocks of Alabaster, great woods, and Pineapple trees lying along within the ground, which by report have lain there since noah's flood. And thus proceeding forward the nineteenth day in the morning. I came into a town called Yemps, The town of Yemps. an hundred verstes from Colmogro. All this way along they make much tar, pitch and ashes of Aspen trees. From thence I came to a place called Vstiug, Vstiug. an ancient city the last day of August. At this city meet two rivers: the one called jug, and the other Sucana, both which fall into the aforesaid river of Dwina. The river jug hath his spring in the land of the Tartars called Cheremizzi, joining to the country of Permia: and Succana hath his head from a lake not far from the city of Vologda. Thus departing from Vstiug, and passing by the river Succana, we came to a town called Totma. About this place the water is very shallow, and stony, and troublesome for Barks and boats of that country, which they call Nassades, and Dosneckes, to pass that way: wherein merchandise are transported from the aforesaid Colmogro to the city of Vologhda. These vessels called Nassades, are very long builded, broad made, and close above, flat bottomed, and draw not above four foot water, and will carry two hundred tons: The description of their Nassades. they have none iron appertaining to them but all of timber, and when the wind serveth, they are made to sail. Otherwise they have many men, some to hale and draw by the necks with long small ropes made fast to the said boats, and some set with long poles. There are many of th●se barks upon the river of Dwina: And the most part of them belongeth unto the city of Vologhda: for there devil many merchants, and they occupy the said boats with carrying of salt from the sea side unto the said Vologhda. The twentieth of September I came unto Vologhda, which is a great city, and the river passeth through the midst of the same. The houses are builded with wood of Firretrees, joined one with another, and round without: the houses are four square without any iron or stone work, covered with birch barks, and wood over the same: Their Churches are all of wood, two for every parish, one to be heated for Winter, and the other for Summer. On the tops of their houses they lay much earth, for fear of burning: for they are sore plagued with fire. This Vologhda is in 59 degrees, eleven minutes, and is from Colmogro, 1000 verstes. All the way I never came in house, but lodged in the wilderness, by the rivers side, and carried provision for the way. Good counsel for travelers. And he that will travel those ways, must carry with him an hatchet, a tinder boar, and a kettle, to make fire and seeth meat, when he hath it: for there is small succour in those parts, unless it be in towns. The first day of December, I departed from Vologhda in posse in a sled, as the manner is in Winter. And the way to Moscua is as followeth. From Vologhda to Commelski, 27 verstes, so to Olmor 25 verstes, so to Teloytske 20 verstes, so to Vre 30 verstes, so to Voshansko 30 verstes, then to Yeraslave 30 verstes, which standeth upon the great river Volga, so to Rostove, 50 verstes, then to Rogarin 30 verstes, so to Peraslave 10 verstes, which is a great town, standing hard by a fair lake. From thence to Dowbnay 30 versses, so to Godoroke 30 verstes, so to Owchay 30 verstes, and last to the Moscow 25 verstes, where I arrived the sixt day of December. December. There are 14 posts called Yannes between Vologhda and Moscow, which are accounted 500 verstes asunder. The 10 day of December I was sent for to the Emperor's Castle by the said Emperor, and delivered my letters unto the Secretary, who talked with me of divers matters, by the commandment of the Emperor. And after that my letters were translated, I was answered that I was welcome, and that the Emperor would give me that I desired. The 25 day, being the day of the nativity, I came into the Emperor's presence, and kissed his hand, who sat aloft in a goodly chair of estate, having on his head a crown most richly decked, and a staff of gold in his hand, all appareled with gold, and garnished with precious stones. There sat distant from him about two yards his brother, and next unto him a boy of twelve years of age, who was inheritor to the Emperor of Casan, conquered by this Emperor 8 years past. Then sat his nobility round about him, richly appareled with gold and stone. And after I had done obeisance to the Emperor, he with his own mouth calling me by my name, bade me to dinner, and so I departed to my lodging till dinner time, which was at six of the clock, by candle light. The Emperor dined in a fair great hall, in the midst whereof was a pillar four square, very artificially made, about which were divers tables set, and at the uppermost part of the hall, sat the Emperor himself, & at his table sat his brother, his Uncle's son, the Metropolitan, the young Emperor of Casan, and divers of his noble men, all of one side. There were divers Ambassadors, & other strangers, as well Christians as heathens, diversly appareled, to the number of 600 men, which dined in the said hall, besides 2000 Tartars, men of war, which were newly come to tender themselves to the Emperor, & were appointed to serve him in his wars against the Lieflanders, but they dined in other hals. I was set at a little table, having no stranger with me, directly before the Emperor's face. Being thus set and placed, the Emperor sent me divers bowls of wine, and mead, & many dishes of meat from his own hand, which were brought me by a Duke, and my table served all in gold and silver, and so likewise on other tables, there were set bowls of gold, set with stone, worth by estimation 400 pounds sterling one cup, besides the plate which served the tables. There was also a Cupboard of plate, most sumptuous and rich, which was not used: among the which, was a piece of gold of two yards long, wrought in the top with towers, and dragons heads, also divers barrels of gold and silver, with Castles on the bungs, richly and artificially made. The Emperor and all the hall throughout was served with Dukes: and when dinner was ended, the Emperor called me by name, & gave me drink with his own hand, & so I departed to my lodging. Note, that when the Emperor drinketh, all the company stand up, and at every time he drinketh or tasteth of a dish of meat he blesseth himself. Many other things I saw that day, not here noted. The 4 of january, which was Twelftide with them, the Emperor, with his brother and all his nobles, all most richly appareled with gold, pearls, precious stones, and costly furs, with a crown upon his head, of the Tartarian fashion, went to the Church in procession, with the Metropolitan, and divers bishops and priests. That day I was before the Emperor again in Russee apparel, and the Emperor asked if that were not I, and his Chancellor answered yea. Then he bade me to dinner: then came he out of the church, and went with the procession upon the river, being all frozen, and there standing bore headed, with all his Nobles, there was a hole made in the ice, and the Metropolitan hallowed the water with great solemnity and service, and did cast of the said water upon the Emperor's son and the Nobility. That done, the people with great thronging filled pots of the said water to carry home to their houses, and divers children were thrown in, and sick people, and plucked out quickly again, and divers Tartars christened: all which the Emperor beheld. Also there were brought the emperors best horses, to drink at the said hallowed water. All this being ended, he returned to his palace again, and went to dinner by candle light, and sat in a wooden house, very fairly gilded. There dined in the place, above 300 strangers, and I sat alone as I did before, directly before the Emperor, and had my meat, bread and drink sent me from the Emperor. The city of Moscow is great, the houses for the most part of wood, and some of stone, with windows of iron, which serve for summer time. There are many fair Churches of stone, but more of wood, which are made hot in the winter time. The Emperor's lodging is in a fair and large castle, walled four square of brick, high, and thick, situated upon a hill, 2 miles about, and the river on the South-west side of it, and it hath 16 gates in the walls, & as many bulwarks. His palace is separated from the rest of the Castle, by a long brickwall going north and south, to the river side. In his palace are Churches, some of stone and some of wood, with round towers fairly gilded. In the Church doors and within the Churches are images of gold: the chief markets for all things, are within the said Castle, and for sundry things sundry markets, and every scicence by itself. And in the winter there is a great market without the castle, upon the river being frozen, and there is sold corn, earthen pots, tubs, sleds, etc. The castle is in circuit 2900 pases. The country is full of marish ground, & plain, in woods and rivers abundant, but it bringeth forth good plenty of corn. This Emperor is of great power: for he hath conquered much, as well of the Lieflanders, Poles, Lettoes, and Swethens, as also of the Tartars, & Gentiles, called Samoebs', having thereby much enlarged his dominions. He keepeth his people in great subjection: all matters pass his judgement, be they never so small. The law is sharp for all offenders. The Metropolitan deals in matters of religion, as himself listeth, whom the Emperor greatly honoureth. They use the ceremonies, and orders of the Greek Church. They worship many images painted on tables, and specially the image of S. Nicholas. Their Priests be married, but their wives being dead, they may not marry the second time, and so become Monks, whereof there are a great number in the land. They have four Lents in the year, and the week before Shrofetide, they call the Butter week, etc. They have many sorts of meats and drinks, when they banquet and delight in eating of gross meats, and stinking fis●e. Before they drink they use to blow in the cup: their greatest friendship is in drinking: they are great talkers and liars, without any faith or trust in their words, flatterers and dissemblers. The women be there very obedient to their husbands, & are kept straight from going abroad, but at some seasons. At my being there, I herded of men and women that drunk away their children, and all their goods at the Emperor's tavern, and not being able to pay, having impauned himself, the Taverner bringeth him out to the high way, and beats him upon the legs: then they that pass by, knowing the cause, and having peradventure compassion upon him, give the money, and so he is ransomed. In every good town there is a drunken Tavern called a Cursemay, which the Emperor sometime letteth out to farm, & sometimes bestoweth for a year or two on some duke or gentleman, in recompense of his service: and for that time he is Lord of all the town, robbing and spoiling, and doing what pleaseth him: and then he being grown rich, is taken by the Emperor, and sent to the wars again, where he shall spend all that which he hath got by ill means: so that the Emperor in his wars is little charged, but all the burden li●●h upon the poor people. They use saddles made of wood & sinews, with the tree gilded with damask work, & the seat covered with clot, sometimes of gold, and the rest Saphi●n leather, well stitched. They use little drums at their saddle bows, by the sound whereof their horses use to run more swiftly. The Ruff is appareled in this manner: his upper garment is of clot of gold, silk, or clot, long, down to the foot, and buttoned with great buttons of silver, or else lace's of silk, set on with brooches, the sleeves thereof very long, which he weareth on his arm, tuffed up. Under that he hath another long garment, buttoned with silk buttons, with a high collar standing up of some colour, and that garment is made strait. Then his shirt is very fine, and wrought with read silk, or some gold, with a collar of pearl. Under his shirt he hath linen breeches, upon his legs, a pair of hose without feet, and his boots of read or yellow leather. On his head he weareth a white Colepecke, with buttons of silver, gold, pearl, or stone, and under it a black Fox cap, turned up very broad. When he rideth on horseback to the wars, or any journey, he hath a sword of the Turkish fashion, and his bow and arrows of the same manner. In the town he weareth no weapon, but only two or three pair of knives, having the hafts of the tooth of a fish, called the Morse. In the Winter time, the people travel with sleds, in town and country, the way being hard, and smooth with snow: the waters and rivers are all frozen, and one horse with a sled, will draw a man upon it 400 miles, in three days: but in the Summer time, the way is deep with mire, and traveling is very ill. The Ruff, if he be a man of any ability, never goeth out of his house in the winter, but upon his sled, and in Summer upon his horse: and in his sled he sits upon a carpet, or a white bears skin: the sled is drawn with a horse well decked, with many Foxes and Wolves tails at his neck, & is conducted by a little boy upon his back: his servants stand upon the tail of the sled etc. The voyage, wherein Osep Napea the Moscovite Ambassador returned home into his country, with his entertainment at his arrival, at Colmogro: and a large description of the manners of the Country. THe twelfth of may, in the year of our Lord 1557 there departed from Gravelend, four good ships well appointed for Merchants, which were presently bond into the Bay of S. Nicholas in Russia: with which ships was transported, or carried home, one Osep Gregoriwich Napea, who was sent Messenger from the Emperor and great Duke of Moscovia. The four ships were these, whose names follow, viz. The Primrose Admiral. The john Evangelist Uiceadmirall. The Anne and the Trinity Attendants. The 13 of july, the foresaid four ships came to an anchor in the Bay of S. Nicholas, before an Abbey, called the Abbey of S. Nicholas, whereas the said Messenger, Osep Gregoriwich Napea went a shore, and as many English men as came to serve the Emperor remained with him at the Abbey for the space of six days, until he had got all his things a shore, and laden the same in barks, to go up the river Dwina, unto Vologhda, which is by water 1000 verstes, and every verste is about three quarters of an English mile. The 20 of july, we departed from S. Nicholas, and the 24 of the same, we came to Colmogro, Presents used in Russia are all for the most part of victuals. where we remained eight days: and the said Messenger was there of all his acquaintance welcomed home, and had presents innumerable sent unto him, but it was nothing but meat and drink. Some sent white bread, some rye bread, and some buttered bread & pancakes, beef, mutton, bacon, eggs, butter, fish, swans, geese, ducks, hens, and all manner of victuals, both fish and flesh, in the best manner, that the rude people could devise: for among them, these presents are highly esteemed. The 29 of july, we departed from Colmogro, and the 14 of August we came to Vs●iug, where we remained one day, and changed our barks or boats. The 27 of August, we came to Vologhda, where we remained 4 days unlading the barks, and lading our chests and things in small wagons, with one horse in a piece, which in their tongue are called Telegos, and with these Telegoes they carried our stuff from Vologhda unto the Moscow, which is 500 verstes: and we were upon the same way 14 days: for we went no faster than the Telegoes. There are three great towns between the Moscow and Vologhda, that is to say, Yeraslave, Rostave, & Pereslave. Upon one side of Yeraslave runneth a famous river, which is called Volga. It runneth into the Caspian sea, and it divideth itself before it come into the Mare Caspium, in 50 parts or more, and near unto the same sea there stands a great City, called Boghar, The city of Boghar. the inhabitants of the which are called by the same name. The people of the said City do traffic unto the City of Moscow: their commodities are spices, musk, ambergris, rhubarb, with other drugs. They bring also many furs which they buy in Siberia coming towards the Moscow: the said people are of the sect of Mahomet. The 12 of September we came unto the city of Moscow, They arrived at Moscow. where we were brought by Napea, and two of the emperors gentlemen unto a large house, where every one of us had his chamber appointed. The 14 of September we were commanded to come unto the Emperor, and immediately aftee our coming we were brought into his presence, unto whom each of us did his duty accordingly, and kissed his right hand, his majesty sitting in his chair of estate, with his crown on his head, and a staff of goldsmith's work in his left hand well garnished with rich and costly stones: and when we had all kissed his hand and done our duties, his majesty did declare by his interpreter that we were all welcome unto him, and into his country, & thereupon willed us to dine with him: that day we gave thanks unto his majesty, and so departed until the dinner was ready. When dinner time approached, we were brought again into the emperors dining chamber, where we were set on one side of a table that stood over against the emperors table, to the end that he might well behold us all: and when we came into the foresaid chamber, we found there ready set these tables following. First at the upper end of one table were set the Emperor his majesty, his brother, & the Emperor of Cazan, which is prisoner. About two yards lower sat the Emperor of Cazan his son, being a child of five years of age, and beneath him sat the most part of the Emperor's noble men. And at another table near unto the emperors table, there was set a Monk all alone, which was in all paints as well served as the Emperor. At another table sat another kind of people called Chirkastes, which the Emperor entertaineth for men of war to serve against his enemies. Of which people and of their country, I will hereafter make mention. All the tables aforesaid were covered only with salt and bread, and after that we had satin a while, the Emperor sent unto every one of us a piece of bread, which were given and delivered unto every man severally by these words: The Emperor and great Duke giveth the bread this day, and in like manner three or four times before dinner was ended, he sent unto every man drink, which was given by these words, The Emperor and great Duke giveth thee to drink. All the tables aforesaid were served in vessels of pure and fine gold, as well basons and ewers, platters, dishes and saucers, as also of great pots, with an innumerable sort of small drinking pots of divers fashions, whereof a great number were set with stone. As for costly meats I have many times seen better: but for change of wines, and divers sorts of meads, it was wonderful: for there was not left at any time so much voided room on the table, that one cup more might have been set, and as far as I could perceive, all the rest were in the like manner served. In the dinner time there came in six singers which stood in the midst of the chamber, and their faces towards the Emperor, who sang there before dinner was ended three several times, whose songs or voices delighted our ears little or nothing. The Emperor never putteth morsel of meat in his mouth, but he first blesseth it himself, & in like manner as often as he drinketh: for after his manner he is very religious, & he esteemeth his religious men above his noble men. This dinner continued about the space of five hours, which being ended, and the tables taken up, we came into the midst of the chamber, where we did reverence unto the Emperor's majesty, and then he delivered unto every one of us with his own hands a cup of mead, which when every man had received and drunk a quantity thereof, we were licensed to departed, & so ended that dinner. And because the Emperor would have us to be merry, he sent to our lodging the same Evening three barrels of mead of sundry sorts, of the quantity in all of one hogshead. The 16 day of September the Emperor sent home unto our lodging for every of us a Tartary horse to ride from place to place as we had occasion, for that the stre●tes of Moscow are very fowl and miry in the Summer. M. Standish, doctor of Physic. The 18 of September there were given unto master Standish doctor in Physic, and the rest of our men of our occupations, certain furred gowns of branched velvet and gold, and some of read damask, of which master Doctor's gown was furred with Sables, and the rest were furred some with white Ermine, and some with grey Squirel, and all faced and edged round about with black beaver. The 1 of October in the morning we were commanded to come unto the Emperor's court, and when we came thither, we were brought unto the Emperor unto whom we did our duties accordingly: whereupon he willed us to dine with him that day, and so with thanks unto his majesty, we departed until dinner time, at which time we came and found the tables covered with bread and salt as at the first: & after that we were all set upon one side of the table, the Emperor's majesty according to his accustomed manner sent unto every man a piece of bread by some of the Dukes which attended on his highness. And whereas the 14 of September we were served in vessels of gold, we were now served in vessels of silver, and yet not so abundantly as was the first of gold: they brought drink unto the table in silver boles which contained at the lest six gallons a piece, and every man had a small silver cup to drink in, & another to dip or to take his drink out of the great bowl withal: the dinner being ended, the Emperor gave unto every one of us a cup with mead, which when we had received, we gave thanks and departed. Moreover, whensoever the Emperor's pleasure is that any strauger shall dine with him, he doth sand for them in the morning, and when they come before him, he with his own mouth biddeth them to dinner, and this order he always observeth. The 10 of October the Emperor gave unto M. Standish 70 rubles in money, and to the rest of our men of occupations 30 rubles apiece. The 3 of November we dined again with the Emperor, where we were served as before. The 6 of December being S. Nicholas day, we dined again at the Emperors, for that is one of the principal feasts which the Moscovites hold: Long dinners we were served in silver vessels and ordered in all points as before, and it was passed 7 of the clock at night before dinner was ended. The Emperor's majesty useth every year in the month of December, to have all his ordinance that is in the city of Moscow carried into the field which is without the Suburbs of the city, and there to have it planted and bend upon two houses of Wood filled within with earth: against which two ho●ses there were two fair white marks set up, at which marks they discharge all their ordinance, to the end the Emperor may see what his Gunners can do. They have fair ordinance of brass of all sorts, bases, falcons, minions, sakers, culverins, cannons double and royal, basilisks long and large, Ordinance in Russia. they have six great pieces whose shot is a yard of height, which shot a man may easily discern as they flee: they have also a great many of mortar pieces or porguns, out of which pieces they shoot wild fire. A yearly triumph. The 12 of December the Emperor's Majesty and all his nobility came into the field on horseback, in most goodly order, having very fine gennets & Turkey horses garnished with gold & silver abundantly. The Emperor's majesty having on him a gown of rich tissue, & a cap of scarlet on his head, set not only with pearls, but also with a great number of rich and costly stones: his noble men were all in gowns of clot of gold, which did ride before him in good order by 3. & 3. and before them there went 5000 arquebusiers, which went by 5 and 5 in a rank in very good order, every of them carrying his gun upon his left shoulder, and his match in his right hand, and in this order they marched into the field where as the foresaid ordinance was planted. And before the Emperor's majesty came into the field, there was a certain stage made of small poles which was a quarter of a mile long, and about three score yards off from the stage of poles were certain pieces of ice of two foot thick, and six foot high set up, which rank of ice was as long as the stage of poles, and as soon as the Emperor's majesty came into the field, the arquebusiers went upon the stage of poles where they settled themselves in order. And when the Emperor's majesty was settled where he would be, and where he might see all the ordinance discharged and shot off, the arquebusiers began to shoot off at the bank of ice, as though it had ●in in any skirmish or battle, who ceased not shooting, until they had beaten all the ice flat on the ground. After the handguns, they shot off their wild fire up into the air, which was a goodly sight to behold. And after this, they began to discharge the small pieces of brass, beginning with the smallest and so orderly bigger and bigger, until the last and biggest. When they had shot them all off, they began to charge them again, and so shot them all off 3 times after the first order, beginning with the smallest, and ending with the greatest. And note that before they had ended their shooting, the 2 houses that they shot unto were beaten in pieces, & yet they were very strongly made of Wood and filled with earth, being at the lest 30 foot thick. This triumph being ended, the Emperor departed and road home in the same order that he came forth into the field. The ordinance is discharged every year in the month of December, according to the order before mentioned. On Christmas day we were all willed to dine with the Emperor's Majesty, where for bread; meat and drink, we were served as at other times before: but for goodly and rich plate, we never see the like or so much before. There dined that day in the Emperor's presence above 500 strangers, and two hundred Russes, and all they were served in vessels of gold, and that as much as could stand one by another upon the tables. Besides this there were four cupboards garnished with goodly plate both of gold & silver. Among the which there were 12 barrels of silver, containing above 12 gallons a piece, and at each end of every barrel were 6 ho●pes of fine gold: this dinner continued about six hours. Every year upon the 12 day they use to bless or sanctify the river Moscua, The hallowing of the river of Moscow. which runneth through the city of Moscow, after this manner. First, they make a square hole in the ice about 3 fathoms large every way, which is trimmed about the sides & edges with white boards. Then about 9 of the clock they come out of the church with procession towards the river in this wise. First and foremost there go certain young men with aware tapers burning, and one carrying a great lantern: then follow certain banners, than the cross, than the images of our Lady, of S. Nicholas, and of other Saints, which images men carry upon their shoulders: after the images follow certain priests to the number of 100 or more: after them the Metropolitan who is led between two priests, and after the Metropolitan came the Emperor with his crown upon his head, and after his majesty all his noble men orderly. Thus they followed the procession unto the water, & when they came unto the hole that was made, the priests set themselves in order round about it. And at one side of the same pool there was a scaffold of boards made, upon which stood a fair chair in which the Metropolitan was set, but the emperors majesty stood upon the ice. After this the priests began to sing, to bless and to sense, and did their service, and so by that time that they had done, the water was holy, which being sanctified, the Metropolitan took a little thereof in his hands, and cast it on the Emperor, likewise upon certain of the Dukes, & then they returned again to the church with the priests that sat about the water: but that press that there was about the water when the Emperor was go, was wondered to behold, for there came above 5000 pots to be filled of that water: for that Moscovite which hath no part of that water, thinks himself unhappy. And very many went naked into the water, both men and women and children: after the press was a little go, the emperors Jennets and horses were brought to drink of the same water, and likewise many other men brought their horses thither to drink, and by that means they make their horses as holy as themselves. All these ceremonies being ended, we went to the Emperor to dinner, where we were served in vessels of silver, and in all other points as we had been beforetime. The Russes begin their Lent always 8 weeks before Easter: The Russes Lent. the first week they eat eggs, milk, cheese & butter, and make great cheer with pancakes and such other things, one friend visiting another, & from the sam● Sunday until our Shrofesunday there are but few Russes sober, but they are drunk day by day, and it is accounted for no reproach or shame among them. The next week being our fir●t week or Lent, or our cleansing week, beginning our Shrofesunday, they make and keep a great fast. It is reported, and the people do verily believe that the Metropolitan neither eateth nor drinketh any manner of thing for the space of seven days, and they say that there are many religious men which do the like. The Emperor's Majesty eateth but one morsel of bread, and drinketh but one draft of drink once in the day during that week, and all men tha● are of any reputation come not out of their houses during that time, so that the streets are almost voided of company, saving a few poor folks which wander to and fro. The other six weeks they keep as we do ours, but not one of them will eat either butter, cheese, eggs or milk. On Palm sunday they have a very solemn procession in this manner following. First, they have a tree of a good bigness which is made fast upon two sleds, as though it were growing there, and it is hanged with apples, raisins, figs and dates, and with many other first-fruits abundantly. In the midst of the same tree stand 5 boys in white vestures, which sing in the tree before the procession: after this there followed certain young men with wax tapers in their hands burning, & a great lantern that all the light should not go out: after them followed two with long banners, & six with round plates set upon long staves: the plates were of copper very full of holes and thin: then followed 6 carrying painted images upon their shoulders, after the images followed certain priests to the number of 100 or more, with goodly vestures, whereof 10 or 12 are of white damask, set and embroidered round about with fair and orient pearls, as great as pease, and among them certain sapphires and other stones. After them followed the one half of the emperors noble men: then cometh the Emperor's majesty and the Metropolitan, after this manner. First, there is a horse covered with white linen clot down to the ground, his ears being made long with the same clot like to an asses ears. Upon this horse the Metropolitan sitteth sidelong like a woman: in his lap lieth a fair book, with a crucifix of Goldsmith's work upon the cover, which he holdeth fast with his left hand, and in his right hand he hath a cross of gold, with which cross he ceaseth not to bless the people as he rideth. There are to the number of 30 men which spread abroad their garments before the horse, and as soon as the horse is passed over any of them, they take them up again and run before, and spread them again, so that the horse doth always go on some of them. They which spread the garments are all priests sons, and for their labours the Emperor giveth unto them new garments. The Emperor leadeth the Metropolitan horse in procession. One of the Emperor's noble men leadeth the horse by the head, but the Emperor himself going on foot leadeth the horse by the end of the rain of his bridle with one of his hands, and in the other of his hands he had a branch of a Palm tree: after this followed the rest of the emperors Noble men and Gentlemen, with a great number of other people. In this order they went from one church to another within the castle, about the distance of two flights shot: and so returned again to the emperors Church, where they made an end of their service. Which being done, the emperors majesty and certain of his noble men went to the Metropolitan his house to dinner, where of delicate fish and good drinks there was no lack. The rest of this week until Easter day they kept very solemnly, continuing in their houses for the most part, and upon Monday or Thursday the Emperor doth always use to receive the Sacrament, and so do most of his nobles. Upon good Friday they continued all the day in contemplation and prayers, and they use every year on good Friday to let lose a prisoner in the stead of Barrabas. The night following they go to the Church where they sleep until the next morning, & at Easter they have the resurrection, & after every of the Lents they eat flesh the next week following, Friday, Saturday and all. They have an order at Easter which they always observe, and that is this: every year against Easter to die or colour read with Brazell a great number of eggs, of which every man and woman giveth one unto the priest of their Parish upon Easter day in the morning. And moreover the common people use to carry in their hands one of their read eggs, not only upon Easter day, but also three or four days after, and gentlemen and gentlewomen have eggs gilded which they carry in like manner. They use it as they say for a great love, and in token of the resurrection, whereof they rejoice. For when two friends meet during the Easter holy days, they come & take one another by the hand: the one of them saith, the Lord or Christ is risen, the other answereth, it is so of a truth, and then they kiss and exchange their eggs both men and women, Kissing used in the Greek church. continuing in kissing 4 days together. The 12 of April being Tuesday in the Easter week, master jenkinson and master Grace, and certain other of us English m●n dined with the Emperor, where we were served as we had been before time. And after dinner the emperors majesty gave unto master jenkinson and unto M. Gray, and so orderly unto every one of us a cup of Mead, according to his accustomed manner which when every man had received and given thanks, With these letters M. jenkinson took his voyage the same Ap●il to Boghar. M. jenkinson stepped into the midst of the chamber before the emperors majesty, and gave thanks to his highness for his goodness unto him extended, desiring his grace to licence him to departed, and in like manner did Master Gray. His majesty did not only licence them to dep●rt, but also granted unto master jenkinson his letters under his great seal, unto all princes through whose dominions master jenkinson should have occasion to pass, that he might the sooner and quietl●er pass by means thereof. Which being granted, master jenkinson and Gray lowly submitted themselves, th●nking his majesty. So the Emperor gave unto either of them a cup of mead to drink, and willed them to departed at their pleasure in God's peace. The 14. of April in the morning when M. Gray and I were ready to departed towards Enggland, the Chancellors seen unto us and willed us to come to their office in the Chancery, where at our coming they showed us a great number of the Emperor's jewels, and rich robes, willing us to mark and behold them well, to the end that at our arrival into England, we might make report what we had seen there. The chiefest was his majesties crown, being close under the top very fair wrought: The emperors wardrobe. in mine opinion, the workmanship of so much gold few men can amend. It was adorned and decked with rich and precious stones abundantly, among the which one was a ruby, which stood a handful higher than the top of the crown upon a small wire, it was as big as a good bean: the same crown was lined with a fair black Sable, worth by report 4●. robles. We saw all his majesties robes which were very richly set with stones, they showed us many other great stories of divers kinds, but the most part of them were uneven, in manner as they came out of the work, for they do more esteem the greatness of stones, than the proportion of them. We see two goodly gowns which were as heavy as a man could easily carry, all set with pearls over and over: the guards or borders round about them were garnished with sapphires and other good stones abundantly. One of the same gowns was very rich, for the pearls were very large, round and orient: as for the rest of his gowns and garments, they were of rich tissue and clot of gold and all furred with very black Sables. When we had sufficiently perused all these things, they willed master Gray at his arrival in England, to provide if he could, such jewels and rich clotheses as he had seen there, and better if he could, declaring that the Emperor would gladly bestow his money upon such things. So we took our leave the same time, and departed towards Vologda immediately. The manners, usages, and ceremonies of the Russes. Of the Emperor. THe emperors name in their tongue is ivan Vasilivich, that is as much to say, as john the son of “ Or, Basilius. Vasilie and by his princely state he is called Otesara, as his predecessors have been before, which to interpret, is a king, that giveth not tribute to any man. And this word Otesara his majesties interpreters have of late days interpreted to be Emperor, so that now he is called Emperor and great Duke of all Russia, etc. Before his father they were ●either called Emperors nor kings but only Rueses Velike, that is to say, great Duke. And as this Emperor which now is ivan Vasilivich, doth exceed his predecessors in name, that is, from a Duke to an Emperor, even so much by report he doth exceed them in stoutness of courage and valiantness, and a great deal more: for he is no more afraid of his enemies which are not few, than the Hobby of the larks. His enemies with whom he hath wars for the most part are these: Li●to, Poland, Sweden, Denmark, Lifland, the Crimmes, Nagaians, and the whole nation of the Cartarians, which are a stout and a hardy people as any under the Sun. This Emperor useth great familiarity, as well unto all his nobles and subjects, as also unto strangers which serve him either in his wars, or in occupations: for his pleasure is that they shall dine oftentimes in the year in his presence, and besides that he is oftentimes abroad, either at one Church or another, and walking with his noble men abroad. And by this meanus he is nor only beloved of his nobles and commons, but aslo had in great dread and fear through all his dominions, so that I think no prince in Christendom is more feared of his own than he is, nor yet better beloved's For if he bid any of his Dukes go, they will run, if he give any evil or angry word to any of them, the party will not come into his majesties presence again of a long time if he be not sent for, but will feign him to be very sicke● and will let the hair of his head grow very long, without either cutting or shaving, which is an evident token that he is in the Emperor's displeasure: for when they be in their prosperity, they accounted it a shame to wear long hair, in consideration whereof, they use to have their heads shaven. Note. His majesty heareth all complain is himself, and with his own mouth giveth sentence, and judgement of all matters, and that with expedition: but religious matters he meddleth not withal, but referreth them wholly unto the Metropolitan. His majesty retaineth and well rewardeth all strangers that come to serve him, and especially men of war. He delighteth not greatly in hawking, hunting, or any other pastime, nor in hearing instruments or music, but setteth all his whole delight upon two things: First, to serve God, as undoubtedly he is very devout in his religion, and the second, how to subdue and conquer his enemies. He hath abundance of gold and silver in his own hands or treasury: but the most part of his know not a crown from a counter, nor gold from copper, they are so much cumbered therewithal, and he that is worth 2.3. or 4. groats, is a rich man. Of their Religious men. THe Metropolitan is next unto God, our Lady and S. Nicholas excepted: for the Emperor's majesty judgeth & affirmeth him to be of higher dignity than himself; for that, says he, he is God's spiritual officer, and I the Emperor am his temporal officer, and therefore his majesty submitteth himself unto him in many things concerning religious matters, as in leading the Metropolitans horse upon Palm sunday, and giving him leave to sit on a chair upon the 12. day, when the river Moscow was in blessing, his majesty standing on the ice. All matters of religion are reform by the Metropolitan, he heareth the causes and giveth sentence as himself listeth, and is authorised so to do, whether it be to whip, hung or burn, his will must needs be fulfilled. They have both monks, friars and nuns, with a great number of great & rich monasteries: they keep great hospitality, and do relieve much poor people day by day. I have been in one of the monasteries called Troietes, which is walled about with brick very strongly like a castle, and much ordinance of brass upon the walls of the same. They told me themselves that there are seven hundred brethren of them which belong unto that house. The most part of the lands, towns, and villages which are within 40. miles of it, belong unto the same. They showed me the church, wherein were as many images as could hung about, or upon the walls of the Church round about, and even the roof of the church was painted full of images. The chief image was of our Lady, which was garnished with gold, rubies, sapphire and other rich stones abundantly. In the midst of the church stood 12. wax tapers of two yards long, and a fathom about in highness, & there stands a kettle full of wax with about 100 weight, wherein there is always the wieke of a candle burning, as it were a lamp which goeth not out day nor night. They showed me a coffin covered with clot of gold which stood upon one side within their church, in which they told me lay a holy man, who never eat or drank, and yet that he liveth. And they told me (supposing that I had believed them) that he heals many diseases, and giveth the blind their sight, with many other miracles, but I was hard of belief because I see him work no miracle whilst I was there. After this they brought me into their sellers, and made me taste of divers kinds of drinks, both wine and beer, mead and quassie, of sundry colours and kinds. Such abundance of drink as they have in their sellers, I do suppose few princes have more, or so much at once. Their barrels or vessels are of an unmeasurable bigness & size: some of them are 3. yards long and more, and 2. yards & more broad in their heads: they contain 6. or 7. tons a piece: they have none in their sellers of their own making that are less than a tun. They have 9 or 10. great vaults which are full of those barrels which are seldom removed: for they have trunks which come down through the roof of the vaults in sundry places, through which they power drink downe● having the cask right under it to receive the same, for it should be a great trouble to bring it all down the stairs. The hospitality of their monasteries. They give bread, meat and drink unto all men that come to them, not only while they are at their abbey, but also when they departed, to serve them by the way. There are a great number of such monasteries in the Realm, and the Emperor's majesty rideth oftentimes from one to another of them, and lieth at them 3. or 4. days together. The same monks are as great merchants as any in the land of Russia, and do occupy buying and selling as much as any other men, and have boats which pass too and fro in the rivers with merchandise from place to place where any of their country do traffic. They eat no flesh during their lives as it is reported: but upon Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday it is lawful for them to eat eggs, butter, cheese and milk, and at all times to eat fish, and after this sort they lead their lives. They wear all black garments, and so do none other in all the land, but at that abbey only. They have no preachers no not one in all the land to instruct the people, Want of preachers cause of great ignorance and idolatry. so that there are many, & the most part of the poor in the country, who if one ask them how many gods there be, they will say a great many, meaning that every image which they have is a god: for all the country and the emperors majesty himself will bless and bow, and knock their heads before their images, in so much that they will cry earnestly unto their images to help them to the things which they need. All men are bond by their law to have those images in their houses, and over every gate in all their towns and cities are images set up, unto which the people bow and bend, and knock their heads against the ground before them: as often as they come by any church or cross they do in like manner. And when they come to any house, they bless themselves 3. or 4. times before they will salute any man in the house. They reckon and hold it for great sin to touch or handle any of their images within the circle of the board where the painting is, but they keep them very daintily, and rich men deck them over and about with gold, silver and stones, and hung them over and about with clot of gold. The priests are married as other men are, and wear all their garments as other men do, except their nightcaps, which is clot of some sad colour, being round, & reacheth unto the ears: their crowns are shaven, but the rest of their hair they let grow, as long as nature will permit, so that it hangs beneath their ears upon their shoulders: their beards they never shave: if his wife happen to die, it is not lawful for him to marry again during his life. They minister the Communion with bread and wine after our order, but he breaketh the bread and putteth it into the cup unto the wine, and commonly some are partakers with them: and they take the bread out again with a spoon together with part of the wine, and so take it themselves, and give it to others that receive with them after the same manner. Their ceremonies are all as they say, according to the Greek Church used at this present day, and they allow no other religion but the Greeks, and their own: and will not permit any nation but the Greeks to be buried in their sacred burials, or churchyards. All their churches are full of images, unto the which the people when they assemble, do bow and knock their heads, as I have before said, that some will have knobs upon their foreheads with knocking, as great as eggs. All their service is in the Ruff tongue, Albina their service to in their mother tongu●. and they and the common people have no other prayers but this, Ghospodi jesus Christos esine voze ponulois nashe. That is to say, OH Lord jesus Christ, son of God have mercy upon us: and this is their prayer, so that the most part of the unlearned know neither Pater noster, nor the Belief, nor Ten commandments, nor scarcely understand the one half of their service which is read in their Churches. Of their Baptism. When any child is born, it is not baptised until the next Sunday, and if it chance that it be not baptised then, it must tarry until the second Sunday after the birth, and it is lawful for them to take as many Godfathers and Godmothers as they will, the more the better. When they go to the Church, the midwife goeth foremost, carrying the child, & the Godfathers and Godmothers follow into the midst of the Church, where there is a small table ready set, and on it an earthen pot full of warm water, about the which the Godfathers and Godmothers, with the child, settle themselves: then the clerk giveth unto every of them a small wax candle burning, then cometh the priest, and beginneth to say certain words, which the Godfathers and Godmothers must answer word for word, among which one is, that the child shall forsake the devil, and as that name is pronounced, they must all spit at the word as often as it is repeated. Then he blesseth the water which is in the pot, and doth breath over it: then he taketh all the candles which the gossips have, and holding them all in one hand letteth part of them d●op into the water, and then giveth every one his candle again, and when the water is sanctified, he taketh the child and holds it in a small tub, and one of the Godfathers taketh the pot with warm water, and poureth it all upon the child's head. After this he hath many more ceremonies, as anointing ears and eyes with spittle, and making ceraine crosses with oil upon the back, head, and breast of the child: then taking the child in his arms, carrieth it to the images of S. Nicholas, and our Lady, etc. and speaketh unto the images, desiring them to take charge of the child, that he may live, and believe as a Christian man or woman aught to do, with many other words. Then coming back from the images, he taketh & a pair of shears and clippeth the young and tender hairs of the child's head, in three or four places, and then delivereth the child, whereunto every of the Godfathers & Godmothers lay a hand: then the priest charges them, that the child be brought up in the faith & fear of God or Christ, and that it be instructed to clinege and bow to the images, and so they make an end: than one of the Godfathers must hung a cross about the neck of the child, which he must always wear, for that Ruff which hath not a cross about his neck they esteem as no Christian man, and thereupon they say that we are no Christians, because we do not wear crosses as they do. Of their Matrimony. THeir matrimony is nothing solemnised, but rather in most points abominable, and as near as I can learn, in this wise following. First, when there is love between the parties, the man sendeth unto the woman a small chest or box, wherein is a whip, needles, thread, silk, linen clot, shears, and such necessaries as she shall occupy when she is a wife, and perhaps sendeth therewithal raisins, figs or some such things, giving her to understand, that if she do offend, she must be beaten with the whip, & by the needle's, thread, clot, etc. that she should apply herself diligently to sow, and do such things as she could best do, and by the raisins or fruits he means if she do well, no good thing shallbe withdrawn from her, nor be too dear for her: and she sendeth unto him a shirt, handkerchiefs, and some such things of her own making. And now to the effect. When they are agreed, and the day of marriage appointed, when they shall go towards the Church, the bride will in no wise consent to go out of the house, but resisteth and striveth with them that would have her out, and feigneth herself to weep, yet in the end, two women get her out, and lead her towards the church, her face being covered close, because of her dissimulation, that it should not be openly perceived: for the maketh a great noise, as though she were sobbing and weeping, until she come at the Church, and then her face is uncovered. The man cometh after among other of his friends, and they carry with them to the church a great pot with wine or mead: then the priest coupleth them together much after our order, one promising to love and serve the other during their lives together, etc. which being done, they begin to drink, and first the woman drinketh to the man, and when he hath drunk he letteth the cup fall to the ground, hasling immediately to tread upon it, and so doth she, and whether of them tread first upon it must have the victory and be master at all times after, which commonly happeneth to the man, for he is readiest to ●et his foot on it, because he letteth it fall himself, than they go home again, the woman's face being uncovered. The boys in the streets cry out and make a noise in the mean time, with very dishonest words. When they come home, the wife is set at the upper end of the table, and the husband next unto her: they fall then to drinking till they be all drunk, they perchance have a minstrel or two, and two naked men, which led her from the Church dance naked a long time before all the company. When they are weary of drinking, the bride and the bridegroom get them to bed, for it is in the evening always when any of them are married: and when they are going to bed, the bridegroom putteth certain money both gold and silver, if he have it, into one of his boots, and then sitteth down in the chamber, crossing his legs, and then the bride must pluck off one of his boots, which she will, and if she happen on the boot wherein the money is, she hath not only the money for her labour, but is also at such choice, as she need not ever from that day forth to pull off his boots, but if she miss the boot wherein the money is, she doth not only lose the money, but is also bond from that day forward to pull off his boots continually. Then they continued in drinking and making good cheer three days following, being accompanied with certain of their friends, and during the same three days he is called a Duke, & she a duchess, although they be very poor people, and this is as much as I have learned of their matrimony: but one common rule is amongst them, if the woman be not beaten with the whip once a week, she will not be good, and therefore they look for it orderly, & the women say, that if their husbands did not beat them, they should not love them. They use to marry there very young, their sons at 16. and 18. years old, and the daughters at 12. or 13. years or younger: they use to keep their wives very closely, I mean those that be of any reputation, so that a man shall not see one of them but at a chance, when she goeth to church at Christmas or at Easter, or else going to visit some of her friends. The most part of the women use to ride a sleide in saddles with styrrops, as men do, and some of them on sleds, which in summer is not commendable. The husband is bond to find the wife colours to paint her withal, The women of Russia paint their faces. for they use ordinarily to paint themselves: it is such a common practice among them, that it is counted for no shame: they grease their faces with such colours, that a man may discern them hanging on their faces almost a flight shoot off: I cannot so well liken them as to a miller's wife, for they look as though they were beaten about the face with a bag of meal, but their eye brows they colour as black as ieat. The best property that the women have, is that they can sow well, and embroider with silk and gold excellently. Of their burial. WHen any man or woman dieth, they stretch him out, and put a new pair of shoes on his feet, because he hath a great journey to go: then do they wind him in a sheet, as we do, but they forget not to put a testimony in his right hand, which the priest giveth him, to testify unto S. Nicholas that he died a Christian man or woman. And they put the corse always in a coffin of wood, although the party be very poor: and when they go towards the Church, the friends and kinsmen of the party departed carry in their hands small wax candles, and they weep and howl, and make much lamentation. They that be hanged or beheaded, or such like, have no testimony with them: how they are received into heaven, it is a wonder, without their passport. There are a great number of poor people among them which die daily for lack of sustenance, which is a pitiful case to behold: for there hath been buried in a small time, within these two years, above 80. people young and old, which have died only for lack of sustenance: for if they had had straw and water enough, they would make shift to live: for a great many are forced in the winter to dry straw and stamp it, B●●ad made of straw. and to make bread thereof, or at the lest they eat it in stead of bread. In the summer they make good shift with grass, herbs and roots: barks of trees are good meat with them at all times. The unmercifulness of the Russe● toward the poor. There is no people in the world, as I suppose, that live so miserably as do the poverty in those parts: and the most part of them that have sufficient for themselves, and also to relieve others that need, are so unmerciful that they care not how many they see die of famine or hunger in the streets. It is a country full of diseases, Stooves 〈◊〉 baths usual with the Mascovites. divers, and evil, and the best remedy is for any of them, as they hold opinion, to go often unto the hot houses, as in a manner every man hath one of his own, which he heateth commonly twice every week, and all the household sweat, and wash themselves therein. The names of certain sorts of drinks used in Russia, and commonly drunk in the emperors Court. THe first and principal mead is made of the juice or liecour taken from a berry called in Russia, Malieno, Reported by Thomas Bulley. which is of a marvelous sweet taste, and of a carmosant colour, which berry I have seen in Paris. The second mead is called Visnova, because it is made of a berry so called, and is like a black gooseberrie: but it is like in colour and taste to the read wine of France. The third mead is called Amarodina or Smorodina, short, of a small berry much like to the small rezin, and groweth in great plenty in Russia. The fourth mead is called Chereunikyna, which is made of the wild black cherry. The fift mead is made of honey and water, with other mixtures. There is also a delicate drink drawn from the root of the birch tree, called in the Ruff tongue Berozevites, which drink the noble men and others use in April, May, and june, which are the three months of the spring time: for after those months, the sap: of the tree drieth, and then they cannot have it. The voyage of Master Anthony jenkinson, made from the city of Moscow in Russia, to the city of Boghar in Bactria, in the year 1558: written by himself to the Merchants of London of the Moscovie company. THe 23. day of April, in the year 1558. (having obtained the Emperor of Russia his letters, directed unto sundry kings and princes, by whose dominions I should pass) I departed from Moscow by water, having with me two of your servants, namely, Richard johnson, & Robert johnson, and a Bohemian-tartar Tolmach, with divers parcels of wares, as by the inventory appeareth: and the 28. day we came to a town called Collom, distant from the Moscow 20. leagues, & passing one league beyond the said Collom, we came unto a river called Occa, into the which the river Moscow falls, and loses his name: and passing down the said river Occa 8. leagues, we came unto a castle called Terrevettisko, which we left upon our right hand, and proceeding forward, the second day of May, we came unto another castle called Peroslave, distant 8. leagues, leaving it also on our right hand. The third day we came unto the place where old Rezan was situate, being now most of it ruined and overgrown, and distant from the said Peroslave, 6. leagues: the 4. day we passed by a castle called Terrecovia, from Rezan 12. leagues, & the 6. day we came to another castle called Cassim, under the government of a Bohemian-tartar prince named Vtzar Zegoline, sometime Emperor of the worthy city of Cazan, and now subject unto the Emperor of Russia. But leaving Cassim on our left hand, the 8. day we came unto a fair town called Morom, from Cassim 20. leagues, where we taken the son, and found the latitude 56. degrees: and proceeding forward the 11. day, we came unto another fair town & castle called Nyse Novogrod, situated at the falling of the foresaid river Occa into the worthy river of Volga, distant from the said Moron 25. leagues, in the latitude of 56. degrees 18. minutes. From Rezan to this Nyse Novogrod, on both sides the said river of Occa, is raised the greatest store of ware and honey in all the land of Russia. We carried at the foresaid Nyse Novogrod until the 19 day, for the coming of a captain which was sent by the Emperor to rule at Astracan, who being arrived, and having the number of 500 great boats under his conduct, some laden with victuals, soldiers, and munition: and other some with merchandise, departed altogether the said 19 day from the said Nyse Novogrod, and the 22. we came unto a castle called Vasiliagorod, distant 25. leagues, which we left upon our right hand. This town or castle had his name of this emperors father, who was called Vasilius, and gorod in the Ruff tongue is as much to say as a castle, so that Vasiliagorod is to say, Vasilius castle: and it was the furthest place that the said Emperor conquered from the Tartars. But this present Emperor his son, called ivan Vasiliwich, hath had great good success in his wars, both against the Christians and also the Mahometists and Gentiles, but especially against the Tartars, enlarging his Empire even to the Caspian sea, having conquered the famous river of Volga, with all the countries thereabouts adjacent. Thus proceeding on our journey the 25. day of May aforesaid, we came to another castle called Sabowshare, which we left on our right hand, distant from Vasiliagorod 16. leagues. The country hereabout is called Mordovits, and the habitants did profess the law of the Gentiles: but now being conquered by this Emperor of Russia, most of them are christened, but lie in the woods and wilderness, without town or habitation. The 27. day we passed by another castle called Swyasko, distant from Shabowshare aforesaid 25. leagues: we left it on our right hand, and the 29. came unto an Island one league from the city of Cazan, Cazan. from which falls down a river called Cazankareca, & entereth into the foresaid Volga. Cazan is a fair town after the Ruff or Tartar fashion, with a strong castle, situated upon a high hill, and was walled round about with timber & earth, but now the Emperor of Russia hath given order to pluck down the old walls, and to build them again of free stone. It hath been a city of great wealth and riches, and being in the hands of the Tartars it was a kingdom of itself, and did more vex the Russes in their wars, than any other nation: but 9 years past, this Emperor of Russia conquered it, and took the king captive, who being but young is now baptised, and brought up in his court with two other princes, which were also kings of the said Cazan, and being each of them in time of their reigns in danger of their subjects through civil discord, came and rendered themselves at several times unto the said Emperor, so that at this present there are three princes in the court of Russia, which had been Emperors of the said Cazan, whom the Emperor useth with great honour. We remained at Cazan till the 13. day of june, and then departed from thence: and the same day passed by an Island called the Island of merchants, The Island of merchants. because it was wont to be a place where all merchants, as well Russes and Cazanites, as Nagayans and Crimmes, and divers other nations did resort to keep mart for buying and selling, but now it is forsaken, and standeth without any such resort thither, or at Cazan, or at any place about it, from Moscow unto Mare Caspium. Thus proceeding forward the 14. day, we passed by a goodly river called Cama, The river of Cama. which we left on our left hand. This river falls out of the country of Permia into the river of Volga, and is from Cazan 15. leagues: and the country lying betwixt the said Cazan and the said river Cama on the left hand of Volga is called Vachen, and the inhabitants be Gentiles, and live in the wilderness without house or habitation: and the country on the other side of Volga over against the said river Cama is called the land of Cheremizes, half Gentiles, half Tartars, and all the land on the left hand of the said Volga from the said river unto Astracan, and so following the North and Northeast side of the Caspian sea, to a land of the Tartars called Turkemen, is called the country of Mangat or Nagay, Nagay Tartar's whose inhabitants are of the law of Mahomet, and were all destroyed in the year 1558, at my being at Astracan, through civil wars among them, accompanied with famine, pestilence, and such plagues, in such sort that in the said year there were consumed of the people, in one sort and another, above one hundred thousand: the like plague was never seen in those parts, so that the said country of Nagay being a country of great pasture, remains now unreplenished to the great contentation of the Russes, who have had cruel wars a long time together. The Nagayans when they flourished, lived in this manner: they were divided into divers companies called Hordes, and every Hord had a ruler, whom they obeyed as their king, and was called a Murse. Town or house they had none, but lived in the open fields, every Murse or King having his Hordes or people about him, Hordes. with their wives, children and cattle, who having consumed the pasture in one place, removed unto another: and when they remove they have houses like tents set upon wagons or carts, which are drawn from place to place with camels, & therein their wives, children, and all their riches, which is very little, is carried about, and every man hath at the lest four or five wives besides concubines. Use of money they have none, but do barter their cattle for apparel and other necessaries. They delight in no art nor science, except the wars, wherein they are expert, but for the most part they be pasturing people, and have great store of cattle, which is all their riches. They eat much flesh, and especially the horse, and they drink mares milk, wherewith they be oftentimes drunk: they are seditious & inclined to theft and murder. Corn they sow not, neither do eat any bread, mocking the Christians for the same, and disabling our strengths, saying we live by eating the top of a weed, and drink a drink made of the same, allowing their great devouring of flesh, and drinking of milk to be the increase of their strength. But now to proceed forward to my journey. All the country upon our right hand the river Volga, from over against the river Cama unto the town of Astracan, is the land of Crimme, The Crimme Tartars. whose inhabitants be also of the law of Mahomet, and live for the most part according to the fashions of the Nagayes, having continual wars with the Emperor of Russia, and are valiant in the field, having countenance, and support from the great Turk. The 16. day of june we passed by certain fishermen's houses called Petowse twenty leagues from the river Cama, where is great fishing for sturgeon, so continuing our way until the 22. day, and passing by another great river called Samar, The river of Samar. which falls out of the aforesaid country, and runneth through Nagay, and entereth into the said river of Volga. The 28. day we came unto a great hill, where was in times past a castle made by the Crimmes, but now it is ruined, being the just midway between the said Cazan and Astrachan, which is 200. leagues or thereabouts, in the latitude of 51. degrees 47. minutes. Upon all this shore groweth abundance of Licoris, Licoris in great plenty. whose root runneth within the ground like a vine. Thus going forward the sixt day of july we came to a place called Perovolog, so named because in times past the Tartars carried their boats from Volga unto the river Tanais, otherwise called Don, by land, when they would rob such as passed down the said Volga to Astracan, and also such as passed down by the river Tanais, to Asou, Caffa, or any other town situated upon Mare Euxinum, into which sea Tanais falls, who hath his springs in the country of Rezan, out of a plain ground. It is at this straight of Perovolog from the one river to the other two leagues by land, and is a dangerous place for thieves and robbers, but now it is not so evil as it hath been, by reason of the Emperor of Russia his conquests. Departing from Perovolog, having the wilderness on both sides, we saw a great herded of Nagayans, pasturing, as is abovesaid, by estimation above a thousand Camels drawing of carts with houses upon them like tents, of a strange fashion, seeming to be a far off a town: that Hord was belonging to a great Murse called Smille, the greatest prince in all Nagay, who hath slain and driven away all the rest, not sparing his own brethren and children, and having peace with this Emperor of Russia he hath what he needeth, and ruleth alone: so that now the Russes live in peace with the Nagayans, who were wont to have mortal wars together. The 14. day of july passing by an old castle, which was Old Astracan, and leaving it upon our right hand, we arrived at New Astracan, which this Emperor of Russia conquered six years past, in the year 1552. It is from the Moscow unto Astracan six hundredth leagues, Astracan. or thereabouts. The town of Astracan is situated in an Island upon a hill side, having a castle within the same, walled about with earth and timber, neither fair nor strong: The town is also walled about with earth: the buildings and houses (except it be the captains lodging, and certain other gentlemen's) most base and simple. The Island is most destitute and barren of wood and pasture; and the ground will bear no corn: the air is there most infected, by reason (as I suppose) of much fish, and specially Sturgeon, Store of Sturgeons. by which only the inhabitants live, having great scarcity of flesh and bread. They hung up their fish in their streets and houses to dry for their provision, which causeth such abundance of flies to increase there, as the like was never seen in any land, to their great plague. And at my being at the said Astracan, there was a great famine and plague among the people, and specially among the Tartars called Nagayans, who the same time came thither in great numbers to tender themselves to the Russes their enemies, & to seek succour at their hands, their country being destroyed, as I said before: but they were but ill entertained or relieved; for there died a great number of them for hunger, which lay all the Island through in heaps dead, and like to beasts unburied, very pitiful to behold: many of them were also sold by the Russes, and the rest were banished from the Island. At that time it had been an easy thing to have converted that wicked Nation to the Christian faith, if the Russes themselves had been good Christians: but how should they show compassion unto other Nations, when they are not merciful unto their own? At my being there I could have bought many goodly Tartars children, if I would have had a thousand, of their own fathers and mothers, to say, a boy or a wench for a loaf of bread worth six pennies in England, but we had more need of victuals at that time then of any such merchandise. This Astracan is the furthest hold that this Emperor of Russia hath conquered of the Tartars towards the Caspian sea, which he keepeth very strong, sending thither every year provision of men, and victuals, and timber to build the castle. There is a certain trade of merchandise there used, but as yet so small and beggarly, that it is not worth the making mention, and yet there come merchants thither from divers places. The chiefest commodities that the Russes bring thither are red hides, red sheeps skins, wooden vessels, bridles, and saddles, knives, and other trifles, with corn, bacon, and other victuals. The Tartars bring thither divers kinds of wares made of cotton wool, with divers kinds of wrought silks: and they that come out of Persia, namely from Shamacki do bring sowing silk, which is the coarsest that they use in Russeland, Crasko, divers kinds of pied silks for girdles, shirts of male, bows, swords, and such like things: and some years corn, and walnuts, but all such things in such small quantity, the merchants being so beggarly and poor that bring the fame, that it is not worth the writing, neither is there any hope of trade in all those parts worth the following. The length of the Island of Astracan. This foresaid Island of Astracan is in length twelve leagues, and in breadth three, & lieth East and West in the latitude of forty seven degrees, nine minutes: we tarried there until the sixt day of August, and having bought and provided a boat in company with certain Tartars and Persians, we laded our goods and embarked ourselves, and the same day departed I, with the said two johnsons having the whole charge of the Navigation down the said river Volga, being very crooked, and full of flats toward the mouth thereof. We entered into the Caspian sea the tenth day of August at the Easterly side of the said river, They enter into the Caspian sea. being twenty leagues from Astracan aforesaid, in the latitude of forty six degrees, twenty seven minutes. Volga hath seventy mouths or falls into the sea: and we having a large wound, kept the North-east shore, and the eleventh day we sailed seven leagues Eastnortheast, and came unto an Island having an high hill therein, called Accurgar, a good mark in the sea. From thence East ten leagues, we fallen with another Island called Bawhiata, much higher than the other. Within these two Islands to the Northwards, is a great Bay called the Blue sea. Form thence we sailed East and by North ten leagues, and having a contrary wound, we came to an anchor in a fathom water, and so rid until the fifteenth day, having a great storm at Southeast, being a most contrary wound, which we rid out. Then the wound came to the North, and we weighed, and set our course Southeast, and that day sailed eight leagues. Thus proceeding forward, the 17. day we lost sight of land, and the same day sailed thirty leagues, and the 18. day twenty leagues winding East, and fallen with a land called Baughleata, Baughleata being 74. leagues from Volga. being 74. leagues from the mouth of the said Volga, in the latitude of 46. degrees 54. minutes, the coast lying nearest East and by South, and West and by North. At the point of this land lieth buried a holy Prophet, as the Tartars call him, of their law, where great devotion is used of all such Mahometists as do pass that way. The nineteenth day the wind being West, and we winding Eastsoutheast, we sailed ten leagues, and passed by a great river called jaic, jaic river. which hath his spring in the land of Siberia, nigh unto the foresaid river Cama, and runneth through the land of Nagay, falling into this Mare Caspium. And up this river one days journey is a Town called Serachick, Serachick. subject to the aforesaid Bohemian-tartar prince called Murse Smille, which is now in friendship with the Emperor of Russia. Here is no trade of merchandise used, for that the people have no use of money, and are all men of war, and pasturers of cattle, and given much to theft and murder. Thus being at an anchor against this river jaic, and all our men being on land, saving I, who lay sore sick, and five Tartars, whereof one was reputed a holy man, because he came from Mecka, there came unto us a boat with thirty men well armed and appointed, who boarded us, and began to enter into our bark, and our holy Bohemian-tartar called Azy, perceiving that, asked them what they would have, and with all made a prayer: with that these rovers stayed, declaring that they were Gentlemen, banished from their country, and out of living, & came to see if there were any Russes or other Christians (which they call Caphars) in our bark? To whom this Azi most stoutly answered, that there were none, avowing the same by great oaths of their law, (which lightly they will not break) whom the rovers believed, and upon his words departed. And so through the fidelity of that Bohemian-tartar, I with all my company and goods were saved, and our men being come on board, and the wound fair, we departed from that place, and winding East and Southeast, that day being the 20. of August sailed 16. leagues. The 21. day we passed over a Bay of 6. leagues broad, and fallen with a Cape of land, having two Islands at the Southeast part thereof, being a good mark in the sea: & doubling that Cape the land trended North-east, and maketh another Bay, into which falls the great river Yem, springing out of the land Colmack. The Country of Colmack. The 22.23. and 24. days, we were at an anchor. The 25. the wind came fair, and we sailed that day 20. leagues, and passed by an Island of low land, and thereabouts are many flats and sands: and to the Northward of this Island there goeth in a great Bay, but we set off from this Island, and wound South to come into deep water, being much troubled with shoalds & flats, and ran that course 10. leagues, than East Southeast 20. leagues, and fell with the main land, being full of copped hills, and passing along the coast 20. leagues, the further we sailed, the higher was the land. The 27. day we crossed over a Bay, the South shore being the higher land, and fell with a high point of land: & being overthwart the Cape, there ●ose such a storm at the East, that we thought verily we should have perished: this storm continued 3. days. From this Cape we passed to a port called Manguslave. The port of Manguslave. The place where we should have arrived at the Southermost part of the Caspian sea, is 12. leagues within a Bay: but we being sore tormented and tossed with this foresaid storm, were driven unto another land on the other side the Bay, overthwart the said Manguslave being very low land, and a place as well for the ill commodity of the haven, as of those brute field people, where never bark nor boat had before arrived, not liked of us. But yet here we sent certain of our men to land to talk with the governor and people, as well for our good usage at their hands, as also for provision of camels to carry our goods from the said sea side to a place called Sellyzure, being from the place of our landing five and twenty days journey. Our messengers returned with comfortable words and fair promises of all things. Wherefore the 3. day of September 1558. They go on land. we discharged our bark, and I with my company were gently entertained of the Prince & of his people. But before our departure from thence, we found them to be very bad and brutish people, for they ceased not daily to molest us, either by fight, stealing or begging, raising the prize of horse and camels, & victuals, double that it was wont there to be, and forced us to buy the water that we did drink: which caused us to hasten away, and to conclude with them as well for the hire of camels, as for the prize of such as we bought, with other provision, according to their own demand: So that for every camels lading, being but 400. weight of ours, we agreed to give three hides of Russia, and four wooden dishes, and to the Prince or governor of the said people, one ninth, and two sevenths: Namely, nine several things, and twice seven several things: for money they use none. And thus being ready, the fourteenth of September we departed from that place, being a Caravan of a thousand camels. And having travailed five days journey, we came to another Prince's Dominion, and upon the way there came unto us certain Tartars on horseback, being well armed, and servants unto the said Prince called Timor Soltan, governor of the said country of Manguslave, The country of Manguslave. where we meant to have arrived and discharged our bark, if the great storm aforesaid had not disappointed. These aforesaid Tartars stayed our Caravan in the name of their Prince, and opened our wares, and took such things as they thought best for their said prince without money, but for such things as they took from me, which as a ninth (after much dissension) I rid unto the same Prince, and presented myself before him, requesting his favour, and passport to travail through his country, and not to be rob nor spoilt of his people: which request he granted me, and entertained me very gently, commanding me to be well feasted with flesh and mare's milk: for bread they use none, nor other drink except water: but money he had none to give me for such things as he took of me, which might be of value in Russee money, fifteen rubbles, but he gave me his letter, and a horse worth seven rubbles. And so I departed from him being glad that I was go: for he was reported to be a very tyrant, and if I had not go unto him, I understood his commandment was, that I should have been rob and destroyed. This Soltan lived in the fields without Castle or town, and sat, at my being with him, in a little round house made of reeds covered without with felt, and within with Carpets. There was with him the great Metropolitan of that wild Country, esteemed of the people, as the Bishop of Rome is in most parts of Europe, with divers other of his chief men. The Soltan with this Metropolitan demanded of me many questions, as well touching our kingdoms, laws, and Religion, as also the cause of my coming into those parts, with my further pretence. To whom I answered concerning all things, as unto me seemed best, which they took in good part. So having leave I departed and overtook our Caravan, and proceeded on our journey, and travailed 20. days in the wilderness from the sea side without seeing town or habitation, 20. days travail in the wilderness, with scarcity of water. carrying provision of victuals with us for the same time, and were driven by necessity to eat one of my camels and a horse for our part, as other did the like: and during the said 20. days we found no water, but such as we drawn out of old deep wells, being very brackish and salt, and yet sometimes passed two or three days without the same. And the 5. day of October ensuing, we came unto a gulf of the Caspian sea again, Another gulf of the Caspian sea. where we found the water very fresh and sweet: at this gulf the customers of the king of Turkeman met us, who taken custom of every 25. one, and 7. ninthes for the said king and his brethren, which being received they departed, and we remained there a day after to refresh ourselves. Note that in times passed there did fall into this gulf the great river Ozus, which hath his springs in the mountains of Paraponisus in India, & now cometh not so far, but falls into another river called Ardock, Will, de Rubricis describeth this river of Ardok, cap. 4. which runneth toward the North, & consumeth himself in the ground passing under ground above 500 miles, and then issueth out again and falls into the lake of Kithay. We having refreshed ourselves at the foresaid gulf, departed thence the 4. day of October, and the seventh day arrived at a castle called Sellizure, Sellizure, or Shayzure. where the king called Azim Can, remained with 3. other of his brethren, and the 9 day I was commanded to come before his presence, to whom I delivered the Emperor's letters of Russia: and I also gave him a present of a ninth, who entertained me very well, and caused me to eat in his presence as his brethren did, feasting me with flesh of a wild horse, and mare's milk without bread. And the next day he sent for me again, and asked of me divers questions, as well touching the affairs of the Eemperour of Russia, as of our country and laws, to which I answered as I thought good: so that at my departure he gave me his letters of safe conduct. Letters of safeconduct. This Castle of Sellizure is situated upon an high hill, where the King called the Can lieth, whose palace is built of earth very basely, and not strong: the people are but poor, and have little trade of merchandise among them. The South part of this Castle is low land, but very fruitful, where grow many good fruits, among which there is one called a Dynie, of a great bigness and full of moisture, which the people do eat after meat in stead of drink. Also there grows another fruit called a Carbuse of the bigness of a great cucumber, yellow and sweet as sugar: also a certain corn called jegur, whose stalk is much like a sugar cane, and as high, and the grain like rice, which groweth at the top of the cane like a cluster of grapes; the water that serveth all that country is drawn by ditches out of the river Oxus, unto the great destruction of the said river, for which cause it falls not into the Caspian sea as it hath done in times past, and in short time all that land is like to be destroyed, and to become a wilderness for want of water, when the river of Oxus shall fail. The 14. day of the month we departed from this Castle of Sellizure, and the 16. of the same we arrived at a city called Urgence, Urgence. where we paid custom as well for our own heads, as for our camels and horses. And having there sojourned one month, attending the time of our further travail, the king of that country called Aly Soltan, brother to the forenamed Azym Can, returned from a town called Corasan, within the borders of Persia, which he lately had conquered from the Persians, with whom he and the rest of the kings of Tartary have continual wars. Before this king also I was commanded to come, to whom I likewise presented the Emperor's letters of Russia, and he entertained me well, and demanded of me divers questions, and at my departure gave me his letters of safe conduct. This city or town of Urgence standeth in a plain ground, with walls of the earth, by estimation 4. miles about it. The buildings within it are also of earth, but ruined and out of good order: it hath one long street that is covered above, which is the place of their market. It hath been won and lost 4. times within 7. years by civil wars, by means whereof there are but few merchants in it, and they very poor, and in all that town I could not cell above 4. kerseiss. The chiefest commodities there sold are such wares as come from Boghar, and out of Persia, but in most small quantity not worth the writing. All the land from the Caspian sea to this City of Urgence is called the land of Turkeman, The country of Turkeman. & is subject to the said Azim Can, and his brethren which be five in number, and one of them hath the name of the chief king called Can, but he is little obeyed saving in his own Dominion, and where he dwelleth: for every one will be King of his own portion, and one brother seeketh always to destroy another, having no natural love among them, by reason that they are begotten of divers women, and commonly they are the children of slaves, either Christians or Gentiles, which the father doth keep as concubines, and every Can or Sultan hath at the lest 4. or 5. wives, besides young maidens and boys, living most viciously: and when there are wars betwixt these brethren, (as they are seldom without) he that is overcome if he be not slain, flieth to the field with such company of men as will follow him, and there liveth in the wilderness resorting to watering places, and so robbeth and spoileth as many Caravans of Merchants and others as they be able to overcome, continuing in his sort his ●icked life, until such time as he may get power and aid to invade some of his brethren again. From the Caspian sea unto the Castle of Sellizure aforesaid, and all the Countries about the said Sea, the people live without town or habitation in the wild fields, removing from one place to another in great companies with their cattle, whereof they have great store, as camels, horses, and sheep both tame and wild. Their sheep are of great stature with great buttocks, weighing 60. or 80. pound in weight. There are many wild horses which the Tartars do many times kill with their hawks, and that in this order. The hawks are lured to seize upon the beasts necks or heads, which with chafting of themselves and sore beating of the hawks are tired: then the hunter following his game doth stay the horse with his arrow or sword. In all this land there groweth no grass, but a certain brush or heath, whereon the cattle feeding become very fat. The Tartars never ride without their bow, arrows, and sword, although it be on hawking, or at any other pleasure, and they are good arthurs both on horseback, and on foot also. These people have not the use of gold, silver, or any other coin, but when they lack apparel or other necessaries, they barter their cartel for the same. Bread they have none, for they neither till nor sow: they be great devourers of flesh, which they cut in small pieces, & eat it by handfuls most greedily, & especially the horseflesh. Their chiefest drink is mare's milk soured, as I have said before of the Nagayans, & they willbe drunk with the same. They have no rivers nor places of water in this country, until you come to the foresaid gulf, distant from the place of our landing 20. days journey, except it be in wells, the water whereof is saltish, & yet distant the one from the other two days journey and more. They eat their meat upon the ground, sitting with their legs double under them, and so also when they pray. Art or science they have none, but live most idly, sitting round in great companies in the fields, devising, and talking most vainly. The 26. day of November, we departed from the town of Urgence, and having travailed by The river of Ardock falls into the lake of Kitay. the river Oxus, 100 mile, we passed over another great river called Ardock, where we paid a certain petty custom. This river Ardock is great, and very swift, falling out of the foresaid Oxus, and passing about 1000 mile to the Northward, it than consumeth itself in the ground, and passing under the same about 500 mile, issueth out again, and falls into the lake of Kitay, as I have before declared. The 7. of December following, we arrived at a Castle called Kait, subject to a Soltan called The castle of Kait. Saramet Soltan, who meant to have rob all the Christians in the Caravan, had it not been for fear of his brother the king of Urgence, as we were informed by one of his chiefest counsellors, who willed us to make him a present, which he took, and delivered: besides we paid at the said castle for custom, of every camel one read hide of Russia, besides petty gifts to his officers. Thus proceeding in our journey, the tenth day at night being at rest, and our watch set, there came unto us four horsemen, which we took as spies, from whom we took their weapons and bond them, and having well examined them, they confessed that they had seen the tract of many horsemen, and no footing of camels, & gave us to understand, that there were rovers and thieves abroad: for there travail few people that are true and peaceable in that Country, but in company of Caravan, where there be many camels: and horsefeeting new without camels were to be doubted. Whereupon we consulted & determined amongst ourselves, and sent a post to the said Soltan of Kayte, who immediately came himself with 300. men, and met these four suspected men which we sent unto him, and examined them so straightly, and threatened them in such sort, that they confessed, there was a vanished Prince with 40. men 3. days journey forward, who lay in wait to destroy us, if he could, and that they themselves were of his company. The Soltan therefore understanding, that the thieves were not many, appointed us 80. men well armed with a Captain to go with us, and conduct us in our way. And the Soltan himself returned back again, taking the four thieves with him. These soldiers travailed with us two days, consuming much of our victuals. And the 3. day in the morning very early they set out before our Caravan, and having ranged the wilderness for the space of four hours, they met us, coming towards us as fast as their horse could run, and declared that they had found the tract of horses not far from us, perceiving well that we should meet with enemies, and therefore willed us to appoint ourselves for them, and asked us what we would give them to conduct us further, or else they would return. To whom we offered as we thought good, but they refused our offer, and would have more, and so we not agreeing they departed from us, and went back to their Soltan, who (as we conjectured) was privy to the conspiracy. But they being go, certain Tartars of our company called holy men, (because they had been at Mecha) caused the whole Caravan to stay, and would make their prayers, and divine how we should prospero Diutuation by sorcery. in our journey and whether we should meet with any ill company or no? To which, our whole Caravan did agreed. And they took certain sheep and killed them, and took the shoulder-blade bones of the same, and first sodde them and then burned them, and took of the blood of the said sheep, and mingled it with the powder of the said bones, and written certain Characters with the said blood, using many other ceremonies and words, and by the same deuined and fond, that we should meet with enemies and thieves (to our great trouble) but should overcome them, to which sorcery, I and my company gave no credit, but we found it true: for within 3. honres after that the soldiers departed from us, which was the 15. day of December, in the morning, we escried far off divers horsemen which made towards us, and we (perceiving them to be covers) gathered ourselves together, being 40. of us well appointed, and able to fight, and we made our prayers together every one after his law, professing to live and die one with another, and so prepared ourselves. When the thieves were nigh unto us, we perceived them to be in number 37. men well armed, and appointed with bows, arrows and swords, and the captain a prince banished from his Country. They willed us to yield ourselves, or else to be slain, but we defied them, wherewith they shot at us all at once, and we at them very hotly, and so continued our fight from morning until two hours within night, divers men, horses and camels being wounded and slain on both parts: and had it not been for 4. handgunnes which I and my company had and used, Handguns very profitable. we had been overcome and destroyed: for the thieves were better armed, and were: also better archers than we; But after we had slain divers of their men and horses with our guns, they dared not approach so nigh, which caused them to come to a true with us until the next morning, which we accepted, and encamped ourselves upon a hill, and made the fashion of a Castle, walling it about with packs of wares, and laid our horses and camels within the same to save them from the shot of arrows: and the thieves also encamped within an arrow shot of us, but they were betwixt us and the water, which was to our great discomfort, because neither we nor our camels had drunk in 2. days before. Thus keeping good watch, when half the night was spent, the Prince of the thieves sent a messenger half way unto us, requiring to talk with our Captain, in their tongue, the Caravan Bassa, who answered the messenger, I will not departed from my company to go into the half way to talk with thee: but if that thy Prince with all his company will swear by our Law to keep the truce, then will I sand a man to talk with thee, or else not. Which the Prince understanding as well himself as his company, sworn so loud that we might all hear. And then we sent one of our company (reputed a holy man) to talk with the same messenger. The message was pronounced aloud in this order, Our Prince demandeth of the Caravan Bassa, and of all you that be Bussarmans', Bussarmans'. (that is to say circumcised) not desiring your bloods, that you deliver into his hands as many Caphars, Caphar. that is, unbelievers (meaning us the Christians) as are among you with their goods, and in so doing, he will suffer you to departed with your goods in quietness, and on the contrary, you shall be handled with no less cruelty than the Caphars, if he overcome you, as he doubteth not. To the which our Caravan Bassa answered, that he had no Christians in his company, nor other strangers, but two Turks which were of their Law, and although he had, he would rather die then deliver them, and that we were not afraid of his threatenings, and that should he know when day appeared. And so passing in talk, the thieves (contrary to their oath) carried our holy man away to their Prince, crying with a loud voice in token of victory, Ollo, ollo. Wherewith we were much discomforted, fearing that that holy man would betray us: but he being cruelly handled and much examined, would not to death confess anything which was to us prejudicial, neither touching us, nor yet what men they had stain and wounded of ours the day before. When the night was spent, in the morning we prepared ourselves to battle again: which the thieves perceiving, required to fall to agreement & asked much of us: And to be brief, the most part of our company being loath to go to battle again, and having little to lose, & safeconduct to pass, we were compelled to agreed, and to give the thieves 20 ninths (that is to say) 20 times 9 several things, and a camel to carry away the same, which being received, the thieves departed into the wilderness to their old habitation, and we went on our way forward. And that night came to the river Oxus, The river of Oxus. where we refreshed ourselves, having been 3. days without water and drink, and carried there all the next day, making merry with our slain horses and camels, and then departed from that place, & for fear of meeting with the said thieves again or such like, we left the high way which went along the said river, and passed through a wilderness of sand, A wilderness of sand. and traveled 4 days in the same before we came to water: and then came to a well, the water being very brackish, and we then as before were in need of water, and of other victuals, being forced to kill our horses and camels to eat. In this wilderness also we had almost fallen into the hands of thieves: for one night being at rest, there came certain scouts, and carried away certain of our men which lay a little separated from the Caravan, wherewith there was a great shout and cry, and we immediately laded our camels, and departed being about midnight and very dark, and drove sore till we came to the river Oxus again, and then we feared nothing being walled with the said river: & whether it was for that we had got the water, or for that the same thieves were far from us when the scouts discovered us, we know not, but we escaped that danger. So upon the 23 day of December we arrived 〈◊〉 t●ie of Boghar in the land of Bactria. Boghar a city of Bactria. This Boghar is situated in the lowest part of all the land, walled about with a high brickwall of earth, with divers gates into the same: it is divided into 3 partitions, whereof two parts are the kings, and the 3 part is for Merchants and markets, and every science hath their dwelling and market by themselves. The City is very great, and the houses for the most part of earth, but there are also many houses, temples and monuments of stone sumptuously builded, and gilt, and specially bathstoves so artificially built, that the like thereof is not in the world: the manner whereof is too long to rehearse. There is a little river running through the midst of the said City, but the water there of is most unwholesome, for it breeds sometimes in men that drink thereof, and especially in them that be not there born, a worm of a●ell long, A strange worm in men's legs. which lieth commonly in the leg betwixt the flesh and the skin, and is pluck out about the ankle with great art and cunning, the Surgeons being much practised therein, and if she break in plucking out; the party dieth, and every day she cometh out about an inch, which is rolled up, and so worketh till she be all out. And yet it is there forbidden to drink any other thing than water, & mare's milk, and whosoever is found to break that law is whipped and beaten most cruelly through the open markets, and there are officers appointed for the seem, who have authority to go into any man's house, to search if he have either Aquavitae, wine, or brag, and finding the same, do break the vessels, spoil the drink, and punish the masters of the house most cruelly, yea, and many times if they perceive but by the breath of a man that he hath drunk, without further examination he shall not escape their hands. There is a Metropolitan in this Boghar, who causeth this law to be so straightly kept: and he is more obeyed than the king, and will depose the king, and place another at his will and pleasure, as he did by this king that reigned at our being there, and his predecessor, by the means of the said Metropolitan: for he betrayed him, and in the night slew him in his chamber, who was a Prince that loved all Christians well. This Country of Boghar was sometime subject to the Persians, & do now speak the Persian tongue, but yet now it is a kingdom of itself, and hath most cruel wars continually with the said Persians about their religion, although they be all Mahometists. One occasion of their wars is, for that the Persians will not cut the hair of their upper lips, as the Bogharians and all ●ther Tar●ars do, which they account great sin, and call them Caphars, that is, unbelievers, as they do the Christians. The king of Boghar hath no great power or riches, his revenues are but small, and he is most maintained by the City: for he taketh the tenth penny of all things that are there sold, as well by the craftsmen as by the merchants, to the great impoverishment of the people, whom he keepeth in great subjection, and when he lacketh money, he sendeth his officers to the shops of the said Merchants to take their wares to pay his debts, and will have credit of force, as the like he did to pay me certain money that he owed me for 19 pieces of Kersey. Their money is silver and copper, for gold there is none currant: they have but one piece of silver, & that is worth 12 pennies English, The coin of Boghar. and the copper money are called Pools, and 120 of them goeth the value of the said 12. pennies, and is more common payment than the silver, which the king causeth to rise and fall to his most advantage every other month, and sometimes twice a month, not caring to oppress his people, for that he looketh not to reign about 2 or 3 years before he be either slain or driven away, to the great destruction of the country and merchants. The 26 day of the month I was commanded to come before the said king, to whom I presented the Emperor of Russia his letters, who entertained us most gently, and caused us to eat in his presence, and divers times he sent for me, and devised with me familiarly in his secret chamber, as well of the power of the Emperor, and the great Turk, as also of our countries, laws, and religion, and caused us to shoot in handguns before him, and did himself practise the use thereof. But after all this great entertainment before my departure he showed himself a very Bohemian-tartar: for he went to the wars owing me money, and see me not paid before his departure. And although indeed he gave order for the same, yet was I very ill satisfied, and forced to rebate part, and to take w●●●s as payment for the rest contrary to my expectation: but of a beggar better payment I could not have, and glad I was so to be paid and dispatched. But yet I must needs praise & commend this barbarous king, who immediately after my arrival at Boghar, having understood our trouble with the thieves, sent 100 men well armed, and gave them great charge not to return before they had either slain or taken the said thieves. Who according to their commission ranged the wilderness in such sort, that they m●● with the said company of thieves, and slay part, 〈◊〉 fled, and four they took and brought unto the king, and two of them were sore wounded in our skirmish with our guns: And after the king had sent for me to come to see them, he ca●s●● them all 4 to be hanged at his palace gate, because they were Gentlemen, to the example of others. And of such goods as were got again, I ha● part restored me, and this good justice I found at his hands. There is yearly great resort of Merchants to this City of Boghar, which travail in great Caravans from the countries thereabouts adjoining, as India, Persia, Balgh, Russia, with divers others, and in times passed from Cathay, when there was passage: but these Merchants are so beggarly and poor, and bring so little quantity of wares, lying two or 3 years to cell the same, that there is no hope of any good trade there to be had worthy the following. The chief commodities that are brought thither out of these foresaid Countries, are these following. Merchandise of India. The Indians do bring fine whites, which the Tartars do all roll about their heads, & all other kinds of whites, which serve for ayparell made of coton wool and crasko, but gold, silver, precious stones, and spices they bring none. I inquired and perceived that all such trade passeth to the Ocean sea, and the veins where all such things are got are in the subjection of the Portugeses. The Indians carry from Boghar again wrought silks, read hides, slaves, and horses, with such like, but of Kerseiss and other clot, they make little account. I offered to barter with Merchants of those Countries, which came from the furthest parts of India, even from the country of Bengala, & the river Ganges, to give them Kerseys for their commodities, but they would not barter for such commodity as clot. Merchandise of Persia. The Persians do bring thither Craska, woollen clot, linen clot, divers kinds of wrought pied silks, Argomacks, with such like, and do carry from thence red hides with other Ruff wares, and slaves, which are of divers countries, but clot they will by none, for that they bring thither themselves, and is brought unto them as I have enquired from Aleppo in Syria, and the parts of Turkey. The Russes do carry unto Boghar, Merchandise of Russia. red hides, sheepskins, woollen clot of divers sorts, wooden vessels, bridles, saddles, with such like, and do carry away from thence divers kinds of wares made of cotton wool, divers kinds of silks, Crasca, with other things, but there is but small utterance. From the Countries of Cathay are brought thither in time of peace, and when the way is open, musk, rhubarb, satin, damask, with divers other things. Merchandise of Cathay. At my being at Boghar, there came Caravans out of all these foresaid Countries, except from Cathay: and the cause why there came none from thence was the great wars that had dured 3 years before my coming thither, and yet dured betwixt 2 great Countries & cities of Tartars, that are directly in the way betwixt the said Boghar and the said Cathay, and certain barbarous field people, as well Gentiles a Mahome●ists bordering to the said Cities. The cities are called Taskent and Caskar, Taskent & Cascar. and the people that war against Taskent are called Cassaks of the law of Mahomet: and they which war with the said country of Caskar are called Kings, Gentiles & idolaters. These 2 barbarous nations are of great force living in the fields without house or town, & have almost subdued the foresaid cities, & so stopped up the way, that it is impossible for any Caravan to pass unspoiled: so that 3 years before our being there, no Caravan had go, or used trade betwixt the countries of Cathay and Boghar, and when the way is clear, it is 9 months journey. To speak of the said country of Cathay, and of such news as I have herded thereof, I have thought it best to reserve it to our meeting. I having made my solace at Boghar in the Winter time, and having learned by much inquisition, the trade thereof, as also of all the other countries thereto adjoining, and the time of the year being come, for all Caravans to departed, and also the king being go to the wars, and news come that he was fled, and I advertised by the Metropolitan himself, that I should departed, because the town was like to be besieged: I thought it good and meet, to take my journey some way, and determined to have go from thence into Persia, and to have seen the trade of that country, although I had informed myself sufficiently thereof, as well at Astracan, as at Boghar: and perceived well the trades not to be much unlike the trades of Tartary: but when I should have taken my journey that way, it was let by divers occasions: the one was, the great wars that did newly begin betwixt the Sophy, and the kings of Tartary, whereby the ways were destroyed: and there was a Caravan destroyed with rovers & thieves, which came out of India and Persia, by safe conduct: and about ten days journey from Boghar, they were rob, and a great part slain. Also the Metropolitan of Boghar, who is greater than the king, took the Emperor's letters of Russia from me, without which I should have been taken slave in every place: also all such wares as I had received in barter for clot, and as I took perforce of the king, & other his Nobles, in payment of money due unto me, were not vendible in Persia: for which causes, and divers others, I was constrained to come back again to Mare Caspium, the same way I went: so that the eight of March 1559, He returns the eight of March 1552. we departed out of the said City of Boghar, being a Caravan of 600 Camels: and if we had not departed when we did, I and my company had been in danger to have lost life and goods. For ten days after our departure, the king of Samarcand came with an army, & besieged the said City of Bog●ar, the king being absent, and go to the wars against another prince, his kinsman, as the like chanceth in those Countries once in two or three years. For it is marvel, if a King reign there above three or four years, to the great destruction of the Country, and merchants. The 25 of March, we came to the foresaid town of Urgence, Urgence. and escaped the danger of 400 rovers, which lay in wa●te for us back again, being the most of them of kindred to that company of thieves, which we met with going forth, as we perceived by four spies, which were taken. There were in my company, and committed to my charge, two ambassadors, the one from the king of Boghar, the other from the king of baulk, The king of Ba●ke, o● Balg●. and were sent unto the Emperor of Russia. And after having tarried at Urgence, and the Castle of Sellysure, eight days for the assembling, and making ready of our Caravan, the second of April we departed from thence, having four more Ambassadors in our company, sent from the king of Urgence, and other Soltans', his brethren, unto the Emperor of Russia, with answer of such letters as I brought them: and the same Ambassadors were also committed unto my charge by the said Kings and princes: to whom I promised most faithfully, and sworn by our law, that they should be well used on Rusland, and suffered to departed from thence again in safety, according as the Emperor had written also in his letters: for they somewhat doubted, because there had none go out of Tartary into Russia, of long time before. The 23 of April, we arrived at the Mare Caspium again, where we found our bark which we came in, but neither anchor, cable, cock, nor sail: nevertheless we brought hemp with us, and spun a cable ourselves, with the rest of our tackling, and made us a sail of clot of cotton wool, and rigged our bark as well as we could, but boat or anchor we had none. In the mean time being devising to make an anchor of wood of a cart wheel, there arrived a bark, which came from Astracan, with Tartars and Russes, which had 2 anchors, with whom I agreed for the one: and thus being in a readiness, we set sail and departed, I, and the two johnsons being Master and Mariners ourselves, having in our bark the said six ambassadors, and 25 Russes, which had been ●●aues a long time in ●ar●aria, nor ever had before my coming, liberty, or means to get home, and these slaves served to row when need was. Thus sailing sometimes along the coast, and sometimes out of sight of land, the 13. day of May, having a contrary wind, we came to an anchor, being three leagues from the shore, & there rose a sore storm, which continued 44. hours, and our cable being of our own spinning, brake, and lost our anchor, and being off a lee shore, and having no boat to help us, we hoist our sail, and bore roomer with the said shore, looking for present death: but as God provided for us, we ran into a creak full of oze, and so saved ourselves with our bark, & lived in great discomfort for a time. For although we should have escaped with our lives the danger of the sea, yet if our bark had perished, we known we should have been, either destroyed, or taken slaves by the people of that Country, who live wildly in the field, like beasts, without house or habitation. Thus when the storm was seized, we went out of the creak again: and having set the land with our Compass, and taken certain marks of the same, during the time of the tempest, whilst we rid at our anchor, we went directly to the place where we rid, with our bark again, and found our anchor which we lost: whereat the Tartars much marveled, how we did it. While we were in the creak, we made an anchor of wood of cart wheels, which we had in our bark, which we threw away, when we had found out iron anchor again. Within two days after, there arose another great storm, at the North-east, and we lay a try, being driven far into the sea, and had much ado to keep our bark from sinking, the billow was so great: but at the last, having fair weather, we took the Sun, and knowing how the land lay from us, we fell with the River Yaik, according to our desire, whereof the Tartars were very glad, fearing that we should have been driven to the coast of Persia, whose people were unto them great enemies. Note, that during the time of our Navigation, we set up the red cross of S. George in our flags, for honour of the Christians, which I suppose was never seen in the Caspian sea before. The English flag in the Caspian sea. We passed in this voyage divers fortunes: notwithstanding the 28. of May we arrived in safety at Astracan, and there remained till the tenth of june following, as well to prepare us small boats, to go up against the stream of Volga, with our goods, as also for the company of the Ambassadors of Tartary, committed unto me, to be brought to the presence of the Emperor of Russia. This Caspian sea (to say some thing of it) is in length about two hundred leagues, and in breadth 150. without any issue to other seas: to the East part whereof, joineth the great desert country of the Tartars, called Turkemen: to the West, the countries of the Chyrcasses, the mountains of Caucasus, and the Mare Euxinum, which is from the said Caspian Sea a hundred leagues. To the North is the river Volga, and the land of Nagay, and to the South part join the countries of Media and Persia. A notable description of the Caspian sea. This sea is fresh water in many places, and in other places as salt as our great Ocean. It hath many goodly Rivers falling into it, and it avoideth not itself except it be under ground. The notable Rivers that fall into it, are first the great River of Volga, called in the Bohemian-tartar tongue edel, which springeth out of a lake in a marish or plain ground, not far from the City of Novogrode in Russia, and it is from the spring to the Sea, above two thousand English miles. It hath divers other goodly Rivers falling into it, as out of Siberia, Yaic, and Yem: Also out of the mountains of Caucasus, the Rivers of Cyrus and Arash, and divers others. As touching the trade of Shamaky in Media and Tebris, with other towns in Persia, I have inquired, and do well understand, that it is even like to the trades of Tartary, that is little utterance, and small profit: and I have been advertised that the chief trade of Persia is into Syria, and so transported into the Levant sea. The few ships upon the Caspian Seas, the want of Mart and port Towns, the poverty of the people, and the ice, maketh that trade nought. At Astracan there were merchants of Shamaky, with whom I offered to barter, and to give them kerseys for their wares, but they would not, saying, they had them as good cheap in their country, as I offered them, which was six rubbles for a kersie, that I asked: and while I was at Boghar, there were brought thither out of Persia, Cloth, and divers commodities of our countries, which were sold as good cheap, as I might cell ours. The tenth day of june, we departed from Astracan towards the Moscow, having an hundred gunner's in our company at the Emperor's charges, for the safe conduct of the Tartar Ambassadors and me. And the eight and twentieth day of july following, we arrived at the city of Cazan, having been upon the way from Astracan thither, six weeks and more, without any refreshing of victuals: for in all that way there is no habitation. The seventh of August following, we departed from Cazan, and transported our goods by water, as far as the city of Morum, and then by land: so that the second of September, we arrived at the city of Moscow, His arrival at Moscow the 2. of September. and the fourth day I came before the emperors Majesty, kissed his hand, and presented him a white cows tail of Cathay, and a drum of Tartary, which he well accepted. Also I brought before him all the Ambassadors that were committed to my charge, with all the Ruff slaves: and that day I dined in his majesties presence, and at dinner, his Grace sent me meat by a Duke, & asked me divers questions touching the lands and countries where I had been. And thus I remained at the Moscow about your affairs, until the 17. day of February tha● your wares were se●t down: and then having licence of the Emperor's Majesty to departed, the 21. day I came to your house at Vologhda, and there remained until the breaking up of the ye●●● and then having seen all your goods laden into your boats, I departed with the same, and arrived withal in safety at Colmogro the 9 of May 1560. And here I cease for this time, entreating you to bear with this my large discourse, which by reason of the variety of matter, I could make no shorter, and I beseech God to prospero all your attempts. The latitudes of certain principal places in Russia, and other Regions. Deg. Min. Moscow in 55 10 Novogrod the great 58 26 Novogrod the less 56 33 Colmogro 64 10 Vologhda 59 11 Cazan 55 33 Oweke 51 40 Astracan 47 9 At the entrance into the Caspian sea. 46 72 Manguslave beyond the Caspian sea. 45 00 Urgence in Tartary 20. days journey from the Caspian sea. 42 18 Boghar a city in Tartary 20. days journey from Urgence. 39 10 Certain notes gathered by Richard johnson (which was at Boghar with M. Anthony jenkinson) of the reports of● Russes and other strangers, of the ways of Russia to Cathaya, and of divers and strange people. The first note given by one named S●rnichoke a Tartarian subject to the Prince of Boghar, which are also Tartars bordering upon Kizilbash or Persia, declaring the way from Astracan, being the furthest part of Russia, to Cathaya as followeth. FIrst from Astracan to Serachick by land, travailing by leisure as Merchants use with wares, is 10. days journey. From Serachick to a town named * ●r● Urgence. Vrgenshe, 15. days. From Vrgenshe to Boghar, 15. days. From Boghar to Cascar, 30. days. From Cascar to Cathaya, 30. days journey. By the same party a note of another way more sure to travail, as he reporteth. FRom Astracan to Turkemen by the Caspian sea, 10. days with barks. From Turkemen by land specially with Camels, bearing the weight of 15. poodes for their common burdens, is 10. days to Vrgenshe. From Vrgenshe to Bog●ar, 15. days. Note. At this City of Boghar is the mart or meeting place between the Turks and nations of those parts and the Cathayans. Also the toll there is the 40. part to be paid of Merchandizes or goods. From thence to Cascar is one months journey, and from Cascar (being the frontier of the great Can, having many towns and forts by the way) is also a months travel for merchants by land to Cathay. Further, as he hath herded (not having been in those parts himself) ships may sail from the dominions of Cathaia unto India. But of other ways, or how the seas lie by any coast he knoweth not. The instruction of another Tartarian merchant dwelling in the city of Boghar, as he hath learned by other his countrymen which have been there. FIrst from Astracan by sea to Serachick is 15 days: affirming also that a man may travel the other way before written by Turkemen. From Serachick to Urgence is 15 days. From Urgence to Boghar ●lso 15 days. Note. These last 30 days journey is without habitation of houses: therefore travelers lodge in their own tents, carrying with them to eat, their several provisions: and for dryness there be many wells of fair water at equal baiting places not far distant daily to be had. From Boghar to Taskent easy traveling with goods, is 14 days by land. From Taskent to Occient 7 days. From Occient to Cascar 20 days. This Cascar is the head town or city of another prince, lying between Boghar and Cathaia, called Reshit can. From Cascar to Sowchick 30 days journey, which Sowchick is the first border of Cathay. From Sowchick to Camchick 5 days journey, and from Camchick to Cathay is 2 months journey, all the way being inhabited, temperate, & well replenished with innumerable first-fruits, & the chief city in that whole land is called Cambalu, which is yet 10 days journey from Cathay. Beyond this land of Cathay, which they praise to be civil & unspeakably rich, is the country named in the Tartarian tongue Cara-calmack inhabited with black people: but in Cathay, the most part thereof stretching to the sun rising, are people white and of fair complexion. Their religion also, as the Tartars report, is christian, or after the manner of Christians, and their language peculiar, differing from the Tartarian tongue. There are no great and furious Bears in traveling through the ways aforesaid, but wolves white and black. And because that woods are not of such quantity there, as in these parts of Russia, but in manner rather scant then plentiful, as is reported, the Bears breed not that way, but some other beasts (as namely one in Russee called Barse) are in those coasts. This Barse appeareth by a skin of one seen here to cell, to be near so great as a big lion spotted very fair and therefore we here take it to be a Leopard or Tiger. Angrim. Note that 20 days journey from Cathay is a country named Angrim, where liveth the beast that beareth the best Musk, & the principal thereof is cut out of the knee of the male. The people are tawny, Mandeville speaketh hereof. & for that the men are not bearded nor differ in complexion from women, they have certain tokens of iron, that is to say: the men wear the sun round like a boss upon their shoulders, and women on their privy parts. Their feeding is raw flesh in the same land, and in another called O●●itay. Titay: the Duke there is called Can. They worship the fire, and it is 34 days journey from great Cathay, and in the way lieth the beautiful people, eating with knives of gold, and are called Comorom, and the land of small people is nearer the Mosko then Cathay. Small people. The instructions of one of Permia, who reporteth he had been at Cathay the way before written, and also another way near the sea coast, as followeth, which note was sent out of Russia from Giles Holmes. Pechora but six days journey by land or water from Ob. FIrst from the province of Dwina is known the way to Pechora, and from Pechora traveling with Olens or hearts, is six days journey by land, and in the Summer as much by water to the river of Ob. The Ob is a river full of flats, the mouth of it is 70. Russee miles over. And from thence three days journey on the right hand is a place called Chorno-lese, to say in English, black woods, and from thence near hand is a people called Pechey-cony, wearing their hair by his description after the Irish fashion. From Pechey-cony to jolt Calmachey three days journey, & from thence to Chorno Callachay three days tending to the Southeast. These two people are of the Tartarian faith, and tributaries to the great Can. Here follow certain countries of the Samoeds which devil upon the river Ob, and upon the sea coasts beyond the same, taken out of the Ruff tongue word by word, and travailed by a Ruff born in Colmogro, whose name was Pheodor Towtigin, who by report, was slain in his second voyage in one of the said countries. Upon the East part beyond the country of Vgori, the river Ob is the most Westermost part thereof. Upon the sea coast devil Samoeds, and their country is called Molgomsey, whose meat is flesh of Olens, or Hearts, and Fish, and do eat one another sometimes among themselves. And if any Merchants come unto them, than they kill one of their children for their sakes to feast them withal. And if a Merchant chance to die with them, they bury him not, but eat him, and so do they eat them of their own country likewise. They be evil of sight, and have small noses, but they be swift and shoot very well, and they travail on Hearts and on dogs, traveling on dogs & hearts. and their apparel is Sables and Hearts skins. They have no Merchandise but Sables only. 2 Item, on the same coast or quarter beyond those people, and by the sea side also doth devil another kind of Samoeds in like manner, having another language. One month in the year they live in the sea, and do not come or devil on the dry land for that month. 3 Item beyond these people, on the sea coast, there is another kind of Samoeds, their meat is flesh and fish, and their merchandise are Sables, white and black Foxes (which the Rusles call Pselts) and Hearts skins, and Fawns skins. The relation of Chaggi Memet a Persian Merchant, to Baptista Ramusius, and other notable citizens of Venice, touching the way from Tauris the chief city of Persia, to Campion a city of Cathay over land: in which voyage he himself had passed before with the Caravans. days journey. FRom Tauris to Soltania. 6 From Soltania to Casbin. 4 From Casbin to Veremis. 6 From Veremis to Eri. 15 From Eri to Boghara. 20 From Boghara to Samarchand. 5 From Samarchand to Cascar. 25 From Cascar to Acsu. 20 From Acsu to Cuchi. 20 From Cuchi to Chialis. 10 From Chialis to Turfon. 10 From Turfon to Camul. 13 From Camul to Succuir. 15 From Succuir to Gauta. 5 From Gauta to Campion. 6 Which Campion is a city of the Empire of Cathay in the province of Tangut, from whence the greatest quantity of Rhubarb cometh. A letter of Sigismond king of Polonia, 1559 written in the 39 year of his reign to Elizabeth the Queen's most excellent Majesty of England, etc. SIgismudus Augustus by the grace of God king of Polonia, great Duke of Lituania, Russia, Prussia, Massovia, and Samogetia, etc. Lord and heir etc. to the most Noble Princess Lady Elizabeth by the same grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, etc. our dear sister and kinswoman, greeting and increase of all felicity. Whereas your Majesty writeth to us that you have received two of our letters, we have looked that you should have answered to them both. First to the one, in which we entreated more at large in forbidding the voyage to narve, The trade to narve forbidden by the ●●. of Poland. which if it had been done, we had been unburdened of so often writing of one matter: and might have answered your Majesty much better to the purpose. Now we thus answer to your Majesty to those matters of the which you writ to us the 3 of October from Windsor. First, forasmuch as your Majesty at the request of our letters hath discharged the arrest of merchants goods, and of the names of the men of Dansk our subjects, which was set upon them by the commandment of your Majesty: and also have restored the old and ancient liberty of traffic, we acknowledge great pleasure done unto us in the same: and also think it to be done according to common agreement made in times past. The ancient covenants of traffic between England & Prussia. Neither were we ever at any time of any other opinion touching your Majesty, but that we should obtain right and reason at your hands. Forasmuch as we likewise shall at all times be ready to grant to your Majesty, making any request for your subjects, so far as shall stand with justice, yet neither will we yield any thing to your Majesty in contention of love, benevolence, and mutual office, but that we judge every good turn of yours to be recompensed by us to the uttermost: and that shall we prove as occasion shall serve. Therefore we shall command the arrests, if any be made by our subjects (as it is unknown to us) of merchant's goods and English names to be discharged: and shall conserve the old liberty of traffic, The old liberty of traffic. and all other things which shall seem to appertain to neighbourhood between us and your Majesty: so that none of the subjects of your Majesty hereafter presume to use the navigation to the narve forbidden by us, and full of danger not only to our parts, but also to the open destruction of all Christians and liberal nations. The which as we have written afore, so now we writ again to your Majesty that we know and feel of a surety, the Moscovite, The means of increase of the power of the Moscovite. enemy to all liberty under the heavens, daily to grow mightier by the increase of such things as he brought to the narve, while not only wares but also weapons heretofore unknown to him, and artificers & arts be brought unto him: by mean whereof he maketh himself strong to vanguish all others. Which things, as long as this voyage to narve is used, can not be stopped. And we perfectly know your Majesty can not be ignorant how great the cruelty is of the said enemy, of what force he is, what tyranny he useth on his subjects, and in what servile sort they be under him. We seemed hitherto to vanquish him only in this, that he was rude of arts, and ignorant of policies. If so be that this navigation to the narve continued, what shall be unknown to him? Therefore we that know best, and border upon him, do admonish other Christian princes in time, that they do not betray their dignity, liberty and life of them and their subjects to a most barbarous and cruel enemy, as we can no less do by the duty of a Christian prince. For now we do foresee, except other prnices take this admonition, the Moscovite puffed up in pride with those things that be brought to the narve, and made more perfect in warlike affairs with engines of war and ships, will make assault this way on Christendom, to slay or make bond all that shall withstand him: which God defend. With which our admonition divers princes already content themselves, and abstain from the narve. The others that will not abstain from the said voyage shallbe impeached by our nawl, and incur the danger of loss of life, liberty, wife and children. Now therefore if the subjects of your Majesty will forbear this voyage to narve, there shallbe nothing denie● to them of us. Let your Majesty well weigh and consider the reasons & occasions of our stopping of ships going to the narve. In which stopping, our subjects of Dansk be in no fault, as we have already written to your Majesty, neither use we their counsel in the same. In any other matter, if there be any fault in them against your Majesty or your subjects, we will gladly do justice upon them, that your Majesty may well understand that we be careful of you and your subjects. Neither think we it meet to take Hamburgh, or any other place to judge the matter: for we have our council & judgement seat at Rye, where your Majesty & your subjects, or any other, shall have justice administered unto them, with whom we have had ancient league and amity. And thus much we have thought good to let your Majesty understand. Far you well. Dated the sixt of December the 39 of our reign. Sigismundus Augustus Rex. The Queen's majesties Letters to the Emperor of Russia, requesting licence, and safe conduct for M. Anthony jenkinson to pass thorough his kingdom of Russia, into Persia, to the Great Sophy. 1561. ELIZABETHA Dei gratia, Angliae, etc. Regina, serenissimo & potentissimo principi, D. joanni Basilivich, Imperatori ●otius Russiae, Magno Duci, etc. Salutem, & omnium rerum prosperarum foelicissimum incrementum. Potentissime Princeps, res est nobis ad memorandum long gratissima, illa vestrae Maiestatis erga nos & nostros amicitia. Quae tempore foelicissimae memoriae Regis Edwardi sexti, fratris nostri charissimi, Dei benignitate incepta, deinceps verò vestra non solùm singulari humanitate alta atque fota, sed incredibili etiam bonitate aucta atque cumulata, nunc autem omnibus benevolentiae vestrae officijs sic firmata est atque constabilita, ut iam minimè dubitemus, quin ea ad laudem Dei, ad gloriam utriusque nostrum, ad publicam nostrorum utrobique regnorum immensam commoditatem, ad privatam singulorum utrinque subditorum optatam spem, certámque foelicitatem multis sit deinceps seculis duratura. Et quanquam haec vestra bonitas, plenissimè seize effudit in omnes nostros subditos, qui seize in ullas imperij vestri parts unquam receperunt, (pro qua ingentes nostras, utpar est, gratias vestrae Maiestati habemus, vestrísque vicissim in omni opportunitatis loco libentissimè feremus) tamen abundantia benignitatis vestrae, in accipiendo, támque humanitèr tractando nostrum fidelem & perdilectum famulum Antonium jenkinson, qui has perfect literas, seorsim nobis gratissima existir. Nam praeterquam quòd nullis non locis vestri Imperij & magna libertate, & summa humanitate vestrae serenitatis non permissu solum, sed jussu etiam frueretur, vestra bonitas tamen non in hac domestica benignè faciendi ratione conquievit, sed perlibentèr & ultró eundum nostrum hunc perdilectum famulum, varijs exteris principibus, quoquoversus ipse iter suum instituerat, literis suis, suo magno Imperiali sigillo consignatis commendavit. Quod beneficium illi ubivis gentium, & viam sine ullo periculo, propter publicam vestram fidem, & adventum cum magno favore, propter vestram commendationem, optatè quidem & foeliciter communivit. Itaque quemadmodum gemina haec vestra benevolentia, cum illa generalis exhibita in vestro regno negotiantibus subdi●is nostris universis, tumista seorsim praestita huic Antonio jenkinson, perfideli nostro famulo, nobis in ment non solùm ad gratam perpetuámque memoriam, verùm etiam ad mutuam, vel opportunam compensationem, firmissimè defixa est: ita, petimus a vestra Maiestate ut utramque benevolentiae vestrae rationem & communem nostris universis, & privatam huic nostro dilecto famulo, utrisque deinceps digneturtueri, atque conseruare, Ne que nos quidem diffidimus, quin quem favorem vestra Maiestas ante à sua sponte Antonio jenkinson, tum quidem privato ostendit, eundem nunc nostro rogatu eidem Antonio in nostrum iam famulatum cooptato benignè velit denuò declarare. Et proptereà petimus à vestra Maiestate, ut dignetur iterum concedere eidem nostro famulo, literas suas commeatus, publicae fidei, ac saluiconductus, quarum tenore, authoritate, atque praesidio, sit illi, familiaribus suis, & servis, tutum, liberumque, cum mercibus, sarcinis, equis, & bonis suis universis, invehendis euehend●sque, per vestra regna, domicilia, atque provincias, proficisci, ire, transire, redire, a bire, & istic morati, quamdiu placuerit, & inde recedere quandocunque illi aut suis libitum fuerit. Et sicut non dubitamus, quin vestra Maiestas haec omnia humanitatis grata osficia, pro immensa bonitate suae naturae benignè & largiter huic famulo nostro sit concessura, ita valdè optamus, adeóque petimus, ut vestra Maiestas eodem nostrum famulum, unà cum omnibus suis familiaribus, ac bonis, exteris alijs principibus literis suis dignetur commendare, praesertim vero atque seorsim Magno Sophi, Persarum Imperatori, in cuius etiam imperia & ditiones idem noster famulus gratia potissimè experiundi peregrina commercia, proficisci unà cum suis consti●●it. Confidimus igitur haec omnia nostra postulata pro famuli spe, pro nostra expectatione, pro vestra bonitate, pro nostrorum utrinque sub ditorum commoditate, fausta illi, grata nobis, accepta etiam vestrae Maiesti, & nostris utrobíque perquam vtil●a evasura. Deus vestrae Maiestatis, etc. Datum in celeberrima nostra Civitate Londini, anno mundi 5523. Domini ac Dei nostri jesu Christi 1561. regnorum verô nostrorum ter●io. The same in English. ELizabeth by the grace of God, Queen of England, etc. to the right excellent, and right mighty Prnice, Lord john Basiliwich, Emperor of all Russia, etc. greeting, and most happy increase in all prosperity. Right mighty Prince, the amitíe of your Majesty towards us and our subjects is very pleasant to us to be remembered, which being begun by the goodness of God in the reign of our most dear brother of happy memory, King Edward the sixt, and afterwards, through your not only singular humanity, fed, and nourished, but also through your incredible goodness increased, and augmented, is now firmed and established, with all manner of tokens of your benevolence, that now we doubt not, but that from henceforth, during many ages, the same shall endure to the praise of God, to both our glories, to the public great commodity of our Realms on either part, and to the private desired hope, and certain felicity of all our subjects. And although that this your goodness hath been abundantly extended to all our subjects, that have at any time repaired into any part of your Empire, for the which we give (as reason is) your Majesty right hearty thanks, and will again show the like unto yours, right willingly, whensoever opportunity shall require: yet the abundance of your benignity both in receiving, and also in entertaining our faithful and beloved servant, Anthony jenkinson, the bringer of these our letters, is unto us for him privately very thankful. For besides this, that in all places of your Empire, he not only by your majesties sufferance, but also by your commandment, enjoyed much liberty, and great friendship, your goodness not ceasing in this your domestical disposition of clemency, did right willingly, and of your own abundant grace, commend the same our well-beloved servant, by your letters sealed with your Imperial seal, to sundry foreign Princes, unto whom he was minded to journey: which your magnificence did purchase unto him happily, according to his desire, both passage without all peril, through your notable credit, and also achieving of his journey through your commendation. Therefore like as these your duplicated benevolences, both that one generally exhibited to all our subjects frequenting that your Realm, and also this the other extended apart to this our right faithful servant Anthony jenkinson, is right assuredly fastened in our remembrance, not only for a perpetual and grateful memorial, but also for a mutual and meet compensation: so we desire of your Majesty, to vouchsafe from henceforth to conserve and continued the geminate disposition of your benevolences, both generally to all our subjects, and also privately to this our beloved servant. And we doubt not, but that at our request, you will again graciously show unto the same Anthony, now admitted into our service, the like favour as heretofore your Majesty of your mere motion did exhibit unto him, being then a private person. And therefore we desire your Majesty eft 'zounds to grant to the same our servant, your letters of licence, passport, & safe conduct, through the tenor, authority, and help whereof, he, his servants, together with their merchandises, baggages, horses, and goods whatsoever, that shall be brought in, or carried out, by or thorough all your empire, kingdom, dominions, and provinces, may surely and freely journey, go, pass, repass, departed, and there tarry so long as it shall please him: and from thence return whensoever it shall seem good to him or his: and as we doubt not, but that your Majesty in the goodness of your nature will graciously and abundantly grant all these good offices of humanity, so we do hearty desire that your Majesty will likewise vouchsafe to commend the same our servant, together with all his goods, by your letters to other foreign Princes, and specially to the great Sophy, and Emperor of Persia, into whose empire and jurisdictions the same our servant purposeth with his for to journey, chief for trial of foreign merchandises. We therefore do trust that all these our demands shall tend, and have effect, according to the hope of our servant, and to our expectation, for your wealth, for the commodity of both our subjects, lucky to him, thankful to us, acceptable to your Majesty, and very profitable to our subjects on either part. God grant unto your Majesty long and happy felicity in earth, and everlasting in heaven. Dated in our famous city of London the 25 day of the month of April, in the year of the creation of the world 5523, and of our Lord God jesus Christ 1561, and of our reign the third. The Queen's majesties Letters to the Great Sophy of Persia, sent by M. Anthony jenkinson. 1561. ELIZABETHA Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, etc. Potentissimo & invictissimo Principi, Magno Sophi Persarum, Medorum, Parthorum, Hircanorum, Carmanorum, Margianorum, populorum ●is & ultrà Tygrim flwium, & omnium intra Mare Caspium, & Persicum sinum nationum atque Gentium Imperatori salutem, & rerum prosperarum foelicissimum incrementum. Summi Dei benignitare factum est, ut quas gentes, non solum immensa terrarum spacia, & insuperabiles marium vasti●ates, sed & ipsi etiam coelorum cardines longissimè disiunxerunt, ipsae tamen literarum bono & mentis certa cogitata, & humanitatis grata officia, & intelligentiae mutuae multa commoda facilè inter se & opportunè possint communicare. Itaque cùm perdilectus, & fidelis noster famulus Antonius jenkinson, qui has literas nostras perfert, cum bona venia, favore, & gratia nostra hoc Angliae nostrae regnum excedere, & in Persiam usque, vestrásque alias ditiones Dei benignitate penetrare constituerit, hoc illius institurum perlaudabile quidem grato nostro favore prosequi, & promovere studuimus: id quod eo nos libentiùs facimus, quoniam hoc eius propositum ex honesto study commercij constituendi potissimum cùm vestris subditis, alijsque peregrinis hominibus, ad vestra regna confluentibus, omninò exortum sit. Proptereà nobis & scribendum ad vestram Maiestatem, ab eaque petendum esse duximus, ut nostro rogatu dignetur concedere huic famulo nostro Antonio jenkinson literas publicae fidei, & salui conductus, quarum authoritate a●que praesidio, licitum, liberúmque s●● illi, unà cum suis familiaribus, servis, sarcinis, mercibus & bonis universis, per vestra regna, domicilia, ditiones, atque provincias liberè, & sine impedimento proficisci, ire, transire, redire, abi●e, & istic morari, quamdiu placuerit, & inde recedere, quandocunque illi vel suis lubitum fuerit. Si haec sancta hospitalitatis iura & dulcia communis humanitatis officia, inter nos, nostra regna, nostrósque subditos libentèr constitui, sincerè coli, & constantèr conseruari queant, speramus nos, Deum Optimum Maximum effecturum, utab hijs parvis initijs, grandiora rerum momenta, nobis ad magna ornamenta atque decus, nostris ad summa commoda atque usus, aliquando sint oritura: siquidem, ut non terra, non mare, non coelum, ad nos longissimè seperandos, quàm divina ratio communis humanitatis, & mutuae benevolentiae ad nos firmissimè coniungendos plus virium habuisse videatur. Deus salutem omnem, & foelicem in terris, & perpetuam in coelis, vestrae concedat Maiestari. Datum in Anglia, in celebrinostra v●be Londino, 25 die mensis Aprilis, anno mundi, 5523, Domini ac Dei nostri jesu Christi, 1561, regnorum verò nostrorum tertio. The same in English. ELizabeth, by the grace of God, Queen of England, This letter was also written in Hebrew, and Italian. etc. To the right mighty, and right victorious Prince, the great Sophy, Emperor of the Persians, Medes, Parthians, Hircans, Carmanians, Margians, of the people on this side, and beyond the river of Tigris, and of all men, and nations, between the Caspian sea, and the gulf of Persia, greeting, and most happy increase in all prosperity. By the goodness of the Almighty God it is ordained, that those people, which not only the huge distance of the lands, and the invincible wideness of the seas, but also the very quarters of the heavens do most far separate, and set asunder, may nevertheless through good commendation by writing, both case, and also communicate between them, not only the conceived thoughts, or deliberations, and grateful offices of humanity, but also many commodities of mutual intelligence. Therefore whereas our faithful, and right well-beloved servant Anthony jenkinson, bearer of these our letters, is determined with our licence, favour, and grace, to pass out of this our Realm, and by God's sufferance to travel even into Persia, and other your jurisdictions: we mind truly with our good favour, to set forward, and advance that his right laudable purpose: and that the more willingly, for that this his enterprise is only grounded upon an honest intent, to establish trade of merchandise with your subjects, and with other strangers traffiking in your realms. Wherefore we have thought good, both to writ to your Majesty, and also to desire the same, to vouchsafe at our request, to grant to our said servant, Anthony jenkinson, good passports, and safe conducts, by means, and authority whereof, it may be free and lawful for him, together with his familiars, servants, carriages, merchandise, and goods whatsoever, thorough your Realms, Dominions, jurisdictions, and Provinces, freely, and without impeachment, to journey, go, pass, repass, and tarry so long as he shall please, and from thence to return whensoever he or they shall think good. If these holy duties of entertainment, and sweet offices of natural humanity may be willingly concluded, sincerely embraced, and firmly observed between us, and our Realms, and subjects, than we do hope that the Almighty God will bring it to pass, that of these small beginnings, greater moments of things shall hereafter spring, both to our furniture and honours, and also to the great commodities, and use of our peoples: so it will be known that neither the earth, the seas, nor the heavens, have so much force to separate us, as the godly disposition of natural humanity, and mutual benevolence have to join us strongly together. God grant unto your Majesty long and happy felicity in earth, and perpetual in heaven. Dated in England, in our famous city of London, the 25 day of the month of April, in the year of the creation of the world, 5523, and of our Lord and God jesus Christ, 1561, and of our reign the third. A remembrance given by us the Governors, Consuls, and Assistants of the company of Merchants trading into Russia, the eight day of May 1561, to our trusty friend Anthony jenkinson, at his departure towards Russia, and so to Persia, in this our eight journey. FIrst you shall understand that we have laden in our good ship, called the Swallow, one Chest, the keys whereof we do here deliver you, and also a bill, wherein are written particularly the contents in the said Chest, and what every thing did cost: and because, as you know, the said Chest of charge, we desire you to have a special regard unto it, and when God shall sand you unto Moscow, our minds and will is, that you, with the advise of our Agents there, do appoint some such presents for the Emperor and his son, either wine, clot of gold, scarlet, or plate, as to your good discretion shall be thought meet, and when you have delivered unto him the Queen's majesties Letters, and our said present in the name of the Company, we think it good that you make your humble suit unto his Highness in our name, to get his licence or safe conduct for you and all other our servants or Agents at all times hereafter with such wares and merchandise as you at this time, or they hereafter at all other times shall think good to pass out of his dominions towards Tartary, Persia, or other places, and also to return unto Moscow with such wares and merchandises as you shall bring or sand from any land or country that is not in his dominions, and if it be thought good by you and our Agents there to make composition with the emperor or his officers for some certain custom or ●ole upon such goods as we shall pass that way, to the intent we might be the better favoured, we refer it to your discretion, foreseeing that the opening of this matter be not prejudicial unto our former privileges. And for the sale of our clot of gold, plate, pearls, sapphires, and other jewels, we put our trust and confidence in you principally to cell them for ready money, time to good debtor, or in barter for good wares, so that you make our other Agents privy how and for what price you cell any of the premises, and also deliver such sums of money, bills or wares, as you shall receive, unto our said Agents: thinking good further, that if you perceive that the place or other jewels, or any part thereof will not be sold for profit before your departure from the Moscow, that then you 'cause them to be safe packed, and set order they may be sent hither again in our ships the next year, except you perceive that there may be some profit in carrying some part of them into Persia, which we would not to be of any great value. We have also laden in the said Swallow and the other two ships 80 farthels, containing 400 kerseys, as by the invoice doth appear, which farthels be packed, & appointed to be carried into Persia: nevertheless, if you chance to find good sales for them in the Moscow, we think it were good to cell part of them there, and to carry the less quantity with you, because we be uncertain what vent or sale you shall find in Persia or other places where you shall come. If you obtain the emperors licence to pass out of his dominions, and to return, as aforesaid, & that you perceive you may safely do the same, our mind is, that at such time as you think best ●nd most convenient for that purpose, you do appoint so many, and such of our hired servants or apprentices as you think necessary & meet for our affairs, and may best be spared, to go with you in your said voyage, whereof we would one to be such as you might make privy of all your doings for divers considerations and causes that may happen: which servants and apprentices, ●e will and command, by this our remembrance, to be obedient unto you as unto us, not only to go with you, and to do such things as you command them in your presence, but also to go unto such countries or places as you shall appoint them unto, either with wares or without wares, & there to remain and continued so long as you shall think good, and if they or any of them will refuse ●o do such things as you do appoint them, as aforesaid, or that any of them (be he hired servant or apprentice) do misuse himself by any manner of disobedience or disorder, and will not by gentle and fair means be reform, we will that you sand him back to the Moscow, with strait order that he may be sent from thence hither, & let us have knowledge of his evil behaviour, to the intent that if he be a hired servant we may pay him his wages according to his service, and if he be an apprentice we may use him according to his deserts. We will also that you take with you such kerseys, scarlet, and other clotheses, or any other su●h wares of ours, as you shall think good, and so in the name of God to take your journey towards Persia, either by the way of Astracan and Mare Caspium, or otherwise, as you shall see cause: and when God sendeth you into Persia, our mind is, that you repair unto the great Sophy with the Queen's majesties letters, if he be not too far from the Caspian sea for you to travel, and that you make him such a present as you shall think meet, and if you pass by any other kings, princes, or governors, before or after you come to the presence of the Sophy, likewise to make them some present, as you see cause, according to their estate and dignity, and withal to procure letters of privilege or safe conduct of the said Sophy or other princes in as large and ample manner as you can, for the sure establishing of further trade in merchandise by us hereafter to be made, frequented and continued in those parts, not only that we may freely cell in all places within his dominions such wares as we carry thither, but also buy and bring away any manner of wares or merchandise whatsoever it be, that is for our purpose and commodity within his dominions, with free passage also for us at all times, to pass as often as we will with our goods and merchandise into any part of India or other countries thereunto adjoining, and in like manner to return thorough his dominions into Russia or elsewhere. And for the sale of our kerseys or other wares that you shall have with you, as our trust is that you will do for our most profit and commodity: even so we refer all unto your good discretion, aswell in the sale of our said goods, as to make our return in such things as you shall find there, and think best for our profit. But if passage cannot be had into Persia by Astracan, or otherwise, the next Summer, which shallbe in the year 1562, than our mind is, that you procure to cell our kerseys, & other such wares as are appointed for Persia, in the Moscow, or other the emperors dominions, if you may cell them for any reasonable price, and then to employ yourself with such other of your servants, as you shall think meet for the search of the passage by Nova Zembla, The passage of Nova Zembla. or else you to return for England as you think good. Provided always, that if you do perceive or understand, that passage is like to be had into Persia the Summer following, which shallbe in the year 1563, and that you can not cell our kerseys in the emperors dominions, as aforesaid, at a reasonable price: then we will rather they may be kept till the said Summer in the year 1563, and then you to proceed forward upon your journey towards Persia as aforesaid. If passage into Persia cannot be obtained the next year, neither good hope of passage in the year 1563, neither yet in the mean time good sale of our kerseys in the emperors dominions, than we think good for you to see if you can practise to carry your said wares by safe conduct thorough Polonia, or any other ways unto Constantinople, or else where you think beter sale may be had, then in Russia. Thus have we given you to understand our meanings in this intended adventure: but forasmuch as we do consider and know, that if we should prescribe unto you any certain way, or direct order what you should do, we might so work clean contrary to our purpose and intent: therefore knowing your approved wisdom with your experience, and also your careful and diligent mind in the achieving and bringing to good success (by the help of almighty God) all things that you take in hand, we do commit our whole affairs concerning the said adventure wholly unto your good discretion, praying God so to prospero you, as may be first for his glory, secondly for the honour and commodity of this realm, and next for our profit, with the increase of your good name for ever. And yet further desiring, and also most earnestly requiring you, as you tender the state of our company, that you will have a special regard unto the order of our houses & our servants, aswell at Colmogro and Vologda, as at Moscow, and to see and consider if any misorder be amongst our servants or apprentices, whereby you think we might hereafter be put to hindrance or loss of any part of our goods or privilege there, that you do not only see the same reform, but also to certify us thereof by your letter at large, as our trust is in you. And for the better knowledge to be had in the prices and goodness of such things as we do partly suppose you shall find in the parts of Russia, we do herewith deliver you a quantity of certain drugs, whereby you may perceive how to know the best, and also there are noted the prices of such wares and drugs as be here most vendible: Weights and drugs delivered to M. jenkinson. also we deliver you herewith one pound and one ounce weight in brass, to the end, that you may thereby, & with the bill of prices of wares, know what things be worth here. As for the knowledge of silks, we need not to give you any instructions thereof, other than you know. And if you understand that any commodity in Russia be profitable for us to have with you into Persia or other places, our mind is that our Agents shall either provide it for you, or deliver you money to make provision yourself. And because the Russes say that in traveling Eastwardes from Colmogro thirty or forty days journey, there is the main sea to be found, The main sea within thirty days Eastward of Colmogro. we think that Richard johnson might employ his time that way by land, and to be at Moscow time enough to go with you into Persia: for if it be true that he may travel to the sea that way, and that he may know how many miles it is towards the East from Colmogro, it will be a great help for us to find out the strait and passage that way, if any be there to be had. Governors. William Gerard. Thomas Lodge. William Merike. Blaze Sanders. A compendious and brief declaration of the journey of M. Anth. jenkinson, from the famous city of London into the land of Persia, passing in this same journey thorough Russia, Moscovia, and Mare Caspium, aliâs Hircanum, sent and employed therein by the right worshipful Society of the Merchant's Adventurers, for discovery of Lands, Islands, etc. Being begun the fourteenth day of May, Anno 1561, 1561 and in the third year of the reign of the Queen's Majesty that now is: this present declaration being directed and written to the foresaid Society. FIrst embarking myself in a good ship of yours, named the Swallow, at Gravesend, having a fair and good wind, our anchor then weighed, and committing all to the protection of our God, having in our sailing diversity of winds, & thereby forced to direct and observe sundry courses (not here rehearsed, because you have been thereof heretofore amply informed) on the fourteenth day of july, the year aforesaid I arrived in the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia: and the six and twentieth day of the same month, after conference than had with your Agents there, concerning your worship's affairs, I departed from thence, passing thorough the country of Vago, and on the eight day of August then following, I came to Vologda, which is distant from Colmogro, seven hundred miles, where I remained four days, attending the arrival of one of your boats, wherein was laden a chest of jewels with the present, by your worships appointed for the Emperor's Majesty: which being arrived, and the chest received, I therewith departed toward the city of Moscow, and came thither the twentieth day of the same month, where I immediately caused my coming to be signified unto the Secretary of the Imperial Majesty, The Que●nes letters to the Emperor of Russia. with the Queen's highness letters addressed unto the same his Majesty, who informed the Emperor thereof. But his Highness having great affairs, and being at that present ready to be married unto a Lady of Chircassi, of the mahometical law, commanded that no stranger, Ambassador, nor other, should come before him for a time, with further straight charge, that during the space of three days that the same solemn feast was celebrating, the gates of the city should be shut, and that no person, stranger or native (certain of his household reserved) should come out of their said houses during the said triumph, the cause thereof unto this day not being known. The sixt of September following, the Emperor made a great feast, whereunto were called all Ambassadors and strangers being of reputation, and having affairs: amongst whom I was one, but being willed by the Secretary first to come, and to show him the Queen's majesties letters, I refused so to do, saying I would deliver the same unto the Emperors own hands, and not otherwise: which herded, the Secretary answered, that unless he might first peruse the said letters, I should not come into the Emperor's presence, so that I was not at the feast. Nevertheless, I was advertised by a noble man that I was enquired for by the emperors Majesty, although the cause of my absence was to his Majesty unknown. The next day following, I caused a supplication to be made, and presented it to his Highness own hands, and thereby declared the cause of my coming, signified by the Queen's majesties letters, and the answer of his said Secretary, most humbly beseeching his Grace that he would receive and accept the same he● highness letters, with such honour and friendship, as his letters sent by Osep Napea were received by the hands of our late Sovereign Lady Queen Mary, or else that it would please his Highness to dismiss me, saying that I would not deliver the said letters but unto his own hands, for that it is so used in our country. Thus the matter being pondered, and the effect of my supplication well digested, I was forthwith commanded to come with the said letters before his Majesty, and so delivered the same into his own hands (with such presents as by you were appointed) according to my request, which were gratefully accepted, & the same day I dined in his Grace's presence, with great entertainment. Shortly after, I desired to know whether I should be licensed to pass thorough his highness dominions into the land of Persia, Request to pass into Persia thorough Moscovie. according to the Queen's majesties request: hereunto it was answered, that I should not pass thither, for that his Majesty meant to sand an army of men that way into the land of Chircassi, whereby may journey should be both dangerous & troublesome, and that if I should perish therein● it would be much to his Grace's dishonour, but he doubted other matters, although they were not expressed. Thus having received his answer, neither to my expectation, nor yet contentation, and there remaining a good part of the year, having in that time sold the most part of your kerseys and other wares appointed for Persia, when the time of the year required to return for England, I desired passport, and post horses for money, which was granted: but having received my passport, ready to departed, there came unto our house there Osep Napea, Osep Napea Ambassador from the Emperor of Russia to Q. Mary. who persuaded me that I should not departed that day, saying that the Emperor was not truly informed, imputing great fault to the frowardness of the Secretary, who was not my friend: before whom coming again the next day, and finding the same Secretary and Osep Napea together, after many allegations and objections of things, and perceiving that I would departed, I was willed to remain until the emperors Majesty were spoken with again touching my passage: wherewith I was content, & within three days after sending for me, he declared that the emperors pleasure was, that I should not only pass thorough his dominions into Persia, but also have his Grace's letters of commendations to foreign princes, with certain his affairs committed to my charge, too long here to rehearse: whereupon I appointed myself for the voyage, An ambassador of Persia. & the 15 day of March, the year aforesaid, I dined again in his majesties presence in company of an Ambassador of Persia and others, and receiving a cup of drink at his majesties hands, I took my leave of his Highness, who did not only give me letters, as aforesaid, but also committed matter of importance and charge unto me, to be done ●hen I should arrive in those countries whither I intended to go, and having all things in readiness for the same voyage, I departed from the city of Moscow the 27 day of April 1562, down by the great river of Volga, in company of the said Ambassador of Persia, with whom I had great friendship and conference all the way down the same river unto Astracan, Astracan. where we arrived all in health the 10 day of june. And as touching the situations of the cities, towns, castles and countries, aswell of Mahometans as also of Gentiles adjoining to the same, whereby I passed from Moscow unto Astracan, I omit in this breviat to rehearse, for that I heretofore have declared the same most amp●y unto you in my voyage to Boghar. M. jenkinsons' voyage to Boghar. Thus being arrived at Astracan, as is aforesaid, I repaired unto the captain there, unto whom I was commended from the emperors Majesty, with great charge that he not only should aid and succour me with all things needful during my abode there, but also to safeconduct me with 50 gunner's well appointed in two stroogs or brigantines into the Caspian sea, until I had passed certain dangerous places which pirates & rovers do accustom to harm, and having prepared my bark for the sea, the Ambassador of Persia being before departed in a bark of his own the 15 day of july, the year aforesaid, He passeth the Caspian sea. I and my company took our voyage from the said Astracan, and the next day at a West sun, passed the mouth of the said river being twenty miles distant, lying next Southeast. The 18 at a South-west sun, we passed by three Islands being distant nine miles from the said mouth of Volga, and Southsouthwest from thence, sailing Southsouthwest the next day, at a West & by North sun we fell with the land called Challica Ostriva, being four round Islands together, distant from the said three Islands forty miles. From thence sailing the said course the next day, we had sight of a land called Tuke, in the country of Tumen, The countre● of Tumen. where pirates and rovers do use: for fear of whom we haled off into the sea due East forty miles, and fallen upon shallows out of the sight of land, and there were like to have perished, escaping most hardly: then the 22 day we had sight of a goodly Island called Chatalet, The Island of Chatalet. distant from the said Challica Ostriva an hundred miles, the wind being contrary, and a stiff gale, we were not able to seize it: but were forced to come to an anchor to the leeward of the same six miles off in three or four fathom water, being distant from the main land to the Westward of us, which was called Skafcayl or Connyk a country of Mahometans, about 〈◊〉 miles, and so riding at two anchors a head, having no other provision, we lost one of them, the storm and s●a being grown very sore, and thereby our bark was so full of leaks, that with continual pumping we had much ado to keep her above water, although we threw much of our goods overboard, with loss of our boat, and ourselves thereby in great danger like to have perished either in the sea or else upon the lee shore, where we should have fallen into the hands of those wicked infidels, who attended our shipwreck: and surely it was very unlike that we should have escaped both the extremities, but only by the power and mercy of God, for the storm continued seven days, to wit, until the thirtieth day of the same month: and then the wind coming up at the West with fair weather, our anchor weighed, and our sail displayed, lying South, the next day haling to the shore with a West sun, we were nigh a land called by the inhabitants Shyruansha, The land of Shi●uansha. and there we came again to an anchor, having the wind contrary, being distant from the said Chatalet 150 miles, and there we continued until the third day of August, then having a fair wind, winding Southsoutheast, and sailing threescore miles, the next day at a Southeast sun we arrived at a city called Derbent in the king of Hircans dominion, Derbent. where coming to land, and saluting the captain there with a present, he made to me and my company a dinner, and there taking fresh water I departed. This city of Derbent is an ancient town having an old castle therein, being situated upon an hill called Castow, builded all of free stone much after our building, the walls very high and thick, and was first erected by king Alexander the great, when he warred against the Persians and Medians, and then he made a brickwall of a wonderful height and thickness, A mighty brickwall. extending from the same city to the Georgians, yea unto the principal city thereof named Tewflish, Or Tiphlis. which brickwall though it be now razed, or otherwise decayed, yet the foundation remains, & the brickwall was made to the intent that the inhabitants of that country then newly conquered by the said Alexander should not lightly flee, nor his enemies easily invade. This city of Derbent being now under the power of the Sophy of Persia, bordereth upon the sea, adjoining to the foresaid land of Shalfcall, in the latitude of 41 degrees. Forty one degrees. From thence sailing Southeast and Southsoutheast about 80 miles, the sixt day of August, the year aforesaid, we arrived at our landing place called Shabran, Shabran. where my bark discharged: the goods laid on shore, and there being in my tent keeping great watch for fear of rovers, whereof there is great plenty, being field people, the governor of the said country named Alcan Murcy, Alcan Murcy the governor. coming unto me, entertained me very gently, unto whom giving a present, he appointed for my safeguard forty armed men to watch & ward me, until he might have news from the king of Shiruan. The 12 day of the same month news did come from the king, with order that I should repair unto him with all spe●d: and for expedition, aswell camels to the number of five and forty to carry my goods, as also horses for me and my company were in readiness, so that the goods laden, and taking my journey from thence the said twelft day, on the 18 of the same month I came to a city called Shamaky, in the said country of Hircan, otherwise called Shiruan, and there the king hath a fair place, where my lodging being appointed, the goods were discharged: the next day being the 19 day, I was sent for to come to the king, named Obdolowcan, King Obdolowcan. who kept his court at that time in the high mountaines●●● tents, distant ●rom the said Shamaki twenty miles, to avoid the injury of the heat: and the 20 day I came before his presence, who gently entertained me, and having kissed his hands, he bade me to dinner, and commanded me to sit down not far from him. The majesty & attire of king Obdolowcan. This king did sit in a very rich pavilion, wrought with silk & gold, placed very pleasantly, upon a hill side, of sixteen fathom long, and six fathom broad, having before him a goodly fountain of fair water: whereof he & his nobility did drink, he being a prince of a mean stature, and of a fierce countenance, richly appareled with long garments of silk, and clot of gold, embroidered with pearls and stone: upon his head was a tolipane with a sharp end standing upwards half a yard long, of rich clot of gold, wrapped about with a piece of India silk of twenty yards long, wrought with gold, and on the left side of his tolipane stood a plume of feathers, set in a trunk of gold richly enameled, and set with precious stones: his earrings had pendants of gold a handful long, with two great rubies of great value, set in the ends thereof: all the ground within his pavilion was covered with rich carpets, & under himself was spread a square carpet wrought with silver & gold, and thereupon was laid two suitable cushions. Thus the king with his nobility sitting in his pavilion with his legs across, and perceiving that it was painful for me so to sit, his highness caused a stool to be brought in, & did will me to sit thereupon, after my fashion. Dinner time then approaching, divers clotheses were spread upon the ground, and sundry dishes served, and set in a rank with divers kinds of meats, to the number of 140 dishes, as I numbered them, which being taken away with the table clotheses, and others spread, a banquet of first-fruits of sundry kinds, with other banqueting meats, to the number of 150 dishes, were brought in: so that two services occupied 290 dishes, and at the end of the said dinner & banquet, the king said unto me, Quoshe quelled, that is to say, Welcome: and called for a cup of water to be drawn at a fountain, and tasting thereof, did deliver me the rest, demanding how I did like the same, and whether there were so good in our country or not: unto whom I answered in such sort, that he was therewith contented: then he proponed unto me sundry questions, both touching religion, and also the state of our countries, and further questioned whether the Emperor of Almain, the Emperor of Russia, or the great Turk, were of most power, with many other things too long here to rehearse, to whom I answered as I thought most meet. Then he demanded whether I intended to go any further, and the cause of my coming: unto that I answered, that I was sent with letters from the Queen's most excellent Majesty of England unto the great Sophy, The Queen's letters to the Sophy. to entreat friendship and free passage, and for his safeconduct to be granted unto English merchants to trade into his Segniories, with the like also to be granted to his subjects, when they should come into our countries, to the honour and wealth of both realms, and commodity of both their subjects, with divers other words, which I omit to rehearse. This said king much allowing this declaration said, that he would not only give me passage, but also men to safeconduct me unto the said Sophy, lying from the foresaid city of Shamaki thirty days journey, up into the land of Persia, at a castle called Casbin: Casbin. so departing from the king at that time, within three days after, being the four and twentieth day of August the year aforesaid, he sent for me again: unto whom I repaired in the morning, and the king not being risen out of his bed (for his manner is, that watching in the night, and then banqueting with his women, being an hundred and forty in number, Multitude of concubines. he sleepeth most in the day) did give one commandment that I should ride on hawking with many Gentlemen of his Court, and that they should show me so much game and pastime as might be: which was done, and many crane's killed. We returned from hawking about three of the clock at the afternoon: the king then risen, and ready to dinner, I was invited thereunto, and approaching nigh to the entering in of his tent, and being in his sight, two gentlemen encountered me with two garments of that country fashion, side, down to the ground, the one of silk, and the other of silk and gold, sent unto me from the king, and after that they caused me to put off my upper garment, being a gown of black velvet furred with Sables, they put the said two garments upon my back, and so conducted me unto the king, before whom doing reverence, and kissing his hand, he commanded me to sit not far from him, and so I dined in his presence, he at that time being very merry, and demanding of me many questions, and amongst other, how I like the manner of their hawking. Dinner so ended, I required his highness safeconduct for to departed towards the Sophy, who dismissing me with great favour, and appointing his Ambassador (which returned out of Russia) and others, to safeconduct me, he gave me at my departure a fair horse with all furniture, and custom free from thence with all my goods. So I returned to Shamaki again, where I remained until the sixt of October, to provide camels, horses, and other necessaries for may said intended journey. The description of Hyrcania. But now before I proceed further, I purpose to writ something of this country of Hircan, now called Shiruan, with the towns and commodities of the same. This country of Hircan in times past was of great renown, having many cities, towns, and castles in it: and the kings thereof in time of antiquity were of great power, able to make wars with the Sophies of Persia: but now it is not only otherwise (for that the cities, towns, and castles be decayed) but also the king is subject to the said Sophy (although they have their proper king) and be at the commandment of the said Sophy, Danger by diversity in religion. who conquered them not many ye●res passed, for their diversity in religion, and caused not only all the nobility & gentlemen of that country to be put to death, but also over and besides, razed the walls of the cities, towns, and castles of the said realm, to the intent that there should be no rebellion, and for their great terror, caused a turret of free stone and flints to be erected in the said city called Shamaki, and in a rank of flints of the said turret, Barbarous cruelty did set the heads of the said nobility and gentlemen, then executed. This city is distant from the sea side, with camels, seven days journey, but now the same being much decayed, & chief inhabited with Armenians, another city called Arrash, bordering upon the Georgians, The city of Arrash or Erex. is the chiefest and most opulent in the trade of merchandise, & thereabouts is nourished the most abundant growth of raw silk, and thither the Turks, Syrians, and other strangers do resort and traffic. There be also divers good and necessary commodities to be provided & had in this said realm: The commodities of thi● countre●. viz. galls rough and smooth, cotton wool, allome, and raw silk of the natural growth of that country: besides, near all kind of spices and drugs, and some other commodities, which are brought thither from out of East India, but in the less quantity, for that they be not assured to have vent or utterance of the same: but the chiefest commodities be there raw silks of all sorts, whereof there is great plenty. Not far from the said city of Shamaki, there was an old castle called Gullistone, The strong castle of Gullistone defaced. now beaten down by this Sophy, which was esteemed to be one of the strongest castles in the world, and was besieged by Alexander the great, long time before he could win it. And not far from the said castle was a Nunnery of sumptuous building, wherein was buried a king's daughter, named Ameleck Channa, who slay herself with a knife, for that her father would have forced her (she professing chastity) to have married with a king of Tartary: upon which occasion the maidens of that country do resort thither once every year to lament her death. Also in the said country there is an high hill called Quiquifs, upon the top whereof (as it is commonly reported) did devil a great Giant, named Arneoste, having upon his head two great horns, and ears, and eyes like a Horse, and a tail like a Cow. It is further said, that this monster kept a passage thereby, until there came an holy man, termed Haucoir Hamshe, a kinsman to one of the Sophies, who mounted the said hill, and combating with the said Giant, did bind not only him in chains, but also his woman called Lamisache, with his son named After: for which victory they of that country have this holy man in great reputation, and the hill at this day (as it is bruited) savoureth so ill, that no person may come nigh unto it: but whether it be true or not, I refer it to further knowledge. Now to return to the discourse of the proceeding in my voyage towards the great Sophy. The 6 of October in the year aforesaid, I with my company departed from Shamachi aforesaid, and having journeyed threescore miles, came to a town called Yavate, The town of Yavate. wherein the king hath a fair house, with orchards and gardens well replenished with first-fruits of all sorts. By this town passeth a great river called Cor, which springeth in the mountains of the Georgians, & passing thorough the country of Hyrcania aforesaid, falls into the Caspian or Hircan sea, at a place between two ancient towns called Shabran and Bachu, situate within the realm of Hircane, and from thence issueth further, passing thorough a fruitful country, inhabited with pasturing people, which devil in the Summer season upon mountains, and in Winter they remove into the valleys without resorting to towns or any other habitation: and when they remove, they do journey in caravans or troops of people and cattle, carrying all their wives, children and baggage upon bullocks. Now passing this wild people ten days journey, coming into no town or house, the sixteenth day of October we arrived at a city called Ardovill, The city of Ardovil. where we were lodged in an hospital builded with fair stone, and erected by this Sophy's father named Ishmael, only for the succour and lodging of strangers and other travelers, wherein all men have victuals and feeding for man and horse, for three days and no longer. This foresaid late prince Ishmael lieth buried in a fair Meskit, with a sumptuous sepulchre in the same, which he caused to be made in his life time. This town Ardovill is in the latitude of eight and thirty degrees, an ancient city in the province of Aderraugan, wherein the Princes of Persia are commonly buried: and there Alexander the great did keep his Court when he invaded the Persians. Four days journey to the Westward is the city Tebris in old time called Tauris, The city Teb●i● or Tauris, the greatest city in Persia, but not of such trade of merchandise as it hath been, or as others be at this time, by mean of the great invasion of the Turk, who hath conquered from the Sophy almost to the said city of Tauris, which the said Turk once sacked, and thereby caused the Sophy to forsake the same, and to keep his court ten days journey from thence, at the said city of Casbin. The 21 day we departed from Ordowil aforesaid, traveling for the most part over mountains all in the night season, and resting in the day, being destitute of wood, and therefore were forced to use for fuel the dung of horses & camels, which we bought dear of the pasturing people. M. jenkinsons' arrival at the Sophy's court. 2. November, 1562. Thus passing ten days journey the year aforesaid, the second day of November we arrived at the foresaid city of Casbin, where the said Sophy keepeth his court, and were appointed to a lodging not far from the king's palace, and within two days after the Sophy commanded a prince called Shalli Murzey, son to Obdolowcan king of Shiruan aforesaid, to sand for me to his house, who asked me in the name of the said Sophy how I did, and whether I were in health, and after did welcome me, and invited me to dinner, whereat I had great entertainment, and so from thence I returned to my lodging. The next day after I sent my interpreter unto the Sophy's Secretary, declaring that I had letters directed from our most gracious Sovereign lady the Queen's most excellent Majesty of the Realm of England, unto the said Sophy, and that the cause of my coming was expressed in the same letters, desiring that at convenient time I might come into his majesties presence, who advertising the Sophy thereof, shortly after answered me that there were great affairs in hand: which being finished, I should come before his presence, willing me in the mean time to make ready my present if I had any to deliver. The Turks Ambassador to the Sophy. At this time, the great Turk's Ambassador arrived four days before my coming, who was sent thither to conclude a perpetual peace betwixt the same great Turk and the Sophy, and brought with him a present in gold, and fair horses with rich furnitures, and other gifts, esteemed to be worth forty thousand pound. And thereupon a peace was concluded with joyful feasts, triumphs and solemnities, corroborated with strong oaths, by their law of Alcoran, for either to observe the same, and to live always after as sworn brethren, aiding the one the other against all princes that should war against them, or either of them. And upon this conclusion the Sophy caused the great Turk's son named Baiset Soltan, a valiant Prince (who being fled from his father unto the Sophy, had remained in his Court the space of four years) to be put to death. In which time the said Turks son had caused mortal wars betwixt the said Princes, and much prevailed therein: the Turk demanded therefore his son to be sent unto him, & the Sophy refused thereunto to consent. But now being slain according to the Turks will, the Sophy sent him his head for a present, not a little desired, and acceptable to the unnatural father. Discoursing at my first arrival with the king of Shiruan of sundry matters, and being entertained as hath been before declared, the said king named Obdolocan, demanding whether that we of England had friendship with the Turks or not: I answered, that we never had friendship with them, and that therefore they would not suffer us to pass thorough their country into the Sophy his dominions, and that there is a nation named the Uenetians, not far distant from us, which are in great league with the said Turks, who trade into his dominions with our commodities, chief to barter the same for raw silks, which (as we understand) come from thence: and that if it would please the said Sophy and other Princes of that country, to suffer our merchants to trade into those dominions, and to give us passport and safe conduct for the same, as the said Turk hath granted to the said Uenetians, I doubted not but that it should grow to such a trade to the profit of them as never before had been the like, and that they should be both furnished with our commodities, and also have utterance of there's, although there never came Turk into their land, persuading with many other words for a trade to be had. This king understanding the matter liked it marvelously, saying, that he would writ unto the Sophy concerning the same: as he did in very deed, assuring me that the Sophy would grant my request, and that at my return unto him he would give me letters of safe conduct, and privileges. The Turks Ambassador was not then come into the land, neither any peace hoped to be concluded, but great preparation was made for war, which was like much to have furthered my purpose, The Turks merchaunt● withstand M. jenkinson. but it chanced otherwise. For the Turks Ambassador being arrived, and the peace concluded, the Turkish merchants there at that time present, declared to the same Ambassador, that my coming thither (naming me by the name of Frank) would in great part destroy their trade, and that it should be good for him to persuade the Sophy not to favour me, as his Highness meant to observe the league and friendship with the great Turk his master, which request of the Turkish merchants the same Ambassador earnestly preferred, and being afterwards dismissed with great honour, he departed out of the Realm with the Turks sons head as aforesaid, and other presents. Shaw Thomas the Sophy's name. The 20 day of November aforesaid, I was sent for to come before the said Sophy, otherwise called Shaw Thomas, and about three of the clock at afternoon I came to the Court, and in lighting from my horse at the Court gate, before my feet touched the ground, a pair of the Sophies own shoes termed in the Persian tongue Basmackes, such as he himself weareth when he ariseth in the night to pray (as his manner is) were put upon my feet, for without the same shoes I might not be suffered to tread upon his holy ground, being a Christian, and called amongst them Gower, that is, unbeliever, and unclean: esteeming all to be infidels and pagan which do not believe as they do, in their false filthy prophets, Mahomet and Murtezalli. At the said Court gate the things that I brought to present his Majesty with, were divided by sundry parcels to sundry servitors of the Court, to carry before me, for none of my company or servants might be suffered to enter into the Court with me, my interpreter only excepted. Thus coming before his Majesty with such reverence as I thought meet to be used, The Queene● letters delivered. I delivered the Queen's majesties letters with my present, which he accepting, demanded of me of what country of Franks I was, and what affairs I had there to do? Unto whom I answered that I was of the famous City of London within the noble Realm of England, and that I was sent thither from the most excellent and gracious sovereign Lady Elizabeth Queen of the said Realm for to treat of friendship, and free passage of our Merchants and people, to repair and traffic within his dominions, for to bring in our commodities, and to carry away there's to the honour of both princes, the mutual commodity of both Realms, and wealth of the Subjects, with other words here omitted. He then demanded me in what language the letters were written, I answered, in the Latin, Italian and Hebrew: well said he, we have none within our Realm that understand those tongues. Whereupon I answered that such a famous and worthy prince (as he was) wanted not people of all nations within his large dominions to interpret the same. Then he questioned with me of the state of our Countries, and of the power of the Emperor of Almain, king Philip, The Sophy's questions. and the great Turk, and which of them was of most power: whom I answered to his contentation, not dispraising the great Turk, their late concluded friendship considered. Then he reasoned with me much of Religion, demanding whether I were a Gower, that is to say, an unbeliever, or a Muselman, that is, of Mahomet's law. Unto whom I answered, that I was neither unbeliever nor Mahometan, but a Christian. What is that, said he unto the king of the Georgians son, who being a Christian was fled unto the said Sophy, and he answered that a Christian was he that believeth in jesus Christus, affirming him to be the Son of God, and the greatest Prophet. Dost thou believe so, said the Sophy unto me? Yea that I do, said I: O thou unbeliever, said he, we have no need to have friendship with the unbelievers, and so willed me to departed. I being glad thereof did reverence and went my way, being accompanied with many of his gentlemen and others, and after me followed a man with a Basanet of sand, sifting all the way that I had go within the said palace, even from the said Sophy's sight unto the court gate. Thus I repaired again unto my lodging, and the said night Shally Murzey son to the king of Hircan aforesaid, The curtes●e of Shally Murzey. who favoured me very much for that I was commended unto him from his father, willed me not to doubt of any thing, putting me in hope that I should have good success with the Sophy, and good entertainment. Thus I continued for a time, daily resorting unto me divers gentlemen sent by the Sophy to confer with me, especially touching the affairs of the Emperor of Russia, and to know by what way I intended to return into my country, either by the way that I came, or by the way of Ormus, and so with the Portugeses ships. Unto whom I answered, that I dared not return by the way of Ormus, the Portugeses and we not being friends, fully perceiving their meaning: for I was advertised that the said Sophy meant to have wars with the Portugeses, and would have charged me that I had been come for a spy to pass through his dominions unto the said Portinga●s, Wars intended against the Portingals● thinking them and us to be all one people, and calling all by the name of Franks, but by the providence of God this was prevented. After this the said Sophy conferred with his nobility and counsel concerning me, who persuaded that he should not enterta●ne me well, neither dismiss me with letters or gifts, considering that I was a Frank, and of that nation that was enemy to the great Turk his brother, persuading that if he did otherwise, and that the news thereof should come to the knowledge of the Turk, it should be a mean to break their new league and friendship lately concluded: dissuading further because he had no need, neither that it was requisite for him to have friendship with unbelievers, whose Countries lay far from him, and that it was best for him to sand me with my letters unto the said great Turk for a present, which he was fully determined to have done at some meet time, meaning to sand his Ambassador unto the said great Turk very shortly after. But the king of Hircanes son aforesaid, understanding this deliberation, The king of Hircans second letters in M. Ienkinson● behalf. sent a man in post unto his father, for to declare and impart the purpose unto him, who as a gracious prince, considering that I had passed through his dominions, and that I had journeyed for a good intent, did writ to the Sophy all that which he understood of his said determination, & that it should not stand with his majesties honour to do me any harm or displeasure, but rather to give me good entertainment, seeing I was come into his land of my free will, and not by constraint, and that if he used me evil, there would few stranger's resort into his country, which would be greatly unto his hindrance, with many other persuasions: which after that the said Sophy had well and thoroughly pondered and digested (much esteeming the same king of Hircane, being one of the valiantest princes under him and his nigh kinsman) changed his determined purpose, and the twentieth of March 1562. he sent to me a rich garment of clot of gold, and so dismissed me without any harm. Conference with Indian Merchants. During the time that I sojourned at the said City of Casbin, divers merchants out of India came thither unto me, with whom I conferred for a trade of spices: whereunto they answered that they would bring of all sorts so much as we would have, if they were sure of vent, whereof I did promise' to assure them, so that I doubt not but that great abundance thereof may from time to time be there provided and had. M. jenkinsons' return. The same twentieth day of March I returned from the said City of Casbin where I remained all the Winter, having sent away all my Camels before, and the thirtieth day I came to the said City of Ardovil, and the fifteenth of April unto Zavat aforesaid, where king Obdolowcan was at that present, who immediately sent for me, and demanding of me many questions, declared that if it had not been for him, I had been utterly cast away, and sent to the great Turk for a present by the Sophy, through the evil persuasion of his wicked counsel, that the Zieties and holy men were the chief and principal procurers and moovers thereof: but the Sophy himself meant me much good at the first, and thought to have given me good entertainment, and so had done, had not the peace and league fortuned to have been concluded between them and the great Turk. Nevertheless, said he, the Sophy hath written unto me to entertain you well, and you are welcome into my Country, and so he entreated me very gently, in whose Court I remained seven days, and obtained of him letters of safe conducts and privileges in your names to be free from paying custom, Privileges obtained of Obdolowcan, which are hereafter annexed. which I delivered unto your servants Thomas Alcocke and George Wren, at their departure towards Persia for your affairs: and his highness did give me two garments of silk, and so dismissed me with great favour, sending with me his Ambassador again unto the Emperor of Russia, and committed the chiefest secret of his affairs unto me, to declare the same unto the emperors Majesty at my return: and thus departing the tenth day of April, I came to the City of Shamachi, and there remaining certain days for provision of Camels down to the Sea side, I sent from thence before men to repair my Bark, and to make her in a readiness. And during my abode in Shammachi, there came unto me an Armenian sent from the king of Georgia, An Armenian sent to M. jenkinson from the king of Georgia. who declared the lamentable estate of the same king, that being enclosed betwixt those two cruel tyrants and mighty princes, the said great Turk and the Sophy, he had continual wars with them, requiring for the love of Christ and as I was a Christian, that I would sand him comfort by the said Armenian, and advise how he might sand his Ambassador to the said Emperor of Russia, and whether I thought that he would support him or ho: and with many other words required me to declare his necessity unto the same Emperor at my return: adding further that the said king would have written unto me his mind, but that he doubted the safe passage of his messenger. Unto whom I did likewise answer by word of mouth, not only persuading him to send his Ambassador to Russia, not doubting but that he should find him most honourable and inclined to help him, but also I directed him his way how the said king might sand by the Country of Chircassi, through the favour of Teneruk king of the said Country, Teneruk king of Chircassi. whose daughter the said king had lately married. And thus dismissing the said Armenian, within two days after I sent Edward Clerk your servant unto the City of Arrash, where the most store of Silks is to be had, giving him Commission to have passed further into the said Country of Georgia, and there to have repaired unto the said king. And after my commendations premised, and my mind declared to have pursued for safeconduct of the same Prince for our Merchants to trade into his dominions, and that obtained to have returned again with speed. The same your servant journeying to the said City of Arrash, and there finding certain Merchants Armenians, which promised to go to the said City of Georgia, coming to the borders thereof, was perceived by a Captain there, that he was a Christian, and thereupon demanded whither he went, and understanding that he could not pass further without great suspicion, answered that he came thither to buy Silks, and showed the king of Hircanes letter's which he had with him, and so returned back again, and the fifteenth of April came to Shamachi: from whence I departed the sixteen of the same month, and the one and twenty thereof coming to the Sea side, and finding my bark in a readiness, I caused your goods to be laden, and there attended a fair wind. But before I proceed any further to speak of my return, I intent with your favours somewhat to treat of the country of Persia, of the great Sophy, and of his country, laws and religion. This land of Persia is great and ample, The description of Persia. divided into many kingdoms and provinces, as gilan, Corasan, Shiruan, and many others having divers Cities, towns and castles in the same. Every province hath his several King, or Sultan, all in obedience to the great Sophy. The names of the chiefest Cities be these: The chief Cities of Persia. Teveris, Casbin, Keshan, Yesse, Meskit, Heirin, Ardovill, Shamachi, Arrash with many others. The country for the most part toward the sea side is plain and full of pasture, but into the land, high, full of mountains, and sharp. To the South it bordereth upon Arabia and the East Ocean. To the North upon the Caspian sea and the lands of Tartary. To the East upon the provinces of India, and to the West upon the confines of Chaldea, Syria, and other the Turks lands. All within these dominions be of the Sophies, named Shaw Thamas, son to Ishmael sophy. This Sophy that now reigneth is nothing valiant, although his power be great, and his people martial: and through his pusillanimity the Turk hath much invaded his countries, even nigh unto the City of Teveris, wherein he was wont to keep his chief court. And now having forsaken the same, is chief resident at Casbin aforesaid, and always as the said Turk pursueth him, he not being able to withstand the Turk in the field, trusting rather to the mountains for his safeguard, then to his forts and castles, hath caused the same to be razed within his dominions, and his ordinance to be melted, to the intent that his enemies pursuing him, they should not strengthen themselves with the same. This prince is of the age of fifty years, and of a reasonable stature, having five children. His elder son he keepeth captive in prison, for that he fears him for his valiantness and activity: he professeth a kind of holiness, and says that he is descended of the blood of Mah●met and Murtezalli: and although these Persians be Mahometans, as the Turks and Tartars be, yet honour they this false feigned Murtezalli, saying that he was the chiefest disciple that Mahomet had, cursing and chiding daily three other disciples that Mahomet had called Ouear, Vsiran, and Abebeck, and these three did slay the said Murtezalli, The difference of religion. for which cause and other differences of holy men and laws, they have had and have with the Turks and Tartars mortal wars. To entreat of their religion at large, being more or less Mahomet's law and the Alcoran, I shall not need at this present. These people are comely and of good complexion, proud and of good courage, esteeming themselves to be best of all nations, both for their religion and holiness, which is most erroneous, and also for all other their fashions. They be martial, delighting in fair horses and good harness, soon angry, crafty and hard people. Thus much I have thought good to treat of this nation, and now I return to discourse the proceeding of the rest of my voyage. My bark being ready at the Caspian sea as aforesaid, having a fair wind, and committing ourselves unto God the 30. day of May 1563. The 30. of May 1563. we arrived at As●●acan, having passed no less dangers upon the Sea in our return, than we sustained in our going forth, and remaining at the said Astracan, until the tenth day of june, one hundred gunner's being there admitted unto me for my safeguard up the river Volga, the fifteenth of july I arrived at the City of Cazan, where the Captain entertained me well, and so dismissing me, I was conducted from place to place unto the City of Moscow, where I arrived the twentieth day of August. 1563. in safety, thanks be to God, with all such goods, merchandizes, and jewels, as I had provided as well for the emperors stock and account, as also of yours, all which goods I was commanded to bring into the emperors treasury before it was opened, which I did, and delivered those parcels of wares which were for his majesties account, videlice●, precious stones, and wrought silks of sundry colours and sorts, much to his highness contentation, and the residue belonging to you, viz. Crasko, and raw silks, with other merchandizes, (as by account appeareth) were brought unto your house, whereof part there remained, and the rest was laden in your ships lately returned. Shortly after my coming to the Moscow, I came before the emperors Majesty, and presented unto him the apparel given unto me by the Sophy, whose highness conferred with me touching the prince's affairs which he had committed to my charge: and my proceed therein it pleased him so to accept, that they were much to his contentation, saying unto me, I have perceived your good service, for the which I do thank you, and will recompense you for the same, wishing that I would travel again in such his other affairs, wherein he was minded to employ me: to whom I answered, that it was to my hearty rejoicing that my service was so acceptable unto his highness, acknowledging all that I had done to be but of duty, humbly beseeching his grace to continued his goodness unto your worships, and even at that instant I humbly requested his Majesty to vouchsafe to grant unto you a new privilege more ample than the first, New privileges obtained hereafter following. which immediately was granted, and so I departed. And afterwards having penned a brief note how I meant to have the same privileges made, I repaired daily to the Secretary for the perfecting of the same, and obtained it under his majesties broad seal, which at my departure from thence, I delivered unto the custody of Thomas Glover your Agent there. The copy whereof, and also of the other privileges granted and given by the king of Hircan, I have already delivered unto you. Sojourning all that winter at Moscow, and in the mean time having bargained with the emperors Majesty, I sent away your servant Edward Clarke hither over-land with advise, and also made preparation for sending again into Persia in meet time of the year. And committing the charge thereof unto your servants Thomas Alcocke, George Wren, and Richard Cheinie, the 28. of june last, I departed in post from the said Moscow, and coming to Colmogro and so down to the Sea side, I found your ships laden and ready to depa●t, where I embarked myself in your good ship called the Swallow, the 9 of july, one thousand five hundred sixty four, and having passed the Seas with great and extreme dangers of loss of ship, goods and life, the 28. day of September last (God be praised) we arrived here at London in safety. 28. S●ptemb. 1564. Thus knowing that the courageous and valiant soldier, which adventureth both fame, member and life, to serve faithfully his sovereign, esteemeth not the perils and dangers passed (the victory once obtained) neither for his guerdon desireth any thing more, then that his service be well taken of him for whom he enterprised it: So I perceiving your favourable benevolence to me extended in accepting my travels in good part to your contentations, do think myself therewith in great part recompensed: beseeching Almighty God so to prospero your adventures, from time to time hereafter to be made for reaping the first-fruits of my travels (at your great charges, and to my no small dangers) that you may plentifully gather in and enjoy the same, to the illustrating of the Queen's most excellent Majesty, the honour and commodity of this her highness Realm, and to the ample benefit and abundant enriching of you and your succession, & posterity for ever. A copy of the privileges given by Obdolowcan King of Hyrcania, to the company of English merchants Adventurers for Russia, Persia, and Mare Caspium, with all the lands and countries adjoining to the same, obtained by M. Anthony jenkinson at his being there about the affairs of the said company, April 14. Anno 1563. WE Obdolowcan by the mighty power of God maker of heaven and of earth, appointed and now reigning king of Shiruan and Hircan, of our mere wotion and great goodness, at the earnest suit and request of our favoured and well-beloved An●honie jenkinson Ambassador, have given and granted unto the right worshipful Sir William Garrer, sir William Chester, sir Thomas Lodge, M. Richard Mallarie, and M. Richard Chamberlain, with all their company of merchants Adventurers of the City of London in England, free liberty, safe conduct, and licence to come or send their factors in trade of merchandise into our countries, and to buy and cell with our merchants and others, either fo● ready money or barter, and to tarry and abide in our country, so long as they will, and to go away when they list, without impediment, let, or hindrance, either of body or goods. And further our commandment and pleasure is, that the said English merchants with their company, shall pay no manner of custom for wares, which they or their factors shall buy or sell within our dominions. And if at any time our customers or other officers, or any of them, do disturb, misuse, force or constrain the said English merchants or any of them, or their factors, to pay any manner of custom or duty for any wares they bring in or carry out of our dominions contrary to this our commandment, and the same be known unto us, than we will that the said customers and officers shall lose & be put out of their said offices, with our further displeasure, and the said English merchants to have restored all such money & wares as our customers have taken of them for our said custom. And whensoever the said English merchants or their factors shall bring any manner of wares meet for our treasury, than our treasurer shall take the said wares into our treasury, and shall give unto the said English merchants, either ready money or raw silks, to the value of their said wares. And wheresoever this our letter of privileges shall be seen and read within our dominion, we straight will and command that it take effect, and be obeyed in all points. Dated at our place of javat, the day and year above written, and sealed with our princely seal, and firmed by our Secretary in the 12. year of our reign. The second voyage into Persia made by Tho. Alcock, who was slain there, and by George Wren, & Ric. Cheinie servants to the worshipful company of Moscovie merchants in Anno 1563. written by the said Richard Cheinie. IT may please your worships to understand, that in the year 1563. I was appointed by M. Antho. jenkinson, and M. Thomas Glover your Agent in Russia, to go for Persia in your worship's affairs, one Thomas Alcock having the charge of the voyage committed to him, and I one of your worship's servants being joined with him in your business having with us, as they said 1500. rubbles. A rubble is a mark English. And if it shall please you I cannot tell certainly what sum of money we had then of the Emperors: for I received none, nor disbursed any of it in wares for the voyage. Also, God I take to record, I could not tell what stock your worships had there, for the books were kept so privily that a man could never see them. The 10. of May anno 1563. we departed from a town called Yeraslave upon our voyage toward Persia. The 24. of july we arrived at Astracan: and the second of August we departed from Astracan, and the 4. of the same month we came to the Caspian sea, and the 11. day of the said month we arrived at our port in Media: and the 21. of the said August we arrived at Shammaki, whereas the king Obdolocan lay in the fi●lde. We were well entertained of heathen people, for the third day after our arrival at Shammaki we were called before the king: we gave him a present, and he entertained us very well. At our coming to the Court we were commanded to come before the king, who sat in his tent upon the ground with his legs a cross, and all his dukes round about his tent, the ground being covered with carpets: we were commanded to sit down, the King appointing every man his place to sit. And the king commanded the Emperor of Russelands' Merchants to rise up, and to give us the upper hand. The 20. of October Thomas Alcock departed from Shammaki towards Casbin, Casbin. leaving me at Shammaki to recover such debts as the dukes of Shammaki aught for wares which they took of him at his going to Casbin. In the time I lay there I could recover but little. And at Thomas Alcocks coming from Casbin, who arrived at a town called Lewacta, Lewacta. whereas the king Obdolocan lay, a day and a halves journey from the town whereas I lay, I hearing of his arriving there, departed from Shammaki, finding him there in safety with all such goods as he had with him. During his abode there for seven days he made suit to the king for such money as the dukes aught him. But the king was displeased for that the Emperor of Russelands' merchant had slain a Boserman at his going to Casbin. A Boserman to a Renegado. Thomas Alcocke seeing the king would show us no favour, and also hearing from Shammaki, that the Russes sent their goods to the sea side, for that they feared that the king of Persia should have knowledge of the death of the Boserman, willed me to departed to Shammaki with all such goods as he had brought with him from Casbin, I leaving him at the Court. The third day after mine arrival at Shammaki, I had news that Thomas Alcocke was slain coming on his way towards me. Thomas Alcocke slain in the way between Lewacta and Shammaki. Then the king Obdolocan understanding of his death, demanded whether he had ever a brother. Some said I was, some said I was not his brother. When this fallen out, your worships had no other servant there but me among those heathen people. Who having such a sum of goods lying under my hands, and seeing how the Russes sent their goods with as much haste as they might to the sea side, and having but four men to send our wares to the sea side, I used such diligence, that within two days after Thomas Alcocke was slain, I sent in company with the Russes goods, all your worship's goods with a Mariner, William August, and a Swethen, for that they might the safer arrive at the seaside, being safely laid in. All which goods afterwards arrived in Russeland in good condition, Master Glover having the receipt of all things which I sent then out of those parties into Russeland. Concerning myself, I remained after I had sent the goods into Russeland six weeks in Shammaki, for the recovery of such debts as were owing, and at last with much trouble recovered to the sum of fifteen hundredth rubbles or there above, which M. Glover received of me at my coming to Moscow, and all such goods as I brought with me out of Keselbash, Keselbash, or jeselbash. as by a note of my hand that he hath shall appear. Also he having the receipt of all such goods as I sent into Russeland by these two above named, he then had that voyage in venture of his own better than an hundredth rubbles, one Richard johnson twenty rubles, one Thomas Pette fifty rubles, one evan Chermisin a Bohemian-tartar seventy rubles. All these had their return: M. Glover allowed himself God knoweth how, I then being in Persia in your worship's affairs. And whereas he says, the Emperor had but for his part a double, as far as I can see, knowing what the wares cost in those parts, he had triple. If they gave him so much wares, all charges turned to your worships, as well of the Emperors as of their own returns. I have sown the seed, and other men have gathered the harvest: I have travailed both by land and by water full many a time with a sorrowful heart, aswell for the safeguard of their goods as yours, how to frame all things to the best, and they have reaped the fruits of my travail. But ever my prayer was to God, to deliver me out of those miseries which I suffered for your service among those heathen people. Therefore knowing my duty which I have done, as a true servant aught to do, I beseech your worships (although I have but small recompense for my service,) yet let me have no wrong, and God will prospero you the better. gilan in Persia. Also, to inform your worships of your Persian voyage what I judge: it is a voyage to be followed. The king of gilan, whereas yet you have had no traffic, liveth at by merchandise: and it is near Casbin, and not past six weeks travail from Ormus, whither all the spices be brought: and here, (I mean at gilan) a trade may be established: But your worships must sand such men as are no riotous livers, nor drunkards. For if such men go, it will be to your dishonour and great hindrance, as appeared by experience the year 1565. when as Richard johnson went to Persia, whose journey had been better stayed then set forward. For whereas before we had the name among those heathen people to be such merchants as they thought none like in all respects, his vicious living there hath made us to be counted worse than the Russes. Again, if such men travail in your affairs in such a voyage, you shall never know what gain is to be got. For how can such men employ themselves to seek the trade, that are inclined to such vices? or how can God prospero them in your affairs? But when a trade is established by wise and discreet men, then will it be for your worships to traffic there, and not before: for a voyage or market made evil at the first, is the occasion that your worships shall never understand what gain is to be got thereby hereafter. 1565. The third voyage into Persia, begun in the year 1565. by Richard johnson, Alexander Kitchen, and Arthur Edward's. A letter of Arthur Edward's to M. Thomas Nicols, Secretary to the worshipful company trading into Russia and other the North parts, concerning the preparation of their voyage into Persia. MAster Nicols, my bound duty remembered, with desire of God for the preservation of you and yours: you shall understand that the second of March I was sent by M. Thomas Glover (your Agent) unto jeraslave, jeraslave a town upon the river of Volga. appointed to receive such goods as should come from Vologhda, as also such kind of war●s as should be bought and sent from Moscow by your Agent, and M. Edward Clarke, thought meet for your voyage of Persia. And further, I was to provide for biscuit, beer, and beef, and other victuals, and things otherways needful according to advise. Thus I remained here until the coming of your Agent, which was the 12. of May, who tarried here three days, to see us set forward on our voyage, and then he departed towards Colmogro, having appointed (as chief for your voyage of Persia) Richard johnson. Richard johnson chief of the third voyage into Persia. For my part I am willing, as also have been & shallbe content to submit myself under him, whom the Agent shall appoint, although he were such a one as you should think in some respects unmeet. Thirty two packs of carseiss are all of that kind of clot that we shall have with us. The other 18. packs that should have go, were sold in Moscow. What other goods are shipped for our voyage, you shall understand by your Agents letters. Whereas Edward Clarke (being an honest man) was appointed Agent for Persia, as one for those parts more fit than any I do know here, God hath taken him unto his mercy, who departed this present life the 16. of March last passed. I wished of God for my part he had lived: for my desire was in his company to have travailed into Persia. Your bark or craer made here for the river of Volga and the Caspian sea is very little, of the burden of 30. tons at the most. A bark of 30. tons made at jeraslave 1564. to pass the Caspian seas. It is handsomely made after the English fashion: but I think it too little for your goods and provision of victuals. If the worshipful company would sand hither a Shipwright, being skilful to make one of the burden of 60. tons or more, drawing but six foot water at the most when it is laden, I think it should be profitable. For if your own goods would not lad the same, here be Merchants that would be glad and feign to give great freight to lad their goods with us, whereby your charges would be much lessened: And so it may happen, the wages of your men hired here may be saved, and your servants and goods in far greater assurance: for their boats here are dangerous to sail with and to pass the Caspian sea. There be Carpenters here that will do well enough having one to instruct them. Your wares bought here, and orders taken for those that go for your voyage of Persia are yet unknown unto me: wherefore I cannot (as I would at this present) writ to you thereof. Yet, (as you do know) it was the governors mind I should be acquainted with greater affairs than these. Howbeit I doubt not but I shall be informed of them that are appointed, and all things shall be bought when they shall see time and have more laisure. Thus in haste (as appeareth● I commit you a●d yours into the hands of almighty God; who preserve you in perfect health with increase of worship. From jeraslave the 15. of May 1565. By yours to command here or elsewhere during life. Arthur Edward's. Another letter of the said M. Arthur Edward's, written the 26. of April 1566. in Shamaki in Media, 1566 to the right worshipful Sir Thomas Lodge Knight and Alderman: and in his absence to M. Thomas Nicols, Secretary to the right worshipful company trading into Russia, Persia, and other the North and East parts, touching the success of Richard johnson in the thir● voyage into Persia. Worshipful Sir, my bound duty remembered, with hearty prayer unto God for the preservation of you and yours in perfect health with increase of worship. It may please you that my last letter I sent you was from Astracan the 26 of july 1565. From whence Richard johnson, They departed from Astracan the 30. of july 1565. myself, and Alexander Kitchen, departed as the 30 of the same. And by means of contrary winds, it was the 23 of August before we came to our desired port named Nazavoe. There, after we had got your goods on land, with much labour and strength of men, as also windlesses devised and made, we haled your bark over a bar of beach or peeble stones into a small River, sending your ships apparel with other things to an house hired in a village thereby. And as soon as we might get camels, being the fift of September we daparted thence, September. and came to this town of Shamaki the 11. of the same: and the 17. day following, we presented unto Abdollocan the king of this country, Presents to the king Obdolowcan. one timber of Sables, one tun or nest of silver cups parsill gilt, three Morses teeth, 4. Arshives of scarlet, 3. pieces of karseiss, with 40. read foxes. He received our presents with giving us thanks for our good wills, demanding if M. jenkinson were in good health, and whether he would return into these parts again. He willed us also himself to sit down before him the distance of a quoits cast from his tent, where he sa●e with divers of his counsel and nobility, sending us from his table such meat as was before him: And after certain talk had with us, he said, if he might perceive or know any manner of person to do us any wrong, he would punish them in example of others, whereby we should live in quietness, and have no cause to complain, giving us a little house for the time, A ho●se given our men in Shamaki by the king. until a better might be provided in such place as we should think most meet, never willing us to rise or departed, until such time as we of ourselves thought it convenient. At the taking of our leave, he willed us to put our whole minds and requests in writing, that he might further understand our desires. But while we were about to do so, God took this good king our friend out of this present ●●fe the 2. of October past. The death of Abdollocan the 2. of October 1565. The want of him hath been the cause that as yet we cannot receive certain debts. Howbeit, we doubt not but we shall recover all such sums of money as are owing us for this voyage. As for Thomas Alcocks debts they are past hope of recovery, which had not been lost if the king had lived. We trust in the place of him, God will sand as friendly a king towards us: who by report (and as we be credibly informed,) shall be his son named the Mursay: Mursay the new king of Media. who since the death of his father, at our being with him, promised to show us more friendship than ever we found: God grant the same. Great troubles have chanced in these parts. Of those which were of the old king's counsel or bare any rule about him in these quarters, some are in prison, some are pinched by the purse, and other sent for unto the Shaugh. These troubles have partly been the let that wares were not sold as they might, to more profit. Your Agent Richard johnson bought four horses, minding to have sent to Casbin Alexander Kitchen, whom God took to his mercy the 23. of October last: The death of Alexander Kitchen the 23. of October 1565. and before him departed Richard davis one of your Mariners, whose souls I trust the Lord hath received to his mercy. We are now destitute of others to supply their rooms. Four Mariners were few enough to sail your bark, whereof at this present we have but one, whose name is William Smith, an honest young man, and one that doth good service here. For want and lack of Mariners that should know their labours, we all were like to be cast away in a storm. For all the broad side of our bark lay in the water, and we had much ado to recover it, but God of his mercy delivered us. Mariners here may do you good service all the winter other ways: and merchants here will be gladder to ship their goods in us giving good freight. One merchant at this present is content to pay 20. rubbles for twenty camels lading freight to Astracan. The Caspian sea very should in divers places. Such barks as must pass these seas, may not draw above five foot of water, because that in many places are very shallow waters. We mind hereafter to make the Russian boats more strong, and they shall serve our turns very well. And whereas some in times past took great pains, travel and care, and could not have their desire in the getting of the Shaughs letters or privilege: Now, I trust (with God's help) they may be obtained: which being had, will be beneficial to the company, and great quietness to those that shall remain here, although heretofore things have chanced ill, as the like in other countries hath been. But I doubt not, this privilege once got and obtained, we shall live in quietness and rest, and shall shortly grow into a great trade for silks both raw and wrought, with all kind of spices and drugs, and other commodities here, as to M. Anthony jenkinson is well known, who (I doubt not) hath long ago thoroughly advertised the Company thereof. The murdering of Thomas Alcock. The truth of the slaughter of Thomas Alcock your servant, is not certainly known. Some think it was by the means of a noble man, with whom your said servant was earnest in demanding of your debts: upon whose words he was so offended, that he procured his death. But other do think verily, that in riding from the Court without company, false knaves lay in wait, thinking he had much about him, and so slay him. I doubt not though this misfortune hath chanced, that things shall come well to pass, and that we shall be better beloved when we shall be more known. Honest merchants are glad of our being here, and seek to grow in acquaintance with us, beiug glad to further us in that they may, & have spoken in our favours to the chiefest of this Country: one being a noble man, with whom your Agent and I are entered into friendship, who is at this time in great favour with the Shaugh. He hath here and in other places of these parts set a good slay in things since the king's death: he is well known so M. jenkinson, his name is Cozamomet. Cozamomet a noble man that favoured our nation. Also another Duke named Ameddinbeck is our great friend: And his sister is the Shaughes wife. These two have promised your Agent by their law, not only to procure to get the Shaughes privilege, but also that I shall have the debts paid me of those that went from hence to Casbin, if we would sand one with them. In consideration whereof, I was upon short warning (for what of a better) appointed by your Agent M. Richard johnson, all excuses laid apart, presently to put myself in readiness, and to departed in company with these noblemen: with charge, when God should sand me to Casbin, to use my discretion with their advise, for the recovering of your debts and privilege. I shall have with me one interpreter and two bought servants: one of which partly understandeth this tongue, and may be put in trust whatsoever should become of me. I have received 6. tumens in ready money, The value of a tumen. 200. shaughs is a tumen, reckoning every shaugh for six pennies Russee. I have further received two timbers of Sables, one to be sold, the other to be given to Thomas the Shaugh: and have order further to give as I shall see good to those that shall further my suit, and as occasion serveth. And forasmuch as I am commanded to go, I shall willingly do my best, putting my trust in God that he will sand me well to speed in this journey. For all kind of wares bought or sold, you shall thoroughly be advertised by your Agent Richard johnson, whose reckonings or accounts at no hands I might see or be privy unto. Your karseiss were good and well sorted, they are and will be sold from 150. shaughs, to 160. the piece. Two hundred pieces were sold under, that needed not: one 100 pieces at 146. and 147. the piece but more would have been given, if circumspection had been used. They were sold to those noble men aforesaid, when as yet it was not known that I should have go with them. They may stand us much in stead, as they have promised us their good wills in that they may do. Here is at this time bought for England, 11. packs of raw silk, 25. and 26. batmen being in every pack: The batman being 7. pound, which may be 6. pound and a half of English weight, being bought here from 66. to 70. shaughes the batman. What a batman is. It is fine and good, little course at this time was to be had. And where course silk might be had being at Grosin, we could not sand thither: for that time was neglected at the first. When we shall have lidgers here to remain in Summer, we may buy it at the first hand of the country people that bring it to cell hither, and to other places. I would to God the Company could found the means to have a vent to make sales for the one half that we may buy here. The Company may have for 30. or 40. thousand pounds yearly. And as appeareth by your Agents words being at Varas, Varas a great mart for silk. he and others saw there so great abundance, that by report of divers, you may bestow (if it were not for the Turks) for a two hundred thousand pounds: besides silk of all colours died in grain, bond up in pound weights, I think 15. of our ounces to their pound weight, and here sold for 23. shaughs, at 6. d. the shaugh, may be 11. s. 6. pennies. Gilan 7. days sailing from Astracan● Alom. From Astracan in 7. or 8. days, we may sail with our bark to a place named Gilan: the which place in time to come, (I think) shall serve our purpose best to gve unto. Alom is there good cheap, being brought from thence hither to Shamaki, and sold here for two bists their batman, which may be 5. pennies in our money: and so I have bought to be sent home 223. batmen for example. And at Gilan there is raw silk enough for the companies stock. I believe, if any great store of wares be sent from you, that must be the place: & from thence a man may travel in 4. days to Casbin, Gilan 4. days journey from Casbin. and there make quick and better sales, at which place your commodities are to be sold. For there be the chief and best merchants, and divers other cities round about, to wit, Teveris, Ardovil, and Caishan, being the heart of the country, where there is more civility and merchants are better used. Concerning this point I have enquired of divers merchants both Russes and others that have been in those parts, and found them all agreeing in one tale, and perceive the same to be true, and that all kind of wares come from thence into these parts. And from Casbin to Ormus, From Casbin to Ormus a months travel with camels. is about 30. days traveling with camels. I have written the prices of wares in my letter to the governor both for spices and some drugs which I do know. Also you shall understand here is plenty of yew for bowstaves. I caused three horse loads to be bought us for to know the truth: but they were cut out of season this month of April, the sap being in them. Three months I never left speaking to the Country men to bring some. Your Agent will sand some home for example. This day being the 26. of April I departed towards Casbin: God give me a good hour and well to speed, with a merry heart in returning again, as my hope is I shall. I have written my mind to M. Glover your Agent, what Russian wares I think best to be bought for this Country, and to sand some one hither that hath the Ruff tongue, for we have need. And the company shall do well hereafter in taking of servants to be sent hither, to see that they be such as have discretion, and be something broken in the world, and seen in the trade of merchandise, and one (if they can get some such) as can speak the Portugal tongue, may do them as good service, as those that shall be here two years before him: for than we may buy a slave that can speak this language and the Portugal tongue also, which shall then interpret unto us in all your secret doings, not making the Russes privy: The secret doings of the Moscovie company. for they are sorry that we do trade into these parts, for we are better beloved than they are: because they are given to be drunkards, they are much hated of these people. It is to be wished that none should serve your worships in these parts that be given to that kind of vice● And that your chief Agent and Factor should be able to rule and govern himself, that no dishonesty should be imputed to him and us. By his evil usage he paid here 24. rubbles, being in this Country 4. tumens for a boy, that he was charged to have conveyed away from a Tesicke one of this country men, who willed him to swear that he known not where the boy was become, and he should not pay it. If he were honest he might do your worship's good service because of his Russian tongue. Your London reds are not to be sent hither, for they will not give above 18. shaughes their arshine. Here be reds of more orient colour, being Venice die. Orient reds of Venice die. The people are given much to wear clot: the common people specially wear karseiss, and the merchants of more wealth wear broad clot. You shall do well to sand five or six broad clotheses, some blacks, pukes, or other sad colours, that may be afforded at 20. shaughes the arshine, and not above. It is here reported that King Philip hath given the Turks a great overthrow at Malta, and taken 70. or 80. of his chief captains. Thus wishing I had more time to writ, I pray you to bear with this my scribbled letter, and after you have read it, that M. Nicols may have a sight thereof. By your servant to command, Arthur Edwards. Commodities to be carried out of England into Persia, with their prizes there. 1 Karseiss are sold there for 180. Shaughes: A shaugh is 6. d. English. so that a karsey is sold there in Persia for four pound ten shillings: for every shaugh is six pennies English, and every Bist is two pennies halfpenny English, and in Russee money three pennies. 2 Tin is sold in Persia for 14. and 18. shaughes the batman. The batman containing as I have mentioned before. 3 Brasil is at 10. and 12. shaughes the batman. 4 Read clot fine, at 25. and 30. shaughes the yard. 5 Copper at 20. and 25. shaughes the batman. Commodities to be brought out of Persia for England. 1 RAw silk at 60. shaughs the batman. 2 Pepper at 32. shaughs the batman. 3 Ginger at 18. & 20. shaughs the batman. 4 Nutmegs at 30. shaughs the batman. 5 Brimstone at 4. shaughs the great batman. The great batman is 12. li. English. 6 Allom at 2. bists and a half the batman and less. 7 Rice at half a bist the batman. 8 Galls at half a bist the batman. 9 Cloves at 40. shaughs the batman. 10 Yew for bow staves, at A letter of M. Arthur Edward's, written the 8. of August 1566. from the town of Shamaki in Media, to the right worshipful the Governors, Consuls, Assistants, and generality of the company of Russia, etc. Showing his access unto the Emperor of Persia, his conference with him, his obtaining of a privilege, with divers other good observations. RIght worshipful Sirs, my bound duty remembered, with most humble commendations and like request to God for the preservation of your good healths, with the rest of the company, etc. It may please you to understand, that the last letter which I sent you from hence was of the 26. of April of this present year by Richard johnson at my departure towards Casbin: His arrival at Casbin the 25. of May. to which city I came the 25. of May following, not slacking any day, hour, nor moment, to procure and make friends for the speedy bringing me before the presence of the Shaugh, being the 29. day of the same month brought before him, with whose majesty I was in talk (as I think) two hours. He willed me twice to come nearer him, demanding what were my requests: and having herded them, he promised me his gracious letters. Afterwards he called me twice again to come nearer him, Conference & demands of the Shaugh. and talked with me of our Queen's majesty and Country, and what commodities we had, and what other commodities we desired: and then of other countries adjoining to us and their commodities, as also of king Philip, what overthrow he gave the Turks at the siege of Malta. And how long we had traded into Russeland and Moscovia, and in what space we might sail out of England into Russeland, & how many weeks travel it is from Colmogro to Astracan: and then came to discourse of Russeland, and what towns the Emperor had won, declaring unto me himself most of our commodities. All sorts of clot to be sent, specially Western dozen died into scarlet. In the end he willed that your worships should sand him of all sorts of clotheses, but of one especially which maidens do make (as he said:) He named it Karengi, I think it is Western dozen died into scarlets. Time, will not permit me to writ at large the conference which I had with his majesty. It was strange to his people (knowing our religion) to see me so long in talk with him, willing his Secretary before me to writ what he was desirous of: to wit, of London clotheses, three or four of all sorts for example, being well shorn and dressed. Violets in grain and fine reds be most worn, but other good colours will away, when they shall see them. I wore a garment of London russet, being much esteemed. You shall do well to sand such sorts as be lively to the sight, and some blacks for women's garments, with some Orange colours and tawneiss. Here is much broad clot worn. They talk much of London clotheses, London clotheses much talked of in Persia. Much Venice clot worn in Persia. and they that know the wearing, are desirous of them before the clot of the women's making, for they found it nothing durable. For when it cometh to wear on the thread, it renteth like paper. Here is much Venice clot worn, being cromplisted a yard and a half broad, and sold here from 24. to 30. shaughes their arshine, being longer by two inches then the Ruff arshine is. I wish also that you sand some good chamlets & velvets died in grain, with purple colours & fine reds: because these are most worn. Also some blacks with other colours: some clot of gold, tissue & bo●ky, some velvets wrought with gold, with satins and damasks, most purple, and reds of all sorts. You may not forget to sand some Western karseiss, to wit, dozen, which be thicked well, and close shut in the weaving, being died into fine reds, and some scarlets: for I think there is no such clot for their caps. Your worships shall understand, that after my first departure from the presence of the Prince, I neglected no time in daily attendance on them, who had my privilege in writing, that I might have it in readiness at such time as I should again be called before the presence of the Shaugh, The second admission to the Shaughs presence, the 29. of june 1566. at which time he received the privilege. which was the 29. of june last. I was in apparel that he gave unto me, with other garments to mine interpreter, and one of your servants, and then I received your letters or privilege, according to my desire, sealed and firmed with the Shaughs own hand. Praised be God who hath wrought with me, and form, in all my doings. The 29. of june is one of their chief festival days, so that all his nobility was there present, with two Ambassadors in company with his majesty, The Shaughs promise' to increase the privilege. who said unto me that if my letters were not to my mind, in time to come they should be mended. Whereupon I made my reverence, and gave his highness most humble and hearty thanks, saying, that with as much speed as might be, our Queen's Majesty should understand of his goodness towards her Merchants, which I thought would writ their letters of request unto his Highness, in such form & order as by them should be thought meet and requisite for their good assurance in the trade of merchandizes: who replied with these words; when we shall see their reasonable requests, we will show them our farther good will, and so I departed. Since the receiving of the Shaughs letters, I have eaten in company of good Dukes and others, who before would not come near me. And every day some would come to my Shop, and eat and drink with me out of mine own dish. Likewise in riding from Casbin hither, on the way when I sat down to dinner, they would come and eat with me unbidden, when I wished them further off: for I spared them that, which gladly I would have eaten myself. I doubt not but we shall live here from henceforth in quietness: for now in all places where I come, I am friendly used with the best. I was asked by the Shaugh if you were able to bring him yearly one hundred thousand pieces of kerseys, and clotheses. And I answered him, saying, your worships were able to furnish his country with two hundred thousand. Whereat his Highness rejoiced: for the Turks Ambassador the last year, as divers have told me, did put the Shaugh in despair, saying, that the Turk would not permit any clot to be brought into his country. There is a city in Syria named Aleppo, Aleppo a city of great trade. wherein continually are many Venetians dwelling, besides other that come yearly and there buy wools, galls, tallow, saffron, skins, cotton wool, and other wares, and great store of spices. Also the Armenians yearly receive at the Venetians hands, Armenians barter with the Venetians kerseys in barter for raw silks, giving sometimes 60. pieces of kerseys for 70. batmen of silk of this country, and 40. pieces for Grosin silk. And kerseys sold commonly for ready money in Aleppo, at 11. and 12. ducats the piece, (the ducat being here worth 12. shillings) may cost the first penny 132. and 144. Shaughs a kerchief. By report it is one months travel from this town of Shamaky to Aleppo, The distance from Shamaky to Aleppo. and from thence to Tripoli, six days journey: and from Tripo●ls to Venice by water, a month or five weeks sailing. As I learn, from hence to Venice may easily be traveled in less than three months. Therefore I wish your worships to procure some trusty and assured friend there, to whom from hence letters may be sent. For I can have them here to put in sureties to deliver my letters, and to bring answer. If I had any other here with me, I would nothing have doubted to have brought you the Shaughs letters that way. The Armenians and other are desirous to barter with us, Armenians and other, desirous to barter silk and spices for kerseys. giving silk for kerseys, and also will derue us of all kind of spices, we giving them sufficient warning to fetch it in the Indies, and will deliver it us in Shamaky at these prizes. Pepper this towns batman for 18. Shaughs, every Shaugh is six pennies. Maces large for 40. Shaughs, and 45. the batman. Cloves for 40. Shaughs the batman. Nutmegs for 16. and 18. Shaughs the batman. Cinnamon for 40. Shaughs the batman. I doubt not but there will be profit and good done in spices, with drugs and other like in time. From Casbin to Ormus is six week's travel, and from hence to Casbin is 16. days with camels laden: but if one travel with a good Mule unladen, it may be go in seven or eight days. And I think to Ormus and other places, may be traveled in like order and proportion, with cattle unladen. But here in all places as men travel, they must carry their own provision on horses, which they are to buy, and thus they travel but a footepase. The Shaugh himself is desirous to bargain with you, The Shaugh desirous to bargain for our commodities. who will give money, silk, and other wares as we will, and take our wares as we may afford them, willing me himself to bring such wares as we might gain by him. The Armenians by report, and as I perceive, bring from Aleppo yearly, four, five, and six thousand pieces of kerseys and clotheses, besides those which other men bring. If your Worships might procure and found vent or sales for raw silk, and silk died in grain, besides other silks wrought and made here, by which, profit may be made: than you might sand a great substance of wares hither. But I fear you shall be hindered by the Venetians if they may: for I know it will grieve them that you do trade into these parts: for in short time it shall clean altar their trade, and hinder the sales of their clotheses in Aleppo and other places adjoining. You shall understand that 60. batmen of silk is a Mules lading: and as it is reported, one village of the Armenians yearly carrieth 400. and 500 Mules lading of silk to Aleppo, and bringeth thence 800. or a thousand Mules laden with kerseys & Venice clotheses. And 18. pieces of kerseys are a Mules lading. But I wish you not to sand above 2000 pieces of kerseys, 2000 pieces of kerseys to be sent into Persia. although I have been willed to writ for more. If I might have had any understanding what your Worships had written for in your letters sent this year, I should in this my letter have been better able to have answered you. They which be now in Astracan, might have written some thing unto me hither, if it had pleased them, or else have sent me such letters of mine, as I hope some of my friends have written to me: for here are arrived eight weeks past, two boats with wares and Russes, by whom they might have written, had it been but 3. or 4. lines. They promised the Russes to writ, but promise was not kept. I would be sorry that any boat should departed out of these parts, and not writ unto them, weighing how all things stand. I hear they have bought a boat, which cost 40. rubbles, and shipped certain wares to come hither. God sand them in safety. I do ●arie their coming, or else I had thought to have come to Astracan in those boats which departed hence lately. He departed from Casbin the 15. of july. The fifteenth of july last, I departed from Casbin, and came to this town the 29. of the same. And the fourth of August I found means to arrest the falsest knave in this country, to wit, the Customer for 22. tumens, and 100 shaughs, (200. shaughs is a tumen.) I have caused him to put in sureties for his forth coming at all times, what end I shall have with him, God knoweth, the debt will be recovered, but not yet, for he must pay the Shaugh 1000 rubbles. These parts as yet are in no stay for lack of a Governor or head to rule, which I think shall be the Mursey. Within 5. or 6. days we shall know, for it is time, because men are in fear to travel for being rob. If there were a prince placed, I should soon get in your debts, for they dare not disobey the Shaughs letters or privilege: wherein he hath not only written that our debts shall be paid, but also that we shall be taken heed to, so as we need not to doubt (God willing) in time to come, to be here as well used as we are in Russeland. The bills of debts that Rich. johnson left with me, Rich. johnsons great negligence. had neither the parties n●me nor sum of money in two of them, and in other bills but his ow● name. If I had not used discretion in causing to be written in our privilege, that such debts as are owing, should be paid any of us in the absence of the other, some men would not have paid one penny, but only to Richard johnson, who hath written but his own name only in the bills. I received in Casbin of Forackan in part of 29. tumens, 300. shaughs in money: the rest he will deliver me here in silk, and this is all that I have received to his day. And as for Hawrambecks twelve tumens, I make account, that if I could ride to speak with him, I should be paid in money and wares. Touching Ackons money, by means of Duke Ameddinbeck, who first owed the debt, because they meant not to pay a penny, he did rather seek to hinder my suit then to further me, but I found out a present remedy: for God sent me friends that were always about the Shaugh, and daily put on his apparel, who opened all my suit, and brought me to the presence of the Shaugh before that Cozomomet saw the Shaughs eyes. But Cozomomet in the end was my friend: Cozomomet was Arthur Edward's friend to the Shaugh. for he was sent for, and declared unto the Shaugh what good merchants we were, using truth in all our doings, and how we were in great favour with the Emperor of Russia, and what good commodities we might bring into his Country, with other talk. And daily he was sent for to the Shaugh about the affairs in those parts, for no man was able to advise the Shaugh of the state and affairs of those countries so much as he was. He owed your Worship's seven tumens and 48. shaughs, which was not all this time to be got at his hands: for he was at great charges in riding to Casbin, and giving great gifts since his coming, which he twice declared unto me. I feeling his grief become Physician to ease his pain, and forgave him his debt above said, in recompense of ten pieces of kerseys, that were promised him by Richard johnson and me, to give him at the coming of our goods, in consideration that he should with speed do what lay in him, to dispatch me away: for I perceive he procured other that did help me in my suit to delay me of, till time he had his purpose. I never was in quiet, till I had the Prince's privilege, and had got me out of Casbin: Victuals and all things dear at Casbin. for victuals, and all other things are very dear there, because they are brought thither from far off. As for all other small debts (which may be about 7. tumens) when our Merchants are come hither, we shall seek to get them in as we may. I wish your Worships to sand some bullion to be coined here, it will please the prince there, and be profitable to you. Silk is better cheap by two or three shaughs the batman, than it was the last year. You shall understand that I have written two letters of all my proceed, which I sent from Casbin long since: to wit, the 24. and 29. of june last, by one of your servants to Gilan, there to take ship and to go to Astracan, and to deliver the same unto your Factors, which might have been to their quietness and mine, long ago. But I am right sorry to hear since my coming hither, that he hath played the witering merchant in Gilan, not going in those boats that went first, but tarried for the last boats. But I will teach him, to the example of other, how he shall make haste hereafter in such affairs. The kerseys which you sent last, being bought of M. Quarles, were good and full lengths and well sorted. The Prince's Ambassador of Gilan was in Casbin, The Ambassador of the prince of Gilan. at my being there. I hope in God, if I remain here, and may go to Gilan, to obtain for your worships the like privilege at the king's hand there also. For I have something moved the matter, being put in such comfort, that I doubt not the getting thereof with small charges, which I had done at this time if I had had other here with me to put in trust: for from Casbin to Gilan is but 5. days riding, which Country may be profitable to your Worships. Gilan but five days riding from Casbin. There is in that Province good store of silk, better cheap, & better in goodness then this country silk is. Also great store of Alom, being there sold this towns batman, for one bist and a half. I have made reckoning, all charges born from hence to Colmogro, & from thence freight into England at three pounds the tun, all charges accounted, will not stand you in above 18. and 20. shillings the hundredth. You have yearly by report two or three hundred tons lading. Other commodities there for England I hear not of. As for galls here to be bought, Galls. there is no profit to be done by them. They be brought from Aleppo, and sold here not under 3. or 4. shaughs their batman, being six pounds English weight. Graine that you die scarlet withal is worth the batman ready money, Grain●. 200. shaughs, reckoning the shaugh for 6. pennies Russee, it may be 6. rubbles their batman. Your worships may sand some portion of money, if you may buy, as I think you may, for 12. and 13. s. a pound the berries, so you shall gain both in the price and weight. If one Englishman more had been here with me, to whom I might have delivered our bills of debts and other things, whatsoever should have chanced of me, I would then have become servant to mine Interpreter, and so have go to Ormus and Aleppo, Ormus. Aleppo. which both join on the borders of this country, being the chief Mart towns, whereunto from all places merchants resort. And thus would I have spent 4. or 5. months in traveling for further knowledge of things for to have certified your worships of. I hope in God to use things in such order, that yearly you shall have return of your goods from hence, as you have forth of Russeland, and in those ships. For if we may, as I doubt not with diligence, provide to make sales in time, and with speed receive silk at the Shaughs hand, and other men's, that it may be sent from hence to be in Astracan at the beginning of April, from whence it may be sent to Colmogro in three months and less, and there to be ready with the rest of your goods by the end of june for your ships to receive, that will be time enough. This I doubt not to bring to pass within a year or two, when we are thoroughly settled in these parts, and better known. Moreover you shall understand, that at my last being in the presence of the Shaugh, it was said to me that M. Anthony jenkinson did proffer to take all the raw silk in those parties, M. Anthony jenkinsons' offer to the Persian. delivering clot and other commodities for the same. I assure you there is in those parts to be had three or four thousand horses lading, every horse load being 50. or 60. batmen, beside silk of Grosin. Great abundance of silk at times is sent out of these parts, to wit, 4. or 5. hundred horse loads at a time by the Turks, who bring great store of silver to be coined, to wit, Dollars at ten shaughs the piece. The Hungary Ducat is at 12. shaughs. And having money in readiness at the time of the year, they buy silk the better cheap, when the country men bring it first to be sold. If your worships may bargain with the Venetians to take silk at your hands, or otherwise deal with them, I do not mistrust but to have at the Shaughs hand six batmen of silk for two pieces and a half of kerseys. Your good advise herein, and in other matters, I trust you will writ with convenient speed. Master Antony jenkinson hath deserved great commendation at all your worship's hands: M. Anthony jenkinson commended. for the good report of his well and wise doings in those parts, was oftentimes a comfort to me to hear thereof, and some good help to me in my proceed. To this day I never herded from any of our merchants. God grant me in health to see your worships, for I have had a careful travel, with many a sorrowful day and unquiet sleeps. Neither had I the company of one English person, to whom sometimes I might have ●ased my pensive heart, as God well knoweth, who hath delivered me from mine enemies. Thus almighty God grant you in health and wealth long to live. Your humble servant at commandment during life, Arthur Edwards. Another letter of Arthur Edward's written in Astracan the 16. of june, 1567● at his return in his first voyage out of Persia, to the right worshipful Company trading into Russia, Persia, and other the North and Northeast parts. IT may please your Worships that herein I have written not only certain articles of your privilege, but also the governors names, with the Consuls, Assistants and generality. The Shaughs letters to the Moscoup company. Also such commodities as the Prince or Emperor of the Country hath written in one of his letters directed to your Worships to be sent him, with other notes which I thought good to be remembered, as may appear hereafter following. Your privilege is written, granted, and given in the names of these six people following: to wit, sir William Garrard, sir William Chester, governors, sir Thomas Lodge, master Anthony jenkinson, master Thomas Nicols and Arthur Edward's. 1 First, it is granted that you shall pay no manner of customs or tols, any kind of ways, now, nor in time coming, unto his heirs after him. And that all English merchants, such as you shall appoint now and hereafter, shall and may pass and repass into all places of his dominions and other countries adjoining in the trade of merchandise, to buy and cell all manner of commodities, with all manner of people. 2 Item, that in all places where any of our merchants shall have their resort, or abiding, his chief Governors, Rulers and justices shall take heed unto us, being our aid & defence against all evil people, punishing those that shall do us any wrong. 3 Item, that for all such debts as shall be owing by any manner of person, justice shall be done on the party, and we paid at the day. 4 Item, that no manner of people of whatsoever estate or degree they be of, shall be so hardy as to take any kind of wares, or any gifts, without any leave and good will. 5 Item, if by chance medley any of our merchants or servants, as God forbidden, should kill any of his subjects, that no part of your goods shall be touched or meddled withal, neither any party but the offender, and true justice to be ministered, and being any of us, not to suffer without the Prince's knowledge and advise. 6 Item, that all such debts as are now owing, or hereafter shall be, are to be paid unto any of us, in the absence of the other, be the party dead or alive. 7 Item, that no person return any kind of wares back again, being once bought or sold. 8 Item, that when God shall sand your goods to shore, presently his people shall help us on land with them. These articles before written, I trust in God will content your minds, until your farther letters be hitherto written unto the Prince, who I am assured will grant your farther reasonable requests, which his majesty hath promised. For I moved the question, declaring unto him that I thought your Worships would writ your letters of requests, to crave his farther good will, as should be thought meet for your better assurance in the trade of merchandise: you will hardly believe what long and gracious talk he had with me, which I assure you continued two hours, which was strange unto the people & other merchant strangers. For betwixt every question that his majesty moved, when I had answered him, he would talk with his Nobles and other his servants, having some knowledge of our Western parts & commodities, and then again would demand other questions. He caused his Secretary to writ the articles before named● in all of his four letters given me (whereof two as I required, are in the Turkish tongue to be sent you.) On the back side of one, he hath written what wares his Majesty would have you to sand him. He held me one hour within night before I departed from him. These be the names of the wares or commodities which on the back side of one of his letters the Shaugh hath written to you to be sent him. FIrst, some clot of Gold, with clot of Tissue, and clot of Botky, as Velvets wrought with gold. Item, good velvets, to wit, crimosins, purples, reds, greene's and blacks. These colours his majesty requireth, for they are most worn. And though there be some of these wares made in his city of Cassan, yet nothing like in goodness, to those that you may procure for him. Small profit I think will be in these wares: yet for divers considerations, as also to satisfy the Prince's mind, I wish you to sand some, and those that be especial good. Item, good damasks and satins of all sorts, with an hundred pieces of good chamlets, which are worth here 80. shaughs the piece, at six pennies the shaugh, and those silks to be of those colours above written, to wit, crimosins, purples, reds, greene's, blacks, with some light watchet colours. Item, three or four complete harnesses that will abide the shot of a handgun with 10. or 12. targets of steel, being good. Item, ten or twelve good shirts of male being very good or else none, that may abide the shot of an arrow, and two buff jerkins. Item, ten or twelve pieces of Western kerseys, being thicked well and close shut in the weaving, and died into scarlets and fine reds. I think there will be no such clot for noblemen's caps. The prince named them * By the word Karangies, I think they mean karsles. karangies, saying, that maidens did make them, & is desirous of them. Item, six pieces of fine Holland clot for the Prince, with some other for noblemen, of a lower price. Item, twenty handguns being good, some of them with fire locks, and also six good dags, with locks to travel withal. Item 100 brusshes for garments (none made of swine's hair,) for gifts, and otherwise to be sold. Item, six stone bows that shoot lead pellets. Item, a mill to grinned corn in the field as they go, finely devised: for Cozomomet willed me to writ for one to be sent, to give the Prince. Item, the Prince requireth of all sorts and colours of London clotheses. I wish you to sand no less than 40. or 50. for I know they will be sold to profit, especially such clot as may be afforded for 20. shaughs the arshine, which is longer by two of mine inches than Russia arshine is. Let there be fine scarlets, violets in grain, fine reds, blacks, brown blewes, four or five of every sort, for the prince and other lords: the rest of other colours lively to the sight, as London russets, tawnies, lion colours, good lively greene's, with other, as you shall think good: for the prince desireth to see of all sorts, which will be an occasion that the Venetians and Turks shall be in less estimation than they are: for they themselves do fear, and secretly say the same. And truly the Prince's subjects intent to enter into trade with us for spices and other commodities that they were wont to cell unto the Venetians and Turks. Thus I commit you all to God, who sand you health with increase of worship. Written in Astracan the 16. of june, 1567.. By your servant during life to command, Arthur Edwards. Distances of certain places in Russia. The way from Saint Nicholas Bay to Moscow. versts To Colmogro 100 To Vstiug 500 To Totma 250 To Vologhda 250 All by the river of Dwina 1100 To Yeraslave 180 To Rostove 60 To Peraslave 60 To Mosko 120 By land East and West 440 The way from Mosko to Smolensko. To Moram 300 To Smolensko 200 The way from Mosko to Novogrod. To Ottuer 180 To Torzhoke 60 To Wisnovolloko 60 To Novogrod 150 Southeast and Northwest 450 The way from Novogrod to narve. To Teseva 50 To the Friars 60 To Yria Niagorod 40 To narve 15 South-west and Northeast 165 versts From Novogrod to Vobsky, is versts by East. 180. The way from Vobski to Ry in Liefland. To Newhouse 50 To Goven on the borders. All is 200. versts To Wenden To Trecado To Newslot To Rye The way from Moscow to Astracan. To Costrom To Nisnovogrod To Cazan To Astracan in all is 2800. versts The way from Vologhda to narve. To Belozerco 140 To Batag 80 To Witergen 40 To Ladiskis 60 To Onega lake 80 To Oher 90 To narve 180 South-west and Northeast 770. versts To go with a small boat within the land from S. Nicholas to Wardhouse. To Newnox river To Ousca Gouba To Lobshanga To Oust Navelocki To Orlovanos' To Solusca Monastery. To Wardhouse in all 800. versts Northwest and Southeast. To Candelox To Oust Colla To Zhemaker To Poganna Volocki To Chibe Navolocke To Kegor The way from Colmogro to Mizemske Sloboda, where the Sableds keep their Mart. To Vst Pinnego Albina is 230, versts To Palango To Leunona To Vescom To Soyava To Coula To Nendega To Lampas To Sloboda The way to Vromo from Mezemske Sloboda, where the Losh hides are got. To Lampas Albina is 115. versts Northeast and Southwest. To Pogorel To Zapolle To Vromo The way and distances from Saint Nicholas, to the Caspian Sea. IF you go strait from Saint Nicholas to the Caspian Sea, you must go to Vologhda by water, as by the easiest passage, and that is accomplished, passing day and night, in fourteen days and fourteen nights, in boats cut out of a tree: (the boats are called Stroogs) 1100. versts it is. By horse and sleds in 8. days you may pass it in Winter. In Summer the way is dangerous by means of marshes and bogs, and not safely then to be passed. Then from Vologhda to Yeraslave, 180. versts over land. This Yeraslave standeth upon the river of Volga, 180. versts I say distant from Vologhda. To the Caspian sea are 2700. versts from Yeraslave. So from S. Nicholas to the Caspian sea, are 3800.80. versts. The journey from S. Nicholas to Yeraslave is accomplished in fourteen days by water, and two days by land. 16. days. From thence to Astracan men travel by water in 30. days and 30. nights. So between S. Nicholas and the Caspian sea, are 46. days journey. There pass down Volga every Summer, 500 boats great & small, from all the upper parts of the river, whereof some be of 500 tun. They go for Mineral salt and for Sturgeon. The salt lieth in rocks (and is whitish red, and in fine sand) as it were 30. miles from Astracan toward the Caspian sea. They dig it themselves and pay nothing for it, but to the prince a penny a pood, viz. 40. pound weight. The Sturgeon which they call Ocetera is taken fifty miles on this side Astracan. Along the Fishing for Sturgeon for 3. months. river the space of 20. miles, they make their booties in plain grounds, & fish for the space of three months, viz. from the end of May till the end of August, and having salt they use to salt them. The river is there 5. or 6. miles broad, but with some Islands. The river below Yeraslave, where it is most narrow, is a mile broad from side to side. The river runneth upon read clay, all woods of birch and oak on the river sides, save about the towns of the fishing places. Dwina from S. Nicholas to Vstiug runneth all on chalk and sand: the fish are sweet & fat. The Mene a fish with a great head a foot long breeds about Vologda, and is fat and delicate. Between Vobsko and Novogrod, the space of an 180. miles, groweth flax: the whole soil in length is so employed, and as much in breadth: this is upon a flat soil. The hemp groweth about Smolensko upon the Polish border, 300. miles in compass: much of the soil is so employed. Of this hemp they bring in Winter to Vologda and Colmogro, and we set in work in making of cables above 100 men. The Russians do spin and hachell it, and the English tar it in thread and lay the cable. And The Englishmen in making of cables, set on work a 100 men in Russia. one table of those is worth two of Danzick, because the Danzickers put in old cable and rott●n stuff, which in fowl weather is found of no strength. Sosnova, a tree that cureth the wolf with the shavings of the wood, groweth in these parts, Sosnova tree, excellent for the 〈◊〉 of the wolf. and of the barks they make ropes as big as a man's arm for their boats. The Samoeds lacking linen make handkerchiefs and towels of the very wood of this tree. The wood of this tree is as heavy as holly, and the shavings tough. Rose Island in S. Nicholas bay is full of Roses damask and read, of violets and wild Rosemary; The description of Rose Island. This Island is near 7. or 8. miles about, and good pasture, and hath the name of the roses. The snow here about the midst of May is cleared, having been two months in melting, than the ground is made dry within 14. days after, and then the grass is knee high within a month. Then after September the frost cometh in, the snow is a yard deep upon plain ground. The Island hath Fir and Birch, and a fair fresh spring near the house built there by the English. The way discovered by water by us Thomas Southam & john Spark, from the town of Colmogro, by the Western bottom of the Bay of S. Nicholas, unto the city of Novogrod in Russia, containing many particulars of the way, and distance of miles, as hereafter followeth. Anno 1566. WE departed from Colmogro about 100L of the clock afore noon in a Lodia or Bark, which we hired to bring us along the coast to a place called Soroka, & in the said bark we hired 6. mariners, and a boy to conduct us to the place before rehearsed. The Lodia or bark was of the burden of 25. tons or thereabouts, wherewith we vailed down the river of Dwina, the wind being then calm, unto a monastery called S. Michael where we were constrained to anchor because of a contrary wound which there met us. From Colmogro to this monastery are 50. versts or miles of Russia, at which place we carried till the 21. day in the morning, and then having the wound some what fair, we set sail and departed A versed is but 3. quarters of an english mile. thence. 21 We departed from the monastery of S. Michael, having the wound somewhat fair, and arrived at Rose Island, over and against the monastery of S. Nicholas, the 22. day at 2. of the clock in the morning, which is 35. miles distant from the monastery of S. Michael. By reason of contrary wound and tide we were constrained to tarry there all that day. 23 We departed from the monastery of S. Nicholas at 7. of the clock in the evening, & came to an anchor at the Beacons, & continued there until half an hour past 10. of the clock, and then set from thence, the wound being South: our course was West until 5. of the clock in the morning, when as we came to an anchor against Newnox town, where we continued until the 25. day. At this town Newnox Richard chancellor in his first voyage, with ●is company a shipboard were relieved. The said town of Newnox is from the monastery of S. Nicholas 35. miles. 25 We departed from Newnox haven at one of the clock in the after noon, the wound at South and Southeast, and our course Northwest and by West. The point of Tolstick which is the headland before the entrance of Newnox haven, and the headland of Seusemski lie next Southeast and by South, Northwest and by North. We came to an anchor there this day at 4. of the clock in the afternoon, being from Newnox haven 15. miles, where we continued in harbour till the 27. day of the month, by reason of contrary winds. 27 We departed from Seusemski in the morning at 5. of the clock, the wound next at East and by North, and our course Northwest and by West. The said land of Seusemski & the headland going into Owna river lieth East and by South, west and by North, and between them is 25. miles. This day at Sun set we came to an Island called Sogisney passing betwixt it & the main, with the wound at South and by East, our course was West and by South, being 85. miles from Owna river. Being past the said Island 10. miles, the wound came contrary, whereupon we returned to the Island of Sogisney, where we remained until the 29. day. 29 The 29. day we departed from Sogisney aforesaid, at 5. of the clock in the afternoon, the wound at East north-east, & our course was Southwest & by west, passing by an Island called Anger, being 30. miles from Sogisney, and keeping on our course, we came by the headland of an Island called Abdon, being from the Island of Anger 15. miles, where we found many rocks: and if the great providence of God had not preserved us, we had there perished, being fallen amongst them in the night time, and our pilot none of the perfectest, which was contrary to his profession as we found it. But whosoever will travel that way must either keep hard aboard the shore, for that there is a channel which goeth along the coast within the rocks, or else give the headland a birth of 6. miles at the lest, and so go a seaboord all: for there are ledges of rocks that lie five miles from the headland. We gave the headland a birth of 3. miles, notwithstanding there lay two rocks two miles to sea board of us, so that we were enclosed with them, and sat upon the highest of them: but it pleased God to make it calm, and give us the day also, or else we had miscarried. 30 We departed from the headland of the Island of Abdon, at 4. of the clock in the morning, directing our course West, and at 10. of the clock before noon, we arrived at a monastery named Solosky, which is 15. miles from Abdon. At this monastery we continued vnt●ll the 31. day of this month. We had here delivered us by the chief monks of the monastery, their letter and house seal, and a servant of there's to conduct us safely through the dangerous river of Owiga. The people of all those parts are wild, and speak another kind of language, & are for the most part all tenants to the monastery. The effect of the letter was, that they should be ready to help and assist us in all dangerous places, and carry our boats and goods over land in places needful, as in deed they did, as hereafter shall appear. Note, that at our being at the monastery, there was no Abbot for the place as then choose: for 15. days before our arrival there, the Abbot was sent for by the Emperor, and made Metropolitan of the realm, as he now is. The number of monks belonging to the monastery are at the lest 200. 31 We departed from the monastery of Solo●ky, as is aforesaid, to a fair stone house of there's, which is 5. miles from the monastery, lying from it South and by West. 1 We departed from the Stone house at 3. of the clock in the morning: our course was West August. for 60. versts, and then passing betwixt divers and sundry rocks, with many small Islands round about us for the space of 20. miles, keeping most commonly the same course still, we then shaped a new course, and yet sundry times shifting, but we always kept the South-west, and nearest of all South south west, until we came within two miles of the entrance of the river Owiga, where we were to bear in, West and by North. The river Owiga. From the river Owiga, to the Islands and rocks before mentioned, are 20. miles. We arrived about 4. of the clock in the after noon within the river of Owiga, at a place named Soroka, at which place we forsook our bark or Lodia, & continued there in making provision for small boats to carry us up the river until the 3. day of the same. 3 We departed from Soroka at two of the clock in the afternoon, with 3. boats and 12. men to row, and set the foresaid boats up the river of Owiga, which we hired. We went this day 7. miles to a place called Ostrove, where we lay all night, but in the way 4. miles from Soroka, at a place where the water falls from the rocks● as if it came steep down from a mountain, we were constrained to take out our goods and wares out of the said boats, and The fall of a river. caused them to be carried a mile over land, and afterwards also had our boats in like sort carried or drawn over land by force of men which there dwelled, being tenants to the monastery aforesaid. And when our boats were come to the place where our wares were laid, we launched our boats and laded our wares again, and went to the place before named, where we continued and remained that night. We departed from Ostrove in the morning before Sun rising, rowing and setting up the river 5. miles, where we came to a place whereas we were again constrained to take out our wares, and to carry them and our boats three miles over land, so that with rowing, drawing and setting, we went this day 7. miles more to a place called Sloboday, where we lay all night. 5 We departed from Sloboday in the morning at Sun rising, and at six of the clock in the afternoon, we came to a village called Paranda, which is from Sloboday 30. miles, where we remained all that night. 6 We departed from Paranda at 6. of the clock in the morning, and all that day what with setting and drawing our boats, we went but 11. miles, for we twice unladed our wares, & drawn our boats overland, in one place a mile & an half, in another place as it were the eight part of a mile● and so we came to a place called Voyets, where we carried all that night. 7 We departed from Voyets at 4. of the clock in the morning, & so came to an Ozera or lake, called after the name of the river, & unto a place called Quequenich, we rowed all this day, and came thither by one of the clock in the afternoon, which is 25. miles from Voyets, and there we remained all night to hire men and boats to carry us forward on our journey. Here departed back from us the servant which we had at the Monastery, being sent by the monks to go thus far with us. And after that he had hired the boats and taken the men's names that should conduct us, & given them charge to deliver us with all things in safety, at a place being a little town called Povensa, than he departed from us without taking any reward for his pains, for so he was charged and commanded by the monks. 8 We departed from Quequenich at sun rising, & all that day rowed upon the lake amongst many Islands. The inhabitants do there report that there are as many Islands in their lake, as A lake very full of Islands. there are days in the year. In the evening we came to a village named Tellekina, which is 60. miles from Quequenich. 9 We departed from Tellekina in the morning at 5. of the clock, and so entering into a river, we went that day 13. miles. In one place we carried our boats and goods over land 3. miles. At evening we came to a place called Oreiche ●a maelay, where we lay all night. 10 We departed thence at 5. of the clock in the morning, and so rowing, came to a place where the river ended, being 20. miles distant from the place where we lay all night, at which place we forsook our boats and unladed our wares, and sent a man to the town of Povensa, which was seven mile off, for horses to carry us and our wares to the said place. The horses came, and we laded our goods, and at six of the clock in the afternoon we arrived at the town of Po●●nsa, with all things in safety. This town of Povensa standeth within one mile of the famous lake or Ozera of Onega, The famous lake of Onega. which is 320. miles long, and in some places 70. miles over. But where it is narrowest it is 25. miles over, being fed with many goodly rivers which fall into it. Hard aboard the shore within 6. miles, you shall have 40. and 45. fathoms of depth. Here it is to be noted that from this place of Povensa unto the village of Soroka down those dangerous rivers which we came through, at no time of the year can or may any man carry or transport any goods that come from Novogrod, or the narve, and such other places: for in the Summer it is impossible to carry down any wares by reason of the great falls of water that do descend from the rocks. Likewise in the Winter by reason of the great force and fall of waters which make so terrible raises, that in those places it never freezeth, but all such wares as come from Novogrod to Povensa, are transported by land to a place called Some in the Winter, which Some standeth on the sea side, as doth Soroka. The ready way from Povensa by land to this place of Some, with the distance of miles I will show hereafter. 12 We departed from Povensa at 9 of the clock in the morning, with 2. small boats which we hired to carry us to a place called Toluo upon the lake of Onega, being 50. miles from Povensa, where we arrived the 13. day in the morning, where we bought a boat that carried us and all our wares from thence to the City of Novogrod. 14 We departed from Toluo at 3. of the clock in the afternoon, and at the evening arrived at a certain Island named Salasalma, upon the said lake 7. miles from Toluo, and by reason of contrary winds we there tarried until the 16. day of this month. 16 We departed from Salasalma, at 8. of the clock in the morning, and came to an Island the 17. day in the morning, named Vorronia, where we continued by reason of contrary winds, until the 21. day of the said month, and it is 60. miles from Salasalma. 21 We departed from Vorronia Island two hours before day, and arrived at S. Clement's S. Clement his Monastery. Monastery at 2. of the clock in the after noon, being from Vorronia 48. miles. 22 We departed from S. Clement's Monastery at the break of the day, having a fair wound all a long the lake: we sailed without striking of sail until two hours within night, and then entered into a river called Swire, at a Monastery called Vosnessino Christo, five miles from the entrance of the river, where we tarried all night. It is from S. Clement's Monastery 160. miles: the stream of that river went with us. 23 We departed from Vosnessino Christo before Sun rising, and vailed down the river sometime sailing, and sometime rowing, so that this day we went 90. miles and lay at night at a place called Vassian. 24 We departed from Vassian at the break of the day, and came to a place called ‖ Or. Sermaxe. Selucax, where we lay all night, and is 10. miles from Vassian. 25 We departed from Selucaxe at 4. of the clock in the morning, and entered upon the Lake of Ladiskaie, the wind being calm all that day saving 3. hours, and then it was with us, so that we sailed and rowed that day 10. miles, along upon the said lake, and entered into the river of Volhuski, The river of Volhuski. which river hath his beginning 20. miles above Novogrod, and runneth through the midst of The lake of Ladiskai. the City, and so falls into this lake, which is far longer than the lake of Onega, but it is not so broad. This lake falls into the sea that cometh from the Sound: where any vessel or boat, having a good pilot, may go through the Sound into England. As soon as we were entered into the river, we came to a Monastery called S. Nicholas Medued, where we lay all that night. 26 We departed from S. Nicholas Medued, at five of the clock in the morning, rowing and The Monastery of Gosnopoli. drawing our boats all day, and came at night to another Monastery called Gosnopoli, which is 30. miles from S. Nicholas Medued, where we lay all that night. 27 We departed from Gosnopoli at 6. of the clock in the morning, and at evening came to a place called Moislave, where we lay all night, being 46. miles from the Monastery of Gosnopoli. 28 We departed from Moislave, and the said day at night came to a place called Grussina, 35. miles from Moislave where we lodged. 29 We departed from Grussina in the morning, and the same day at evening came to a place called Petroe Suetoe, where we lay all night, being 40. miles from Grussina. 30 We departed from Petroe Suetoe in the morning, and at two of the clock in the afternoon we arrived at the City of Novogrod, The City of Novogrod. being twenty miles from Petroe Suetoe. Here we found William Rowlie Agent to the company, who was there stayed with all his company, and was not licensed to departed thence for the Moscow, by reason that the plague was then in the City of Novogrod. Unto him we delivered all the wares that we brought from Colmogro, for by the way we sold not a penny worth, the people of the country every where be so miserable. The right way to bring and transport wares from Novogrod to Rose Island into S. Nicholas bay, where our Ships yearly lad, with the distance of miles from place to place, is ●s followeth: 20 Miles from Novogrod to Petroe Suetoe. 40 Miles from thence to Grusina. 35 Miles from thence to Moislave. 46 Miles from thence to the Monastery Gosnopoli. 15 Miles from thence to Ladega town. 15 Miles from thence to Selunaz over the lake of Ladega, albeit there be many villages all along the lake. 180 Miles from Ladega town up the river of Swire, unto the Monastery of Vosnessino Christo, albeit there are many villages upon the river: for within every five or six miles you shall have villages or small towns. 160 Miles from Vosnessino Christo to S. Clement's Monastery, albeit there be many villages all along the lake of Onega. 48 Miles from thence to Voronia. 67 Miles from thence to Toluo town: and there are divers villages all along the lake where the carriers may lie, and have ment for man and horse. 50 Miles from thence to Povensa, where Onega lake endeth. The way from Povensa to Some town is this: 30 Miles from Povensa to Mastelina. 10 Miles from thence to Tellekina. 30 Miles from thence to Toluich. 35 Miles from thence to Carraich. 20 Miles from thence to Varnich. 10 Miles from thence to Ostrovo. 15 Miles from thence to Lapina. 20 Miles from thence to Some itself. Note, that from the City of Novogrod unto the town of Some is 936. miles, and from the town of Some unto the Monastery of S. Nicholas or Rose Island, over and against where our Ships do ride, is just as many miles as is Soroka village from S. Nicholas, as the Russes do account it, as also we do judge it, namely 325. miles. So that from Novogrod to S. Nicholas ro●d, is by our account 1261. miles or versts. Travel by Sleds. Furthermore● it is to be noted that all such wares as shall be bought at Novogrod, and sent to Some town, must be sent by fled way in the Winter: for if any ware should be sent from Novogrod by water in the spring of the year after the y●e is go, then must the said wares remain at Povensa town all that Summer, by reason that in the Summer there is no way to go from Povensa unto Some town. At Povensa there are many warehouses to be hired, so that if there were as much goods as ten ships could carry away, you might have warehouses to put it in: but if there should remain much ware all the Summer, to be carried in the Winter to Some town, than horses are not easily to be got at that place to carry it thither: so that your wares once bought at Novogrod, you must have carriers there to carry it to the town of Some by Sleds, whereof you may there have 2000 2000 Sleds belonging to one town. if you will, by the report of the Russes. For from Novogrod yearly there go many Sleds in the Winter to fetch salt from Some, with carriers and empty Sleds there to buy it, and to bring it to Novogrod to cell it in the market or otherwise. From Novogrod unto Some town you may have a p●od of wares carried for eight pennies or nine pennies: but in any wise your wares must be sent from Novogrod by the sixt of january, so that the wares may be at Some by Candlemas, or soon after: for if your wares should tarry by the way until the 15. of February when the Sun is of some power, then is it dangerous: for the heat of the Sun in the day causeth the deep lakes of Ladega, A good caveat for seasonable travel. and specially of Onega to cleave: and if there should come then a sudden thaw, as oftentimes in that time of the year doth, then do these lakes open and break, whereby many men are lost, and both men and horse drowned, although other rivers do remain frozen a long time after. In the town of Some also there are many warehouses, whereof we cannot be destitute for the reposing of our wares, as also as many barks as you will to transport your wares from thence to S. Nicholas road, and that for three pennies a poods carriage: so that from the City of Novogrod unto S. Nicholas road you may have wares carried for two altines. The pood cometh unto 23. altines the tun. Provided always, that you buy your wares there yourself, and sand it thence: for there is no hope that the natives will bring their wares from Novogrod to Some, Novogrod within 180. miles of the narve. in hope to cell unto us, considering the great trade that they have at the narve, which is within 180. miles of them. Written by Thomas Southam a servant to the company. An Act for the corporation of Merchant's adventurers for the discovering of new trades, made in the eight year of Queen Elizabeth. Anno 1566. WHereas divers very good Subjects of this Realm of England in the latter end of the reign of the late right high and mighty prince our Sovereign Lord king Edward the sixt, at the gracious encouragement, and right good liking of the said king, and by his majesties liberal example, did at their adventure, and to their exceeding great charges, for the glory of God, the honour and increase of the revenues of the Crown, and the common utility of the whole Realm of England, set forth thr●e ships for the discovery by Sea, of Isles, lands, territories, dominions, and signiories unknown, and by the Subjects of the said late king not commonly by seas frequented: and after that Almighty God had called to his mercy the said king, who died before the finishing and sealing of his most ample and gracious letters of privileges promised to the said Subjects, as well in consideration of the said enterprise, as for divers other respects it pleased our late sovereign Q. Marry, at the humble suits of the same subjects, to grant by her letters Patents under the great Seal of England, bearing date at Westminster the 26. day of February, in the second year of her reign, for the considerations mentioned in the said letters Patents, to the said subjects being specially named in the said letters Patents, and to their successors, that they by the name of Merchant's adventurers of England, for the discovery of lands, territories, Isles, dominions, and signiories unknown, and not before their late adventure or enterprise, by seas or Navigations commonly frequented, should be from thenceforth one body, and perpetual fellowship and commonalty of themselves, both in deed and in name, and that the same fellowship and commonalty from thenceforth should and might have one or two governors, four Consuls, and 24. assistants, of the said fellowship and commonalty of Merchant's adventurers, and that they by the name of the Governor, Consuls, assistants, fellowship, and commonalty of Merchant's adventurers, for the discovery of lands, territories, Isles, dominions, and signiories unknown, by the seas and Navigations, and not before their said late adventure or enterprise, by Seas frequented, should or might be able in the law to implead and to be impleaded, to answer and to be answered, to defend and to be defended, before whatsoever judge or justice temporal or spiritual, or other people whatsoever, in whatsoever court or courts, and in all actions, real, personal, and mixed, and in every of them, and in all plaints of Novel deseison, and also in all plaints, suits, quarrels, affairs, business, and demands whatsoever they be, touching and concerning the said fellowship and commonalty, and the affairs and business of the same, only in as ample manner and form, as any other corporation of this Realm might do, giving also, and granting unto them by the said letters Patents, divers authorities, powers, jurisdictions, pre-eminences, franchises, liberties and privileges, as by the same letters Patents more at large will appear. And among other things mentioned in the said letters Patents, whereas one of the three ships, by the said fellowship before that time set forth for the voyage of discovery aforesaid, named the Edward Bonaventure, had arrived within the Empire and dominion of the high and mighty Prince Lord john Vasiliwich, Emperor of all Russia, Volodimersky, great duke of Musky, etc. who received the Captain and Merchants of the said ship very graciously, granting unto them fre●●y to traffic with his subjects in all kind of merchandizes, with divers other gracious privileges and liberties: therefore the said late Queen by the same letters Patents, for her her heirs and successors, did grant that all the main lands, Isles, ports, havens, creeks and rivers of the said mighty Emperor of all Russia, and great duke of Mo●co, etc. and all and singular other lands, dominions, territories, Isles, ports, havens, creeks, rivers, arms of the seas, of all and every other Emperor, king, prince, ruler, or governor whatsoever he or they be, before the said late adventure or enterprise not known, or by the aforesaid merchants and subjects of the said king and Queen, by the seas not commonly frequented, nor any part or parcel thereof, and lying Northwards, Northeastwards, or Northwestwards, as in the said letters patents is mentioned, should not be visited, frequented nor hunted by any the subjects of the said late Queen, other then of the said company and fellowship, and their successors, without express licence, agreement, & consent of the Governor, Consuls, and Assistants of the said fellowship, and commonalty, or the more part of them, in manner & form, as is expressed in the said letters patents, upon pain of for feiture and loss as well of the ship and ships, with the appurtenances, as also of the goods, merchandizes, and things whatsoever they be, of those the subjects of the said late Queen not being of the said fellowship and commonalty, which should attempt or presume to sail to any of those places, which then were, or after should happen to be found and trafficked unto, the one half of the same forfri●ure to be to the use of the said late Queen, her heirs & successors, and the other half to be to the use of the said fellowship & commonalty, as by the same letters patents more plainly will appear. Since the making of which letters patens, the said fellowship have, to their exceeding great costs, losses and expenses, not only by their trading into the said dominions of the said mighty prince of Russia, etc. found out convenient way to sail into the said dominions: but also passing thorough the same, and over the Caspian sea, have discovered very commodious trades into Armenia, Media, Hyrcania, Persia, and other dominions in Asia minor, hoping by God's grace to discover also the country of Cathaia, and other regions very convenient to be traded into by merchants of this realm, for the great benefit and commodities of the same. And forasmuch as divers subjects of this realm, understanding the premises, and perceiving that now after the charge and travel aforesaid, This is meant by Alderman Bond the elder. divers wares and merchandizes are brought by the said fellowship into this Realm, out of the dominions already discovered, which be within this realm of good estimation, minding for their peculiar gain, utterly to decay the trade of the ●ayde fellowship, have contrary to the tenor of the same letters patents, in great disorder ●raded into the dominions of the said mighty prince of Russia, etc. to the great detriment of this common wealth: And for that the name by which the said fellowship is incorporated by the letters patents aforesaid, is long, & consists of very many words: Therefore be it enacted by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, the Lords spiritual and temporal, & the commons in this present parliament assembled, and by authority of the same, that the said fellowship, company, society & corporation made or created by the said letters patents, shall at all time & times from henceforth be incorporated, named and called only by the name of the fellowship of English merchants, English Merchants for discovery of new trades. for discovery of new trades, and by the same name for ever shall and may continued a perpetual body incorporate in deed and name, and only by the same name from henceforth, shall implead, and be impleaded, answer and be answered, defend and be defended, sue and be sued, in whatsoever courts and places, and shall and may by the same name be enabled to purchase, have, hold, possess, retain, and enjoy whatsoever manors, lands, tenements, rents, reversions, services, & heredicaments not exceeding a hundred marks yearly, not being held of the Queen's majesty, her heirs, or successors by knight's service in Capite, and all goods, merchandizes, chattels, and other things whatsoever, and shall and may by the same name make and do all things as any other corporation may do, and also shall have and enjoy all and singular the liberties, privileges, jurisdictions, franchises, preeminences, powers, authorities, and things, and may do and execute all other matters and things in the said letters patents mentioned, or in any wise contained. And that no part nor parcel of the main lands, Isles, ports, havens, roads, creeks, rivers, arms of the seas of any Emperor, king, prince, ruler or governor whatsoever he or they be, before the said first enterprise made by the merchants of the said corporation, not known by the merchants and subjects of this Realm, or by them not commonly by seas frequented, and lying from the City of London Northwards, Northwestwards, or Northeastwards, nor any part or parcel of the main lands, dominions, isles, ports, roads, havens, creeks, arms of the Seas, that now be subject to the said high and mighty prince Lord john Vasiliwich, his heirs or successors, or to the Emperor, chief governor or ruler of the said country of Russia for the time being, his heirs or successors, nor the countries of Armenia mayor or minor, Media, Hyrcania, Persia, or the Caspian sea, nor any part of them shall be sailed or trafficked unto, visited, frequented, or haunted by any person being or that shal●● a subject or denizen of this realm, by themselves, their factor or factors, or any other to their use or commodity, by any ways or means, directly or indirectly, other then by the order, agreement, consent, or ratification of the governor, Consuls and assistants of the said fellowship and com●●naltie, or the more part of them, and their successors for the time being: upon pain that every person and people offending in this behalf, shall forfeit and lose, Ipso facto, every such ship and ships, with the appurtenances, and all such goods, Merchandizes, and things whatsoever, as by any such person or people shallbe by any ways or means, directly or indirectly, provided, carried, conducted, brought or exchanged, in, at, to, through or from any of the places prohibited, as is aforesaid, contrary to the true intent of this statute: the one moiety of all which forfeitures to be to our said sovereign Lady the Queen's Majesty, her heirs and successors, and the other moiety thereof to the said fellowship of English Merchants for discovery of new trades, and their successors, to be seized and taken wheresoever they may be found, by any person or people, to the use of our said Sovereign Lady, her heirs and successors, and of the said fellowship of English merc●hants for discovery of new trades, and of their successors, or the same or the value thereof to be demanded or sued for by the Queen's highness, her heirs and successors, or by the said fellowship of English Merchants for discovery of new trades, or their successors, or their attorney or atturneiss, or by any person or people being of the same fellowship of English Merchants for discovery of new trades, or their successors in any court of Record, or in any other Court or courts within this Realm, or else where, by Action of debt, action of detinue, bill, plaint, information, or otherwise: in which suit no essoin, protection, wager of law, or injunction shall be allowed, for, or on the behalf of the party or party's defendant. Provided always, that whereas divers Subjects of this Realm being not of the fellowship aforesaid, have heretofore made adventures to and from some of the places prohibited by the said letters patents, that the said subjects, their heirs, executors, administrators and assigns, or any of them shall not be impeached, impleaded, troubled, sued, nor molested for the same in their goods or people in any manner of wise, either by our said sovereign Lady, her heirs or successors, or the said fellowship, or their successors. Provided also, that it shall be lawful for any subject of this Realm, having presently any shipping, goods, wares, or ready money, remaining at or in any place, of or within the dominion of the said mighty prince of Russia, or in any other of the places prohibited to be visited or trafficked unto by this statute or the said letters Patents, to fetch, bring, and convey the same, or 'cause the same to be brought or conveyed from thence by sea or otherwise, before the feast of S. john Baptist, which shallbe in the year of our Lord God 1568. any thing contained in this Statute, or in the said letters Patents to the contra●y notwithstanding. Provided also, that it shall be lawful for any of the subjects of this Realm, to sail to the port, town, territory, or castle of Wardhouse, or to any of the coasts, towns, havens, creeks, rivers, Islands, and land of Norway for trade of fishing, or any other trade there used by the subjects of this Realm, any thing in this statute to the contrary notwithstanding. And for the better maintenance of the Navy and Mariners of this Realm, be it provided and enacted, that it shall not be lawful to the said fellowship and company, nor to any of them to carry and transport, or cause to be carried and transported any comedy of this Realm to their new trade, but only in English ships, and to be sailed for the most part with English Mariners, nor also to bring into this Realm nor into Flanders from their said new trade, any merchandizes, or other commodities but in English ships, and sailed for the most part by the English Mariners, on pain to forfeit for every such offence two hundred pounds, whereof the one moiety shall be to the Queen's Majesty, her heirs and successors, the other moiety to the head officers of any port town, having any haven or harbour decayed, by what name soever they be incorporate, to the reparation of such harbour, that will sue for the same in any Court of Record, by action, bill, plaint or information, wherein no essoin, protection, or wager of law for the defendant shall be admitted or allowed. Provided also, and be it enacted, that no manner of person or people shall from hence forth carry or transport, or cause to be carried or transported out of this Realm of England, any manner of clotheses or kerseys into any of the parts where the said fellowship and society is privileged to trade by this Act, before the same clotheses and kerseys shall be all dressed, and for the most part died within this Realm, upon pain of forfeiture for every such clot and kerchief, otherwise carried and transported, five pounds: the one half thereof to the Queen's Majesty, her heirs and successors, the other half to the Master and Wardens of the Clothworkers in the City of London for the time being, by what name soever they be incorporate that will sue for the same. Provided also that whensoever the said society or company shall willingly withdraw, and discontinue wholly by the space of three years in time of peace, the discharging of their merchandises at the road of S. Nicholas bay in Russia, and do not discharge their said merchandizes at some other port or road lying on that North coast of Russia, or other territory now subject to the said mighty prince of Russia, etc. hitherto by the subjects of this realm not commonly frequented, that then during the time of any such discontinuance and withdrawing, as is aforesaid, it shallbe lawful to all the subjects of this realm to trade to the narve only in English bottoms, any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided also, that every of the Queen's majesties Subjects inhabiting within the City of York, the towns of Newcastle upon Tine, Hull and of Boston, having continually traded the course of merchandise by the space of ten years, and which before the 25. of December that shallbe in Anno D. 1567. shall contribute, join, and put in stock, to, with, and amongst the said company, such sum & sums of money, as any of the said company, which hath thoroughly continued and contributed to the said new trade, from the year 1552. hath done, and before the said 25. of December 1567. shall do for the furniture of one ordinary, full and entire portion, or share, and do in all things behave himself as others of the said society be bond to do, and hereafter shall be bond to do by the privileges, ordinances and statutes of the said company, shall from the same 25. day of December 1567. be, and be accounted free, and as one of the said society and company, and subject to the privileges, ordinances and statutes of the said company, reasonably made and to be made, any thing in this present Act to the contrary notwithstanding. A very brief remembrance of a voyage made by M. Anthony jenkinson, from London to Moscovia, sent from the Queen's Majesty to the Emperor, in the year 1566. THe fourth day of May in the year aforesaid, I embarked myself at Gravesend in the good ship called the Harry of London, and having had a prosperous voyage arrived at the bay of S. Nicholas in Russia the 10. day of july following, and immediately I sent in post to the Emperor to advertise of my coming, and traveling then thorough the country, I with my company came to the Moscow where the Emperor kept his court, the 23. of August, and forthwith gave the Secretary to understand of my arrival, who advertised the emperors Majesty of it, and the first day of September, being a solemn feast among the Russes, I came before the emperors Majesty, sitting in his seat of honour, and having kissed his hand, and done the Queen's majesties commendations, and delivered her Grace's letters and present, he ●ad me to dinner, which I accepted, and had much honour done unto me both then and all the time of my abode in Russia. The Privileges granted by the Emperor of Russia to the English merchants of that company: obtained the 22. of September, Anno 1567. by M. Anthony jenkinson. ONe only strengthener of all things, and God without beginning, which was before the world, the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, our only God in Trinity, and maker of all things, whom we worship in all things, and in all places, the doer and fulfiller of all things, which is the perfect knowledge giver of the true God, our Lord jesus Christ, with the comforter the holy Spirit, and thou which art the strengthener of our faith, keep us together, & give us health to preserve our kingdom, thou giver of all good fruits, and helper of all Christian believers. We great lord by the grace of God, and great duke john Vasiliwich of all Russia, Volodimer, Moscow, Novogrod, Cazan, Astracan, Plesco, Smolensko, Tweria, Yougorie, Vadika, Bulgar, Sybier and others, Emperor and great duke of Novogrod of the lower land, of Chernygo, Rezan, Polotski, Rostove, Yereslave, Bealozera, Oudoria, Obdoria, Condensa, and lord of many other lands, and of all the North parts, commander and lord of Liffeland. Whereas our sister Queen Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queen of England, France and Ireland, hath written to us her letters, that we would grant her merchants, William Gerrard, William Chester, Rowland Heyward, Laurence Hussie, john Marsh, Anthony jenkinson, William Rowly, and their company of England, to come in ships into this kingdom, and those merchants, William Gerrard and his company have required of us that we would grant and licence them to come into our country of Dwina, with all kind of wares at will, to our city of Moscow, and to all our castles in our kingdoms, we for our sister's sake Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queen of England, France and Ireland, have licensed her merchants, William Gerrard and his company to pass in ships to our kingdom of Colmogro, and to the land of Dwina, and to all other our inheritances in the North parts, with all kind of wares to our city of Moscow, and to all castles and towns in our kingdom. And sir William Garrard & his company desired of us, that we would grant them licence to pass to our inheritance of Cazan and Astracan, and into our inheritance of Novogrod the great, and to our inheritance of Lifland to narve and Dorp, and to other our castles and towns of Lifland, with all kind os wares, and the trade to be without custom, which request we have granted to sir William Garrard and his company, and have given them licence to pass to our inheritance of Cazan and Astracan, and Novogrod the great, and into our inheritance of Lifland, narve and Dorp, and other places of our inheritance in Lifland with all kind of wares, to buy, barter and cell at will, without custom: and what wares soever they bring out of England, or out of any other country, needful or necessary, that they shall bring all those wares needful or necessary to our treasury, & those wares there to be opened, and then to take out of the same, such wares as shallbe needful for our treasury, and the rest being delivered again, to cell and barter at their pleasure, and to cell none of the fine wares before they be seen by our chancellers, except sorting clotheses, and other wares not meet for our treasury: and when our chancellor will sand our treasure out of our treasury with them, they shall take it with them, and so cell and barter it for wares meet for our treasury, and bring it to our treasury, and they to take no other men's wares to barter or cell with them, nor yet our people to buy or cell for them their wares: and if those English merchants do desire to pass out of our kingdom of Astracan to Boghar, Shamaky, Chaday, or into any other countries, or else to go into their own country, than they to take their treasure with them, and to barter and cell it for wares necessary for our treasury, and to bring it and deliver it to our chancellor, and when they come back again to our inheritance of Cazan and Astracan, or to any other of our castles and towns, that then our captain of Cazan and Astracan, and all other our people of charge shall not hold them, but with speed let them pass without taking custom of them or their wares, and without opening or looking upon them in any wise: and when they have not our treasure with them, that then likewise no custom shallbe taken of them nor their wares to be seen of any man. And likewise we have granted them to buy and cell in all our kingdoms and castles, with all kind of wares: and we have also licensed them, that when those English merchants do desire to buy & cell with our merchants wholly together, that they shall have liberty so to do wholly together: and they that do desire to cell their own wares by retail in their own house, that then they cell it in their own house by retail to our people & other strangers, as they can agreed: and weights and arshnids to be kept in their house with our seal, and they themselves to barter and cell their own wares: and no Ruff merchant in Moscow, or any other place in our kingdom to cell for them any wares, nor to buy or barter any wares for them, nor colour any strangers goods. And whereas those merchants of England, sir William Garrard and his company do desire to cell their wares at Colmogro, Dwina, Vologda, Y●raslaue, Costrum, and in Novogrod the lower, Cazan, Astracan, great Novogrod, Plesko, narve, Dorp, and in other our towns & castles, they shall have their will to cell it: and of their wares of England and Russeland no custom shallbe taken, neither they nor their wares shallbe stayed in any place: and when they departed out of Mo●co, to advertise our chancellor thereof, and not to give any note or inventory of any kind of their wares they carry away: and when the English merchants, sir William Garrard and his company do come upon the sea, and by misfortune have their ships cast away upon those coasts of the North parts, than we will their goods to be sought out with truth, and to be delivered to sir William Garrard and his company, which as then shall be found in our country: and if that sir William Garrards' company be not in the Moscow nor in our country, than we will and command that those goods of there's shall be laid up in a place of safeguard until such time as the said sir William Garrard or his company come to demand the same: and then at their coming we will that it shall be delivered. And whereas heretofore we have given sir William Garrard and his company in this our kingdom of Moscow the new castle by the church of S. Maxim behind the market, they shall there still hold their house as heretofore we have given them, paying no custom for the same: and we also do licence them to keep one Russee porter or two, or else of their own country, and those porters shall devil with them, and not cell for them, nor barter, nor buy for them: And also I have granted them to buy a house at Vologda and at Colmogro, or in any other place where they can choose for themselves any good harbour, and there they to set up those houses in those places at their own charges: and in Vologda or the other houses to keep two or three porters of their own, or else two or three Russes, and their wares to be laid up in those houses, and to cell their own wares at will: and the porters without them to cell none of their wares, neither yet to buy any for them. And our officers of Colmogro and Dwina, and of other our castles & towns shall not look over their wares, nor take any custom thereof: neither shall those English merchants sir William Garrard and his company be judged by any of them. And when the English merchants shall sand from our kingdom their own people into their own country by land over other kingdoms whatsoever they be, they may without ware sand their own people at their pleasure. And when any matter of law doth fall out in their trade of merchandise, than they shall be judged by our chancellers, and law shallbe done with equity betwixt our people and them: and when they cannot be judged by law, they than shallbe tried by lots, trial by lots. and whose lot is first taken out, he shall have the right. And if it happen any of those merchants to have any matter of law in any other part of our dominions for trade of merchants, than our captains, judges, and chief officers shall hear the matter, and administer justice with equity and truth, and where law can take no place, to be tried by lots, and his lot that is first taken out to have the right, and for their matters of law no custom to be paid. Furthermore, we for our sister's sake Eliz●beth have granted, that none beside sir William Garrard and his company, out of what kingdom soever it be, England or other, shall come in trade of merchandise nor otherwise to Colmogro, nor to the river Ob, The river of Ob traffikable. nor within Wardhouse, nor to Pe●zora, nor Cola, nor Mezen, nor to the abbey of Petchingo, nor to the Island of Shallawy, nor to any mouth of the river of Dwina, nor to any part of the North country of our coast. And if any merchant, out of what country soever it be, do come with ship or ships, busses, or any other kind of vessel to any of our harbours, within all our North parts, we will that then the people and goods, ship or ships, shallbe confiscate, and forfeited to us the Emperor and great Duke. Given in our kingdom and house of Moscow, the year from the beginning of the world 7076, in the month of September, and in the 34 year of our reign, and in our conquest of Cazan 16, and in our conquest of Astracan 15. Perused and allowed by us: Anthony jenkinson. William Rowly. Thomas Hawtry. Thomas Sowtham. Ralph Rutter, translator hereof out of the Ruff tongue. A letter of M. Henry L●n●e to M. Richard Hakluit, concerning the first embassage to our most gracious Queen Elizabeth from the Russian Emperor anno 1567., and other notable matters incident to those places and times. Worshipful sir, because I find you have the success and proceed of Osep Napea the first ambassador of the Russian Emperor to the Majesties of King Philip and Queen Marie, at what time and at his return I was remaining in Russia, & do not find that the perfect knowledge of the first embassage from thence to this our Sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth is come to your hands, between whose Highness and the ambassadors I was interpreter, I think good to express it. In August Anno 1567. arrived at London with their retinue two especial authorised messengers, named Stephen Twerdico, and Theodore Pogorella, with letters and presents to her Majesty, at that time being at O●elands, where divers of the chief merchants of the Russian company did associate them, and I there doing my duty and office of interpreter, her Majesty gave them audience. First they rehearsed the long stile and Majesty of their Master, with his most friendly and hearty commendations to her Highness, and then they testified the singular great joy and pleasure that he conceived to hear of her most princely estate, dignity and health: and lastly, they delivered their letters and presents. The presents sent unto her Majesty were Sables, both in pairs for tippets, and two timbars, to wit, two times forty, with Luserns and other rich furs. For at that time that princely ancient ornament of furs was yet in use. And great pity but that it might be renewed, especial in Court, and among Magistrates, not only for the restoring of an old worshipful Art and Company, but also because they be for our climate wholesome, delicate, grave and comely: The use of furs wholesome, delicate, grave and comely. expressing dignity, comforting age, and of longer continuance, and better with small cost to be preserved, than these new silks, shagges, and rags, wherein a great part of the wealth of the land is hastily consumed. These ambassadors were appointed lodging and entertainment by the Mosconie company at their house then in Seething Lane, and were sundry times after permitted to be in presence. And in May 1568 took their leave at Greenwich, where they understood and had the Queen's majesties mind, letters and reward. At the latter part of her talk, her Highness considering that our trade to Saint Nicholas since the beginning had been offensive to divers princes, states, and merchants Eastward, used these speeches or the like: The trade to S. Nicholas offensive to divers princes & states Eastward. Who is or shall be more touched by detractors, with flying tales and untrue reports, than Princes and Rulers, to the breach of love and unity? your Master and I in things that pass by word and writing, I doubt not will keep and perform promises. If he hear the contrary of me, let him suspend his judgement, and not be light of credit, and so will I These words they termed her majesties golden speech: and kneeling down, kissed her hand, and departed. The letters that these two messengers brought, were delivered to me by my Lord Treasurour, being then Secretary, to be translated, the copies whereof I had, but now cannot find. The copy of the Queen's majesties letter I sand enclosed here with unto your worship. I also have sent you a copy of a letter written from the king of Polonia to the Queen's Majesty, with other letters from some of our nation and factors, declaring the displeasure for our traffic to the Russes from anno 1558 to the year 1566, especially by the way of the narve: in which year of 1566, having general procuration and commission from the Company, I was in the Low country at Antwerp and Amsterdam, and sometimes in company with Polacks, Danskers, and Easterlings: and by reason I had been a leaguer in Russia, I could the better reply and prove, that their own nations and the Italians were most guilty of the accusations written by the king of Poland. This king Sigismundus (whose ambassadors very sumptuous I have seen at Moscow) was reported to be too mild in suffering the Moscovites. Before our traffic they overran his great dukedom of Lituania, and took Smolensco, Smolen●co wone by the Ruff. carrying the people captives to Moscow. And in the year 1563, as appeareth by Thomas Alcocks letter, they suffered the Ruff likewise in that Duchy to take a principal city called Polotzko, Polotzko taken. with the lord and people thereof. Likewise the said Sigismundus and the king of Sweden did not look to the protection of Livonia, but lost all, except Rye and Revel, and the Ruff made the narve his port to traffic, not only to us, but to Lubec and others, general. And still from those parts the Moscovites were furnished out of Dutchland by enterlopers with all arts and artificers, and had few or none by us. The Italians also furnished them with engines of war, and taught them warlike stratagems, an● the art of fortification. In the days of Sigismond, the Ruff would tant the Polacks, that they loved their ease at home with their wives, and to drink, and were not at commandment of their king. This Sigismond had to wife the daughter of Ferdinando, Charles the fifts brother, and he died without issue. Since which time their late elected king Stephanus Batore kept the Ruff in better order, and recovered Polotzko again in the year 1579. Polotzko recovered by Stephanus Batore. Thus with my hearty farewell I take my leave of your worship. Your assured friend Henry Lane. A Letter of the most excellent Majesty of Queen Elizabeth, sent by Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella, messengers of the Emperor of Russia, unto their Master the ninth of May 1568. 1568 Imperatori Moscovitarum, etc. ELIZABETHA etc. Literas vestrae Maiestatis superiori anno 1567., decimo die mensis Aprilis datas, vestri mercatores Stephanus Twerdico, & Pheodata Pogorella, qui has nostras perferunt, nobis tradidêre. Quos vestros mercatores in omni suo apud nos & nostros obeundo negotio, ita tractari, & libenti voluntate, & expresso nostro mandato curavimus, ut non solum vestrae Maiestatis pro illis postulationi, sed eorundem etiam hominum expectationi plenè satisfactum esse confidamus. Id quod eo fecimus studiosius, quod plane perspectum, probèque cognitum habeamus, nostros omnes, quibona cum gratia nostra, nostrarúmque literarum commendatione, is●u●, sub vestro imperio negotiaturi veniunt, pari, cum vestrae Maiestatis favore, tum vestrorum subditorum humanitate, ubivis acceptos esse. Quae nostra utrobíque, & mutuae inter nos amicitiae, & gratae inter nostros benevolentiae officia, ut crebra & perpetua existant, nos admodum postulamus. Quem animi nostri sensum fusius hi vestri, & opportunius suo sermone coram declarabunt: Quibus non dubitamus, quin vestra Maiestas amplam fidem sit tributura. Deus etc. Grenovici nono die Maij 1567. The embassage of the right worshipful Master Thomas Randolfe, Esquire, to the Emperor of Russia, in the year 1568, briefly written by himself. In this voyage went Thomas Bannister, & Geoffrey ducat, for their voyage into Persia. THe 22 day of june, in the year of our Lord 1568, I went aboard the Harry, lying in the road at Harwich with my company, being to the number of forty people or thereabouts: of which the one half were gentlemen, desirous to see the world. Within one days sailing, we were out of the sight of land, and following our course directly North, till we came to the North Cape, we sailed for the space of twelve days with a prosperous wind, without tempest or outrage of sea: having compassed the North Cape we directed our course flat Southeast, having upon our right hand Norway, Wardhouse, Lapland, all out of sight till we came to Cape Gallant: and so sailing between two days, the two and thirtieth day after our departure from Harwich, we cast anchor at Saint Nicholas road. In all the time of our voyage, more than the great number of Whales engendering together, which we might plainly behold, and the Sperma Cetae, which we might see swimming upon the sea, there was no great thing to be wondered at. Sometimes we had calms, wherein our Mariners fished, and took good store of divers sorts. At S. Nicholas we landed the 23 of july, where there standeth an abbey of Monks (to the number of twenty) built all of wood: The abbey of S. Nicholas of 20 Monks. the apparel of the Monks is superstitious, in black hoods, as ours have been. Their Church is fair, but full of painted images, tapers, and candles. Their own houses are low, and small rooms. They lie apart, they eat together, and are much given to drunkenness, unlearned, writ they can, preach they do never, ceremonious in their Church, and long in their prayers. At my first arrival I was presented from their Prior with two great rye loaves, fish both salt and fresh of divers sorts, both sea fish and fresh water, one sheep alive, black, with a white face, to be the more grateful unto me, and so with many solemn words inviting me to see their house, they took their leave. The English house at S. N●cholas. Town or habitation at S. Nicholas there is none more than about four houses near the abbey, and another built by the English Company for their own use. This part of the country is most part wood, saving here and there pasture & arable ground, many rivers and divers Islands unhabited, as the most part of the country is, for the coldness in Winter. The river of Dwina. S. Nicholas standeth Northeast: the elevation of the pole 64 degrees. The river that runneth there into the sea is called Dwina, very large, but shallow. This river taketh his beginning about 700 miles within the country, & upon this river standeth Colmogro, and many pretty villages, well situated for pasture, arable land, wood, and water. The river pleasant between high hills of either side inwardly inhabited, and in a manner a wilderness of high fir trees, and other wood. Colmogro. At Colmogro being 100 versts, which we accounted for three quarters of a mile every versed, we tarried three weeks, not being suffered to departed before the Emperor had word of our coming, who sent to meet us a gentleman of his house, to convey us, and to see us furnished of victuals, and all things needful, upon his own charge. The allowance of meat and drink was for every day two rubbles, besides the charge of boats by water, and four score post horses by land, with above 100 carts to carry my wines, and other carriage. Colmogro is a great town builded all of wood, not walled, but scattered house from house. The people are rude in manners, and in apparel homely, saving upon their festival, and marriage days. The people of this town finding commodity by the English men's traffic with them are much at their commandment, given much to drunkenness, and all other kind of abominable vices. An English house with lands at Colmogro. In this town the English men have lands of their own, given them by the Emperor, and fair houses, with offices for their commodity, very many. Of other towns until I come to Vologda, I writ not, because they are much like to this, and the inhabitants not differing from them. I was five whole weeks upon the river of Dwina till I came to Vologda, being drawn with men against the stream, for other passage there is none. Vologda standeth upon the river of Vologda, which cometh into Dwina. The town is great and long, built all of wood, as all their towns are. In this town the Emperor hath built a castle environed with a brickwall of stone, and brick, the walls fa●re and high, round about. Here (as in all other their towns) are many Churches, some built of brick, the rest of wood, many Monks and Nuns in it: a town also of great traffic, and many rich merchants there dwelling. From hence we passed by land towards Moscow in post, being 500 versts great, which are equal with our miles. In their towns we baited or lay, being post towns. The country is very fair, plain & pleasant, well inhabited, corn, pasture, meadows enough, The description of the inland of Moscovie. rivers, and woods, fair and goodly. At Yeraslave we passed the river of Volga, more than a mile over. This river taketh his beginning at Beal Ozera, & descendeth into Mare Caspium, portable thorough of very great vessels with flat bottoms, which far pass any that our country useth. To sail by this river into Mare Caspium the English company caused a bark to be built of 27 tuns, which there was never seen before: This bark built, and ready rigged to the sea with her whole furniture cost not the company above one hundredth marks there. To Moscow we came about the end of September, received by no man, ●is arrival at Moscow. not so much as our own countrymen suffered to meet us, which bread suspicion in me of some other course intended, than we had hitherto found. We were brought to a house built of purpose by the Emperor for Ambassadors, A special house at Moscow, built for Ambassadors. fair and large, after the fashion of that country. Two gentlemen were appointed to attend upon me, the one to see us furnished of victuals, and that we lacked nothing of the Emperor's allowance: the other to see that we should not go out of the house, nor suffer any man to come unto us, in which they left nothing undone that belonged to their charge. But specially he that looked to our people so straight handled us, that we had no small cause to doubt that some evil had been intended unto us. No supplication, suit, or request could take place for our liberty, nor yet to come to his presence. Having passed over 17 weeks in this sort, the Emperor sendeth word that we should be ready against Tuesday the 20 of February, at eight a clock in the morning. The hour being come that I should go to the Court, the two gentlemen Pristaves (as they call them) came unto me appareled more princely then before I had ever scene them. Two Pristaves. They press us to departed, and mounted upon their own horses, and the Ambassador upon such a one as he had borrowed, his men marching on foot, to their great grief. The Ambassador (being myself) was conveyed into an office where one of the chancellor's doth use to sit, being there accompanied with the ●●o foresaid gentlemen: I tarried two long hours before I was sent for to the Emperor. In the end message being brought that the Emperor was set, I was conveyed by my gentlemen up a pair of stairs thorough a large room, where sat by my estimation 300 people, all in rich attire, taken out of the Emperor's wardrobe for that day, upon three ranks of benches, set round about the place, rather to present a majesty, then that they were either of quality or honour. At the first entry into the chamber I with my cap gave them the reverence, such as I judged their stately sitting, grave countenances, and sumptuous apparel required, and seeing that it was not answered again of any of them I covered my head, and so passing to a chamber where the Emperor was, there received me at the door from my two gentlemen or governors, two of the Emperor's counsellors, His admission to the Emperor's presence. and showed me to the Emperor, and brought me to the middle of the chamber, where I was willed to stand still, and to say that which I had to say. I by my Interpreter opened my message as I received it from the Queen my Mistress, from whom I came, at whose name the Emperor stood up, and demanded divers questions of her health and state: whereunto answer being made, he gave me his hand in token of my welcome, and caused me to sit down, and further asked me divers questions. This done, I delivered her majesties present, The Queen's present. which was a notable great Cup of silver curiously wrought, with verses graven in it, expressing the histories workmanly set out in the same. All being said and done (as appeared) to his contentment, he licensed me and my whole company to departed, who were all in his presence, and were saluted by him with a nod of his head, and said unto me: I dine not this day openly for great affairs I have, but I will sand thee my dinner, The Emperor's speech to the Ambassador. and give leave to thee and thy to go at liberty, and augment our allowance to thee, in token of our love and favour to our sister the Queen of England. I with reverence took my leave, being conveyed by two other of greater calling than those that brought me to the Emperor's sight, who delivered me to the two first gentlemen, who conducted me to the office where I first was, where came unto me one called the Long duke, with whom I conferred a while, and so returned to my lodging. Within one hour after in comes to my lodging a duke richly appareled, accompanied with fifty people, each of them carrying a silver dish with meat, and covered with silver. The duke first delivered twenty loaves of bread of the Emperors own eating, having tasted the same, and delivered every dish into my hands, and tasted of every kind of drink that he brought. This being done, the duke and his company sat down with me, and took part of the Emperor's meat, and filled themselves well of all sorts, and went not away from me unrewarded. Within few nights after the Emperor had will to speak secretly with me, and sent for me in the night by the Long duke: The place was far off, and the night cold, and I having changed my apparel into such as the Russes do wear, found great in commodity thereby. A second conference with the Emperor. Having talked with him above three hours, towards the morning I was dismissed, and so came home to my lodging, where I remained above six weeks after, before I herded again from the Emperor, who went the next day to Slovoda, the house of his solace. After the end of which six weeks, which was about the beginning of April, the Emperor returned from Slovoda aforesaid, and sent for me again to make repair unto him. And being come, I dealt effectually with him in the behalf of our English merchants, and found him so graciously inclined towards them, that I obtained at his hands my whole demands for large privileges in general, together with all the rest my particular requests. And then he commended to my conduct into England, a noble man of his, called Andrew Savin, Andrew Savia Ambassador to the Queen. as his Ambassador, for the better confirmation of his privileges granted, and other negotiations with her Majesty. And thus being dispatched with full contentment, the said Ambassador and myself departed, and embarked at S. Nicholas about the end of july, and arrived safely at London in the month of September following. A copy of the privileges granted by the right high and mighty Prince, the Emperor of Russia, etc. unto the right worshipful fellowship of English merchants, for the discovery of new trades: and hither sent by Thomas Randolfe esquire, her majesties Ambassador to the said Emperor, and by Andrew Savin his Ambassador in the year of our Lord God 1569. ONe God everlasting, and without and before the beginning, the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, the blessed Trinity, our only God, maker, and preserver of all things, and replenisher of all things every where, who by thy goodness dost 'cause all men to love the giver of wisdom our only Mediator, and leader of us all unto blessed knowledge by the only Son his word, our Lord jesus Christ, holy and everlasting Spirit, and now in these our days teachest us to keep Christianity, and sufferest us to enjoy our kingdom to the happy commodity of our land, and wealth of our people, in despite of our enemies, and to our fame with our friends. We john Vasiliwich by the grace of God, great lord, Emperor, and great duke of all Russia, Volodemer, Moscovia, Novogrod, Emperor of Cazan, Tuersky, Vgorsky, Permisky, Vadsky, Bulgaria, and many others, lord and great duke of the Low countries of Novogrod, Chernigosky, Resansky, Polotsky, Rastow, Yeraslave, Bealosera, Owdorsky, Condinsky, and all Siberland, great commander of all the North parts, lord of Le●●land, and many other Northward, Southward and Westward. Whereas our sister Elizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, hath written unto us her letters for her merchants, who hath made suit that we should grant our goodness to the merchants which are of one Company, and give them free leave to come to traffic in our kingdom to Colmogro, and to the country of Dwina, and to our great city of Moscovia, and to all the cities in our dominions, and thorough our country to Boghar, to Persia, Casbin, and Charday, and to all other countries. 1 We john Vasiliwich Emperor and great duke of all Russia (for our sister Elizabeth's sake, Queen of England) have given and granted to the English merchants, the Governors, Consuls, Assistants & fellowship, sir Wil Garrard Knight, Rowland Haiward Alderman, joh. Thamworth Esquire, john Rivers Alderman, Henry Beecher Alderman, Consuls: Sir Wil Chester Knight, Edward jackman Alderman, Lionel ducat Alderman, Edward Gilbert, Laurence Huse, Francis Walsingham, Clement Throgmorton, john Quarles, Nicholas Wheeler, Thomas Banister, john Harrison, Francis Burnham, Anthony Gamage, john Somers, Richard Wilkinson, joh. Spark, Richard Barn, Robert Woolman, Thomas Browne, Thomas Smith, Thomas Allen, Thomas More, William Bully, Richard Young, Thomas Atkinson, Assistants: john Mersh Esquire, Geoffrey ducat, Francis Robinson, Matthew Field, & all the rest of their company and fellowship, and to their successors and deputies, to come with ships and other vessels into our Country, at Colmogorod, & Dwina, and to all the North parts now being ours, or that hereafter shall at any time be in our possession, by sea, river or land, even to our great City of Moscow, in all the towns of our Country, to Cazan and Astracan, to Novogorod the great, to Plesko & Leifland, Vriagorod, to narve, and all other towns of Leifland. 2 And to pass through our land to Boghar, Persia, Casbin, Charday, and other Countries: And wheresoever they come there to be and abide freely, and to barter and bargain freely all wares of sale, without custom of all people, and merchants strangers whatsoever. And if so be they bring any fine wares out of England, or any other Country from Boghar, Persia, Casbin, or from any other place, & those their wares that come by the way of narve, or any other part into our Dominion, to bring the same wares into our treasure, and our Treasurers to view the same wares, and to take into our Treasury of the same such as shallbe needful for us. And all such wares as we shall not need, our Chancellor to redeliver the same: And after the view of our Chancellors, to barter it freely to whom they will, not selling any of their wares needful for us, before our Chancellor have seen the same. And all other gross and heavy wares that shall be needful to our use, not being brought to Moscow, to declare & tell our Chancellor of the same wares: And to give a note thereof by name, and how much they leave there, not brought to Moscow: and then if we need not the said wares, the English Merchants, their servants & Factors, to convey their wares the nearest way to Vstiug the great, and so to Colmogorod, or elsewhere at their pleasure, th●re to barter and cell the same. But those wares that shallbe needful for our Treasury, they shall not hide from us in any case. And when our Chancellors shall sand our adventure, with the said Merchants or their Factors, they to take our adventures with them, and to cell, & to barter for such wares as shallbe meet for our Treasury, and to return it into our Treasury. And when we shall send any adventure into England then our Chancellor to give them a years warning, that their ships may be provided thereafter, that by taking in of our wares, they leave not their own behind them. And to take our adventure yearly when they go into Persia. Neither shall the English merchants receive or colour any of our people's goods, nor barter nor cell it in any wise: likewise our people not to barter for the said English merchants or occupy for them. 3 And when they shall come into our Empire of Casan and Astracan, and other places of our Dominions, th●n our Captains of Casan and Astracan, and our authorised people, quietly to let them pass, not taking any toll or custom of their wares, nor once to make search thereof. And when we shall sand no adventure with them, yet to suffer them freely to pass, not viewing their wares, nor taking any kind of custom. And whatsoever English merchant will bargain with our Merchants or Factor's ware for ware to barter the same at their pleasure. And whatsoever their Merchant or Factors will cell their wares at their house at Moscow, which house I granted them at S. Maxims at the Moscow, they to sell the ware to our people, either strangers as they may best utter it, keeping within their house, arshines, measures, and weights under seals. 4 We have granted them the said house at S. Maxims in the half free, and without standing ren●, as heretofore we did grant it the said English Merchants, sir Wil Garrard, and the Company, maintaining in the said house one housekeeper a Ruff, and two Russee servants, or some of their own country men, and none other Russes besides the aforesaid. And the said housekeepers that shall live at their house with the English merchants, neither to buy nor sell any wares for them, but that the said merchants themselves or their factors, shall buy, cell, and barter their own wares: And our Moscovie merchants not to take the said Englishmens wears to cell them in our towns, nor to buy any wares for them, neither the English merchant to colour any Russes wares at any town. 5 And whatsoever English merchant will cell his wares at Colmogorod, Dwyna, Vologda, Yeraslave, Castran, Novogorod the lower, Casan, Astracan, Novogrod the great, Vopsko, the narve, Vriagorod, or at any other towns, they to sell their wares there at their pleasure: And of all wares aswell of other countries as of Russia, no officer or other to take any custom, neither in any place to stay them in any wise, neither take any kind of toll of them for their wares whatsoever. 6 And whatsoever merchant shall bargain or buy any wares of English merchants: The said Ruff not to return those wares upon the merchants hands again, but to give ready money for the said wares, otherwise they to crave the justice to give right, and to execute the law upon the same with all expedition. And when the English merchants or factors shall travail from Moscovie after the dispatch of their wares and business, then to show themselves unto our Chancellors, whatsoever wares of there's shall go from Moscow, they not to show the ●ame wares to any our officers● nor pay no custom nor toll in any place. 7 If it so happen the English merchants have any wrack, and the ships be brought to any port of our Dominions, we to command the said goods to be inquired and sought out, and to be given to the English merchants, being here abiding at that time in our Country, the factors, servants, or deputies, of the Company aforesaid, to whom we have granted this our gracious letter. And if there happen none of the English merchants, factors, servants, or deputies to be in our Countries at such time, than we will all the said goods to be sought out and bestowed in some convenient place, and when any of the Company aforewritten, bringing these our letters, shall come for their goods, we to command their goods to be restored unto them. 8 Likewise we have granted leave to the English merchants, their Governors, Consuls, and assistants● namely, sir William Garrard knight, Rowland Hayward, and to the Company, to build houses at Vologda, Colmogro, and the seaside, at Inangorod, at Cherell, and in all other places of our Dominions, as shall be needful for their trade. And they to keep at the said house one housekeeper, a Ruff, and two or three men to keep their wares at the said houses, making sale thereof to whom they will, they, their Factors or deputies: the said housekeeper not to buy or cell for them. 9 Also we have given and granted to the English Merchants, their house which they have by our goodness at S. Maxims in the Zenopski, and other their houses in the town of Zenopski, made for the better assurance of their goods, and all such as they shall set up hereafter shall be of the O●●rhos●n s●or. Opressini, and will make them known to all them of Opressini. 10 And whereas by our goodness we have granted them a Ropehouse at Vologda, being far from the English Merchants house, now we have given them to build a house for that use by the said English house, and have given and granted them (of our goodness) ground, one hundredth and fourscore fathom long, and fifty fathoms in breadth, according to their own request. 11 Also, we have of our goodness given and granted to the English Merchants, leave to buy them a house at Wichida, and there to search out mines of iron. And where they shall happily found it, there to set up houses for the making of the same iron: and to make the same, of our goodness have granted them woods, five or six mile's compass about the said houses, to the making of the said iron, and not to exceed these bounds and limits: And where they shall cut the said wood, not to set up any village or farm there, bringing the artificers for making of their iron, out of their own Country, and to learn our people that art, and so freely occupying the said iron in these our Dominions, transporting also of the same home into England, allowing for every pound one dingo, or half penny. 12 And if any of the said iron shallbe needful for our works, than we to take of the said iron to our work, upon agreement of price, paying money out of our Treasury for the same: And when the said English Merchants or Factors shall sand their own people out of our Realm into their Country, over land through any Country whatsoever, freely to sand the same with our words. 13 Also, we of our goodness have granted, that if any man misuse the said English, the Factors or servants, or the said English Merchants, their Factors or servants abuse any other at Moscovie, or any other out towns whatsoever within our Dominions in trade of Merchandise or otherwise, than they to have upright justice in all such matters of our counsel the Opressini without all let or delay: But if our justice may not agreed the parties, than lots to be made, and to whose lot it shall fall, to him the right to be given, and that only our counsel at Moscovie, and none of our Captains, or authorised people, or officers in any other our towns, give judgement upon the said English Merchants for any thing. 14 Also, if any stranger shall have matter of controversy with any English Merchant, Factor or servant, abiding within these our Realms, or contrariwise any English Merchant, Factor or servant, against any other stranger, in all those cause's our Counsel of the Opressini, to give them justice, and to make an agreement & end between the parties, without all delay: And none to deal therein, save our Counsel of the Opressini. 15 And if any man have action against any English Merchant being absent, that then in his absence it shallbe lawful for any other Englishman at his assignation to answer his cause. 16 If any Englishman happen to be wounded or beaten to death, or any Ruff or stranger slain or beaten, 17 Or any ●●ollen goods to be found in the said English houses, than our Counsellors to 'cause the guilty people to be sought out, and to do right and justice in the cause, and the party that is guilty, if he deserve punishment, to be corrected accordingly after his offence: That the said English Merchants, factors and servant, sustain thereby no hindrance or damage. 18 And whatsoever English Merchant, Factor, servant, or deputy, shallbe guilty or any fault, deserving our displeasure, than our Counsellors to 'cause the guilty party to go under suer●es, and their goods to be sealed and kept, until our pleasure be further known, and our Counsel to examine their offence, and so to report it unto us, that we may command what shall be done therein, and none other to be arrested or have their goods sealed, which are not guilty of that offence, nor to stay or apprehended them in any of our Dominions for the same. 19 If any English Merchant, Factor or servant shall offend, it shallbe lawful for their Agent to do justice upon the said party, or to sand him home into England at his pleasure. 20 If any English Merchant, Factor or servant, have lent or hereafter shall lend money to any of our people, or credit them with wares, and so departed into any foreign Country, or die before the debt be due to be paid, than our people and Merchants to pay the said debt, to whom soever shall be appointed to the said room or charge, and the said English Merchant, factory or servant, to bring his bill of debt to our Counsel, to show them what is due, and what money is owing them for any wares: and thus to do truly, not adding any whit to the debt. and our Counsel to command the debt to be discharged unto the English Merchant, factor, or servant, without delay. 21 And whatsoever English Merchant shall be arrested for debt, than our Counsel to command the party under arrest to be delivered to the Agent: and if he have no surety, to bind the Agent with him, for the better force of the bond. And if any Englishman be indebted, we will the Creditor not to cast him in prison, or to deliver him to the Sergeant, left the officer loose him, but to take ware in pawn of the debt. 22 Also of our goodness, we have granted the English Merchants to sand our Commission to all our Towns, Captains, and authorised men, to defend and guard the said Merchants from all thieves, robbers, and evil disposed people. 23 If in coming or going to and fro our dominions, the Merchants, the factors, or servants be spoiled on the sea, our Counsel shall sand our letters, and will them to be sought out, and where they shall find the goods, 'cause it to be restored again, and the offender to be punished, according to our commandment. 24 Also of our goodness, we have granted the said Merchants to take up Brokers, Packers, Wayers, and such like labourers, as shall be needful for them, paying for their hire as the labourers and they shall agreed. 25 We likewise of our goodness, have licenced the English Merchants in our Towns of Moscow, Novogorod the great, and Plesko, that the Coiners of the said Towns shall melt collars, and coin money for them, without custom, allowing for coals, and other necessaries, with the workmanship. 26 Also of our goodness, we have granted to the said English Merchants, to take post horse at needful times, leaving with our officers a note how many they take, and not else, in no case hindering or diminishing our treasury. 27 Also for our sister Queen Elizabeth's sake, we of our goodness have granted to the merchants within written, this our letter, and to their successors, that no Englishman nor any other stranger, come without the Queen's leave to Colmogorode, the river of Vob, Vasiagy, Pechora, Cola, Mezena, Pechingo, Zelevetskyes Island, the river of Shame, nor to no other haven of Dwina, nor to any part of the northside of Dwina, by hitherward of Wardhouse, to any haven, with ship, Buss, or any other vessel, nor to occupy in any kind of ways, but only the said English company, and their successors, to whom we of our goodness have granted this privilege. 28 Also that no English Merchant, without the Queen's leave, shall come with any wares, to the narve, or Vriogorod. 29 And whatsoever English Merchant, stranger, or other, of whatsoever Country he be, shall come with any ship, Buss, or any other vessel, to any of the said havens, of the north side, to any part of Dwina, by North the narve, or Vriogorod, without the Queen's leave or knowledge, not being of the company above written, we to apprehend and take the same vessel from those strangers and Merchants, the one half to us the Emperor, and great Duke, and the other half to the company of English Merchants. 30 Also of our goodness we have granted the said company of English merchants, that no English merchants or strangers shall pass through our dominions, to Boghar, Persia, Casbin, Charday, or other countries, save only the company of English merchants, and our own messengers. 31 Also whatsoever Englishman, coming out of England or any other Country, into our dominions, without the Queen's leave, and knowledge, not being of the said company, written within those our letters, mind, and purpose, to abide in our realm, contrary to the Queen's will and pleasure, or any way abuse himself, the Agent shall freely sand him home, to the Queen his Sovereign: which if the Agent of himself be unable to do, let him pray for aid of the captains and officers of our towns there being, and so sand him to prison, and will the said captains not to hinder the said Agent from sending home such evil people into England. 32 And if any man within our country run away to any other town or place, the English merchants and factors, to have free liberty to apprehended him, and take their goods from him again. 33 And as for our privilege given to Thomas Glover, Ralph Rutter, Christopher Bennet, john Chapel, and their adherents, we have commanded the same privileges to be taken from them. 34 Also we of our goodness have granted the said company of English merchants, their successors, servants and deputies, that do or shall remain at Moscow, or elsewhere within our dominions freely to keep their own law: and in any wise none of ours to force them to our law or faith against their will. Moreover, besides and with the company of English merchants, we permit all strangers, to trade to our town of narve, juanogorod, & other our towns of Liefland, as they have done beforetime. Given from the beginning of the world 7077, in the month of june 20, Indiction 12, the year of our lordship and reign 35, and of our Empire of Rusland 23, Cazan 17, Astracan 15. Other special grants by his majesties private letters at the suit of M. Randolfe Ambassador. REleasement out of prison of Fitzherbert, that was accused for writing of letters against the Emperor. Liberty given to Thomas green that was accused and troubled upon suspicion of his dealing with the Ambassador, and licence given to him to traffic as he was accustomed. Andrew Atherton and his sureties released at the narve and his servant at the Moscow, that were in trouble for sending the merchant's letters into England. A letter granted to Thomas Southam to the Council, for justice against them that stolen the pearls. His majesties favour promised to the Artificers, and livings to be appointed them as they can best d●serue. A letter to the merchants that went into Persia, to pass freely without impeachment in his dominions, as also letters of favour to the great Shaugh of Persia. A grant unto the company that at what time soever they sand to the discovery of Cataya, they shallbe licensed to repair unto this country, and have such conducts and guides, mariners, vessels, men and victuals as they shall stand in need of. It is also promised by Knez Alfanas, and Peter Gregoriwich in the emperors name, that if Benet Butler or any English man complain, deface, hinder in way of traffic or otherwise go about to discredit the worshipful company, and their doings, that therein they shall not be herded, and the doers to be punished, as in such cases they shallbe judged to have deserved. Certain people granted to be sent home into England that served the company, and were practisers against them in that country. A Commission given by us Thomas Randolfe Ambassador for the Queen's Majesty in Russia, and Thomas Bannister, etc. unto james Bassendine, james Woodcock and Richard Browne, the which Bassendine, woodcock, and Browne we appoint jointly together, and aiders, the one of them to the other, in a voyage of discovery to be made (by the grace of God) by them, for searching of the sea, and border of the coast, from the river Pechora, to the Eastwards, as hereafter followeth Anno 1588. The first of August. IN primis, when your bark with all furniture is ready, you shall at the beginning of the year (assoon as you possibly may) make your repair to the Eastern part of the river Pechora, where is an Island called Dolgoieve, and from thence you shall pass to the Eastwards alongst by the Sea coast of Hugorie, or the main land of Pechora, and sailing alongst by the same coast, you shall pass within seven leagues of the Island Vaigats, which is in the strait, almost half way from the coast of Hugorie, unto the coast of Nova Zembla, which Island Vaigats and Nova Zembla you shall find noted in your plat; therefore you shall not need to discover it: but proceed on alongst the coast of Hugory, towards the river Obba. There is a Bay between the said Vaigats, and the river Obba, that doth bite to the Southwards, into the land of Hugory, in which Bay are two small rivers, the one called Cara Reca, Cara Rec●. the other Naramsy, Naramsi Reca. as in the paper of notes which are given to you herewith may appear: in the which Bay you shall not need to spend any time for searching of it, but to direct your course to the river Ob (if otherwise you be not constrained to keep alongst the shore) and when you come to the river Ob you shall not enter into it, but pass over unto the Eastern part of the mouth of the said river. And when you are at the Eastern part of the mouth of Obba Reca, you shall from thence pass to the Eastwards, alongst by the border of the said coast, describing the same in such perfect order as you can best do it. You shall not leave the said coast or border of the land, but pass alongst by it, at lest in sight of the same, until you have sailed by it so far to the Eastwards, and the time of the year so far spent, that you do think it time for you to return with your bark to Winter, which travel may well be 300 or 400 leagues to the Eastwards of the Ob, if the Sea do reach so far as our hope is it doth: but and if you find not the said coast and sea to trend so far to the Eastwards, yet you shall not leave the coast at any time, but proceed alongst by it, as it doth lie, leaving no part of it unsearched, or seen, unless it be some bay, or river, that you do certainly know by the report of the people, that you shall find in those borders, or else some certain tokens whereby you of yourselves may judge it to be so. For our hope is that the said border of land and sea doth in short space after you pass the Ob, incline East, and so to the Southwards. And therefore we would have no part of the land of your starreboord side, as you proceed in your discovery, to be left undiscovered. But and if the said border of land do not incline so to the Eastwards as we presuppose it, but that it do prove to incline and trend to the Northwards, and so join with Nova Zembla, making the sea from Vaigats to the Eastwards but a bay: yet we will that you do keep alongst by the said coast, and so bring us certain report of that form and manner of the same bay. And if it do so prove to be a bay, and that you have passed round about the same, and so by the trending of the land come back unto that part of Nova Zembla that is against Vaigats, whereas you may from that see the said Island Vaigats, if the time of the year will permit you, you shall from thence pass alongst by the said border and coast of Nova Zembla to the Westwards, and so to search whether that part of Nova Zembla do join with the land that sir Hugh Willoughby discovered in anno 53. and is in 72 degrees, and from that part of Nova Zembla 120 leagues to the Westwards, as your plat doth show it unto you: and if you do find that land to join with Nova Zembla, when you come to it, you shall proceed further along the same coast, if the time of the year will permit it, and that you do think there will be sufficient time for you to return back with your bark to Winter either at Pechora or in Russia, at your discretion: for we refer the same to your good judgements, trusting that you will loose no time, that may further your knowledge in this voyage. Note you, it was the 20 ●f August, 56 year the Serchthrift began to return back from her discovery, to Winter in Russia, and then she came from the Island Vaigats, being forcibly driven from thence with an Easterly wind and ice, and so she came into the river Dwina, and arrived at Colmogro the 11 of September, 56. If the ice had not been so much that year as it was in the Straitss, ●n both sides of the Island Vaigats, they in the said pinnace would that year have discovered the parts that you are now sent to seek: which thing (if it had pleased God) might have been done then: but God hath reserved it for some other. Which discovery, if it may be made by you, it shall not only prove profitable unto you, but it will also purchase perpetual fame and renown both to you and our country. And thus not doubting of your willing desires, and forwardness towards the same, we pray God to bless you with a lucky beginning, fortunate success, and happily to end the same. Amen. Necessary notes to be observed, and followed in your discovery, as hereafter followeth. WHen your bark with all furniture and necessaries shall be in readiness for you to departed to the sea (if it be that you take your bark at S. Nicholas, or any part of Dwina Reca) you shall from thence, even as timely in the spring as the ice will permit you, sail, & make all expedition that may be, unto the mouth of the river Pechora (as your commission doth lead you) and as you pass by the coast all alongst (notwithstanding the plat that showeth you the description of the said coast, from Dwina unto Vaigats) yet you shall seek by all the means that you can, to amend the same plat, using as many observations, as you possibly can do: and these notes following are to be observed by you principally. 1 First, that you do observe the latitude as often, and in as many places as you may possibly do it, noting diligently the place where you do so observe the same. 2 Also that you do diligently set with your compass, how the land doth lie from point to point, all alongst as you go, and to use your judgements how far there may be between each of them. 3 Item, that you do always use to draw the proportion, and biting of the land, aswell the lying out of the points, and headlands, unto the which you shall give some apt names (at your discretion) as also the form of the Bays, and to make some mark in drawing the form, and border of the same, where the high cliffs are, and where low land is, whether sandy hills, or whatsoever: omit not to note any thing that may be sensible and apparent to you, which may serve to any purpose. 4 In passing along by any coast, that you keep your lead going often times, and sound at the lest once every glass, and oftener if you think good as occasion doth serve, and note diligently the depth with the manner of the ground, and at every time, how far the same sounding may be from the next shore to it: and how the next point or headland doth bear from you. And in the sea after you set off from your port, you shall orderly at the end of every four glasses sound, and if you find ground, note the depth and what ground, but if you can find no ground, you shall also note in what depth you could found no ground. 5 Also that you do diligently observe the flowing, & ebbing in every place, and how the tides do set, which way the flood doth come, and how much water it doth high in every place, and what force the same tide hath to drive a ship in an hour, as near as you can judge it. 6 Also that you do seek to observe with the instrument which I deliver you herewith, according as I taught you at Rose Island, the true platforms, and distances, in as many places as conveniently you may, for it serveth very aptly your purpose. 7 Also that you take with you paper and ink, and keep a continual journal or remembrance day by day, of all such things as shall fall out worth the knowledge, not forgetting or omitting to writ it, and note it, that it may be ●hewed and read at your return. 8 These orders if you shall diligently observe, it will be easy for you to make a plat and perfect description of your discovery, and so shall your notes be sufficient to answer that which is looked for at your hands. But withal you may not forget to note as many things as you can learn and understand by the report of any people whatsoever they be, so that it appertain any way to our desires. And thus the Lord God prospero your voyage. Amen. Certain letters in verse, written by Master George turbervile out of Moscovia, which went as Secretary thither with Master Tho. Randolph, her majesties Ambassador to the Emperor 1568, to certain friends of his in London, describing the manners of the Country and people. To his especial friend Master Edward Dancie. MY Dancie dear, when I recount within my breast, My London friends, and wont mates, and thee above the rest: I feel a thousand fits of deep and deadly woe, To think that I from land to sea, from bliss to bale did go. I left my native soil, full like a reckless man, And unacquainted of the coast, among the Russes ran: A people passing rude, to vices vile inclined, folk fit to be of Bacchus' train, so quaffing is their kind. Drink is their whole desire, the pot is all their pride, The sobrest head doth once a day stand needful of a guide. If he to banquet bid his friends, he will not shrink On them at dinner to bestow a dozen kinds of drink: Such liquor as they have, and as the country gives, But chief two, one called Kuas, whereby the Mousike lives. Small ware and waterlike, but somewhat tart in taste, The rest is Mead of honey made, wherewith their lips they baste. And if he go unto his neighbour as a guest, He cares for little meat, if so his drink be of the best. No wonder though they use such vile and beastly trade● Sigh with the hatchet and the hand, their chiefest gods be made. Their Idols have their hearts, on God they never call, Unless it be (Nichola Bough) that hangs against the brickwall. The house that hath no god, or painted Saint within, Is not to be resorted to, that roof is full of sin. Besides their private gods, in open places stand Their crosses unto which they crooche, and bless themselves with hand. Devoutly down they duck, with forehead to the ground, Was never more deceit in rags, and greasy garments found'st Almost the meanest man in all the country rides, The woman eke, against our use, her trotting horse best rides. In sundry colours they both men and women go, In buskins all, that money have on buskins to bestoe. Each woman hanging hath a ring within her ear, Which all of ancient use, and some of very pride do wear. Their gate is very brave, their countenance wise and sad, And yet they follow fleshly lusts, their trade of living bad. It is no shame at all accounted to defile Another's bed, they make no care their follies to concile, Is not the meanest man in all the land but he, To buy her painted colours doth allow his wife a fee. Wherewith ●he decks herself, and dyes her tawny skin, She pranks and paints her smoky face, both brow, lip, cheek, & chin. Yea those that honest are, if any such there be Within the land, do use the like: a man may plainly see Upon some women's cheeks the painting how it lies, In plaster sort, for that too thick her face the harlot dyes. But such as skilful are, and cunning Dames indeed, By daily practice do it well, yea sure they do exceed, They lay their colours so, as he that is full wise, May eas●y be deceived therein, if he do trust his eyes. I not a little muse, what madness makes them paint Their faces, weighing how they keep the stoove by mere constraint. For seldom when, unless on Church or marriage day A man shall see the Dames abroad, that are of best array. The Russie means to reap the profit of her pride, And so he mews her to be sure, she lie by no man's side. Thus much, friend Dancie, I did mean to writ to thee, To let thee weete in Russia land, what men and women be. Hereafter I perhaps of other things will writ To thee, and other of my friends, which I shall see with sight: And other stuff besides, which true report shall tell, Mean while I end my loving li●es, and bid thee now farewell. To Spencer. IF I should now forget, or not remember thee, Thou Spencer mightst a foul rebuke, and shame impute to me. For I to open show did love thee passing well, And thou wert he at parture, whom I loathed to bid farewell. And as I went thy friend, so I continued still, No better proof thou canst then this desire of true good will. I do remember well when needs I should away, And that the Post would licence us, no longer time ●o stay: Thou wrong'st me by the fist, and holding fast my hand, Didst crave of me to sand thee news, and how I liked the land. It is a sandy soil, no very fruitful vain, Moore waste and woody grounds there are, then closes fit for grain. Yet grain there growing is, which they untimely take, And cut or ear the corn be ripe, they mow it on a stack. And laying sheaf by sheaf, their harvest so they dry, They make the greater haste, for fear the frost the corn destroy. For in the winter time, so glarie is the ground, As neither grass, nor other grain, in pastures may be found. In comes the cattle then, the sheep, the colt, the cow, Fast by his bed the Mowsike than a lodging doth allow, Whom he with fodder feeds, and holds as dear as life: And thus they wear the winter with the Mowsike and his wife. Seven months the Winter dures, the glare it is so great, As it is May before he turn, his ground to sow his wheat. The bodies eke that die unburied lie they then, Laid up in coffins made of fir, as well the poorest men, As those of greater state: the cause is lightly found, For that in Winter time, they cannot come to break the ground● And wood so plenteous is, quite throughout all the land, As rich, and poor, at time of death assured of coffins stand. Perhaps thou musest much, how this may stand with reason, That bodies dead can uncorrupt abide so long a season. Take this for certain troth, as soon as heat is go, The force of cold the body binds as hard as any stone, Without offence at all to any living thing: And so they lie in perfect state, till next return of Spring. Their beasts be like to ours, as far as I can see For shape, and show, but somewhat less of bulk, and bone they be. Of waterish taste, the flesh not firm, like English beef, And yet it serves them very well, and is a good relief: Their sheep are very small, sharp singled, handful long, Great store of fowl on sea and land, the moorish reeds among. The greatness of the store doth make the prices less, Besides in all the land they know not how good meat to dress. They use neither broach nor spit, but when the stove they heat, They put their victuals in a pan, and so they bake their meat. No pewter to be had, no dishes but of wood, No use of trenchers, cups cut out of hirche are very good. They use but wooden spoons, which hanging in a case Each Mowsike at his girdle ties, and thinks it no disgrace. With whitles two or three, the better man the more, The chiefest Russies in the land, with spoon and knives do go●. Their houses are not huge of building, but they say, They plant them in the loftiest ground, to shifted the snow away, Which in the Winter time, each where full thick doth lie: Which makes them have the more desire, to set their houses hie● No stone work is in use, their roofs of rafters be, One linked in another fast, their walls are all of tree. Of masts both long, and large, with moss put in between, To keep the force of weather out, I never erst have seen A gross devise so good, and on the roof they lay The burden bark, to rid the rain, and sudden showers away. In every room a stove, to serve the Winter turn, Of wood they have sufficient store, as much as they can burn. They have no English glass, of slices of a rock height Sluda they their windows make, that English glass doth mock. They cut it very thin, and sow it with a thread In pretty order like to panes, to serve their present need. No other glass, good faith doth give a better light: And sure the rock is nothing rich, the cost is very slight. The chiefest place is that, where hangs the god by it, The owner of the house himself doth never sit, Unless his better come, to whom he yealds the seat: The stranger bending to the god, the ground with brow must beaten. And in that very place which they most sacred deem, The stranger lies: a token that his guest he doth esteem. Where he is wont to have a bears skin for his bed, And must, in stead of pillow, clap his saddle to his head. In Russia other shift there is not to be had, For where the bedding is not good, the boalsters are but bad. I mused very much, what made them so to lie, Sigh in their country down is rife, and feathers out of cry: Unless it be because the country is so hard, They fear by niceness of a bed their bodies would be marred, I wished thee often with us, save that I stood in fear Thou wouldst have loathed to have laid thy limbs upon a bear, As I and Stafford did, that was my mate in bed: And yet (we thank the God of heaven) we both right well have sped. Lo thus I make an end: none other news to thee, But that the country is too cold, the people beastly be. I writ not all I know, I touch but here and there, For if I should, my pen would pinch, and eke offend I fear. Who so shall read this verse, conjecture of the rest, And think by reason of our trade, that I do think the best. But if no traffic were, than could I boldly pen The hardness of the soil, and eke the manners of the men. They say the Lion's paw gives judgement of the beast: And so may you deem of the great, by reading of the lest. To Parker. MY Parker, paper, pen, and ink were made to writ, And idle heads, that little do, have leisure to indite: Wherefore, respecting these, and thy assured love, If I would writ no news to thee, thou mightst my pen reprove. And since fortune thus hath should my ship on shore: And made me seek another Realm unseen of me before: The manners of the men I purpose to declare, And other private points besides, which strange and geazon are. The Russie men are round of bodies, fully faced, The greatest part with bellies big that overhang the waste, Flat headed for the most, with faces nothing fair, But brown, by reason of the stove, and closeness of the air: It is their common use to shave or else to shear Their heads, for none in all the land long lolling locks doth wear, Unless perhaps he have his sovereign prince displeased, For than he never cuts his hair, until he be appeased. A certain sign to know who in displeasure be, For every man that views his head, will say, Lo this is he. And during all the time he let's his locks to grow, Dares no man for his life to him a face of friendship show. Their garments be not gay, nor handsome to the eye, A cap aloft their heads they have, that standeth very high, Which Colpack they do term. They wear no ruffs at all: The best have collars set with pearl, which they Rubasca call. Their shirts in Russie long, they work them down before, And on the sleeves with coloured Silks, two inches good and more. Aloft their shirts they wear a garment jacket wise height Onoriadka, and about his burly waste he ties His portkies, which in stead of better breeches be: Of linen clot that garment is, no codpiece is to see. A pair of yarnen stocks to keep the cold away, Within his boots the Russie wears, the heels they underlay With clouting clamps of steel, sharp pointed at the toes, And over all a Shuba furred, and thus the Russie goes. Well burned is the Shube, according to his state, Some Silk, of Silver other some: but those of poorest rate Do wear no Shubs' at all, but grosser gowns to sight, That reacheth down beneath the calf, and that Armacha height: These are the Russies robes. The richest use to ride From place to place, his servant runs, and follows by his side. The Cassock bears his felt, to force away the rain: Their bridles are not very brave, their saddles are but plain. Not bits but snaffles all, of birch their saddles be, Much fashioned like the Scottish seats, broad flakes to keep the knee From sweeting of the horse, the panels larger far And broader be then ours, they use short stirrups for the war: For when the Russie is pursued by cruel foe, He rides away, and suddenly betakes him to his boe, And bends me but about in saddle as he sits, And therewithal amids his race his following foe he hits. Their bows are very short, like Turkey bows outright, Of sinews made with ●irchen bark, in cunning manner dight. Small arrows, cruel heads, that fallen and forked be, Which being shot from out those bows, a cruel way will flee. They seldom use to shoe their horse, unless they ride In post upon the frozen floods, than cause they shall not slide, He sets a slender calke, and so he rides his way. The horses of the country go good fourscore versts a day, And all without the spur, once prick them and they skip, But go not forward on their way, the Russie hath his whip To rap him on the ribs, for though all booted be, Yet shall you not a pair of spurs in all the country see. The common game is chess, almost the simplest will Both give a check and eke a mate, by practice comes their skill. Again they dice as fast, the poorest rogues of all Will sit them down in open field, and there to gaming fall. Their dices are very small, in fashion like to those Which we do use, he takes them up, and over thumb he throws Not shaking them a whit, they cast suspiciously, And yet I deem them void of art that dicing most apply. At play when Silver lacks, goes saddle, horse and all, And each thing else worth Silver walks, although the price be small. Because thou lovest to play friend Parker other while, I wish thee there the weary day with dicing to beguile. But thou wert better far at home, I witted it well, And wouldst be loathe among such lowts so long a time to devil. Then judge of us thy friends, what kind of life we had, That near the frozen pole to waste our weary days were glad. In such a savage soil, where laws do bear no sway, But all is at the king his will, to save or else to slay. And that sans cause, God wots, if so his mind be such. But what mean I with Kings to deal? we aught no Saints to touch. Conceive the rest yourself, and deem what lives they lead, Where lust is Law, and Subjects live continually in dread. And where the best estates have none assurance good Of lands, of lives, nor nothing falls unto the next of blood. But all of custom doth unto the prince redound, And all the whole revenue comes unto the King his crown. Good faith I see thee muse at what I tell thee now, But true it is, no choice, but all at prince's pleasure bow. So Tarquin ruled Rome as thou remember'st well, And what his fortune was at last, I know thyself canst tell. Where will in Common weal doth bear the only sway, And lust is Law, the prince and Realm must needs in time decay. The strangeness of the place is such for sundry things I see, As if I would I cannot writ each private point to thee. The cold is rare, the people rude, the prince so full of pride, The Realm so stored with Monks and nuns, and priests on every side: The manners are so Turkey like, the men so full of guile, The women wanton, Temples stuffed with idols that defile The Seats that sacred aught to be, the customs are so acquaint, As if I would describe the whole, I fear my pen would faint. In sum, I say I never see a prince that so did reign, Nor people so beset with Saints, yet all but vile and vain. Wild Irish are as civil as the Russies in their kind, Hard choice which is the best of both, each bloody, rude and blind. If thou be wise, as wise thou art, and will't be ruled by me, Live still at home, and coue● not those barbarous coasts to see. Not good befalls a man that seeks, and finds no better place, No civil customs to be learned, where God bestows no grace. And truly ill they do deserve to be beloved of God, That neither love nor stand in awe of his assured rod: Which though be long, yet plagues at last the vile and beastly sort Of sinful wights, that all in vice do place their chiefest sport. A dieu friend Parker, if thou list, to know the Russes well, To Sigismundus book repair, who all the truth can tell: For he long erst in message went unto that savage King, Scent by the Pole, and true report in each respect did bring. To him I recommend myself, to ease my pen of pain, And now at last do wish thee well, and bid farewell again. The fourth voyage into Persia, made by M. Arthur Edward's Agent, john Spark, Laurence Chapman, Christopher Faucet, and Richard Pingle, in the year 1568. declared in this letter written from Casbin in Persia by the foresaid Laurence Chapman to a worshipful merchant of the company of Russia in London. Anno Domini 1569. April 28. Worshipful sir, my duty always remembered, and your prosperous health, and good success in all your affairs wished, to the glory of God, and your own hearts desire, etc. May it please you to understand that your Agent M. Arthur Edwards and we departed from Yeraslave in july 1568. and the 14. of August arrived at our port called Bilbil, Their arrival at Bilbil the 14. of August 1568. with your ship the Grace of God, and the goods in her in good safety, God be thanked for it, finding there neither the people so ready to aid us for the bringing of her in, & unlading of the goods, nor yet so obedient to the Shaughs privilege, as the worshipful company have been informed. Our goods brought upon land, we were compelled to open & sell as they would set the price, or otherwise it would have been worse for us. Being so satisfied to their contentment, we were speedily aided with camels by the prince Erasbec Sultan his appointment, Prince Erasbec. to carry our goods to Shamaki, to which place we attained the first of September, finding it so thoroughly furnished with all manner of commodities by occasion of our late coming, and by such as came before us, that no man would ask to buy any one piece of kerchief of us, and lying then the space of one whole month before your Agent Arthur Edwards would disperse us abroad with the goods, such as came out of Russia afterwards, had brought their goods to that and other places, and spoiled those sales we might have made, being sent abroad in time convenient, being no little hindrance to the worshipful, as also great grief unto us to see. To conclude, through our daily calling upon him, he bend himself for Casbin, taking with him the greatest sum of the goods, and two of the worshipfuls servants, to wit, john Spark and myself, to help and procure the better sale for the same: and leaving at Shamaki Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle with three hundred and fifty pieces of kerseys in their hands, Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle. supposed to be sold there or in Arrash before he should be able to make his return from Casbin, which, so far forth as I can understand, lie for the greatest part unsolde. And being upon our way, at a certain town called Ardovil, we chanced to barter nine pieces of kerseys with those merchants for fourscore and four batemen of cinnamon, selling the kerseys at one hundred and fifty shawghs the piece. And being at that present not far from Teveris, called the principal place in this country for uttering of clot or kerseys, by much entreaty I persuaded your Agent to sand thither to prove what might be done, and receiving from him four and fifty pieces of kerseys, as also his commission for the sale of the same, I proceeded on that voyage myself, and one Tolmach in company with me, finding in that place great store of broad clot and kerseys brought thither, some part by the Turks who be resident there, some by the Armenians, who fetch them at Aleppo, and some by the townsmen, who travel unto Venice and there buy them, so that no man offered me one penny more than a hundred and forty shawghs for a kerchief: and having special commission and charge from your Agent not to stay there above the space of seven days after my arrival there, but to repair to Casbin with all speed, and furthermore, having regard to keep up the price of the worshipfuls commodities, according to their desire, I found means to barter them away for spices, such as were there to be had, neither in goodness nor yet in price to my content: nevertheless, considering the cold sales which were there, as well for your kerseys, as also the hot news, that Ormuz way was shut up by occasion that the Indians do war against them, which is true in deed: War against the Portugeses at Ormuz. and again the desire that the worshipful hath to have such commodities bought, I thought it necessary to buy them, the prices and weight whereof appeareth at large by my account sent to the worshipful, and is, as I think, the whole sum of spices bought at this time. The governor of Grozin his Merchant. It chanced me in that place to meet with the governors merchant of Grozin, who was not a little desirous to bargain with me for a hundred pieces of kerseys for his master called Levontie, and offering me so good bands for the payment of the money or silk to the merchant's contentment upon the delivery of them, as in any place within all this country is to be had: and offering me besides his own letter in the behalf of his master, that no custom should be demanded for the same, and the obtaining also at his master's hand as large a privilege for the worshipful to travel into all parts of his dominion, as the Shaugh had given them, and hearing good report made of him by the Armenians also, and that he was a Christian, I was much more the willing to bargain with him, and sold him a hundred pieces for a hundred and threescore shawghs a piece, to be paid to the merchant in Grozin either in money or silk to his contentment, within three days after the delivery of the kerseys there, having a band of him made by the metropolitans own hand, for the performance of the same, which is as sure as any here is to be devised: and upon the same I sent my Tolmach from me back to Shamaki, with such goods as I bought at Teveris, and to the end he might 'cause the worshipfuls servants there to see this bargain accomplished. At whose arrival there, as I do perceive, the Captain would not accomplish his bargain to take them, but says, he hath no need of them: such is the constancy of all men in this country, with whomsoever you shall bargain. The general inconstancy in the merchants and dealers of those parts. If the ware be bought, and they do mislike it afterwards, they will bring it again, and compel you to deliver the money for it again, regarding the Shawghs letters, which manifesteth the contrary, as a straw in the wind: by means whereof, the worshipful may know whether all be true that hath been written of this country people or not. I am informed by all the brokers in Teveris, that the way once open to Ormuz, from whence cometh no such store of spices as the worshipful doth look for, that here will be put a way in Teveris, some for money, and other some for barter, to the number of three hundred or four hundred pieces of kerseys, being in colors and goodness to the examples here sent you, the rest of the kerseys to make them up a thousand, and broad clotheses to the sum of a hundred, be as many as will be put away yearly in this country, so far as yet I can perceive. The trade between the Venetians and the Armenians not easily to be broken. To break the trade betwixt the Venetians and the whole company of the Armenians it is not possible, unless the worshipful will find some means to receive of them yearly to the number of 100 catters or mules lading, and deliver them for the same one third part money, the rest clot and kerseys fitted in colors meet for this country: the examples, as above said, are sent unto you. At Amadia six days journey from Teveris, grow abundance of galls, which are brought up yearly by the Venetians, and be sold there for two bistes the Teveris bateman, which as your Agent here says, maketh six pound English weight, but I doubt it will not so be proved. Nevertheless it is supposed much good will be done by buying of them: which might at this present have partly been proved, if so be that some could do but half that which hath been written. Touching drugs, I find many as well at Teveris, as also in Casbin, but the goodness nothing like to such as be brought into England out of other places: & the price is so high that small gain will be had in buying of them: albeit, if I had been furnished with money, as I might have been, if some would, I would have bought some, to the end the goodness of them might have been seen in England. At my coming to Casbin I found no manner of sales of any commodity made, but all lying there whole, and news given out (as your Agent says) that the Shaugh would buy all such commodities as he had, and give him silk and spices for the same: but by report the Shaugh never took clot into his treasury all the days of his life, and will not now begin: his whole trade is in raw silk, which he selleth always for money to the Armenians and Turks, and such other as use to buy it: thus hoping of that which is not like to be had, he hath driven off the time, not sending to any other places: by means whereof the worshipfuls goods lie unsold to this day to their great hindrance, which I for my part am not a little sorry to see. Babylon is from hence fifteen days journey, whereas by true report be great store of Dates, Babylon 15. days iourne● from Casbin. and sold for a bisse the batman, the commodity fit for England, and the place so near unto us might easily have been known, if he, whose deeds and sayings differ much, had been willing to the same. Cassan also is but seven days journey from h●nce, & a place by report where most store of spices be at all times to be had, over and above any place in this country: it could not be granted by him to be seen and proved at this time: if this be loss to the worshipful, refer it to the want of one which can do that which he speaketh in words. To travel in this country is not only miserable and uncomfortable for lack of towns and villages to harbour in when night comes, and to refresh men with wholesome victuals in time of need, but also such scarcity of water, that sometime in three days journey together, is not to be found any drop fit for man or beast to drink, besides the great danger we stand in for robbing by these infidels, who do accounted it remission of sins to wash their hands in the blood of one of us. Better it is therefore in mine opinion to continued a beggar in England during life, then to remain a rich Merchant seven years in this Country, as some shall well found at their coming hither. By commandment of the Agent also I went to Gilan, His voyage to Gilan. as well to see what harbour was there for your ship, as also to understand what commodity is there best sold, and for what quantity. I found the way from hence so dangerous and troublesome, that with my pen I am not able to note it unto you: no man traveleth from hence thither, but such poor people as need constraineth to buy Rice for their relief to live upon, and they lay not above twenty batmen upon a catter, and it lieth no lower than the skirts of the saddle, and he escapeth very hardly that cometh there with the same. The town of Laighon, which was the chiefest place in all that land, have I seen, and Langro and Rosar also, which be now overrun by the Shaugh and his power, and be so spoilt, & the people so rob, that not one of them is able to buy one kerchief. The best commodity there to be bought, is raw silk, and is sold in the Summer time for 38. shaughs the Laighon batman, which is little above 40. li. weight, and for ready money: also there is to be had what store of Alom you will, and sold there for one bisse the Teveris batman. In these parts be many Turkey merchants resident, The malice of the Turkish merchants. which give an outward show, as though they were glad of our coming hither, but secretly they be our mortal enemies, searching by all means to hinder our sales, because we should the sooner giver over our trade thither, which in process of time I hope will grow to better perfection. They wish us to go to Hallape with the rest of our commodities unsold, where they say we shall have good entertainment in spite of the great number of Uenetians which be there resident, and the custom but two in the hundred, and our kerseys to be sold presently, had we never so many, for twelve ducats, which maketh of this money 165. shaughs: but by such as know the place, market and custom, it is reported to us credibly to the contrary, and that such kerseys as ours be, are not sold for above 8. ducats ther●● the custom thirty in the hundred and more, that no place in the world is so well furnished with good clot and kerseys, and of so brave colour as that place is, supposing it to be craftily purposed of them, to bring us into trouble, which God defend us from. The price of spices be these, The price of spices. at this present enhanced by reason the way is shut to Ormus, which when God shall sand open, I purpose (God willing) to see, and at my return to advertise the worshipful what benefit is there to be had in all points, so near as I can learn: Pepper 25. shaughs the Teveris batman: Cloves 50. shaughs, Long pepper 25. shaughs, Maces large 50. shaughs Ginger 24. shaughs, ready money all, or else look not upon them. And the best sort of raw silk is sold for 60. shaughs the Teveris batman. Thus for want of surther matter to enlarge, I end for this time, beseeching God to preserve you in continual health. By your obedient servant, Laurence Chapman. Notes concerning this fourth voyage into Persia, begun in the month of july 1568. gathered by M. Richard wills from the mouth of Master Arthur Edward's, which was Agent in the same. WHen he came first to the Sophy's presence, at his court in Casbin, bringing his interpreter with him, and standing far off, the Sophy (sitting in a seat royal with a great number of his noble men about him) bade him come near, and that thrice, until he came so near him that he might have touched him with his hand. Then the first demand that he asked him was, from what country he came: he answered, that he came from England. Then asked he of his noble men, who known any such country? But when Edward's see that none of them had any intelligence of that name, he named it Inghilterra, as the Italians call England. Then one of the noble men said Londro, Londro. meaning thereby London, Lo●don. which name is better known in far countries out of Christendom, then is the name of England. When Edwards herded him name Londro he said that that was the name of the chief c●tie of England, as was Teveris of the chief c●ty of Persia. He asked him many things more, as of the realm of England, marveling that it should be an Island of so great riches and power, as Edward's declared unto him: of the riches & abundance of our merchandise he further understood by our traffic in Moscovia and other countries. He demanded also many things of the Queen's majesty, and of the customs and laws of the realm: saying oftentimes in his own language, Bara colla, (that is to say) Well said. He asked also many things of king Philip, & of his wars against the Turk at Malta. Then he demanded of him what was the chief cause of his resort into his realm. And being certified that it was for the trade of merchandise, he asked what kind of merchandise he could bring thither. Such (said he) as the Venetian merchants do, which dwelling in our country in the city of Londro sand to Venice, & from thence into Turkey by Halepo & Tripoli in Syria, from whence, as by the second and third hands, with great charges of many customs and other things thereunto pertaining, they are at the length brought into your country and cities of Persia. What merchandise are those? said the Sophy. Edward's answered, that they were great abundance of fine kerseys, of broad clotheses of all sorts & colour's, as scarlets, violets, and other of the finest clot of all the world. Also that the Venetians brought out of England not only such clotheses ready made, The Venetians traffic in England. but furthermore great plenty of fine wool to mingle with their wools, of which they could not otherwise make fine clot: affirming that there went out of England yearly that ways, above two hundred thousand kerseys, and as many broad clotheses, beside fine wool & other merchandise, beside also the great abundance of like clotheses, the which were carried into Spain, Barbary, & divers other countries. The Sophy then asked him by what means such merchandise might be brought into Persia. Right well sir (said he) by the way of Moscovia, with more safety and in much shorter time than the Venetians can bring them: first from England to Genice, and from thence into Persia by the way of Turkey. And therefore if it shall please your majesty to grant us free passage into all your dominions, with such privileges as may appertain to the safeguard of our lives, goods and merchandise, we will furnish your countries with all such merchandise and other commodities, in shorter time, and better cheap than you may have the same at the Turks hands. This talk and much more was between the Sophy and Edwards for the space of two hours: all which things liked him so well, that shortly after he granted to the said Arthur Edward's other privileges for the trade of merchandise into Persia, all written in Azure and gold letters, and delivered unto the lord keeper of the Sophy his great seal. The lord keeper was named Coche Califay, who said that when the Shaugh (that is the king or prince) did sit to seal any letters, that last privilege should be sealed & delivered to Laurence Chapman. In this privilege is one principal article for servants or merchants: That if the Agent do perceive that upon their naughty doings, they would become Busormen, that then the Agent wheresoever he shall found any such servant or servants, to take them and put them in prison, and no person to keep them or maintain them. This article was granted in respect of a custom among the Persians, being Mahumetans, whose manner is friendly to receive and well entertain, both with gifts and living, all such Christians, as forsaking their religion, will become of the religion of the Persians. Insomuch that before this privilege was granted, there was great occasion of naughty servants to deceive and rob their masters, that under the colour of professing that religion, they might live among them in such safety, that you might have no law against them, either to punish them or to recover your goods at their hands, or elsewhere. For before the Sophy (whom they say to be a marvelous wise and gracious prince) seemed to favour our nation, and to grant them such privileges, the people abused them very much, and so hated them, that they would not touch them, but reviled them, calling them Cafars and Gawars, which is, infidels or misbelievers. But after they see how greatly the prince favoured them, they had them afterward in great reverence, and would kiss their hands and use them very friendly. For before they took it for no wrong to rob them, defraud them, bear false witness against them, and such merchandizes as they had bought or sold, make them take it again, and change it as often as them listed. And if any stranger by chance had killed one of them, they would have the life of two for one slain, and for the debts of any stranger would take the goods of any other of the same nation, with many other such like abuses, in manner unknown to the prince, before the complaints of our men made unto him for reformation of such abuses: which were the cause that no merchant strangers of contrary religion dared come into his dominions with their commodities, which might be greatly to the profit of him and his subjects. The Articles of the second privilege delivered to Laurence Chapman, which are to be annexed unto the former privilege. 10 Item, that the merchants have free liberty, as in their first privilege, to go unto Gilan, and all other places of his dominions, now or hereafter when occasion shall be given. 11 Item, if by misfortune any of their ships should break, or fall upon any part of his dominions on the sea coast, his subjects to help with all speed to save the goods and to be delivered to any of the said merchants that liveth: or otherwise to be kept in safety until any of them come to demand them. 12 Item, if any of the said merchants departed this life in any city or town, or on the high way, his governors there to see their goods safely kept, and to be delivered to any other of them that shall demand them. 13 Item, the said merchants to take such camel-men as they themselves will, being country people, and that no Kissell Bash do let or hinder them. And the said owners of the camels to be bond to answer them such goods as they shall receive at their hands, and the camel-men to stand to the losses of their camels or horses. 14 Item more, that the said Catiers do demand no more of them, than their agreement was to pay them. 15 Item more, if they be at a price with any carriers, & have given earnest, the camel-men to see they keep their promise. 16 Item, if any of the said merchants be in fear to travel, to give them one or more to go with them and see them in safety with their goods, to the place they will go unto. 17 Item, in all places, to say, in all cities, towns or villages on the high way, his subjects to give them honest room, and victuals for their money. 18 Item, the said merchants may in any place, where they shall think best, build or buy any house or houses to their own uses. And no person to molest or trouble them, and to stand in any Caravan where they will, or shall think good. THe commodities which the merchants may have by this trade into Persia are thought to be great, and may in time perhaps be greater than the Portugals trade into the East Indies, forasmuch as by the way of Persia into England, the return may be made every year once: whereas the Portugals make the return from calicut but once in two years, by a long and dangerous voyage all by sea: for where as the city and Island of Ormus, lying in the gulf of Persia, is the most famous Mart town of all East India, whither all the merchandises of India are brought, the same may in shorter time and more safely be brought by land and rivers through Persia, even unto the Caspian sea, and from thence by the countries of Russie or Moscovia by rivers, even unto the city of Yeraslave, and from thence by land 180. miles to Vologda, and from thence again all by water even unto England. The merchandises which be had out of Persia for the return of wares are silk of all sorts of colours, both raw and wrought. Also all manner of spices and drugs, pearls & precious stones, likewise carpets of divers sorts, with divers other rich merchandises. It was told me of them that came last from Persia, that there is more silk brought into some one city of Persia, then is of clot brought into the city of London. Also that one village of Armenia named Gilgat doth carry yearly five hundred, and sometime a thousand mules laden with silk to Halepo in Soria of Turkey, being 4. days journey from Tripoli, where the Uenetians have their continual abiding, and sand from thence silks which they return for English kerseys and other clotheses into all parts of Christendom. The manner how the Christians become Busormen, and forsake their religion. I Have noted here before that if any Christian will become a Busorman, that is, oue that hath forsaken his faith, and be a Mahometan of their religion, they give him many gifts, and sometime also a living. The manner is, that when the devil is entered into his heart to forsake his faith, he resorteth to the Soltan or governor of the town, to whom he maketh protestation of his devilish purpose. The governor appoints him a horse, and one to ride before him on another horse, bearing a sword in his hand, and the Busorman bearing an arrow in his hand, and rideth in the city, cursing his father and mother: and if ever after he return to his own religion, he is guilty of death, as is signified by the sword born before him. A young man, a servant of one of our merchants, because he would not abide the correction of his master for his faults, was minded to forsake his faith. But (as God would) he fallen suddenly sick and died, before he gave himself to the devil. If he had become a Busorman, he had greatly troubled the merchants: for if he would then have said that half their goods had been his, they would have given credit unto him. For the avoiding of which inconvenience, it was granted in the privileges, that no Busorman, etc. as there appeareth. In Persia in divers places oxen and cows bear the tents and household stuff of the poor men of the country, which have neither camels nor horses. Of the tree which beareth Bombasin cotton, or Gossampine. IN Persia is great abundance of Bombasin cotton, & very fine: this groweth on a certain little tree or brier, not past the height of a man's waste or little more: the tree hath a slender stalk like unto a brier, or to a carnation gillifloure, with very many branches, bearing on every branch a fruit or rather a cod, growing in round form, containing in it the cotton: and when this bud or cod cometh to the bigness of a walnut, it openeth and showeth forth the cotton, which groweth still in bigness until it be like a fleece of wool as big as a man's fist, and beginneth to be lose, and then they gather it as it were the ripe fruit. The seeds of these trees are as big as peason, and are black, and somewhat flat, and not round: they sow them in ploughed ground, where they grow in the fields in great abundance in many countries in Persia, and divers other regions. The writing of the Persians. ARthur Edward's showed me a letter of the Sophy, written in their letters backward, subsigned with the hands both of the Sophy & his Secretary. The Sophy's subscription was only one word (his name I suppose was Shaugh) written in golden letters upon read paper. The whole letter was also written on the same piece of read paper, being long & narrow, about the length of a foot, and not past three inches broad. The private signet of the Sophy was a round printed mark about the bigness of a royal, only printed upon the same paper without any ware or other seal, the letter seem so misshapen and disordered, that a man would think it were somewhat scribbled in manner at adventures. Yet they say that almost every letter with his prick or circumflexe signifieth a whole word. Insomuch that in a piece of paper as big as a man's hand their writing doth contain as much as doth ours almost in a sheet of paper. The fift voyage into Persia made by M. Thomas Banister, and master Geoffrey ducat, Agents for the Moscovie company, begun from England in the year 1568. and continuing to the year 1574. following. Written by P.I. from the mouth of M. Lionel Plumtree. Upon the 3. day of july 1568. they embarked themselves at Yeraslave, being accompanied with Lionel Plumtree, and some 12. English men more, in a Bark called the Thomas Bonaventure of the burden of 70. tons, taking also along with them of Russes to the number of 40. for their use and employments. It fallen out in the way, before they came to Astracan by 40. miles, that the Nagaian Tartars, The English Bark assaulted near Astracan by the Nagaian Tartars. being a kind of thievish and cruel people, made an assault upon them with 18. boats of there's, each of them being armed, some with swords, some with spears, and some others with bows and arrows, and the whole number of them they discovered to be about 300. men. They for their parts, although they could have wished a quiet voyage and journey without blows and violence, yet not willing to be spoilt with such Barbarians as they were, began to defend themselves against their assault, by means whereof a very terrible & fierce fight followed and continued hot & sharp for two hours, wherein our men so well played their parts with their calivers, that they forced the Tartars to flee with the loss of 120. of them, as they were afterwards informed by a Ruff prisoner, which escaped from the Nagaians, and came to them to Astracan, at which town they arrived the 20. of August. In this town of Astracan they were somewhat hindered of their journey, Astra●an besieged by 70000. Turks and Tartars. and stayed the space of six weeks by reason of a great army of 70000. Turks and Tartars which came thither upon the instigation of the great Turk, hoping either to have surprised it suddenly or by continuance of siege to win the same. But in the end by reason that the winter approached, as also, because they had received news of a great expedition, which the Emperor of Russia was in providing for the defence of the said place, they were constrained to raise their siege, & to leave the town as they found it. Upon their departure our men had opportunity to proceed on their voyage, and using the occasion, they left Astracan, and came to Bilbil towards the end of October: from whence they went to Shavaran, where (as they lodged in their tents) they were greatly molested with strange troops of sholcaves or foxes, which were so busy with them that they took their meat and victuals out of their lodgings, and devoured to the bore bones in one night a mighty wild Boar that was sent unto them for a present from the governor of the country. Having stayed here some three or four days in providing of carriages and other necessaries for their journey, they departed thence and came to Shamaky, which is four days journey from the aforesaid Shavaran. In this town of Shamaky their whole company spent out the Winter, and from thence in April following they took their journey towards Ardovil a place of great account and much esteemed, by reason of the sepulchers of the Emperors of Persia, which for the most partly there buried, and so is grown to be a place of their superstitious devotion. In this town of Ardovil they so iourned the space of 5. or 6. months, finding some traffic and sales, but to no purpose, the town being more inhabited and frequented with gentlemen and noblemen than merchants. The difference of religion bread great broils in this town while they remained there: for the brother sought the destruction of the brother, and the nearest kinsmen rose up one against another, insomuch that one of their company Lionel Plumtree hath seen in one day sometimes 14. slain in a garboil. And he being further desirous to see their manner of fight, or rather somewhat more curious to behold, then mistrustful of their blows, was like to have born a share in their bloody tragedy, being twice wounded with their shot and arrows, although not to the death. At this town the Shaw Thamas sent a messenger for our men to come to his presence at Casbin, to whom Thomas Banister failed not to go, although master ducat lay very sick at Ardovil, and in such case that they almost despaired of his recovery. He being come to the Shaugh was received and entertained of him with great favour and special countenance, and had the most part of all his requests granted him, this only excepted, that whereas he entreated a privilege or sufferance to transport and carry through his dominions certain horses into India, the Shaugh seemed loath to yield thereunto, and yet did not altogether deny it, but referred it to some further time. As for the point of traffic, he could not make that motion or request that was not so soon granted as it was preferred: and the Shaugh himself bought there of him many kerseys, and made him as good payment as any man could wish, and oftentimes would sand his money for the wares before the wares were delivered, that he might be the surer of this honourable intended de●ling. One thing somewhat strange I thought good in this place to remember, that whereas he purposed to sand a great sum of money to Mecca in Arabia, for an offering to Mahomet their prophet, he would not sand any money or coin of his own, but sent to the English merchants to exchange his coin for there's, according to the value of it, yielding this reason for the same, that the money of the merchants was got by good means, and with good consciences, and was therefore worthy to be made for an oblation to their holy proph●t, but his own money was rather got by fraud, oppression and unhonest means, and therefore was not fit to serve for so holy a use. After six months spent in Casbin the said Thomas Banister departed towards the great city of Tauris, where being arrived, he found M. ducat well recovered of his sickness, whom he had left ill at Ardovil. At this City the foresaid Master ducat made sales of the English commodities, remaining there to that purpose the space of two years and a half. And besides other kinds of merchandises of that country, he bought great store of galls which grow in great abundance at a place within one days journey of the aforesaid Tauris. After this Thomas Banister departed from Tauris, and went to Shamaky to give order for the transporting of those commodities which were bought for England. And baning dispatched them away, he went there hence to Arrash, a town four days journey with camels from Shamaky for the buying of raw silk. The death of Thomas Banister and Laurence Chapman. But there by reason of the unwholesomeness of the air, and corruption of the waters in the hot time of the year, he with Laurence Chapman and some other English men unhappily died: which being known of M. ducat, he immediately came from Tauris to Arrash, to take possession of the goods, for otherwise by the custom of the country, if there had been no merchant or other friend of his to enter upon that which he left, all had fallen into the Shaughs hands, which goods notwithstanding could not be recovered from the officers which had seized and sealed up the same, until M. ducat had been in person with the Shaugh, and had procured his order for the delivery thereof. Lionel Plumtree, in the mean time that M. ducat was at Casbin in suit for goods, upon the persuasion of certain Bogharians, made provision for a journey to Cathaia, with carriages and commodities, and having all things ready, departed secretly with a Caravan: but being go forward on his way six days journey, some fifty horsemen by the procurement of Humphrey Greensell (who afterwards being at Ormus in the East Indies, Humphrey Greensell burned at Ormus. was there cruelly burned in the Inquisition by the Portugeses) were sent after him in post from Soltan Erasbec, the Shaughs lieutenant, to fetch him back again, not suffering him to pass on so perilous and dangerous a journey for fear of divers inconveniences that might follow. After this M. ducat returned from Casbin to Shamaky again, and immediately made preparation for a journey to Cassan, being about four days journey from Shamaky, and carried with him four mules laden with money. In the way of his travel he passed through Persepolis, sometime the royal seat of the Emperors of Persia, but now altogether ruined and defaced, whereof remain to be seen at this day two gates only that are distant one from the other the space of 12. miles, and some few pinnacles in the mountains and conveyances for fresh water. The foresaid Cassan is a town that consists altogether of merchandise, and the best trade of all the land is there, being greatly frequented by the merchants of India. Here our men bought great store of all manner of wrought silks, and s●me spices, and good store of Turkey stones. The town is much to be commended for the civil and good government that is there used. An idle person is not suffered to live amongst them. The child that is but five years old is set to some labour. Not ill rule, disorder or riot by gaming or otherwise, is there permitted. Playing at Dices or Cards is by the law present death. At this Cashan they remained about the space of ten weeks, and then came down again to Skamaky, and after some time spent in divers places of the country for buying of raw silk and other commodities, they came at last to Shavaran again, where their ship was in harbour, and then they shipped all their goods and embarked themselves also, setting sail the eight day of May, in the year 1573. intending to fetch Astracan. By reason of the variety of the winds and dangerous flats of the Caspian sea, they beaten it up and down some 20. days. And the 28. day riding at anchor upon the flats, certain Russee Cassaks, which are outlaws or banished men, having intelligence of their being there, and of the great wealth that they had with them, came to them with divers boats under the colour of friendship, and entered their ship, but immediately they took their hatchets & slay divers of the Russes that were of the ship upon the hatches: Whereupon master ducat, Lionel Plumtree, William Smith, the master, a man of singular valour, and Amos rial being under the Spardecke, did so well behave themselves, that they skowred the hatches, and slay 14. of the Cassaks gunner's, and hurt and wounded about 30. more, being of them all in number 150. at the lest, armed with calivers and other weapons fit for so villainous a purpose. M. Ducat notwithstanding and the rest aforesaid received divers wounds from the enemy, The English ship taken by the Cassaks. and were so hurt, and withal so oppressed with the multitude and force of them, that they were at last constrained to make an agreement with the Cassaks by rendering the ship into their hands, having received first their oaths sworn by their crucifixes, not to do any further harm to their people. Thus the ship being taken, and all the English grievously hurt, the Cassaks immediately discharged the ship of them, putting them all into the ship boat with two or three Persian targets full of horse flesh and swine's flesh, without further victuals or relief: they being in that case, made the best haste they could to get to Astracan: and being come to the town, master ducat made great suit to the captain to have men and boats set out for the rescuing and recovering of the ship if it were possible: who immediately sent out his son with forty boats and five hundred men to pursue the Pirates, and by good hap came to the place where they rid at anchor with the ship, but by reason of their foolishness in striking up their drums before they were come near them, the Cassaks discovering the boats, cut their gables and put out to sea, whereupon the boats not being able to follow them, returned again to Astracan. After which, 60. boats more were sent out to pursue them again the second time: & that second army came to a place where they found many of those Cassaks and slay them, and found out the places where they had hide certain parcels of their goods in the earth in the chests of the ship: all which they recovered again for the English merchants, to the value of 5000. li. of 30. or 40. thousand pound, but all the rest the Cassaks in the ship had carried away. In the same place they found further divers of the Cassaks which the Englishmen had slain, buried in the earth, and wrapped some in forty or fifty yards of Satin and Taffetas, and some in Turkey carpets cut & spoilt by those villainous Pirates, of whom afterwards as many as could be taken by the Persians who entirely loved the English merchants, were put to most cruel torments in all places according to their deserts. But our men being thus spoiled of their goods, and wounded in their bodies, remained about two months at Astracan for their better recovery: & having got some reasonable strength, they then provided boats and went up the river of Volga to Cazan, with such goods as they had recovered from the Cassaks. From Cazan they went towards Yeraslave, but in the way the ice intercepted them about the beginning of October, Ice in the beginning of October. where suddenly in the night they were taken with a cruel and vehement frost, and there withal the waters so congealed, that their boats were crushed and cut in sunder with the ice, whereby they sustained both a further danger of life and loss of goods: but as much as they could preserve with much ado, they conveyed over land in fleds to Vologda, and from thence sent much of it to Saint Nicholas to be laden in the ships for England. But Master ducat, Lionel Plumtree and Amos rial went with some parcels to the Mosko, and there sold certain quantities of it to the Emperor, who pitying the mighty loss that they had sustained by his own rebellious people and subjects, bought himself as much as he liked, and paid present money for the same. So that Winter being spent out in Mosko, and such wares provided by them as served for England, they departed to Saint Nicholas, and there embarked in the month of August: and having endured a very terrible passage in nine weeks and three days, with some hardness of victuals, contrary and furious winds, and other sea accidents, they arrived at London in the month of October, one thousand five hundred seventy and four, 1574 and so made an end of an unfortunate voyage: which if it had pleased God to prospero, that all things had come home as safely as they were carefully provided, and painfully laboured for, it had proved the richest voyage and most profitable return of commodity, that had ever been undertaken by English merchants, who, notwithstanding all misfortunes, lost nothing of their principal adventure, but only the interest and gain that might have risen by the use of their stock in the mean time. Further observations concerning the state of Persia, taken in the foresaid fift voyage into those parts, and written by M. Geffrey ducat, one of the Agents employed in the same. SHamaky is the fairest town in all Media, and the chiefest commodity of that country is raw silk, & the greatest plenty thereof is at a town three days journey from Shamaky called Arash: and within 3. days journey of Arash is a country named Grosin, whose inhabitants are Christians, & are thought to be they which are otherwise called Georgians: Grosin or Georgia. there is also much silk to be sold. The chief town of that country is called Zegham, from whence is carried yearly into Persia, an incredible quantity of Hasell nuts, all of one sort and goodness, and as good and thin shaled as are our filberts. Of these are carried yearly the quantity of 4000 Camels laden. Of the name of the Sophy of Persia, & why he is called the Shaugh, and of other customs. THe king of Persia (whom here we call the great Sophy) is not there so called, but is called the Shaugh. It were there dangerous to call him by the name of Sophy, because that Sophy in the Persian tongue, is a beggar, & it were as much as to call him, The great beggar. He lieth at a town called Casbin, which is situate in a goodly fertile valley of 3. or 4. days journey in length. The town is but evil builded, and for the most part all of brick, not hardened with fire, but only dried at the sun, as is the most part of the building of all Persia. The king hath not come out of the compass of his own house in 33. or 34. years, whereof the cause is not known, but as they say, it is upon a superstition of certain prophecies to which they are greatly addicted: he is now about 80. years of age, and very lusty. And to keep him the more lusty, he hath 4. wives always, and about 300. concubines, and once in the year he hath all the fair maidens and wives that may be found a great way about brought unto him, whom he diligently peruseth, feeling them in all parts, taking such as he liketh, and putting away some of them which he hath kept before, & with them that he putteth away, he gratifieth some such as hath done him the best service. And if he chance to take any man's wife, her husband is very glad thereof, and in recompense of her, oftentimes he giveth the husband one of his old store, whom he thankfully receiveth. How strangers are used. If any stranger being a Christian shall come before him, he must put on a new pair of shoes made in that country, and from the place where he entereth, there is digged as it were a causey all the way, until he come to the place where he shall talk with the kings who standeth always above in a gallery, when he talketh with any strangers: and when the stranger is departed, then is the causey cast down, and the ground made even again. Of the religion of the Persians. THeir religion is all one with the Turks, saving that they differ who was ●he right successor of Mahumet. The Turks say that it was one Homer and his son Usman. But the Persians say that it was one Mortus Ali, which they would prove in this manner. They say there was a counsel called to decide the matter who should be the successor: and after they had called upon Mahumet to reveal unto them his will and pleasure therein, there c●me among them a little Lizard, who declared that it was Mahumets' pleasure that Mortus Ali should be his successor. A goodly and well grounded religion. This Mortus Ali was a valiant man and slay Homer the Turks prophet. He had a sword that he fought withal, with the which he conquered all his enemies, and killed as many as he struck. When Mortus Ali died, there came a holy prophet, who gave them warning that shortly there would come a white Camel, upon the which he charged them to lay the body and sword of Mortus Ali, and to suffer the Camel to carry it whither he would. The which being performed, the said white camel carried the sword & body of Mortus Ali unto the sea side, and the camel going a good way into the sea, was with the body & sword of Mortus Ali taken up into heaven, for whose return they have long looked in Persia. And for this cause the king always keepeth a horse ready saddled for him, and also of late kept for him one of his own daughters to be his wife, but she died in the year of our Lord, 1573. And they say furthermore, that if he come not shortly, they shallbe of our belief: much like the jews, looking for their Messiah to come & reign ●mong them like a worldly king for ever, and deliver them from the captivity which they are now in among the Christians, Turks, and Gentiles. The Shaugh or king of Persia is nothing in strength & power comparable unto the Turk: for although he hath a great Dominion, yet is it nothing to be compared with the Turks: neither hath he any great Ordinance or guns, or harquebuses. Notwithstanding his elder son Ishmael about 25. years past, fought a great battle with the Turk, and slay of his army about an hundredth thousand men: who after his return, was by his father cast into prison, and there continueth until this day: for his father the Shaugh had him in suspicion that he would have put him down, and have taken the regiment unto himself. Their opinion of Christ. Their opinion of Christ is, that he was an holy man and a great Prophet, but not like unto Mahumet: saying, that Mahumet was the last prophet by whom all things were finished, & was therefore the greatest. To prove that Christ was not God's son, they say that God had never wife, and therefore could have no son or children. They go on pilgrimage from the furthest part of Persia unto Mecha in Arabia, and by the way they visit also the sepulchre of Christ at jerusalem, which they now call Couch Kaly. The most part of spices which cometh into Persia is brought from the Island of Ormus, situate in the gulf of Persia called Sinus Persicus, between the main land of Persia and Arabia, etc. The Portugeses touch at Ormus both in their voyage to East India and homeward again, and from thence bring all such spices as are occupied in Persia and the regions thereabouts: for of pepper they bring very small quantity, and that at a very dear price. The Turks oftentimes bring pepper from Mecha in Arabia, which they cell as good cheap as that which is brought from Ormus. Silks are brought from no place, but are wrought all in their own country. Ormus is within two miles of the main land of Persia, and the Portugeses fetch their fresh water there, for the which they pay tribute to the Shaugh or king of Persia. Within Persia they have neither gold nor silver mines, Their money. yet have they coined money both of gold and silver, and also other small monies of copper. There is brought into Persia an incredible sum of Dutch dollars, which for the most part are there employed in raw silk. They have few books and less learning, Their books and learning. and are for the most part very brutish in all kind of good sciences, saving in some kind of silk works, and in such things as pertain to the furniture of horses, in the which they are passing good. Their laws are as in their religion, wicked and detestable. Such was the law of the Macedonians for treason. And if any man offend the prince, he punisheth it extremely, not only in the person that offendeth, but also in his children, and in as many as are of his kin. Theft and murder are often punished, yet none otherwise then pleaseth him that is ruler in the place where the offence is committed, and as the party offending is able to make friends, or with money to redeem his offence. There is oftentimes great mutiny among the people in great Towns which of Mortus Ali his sons was greatest: Dissension for religion. insomuch that sometimes in the town two or three thousand people are together by the ears for the same, as I have seen in the town of Shamaky and Ardovil, and also in the great City of Teveris, where I have seen a man coming from fight, in a bravery bringing in his hand four or five men's heads, carrying them by the hair of the head: for although they shave their heads most commonly twice a week, yet leave they a tuft of hair upon their heads about 2. foot long. I have inquired why they leave the tuft of hair upon their heads. They answer, that thereby they may easilier be carried up into heaven when they are dead. For their religion, they have certain priests who are appareled like unto other men. They use every morning and afternoon to go up to the tops of their churches, and tell there a great tale of Mahumet and Mortus Ali: and other preaching have they none. Their Lent is after Christmas, not in abstinence from flesh only, but from all meats and drinks, until the day be off the sky, but then they eat sometimes the whole night. And although it be against their religion to drink wine, Their priests and preaching. yet at night they will take great excess thereof and be drunken. Their Lent beginneth at the new Moon, Their Lent. and they do not enter into it until they have seen the same: neither yet doth their Lent end, until they have seen the next new Moon, although the same (through close weather) should not be seen in long time. They have among them certain holy men whom they call Setes, Their saints and holy men. counted holy for that they or any of their ancestors have been on pilgrimage at Mecha in Arabia, for whosoever goeth thither on pilgrimage to visit the sepulchre of Mahumet, Pilgrimage. both he and all his posterity are ever after called Setes, and counted for holy men, and have no less opinion of themselves. And if a man contrary one of these, he will say that he is a Saint, and therefore aught to be believed, and that he cannot lie, although he lie never so shamefully. Thus a man may be too holy, and no pride is greater than spiritual pride of a mind puffed up with his own opinion of holiness. These Setes do use to shave their heads all over, saving on the sides a little above the temples, the which they leave unshaven, and use to braid the same as women do their hair, and to wear it as long as it will grow. Every morning they use to worship God, Mahumet, and Mortus Ali, Their prayer & worshipping of God and Mahumet. & in praying turn themselves toward the South, because Mecha lieth that way from them. When they be in travel on the way, many of them will (as soon as the Sun rises) light from their horses, turning themselves to the South, and will lay their gowns before them, with their swords and beads, and so standing upright worship to the South: and many times in their prayers kneel down and kiss their beads, or somewhat else that lieth before them. The men or women do never go to make water, Washing and outward cleanliness. but they use to take with them a pot with a spout, and after they have made water, they flash some water upon their privy parts, and thus do the women as well as the men: and this is a matter of great religion among them, and in making of water, the men do cowre down as well as the women. When they earnestly affirm a matter, they will swear by God, Mahumet, or Mortus Ali, Their swearing. and sometimes by all at one's: as thus in their own language, saying, Olla, Mahumet, Ali. But if he will swear by the Shaughs head, in saying Shaugham basshe, you may then believe him if you will. The Shaugh keepeth a great magnificence in his court: The king's magnificence. and although sometimes in a month or six weeks none of his nobility or counsel can see him, yet go they daily to the court, and tarry there a certain time until they have known his pleasure whether he will command them any thing or not. He is watched every night with a thousand of his men, which are called his Curshes, Pursuivants. wh● are they that he useth to sand into the Countries about his greatest affairs. When he sendeth any of them (if it be to the greatest of any of his nobility) he will obey them although the messenger should beaten any of them to death. The king's company with his wives and concubines. The Shaugh occupieth himself always two days in the week in his Bathsto●e, and when he is disposed to go thither, he taketh with him five or six of his concubines, more or less, and one day they consume in washing, rubbing, and bathing him, and the other day in paring his nails, and other matters. The greatest part of his life he spendeth amongst his wives and concubines. He hath now reigned about fifty and four years, and is therefore counted a very holy man, as they ever esteem their kings, if they have reigned fifty years or more: for they measure the favour of God by a man's prosperity, or his displeasure by a man's misfortune or adversity. The great Turk hath this Shaugh in great reverence, because he hath reigned king so long time. The succession of the kingdom. I have said before that he hath four wives, and as many concubines as him listeth: and if he chance to have any children by any of his concubines, and be minded that any of those children shall inherit after him, then when one of his wives dieth, the concubine whom he so favoureth, he maketh one of his wives, and the child whom he so loveth best, he ordaineth to be king after him. Circumcision. What I herded of the manner of their marriages, for offending of honest consciences and chaste ears, I may not commit to writing: their fasting I have declared before. They use circumcision unto children of seven years of age, as do the Turks. Their houses and manner of eating. Their houses (as I have said) are for the most part made of brick, not burned but only dried in the Sun: In their houses they have but little furniture of household stuff, except it be their carpets and some copper work: for all their kettles & dishes wherein they eat, are of copper. They eat on the ground, sitting on carpets cross legged as do Tailors. There is no man so simple but he sitteth on a carpet better or worse, and the whole house or room wherein he sitteth is wholly covered with carpets. Their houses are all with flat roofs covered with earth: and in the Summer time they lie upon them all night. They have many bond servants both men and women. Bondmen and bondwomen, is one of the best kind of merchandise that any man may bring. When they buy any maids or young women, Bondmen and bondwomen. they use to feel them in all parts, as with us men do horses: when one hath bought a young woman, if he like her, he will keep her for his own use as long as him listeth, and then selleth her to an other, who doth the like with her. So that one woman is sometimes sold in the space of four or five years, twelve, or twenty times. Women bought & sold, and let to hire. If a man keep a bondwoman for his own use, and if he found her to be false to him, and give her body to any other, he may kill her if he will. When a merchant or traveler cometh to any town where he intendeth to tarry any time, he hireth a woman, or sometimes 2. or 3. during his abode there. And when he cometh to an other town, he doth the like in the same also: for there they use to put out their women to hire, as we do here hackney horses. There is a very great river which runneth through the plain of javat, which falls into the Caspian sea, Abundance of oil issuing out of the ground. by a town called Bachu, near unto which town is a strange thing to behold. For there issueth out of the ground a marvelous quantity of oil, which oil they fetch from the uttermost bounds of all Persia: it serveth all the country to burn in their houses. This oil is black, and is called Nefte: they use to carry it throughout all the Country upon cows & asses, of which you shall oftentimes meet with four or five hundred in a company. There is also by the said town of Bachu another kind of oil which is white and very precious: and is supposed to be the same that here is called Petroleum. Oleum Petroleum. There is also not far from Shamaky, a thing like unto tar, and issueth out of the ground, whereof we have made the proof, that in our ships it serveth well in the stead of tar. Two sorts of cows. In Persia are cows of two sorts: the one like unto ours in these parts: the other are marvelous evil favoured, with great bones and very lean, and but little hair upon them: their milk is walowish sweet: they are like unto them which are spoken of in the Scripture, which in the dream of Pharaoh signified the seven dear years: for a leaner or more evil favoured beast can no man see. In the country of Shiruan (sometime called Media) if you chance to lie in the fields near unto any village, Foxes in great plenty. as the twilight beginneth, you shall have about you two or three hundred foxes, which make a marvelous wawling or howling: and if you look not well to your victuals, it shall scape them hardly but they will have part with you. The Caspian sea doth neither ebb nor flow, except sometimes by rages of wound it swelleth up very high: the water is very salt. Howbeit, the quantity of water that falls out of the great river of Volga maketh the water fresh at the lest twenty leagues into the sea. The Caspian sea is marvelous full of fish, but no kind of monstrous fish, as far as I could understand, yet hath it sundry sorts of fish which are not in these parts of the world. The mutton there is good, and the sheep great, having very great rumps with much fat upon them. Rice and mutton is their chief victual. The copy of a letter sent to the Emperor of Moscovie, by Christopher Hodsdon and William Burrough, Anno 1570. MOst mighty Emperor, etc. Whereas Sir William Garrard and his fellowship the company of English merchants, this last Winter sent hither to the narve three ships laden with merchandise, which was left here, and with it Christopher Hodsdon one of the said fellowship, and their chief doer in this place, who when he came first hither, and until such time as he had dispatched those ships from hence, was in hope of goods to lad twelve or thirteen sails of good ships, against this shipping, wherefore he written unto the said Sir William Garrard and his company to sand hither this spring the said number of thirteen ships. And because that in their coming hither we found the Freebooters on the sea, and supposing this year that they would be very strong, he therefore gave the said sir William and his Company advise to furnish the said number of ships so strongly, as they should be able to withstand the force of the Freebooters: whereupon they have according to his advise sent this year thirteen good ships together well furnished with men and munition, and all other necessaries for the wars, of which 13. ships William Burrough one of the said fellowship is captain general, unto whom there was given in charge, that if he met with any the Dansk Freebooters, or whatsoever robbers and thieves that are enemies to your highness, he should do his best to apprehended and take them. It so happened that the tenth day of this month the said William with his fleet, met with six ships of the Freebooters near unto an Island called Tu●tee, which is about 50. versts from narve, Five ships of Freeboters taken. unto which Freebooters he with his fleet gave chase, and took of them the Admiral, wherein were left but three men, the rest were fled to shore in their boats amongst the woods upon Tuttee, on which ship he set fire and burned her. He also took four more of those ships which are now here, and one ship escaped him: out of which four ships some of the men fled in their boats and so escaped, others were slain in fight, and some of them when they see they could not escape, cast themselves willingly into the Sea and were drowned. So that in these five ships were left but 83. men. The said Wil Borough when he came hither to narve, finding here Christopher Hodsdon aforenamed, both the said Christopher and William together, in the name of sir William Garrard and the rest of their whole company and fellowship, did present unto your highness of those Freebooters taken by our ships 82. men, which we delivered here unto Knez Voivoda, the 13. of this month. One man of those Freebooters we have kept by us, whose name is hance Snarke a captain. And the cause why we have done it is this: When we should have delivered him with the rest of his fellows unto the Voivodaes' officers, there were of our Englishmen more than 50. which fallen on their knees unto us, requesting that he might be reserved in the ship, and carried back into England: and the cause why they so earnestly entreated for him, is, that some of those out Englishmen had been taken with Freebooters, and by his means had their lives saved, with great favour besides, which they found at his hands. Wherefore if it please your highness to permit it, we will carry him home with us into England, wherein we request your majesties favour: notwithstanding what you command of him shallbe observed. We have also sent our servant to your highness with such bestellings and writings as we found in those ships: whereby your Majesty may see by whom, and in what order they were set out, and what they pretended, which writings we have commended unto Knez Yorive your majesties Voivoda at Plesco, by our servant. And have requested his furtherance for the safe delivery of them to your majesties hands: which writings when you have perused, we desire that they may be returned unto us by this our servant, as speedily as may be: for these ships which we now have here will be soon dispatched from hence, for that we have not goods to lad above the half of them. And the cause is, we have this winter (by your majesties order) been kept from trafiquing, to the companies great loss. But hoping your majesty will hereafter have consideration thereof, and that we may have free liberty to traffic in all parts of your majesties Countries, according to the privilege given unto us, we pray for your majesties health, with prosperous success to the pleasure of God. From narve the 15. of july, Anno 1570. Your majesties most humble and obedient, Christopher Hodsdon. William Borough. A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henry Lane, touching the burning of the City of Moscow by the Crimme Bohemian-tartar: written in Rose Island the 5. day of August, 1571. 1571 MAster Lane I have me commended unto you. The 27. of july I arrived here with the Magdalene, and the same day and hour did the Swallow and Harry arrive here also. At our coming I found master Proctor here, by whom we understand very heavy newest The Moscow is burned every stick by the Crimme the 24. day of May last, The city of Moscow burned by the Crimme. Englishmen smothered at the burning of Moscow. and an innumerable number of people: and in the English house was smothered Thomas Southam, Tofild, Waverley, Green's wife and children, two children of R●●●, & more to the number of 25. people were stifled in our Beer seller: and yet in the same seller was Ralph, his wife, john Browne, and john Clarke preserved, which was wonderful. And there went into that seller master Glover and master Rowley also: M. Glover and M. Rowley preserved. but because the heat was so great, they came forth again with much peril, so that a boy at their heels was taken with the fire, yet they escaped blindfold into another seller, and there, as Gods will was, they were preserved. The Emperor fled out of the field, and many of his people were carried away by the Crimme Bohemian-tartar: to wit, all the young people, the old they would not meddle with, but let them alone, and so with exceeding much spoil and infinite prisoners, they returned home again. What with the Crimme on the one side, and with his cruelty on the other, he hath but few people left. Commend me to mistress Lane your wife, and to M. Locke, and to all our friends. Yours to command, Richard Vscombe. A note of the proceeding of M. Anthony jenkinson, Ambassador from the Queen's most excellent Majesty, to the Emperor of Russia, from the time of his arrival there, being the 26. of july 1571. until his departure from thence the 23. of july 1572. THe said 26. day I arrived with the two good ships called the Swallow and the Harry in safety, at the Bay of S. Nicholas in Russia aforesaid, and landed at Rose Island, from whence immediately I sent away my interpreter Daniel Silvester in post towards the Court, being then at the Moscow, whereby his majesty might as well be advertised of my arrival in his Dominions, as also to know his highness pleasure for my further access. And remaining at the said Island two or three days, to have conference with your Agent about your affairs, I did well perceive by the words of the said Agent and others your servants, that I was entered into great peril and danger of my life: for they reported to me that they herded said at the Moscow, that the prince's displeasure was such against me, that if ever I came into his country again, I should lose my head, with other words of discouragement. Whereat I was not a little dismayed, not knowing whether it were best for me to proceed forward, or to return home again with the ships for the safeguard of my life. But calling to mind mine innocency and good meaning, and knowing myself not to have offended his Majesty any manner of ways either in word or deed, or by making former promises not performed, heretofore by mine enemies falsely surmised: and being desirous to come to the trial thereof, whereby to justify my true dealings, and to reprove my said enemies as well here as there, who have not ceased of late by untrue reports to impute the cause of the said Emperor's displeasure towards you to proceed of my dealings, and promises made to him at my last being with him (although by his letters to the Queen's Majesty, and by his own words to me the contrary doth appear) I determined with myself rather to put my life into his hands, & by the providence of God to prosecute the charge committed unto me, then to return home in vain, discouraged with the words of such, who had rather that I had tarried at home, then to be sent over with such credit, whereby I might sift out their evil doings, the only cause of your loss. Wherefore, leaving the said ships the nine and twentieth day of the month, I departed from the seaside, and the first of August arrived at Colmogro, where I remained attending the return of my said messenger with order from his Majesty. But all the Country being sore visited by the hand of God with the plague, passage in every place was shut up, that none might pass in pain of death: My messenger being eight hundredth miles upon his way, was stayed, and kept at a town called Shasko, and might not be suffered to go any further, neither yet to return back again, or send unto me: by means whereof in the space of four months, I could neither hear nor know what was become of him, in which time my said messenger found means to advertise the Governor of the City of Vologda, as well of his stay, as of the cause of his coming thither, who sent him word that it was not possible to pass any nearer the Prince without further order from his Majesty, who was go to the wars against the Swethens, and that he would advertise his highness so soon as he might conveniently: And so my said messenger was forced to remain there still without answer. During which time of his stay through the great death (as aforesaid,) I found means to sand another messenger, with a guide by an unknown way through wilderness, a thousand miles about, thinking that way he should pass without let: but it proved contrary, for likewise he being passed a great part of his journey, fallen into the hands of a watch, and escaped very hardly, that he and his guide with their horses had not been burned, according to the law provided for such as would seek to pass by indirect ways, and many have felt the smart thereof which had not wherewith to buy out the pain: neither could that messenger return back unto me. And thus was I kept without answer or order from his Majesty, and remained at the said Colmogro, until the 18. of january following, neither having a Gentleman to safeguard me, nor lodging appointed me, nor allowance of victuals according to the Country fashion for Ambassadors, which argued his grievous displeasure towards our nation. And the people of the Country perceiving the same, used towards me and my company some discourtesies: but about the 28. day aforesaid, the plague ceased, and the passages being opened, there came order from his Majesty that I should have post horses, and be suffered to departed from Colmogro to go to a City called Peraslave near to the Court, his Majesty being newly returned from the said wars. And I arrived at the said Peraslave the 3. of February, where I remained under the charge of a gentleman, having then a house appointed me, & allowance of victuals, but so straightly kept, that none of our nation or other might come or send unto me, nor I to them. And the 14. of March following, I was sent for to the Court, and being within three miles of the same, a post was sent to the Gentleman which had charge of me, to return back again with me to the said Peraslave, and to remain there until his majesties further pleasure, wherewith I was much dismayed, and marveled what that sudden change meant, and the rather, because it was a troublesome time, and his Majesty much disquieted through the ill success of his affairs, (as I did understand.) And the twentieth of the same, I was sent for again to the Court, and the 23. I came before his Majesty, who caused me to kiss his hand, and gave gracious audience unto my Oration, gratefully receiving and accepting the Queen's majesties princely letters, and her present, in the presence of all his nobility. After I had finished my Oration, too long here to rehearse, and delivered her highness letters, and present (as aforesaid) the Emperor sitting in royal estate stood up and said, How doth Queen Elizabeth my sister, is she in health? to whom I answered, God doth bless her Majesty with health, and peace, and doth wish the like unto thee Lord, her loving brother. Then his Majesty sitting down again, commanded all his nobility and others to departed, and avoid the chamber, saving the chief Secretary, and one other of the Counsel, and willing me to approach near unto him with my Interpreter, said unto me these words. Anthony, the last time thou wast with us here, we did commit unto thee our trusty and secret Message, to be declared unto the Queen's Majesty herself thy Mistress at thy coming home, and did expect thy coming unto us again at the time we appointed, with a full answer of the same from her highness. And in the mean time there came unto us at several times three messengers, the one called Manly, the other George Middleton, and Edward Goodman, by the way of the narve about the Merchant's affairs: to whom we sent our messenger to know whether thou Anthony, were returned home in safety, and when thou shouldst return unto us again: but those messengers could tell us nothing, and did miscall, and abuse with evil words, both our messenger and thee, wherewith we were much offended. And understanding that the said Goodman had letters about him, we caused him to be searched, with whom were found many letters, wherein was written much against our Princely estate, and that in our Empire were many unlawful things done, whereat we were much grieved, & would suffer none of those rude messengers to have access unto us: and shortly after we were informed that one Thomas Randolfe was come into our Dominions by the way of Dwina, Ambassador from the Queen, and we sent a Gentleman to meet and conduct him to our City of Moscow, at which time we looked that thou shouldst have returned unto us again. And the said Thomas being arrived at our said City, we sent unto him divers times, that he should come and confer with our Counsel, whereby we might understand the cause of his coming, looking for answer of those our princely affairs committed unto thee. But he refused to come to ●ur said Counsel: wherefore, and for that our said City was visited with plague, the said Thomas was the longer kept from our presence. Which being ceased, forthwith we gave him access and audience, but all his talk with us was about Merchant's affairs, and nothing touching ours. We know that Merchant's matters are to be herded, for that they are the stay of our Princely treasures: But first Princes affairs are to be established, and then Merchants. After this the said Thomas Randolfe was with us at our City of Vologda, and we dealt with him about our Princely affairs, whereby amity betwixt the Queen's Majesty and us might be established for ever, and matters were agreed and concluded betwixt your Ambassador and us, and thereupon we sent our Ambassador into England with him to end the same: but our Ambassador returned unto us again, without finishing our said affairs, contrary to our expectation, and the agreement betwixt us, and your said Ambassador. Thus when his Majesty had made a long discourse, I humbly beseeched his highness to hear me graciously, and to give me leave to speak without offence, and to believe those words to be true which I should speak. Which he granted, and these were my words. Most noble and famous Prince, the message which thy highness did send by me unto the Queen her most excellent Majesty touching thy Princely and secret affairs, immediately, and so soon as I came home, I did declare both secretly and truly unto the Queen's Majesty herself, word for word, as thou Lord didst command me. Which her highness did willingly hear and accept, and being mindful thereof, and willing to answer the same, the next shipping after, her Majesty did send unto thee, Lord, her highness Ambassador Thomas Randolfe, whose approved wisdom and fidelity was unto her Majesty well known, and therefore thought meet to be sent to so worthy a Prince, who had Commission not only to treat with thy Majesty of Merchant's affairs, but also of those thy Princely and secret affairs committed unto me. And the cause (most gracious Prince) that I was not sent again, was, for that I was employed in service upon the Seas against the Queen's majesties enemies, and was not returned home at such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with the Ships, to come into thy majesties Country, otherwise I had been sent. And whereas thy Majesty says, that Thomas Randolfe would not treat with thy Counsel of the matters of his Legation, he did (Lord) therein according to his Commission: which was: First to deal with thy Majesty thyself, which order is commonly used among all Princes, when they sand their Ambassadors about matters of great weight. And whereas the said Thomas is charged that he agreed and concluded upon matters at the same time, and promised the same should be performed by the Queen her Majesty: Whereupon (Lord) thou didst sand thy Ambassador with him into England, for answer thereof: It may please thy Majesty to understand, that as the said Thomas Randolfe doth confess, that in deed he had talk with thy Highness, and counsel divers times about princely affairs: even so he denieth that ever he did agreed, conclude, or make any promise in any condition or order, as is alleged, otherwise than it should please the Queen her Majesty to like of at his return home, which he did justify to thy highness Ambassador his face in England. Wherefore, most mighty Prince, it doth well appear, that either thy Ambassador did untruly inform thy Majesty, or else thy princely mind, and the true meaning of the Queen's highness her Ambassador, for want of a good Interpreter, was not well understood: and how thankfully the Queen her Majesty did receive thy highness commendations, and letters sent by thy majesties Ambassador, and how graciously she gave him audience sundry times, using him with such honour in all points for thy sake, Lord, her loving brother, as the like was never showed to any Ambassador in our Realm, and how honourably with full answer in all things, her Majesty dismissed him, when he had finished all thy princely affairs (as it seemed) to his own contentation, it may well appear by a true certificate lately sent with her highness letter unto thee Lord, by her messenger Robert Beast, and her Majesty did suppose that that thy Ambassador would have made report accordingly, and that by him thy highness would have been satisfied in all things: otherwise she would have sent her majesties Ambassador with him unto thee Lord again. But now her highness perceiving that thy Majesty is not fully satisfied in thy Princely affairs, neither by Thomas Randolfe, her highness Ambassador, Andrew Sauin● Ambassador from the Emperor. nor by thy own Ambassador Andrea Savin, nor yet by her majesties letter sent by the said Andrea: and also understanding thy great grief and displeasure towards sir William Garret, and his company, merchants traffiking in thy majesties dominions, hath thought good to sand me at this present unto thee Lord Emperor, and great duke, as well with her highness full mind, touching thy princely affairs, as also to know the just cause of thy majesties said displeasure towards the said company of merchants: and hath commanded me to answer to all things in their behalf, and according to their true meanings. For her highness doth suppose thy majesties indignation to proceed rather upon the evil, and untrue reports of thy late Ambassador in England, and of such wicked people of our nation resident here in thy highness dominions, rebels to her Majesty, and their Country, then of any just deserts of the said merchants, who never willingly deserved thy highness displeasure, but rather favour in all their doings and meanings. And since the first time of their traffiking in thy majesties dominions, which is now nineteen years, the said merchants have been, and are always ready and willing truly to serve thy highness of all things meet for thy Treasury, in time of peace and of war in despite of all thy enemies: although the Princes of the East Seas were agreed to stop the sound, and the way to the narve, and have brought, and do bring from time to time such commodity to thee, Lord, as her Majesty doth not suffer to be transported forth of her Realm to no other Prince of the world. And what great losses the said sir William Garret, with his company hath sustained of late years in this trade, as well by Shipwreck, as by false servants it is manifestly known: and what service the said companies Ships did unto thy Majesty against thy enemies, two years passed in going to the narve, when they sought with the king of Poles ships Freebooters, and burned the same and slay the people, and as many as were taken alive delivered unto thy Captain at the narve. I trust thy highness doth not forget. Wherefore most mighty prince, the premises considered, the Queen her most excellent Majesty thy loving sister, doth request thy highness to restore the said sir William Garret with his company into thy princely favour again, with their privileges for free traffic with thy accustomed goodness and justice, to be ministered unto them throughout all thy majesties dominions, as aforetime: and that the same may be signified by thy Princely letters, directed to thy officers in all places, any thy highness commandment or restraint to the contrary notwithstanding. And further that it will please thy Majesty, not to give credit to false reports, and untrue suggestions of such as are enemies, and such as neither would have mutual amity to continued betwixt your Majesties, nor yet intercourse betwixt your countries. And such rebels of our nation, as Ralph Rutter, and others which lie lurking here in thy highness dominions, seeking to sow dissensions betwixt your Majesties by false surmises, spending away their master's goods riotously, and will not come home to give up their accounts, advancing themselves to be merchants, and able to serve thy highness of all things fit for thy treasury, whereas indeed they be of no credit, nor able of themselves to do thy Majesty any service at all: the Queen's highness request is, that it would please thy Majesty to command that such people may be delivered unto me to be carried home, lest by their remaining here, and having practices and friendship with such as be not thy highness friends, their evil doing might be a cause hereafter to withdraw thy goodness from sir William Garret and his company, who have true meaning in all their doings, and are ready to serve thy highness at all times, using many other words to the advancement of your credits, and the disgrace of your enemies, and so I ended for that time. Then said his Majesty, We have herded you, and will consider of all things further, when we have read the Queen our sister's letters: to whom I answered, that I supposed his Majesty should by those letters understand her highness full mind to his contentation, and what wanted in writing, I had credit to accomplish in word. Wherewith his Majesty seemed to be well pleased, and commanded me to sit down. And after pausing a while, his Majesty said these words unto me, It is now a time which we spend in fasting, and praying, being the week before Easter, and for that we will shortly departed from hence, towards our borders of Novogrod, we ●an not give you answer, nor your dispatch here, but you shall go from hence, and tarry us upon the way, where we will shortly come, and then you shall know our pleasure, and have your dispatch. And so I was dismissed to my lodging, and the same day I had a dinner ready dressed sent me from his Majesty, with great store of drinks, of divers sorts, and the next day following, being the four and twentieth of March aforesaid, the chief Secretary to his Majesty, sent unto me a Gentleman, to signify unto me, that the emperors majesties pleasure was, I should immediately departed towards a City, called Otwer, three hundred miles from the aforesaid Sloboda, and there to tarry his highness coming unto a place called Staryts, three score miles from the said Otwer. Then I sent my Interpreter to the chief Secretary, requesting him to further, and show his favour unto our said merchants in their suits, which they should have occasion to move in my absence: who sent me word again, that they should be well assured of his friendship, and furtherance in all their suits. And forthwith post horses were sent me, with a Gentleman to conduct me. And so departing from the said Sloboda, I arrived at the said Otwer, the 28. of March aforesaid, where I remained till the eight of May following. Then I was sent for to come unto his Majesty, to the said Staryts, where I arrived the tenth of the same, and the twelfth of the same I was appointed to come to the chief Secretary, who at our meeting said unto me these words. Our Lord Emperor, and great Duke, hath not only perused the Queen her highness letters sent by you, and thereby doth perceive her mind, as well touching their princely affairs, as also her earnest request in the merchant's behalf, but also hath well pondered your words. And therefore his majesties pleasure is, that you let me understand what suits you have to move in the merchant's behalf, or otherwise, for that to morrow you shall have access again unto his highness, and shall have full answer in all things, with your dispatch away. Then after long conference had with him of divers matters, I gave him in writing certain brief articles of requests, which I had drawn out ready, as followeth: 1 First the Queen's Majesty her request is, that it would please the Emperor's highness to let me know the just cause of his great displeasure fallen upon sir William Garrard, & his company, who never deserved the same, to their knowledge. 2 Also that it would please his highness not to give credit unto false and untrue reports, by such as seek to sow dissension, and break friendship betwixt the Queen's highness, and his Majesty. 3 Also that it would please his Majesty to receive the said sir William Garrard, with his company into his favour again, and to restore them to their former privileges and liberties, for free traffic in, and through, and out of all his majesties dominions, in as ample manner as aforetime, according to his princely letters of privilege, and accustomed goodness. 4 Also it would please his highness to grant, that the said company of merchants may have justice of all his subjects, as well for money owing unto them; as other their griefs and injuries, throughout all his dominions suffered since the time of his displeasure, during which time, the merchants were forced by severe justice to answer to all men's demands, but there's could not be herded. 5 Also that his Majesty would understand, that much debts are owing to the said merchants, by divers of his Nobility, whereof part are in durance, and some executed, and the said merchants know not home to be paid, and answered the same, except his highness pity their case, and command some order to be taken therein. 6 Also it would please his highness to command that the said merchants may be paid all such sum or sums of money as are owing, and due unto them by his Majesty, for wares, as well English, as Shamaki, taken into his highness treasury by his officers in sundry places, the long forbearing whereof hath been, and is great hindrance to the said company of merchants. 7 Also it would please his Majesty to understand, that at this present time there are in Persia of English merchants, Thomas Banister, and Geffrey ducat, with their company, & goods, ready to come into his majesties country of Astracan, and would have come the last year, but that the ship, with our merchants and mariners appointed to go for them, were stayed at Astracan by his highness Captain there, to the great hindrance of the said merchants. Wherefore it may now please his Majesty to direct his princely letters unto his Captains and rulers, both at Astracan and Cazan, not only to suffer our people, as well merchants as mariner's, quietly an● freely to pass and repass with their ships, barks, or other vessels down the river Volga, and over the Mare Caspium, to fetch the said English merchants, with their company and goods, out of the said Persia, into his majesties dominions, but also that it would please his highness straightly to command, that when the said Thomas Banister, and Geffrey ducat, with their charge, shall arrive at the said Astracan, his majesties Captain there, and in all other places upon the river Volga, shall so aid and assist the said merchants, as they may be safely conducted out of the danger of the Crimmes, and other their enemies. 8 Also it may please his highness to understand, that lately our merchants coming from Shamaki, have been ill used by his majesties Customers, both at Astracan and Cazan, at both which places they were forced to pay custom for their wares, although they sold no part thereof, but brought the same into his highness treasury at Sloboda: and the said Customers did not only exact, and take much more custom than was due by his majesties laws, but also for want of present money, took wares much exceeding their exacted custom, and do keep the same as a pawn. It may therefore please his highness to direct his princely letters to the said Customers, to signify unto them his great goodness again restored unto the said English merchants, as also to command them to sand the said merchant's their said goods so detained, up to the Moscow, they paying such custom for the same, as shall be by his Majesty appointed. 9 Also that it would please his highness to grant, that sir William Garrard with his company may establish their trade for merchandise at Colmogro in Dwina, and that such wares as shall be brought out of our Country fit for his treasury might be looked upon, and received by his officers there: and that his majesties people traffiking with our merchants may bring down their commodities to the said Colmogro, by means whereof the said English merchants avoiding great troubles and charges, in transporting their goods so far, and into so many places of his dominions, may cell the same better cheap, to the benefit of his majesties subjects. 10 Also if it seemed good to his highness, that the whole trade likewise from Persia, Boghar, and all other those Countries beyond the Mare Caspium, might be established at Astracan, the ancient Mart town in times past, which would be both for the great honour and profit of his Majesty, and subjects, as I am well able to prove, if it will please his highness to appoint any of his counsel to talk with me therein. 11 Also forasmuch as it pleased his Majesty, immediately after the burning of the Moscow, to command that the said English merchants should give in a note into his Treasury, for their losses sustained by the said fire, which was done by William Rowly, then chief Agent for sir William Garrard and his company, and the particulars in the same note consumed with the said fire did amount to the sum of 10000 rubbles and above: It may please his highness of his accustomed goodness and great clemency to consider of the same, and to give the said company so much as shall seem good unto his Majesty, towards their said losses. 12 Also that it will please his highness to understand that the Queen's most excellent Majesty, at the earnest suit and request of Andrea Savin his majesties Ambassador, did not only pardon and forgive Thomas Glover his great and grievous offences towards her highness committed, only for his majesties sake, but also commanded sir William Garrard with his company, to deal favourably with the said Glover in his accounts, to whom he was indebted greatly, and being their servant, detained their goods in his hands a long time: whereupon the said sir William Garrard with his company counted with the said Glover, and ended all things even to his said contentation, and was found to be debtor to the said company 4000 rubbles and above, and bond himself both by his solemn oath, and his handwriting, to pay the same immediately after his return into Russia with the said Andrea Savin, unto Nicholas Proctor chief Agent there, for the said company of merchants. But although it is now two years past, since the said agreement, and that the said Nicholas hath divers and sundry times requested the said money of the said Thomas, yet will he not pay the same debt, but maketh delay from time to time, alleging that his Majesty owes him a great sum of money, without the payment whereof he cannot be able to pay the said merchants his due debt long forborn, to their great hindrance. In consideration of the premises, It may please his highness to give order that the said Glover may be paid, and that he may discharge his debt to the said company of merchants, and the rather for that he found such mercy and favour in England, only for his majesties sake. 13 Also forasmuch as Ralph Rutter a rebel to the Queen's Majesty, and an enemy to his Country, and to sir William Garrard and his company, hath of long time remained here, living of the spoils and goods of the said merchants, which he wrongfully detained in his hands, riotously spending the same, during the time that he was their servant, and would not come home when he was sent for, and also for that the Queen's Majesty doth understand, that the said Ralph, with other his adherents, do seek by all false means to sow dissension, and break amity betwixt their Majesties, and to overthrow the trade of the said merchants: Her highness request is, that the said Ralph with his complices may be delivered unto me, to be carried home, and none other of her majesties subjects, not being of the society of the said Sir William Garrard and his company, to be suffered to traffic within his highness dominions, but to be delivered to their Agent to be sent home: for that the said merchants with great charges and losses, both by shipwreck, and riotous servants, did first find out this trade, and have continued the same these 19 years, to their great hindrance. 14 Also whereas divers masters and artificers of our Nation are here in his majesties service, and do find themselves grieved that they cannot have licence to departed home into their native Country at their will and pleasure: the Queen's majesties request is, according to her highness writing in that behalf, that not only it will please his Majesty to permit and suffer such artificers here resident in the service of his highness, to have free liberty to departed, and go home with me, if they request the same, but also all o●her the like, which shall come hereafter to serve his Majesty, to have free liberty to departed likewise, without any let or stay. 15 Also it may please his Majesty to understand that during the time of my long being at Colmogro, attending his highness pleasure for my further access, I with my company have not only been ill used and entreated there, and likewise the merchants there, by one Besson Mysserevy his majesties chief officer, who hath dishonoured me, and smitten my people, and owes the said merchants much money, and will not pay them: but also the said Besson hath spoken words of dishonour against the Queen's Majesty. Wherefore it may please his highness to sand down with me to Colmogro, a Gentleman, as well chief to search forth his evil behaviour towards her Majesty, as towards me her highness Ambassador, and to punish him accordingly: and also that it would please his Majesty to send down his letter of justice, by virtue whereof the said Besson may be forced to pay all such money as he owes to the said merchants, without delay. 16 Also that it would please his highness to understand, that sir William Garrard with his company understanding of the great dearth in his majesties dominions, by licence of the Queen's Majesty, (not otherwise permitted) hath sent certain ships laden with corn into his highness Country of Dwyna, rather for the relief of his majesties subjects, then for any gain: yet the good will of the said merchants lightly regarded, they were forbidden to sell the said corn, to their great discouragement hereafter to sand any more. Wherefore it may please his highness, to tender the good will of the said merchants, as well in sending the said corn, as in all other things, ready to serve his Majesty, and to direct his letters to his officers of Dwina, to suffer the said merchants with their company, to cell the said corn by measure, great or small at their pleasure, without paying custom. These articles being delivered to the chief Secretary, as aforesaid, and our talk ended for that time, I departed to my lodging, accompanied with certain Gentlemen. The next day, being the 13. of May aforesaid, I had warning early in the morning, to prepare myself to be at the Court, betwixt the hours of 10. and 11. of the clock, where I should have access unto the presence of the Prince, as well to receive answer of all things, as to be dismissed to go home. At which hours I was sent for to the Court, and brought into the Chamber of presence, where his Majesty did sit appareled most sumptuously, with a rich Crown upon his head, garnished with many precious stones, his elder son sitting by him, and many of his Nobility about him: and after my duty done, his highness commanded me to approach very near unto him, and said unto me these words. Anthony, the Queen our loving sister her letters we have caused to be translated, and do well understand the same, and of all things as well therein contained, as by word of mouth by you to us declared we have well considered, and do perceive that our secret message unto you committed, was done truly according to our mind (although we were advertised to the contrary) and now we are by you fully satisfied. And when we did send our Ambassador into England, about those our great and weighty affairs, to conclude the same with the Queen our sister, our Ambassador could end nothing for want of such assurance as was requisite in princely affairs, according to the manner of all Countries, but was dismissed unto us again, with letters of small effect, touching the same, and no Ambassador sent with him from the Queen: The causes of the Emperor's displeasure. which caused us to think, that our princely affairs were set aside, and little regarded, wherewith we were at that time much grieved: for the which cause, and for the evil behaviour of your merchants, resident in our dominions (who have divers ways transgressed and broken our laws, living wilfully in all their doings) we did lay our heavy displeasure upon them, and did take away from them their privilege, commanding that the same throughout all our dominions, should be void, and of none effect: and thereupon did writ to the Queen our sister, touching our griefs. And now her highness hath sent unto us again, you her Ambassador, with her loving letters, and full mind, which we do thankfully receive, and are thereby fully satisfied. And for that our princely, and secret affairs were not finished to our contentation at our time appointed, according to our expectation, we do now leave of all those matters, and set them aside for the time, because our mind is now otherwise changed, but hereafter when occasion shall move us to the like, we will then talk of those matters again. And for that it hath pleased the Queen our loving sister, to send unto us at this present, and doth desire to continued in friendship with us for ever (which we do gratefully accept, and willingly agreed to the same) we of our goodness for her highness sake, will not only from henceforth put away, and forget all our displeasure towards the same Sir William Garrard and his company (as though they had never offended us) but also will restore them to their privileges, and liberties, in, and throughout all our dominions, and will signify the same by our letters, in all Towns and Cities, where the said merchants do traffic, and we will show them favour as aforetime, if they deserve not the contrary. And if the Queen our ●iuer had not ●ent th●e Anthony unto us at this present, God knoweth what we should have done to the said merchants, or whether we would have called back our indignation. Then I humbly beseeched his Majesty, to let me know the particular offences committed by the said merchants, and the offenders names, to the intent I might make report thereof, unto the Queen's Majesty, my mistress, accordingly, that the said offenders might receive just punishments for their deserts: but he said, I should not know them, because he had clearly remitted all offences: and further, that it was not princely to forgive, and after to accuse the parties, whereby her majesties displeasure might fall upon them at home. Notwithstanding I did after understand some part thereof, by other means. Then his Majesty proceeding in talk, said: As touching the articles of request, concerning the merchants affairs, which you did yesterday deliver unto our Secretary, we have not only read the same ourself, but also have appointed our said Secretary to declare unto you our mind, and answer to the same. And for that we are now upon our journey towards our borders, and will departed from hence shortly, we will dismiss you to the Queen our loving sister, your mistress, with our letters, & full mind by word of mouth, touching all your requests, & will sand a gentleman one of our household with you to safe conduct you to your ships: and of our goodness will give you victuals, boats, men, and post horses, so many as you shall need. And therewith his Majesty standing up, and putting off his cap, said unto me these words. Do our hearty commendations unto our loving sister, Queen Elizabeth, unto whom we wish long life, with happy success: and therewith his highness extended his hand to me to kiss, and commanded his son, sitting by him, to sand the like commendations, which he did, whose hand likewise I kissed. And then his Majesty caused me to sit down, and commanded wine and drinks of divers sorts to be brought, whereof be gave me to drink with his own hand, and so after I departed. Then the next day, being the 14 of May aforesaid, I was sent for to come to the chief Secretary, & one other of the counsel with him, who at our meeting said unto me these words: We are appointed by the Emperor his majesty, to give you answer from his Highness, touching your requests delivered in writing, which his Majesty himself hath perused, & answered as followeth. 1 To the first request it is answered, that all his majesties griefs and displeasure (now put away from the merchants) did grow, because the Queen's Majesty did not accomplish and end with his ambassador, his secret and weighty affairs, according to his expectation, and the promise' made by Thomas Randolph, at his being here: and also of the ill behaviour of your merchants resident here in our Country, as his Majesty did himself yesterday declare unto you. 2 To the second, his Majesty willeth you to understand, that he hath not, nor will not hereafter be moved to break friendship with the Queen's Majesty, without good and just cause. 3 To the third, you are answered by the Emperor's Majesty himself, that his great goodness and favour again unto the merchants shall be restored, and the same to be known by his gracious letters of privilege now again granted. 4 To the fourth, his majesty hath commanded, that your merchants here resident shall exhibit; and put in writing unto me his majesties Secretary, all their griefs, and complaints, as well for debts, as other injuries offered them since the time of his highness displeasure, and they shall ●aue justice truly ministered throughout all his majesties dominions without delay. 5 To the fifth, his majesty doth not know of any debts due unto the merchants, by any of his Noblemen, as is alleged: and whether it be true or not, he knoweth not: the truth whereof must be tried out, and thereupon answer to be given: and hereafter his majesty would not have the merchants to trust his people with too much. 6 To the sixth, it is answered, that his majesty hath commanded search to be made what money is owing ●o the merchants, for wares received into his treasury, as in the article: (the most of the books of account being burned in the Moscow) and such as is due, & found meet to be paid, shall be paid forthwith to the merchants, their factors or servants, which shall come for the same. And for payment of the rest, his majesties further pleasure shall be signified hereafter. 7 To the 7 his majesties answer is, that letters shall be written forthwith to his captains of Ast●●can, and Cazan, and other his officers, upon the river Volga, to whom it appertaineth, not onel●●o suffer your people, both merchants, & mariners, to pass with their ships, or barks, from Astraean, over the Mare caspium; to fetch Thomas Banister, and Geofry Ducke●, with their company● and goods out of Persia, but also when they shall arrive within his majesties dominions, to aid and assist them, and see them safely conducted up the river Volga, from danger of enemies. 8 To the eight, his majesty hath commanded letters to be written to the Customers, both of Astracan and Cazan, to make restitution to the English merchants of their goods so detained by them for custom, & to take custom for the same, according to his majesties letters of privilege. 9 10 To the ninth and tenth articles, his Majesty will consider of those matters, and hereafter will signify his princely pleasure therein. 11 To the eleventh, as touching an inventory given into the treasury, what goods the merchants had burned in the Moscow, in their houses there, his majesties pleasure was to understand the same, to the intent he might know the losses of all strangers at that present, but not to make restitution, for that it was Gods doing, and not the Emperors. 12 To the twelfth, concerning Thomas Glover, his Majesty was informed by his Ambassador of the Queen's great mercy and clemency towards the said Thomas, for his sake, which his Highness received in good part, but what agreement or dealings was betwixt the said sir William Garrard, & his company, & the said Glover, or what he doth own unto the said merchants, his Majesty doth not know. And as for the money which the said Thomas says is owing unto him by the Emperor, his majesties pleasure is, that so much as shall be found due, & growing upon wares delivered unto the treasury, out of the time of his majesties displeasure, shall be paid forthwith to the said Thomas, and the rest is forfeited unto his Majesty, and taken for a fine, as appertaining to Rutter and Benne●, accounted traitors unto his Highness, during the time of his displeasure. 13 To the thirteenth article, concerning Rutter to be delivered unto you, to be carried home, the answer was, that as his Majesty will not detain any English man in his Country, that is willing to go home, according to the the Queen's request: even so will he not force any to departed, that is willing to tarry with him. Yet his Highness, to satisfy the Queen's majesties request, is contented at this present to sand the said Ralph Rutter home with you, and hath commanded that a letter shall be written unto his chief officer at the Moscow, to sand the said Rutter away with speed, that he may be with you at Vologda, by the fine of May, without fail: and touching the rest of your request in the said article, his majesties pleasure shall be signified in the letters of privilege, granted to the said merchants. 14 To the fourteenth, touching artificers, his Majesty will accomplish all the Queen's Highness request in that behalf, and now at this present doth licence such and so many to departed to their native country as are willing to go. 15 To the 15, touching Besson Messerivey, the Emperor's majesty is much offended with him, and will sand down a gentleman with you to inquire of his ill behaviour, aswell for speaking of undecent words against the Queen's majesty as you have alleged, as also against you, and the merchants for his outrages mentioned in the article, & the said Besson being found guilty, to be imprisoned & punished by severe justice accordingly, and after to put in sureties to answer the Emperor's high displeasure, or else to be brought up like a prisoner by the said gentleman to answer his offences before his Majesty. And his highness doth request that the Queen's highness would do the like upon Middleton and manly her messengers sent thither two years past, and of all others for their ill behaviour towards his majesty, as may appear by letters sent by Daniel Silvester from his highness, lest by the bad demeanour of such lewd people, the amity and friendship betwixt their majesties might be diminished. 16 To the 16 and last article, touching the corn brought into the Emperor's dominions by the merchants, his majesty doth greatly commend them for so well doing, and hath comm●nded to give you a letter forthwith in their behalf, directed to his officers of Duina, to suffer the sa●● merchants to cell their corn, by measure great or small at their pleasure without custom. Thus I received a full answer from his majesty by his chief Secretary & one other of his counsel, to the 16 articles afore rehearsed, by me exhibited in writing touching your affairs, with his letter also sent by me to the Queen's majesty. Which being done, I requested that the new letters of privilege granted by his highness unto you might be forthwith dispatched, to the intent I might carry the same with me. Also I requested that such money due to you, which it had pleased his majesty to command to be paid, might be delivered to me in your behalf. Touching the letters of privilege, the Secretary answered me, it is not possible you can have them with you, for they must be first written and showed unto the Emperor, and then thre● to be written of one tenor according to your request, which cannot be done with speed, for that his majesties pleasure is, you shall departed this night before him, who removeth himself to morrow towards Novogrod: but without fail the said letters shall be dispatched upon the way, ●nd sent after you with speed to Colmogro. And as touching the money which you require, it cannot be paid here because we have not the books of accounts, for want whereof we know not what to pay: wherefore the best is that you sand one of the merchants after the Emperor to Novogrod, & let him repair unto me there, and without fail I will pay all such money as shall be appointed by his majesty to be paid after the books seen. But forasmuch as there was none of your servants with me at tha● present (although I had earnestly written unto your Agent Nicholas Proctor by Richa●d Pingle one of your own servants, one month before my coming to Starites, where I had my dispatch, that he should not fail to come himself, or sand one of your servants to me hither, to follow all such suits as I should commence in your behalves, which he neglected to do to your great hindrance) I requested the said Secretary that I might leave Daniel my interpr●ter with h●m, aswell for the receipt of money, as for the speedy dispatch of the letters of privilege, but it would not be granted in any wise that I should leave any of mine own company behind me, and thereupon I did take my leave with full dispatch, and departed to my lodging, and forthwith there came unto me a gentleman who had charge as well to conduct me, and provide boats, men, post horses and victuals for me all the way to th● sea side, being a thousand and three hundred miles, as also to do justice of the said Bessone, as aforesaid. And he said unto me, the emperors pleasure is, that you shall presently departed from hence, and I am appointed to go with you. And that night I departed from the said Starites, being the fourteenth of May aforesaid. And passing a great part of my journey, I arrived at the city of Vologda the last of the said May, where I remained five days as well expecting a messenger to bring unto me the new letters of privilege, as the coming of Rutter, whom the emperors majesty himself commanded before my face should be sent unto me without fail, and I did see the letters written to the chief officers at the Moscow for the same. Nevertheless the said Rutter did not come, neither could I hear of him after, nor know the sudden cause of his stay contrary to the princes own word and meaning, as I suppose. But I could not help the matter being far from the prince, neither could I tell how to have redress, because by absence I could not complain. Notwithstanding I used my endeavour, and sent a messenger john Norton one of your servants from Vologda to Novogrod, where the court then lay, expressly with letters, as well to advertise his majesty that the said Rutter was not sent unto me according to his highness commandment & order, as also about the dispatch of the said letters of privilege and receipt of your money, with strait charge that he should in any wise return unto me again before the departing of the ships. And the first day of june I departed from the said Vologda by water towards Colmogro, where I arrived the 21 of june aforesaid, and remained there until the 23 of july, looking for the said john Norton to have returned unto me in all that time, which had respite fully enough in that space both to go to the court to dispatch his business, and to have returned again unto me, but he came not, for it was otherwise determined before his going, as I did after understand, and can more at large by word of mouth declare unto your worships the occasion thereof. Nevertheless, I am well assured before this time your Agent hath received into his hands the said letters of privileges, and shall have dispatch with expedition in all things touching your affairs, according to his majesties grant by me obtained, and as he hath written to the Queen's majesty at this present, wishing that as now by my going the Emperor hath withdrawn his grievous displeasure from you, and restored you again into his favour, so your Agent and others your servants there resident may behave, & endeavour themselves to keep & augment the same, whose evil doings have been the only occasion of his indignation now remitted. The names of such countries as I Anthony jenkinson have traveled unto, from the second of October 1546, at which time I made my first voyage out of England, until the year of our Lord 1572, when I returned last out of Russia. First, I passed into Flanders, and traveled through all the base countries, and from thence through Germany, passing over the Alpes I traveled into Italy, and from thence made my journey through Piedmont into France, throughout all which realm I have thoroughly journeyed. I have also traveled through the kingdoms of Spain and Portugal, I have sailed through the Levant seas every way, & have been in all the chief Islands within the same sea, as Rhodes, Malta, Sicilia, Cyprus, Candie, and divers others. I have been in many parts of Grecia, Morea, Achaia, and where the old city of Corinth stood. I have traveled through a great part of Turkey, Syria, and divers other countries in Asia minor. I have passed over the mountains of Libanus to Damascus, and traveled through Samaria, Galilee, Philistine or Palestine, unto jerusalem, and so through all the Holy land. I have been in divers places of Africa, as Algiers, Cola, Bona, Tripoli, the gollet within the gulf of Tunis. I have sailed far Northward within the Mare glaciale, where we have had continual day, and sight of the Sun ten weeks together, and that navigation was in Norway, Lapland, Samogitia, and other very strange places. I have traveled through all the ample dominions of the Emperor of Russia and Moscovia, which extend from the North sea, and the confines of Norway and Lapland, even to the Mare Caspium. I have been in divers countries near about the Caspian sea, Gentiles, and Mahomeans, as Cazan, Cremia, Rezan, Cheremisi, Mordoviti, Vachin, Nagaia, with divers others of strange customs and religions. I have sailed over the Caspian sea, & discovered all the regions thereabouts adjacent, as Chircassi, Comul, Shascal, Shiruan, with many others. I have traveled 40 days journey beyond the said sea, towards the Oriental India, and Cathaia, through divers deserts and wildernesses, and passed through 5 kingdoms of the Tartars, and all the land of Turkeman and Zagatay, and so to the great city of Boghar in Bactria, not without great perils and dangers sundry times. After all this, in An. 1562, I passed again over the Caspian sea another way, and landed in Armenia, at a city called Derbent, built by Alexander the great, & from thence traveled through Media, Parthia, Hyrcania, into Persia to the court of the great Sophy called Shaw Tamasso, unto whom I delivered letters from the Queen's majesty, and remained in his court 8 months, and returning homeward, passed through divers other countries. Finally I made two voyages more after that out of England into Russia, the one in the year 1566, and the other in the year 1571. And thus being weary and growing old, I am content to take my rest in mine own house, chief comforting myself, in that my service hath been honourably accepted and rewarded of her majesty and the rest by whom I have been employed. A letter of james Alday to the Worshipful M. Michael Lock, Agent in London for the Moscovie company, touching a trade to be established in Lappia, written 1575. I Have in remembrance (worshipful Sir) the talk we had when I was with you, as touching the trade in Lappia: He marveleth the company do not confer with him of Lappia. And certainly I have something marveled that in all this time the right wor. your society have not given order that some little conference (by you, or with some other) might have been had with me touching those parts, considering they know (as I think) that I remained there one whole year & more, by which means reason would that I should have learned something. But the cause why they have not desired to confer with me (as I judge) rests only in one of these 4 cases, that is to say, either they think themselves so thoroughly certified of that trade, as more need not be spoken thereof, or that they have no lust more to deal that ways, or that they hold me so untrusty to them that they dare not open their minds, for fear or doubt, I should bear more affection to others then to them, & so discover their secrets: or else they think me of so simple understanding, that I am not worthy to be spoken with in these matters. 1574. To which 4 cases I answer as followeth: First, if they think themselves so thoroughly certified as more need not to be spoken: certainly I something marvel by whom it should be: 5 English men wintered in Lappia. for in the winter past there lay but 5 English people there, uz. Christopher Colt, Roger Leche, Adam Tunstal cooper, one lad, & I: for Henry Cocknedge was the whole winter at Moscow. And of these people, as touching Colt, Christopher Colt a simple merchant. I think him (if I may without offence speak my conscience) the most simple person that was there, (as touching the understanding of a merchant) although indeed he took upon him very much to his own harm & others I doubt, for he used himself not like a merchant, neither showed diligence like a worthy servant or factor, but lay still in a den all the whole winter, having wares lying upon his hand, which he would not employ to any use; although sundry ways there were that he might have put his wares in ready money with gain, & no great adventure, which money would have been more acceptable to the poor Laps & fishermen at the spring, Good trade in winter in Lappia. than any kind of wares: but his fond head did as he that had the talon in the Gospel, & yet he had counsel to the contrary which he disdained, so that men perceiving his captious head, left not only to counsel him, but also some, in as much as they might, kept him from knowledge of the trade that might be in that country, the winter time, which is better peradventure than most men think of. Wherefore if Colt have written or said any thing touching those countries, it is doubtful whether it toucheth the effect or not, considering he lay still all the winter without trial of any matter. And for Henry Cocknedge assuredly speaking so much as I do perfectly know, Henry Cocknedge honest, but ignorant. I must needs say, that he is a very honest young man, & right careful of his business, and in that respect worthy to be praised. But yet he being absent in the winter other then by hearsay he could not learn, so that his instructions may be something doubtful. And like as of the lad nothing can be learned, so am I sure that Tunstal the Cooper hath not yet been spoken with, so that of those parts certain knowledge cannot as yet be learned, except by Roger Leche, Roger Leche expert of Lappia of whom I confess knowledge may be had, for indeed there is no English man living that hath like knowledge in those countries as he hath, nor that is able to do so much with the people as he may: he in the winter travailed one ways & other near 300 miles: he of a little made something, and learned not only the manners, conditions & customs of the people, but also he learned of all kind of commodities in those regions how they may be bought at the most advantage, that gain may be made of them: So that I confess, if he hath given intelligence to the right Wor. company, then have they no need to speak with me or any other for to learn of those countries (except it be to hear mine opinion) which in truth I will always open unto them. But the effect of the beneficial secrets of that country is to be enquired of him, & in mine opinion worthy to be learned, except, as in the second case, they list no more to deal that ways. To which I answer, that if they deal not that ways, & that with speed they seek not to prevent others that mean to deal there, although not English men, let them then not think long to have any profitable trade in Russia: If the company do not enter into the trade of Lappia, others will prevent them. for the greater part of that benefit will be wiped from them, or 5 year to an end, as I will show good reason, if I be demanded the question. Therefore if they will maintain the Russia trade with advantage, than aught they to look to this in time, and so may they keep the Russia trade as it is, and likewise make a trade in Lappia more profitable than that, and therefore this is to b●e considered, rather than to prohibit Englishmen from the trade of Vedagoba. The trade of Vedagoba. For if they look not to this, and that in time, they may be likened (if it might be without offence spoken) to two dogs that strive for the bone while the third run away with it: and yet mean I not otherwise, but in such order, as not Englishmen only, but also Hollanders, Brabanders, & others may be justly and utterly put from the trade in Lappia, and the company to keep the whole trades to themselves without interruption of any, to their great benefit, which I wish to them from the bottom of my heart, as ever I wished wealth to mine own person: And thereby hold me excused in the third case I writ of. And for the fourth as touching my judgement, as I confess it is not very deep, He can say somewhat though not much. so I thank God I am not utterly without understanding (although I be poor) & therefore peradventure held out of reputation, yet God doth distribute his gifts as it pleaseth him. I have seen wise men poor in my time, & foolish men rich, and some men have more knowledge than they can utter by speech, which fault was once objected against me by a great learned man of this realm: but surely how weak soever my utterance is, my meaning is faithful and true, and I wish in my heart to your laudable company all the gain that may be, or else I pray the Lord God to confounded me as a false dissembler. It grieveth me to see how of late they have been brought to great charges, beating the bush, as the old term is, & other men taking the birds: this last year having in Lappia 2 ships, as I am partly informed, they both brought not much above 300 barrels of train oil, yet am I sure there was bought besides them of the Russes, Corels, & Laps, 1183 barrels, 1183 barrels of oil bought by others. besides 27 barrels Colt sold to jacob the Hollander, Colt sold 27 barrels to a Hollander. at two barrels for one Northern dozen. And yet there is a greater inconvenience springing, which if it take a little deeper root it will be (I fear) too hard to be pulled up, which for love & good will (God is my witness) I writ of, wishing as to my dear friends that they should look to it in time, if they mean to keep the trade of Russia or Lappia. And thus love hath compelled me to writ this advertisement, which I wish to be accepted in as good part, as I with good will have written it. The request of an honest merchant to a friend of his, to be advised and directed in the course of kill the Whale, as followeth. An. 1575. I pray you pleasure me in getting me perfect information of the matter hereunder specified. FOr the provision and furniture for a ship of 200 tons, to catch the Whale fish in Russia, passing from England. How many men to furnish the ship. How many fishermen skilful to catch the Whale, & how many other officers and Cooper's. How many boats, and what fashion, and how many men in each boat. What wages of such skilful men and other officers, as we shall need out of Biskay. How many harping irons, spears, cords, axes, hatchets, knives, and other implements for the fishing, and what sort and greatness of them. How many kettles, the greatness and manner of them, and what metal, and whether they be set on trivets or on furnaces for boiling of the train oil, and others. What quantity of cask, and what sort of cask, and what number of hoops and twigs, and how much thereof to be staved for the train. What quantity of victuals, and what kind of victuals for the men in all the ship ●or 4 months time. For the common mariners and officers to govern the ship, we shall not need any out of biscay, but only men skilful in the catching of the Whale, and ordering of the oil, and one Cooper skilful to set up the staved cask. Also what other matters are requisite to be known, and done for the said voyage to catch the Whale, not here noted nor remembered. These requests were thus answered, which may serve as directions for all such as shall intent the same voyage, or the like for the Whale. A proportion for the setting forth of a ship of 200. tun, for the kill of the Whale. THere must be 55 men who departing for Wardhouse in the month of April, must be furnished with 4 kintals and a half of bread for every man. 250 hogsheads to put the bread in. 150 hogsheads of Cidar. 6 kintals of oil. 8 kintals of bacon. 6 hogsheads of beef. 10 quarters of salt. 150 pound of candles. 8 quarters of beans and pease. Saltfish & herring, a quantity convenient. 4 tons of wines. Half a quarter of mustard seed, and a querne. A grindstone. 800 empty shaken hogsheads. 350 bundles of hoops, and 6 quintalines. 800 pair of heads for the hogsheads. 10 Estachas called roxes for harping irons. 10 pieces of Arporieras. 3 pieces of Baibens for the javelines small. 2 tackles to turn the Whales. A halser of 27 fathom long to turn the whales 15 great javelines. 18 small javelins. 50 harping irons. 6 machicos to cut the Whale withal. 2 dozen of machetoes to minch the Whale. 2 great hooks to turn the Whale. 3 pair of Can hooks. 6 hooks for staves. 3 dozen of staves for the harping irons. 6 pulleys to turn the Whale with. 10 great baskets. 10 lamps of iron to carry light. 5 kettles of 150 li. the piece, and 6 ladles. 1000 of nails for the pinnaces. 500 of nails of Carabelie for the houses, and the wharf. 18 axes and hatchets to cleave wood. 12 pieces of lines, and 6 dozen of hooks. 2 beetles of Rosemary. 4 dozen of oars for the pinnaces. 6 lanterns. 500 of Tesia. Item, gunpowder & matches for harquebusses as shallbe needful. Item, there must be carried from hence 5 pinnaces, five men to strike with harping irons, two cutters of Whale, 5 coopers, & a purser or two. A note of certain other necessary things belonging to the Whale fishing, received of master W. Burrough. A sufficient number of pulleys for tackle for the Whale. A dozen of great baskets. 4 furnaces to melt the Whale in. 6 ladles of copper. A thousand of nails to mend the pinnaces. 500 great nails of spikes to make their house 3 pair of boots great and strong, for them that shall cut the Whale. 8 calf skins to make aprons or barbecans. The deposition of M. William Burrough to certain Interrogatories ministered unto him concerning the narve, Kegor, etc. to what king or prince they do appertain and are subject, made the 23 of june, 1576. These articles seem to have been ministered upon the quarrel between Alderman Bond the elder, and the Moscovie company, for his trade to the narve without their consent. The first Interrogatory. FIrst, whether the villages or towns vulgarly called the narve, Kegor, Pechingo and Cola, and the ports of the same towns, as well at the time of the grant of the letters of privilege by the Emperor to our merchants, as also in the years of our Lord, 1566,1567,1568, 1569,1570,1571,1572,1573,1574, and 1575. respectively were (as presently they be) of the jurisdiction, and subject to the mighty prince the Emperor of Russia: and whether the said Emperor of Russia, by all the time aforesaid, was chief lord and governor respectively of the said places, and so vulgarly known, had, and reputed: and whether the said towns and places, and either of them be situated towards the North and North-east or Northwest, and between the North and the East point: and be the same places whereunto by force of the said privilege, it is forbidden to any other subject to have traffic, saving to the society aforesaid. To this Interrogatory the deponent says, The deponents answer that it is true that the villages, towns and places vulgarly called the narve, Kegor, Pechingo and Cola, and the ports thereof, at the time of the grant of the said privilege (as he judgeth) were reputed respectively to be under the jurisdiction, & subject to the Emperor of Russia, and so from the time of the said grant, unto the years 1566, and that in the years of our Lord, 1566,67,68,69,70,71,72,73,74, and 1575. respectively they were (as presently they be) of the jurisdiction, and subject unto the mighty prince the Emperor of Russia, and the same Emperor of Russia, by all the time aforesaid, was chief governor respectively of the said places, and so vulgarly known, had and reputed. And that all the said places are situated from London Northwards, between the East and the North, and within the grant of the letters patents, and privileges of the said company of merchants for the discovery of new trades, and the same places whereunto by force of the said letters patents, it is forbidden to any other subject to have traffic saving to the society aforesaid. Notwithstanding the Deponent says, that he hath herded it credibly reported by divers, that the king of Denmark of late years, or every year once, hath had one of his subjects or more by himself, or with his guide a Lappian, that hath at the places Cola, Kegor, and divers other places in Lappia, taken of the Lappies certain tribute or head pennies, which the said Lappies have willingly given to win favour of the said prince, and to live quietly by his subjects, the people of Finmarke which border upon their country, whereof Wardhouse is the strongest hold, & bordereth near unto them. He hath also heard that in the time of peace between the said Emperor of Russia, and the kings of Sweden, there was yearly for the king of Sweden one or more that came into Lappia unto divers places, in manner as the king of Denmark's servant useth to do, and did demand of them some tribute or duty which they willingly paid: but since the late wars between the said Emperor and king of Sweden, he hath not herded of any thing that hath been paid by them to the king of Sweden: such is the simplicity of this people the Lappies, that they would rather give tribute to all those that border upon their country, then by denying it have their ill wills. But the truth is, as this Deponent says, that the said mighty prince the Emperor of Russia is the chief lord and governor of the said country of Lappia, his laws and orders are observed by them, he takes toll and custom etc. of them. They are infidels, but if any of them become Christians it is after the Ruff law. If there happen any controversy between those people, such as cannot be ended amongst themselves, or by the emperors deputies in that country, they repair to the Mosko as their highest Court, and there have it ended. Between the place specified Kegor, and the confines of Finmarke aforesaid in Lappia, is the monastery Pechingo, Pechingo abbey. which are monks, and use the Ruff law, the chief or head of that abbey is always appointed by the clergy in Mosko. Also in the year of our Lord 1557. the said Deponent was at the place Kegor, in the month of june, the 29. day being S. Peter's day, at which time was a great assembly of people at a mart there, the Russes, Kerils and Lappians on the one side subjects to the said mighty prince the Emperor of Russia, and the Norwegians or Norses and people of Finmarke subjects to the king of Denmark on the other part, they did barter and exchange fish for other commodities. The deputy for the Ruff had the chief government of the said Mart, and took toll of those people that were subject to his master, and the captain of Wardhouse had then the government of the people subject to his master the king of Denmark. He says also, that between the abbey Pechingo, and the abbey of S. Nicholas in Russia, upon the border of the said coast of Lappia, he hath been upon the shore at divers places, where fresh rivers fall into the Sea, where are commonly taken fresh salmon, all which places he doth know for certain, that they were farmed out to the subjects of the said Emperor, and he the said Emperor received yearly the rent for them. And further he says that it hath been further credibly reported unto him, that there is not any such river or creek of fresh water which falls out of the said country of Lappia into the sea, between the said abbey Pechingo, and the bay of S. Nicholas, but they are all and every of them farmed out, and the Emperor receiveth the rent for them. The second Interrogatory. Item, whether as well before, as also within the memory of men, till the time of the grant of the said letters patents any of the English merchants (saving the merchants of the said society) subjects of this realm of England, have commonly exercised or frequented business or trade in the said villages or towns called the narve, Kegor, Pechingo, and Cola, or in any of them, or in any ports or territories of the said Emperor of Russia. The deponents answer. To this Interrogatory the Deponent answereth, that the subjects of this realm before the grant of the said letters patents did not commonly exercise, neither frequent or trade to any of the said places called the narve, Kegor, Pechingo or Cola, or to any of them. Certain reasons to dissuade the use of a trade to the narve aforesaid, by way through Sweden. THe merchandise of the narve are gross wares, viz. flax, hemp, wax, tallow and hides. The traffic at that place standeth upon the agreement and liking of the Emperor of Russia, with the king of Sweden: for all these merchandises that are brought thither come from Plescove, Novogrod, and other parts of the emperors dominions. For transporting those merchandises from narve to Stockholm, or what other place shall be thought convenient in Sweden, it must be in vessels of those countries, which willbe of small force to resist Freebooters, or any other that shall make quarrel or offer violence against them. When the goods are brought into Sweden, they must be discharged, and new laden into smaller vessels, to carry the same by river or lake a part of the way, and again to be unladen and transported by land to Newles. So as the ordinary charges for transporting of goods from narve to Newles by way as aforesaid, besides the spoil by so often lading and unlading, carriage by land, and the dangers of the seas, pirates, etc. will be such as when it shallbe so brought to Newles it will be as dear to the merchants in that place as it shall be worth to be sold in London, wherefore the trade that ways cannot be profitable to our nation. Moreover, when the goods shall be in Newles, it may be thought doubtful to bring it thence quietly without disliking or forcible resistance of the king of Denmark, forasmuch as he maketh quarrel, Note. and allegeth damage unto him in his tolles of the Sound by our trade to S. Nicholas, how much more will he now do by this way, and with how much greater advantage may he perform it? The danger that may grow in our trade to Russia by way of S. Nicholas, through the displeasure that the Emperor may conceive by our trade with the Sweden to narve is also to be considered. A remembrance of advise given to the merchants, touching a voyage for Cola abovesaid. 1578. WHereas you require my counsel after what order the voyage for Cola is to be set forth. I answer that I know no better way than hath been heretofore used, which is after this manner. First of all we have hired the ship by the great, giving so much for the wearing of the tackle and the hull of the ship, as the ship may be in bigness: as if she be about the burden of an hundred tons, we pay fourscore pound, and so after that rate: and thereunto we do victual the ship ourselves, and do ship all our men ourselves, shipping no more men, nor giving them more wages than we should do if they went of a merchant's voyage, for it hath been a great help to our voyage hitherto, to have our men to fish with one boat, & costing us no more charges than it should do, if our men should lie & do nothing saving the charges of salt, & of lines, which is triple paid for again. For this last year past our men killed with one boat betwixt 9 or 10. thousand fish, which yielded to us in money with the oil that came of it, about 15. or 16. score pounds, which is a great help to a voyage. And besides all this, our ship did take in so much oil and other commodities as we bestowed 100 whole clotheses in. But because, as I do suppose, it is not the use of London to take ships to freight after that order before prescribed, neither I think that the mariners will take such pains as our men will: Therefore my counsel is, if you think good, to fraught some ship of Hul or Newcastle, for I am sure that you may have them there better cheap to freight, than here at London. Besides all this, one may have such men as will take pains for their merchants. And furthermore when it shall please God that the ship shall return to come to discharge at Hull, Hull the best market of England for sale of fish. which will be the most for your profit for the sales of all such like commodity as comes from that place, as for fish, oil, and Salmon chief, he that will seek a better market for the sales then at Hull, he must seek it out of England, for the like is not in England. This is the best way that I can devise, and most for your profit, and if you will, I will also set you down all the commodities that are necessary for such a voyage, and which way also that the Hollanders may within two or three years be forced to leave off the trade of Cola which may easily be done. For if my ability were to my will. I would use the matter so that they should either leave off the trade, or else carry light ships with them home again. A dedicatory Epistle unto the Queen's most excellent Majesty, written by Master William Burrough late controller of her highness navy, and annexed unto his exact and notable map of Russia, briefly containing (amongst other matters) his great travails, observations, and experiments both by sea and land, especially in those Northeastern parts. To the most high and renowned Princess ELIZABETH by the grace of God Queen of England, France and Ireland, etc. MY mind earnestly bend to the knowledge of navigation and hydrography from my youth (most excellent my dread Sovereign) hath eftsoons been moved by diligent study to search out the chiefest points to them belonging: and not there with sufficed hath also sought by experience in divers discoveries and other voyages and travails to practise the same. I was in the first voyage for discovery of the parts of Russia, which begun in anno 1553. (being then sixteen years of age) also in the year 1556. in the voyage when the coasts of Samoed and Nova Zembla, with the straights of Vaigatz were found out: and in the year 1557, when the coast of Lappia, and the bay of S. Nicholas were more perfectly discovered. Since which time, by my continual practice in the voyages made yearly to S. Nicholas in Russia, or to the narve, and to some other countries also by Sea: as likewise in passing from S. Nicholas to Moscow, and from Moscow to narve, and from thence back again to S. Nicholas by land, in the years 1574. and 1575. (being then Agent in those countries for the company of English merchants for discoveries of new trades) setting down always with great care and diligence, true observations & notes of all those countries, Islands, coasts of the sea, and other things requisite to the arts of Navigation and hydrography: and with like diligence gathering exact notes and descriptions of the ways, rivers, cities, towns, etc. as I passed by land: I find myself sufficiently furnished to give report unto your Majesty, and to make description of those North parts of the world in form and manner of every leagues distance that I have passed & seen in all those my travels. The places herein described, which I have not seen and tried myself, I have set down by the best authorities that I could find, and therein may err with the learned Gerardus Mercator, Abraham Ortelius, and the rest: but for the main part which is from Rochel in France hither to London, and from hence Eastward to narve by sea, and from thence to Moscow and to S. Nicholas by land: also from hence Northwards and Northeastwards by Sea to Saint Nicholas, and to the strait of Vaigatz (first craving humbly your highness pardon) I dare boldly affirm (and that I trust without suspect of arrogancy, since truly I may say it) I have here set it open to the view, with such exactness and truth, and so placed every thing aright in true latitude and longitude, (accounting the longitudes from the meridian of London, which I place in 21. degrees) as till this time no man hath done the like: neither is any man able by learning only, except he travaileth, as I have done. For as it may be truly said of navigation and hydrography, that no man can be cunning in the one which wants convenient knowledge in the other: and as neither of them can be had without the helps of Astronomy and cosmography, much less without these two grounds of all ar●●s, Arithmetic and Geometry: so none of the best learned in those sciences Mathematical, without convenient practice at the sea can make just proof of the profit in them: so necessarily dependeth art and reason upon practice and experience. Albeit there are divers both learned and unlearned, little or nothing experienced, which in talk of navigation will enter deeply and speak much of and against errors used therein, when they cannot reform them. Such also have written thereof, pretending singular great knowledge therein, and would so be accounted of, though in very deed not worthy the name of good and sufficient pilots. To whom I think it shall not be amiss in defence of rules builded upon reason, and in practice allowed, thus much to say for answer. It is so, that there are rules used in navigation which are not perfectly true: among which the straight lines in sea-cardes, representing the 32. points of the compass or winds, are not held to be the lest, but noted of such talkers for principal, to condemn the occupiers thereof for ignorant: yet hath the famous and learned Gerardus Mercator used them in his universal map. But such as condemn them for false, and speak most against their use cannot give other that should serve for navigation ●o better purpose and effect. Experience (one of the keys of knowledge) hath taught me to say it. Wherein with my ability, together with some part of my study, I am the rather moved (in this my plot) to make some trial unto you majesty: for that I perceive that such attempts of new discoveries (whereunto this noble Island is most aptly situated) are by your royal maintenance so willingly furthered: beseeching your highness so to accept of these my travails, as a pledge of my well willing to my country, and of my loyal service to your majesty, whose healthful happy life and reign God continued which is Almighty. Amen. Your majesties most humble subject William Burrough. The Queen's majesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophi of Persia, sent by Arthur Edward's, William Turnbull, Matthew Tailbois, and Peter Gerard appointed Agents for the Moscovie company, in their sixt voyage to Persia, begun in the year 1579. To the most noble and invincible Emperor of Persia, King of Shiruan, Gilan, Grosin, Corassan, and great Governor of the Indies. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. To the most noble and invincible Emperor of Persia, King of Shiruan, Gilan, Grosin, Corassan, and great governor even unto the Indies, sendeth greeting. Most noble and invincible Prince, it is now ‖ 1568 pag. 394. ten years since, or thereabouts, wherein (after the honourable ambassade of the noble man Anthony jenkinson our well-beloved subject, to your most noble and invincible father performed) we laboured to bring to pass by Thomas Bannister and Geoffrey Ducat merchants, our subjects, that throughout all the kingdoms subject to his empire, free power might be given to Will. Garrard, Thomas Ofley, William Chester knights, Rowland Haiward, Lionel ducat, William Allen, Thomas Bannister, Geoffrey ducat, Laurence Chapman Merchants, and unto their society, to enter into his lands and countries at all times when they would and could, there to exercise & use their trade of merchandise, and from thence likewise after exchange or sale made of those wares, which they should bring with them with his like good leave and favour, to carry from thence those things wherewith his dominions do abound & with us be scant. Which our petition the most noble prince your father taken so thankfully and in such good part, that he not only granted frank and commodious leave, as was desired: but the same he would to be unto them most free and beneficial, and to have continuance for many years and times. The benefit of the which his wonderful liberality, our subjects did enjoy with such humanity & freedom as there could be no greater, till the time that by reason of wars more and more increasing in those parts, by the which our subjects were to make their journey into Persia, they were debarred and shut from that voyage & traffic. The which traffic the said society being eftsoons desirous to renew to the weal and commodity of both our dominions they have now sent into Persia their factors & Agents Arthur Edward's, William Turnbull, Matthew Tailbois, Peter Gerrard merchants, with their associates, whom we beseech your invincible majesty to entertain with that favour wherewith your father did embrace Tho. Bannister & Geffrey ducat, and to enfranchise their whole society with that freedom, that neither they through any their misdemeanours towards your subjects, may thereof seem unworthy (as we hope they will not) neither we ourselves otherwise enjoy them, then with the perpetual remembrance of your good affection towards us, and with the like favourable inclination of our part towards you. The matter itself & tract of time shall sufficiently prove the foresaid manner of traffic unprofitable to neither of us. For so hath one God the chief governor of all things disposed of our affairs on earth, that each one should need other. And as for our people & subjects of the English nation, in very deed your majesty shall found them made and fashioned so pliant to the performance of all duties of humanity, that it can never repent you to have granted them this frank traffic, nor shame us to have obtained it for them at your hands. That therefore it may please your majesty to yield unto them this at our request, most earnestly we beseech you. And we (as it well beseemeth a prince) if ever hereafter we may, will show ourself not to be unmindful of so great a benefit. We wish your majesty well & prosperously to far. Given at our palace of Westminster the 10. day of june, in the year of our Lord 1579, and of our reign the 21. Advertisements and reports of the 6. voyage into the parts of Persia and Media, for the company of English merchants for the discovery of new trades, in the years 1579.1580. and 1581. gathered out of sundry letters written by Christopher Burrough, servant to the said company, and sent to his uncle Master William Burrough. FIrst it is to be understood, that the ships for the voyage to S. Nicholas in Russia, in which the factors and merchandise for the Persian voyage were transported, departed from Gravesend the 19 of june, 1579. which arrived at S. Nicholas in Russia the 22. of july, where the factors and merchants landed, and the merchandise were discharged & laden into doshnikes, that is, barks of the country, to be carried from thence up by river unto Vologda. And the 25. day of the said julie, the doshnikes departed from Rose Island by S. Nicholas up the river Dwina, Peremene, that is to say, in post, by continual sailing, rowing, setting with poles, or drawing of men, which came to Colmogro the 27. day, and departed thence the 29. of julie up the said river Dwyna, and came to Vs●youg (which is at the head of the river Dwina, and mouth of Sughano) the 9 of August, where they stayed but a small time, providing some victuals, and shifting certain of their cassocks or barkmen, & so departed thence the same day up the river Sughano, and came to Totma (which is counted somewhat more than half the way from Vstioug) the 15. day, where they shifted some of their cassaks, and departed thence the same day, and came to the city Vologda the 19 of August, where they landed their goods, and stayed at that place till the 30. of the same. Having provided at Vologda, Telegas, or wagons, whereupon they laded their goods, they departed thence with the fame by land towards Yeraslave the said 30. of August at eight of the clock in the morning, Yeraslave. and came to the East side of the river Volga over against Yeraslave, with 25. Telegas laden with the said goods the seventh of September at five of the clock afternoon. Then the three stroogs or barks provided to transport the said goods to Astracan (where they should meet the ship that should carry the same from thence into Persia) came over from Yeraslave unto the same side of the river Volga, and there took in the said goods. And having prepared the said barks ready with all necessary furniture they departed with them from Yeraslave down the river of Volga on the 14 day of September at nine of the clock in the morning, and they arrived at Niznovogrod the 17 day at three of the clock afternoon, where they showed the Emperor's letters to pass free without paying any custom, and tarried there about three hours to provide necessaries, and then departing, arrived at Cazan (or near the same town) on the 22. of September at five of the clock afternoon, where (through contrary winds, and for providing new cassaks in the places of some that there went from them) they remained till the 26. day, at what time they departed thence about two of the clock after noon, and arrived at Tetushagorod, which is on the Crim side of Volga, and in latitude 55. degrees 22. minutes, the 28. day at ten in the forenoon, where they ankered, and remained about 3. hours, and departing thence came to Oueak, which is on the Crims' side (on the Western side of Volga) the fift of October about five of the clock in the morning. This place is accounted half the way between Cazan and Astracan: and here there groweth great store of Licoris: Great store o● Licoris. the soil is very fruitful: they found there apple trees, and cherry trees. The latitude of Oueak is 51. degrees 30. minutes. At this place had been a very fair stone castle called by the name Oueak, & adjoining to the same was a town called by the Russes, Sodom: this town & part of the castle (by report of the Russes) was swallowed into the earth by the justice of God, for the wickedness of the people that inhabited the same. There remains at this day to be seen a part of the ruins of the castle, and certain tombs, wherein as it seemeth have been laid noble personages: for upon a tomb stone might be perceived the form of a horse and a man sitting on it with a bow in his hand, and arrows gird to his side: there was a piece of a scutcheon also upon one of the stones, which had characters graven on it, whereof some part had been consumed with the weather, and the rest left unperfect: but by the form of them that remained, we judged them to be characters of Armenia: and other characters wer● graven also upon another tomb stone. Now they departed from Oueak the said fift of October ●● five of the clock after noon, and came to Peravolok the 10. day about eleven or twelve of the clock that night, Peravolok. making no abode at that place, but passed alongst by it. This word Peravolok in the Ruff tongue doth signify a narrow strait or neck of land between two waters, and it is so called by them, because from the river Volga, at that place, to the river Don or Tanais, is counted thirty versts, or as much as a man may well travel on foot in one day. And seven versts beneath, upon an Island called Tsaritsna the Emperor of Russia hath fifty gunner's all the summer time to keep watch, called by the Bohemian-tartar name Carawool. Between this place and Astracan are five other Carawools or watches. 1 The first is named Kameni Carawool, and is distant from Peravolok 120, ver●ts. 2 The second named Stupino Carowool, distant from the first 50. versts. 3 The third called Polooy Carowool, is 120. versts distant from the second. 4 The fourth named Keezeyur Carawool, is 50. versts distant from the third. 5 The fift named Ichkebre, is 30. versed distant from the fourth, and from Ichkebre to Astracan is 30. versts. Astracan. The 16. of October they arrived at Astracan, with their three stroogs in safety about nine of the clock in the morning, where they found the ship provided for the Persia voyage in good order & readiness. The 17. day the four principal factors of the company, Arthur Edwards, William Turnbull, Matthew Talbois, and Peter Garrard, Peter Garrard. were invited to dine with the chief diake or secretary of Astracan (Vasili Pheodorovich Shelepin) who declared then unto them the troubles that were in Media and Persia: and how the Turk with help of the Crims had conquered, and did possess the greatest part of Media: also he laid before them that Winter was at hand, & if they should put out with their ship to the sea, they should be constrained to take what hazards might happen them by wintering in the parts of Media, or else where, for back again to that place there was no hope for them to return: whereupon the said factors determined to stay there all Winter to learn further of the state of those countries. Ice at Astracan for four months. The 19 of November the wind being Northerly, there was a great frost, and much ice in the river: the next day being the 20. of November the ice stood in the river, and so continued until Easter day. The 22. of December departed this life john Moor the gunner of the ship. Anno 1580. Thursday the 7. of january between 8. and 9 of the clock at night there appeared a cross proceeding from the moon, with two galls at the South and North end thereof. The 6. of january being Twelve day (which they call Chreshenia) ●the Russes of Astracan broke a hole in the ice upon the river Volga, & hallowed the water with great solemnity according to the manner of their country, at which time all the soldiers of the town shot off their small pieces upon the ice, and likewise to gratify the captain of the castle being a Duke, whose name is Pheodor Michalovich Troiocouria, who stood hard by the ship, beholding them as they were on the river, was shot off all the ordinance of our ship being 15. pieces, v●z. 2. falcons, 2. faulconets, 4. fowlers, 4. fowlers chambers. and 3. other small pieces made for the stroogs to shoot hailstones, and afterwards the great ordinance of the castle was shot off. On the 31. of january there happened a great eclipse of the moon, which began about 12. of the clock at night, and continued before she was clear an hour and a half by estimation, which ended the first of February about half an hour past one in the morning: she was wholly darkened by the space of half an hour. The 26. of February the town of Nagay Tartars, called the Yourt, which is within 3. quarters of a mile of the castle of Astracan, by casualty was set on fire about 10. of the clock at night, & continued burning till midnight, whereby one half of it was burned, and much cattle destroyed. The Nagayes that inhabit that town, are the Emperor of Russia his vassals: It is supposed there are of them inhabiting that place of men, women, and children, the number of s●uen thousand. That night the alarum was made in the castle and town of Astracan. The captain thereof had all his soldiers in very good order and readiness, being of them in number two thousand gunner's and cassaks, that is to say, a thousand gunner's, which are accounted mere soldiers, and are not put to any other service then the use of their pieces, watch, etc. as soldiers which always keep the castle, and the cassaks also using their pieces, do keep the town, and are commonly set to all kind of labours. The 7. of March 1580. the Nagayes and Crims came before Astracan to the number of one thousand four hundred horsemen, which encamped round about, but the nearest of them were two Ruff versts and a half off from the castle and town: some of them lay on the Crims' side of Volga, and some on the Nagay side, but none of them came upon the Island that Astracan standeth on. It was said that two ●f the prince of the Crims his sons were amongst them. They sent a messenger on the eight day to the captain of Astracan, Astracan situate upon an Island. to signify that they would come and visit him: who answered, he was ready to receive them: and taking a great shot or bullet in his hand, willed the messenger to tell them that they should not want of that gear, so long as it would last. The ninth day news was brought that the Crims determined to assault the town or castle, and were making of faggots of reed, to bring with them for that purpose. The tenth day two Russes that were captives, and two of the Tartars bondmen ran away from the Nagayes, and came into Astracan. The same day word was brought to the Duke of two Nagayes which were seen at Gostine house, supposed to be spies, but were go again from thence before they were suspected. This Gostine house is a place a little without the town where the Tisiks (or Persian merchants) do usually remain with their merchandise. The 11. day the said Nagayes, and one more with them, came again to that house early in the morning, where they were taken by the Russes, and brought to the captain of the castle, and being examined, confessed that their coming was only to seek two of their bondmen that were run from them: whereupon their bondmen were delivered to them: which favour the said captain commonly showeth if they be not Russies, and they were set at liberty. The 13. day they broke up their camps, and marched to the Northwards into the country of Nagay. The 17. of April the variation of the compass observed in Astracan was 13. deg. 40. min. from North to West. The variation o● the compass in A●●racan was 13. deg. 40. minutes. This spring there came news to Astracan that the queen of Persia (the king being blind) had been with a great army against the Turks that were left to possess Media, and had given them a great overthrow: yet notwithstanding Derbent, & the greatest part of Media were still possessed and kept by the Turks. The factors o● the company consulting upon their affairs, determined to leave at Astracan the one half of their goods with Arthur Edward's, and with the other half the other three factors would proceed in the ship on their purposed voyage to the coast of Media, to see what might be done there: where, if they could not found safe traffic, they determined to proceed to the coast of Gilan, which is a province near the Caspian sea bordering upon Persia: and thereupon appointed the said goods to be laden aboard the ship, and took into her also some merchandise of Tisiks or Persian merchants. The 29. of April Amos rial, and Anthony Marsh, the companies servants were sent from Astracan by the said factors, up the river Volga to Yeraslave, with letters of advise to be sent for England, and had order for staying the goods in Russia that should come that year out of England for maintaining the trade purposed for Persia, until further trial were made what might be done in those parts. The first day of May in the morning, May. having the ship in readiness to departed, the factors invited the duke Pheodor Micalovich Proiocoorow, and the principal secretary Vasili Pheodorovich Shelepi●, with other of the chiefest about the duke to a banquet aboard the ship, where they were entertained to their good liking, and at their departure was shot off all the ordinance of the ship, and about nine of the clock at night the same day they weighed anchor, and departed with their ship from Astracan, and being but little wind, towed her with the boat about three versts, & then ankered, having with them a pavos or lighter to help them at the flats. The second day at four of the clock in the morning they weighed & plied down the river Volga toward the Caspian sea. The seventh of May in the morning they passed by a tree that standeth on the left hand of the river as they went down, which is called Mahomet Agatch, or Mahomet's tree, & about three versts further, that is to say, to the Southwards of the said tree is a place called Vchoog, that is to say, Vchoog. the Ruff wear: (but Ochoog is the name of a wear in the Bohemian-tartar tongue) where are certain cottages, and the Emperor hath lying at that place certain gunner's to guard his fishermen that keep the wear. This Vchoog is counted from Astracan 60. versts: they proceeded down the said river without staying at the Vchoog. The ninth and tenth days they met with should water, Should water. and were forced to lighten their ship by the pavos: the 11. day they sent back to the Vchoog for an other pavos: This day by mischance the ship was bilged on the grapnel of the pavos, whereby the company had sustained great losses, if the chiefest part of their goods had not been laid into the pavos: for notwithstanding their pumping with 3. pumps, heaving out water with buckets, and all the best shifts they could make, the ship was half full of water ere the leak could be found and s●opt. The 12. day the pavos came to them from the Vchoog, whereby they lighted the ship of all the goods. The 13. day in the morning there came to them a small boat, sent by the captain of Astracan, to learn whether the ship were at sea clear of the flats. Flats. The 15. day by great industry and travel they got their ship clear off the shoals and flats, wherewith they had been troubled from the ninth day until then: they were forced to pass their ship in three foot water or less. The 16. day they came to the Chetera Bougori, Chetera Bo●gor●. or Island of Four Hillocks, which are counted forty versts from Vchoog, and are the furthest land towards the sea. The 17. day they bore off into the sea, The Caspian sea. and being about twelve versts from the Four hillocks, riding in five foot and a half water about eleven of the clock in the forenoon, they took their goods out of the pavoses into the ship, and filled their ship with all things necessary. The 18. day in the morning about seven of the clock, the pavoses being discharged departed away towards Astracan, the wind then at Southeast, they road still with the ship, and observing the elevation of the pole at that place, found it to be 45. degrees 20. minutes. The 19 day, the wound Southeast, they road still. 45. degrees 20. minutes. The first observation in the Caspian sea. The 20. day the wind at Northwest they set sail about one of the clock in the morning, & stered thence South by West, & Southsouthwest, about 3. leagues, and then ankered in 6. foot and a half water, about nine of the clock before noon, at which time it fallen calm: the elevation of the pole at that place 45. degrees 13. minuts● The 21. having the wind at Northwest, they set sail, and stered thence South by West, and South until eleven of the clock, and had then nine foot water: and at noon they observed the latitude, and found it to be 44. degrees 47. minutes: then had they three fathoms and a half water, being clear of the flats. It is counted from the Four hillocks to the sea about fifty versts. From the said noontide until four of the clock they sailed South by East five leagues and a half: then had they five fathoms and a half and brackish water: Brackish water far within the sea. from that till twelve at night they sailed South by East half a league, East ten leagues: then had they eleven fathom, and the water salter. From that till the 22. day three of the clock in the morning they sailed three & fifty leagues, than had they sixteen fathom water: from thence they sailed until noon South and by West seven leagues and a half, the latitude than observed 43. degrees 15. minutes, 43. degrees 15. minutes. the depth than eight and twenty fathoms, and shallow ground: from that until eight of the clock at night, they sailed South by East five leagues and a half, then had they three and forty fathoms shallow ground. From thence till the 23. four a clock in the morning, they sailed Southsouthwest three leagues and a half: then could they get no ground in two and fifty fathoms deep. From thence until noon they sailed South nine leagues, than the latitude observed was 42. degrees 20. minutes. From that till the 24. day at noon they sailed South by West seventeen leagues and a half, than the latitude observed was 41. degrees 32. minutes. 41. degrees 32. minutes. From noon till seven of the clock at night, they sailed Southsouthwest four leagues, than had they perfect sight of high land or hills, which were almost covered with snow, and the mids of them were West from the ship, being then about twelve leagues from the nearest land: they sounded but could find no ground in two hundred fathoms. From thence they sailed South-west until midnight: about three leagues from thence till the 25. day four of the clock in the morning, they sailed West three leagues, being then little wind, and near the land, they took in their sails, and lay hulling: at noon the latitude observed, was 40. degrees 54. minutes: 40. degrees 54. minutes. they sounded but could get no ground in two hundred fathoms. At four of the clock in the afternoon, the wind Northwest, they set their sails, & from thence till the 26. day at noon they sailed East southeast four leagues. From thence they sailed till eight of the clock at night South-west three leagues, the wind then at North. From thence they sailed until the 27. day two of the clock in the morning, Westsouthwest eight leagues, the wind blowing at North very much. From the said two till four of the clock they sailed South by West one league: then being day light, they see the land plain, which was not passed three leagues from them, being very high ragged land. There were certain rocks that lay far off into the sea, about five leagues from the same land, (which are called Barmake Tash● they sailed between those rocks and the land, and about five of the clock they passed by the port Bilbill, Bilbill. where they should have put in but could not: and bearing longest the shore about two of the clock afternoon, they came to Bildih in the country of Media or Sheruan, against which place they ankered in 9 foot water. Presently after they were at anchor, there came aboard of them a boat, wherein were seven or eight people, two Turks, the rest Persians, the Turks vassals, which bade them welcome, and se●med to be glad of their arrival, who told the factors that the Turk had conquered all Media, or the country Sheruan, and how that the Turks Bassa remained in Derbent with a garrison of Turks, and that Shamaky was wholly spoiled, and had few or no inhabitants left in it. The factors then being desirous to come to the speech of the Bassa, sent one of the Tisikes' (or merchants that went over with them from Astracan, passengers) and one of the companies servants Robert Golding, with those soldiers, to the captain of Bachu, Bachu port. which place standeth hard by the sea, to certify him of their arrival, and what commodities they had brought, and to desire friendship to have quiet and safe traffic for the s●me. Bachu is from Bildih, the place where they road, about a days journey, on foot easily to be traveled, which may be six leagues the next way over land: it is a walled town, and strongly fortified. When the said messenger came to the captain of Bachu, the said captain gave him very friendly entertainment, and after he understood what they were that were come in the ship, and what they had brought, he seemed to rejoice much thereat: who gave the said Golding licence to departed back the next day, being the eight and twentieth day: and promised that he would himself come to the ship the ne●t day following: with which answer the said Golding returned and came to the ship the said eight and twentieth day about nine of the clock at night. The nine and twentieth day in the morning the factors caused a tent to be set up at shore near the ship, against the coming of the said captain: who came thither about three of the clock after noon, and brought about thirty soldiers, that attended on him, in shirts ●● male, and some of them had gauntlets of silver, others of steel, and very fair. The factors met him at their tent, and after very friendly salutations passed between them, they gave him for a present a garment of clot of velvet, and another of scarlet, who accepted the same gratefully. After they had talked together by their interpreters, as well of the state of the voyage and cause of their coming thither, as also learned of the said captain the state of that country, the factors made request unto him, that he would help them to the speech of the Bassa, who answered that their demand was reasonable, and that he would willingly show them therein what pleasure he could, and said, because the way to Derbent, where the Bassa remained, was dangerous, he would sand thither, and certify him of their arrival, and what commodities they had brought, and such commodities as they would desire to exchange or barter the same for he would procure the said Bassa to provide for them: and therefore willed the factors to consult together, and certify him what they most desired, and what quantity they would have provided: so whilst the factors were consulting together thereupon, the captain talked with a Tisike merchant that came over in the ship with them from Astracan, which Tisike, among other matters in talk, certified the captain, that the night before, the factors & their company were determined to have returned back again to Astracan, and that they were about to weigh their anchors, which in deed was true, but the master of the bark Thomas Hudson of Limehouse persuaded them that the wound was not good for them to departed, Thomas H●dson o● Limehouse, master of the English bark. etc. When the factors came again to talk with the captain, they desired to go to the Bassa, and that he would safely conduct them thither: he granted their requests willingly, desiring them to go with him to a village hard by, and there to abide with him that night, and the next day they should go to Bachu, and from thence proceed on their journey to Derbent. They were unwilling to go that night with him, because their provision for the way was not in readiness, but requested that they might stay till the morning. Thereupon the captain said it was reported unto him, that they meant the night before to have go away: and if it should so happen, he were in great danger of losing his head: for which cause he requested to have some one for a pledge: wherefore M. Garrard one of the factors offered himself to go, who, because he could not speak the Ruff tongue, took with him Christopher Burrough, M. Christopher Burrough. and a Ruff interpreter: that night they road from the seaside, to a village about ten miles off, where at supper time the captain had much talk with M. Garrard of our country, demanding where about it did lie, what countries were near unto it, and with whom we had traffic, for by the Ruff name of our country he could not conjecture who we should be: but when by the situation he perceived we were Englishmen, he demanded if our prince were a maiden Queen: which when he was certified of, than (quoth he) your land is called Enghilterra, is it not? answer was made, it was so: whereof he was very glad when he known the certainty. He made very much of them, placing M. Garrard next to himself, and Christopher Burrough, with the Russie interpreter for the Turkey tongue hard by. There was a gilan merchant with him at that present, of whom he seemed to make great account: him he placed next to himself on the other side, and his gentlemen sat round about him talking together. Their sitting is upon the heels, or cross legged. Supper being brought in, he requested them to eat. After their pottage (which was made of rice) was done, and likewise their boiled meat, there came in platters of rice sodden thi●ke, and honey mingled withal: after all which, came a sheep roasted whole, which was brought in a trey, and se● before the captain: he called one of his servitors, who cut it in pieces, and laying thereof upon divers platters, set the same before the captain: then the captain gave to M. Garrard and his company one platter, and to his gentlemen another, and to them which could not well reach he cast meat from the platters which were before him. divers questions he had with M. Garrard and Christopher Burrough at supper time, about their diet, enquiring whether they eat fish or flesh voluntarily, or by order. Their drink in those parts is nothing but water. After supper (walking in the garden) the captain demanded of M. Garrard, whether the use was in England to lie in the house or in the garden, and which he had best liking of: he answered, where it pleased him, but their use was to lie in houses: whereupon the captain caused beds to be sent into the house for them, and caused his kinsman to attend on them in the night, if they chanced to want any thing: he himself with his gentlemen and soldiers lying in the garden. In the morning very early he sent horse for the rest of the company which should go to Derbent, sending by them that went ten sheep for the ship. In that village there was a Stove, into which the captain went in the morning, requesting M. Garrard to go also to the same to wash himself, which he did. Shortly after their coming out of the Stove, whilst they were at breakfast, M. Turnbull, M. Tailboyes, and Thomas Hudson the M. of the ship, came thither, and when they had all broken their fasts, they went to Bachu: but Christopher Burrough returned to the ship, for that he had hurt his leg, and could not well endure that travel. And from Bachu they proceeded towards Derbent, as it was by the captain promised, being accompanied on their way for their safe conduct, with a gentleman, and certain soldiers, which had the captain of Bachu his letters to the Bassa of De●bent, very friendly writ●en in their behalf. In their journey to Derbent they forsook the ordinary ways, being very dangerous, and traveled thorough woods till they came almost to the town of Derbent: and then the gentleman road before with the captains letters to the Bassa, to certify him of the English merchants coming, who receiving the letters, and understanding the matter, was very glad of the news, and sent forth to receive them certain soldiers gunner's, The receiving of the English into Derbent. who met them abou● two miles out of the town, saluting them with great reverence, and afterwards road before them: then again met them other soldiers, somewhat nearer the castle, which likewise having done their salutations road before them, and then came forth noble men, captains, and gentlemen, to receive them into the castle and town. As they entered the castle, there was a shot o● twenty pieces of great ordinance, & the Bassa sent M. Turnbull a very fair horse with furniture to mount on, esteemed to be worth an hundred marks, and so they were conveyed to his presence: who after he had talked with them, sent for a coat of clot of gold, and caused it to be put on M. Turnbulles back, and then willed them all to departed, and take their ease, for that they were weary of their journey, and on the morrow he would talk further with them. The next day when the factors came again to the presence of the Bassa, according to his appointment, they requeste● him that he would grant them his privilege, whereby they might traffic safely in any part and place of his country, offering him, that if it pleased his Majesty to have any of the commodities that they had brought, and to writ his mind thereof to the captain of Bachu, it should be deliu●red him accordingly. The Bashaes' answer was, that he would willingly give them his privilege: yet for that he regarded their safety, having come so far, & knowing ●he state of his country to be troublesome, he would have them to bring their commodity thither, & there to make sale of it, promising he would provide such commodities as they needed, and that he would be a defence unto them, so that they should not be injured by any: whereupon the factors sent Thomas Hud●on back for the ship to bring her to Derbent, and the Bassa sent a gentleman with him to the captain of Bachu, to certify h●m what was determined, which message being done, the captain of Bachu, and the Bashaes' messenger, accompanied with a dozen soldiers, went from Bachu with Thomas Hudson, & came to the ship at Bildih the 11. day of june. After the captain and his men had been aboard and seen the ship, they all departed presently, but the gentleman, messenger from the Bassa, with three other Turks, remained aboard, and continued in the ship till she came to Derbent: the latitude of Bildih by divers observations is 40. degrees 25. minutes: the variation of the compass 10. degrees 40. minutes from North to West. The latitude of Bildih 40. deg. 25 min. The variation of the compass 10 deg. 40. min. After the return of Thomas Hudson back to Bildih, they were constrained to remain there with the ship through contrary winds until the 16. day of june four of the clock in the morning, at which time they weighed anchor, set sail and departed thence towards Derbent, and arrived at anchor against Derbent East and by South from the said castle in four fathom and a half water, the 22. day of june at ten of the clock in the morning: then they took up their ordinance, which before they had stowed in hold for easing the ship in her rolling. In the afternoon the Bassa came down to the waterside against the ship, and having the said ordinance placed, and charged, it was all shot off to gratify him: and presently after his departure back, he permitted the factors to come aboard the ship. The 29. day their goods were unladen and carried to the Bashaes' garden, where he made choice of such things as he liked, taking for custom of every five & twenty kerseys, or whatsoever, one, or after the rate of four for the hundred. The factors after his choice made, determined to sand a part of the rest of the goods to Bachu, for the speedier making sale thereof, for which cause they obtained the Bashaes' letter to the captain of Bachu, written very favourably in their behoof: and thereupon was laden and sent in a small boat of that country in merchandise, to the value (very near) of one thousand pound sterling: videlicet, one hundredth pieces of kerseys, seven broad clotheses, two barrels of cochenelio, two barrels of tin, four barrels of shaffe. There went with the same of the companies servants William Winckle, Robert Golding, and Richard Relfe, with two Russies, whereof one was an interpreter, besides four barkemen. They departed from Derbent with the said bark the 19 of july, and arrived at Bildih the 25. day: their passage and carriage of their goods to Bachu was chargeable, although their sales when they came thither were small: they had great friendship showed them of the captain of Bachu, as well for the Bashaes' letter, as also for the factors sakes, who had dealt friendly with him, as before is declared, Robert Golding desirous to understand what might be done at Shamaky, which is a days journey from Bachu, went thither, from whence returning, he was set on by thieves, and was shot into the kn●e with an arrow, who had very hardly escaped with his life & goods, but that by good hap he killed one of the thieves horses with his caliver, and shot a Turk thorough both che●ks with a dag. On the sixt day of August the factors being advertised at Derbent that their ship was so rotten & weak, that it was doubtful she would not carry them back to Astracan, did thereupon agreed and bargain at that place with an Armenian, whose name was jacob, for a bark called a Buss, being of burden about 35. tons, which came that year from Astracan, and was at that instant riding at an Island called Zere, Ze●e Island. about three or four leagues beyond or to the Eastwardes of Bildih, which bark for their more safety, they meant to have with them in their return to Astracan, and thereupon written unto Wincoll and the rest at Bachu, that they should receive the same Buss, and lad in her their goods at Bildih to be returned to Derbent, and to discharge their fi●st boat, which was obseru●d by them accordingly. When all their goods were laden aboard the said Buss at Bildih, and being ready to have departed thence for Derbent, there arose a great storm with the wind out of the sea, by force whereof the cables and hawsers were broken, and their vessel put a shore, and broken to pieces against the rocks: every of them ●hat were in her saved their lives, and part of the goods. The English suffer shipwreck. But there was a Carobia or chest, wherein were collars, and gold, which they had received for the commodities of the company, which they sold at Bachu, which at the taking out of the Buss, fallen by the barks side into the water amongst the rocks, and so was lost. The packs of clot which they could not well take out of the Buss were also lost, other things that were more profitable they saved. The 18. of August, the Factors received from the Bassa 500 Batmen of raw silk, parcel of the bargain made with him, who bade them come the next day for the rest of the bargain. The 19 day the Factors went to the Bassa according to his appointment, but that day they could not speak with him, but it was delivered them as from him, that they should look and consider whether any thing were due unto him or not, which grieved the Factors: and thereupon M. Turnbull answered, that their heads & all that they had were at the Bashaes' pleasure: But than it was answered there was no such matter in it: but that they should cast up their reckonings, to see how it stood between them. The 20. day they cast up their reckonings. The 21. they went to have spoken with the Bassa, but were denied audience. The 22. day they herded news by a Buss that came from Astracan, that Arthur Edward's (whom the Factors left at Astracan with the mo●tie of the goods) was dead, Arthur Edward's dieth at Ast●acan. who departed this life the of The 23. day the Factors received more from the Bassa 500 Batmen of silk. The 4. of September news was brought to Derbent, Sept●mber. that Golding coming from Shamaky was set on by thieves (Turks) and had hurt one of them. The 5. Tobias Atkins the gunner's boy died of the flure, who was buried the 6. day 2. miles to the Southward of the Castle of Derbent, where the Armenian Christians do usually bury their dead. About the 20. of September news came to Derbent, that the Buss which they had bought of jacob the Armenian as before, was cast away at Bildih, but they received no certain news in writing from any of our people. The 26. of September was laden aboard the ship 40. bales of silk. From the 26. till the 2. of October, they took into the ship, bread, water, and other necessary provision for their seashore: the said 2. day of October, the Factors were commanded upon the sudden to avoid their house, and get them with their provision out of the town: Whereupon they were constrained to remove and carry their things to the sea side against the ship, and remained there all the night. The cause of this sudden avoiding them out of the town (as afterwards they perceived) was for that the Bassa had received news of a supply with treasure that the Turk had sent, which was then near at hand coming toward him. The 3. day of October all things were brought from the shore aboard the ship: and that day the Factors went to the Bassa to take their leave of him, unto whom they recommended those the Companies servants, etc. which they had sent to Bachu, making account to leave them behind in the Country: who caused their names to be written, and promised they should want nothing, nor be injuried of any. After this leave taken, the Factors went aboard purposing presently to have set sail and departed towards Astracan, the wind serving well for that purpose at South Southeast: And as they were ready to set sail, there came against the ship a man, who weved: whereupon the boat was sent a shore to him, who was an Armenian sent from William Wincoll, with his writing tables, wherein the said Wincoll had written briefly, the mishap of the loss of the Buss, and that they were coming from Bildih towards Derbent, they, and such things as they saved with a small boat, forced to put a shore in a place by the sea side called the Armenian village: The Armenian village. Whereupon the Factors caused the ship to stay, hoping that with the Southerly wind that then blue, they would come from the place they were at to the ship, but if they could not come with that wind, they meant to sail with the ship, with the next wound that would serve them, against the place where they were, & take them in, if they could: which stay and loss of those Southerly winds, was a cause of great troubles, that they afterwards sustained through ice, etc. entering the Volga as shallbe declared. The 4. day the wind South Southeast, the ship road still: This day Christopher Burrow was sent to shore to Derbent to provide some necessaries for the voyage, & with him a Tisike or two, which should go in the ship passengers to Astracan. And being on shore he see there the coming in of the Turks treasure, being accompanied with 200. soldiers, and one hundredth pioners, besides Captains and Gentlemen: the Bassa with his Captains and soldiers very gallantly appareled and furnished went out from Derbent about three or four miles, to meet the said treasure, and received the same with great joy and triumph. Treasure was the chief thing they needed, for not long before the soldiers were ready to break into the Court against the Bassa for their pay: The Turk his treasure sent to Derbent. there was a great mutiny amongst them, because he had long differred and not paid them their due. The treasure came in seven wagons, and with it were brought ten pieces of brass. In the parts of Media where they were, there was no commodity to be brought of any value, but raw silk, neither was that to be had but at the Bashaes' hands: who shortly after their coming thither taxed the Country for that commodity. His dealing with our Merchants as it was not with equity in all points according to his bargain, so it was not extreme ill. Of the commodities they carried he took the chiefest part, for which he gave but a small price in respect of the value it was there worth, and because he had provided such quantity of commodity for them, which otherwise they could not have had, the Country being so troublesome, and travail by land so dangerous, he used them at his pleasure. The news that was reported unto them at Astracan touching the wars between the Turks & Persians differed little from the truth: For the Turks army with aid of the Crims, (being in number by the information of two Spaniards that served in those wars, about 200000) invaded and conquered the Country of Media in Anno 1577. When the great Turk understood of the conquest, he appointed Osman Bassa (the said Bassa, Osman Bassa. and now Captain of Derbent) governor of the whole Country, who settled himself in Shamaky the chief City of Media, and principal place of traffic, unto whom was sent from the great Turk, in signification of the grateful acceptation of his service and the great conquest, a sword of great value. After the said Bassa had brought the Country in order to his liking, and placed garrisons where he thought convenient, the army was dissolved and sent back: When the Persians understood that the Turks army was dissolved and returned, they gathered a power together, and with the Queen of their Country as chief, they entered the Country of Media, and overran the same with fire and sword, destroying whatsoever they found, as well people, cattle, as whatsoever else, that might be commodious to the Turks. And after they had so overrun the Country, they came to Shamaky, where the said Bassa Lieutenant general of the great Turk was settled, and besieged it: whereupon the Bassa seeing he could not long endure to withstand them, fled thence to Derbent where he now remains. Derbent built by Alexander the great. Derbent is a strong Castle which was built by Alexander the great, the situation whereof is such, that the Persians being without Ordinance, are not able to win it but by famine. When the Turks were fled from Shamaky, the Persians entered the same and spoiled it, leaving therein neither living creature nor any commodity, and so returned back into Persia, and settled themselves about Teveris, where there grew some question among them for the kingdom. Afterwards the Persians having intelligence of an army from the Turk coming into Media, gathered themselves together in a great army and encountering the said Turks, set upon them on the suddene and vanquished them, putting them all to the sword. This overthrow of the Turks grieved the Bassa of Derbent, and made him to have the more care for his own safety. Moreover, news was brought unto him that the Kisel Bashaes', (that is to say the nobles and Gentlemen of Persia) were minded to set upon him, and that near unto Bachu there lay an army ready to besiege it. Whereupon the Bassa oftentimes would ride about the Castle of Derbent viewing the same, and the springs that did come to it, and where he see any cause of reformation, it was amended. The latitude of Derbent 41. deg. 52. min. The latitude of Derbent (by divers observations exactly there made) is 41. deg. 52. min. The variation of the Compass at that place about 11. degrees from North to West. From Derbent to Bildih by land 46. leagues. The variation of the Compass. From Derbent to Shamaky by land, 45. leagues. From Shamaky to Bachu about 10. leagues, which may be 30. miles. From Bachu to Bildih five or six leagues by land, but by water about 12. leagues. From the Castle Derbent Eastwards, there reach two stone walls to the border of the Caspian sea, which is distant one English mile. Those walls are 9 foot thick, and 28. or 30. foot high, and the space between them is 160. Geometrical paces, that is 800 foot. There are yet to be perceived of the ruin of those walls, which do now extend into the sea about half a mile: also from the castle Westward into the land, they did perceive the ruins of a stone brickwall to ex●end, which wall, as it is reported, did pass from thence to Pontus Euxinus, and was built by Alexander the great when the castle Derbent was made. The 5 of October about noon the wind Northnortheast they weighed anchor, and set sail from Derbent, being alongst the coast to the Southwards to seek their men: but as they had sailed about four leagues the wind scanted Easterly, so that they were forced to anchor in three fathom water. The 6 day they weighed anchor, and bore further off into the sea, where they anchored in seven fathom water, the ship being very leak, and so rotten abaft the main mast, that a man with his nails might scrape thorough her side. The 7 day about 7 of the clock in the morning, they set sail, the wind Southwest. They considered the time of the year was far spent, the ship weak, leak and rotten, and therefore determining not to tarry any longer for Wincoll and his fellows, but to leave them behind, bend themselves directly towards Astracan: and sailing Northnortheast until midnight about 16 leagues, the wind than came to the Northnorthwest, and blue much, a very storm, which caused them to take in all their sails, saving the fore corpse, with which they were forced to steer before the sea, South by West, and Southsouthwest. And on the 8 day about two of the clock in the morning their great boat sunk at the ships stern, which they were forced to cut from the ship to their great grief and discomfort: for in her they hoped to save their lives if the ship should have miscarried. About 10 of the clock before noon they had sight of the land about 5 leagues to the South of Derbent, and bore longest the coast to the Southeastwards unto Nezavoo, Nezavoo. where they came at anchor in three fathoms, and black oze, good anchor hold, whereof they were glad, as also that the wind was shifted to the Northwest, and but a mean gale. Wincoll and the rest of his fellows being in the Armenian village, which is about 18 versts to the Westwards of Nezavoo, the place where against they road at anchor, see the ship as the passed by that place, and sent a man in the night following alongst the coast after her, who came against the ship where she road, and with a fire brand in the top of a tree made signs, which was perceived by them in the ship, whereupon they hoist out their skiff, and sent her ashore to learn what was meant by the fire: which returned a letter from Wincoll, wherein he written that they were with such goods as they had at the Armenian village, and prayed that there they might with the same goods be taken into the ships. The 9 day it was little wind, they weighed and bore a little further off into the sea towards the said village, and anchored. The 10 day they sent their skiff to the Armenian village to fetch those men and the goods they had, with order that if the wind served, that they could not return to fetch the ship, they of the ship promises to come for them, against the said village. This day it was calm. The 11 day the wind Northwest they road still. The 12 day the wind Southeast they weighed anchor, & bore against & near to the Armenian village where they anchored, and then the skiff came aboard and told them that our people at shore were like to be spoilt of the Tartars, were it not that the gunner's defended them: then was the skiff sent back again to charge them at any hand they should hasten aboard the ship whatsoever it cost them. Whereupon, all the company came aboard the same day saving Richard Relfe and two Russes, but assoon as the skiff was returned aboard the ship, the wind blew at Southeast, and the sea was grown, so as they were forced to take in their skiff into the ship, and road still till the 13 day, and then being fair weather, early in the morning the skiff was hoist out of the ship, and sent to shore to fetch the said Relfe and the two Russes, which were ready at the shore side, and with them two Spaniards that were taken captives at the Goletta in Barbary, Two Spaniards delivered by our English men. which served the Turk as soldiers. Those Spaniards (of Christian charity) they brought also aboard the ship to redeem them from their captivity, which were brought over into England, and set free and at liberty here in London, in September 1581. The wind this day at Northnortheast, fair weather. The 14 day they sent the skiff to shore, and filled fresh water. The 15 day they road still, being little wind and fog. The 16 day the wind Eastsoutheast, they weighed anchor and set sail, bearing Northwards towards Astracan, and the same night they anchored in ten fathoms water, about five miles from the shore of the Shalkaules' country, which place is eight leagues Northnorthwest from Derbent. The 17 day the wind at North very stormy, they road still all that day and night. The 18 the wind all Southeast about one of the clock afternoon, they weighed anchor, and sailed thence till four of the clock Northnortheast six leagues, than they might see the land Northwest about ten leagues from the wind Southeast: from thence they sailed till midnight Northnortheast twelve leagues. From thence till the 19 day seven a clock in the morning they sailed Northnortheast eight leagues: the wind then Eastsoutheast, a fair gale, they sounded and had 17 fathoms, and sand, being (as the Master judged) about the head of Shirley: from thence till 12 of the clock at noon they sailed North 5 leagues, the wind then at East a fair gale, they sounded and had 5 fathoms. From thence till 8 of the clock at night, they sailed North 7 leagues, the wind then at North-east with small rain, they took in their sails, and anchored in 3 fathoms water and soft oze, where they road still all night, and the 20 day and night the wind Northeast, as before with small rain. The 21 day the wind Northwest, they likewise road still. The 22 day about 3 of the clock in the afternoon, they weighed anchor, the wind Westnorthwest, and sailed from thence till six of the clock at night North 4 leagues, than they anchored in 2 fathoms and a half soft oze, the wind at West a small breath. The 23 day about 7 of the clock in the morning, they weighed anchor, and set sail, being little wind Easterly, and sailed till 2 of the clock after noon Northwest in wi●h the shore about six leagues, and then anchored in 6 foot water, having perfect sight of the low land (sand hills) being about 3 miles from the nearest land. This place of the land that they were against, they perceived to be to the Westwards of the 4 Islands (called in the Ruff tongue Chetera Bougori) and they found it afterwards by due proof, to be about 50 versts, or 30 English miles to the South-west, or South-west by South, from the said Chetera Bougori. The 24 day the wind at East, and by South, a Sea wind called Gillavar, caused them to ride still. The 25 day they thought good to sand in their skiff Robert Golding, and certain Russes, torow him alongst Northwards by the shore, to seek the four Islands, and so to pass unto the Vchooge, and there to landlord the said Robert Golding to proceed to Astracan, to deliver Amos rial a letter, wherein he was required to provide Pavoses to meet the ship at the said Islands, and the skiff with the Russes were appointed to return from the Vchooge with victuals to the ship, which skiff departed from the ship about nine of the clock in the forenoon. The 26, 27, 28, and 29 days, the winds Easterly and Northeast, they road still with their ship. The 30 day the wind Southeast, they weighed, and set sail to the Northeastwards: but the ship fallen so on the side to the shorewards, that they were forced eftsoons to take in their sail, and anchor again, from whence they never removed her. That day they shared their bread: A strange accident of provision for their relief. but in their want God sent them two covies of partridges, that came from the shore, and lighted in and about their ships, whereby they were comforted, and one that lay sick, of whose life was small hope, recovered his health. November. The 4 of November the skiff returned to the ship with some victuals, and certified that the four Islands were about 60 versts from them to the Northeastwards. When Robert Golding came to Astracan, and delivered there the Factor's letters to Amos Rial, the duke, captain of that place, was done to understand of the ships arrival, & of the state they were in, and their request for Pavoses, who was very glad to hear of their safe return, and appointed to be sent with all speed two Pavoses and a Stroog, with gunner's to guard and to defend them. With the which Stroog and Pavoses, Amos rial went down to the Chetera Bougori, or 4 Islands aforesaid, where he stayed with those barks, according to the Factor's appointment. The 5 day they purposed to sand from the ship their skiff with the carpenter, and 4 Russes to row him to the 4 Bougories, to request Amos rial to come from thence with the Pavoses to the ship with all possible speed. The skiff with those men departed from the ship in the morning, and within one hour they met with a small boat with Russes, rowing towards the ship, which came from the Ouchooge with a wild swine and other victuals to cell: with the same bear the skiff returned back to the ship after the Russes had received and were satisfied for the victuals they brought: the same day they returned with their boat back toward the Ouchooge, and with them in the same boat was sent the Carpenter of the ship to the Chetera Bougori, which were in their way, to declare unto Amos rial the message before appointed him. From the 5 until the 9 day the ship road still with contrary winds Easterly. The same 9 day came to the ship certain Russes in a small boat, which brought with them some victuals sent by Amos rial, and declared that he with the Pavoses and Stroog had remained at the Chetera Bougori five days, expecting the coming thither of the ship. The 10 day being doubtful of the Pavoses coming, they sent Thomas Hudson Master of the ship in the skiff (and with her went the foresaid skiff boat) towards the Chetera Bougori to the Pavoses to bring word whether they would come to the ship or not, the wound then at North-east with fog. The 11 day the wind Northerly with fog, the ship road still. The 12 day Amos rial, Christopher Fawcer, and a new gunner came to the ship, and with them the M. Thomas Hudson returned; but the Stroog with the gunner's remained at the Chetera Bougori; and from thence (when it began to freeze) returned to Astracan, Amos rial declared that he sent the carpenter back from the Chetera Boogori in a small boat on the 10 day, and marveled that he was not come to the ship (but in the fog the day before as afterwards they learned) m●ssed the ship, and overshot her, and afterwards returning back, he found the ship at anchor, and nothing in her but the Russes that were left to keep her, and then he departed thence, and went to the Vchooge, and there stayed. Presently upon the coming of the Pavoses to the ship they used as much speed as might be, to get the goods out of the ship into them, and after the goods were laden in, they took in also of the ships ordinance, furniture and provision, as much as they could. The 13 day in the morning Amos rial was sent away in a small boat towards Astracan, Ice the 13 of November in the mouth of the river of Volga. to provide victuals and carriages to relieve and help them, who could pass no further than the four Islands, but was there overtaken with ice, and forced to leave his boat, and from thence passed post to Astracan, finding at the Vchooge the Carpenter returned from his ill journey, very ill handled with the extremity of the cold. The same day they departed also in those lighters with the goods towards the Chetera Bougori, leaving the ship at anchor, and in her two Russes, which with three more that went in the Pavoses, to provide victuals for themselves and the rest, & therewith promised to return back to the ship with all speed, had offered to undertake for twenty rubbles in money to carry the ship into some harborough, where she might safely winter, or else to keep her where she road all winter, which was promised to be given them if they did it: and the same day when with those lighters they had got sight of the four Islands being about eight versts South-west from them, the wind then at North-east, did freeze the sea so as they could not row, guide, stir or remove the said lighters, but as the wind and ice did force them. And so they continued driving with the ice, Southeast into the sea by the space of forty hours, and then being the sixteenth day the ice stood. While they drove with the ice, The 16 day. the dangers which they incurred were great: for oftentimes when the ice with the force of wind and sea did break, pieces of it were ●ossed and driven one upon another with great force, terrible to behold, and the same happened at sometimes so near unto the lighters, that they expected it would have overwhelmed them to their utter destruction: but God who had preserved them from many perils before, did also save and deliver them then. Within three or four days after the first standing of the ice, when it was firm and strong, they took out all their goods, being forty and eight bales or packs of raw silk, etc. laid it on the ice, and covered the same with such provisions as they had. Then for want of victuals, etc. they agreed to leave all the goods there upon the ice, and to go to the shore: and thereupon broke up their Chests and Corobias, Travail vp● on the ice. wherewith, and with such other things as they could get, they made sieddes for every of them to draw upon the ice, whereon they laid their clotheses to keep them warm, and such victuals as they had, and such other things as they might conveniently carry, and so they departed from the said goods and Pavoses very carely about one of the clock in the morning, and travailing on the ice, directed their way North, as near as they could judge, and the same day about two of the clock in the afternoon, Chetera Babbas. they had sight of the Chetera Babbas (four hillocks of Islands so called) unto the same they directed themselves, and there remained that night. The goods and Pavoses which they left on the ice they judged to be from those Chetera Babbas about 20 versts. And the next morning departed thence Eastwards, and came to the Chetera Bougories (or four Islands before spoken of) before noon (the distance between those places is about 15 versts) where they remained all that night, departing thence towards Astracan: the next morning very early they lost their way through the persuasion of the Russes which were with them, taking too much towards the left hand (contrary to the opinion of M. Hudson) whereby wandering upon the ice four or five days, not knowing whether they were entered into the Crimme Tartar's land or not, at length it fortuned they met with a way that had been travailed, which crossed backward towards the sea: that way they took, and following the same, within two days travail it brought them to a place called the Crasnoyare (that is to say in the English ●ongue) Read cliff, which divers of the company known. There they remained that night, having nothing to eat but one loaf of bread, which they happened to find with the two Russes that were left in the ship to keep her all the Winter (as is aforesaid) whom they chanced to meet going towards Astracan, about five miles before they came to the said Crasnoyare, who certified them that the ship was cut in pieces with the ice, The English ship cut in pieces with ice. and that they had hard scaping with their lives. In the morning they departed early from Crasnoyare towards the Ouchooge, and about 9 of the clock before noon, being within 10 versts of the Vchooge, they met Amos rial, with the carpenter, which he found at Ouchooge, and a gun●er newly come out of England, and also 65 horses with so many Cassocks to guide them, and 50 gunner's for guard, which brought provision of victuals, etc. and were sent by the Duke to fetch the goods to Astracan. The meeting of that company was much joy unto them. The Factors sent back with Amos rial and the said company to fetch the goods, Thomas Hudson the Master, Tobias Paris his Mate, and so they the said Factors and their company marched on to the Vchooge, where they refreshed themselves that day, and the night following. And from thence proceeded on towards Astracan, December. where they arrived the last day of November. These that went for the goods after their departure from the Factors travailed the same day until they came within 10 versts of the Chetera Babbas, where they rested that night. The next morning by the break of the day they departed thence, and before noon were at the Chetera Babas, where they stayed all night; but presently departed thence Thomas Hudson with the Carpenter and gunner to seek where the goods lay: who found the same, and the next day they returned back to their company at the Chetera Babbas, and declared unto them in what sort they had found the said goods. The 3 day early in the morning they departed all from the 4 Babbas towards the said goods, and the same day did lad all the goods they could found upon the sa●d sleds, and with all convenient speed returned back towards Astracan. And when they came to the Chetera Bougori, where they rested the night, in the morning very early before the break of day, they were assaulted by a great company of the Nagays Tartar's horsemen, which came shouting and hallowing with a great noise, but our people were so environed with the sleds, that they dared not enter upon them, but ran by, and shot their arrows amongst them, and hurt but one man in the head, who was a Ruff, and so departed presently. Yet when it was day, ●hey showed themselves a good distance off from our men, being a very great troup of them, but did not assault them any more. The same day our men with those carriages, departed from thence towards Astracan, Their return to Astracan. where they arrived in safety the 4 of December, about 3 of the clock in the afternoon, where our people greatly rejoiced of their great good hap to have escaped so many hard events, troubles and miseries, as they did in that voyage, and had great cause therefore to praise the Almighty, who had so mercifully preserved and delivered them. They remained the Winter at Astracan, where they found great favour and friendship of the duke, captain, and other chief officers of that place: but that Winter there happened no great matter worth the noting. The breaking up of the ice. In the spring of the year 1581., about the mids of March, the ice was broken up, and clear go before Astracan, and the ninth of April, having all the goods that were returned from the parts of Media, laden into a Stroog, the Factors, William Turnbull, Matthew Taileboyes, Giles Crow, Christopher Burrough, Michael Lane, Laurence Prouse gunner, Randolfe Fox, Tho. Hudson, Tobias Paris, Morgan Hubblethorne the dier, Morgan Hubblethorne dier scent into Persia. Rich. the surgeon, Rob. Golding, joh. Smith, Edw. Reding carpenter, and William Perrin gunner, having also 40 Russes, whereof 36 were Cassocks to row, the rest merchants passengers, departed from Astracan with the said Stroog and goods up the Volga towards Yeraslave. They left behind them at Astracan, with the English goods & merchandise there remaining, Amos rial, W. Wincoll, and Richard Relfe, and appointed them to cell & barter the same, or so much thereof as they could to the Tisiks, if there came any thither that spring, and to others as they might, & the rest with such as they should take in exchange to return up to Yeraslave that Summer, ●hen the Emperor's carriage should pass up the Volga. The 21 day they came with their Stroog to the Peravolok, but made no stay at that place: for they had been much troubled with ice in their coming from Astracan. The 3 of May about noon they came to Oueak, May. and from thence proceeding up the river, on the 17 day William Turnbull departed from the Stroog in a small boat, and went before towards Tetusha to provide victuals, and sand down to the Stroog, from which place they were then about 230 versts. The 23 day they met a boat with victuals, which William Turnbull sent from Tetusha, and the same day they arrived with their Stroog at Tetusha, where they stayed all night, and the next morning be times departed thence, but W. Turnbull was go in the small boat before to Cazan, to provide necessaries from thence, and to make way for their dispatch. The 26 day they arrived with their Stroog at Cazan, where they remained till the fourth of june: the Factors sent Giles Crow from Cazan to the Moscow, with their letters the 30 of May. The 4 day of june they departed from Cazan with their Stroog, and arrived at Yeraslave the 22 day about 5 of the clock in the morning. The 23 day they provided Telegos, to carry the goods to Vologda. The 24 day having the goods laden upon Telegos, they departed with the same towards Vologda, and remained there five versts from Yeraslave. The 29 day they came to Vologda, with all their goods in safety, and good order. The same 29, William Turnbull and Peter Garrard departed from Vologda post by water towards Colmogro, the third of july, having their goods laden in a small doshnik, they departed with the same from Vologda towards Rose Island by S. Nicholas, where they arrived in safety the 16 of july, and found there the Agents of Russia, and in the road the ships sent out of England, almost laden ready to departed. The 25 day departed for England (out of the road of S. Nicholas) the ship Elizabeth. The 26 day departed thence the Thomas Allen and Mary Susan, and in the Thomas Allen went William Turnbul, Matthew Tailboys, Thomas Hudson, and others. The goods returned of the Persia voyage were laden into the ship, William and john, whereof was Master, William Bigat, and in her with the same goods came Peter Garrard and Tobias Paris. The 11 of August, the same ship being laden and dispatched departed from the road of S. Nicholas, and with her in company another of the companies freighted ships, called the Tomasin, whereof was M. Christopher Hall. In their return homewards they had some foul weather, and were separated at the sea, the William and john put into Newcastle the 24 of September: from whence the said Peter Garrard and Tobias Paris came to London by land, and brought news of the arrival of the ship. The 25 of September both the said ships arrived at the port of London in safety, and ankered before Limehouse and Wapping, where they were discharged, 1581. Observations of the latitudes and meridian altitudes of divers places in Russia, from the North to the South: Anno 1581. Michael Archangel. Meridian altitude observed at Michael the Archangel, 42. degrees, 30. minutes. The true latitude, 64. degrees, 54 minutes. The English house in Colmogro. The English house in Colmogro, in latitude, 64. d. 25. m. The meridian altitude there observed, the 29 of july, 42. d. 15. m. Recola. Meridian altitude the 30 of july, 41. d. 40. m. 64. d. 20. m. Declination, 16. d. 6. m. Yeegris. Meridian, 4 of August, 41. d. 50. m. 62. d. 59 m. Declination Northerly, 14. d. 49. m. Towlma. Meridian altitude, the 15 of August, 40. d. 45. m. 60. d. 17. m. Declination Northerly, 11. d. 2. m. Vologda. Meridian altitude, the 20 of August, 40. d. 59 d. 17. m. Declination Northerly, 9 d. 17. m. Vologda. Meridian altitude, 21 of August, 39 d. 36. m. 59 d. 20. m. Declination, 8. d. 56. m. Yereslave. Latitude by guess, 57 d. 50. m. Swyoskagorod. Meridian altitude, 21. September, 31. d. 56. d. 4. m. Declination, 2. d. 56. m. Ouslona Monastery. Meridian altitude, 23. September, 30. d. 26. m. 55. d. 51. m. Declination, 2. d. 56. m. Tetuskagorod. Meridian altitude, 28. September, 28. d. 28. m. 55. d. 22. m. Declination, 5. d. 35. m. Oueek. Meridian altitude, 5. October, 30. d. 12. m. 51. d. 30. m. Declination, 8. d. 18. m. Astracan. Astracan meridian altitude, 22. October, 29. d. 36. m. 46. d. 10. m. Declination, 14. d. 16. m. Astracan. Meridian altitude, 1 of November, 26. d. 35. m. 46. d. 9 m. Declination, 17. d. 16. m. Certain directions given by M. Richard Hackluit of the Middle Temple, to M. Morgan Hubblethorne, Dier, sent into Persia, 1579. 1 FOr that England hath the best wool & clot of the world, and for that the clotheses of the realm have no good vent, if good dying be not added: therefore it is much to be wished, that the dying of foreign countries were seen, to the end that the art of dying may be brought into the Realm in greatest excellency: for thereof will follow honour to the Realm, and great and ample vent of our clotheses: and of the vent of clotheses, will follow the setting of our poor on work, in all degrees of labour in clothing and dying: for which 'cause most principally you are sent over at the charge of the city: and therefore for the satisfying the lords, and of the expectation of the merchants and of your company, it behooves you to have care to return home with more knowledge than you carried out. 2 The great dearth of clotheses is a great let in the ample vent of clotheses, and the price of a clot, for a fifth, sixth and seventh part rises by the colour and dying: and therefore to devise to die as good colours with the one half of the present price were to the great commodity of the Realm, by saving of great treasure in time to come. And therefore you must have great care to have knowledge of the materials of all the countries that you shall pass thorough, that may be used in dying, be they herbs, weeds, barks, gums, èarths, or what else soever. 3 In Persia you shall find carpets of course thrummed wool, the best of the world, and excellently coloured: those cities & towns you must repair to, and you must use means to learn all the order of the dying of those thrums, which are so died as neither rain, wine, nor yet vinegar can stain: and if you may attain to that cunning, you shall not need to fear dying of clot: For if the colour hold in yarn and thrumme, it will hold much better in clot. 4 For that in Persia they have great colouring of silks, it behocu●s you to learn that also, for that clot dying & like dying have a certain affinity, and your merchant's mind to bring much raw silk into the Realm, and therefore it is more requisite you learn the same. 5 In Persia there are that slain linen clot: it is not amiss you learn it if you can: it hath been an old trade in England, whereof some excellent clotheses yet remain: but the art is now lost, and not to be found in the Realm. 6 They have a cunning in Persia to make in buskins of Spanish leather flowers of many kinds, in most lively colours, and these the Courtiers do wear there: to learn which art were no harm. 7 If any Dier of China, or of the East parts of the world, be to be found in Persia, acquaint yourself with him, and learn what you may of him. 8 You shall find Anile there, if you can procure the herb that it is made of, either by seed or by plant, to carry into England, you may do well to endeavour to enrich your country with the same: but withal learn you the making of the Anile, and if you can get the herb, you may sand the same dry into England, for possibly it groweth here already. 9 Return home with you all the materials and substances that they die withal in Russia, and also in Persia, that your company may see all. 10 In some little pot in your lodging, I wish you to make daily trials in your art, as you shall from time to time learn aught among them. 11 Set down in writing whatsoever you shall learn from day to day, jest you should forget, or jest God should call you to his mercy: and by each return I wish you to sand in writing whatsoever you have learned, or at the lest keep the same safe in your coffer, that come death or life your country may enjoy the thing that you go for, and not loose the charge, and travel bestowed in this case. 12 Learn you there to fix and make sure the colour to be given by log wood: so shall we not need to buy woad so dear, to the enriching of our enemies. 13 Inquire of the price of leckar, and all other things belonging to dying. 14 In any wise set down in writing a true note from whence every of them do come, and where, and in what country each of them doth grow, I mean where the natural place of each of them is, as how near to such a city, or to such a sea, or to such a portable river in Russia, Persia, or elsewhere. 15 If before you return you could procure a singular good workman in the art of Turkish carpet making, you should bring the art into this Realm, and also thereby increase work to your company. Commission given by sir Rowland Hayward knight, and George Barn, Aldermen and governors of the company of English Merchants, for discovery of new trades, unto Arthur Pet, and Charles jackman, for a voyage by them to be made, for discovery of Cathay, 1580. in form following. IN the Name of God Almighty, and everlasting, Amen. This writing for commission Tripartite, made the twentieth day of May Anno Dom. 1580. and in the 22. year of the reign of our Sovereign Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God, Queen of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. Between sir Rowland Hayward knight, and George Barn, Aldermen of the City of London, and governors of the company of English Merchants, for discovery of new trades, for the behoof, and in the name of the said company, on the first party, and Arthur Pet of Ratcliff, in the County Middlesex, Captain, Master, and chief ruler of the good bark, called the George of London, of the burden of 40, tons, or thereabouts, on the second party, and Charles jackman of Poplar, in the said County of Middlesex, Captain, Master and ruler of the good bark, called the William of London, of the burden of 20. tons, or thereabouts, (which backs are now riding at anchor in the river of Thames against Limehouse) on the third party: witnesseth, that the said Governors, and company have hired the said Arthur Pet, to serve in the said bark, called the George, with nine men and a boy: And likewise the said Charles jackman, to serve in the said bark, called the William, with five men and a boy, for a voyage by them to be made by God's grace, for search and discoveries of a passage by sea from hence by Boroughs straits, Borroughs strains. and the Island Vaigats, Eastwards, to the countries or dominions of the mighty Prince, the Emperor of Cathay, and in the same unto the Cities of Cambalu and Quinsay, or to either of them. The which passage (upon authority of writers, and great reason) is conceived to be from the Vaigats Eastwards, according to the description in plat of spiral ●ines, made by master William Burrough, whereof either of the said Arthur Pet, and Charles jackman, have one delivered unto them, and also one other sailing card, and a blank plat for either of them. But if it should not be in all points, according to that description, yet we hope that the continent or firm land of Asia doth not stretch itself so far Northwards, but that there may be found a sea passeable by it, between the latitude of 70. and 80. degrees. And therefore we have appointed you with these two barks to make trial of the same: wishing you both to join in friendship together, as most dear friends and brothers, to all purposes and effects, to the furtherance and orderly performing of the same voyage. And likewise order your companies, that they of the one bark may have such love and care, to help and secure them of the other, as most dear friends and brothers would do: so as it may appear, that though they be two barks, and two companies, (which is so appointed for your greater comfort and assurance) yet that you are wholly of one mind, and bend yourselves to the uttermost of your powers, to perform the thing that you are both employed for. Do you observe good order in your daily service, and pray unto God, so shall you prospero the better. We would have you to meet often together, to talk, confer, consult, and agreed how, and by what means you may best perform this purposed voyage, according to our intents. And at such meeting we think it requisite, that you call unto you your mates, and also Nicholas chancellor, (whom we do appoint as merchant, to keep account of the merchandise you shall buy or cell, barter or change) to the end that whatsoever God should dispose of either of you, yet they may have some instructions and knowledge how to deal in your place, or places. And of all your assemblies and consultations together, and the substance of matter you shall at every time agreed upon, we would have you to note them in the paper books that we give you for that purpose, unto each bark one. We do appoint Arthur Pet in the George, as Admiral, to wear the flag in the main top, and Charles jackman in the William, as Uiceadmirall. For good orders to be taken for your good and orderly keeping of company together, which we wish may be such, as you should never loose sight the one of the other, except by both your consents, to discover about an Island, or in some river, when and where you may certainly appoint to meet together again, we refer the same to your discretions. And now for your good direction in this voyage, we would have you with the next good wind and weather, that God shall sand thereunto meet and convenient, after the 22. day of this present month of May, sail from this river of Thames, to the coast of Finmarke, to the North Cape there, or to the Wardhouse, and from thence direct your course to have sight of Willoughbies land, and from it pass alongst to the Nova Zemla, keeping the same lands always in your sight on your larbcord sides (it conveniently you may) to the end you may discover, whether the same Willoughbies land be continent and firm land with Nova Zembla, or not: notwithstanding we would not have you to entangle yourselves in any Bay, or otherwise, so that it might hinder your speedy proceeding to the Island Vaigats. And when you come to Vaigats, we would have you to get sight of the main land of Samoeda, The land of Samoeda. which is over against the South part of the same Island, and from thence with God's permission, to pass Eastwards alongst the same coast, keeping it always in your sight (if conveniently you may) until you come to the mouth of the river Ob, and when you come unto it, pass over the said rivers mouth unto the border of land, on the Eastside of the same (without any stay to be made for searching inwardly in the same river) and being in sight of the same Easterly land, do you in God's name proceed alongst by it, from thence Eastwards, keeping the same always on your starboordside in sight, if you may, and follow the tract of it, whether it incline Southerly or Northerly (as at times it may do both) until you come to the Country of Cathay, or the dominion of that mighty Emperor. And if God prospero your voyage with such good success, that you may attain to the same, do you seek by all means you can to arrive to the Cities Cambalu, and Quinsay, or to the one of them. But if it happen that you cannot conveniently come to either of those places, or shallbe driven to remain & winter in some other port or place of his dominion, do you seek by all means possible to win favour an● liking of the people, by gifts and friendly demeans towards them, and not to offer violence, or do wrong to any people or nation whatsoever, but therein to be innocent as doves, yet wily as serpents, to avoid mischief, and defend you from hurt. And when you shall have got friendship through your discreet ordering of yourselves, towards the people, do you learn of them what you can of their Prince, and show them one of the Queen's majesties letters, The Queen's letters. which she sendeth with you (by either of you one, made of one substance and effect, for each of you particularly) written in Latin, whereunto her Majesty hath subscribed, and caused her signet seal to be set, the effect of the same letters you have also writte● in English, for your own understanding thereof. The same her majesties letters you shall procure to deliver unto the same mighty Prince, or Governor, with some present to be given, such as you shall think meet and convenient, using yourselves in all points according to the effect of the same letters, and procure again from the same Prince, his letter's accordingly. And if God so prospero your voyage, that you may this Summer pass the Straitss, and compass about the Northermost land of Asia, unto the country of Cathay, or dominion of that mighty Prince, and wintering in it, may obtain from him his letters of privilege against the next years spring, you may then after your first setting forth, search and discover somewhat further than you had discovered before your wintering, so far as you shall think convenient, with regard had, and always provided, that you may return home hither, to give us advise of your proceed the same Summer, or before the sharpness or extremity of winter overtake you. And if it happen you cannot this summer attain to the border of Cathay, and yet found the land beyond the Ob, to stretch itself Easterly, with the sea adjoining unto it navigable, do you then proceed on your discovery (as before said) alongst the same continent, so far as you can this summer, having care in the travel to find out some convenient harborough and place, where you may winter: and when you think it convenient, put yourself to wintering, where if you happen to find people, you shall deal with them, as we have before advised you to do with the people of Cathay, etc. And if you can learn that they have a prince or chief governor, do you procure to deliver unto the same Prince or governor one of the Queen's majesties letters, as before said, and seek to obtain again his letters accordingly. If you so happen to winter & obtain letters of privilege, finding the country and people, with the commodities to be such, that by using trade thither with the people, and for the commodities, it may be beneficial unto us (as we hope you may) the same will be some good liking unto us: notwithstanding we would have you the next summer (by the grace of God) at your first setting out of your wintering harbour, proceed alongst that tract of land to Cathay, if you see likelihood to pass it (for that is the Country that we chief desire to discover) and seeing you are fully victualled for two years and upwards, which you may very well make to serve you for two years and a half, though you find no other help, you may therefore be the bolder to adventure in proceeding upon your discovery: which if you do, we doubt not, but you shall achieve the Country of Cathay, & deliver to the prince there, one of her majesties letters, bringing from thence the same prince's letters answerable: and so in the year of our Lord 1582. return home with good news, and glad tidings, not only unto us the adventurers in this voyage, but also to our whole Country and nation, which God grant you may do, Amen. But if it happen that the land of Asia, from beyond the river Ob, extend itself Northwards to 80. degrees, or nearer the pool, whereby you find it to lead you into that extremity, that small or no hope may be looked for, to sail that way to Cathay, do you notwithstanding follow the tract of the same land, as far as you can discover this Summer, having care to find out by the way a convenient place for you to Winter in, the which (if you may discover the same land of Asia this Summer to extend itself to 80. degrees of latitude, and upwards or to 85. degrees) we wish then that the same your wintering place may be in the river of Ob, or as near the same river as you can, and finding in such wintering place, people, be they Samoeds, Yowgorians, or Molgomzes, etc. do you gently entreat with them as aforesaid, and if you can learn that they have a prince or chief governor amongst them, do you deliver him one of her majesties letters, The Queen's letters. and procure thereof an answer accordingly: do you procure to barter & exchange with the people; of the merchandise and commodities that you shall carry with you, for such commodities as you shall find them to have, etc. If you so happen to winter, we would have you the next Summer to discover into the river Ob, so far as conveniently you may: And if you shall find the same river (which is reported to be wide or broad) to be also navigable and pleasant for you, to travel far into, happily you may come to the city Siberia, The City of Siberia. or to some other town or place habited upon or near the border of it, and thereby have liking to winter out the second winter: use you therein your discretions. But if you find the said river Ob to be should, or not such as you may conveniently travel in with your barks, do you then the next summer return back through Boroughs straits: And from that part of Nova Zembla, adjoining to the same straits, do you come alongst the trac● of that coast Westwards, keeping it on the starbord side, and the same always in sight, if conveniently you may, until you come to Willoughbies land, Willoughbies land. if outwards bond you shall not happen to discover and try whether the said Willoughbies land join continent with the same Nova Zembla, or not. But if you shall then prove them to be one firm and continent, you may from Nova Zembla direct your course unto the said Willoughbies land, as you shall think good, and as you may most conveniently: and from Willoughbies land you shall proceed Westwards alongst the tract of it, (though it incline Northerly) even so far as you may or can travel, having regard that in convenient time you may return home hither to London for wintering. And for your orderly passing in this voyage, and making observations in the same, we refer you to the instructions given by M. William Burrough, whereof one copy is annexed unto the first part of this Indenture under our seal, for you Arthur Pet, another copy of it is annexed to the second part of this Indenture, under our seal also, for you Charles jackman, and a third copy thereof is annexed unto the third part of this Indenture, remaining with us the said company, sealed and subscribed by you the said Arthur Pet, and Charles jackman. And to the observing of all things contained in this Commission (so near as God will permit me grace thereunto) I the said Arthur Pet do covenant by these presents to perform them, and every part and parcel thereof. And I the said Charles jackman do for my part likewise covenant by these presents to perform the same, and every part thereof, so near as God will give me grace thereunto. And in witness thereof these Indentures were sealed and delivered accordingly, the day and year first above written. Thus the Lord God Almighty send you a prosperous voyage, with happy success and safe return, Amen. Instructions and notes very necessary and needful to be observed in the purposed voyage for discovery of Cathay Eastwards, by Arthur Pet, and Charles jackman: given by M. William Burrough. 1580. WHen you come to Orfordnesse, if the wind do serve you to go a seabord the sands, do you set off from thence, and note the time diligently of your being against the said Nesse, turning then your glass, whereby you intend to keep your continual watch, and appoint such course as you shall think good, according as the wound serveth you: and from that time forward continually (if your ship be loose, under sail, a hull or try) do you at the end of every 4. glasses at the lest (except calm) sound with your dipsin lead, and note diligently what depth you find, and also the ground. But if it happen by swiftness of the ships way, or otherwise, that you cannot get ground, yet note what depth you did prove, and could find no ground (this note is to be observed all your voyage, as well outwards as home wards.) But when you come upon any coast, or do find any should bank in the sea, you are then to use your lead oftener, as you shall think it requisite, noting diligently the order of your depth, and the deeping and sholding. And so likewise do you note the depths into harboroughs, rivers, etc. How to note down in his jornall of the voyage, his dead reckoning, and other observations. And in keeping your dead reckoning, it is very necessary that you do note at the end of every four glasses, what way the ship hath made (by your best proofs to be used) and how her way hath been through the water, considering withal for the sagge of the sea, to leewards, accordingly as you shall find it grown: and also to note the depth, and what things worth the noting happened in that time, with also the wind upon what point you find it then, and of what force or strength it is, and what sails you bear. But if you should omit to note those things at the end of every four glasses, I would not have you to let it slip any longer time, then to note it diligently at the end of every watch, or eight glasses at the farthest. Do you diligently observe the latitude as often, and in as many places as you may possible, and also the variation of the Compass (especially when you may be at shore upon any land) noting the same observations truly, and the place and places where, and the time and times when you do the same. When you come to have sight of any coast or land whatsoever, do you presently set the same with your sailing Compass, how it bears off you, noting your judgement how far you think it from you, drawing also the form of it in your book, how it appears unto you, noting diligently how the highest or notablest part thereof beareth off you, and the extremes also in sight of the same land at both ends, For noting the shape and view of the land at first discovery, etc. distinguishing them by letters, A. B.C. etc. Afterwards when you have sailed 1. 2. 3. or 4. glasses (at the most) noting diligently what way your bark hath made, and upon what point of the Compass, do you again set that first land seen, or the parts thereof, that you first observed, if you can well perceive or discern them, and likewise such other notable points or signs, upon the land that you may then see, and could not perceive at the first time, distinguishing it also by letters from the other, and drawing in your book the shape of the same land, as it appeareth unto you, and so the third time, etc. And also in passing alongst by any and every coast, do you draw the manner of biting in of every Bay, and entrance of every harborough or rivers mouth, with the lying out of every point, or headland, (unto the which you may give apt names at your pleasure) and make some mark in drawing the form and border of the same, where the high cliffs are, and where low land is, whether sand, hills, or woods, or whatsoever, not omitting to note any thing that may be sensible and apparent to you, which may serve to any good purpose. If you carefully with great heed and diligence, note the observations in your book, as aforesaid, and afterwards make demonstration thereof in your plat, you shall thereby perceive how far the land you first saw, or the parts thereof observed, was then from you, and consequently of all the rest: and also how far the one part was from the other, and upon what course or point of the Compass the one lieth from the other. And when you come upon any coast where you found floods and ebbs, do you diligently note the time of the highest and lowest water in every place, and the slake or still water of full sea, and low water, and also which way the flood doth run, how the tides do set, how much water it hicth, and what force the tide hath to drive a ship in one hour, or in the whole tide, as near as you can judge it, and what difference in time you find between the running of the flood, and the ebb. For observing of tides and currants. And if you find upon any coast the currant to run always one way, do you also note the same duly, how it setteth in every place, and observe what force it hath to drive a ship in one hour, etc. Item, as often and when as you may conveniently come upon any land, to make observation for the latitude and variation, etc. do you also (if you may) with your instrument, for trying of distances, observe the platform of the place, To take the platforms of places wit●in compass of view upon land. and of as many things (worth the noting) as you may then conveniently see from time to time. These orders if you diligently observe, you may thereby perfectly set down in the plaits, that I have given you your whole travel, and description of your discovery, which is a thing that will be chief expected at your hands. But withal you may not forget to note as much as you can learn, understand or perceive of the manner of the soil, or fruitfulness of every place and country you shall come in, and of the manner, shape, attire and disposition of the people, and of the commodities they have, and what they most covet and desire of the commodities you carry with you. It behoveth you to give trifling things unto such people as you shall happen to see, and to offer them all courtesy and friendship you may or can, to win their love and favour towards you, not doing or offering them any wrong or hurt. And though you should be offered wrong at their hands, yet not to revenge the same lightly, but by all means possible seek to win them, yet always dealing wisely and with such circumspection that you keep yourselves out of their dangers. Thus I beseeth God Almighty to bless you, and prospero your voyage with good and happy success, and sand you safely to return home again, to the great joy and rejoicing of the adventurers with you, and all your friends, and our whole country, Amen. Certain brief advises given by Master Dee, to Arthur Pet, and Charles jackman, to be observed in their Northeasterne discovery, Anno 1580. IF we reckon from Wardhouse to Colgoieve Island 400. miles for almost 20. degrees difference only of longitude very near East and West, and about the latitude of 70. degrees and two third parts: From Colgoieve to Vaigats 200. miles for 10. degrees difference only in longitude, at 70. degrees of latitude also: From Vaigats to the promontory Tabin 60. degrees difference of longitude (the whole course, or shortest distance being East and West) in the latitude likewise of 70. degrees, maketh 1200. miles: then is summa totalis from Wardhouse to Tabin 600. leagues, or 1800. English miles. Therefore allowing in a discovery voyage for one day with another but 50. English miles, it is evident that from Wardhouse to Tabin, the course may be sailed easily in six and thirty days: but by Gods help it may be finished in much shorter time, both by help of wind prosperous, and light continual for the time requisite thereunto. When you are past Tabin, or come to the longitude of 142. degrees, as your chart showeth, M. Dee gave them a Chart of his own making, which here he refers them unto. or two, three, four, or five degrees further Easterly, it is probable you shall find the land on your right hand run much Southerly and Eastward, in which course you are like either to fall into the mouth of the famous river Oechardes, or some other, which yet I conjecture to pass by the renowned City of Cambalu, and the mouth to be in latitude about 50. or 52. degrees, and within 300. or 400. miles of Cambalu itself, being in the latitude of 45. degrees Southerly of the said rivers mouth, or else that you shall trend about the very Northern and most Easterly point of all Asia, passing by the province Ania, and then to the latitude of 46. degrees, keeping still the land in view on your right hand (as near as you may with safety) you may enter into Quinsay haven, being the chief city in the Northern China, as I term it for distinctions sake, from the other better known. And in or about either or both of these two warm places, you may to great good purpose be occupied the whole winter, after your arrival in those quarters, as sometime by sea, sometime in notable fresh rivers, sometime in discreet view and noting down the situation of the Cities within land, etc. and ever assaying to come by some charts or maps of the country, made and printed in Cathay or China, and by some of their books likewise for language, etc. You may also have opportunity to sail over to japan Island, where you shall find Christian men, jesuits of many countries of Christendom some, and perhaps some Englishmen, at whose hands you may have great instruction and advise for you affairs in hand. Notes in writing, besides more privy by mouth, that were given by M. Richard Hakluyt of Eiton in the County of Hereford, Esquire, Anno 1580: to M. Arthur Pet, and to M. Charles jackman, sent by the Merchants of the Moscovie company for the discovery of the North-east strait, not altogether unfit for some other enterprises of discovery, hereafter to be taken in hand. What respect of Islands is to be had, and why. WHereas the Portugeses have in their course to their Indies in the Southeast, certain ports and fortifications to thrust into by the way, to divers great purposes: so you are to see what Islands, and what ports you had need to have by the way in your course to the North-east. For which cause I wish you to enter into consideration of the matter, and to note all the Islands, and to set them down in plat, to two ends: that is to say. That we may devise to take the benefit by them, And also foresee how by them the Savages or civil Princes may in any sort annoyed us in our purposed trade that way. And for that the people to the which we purpose in this voyage to go, be no Christians, it were good that the mass of our commodities were always in our own disposition, and not at the will of others. Therefore it were good that we did seek out some small Island in the Scythian sea, where we might plant, fortify, and staple safely, from whence (as time should serve) we might feed those heathen nations with our commodities without cloying them, or without venturing our whole mass in the bowels of their country. And to which Island (if need were, and if we should think so good) we might allure the North-east navy, the navy of Cambalu to resort with their commodities to us there planted, and stapling there. And if such an Island might be found so standing as might shorten our course, and so standing, as that the navy of Cambalu, or other those parties might conveniently sail unto without their dislike in respect of distance, then would it fall on't well. For so, besides less danger and more safety, our ships might there unlade and lad again, and return the self same summer to the ports of England or of Norway. And if such an Island may be for the stapling of our commodities, to the which they of Cambalu would not sail, yet we might, having ships there, employ them in passing between Cambalu and that stapling place. Respect of havens and harborowes. ANd if no such Islands may be found in the Scythian sea toward the firm of Asia, then are you to search out the ports that be about Nova Zembla, all along the tract of that land, to the end you may winter there the first year, if you be let by contrary winds, and to the end that if we may in short time come unto Cambalu, and unlade and set sail again for return without venturing there at Cambalu, that you may on your way come as far in return as a port about Nova Zembla: that the summer following, you may the sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East commodities, and for the speedier discharge of your Mariners: if you cannot go forward and back in one self same Summer. And touching the tract of the land of Nova Zembla, toward the East out of the circle Arctic in the more temperate Zone, you are to have regard: for if you find the soil planted with people, it is like that in time an ample vent of our warm woollen clotheses may be found. And if there be no people at all there to be found, than you shall specially note what plenty of whales, and of other fish is to be found there, A good consideration. to the end we may turn our new found land fishing or Island fishing, or our whale fishing that way, for the aid and comfort of our new trades to the North-east to the coasts of Asia. Respect of fish and certain other things. ANd if the air may be found upon that tract temperate, and the soil yielding wood, water, land and grass, and the seas fish, than we may plant on that main the offals of our people, as the Portugeses do in brasil, and so they may in our fishing in our passage, and divers ways yield commodity to England by harbouring and victualling us. And it may be, that the inland there may yield masts, pitch, tar, hemp, and all things for the Navy, as plentifully as Eastland doth. The Islands to be noted with their commodities and wants. TO note the Islands, whether they be high land or low land, mountain or flat, gravelly, clay, chalky, or of what soil, woody or not woody, with springs and rivers or not, and what wild beasts they have in the same. And whether there seem to be in the same apt matter to build withal, as stone free or rough, and stone to make lime withal, and wood or coal to burn the same withal. To note the goodness or the badness of the havens and harborowes in the Islands. If a strait be found, what is to be done, and what great importance it may be of. ANd if there be a strait in the passage into the Scythian seas, the same is specially and with great regard to be noted, especially if the same strait be narrow and to be kept. I say it is to be noted as a thina that doth much import: for what prince soever shall be Lord of the same, and shall possess the same, as the king of Denmark doth possess the strait of Denmark, he only shall have the trate out of these regions into the North-east parts of the world for himself, and for his private profit, or for his subjects only, or to enjoy wonderful benefit of the toll of the same, like as the king of Denmark doth enjoy of his straits, by suffering the merchants of other Princes to pass that way. If any such strait be found, the elevation, the high or low land, the havens near, the length of the straits, and all other such circumstances are to be set down for many purposes: and all the Mariners in the voyage are to be sworn to keep close all such things, that other Princes prevent us not of the same, after our return upon the disclosing of the Mariners, if any such thing should hap. Which way the Savage may be made able to purchase our clot and other their wants. IF you found any Island or main land populous, and that the same people hath need of clot, then are you to devise what commodities they have to purchase the same withal. If they be poor, then are you to consider of the soil, and h●w by any possibility the same may be made to enrich them, that hereafter they may have something to purchase the clot withal. If you enter into any main by portable river, and shall found any great woods, you are to note what kind of timber they be of, that we may know whether they are for pitch, tar, masts, deale-boord, clapboord, or for building of ships or houses, for so, if the people have no use of them, they may be brought perhaps to use. Not to venture the loss of any one man. YOu must have great care to preserve your people, since your number is so small, and not to venture any one man in any wise. To bring home besides merchandise certain trifles. BRing home with you (if you may) from Cambalu or other civil place, one or other young man, although you leave one for him. Also the fruits of the Countries if they will not of themselves dure, dry them and so preserve them. And bring with you the kernels of pears and apples, and the stones of such stonefruits as you shall found there. Also the seeds of all strange herbs & flowers, for such seeds of first-fruits and herbs coming from another part of the world, and so far off, will delight the fancy of many for the strangeness, and for that the same may grow, and continued the delight long time. If you arrive at Cambalu or Quinsay, to bring thence the map of that country, for so shall you have the perfect description, which is to great purpose. To bring thence some old printed book, to see whether they have had print there before it was devised in Europe as some writ. To note their force by sea and by land. If you arrive to Cambalu or Quinsay, to take a special view of their Navy, and to note the force, greatness, manner of building of them, the sails, the tackles, the anchors, the furniture of them, with ordinance, armour, and munition. Also, to note the force of the walls and bulwarks of their cities, their ordnance, and whether they have any calivers, and what powder and shot. To note what armour they have. What swords. What pikes, halberds and bills. What horses of force, and what light horses they have. And so throughout to note the force of the Country both by sea and by land. Things to be marked to make conjectures by. TO take special note of their buildings, and of the ornaments of their houses within. Take a special note of their apparel and furniture, and of the substance that the same is made of, of which a Merchant may make a guess as well of their commodity, as also of their wants. To note their Shops and Warehouses, and with what commodities they abound, the price also. To see their Shambleses, and to view all such things as are brought into the Markets, for so you shall soon see the commodities, and the manner of the people of the inland, and so give a guess of many things. To note their fields of grain, and their trees of fruit, and how they abound or not abound in one and other, and what plenty or scarcity of fish they have. Things to be carried with you, whereof more or less is to be carried for a show of our commodities to be made. Kerseys of all orient colours, specially of stammel, broadcloth of orient colours also. Frizadoes, Motlies', Bristol friezes, Spanish blankets, bay of all colours, specially with Stamel, Worsteds', Carels, Says, Woadmols, Flanels, Rash, etc. Felts of divers colours. Taffata hats. Deep caps for Mariners coloured in Stamel, whereof if ample vent may be found, it would turn to an infinite commodity of the common poor people by knitting. Quilted caps of Levant taffata of divers colours, for the night. Knit stocks of silk of orient colours. Knit stocks of jerzie yarn of orient colours, whereof if ample vent might follow the poor multitude should be set in work. Stocks of kerchief of divers colours for men and for women. Garters of silk of several kinds, and of colours divers. Girdles of Buff and all other leather, with gilt and ungilt buckles, specially waste girdles, waste girdles of velvet. Gloves of all sorts knit, and of leather. Gloves perfumed. Points of all sorts of silk, thread, and leather, of all manner of colours. Shoes of Spanish leather of divers colours, of divers length, cut and vncu●● Shoes of other leather. Velvet shoes and pantofles. These shoes and pantofles to be sent this time, rather for a show then for any other cause. Purses knit, and of leather. Nightcaps knit, and other. A garnish of pewter for a show of a vent of that English commodity, bottles, flagons, spoons, etc. of that metal. Glasses of English making. Venice glasses. Looking glasses for women, great and fair. Small dials a few for proof, although there they will not hold the order they do here. Spectacles of the common sort. Others of Crystal trimmed with silver, and otherwise. Hour glasses. Combs of box. Combs of ●uorie. Combs of horn. Linen of divers sorts. Handkerchiefs with silk of several colours wrought. Glazen eyes to ride with against dust. Knives in sheaths both single and double, of good edge. Needles great and small of every kind. Buttons greater and smaller, with moulds of leather and not of wood, and such as be durable of double silk, and that of sundry colours. Boxes with weights for gold, and of every kind of the coin of gold, good and bad, to show that the people here use weight and measure, which is a certain show of wisdom, and of certain government settled here. All the several silver coins of our English monies, to be carried with you to be showed to the governors at Cambalu, which is a thing that shall in silence speak to wise men more than you imagine. Locks and keys, hinges, bolts, haspes, etc. great and small of excellent workmanship, whereof if vent may be, hereafter we shall set our subjects in work, which you must have in great regard. For in finding ample vent of any thing that is to be wrought in this realm, is more worth to our people besides the gain of the merchant, than Christchurch, Bridewell, the Savoy, and all the Hospitals of England. For banqueting on shipboard people of credit. FIrst, the sweetest perfumes to set under hatches to make the place sweet against their coming aboard, if you arrive at Cambalu, Quinsey, or in any such great city, & not among Savages. Marmelade. Sucket. Figs barreled. Raisins of the sun. Comfits of divers kinds made of purpose by him that is most excellent, that shall not dissolve. Prunes damask. Dried pears. Walnuts. Almonds. Smalnuts. olives to make them taste their wine. The apple john that dureth two years to make show of our first-fruits. Hullocke. Sack. Uials of good sweet waters, and casting bottles of glasses to be sprinkle the guests withal, after their coming aboard. Sugar to use with their wine if they will. The sweet oil of Zante, and excellent French vinegar, and a fine kind of Biscuit stieped in the same do make a banqueting dish, and a little Sugar cast in it cooleth and comforteth, and refresheth the spirits of man. is to be had with you to make a show of by taste, and also to comfort your sick in the voyage. cinnamon water Imperial water With these and such like, you may banquet where you arrive the greater and best people. Or with the gift of these Marmelades in small boxes, or small vials of sweet waters you may gratify by way of gift, or you may make a merchandise of them. The Map of England and of London. Take with you the map of England set out in fair colours, one of the biggest sort I mean, to make show of your country from whence you come. And also the large Map of London to make show of your City. And let the river be drawn full of Ships of all sorts, to make the more show of your great trade and traffic in trade of merchandise. Ortelius book of Maps. If you take Ortelius book of Maps with you to mark all these Regions, it were not amiss: and if need were, to present the same to the great Can, for it would be to a Prince of marvelous account. The book of the attire of all Nations. Such a book carried with you and bestowed in gift would be much esteemed, as I persuade myself. Books. If any man will lend you the new Herbal and such Books as make show of herbs, plants, trees, fish, fowls and beasts of these regions, it may much delight the great Can, and the nobility, and also their merchants to have the view of them: for all things in these parts so much differing from the things of those regions, since they may not be here to see them, by mean of the distance, yet to see those things in a shadow, by this mean will delight them. The book of Rates. TAke with you the book of Rates, to the end you may prick all those commodities there specified, that you shall chance to found in Cambalu, in Quinsey, or in any part of the East, where you shall chance to be. Parchment. Rolls of Parchment, for that we may vent much without hurt to the Realm, and it lieth in small room. Glue. To carry Glue, for that we have plenty and want vent. Read Ochre for Painters. To seek vent because we have great mines of it, and have no vent. Soap of both kinds. To try what vent it may have, for that we make of both kinds, and may perhaps make more. Saffron. To try what vent you may have of Saffron, because this realm yields the bell of the world, and for the rillage and other labours may set the poor greatly in work to their relief. Aquavitae. By new devices wondered quantities may be made here, and therefore to seek the vent. Black Coney's skins. To try the vent at Cambalu, for that it lieth towards the North, and for that we abound with the commodity, and may spare it. Thread of all colours. The vent thereof may set our people in work. Copper Spurs and Hawks bells. To see the vent for it may set our people in work. A note and Caveat for the Merchant. That before you offer your commodities to sale, you endeavour to learn what commodities the country there hath. For if you bring thither velvet, taffata, spice, or any such commodity that you yourself desire to lad yourself home with, you must not cell yours dear, lest hereafter you purchase theirs not so cheap as you would. Seeds for sale. Carry with you for that purpose all sorts of garden seeds, as well of sweet strawing herbs and of flowers, as also of pot herbs and all sorts for roots, etc. Led of the first melting. Led of the second melting of the slags. To make trial of the vent of Lead of all kinds. English iron, and wire of iron and copper. To try the sale of the same. Brimstone. To try the vent of the same, because we abound with it made in the Realm. Antimony a Mineral. To see whether they have any ample use there for it, for that we may lad whole navies of it and have no use of it unless it be for some small portion in founding of bells, or a little that the All cumists use: of this you may have two sorts at the Apothecaries. Tinder boxes with Steel, Flint & Matches and Tinder, the Matches to be made of juniper to avoid the offence of Brimstone. To try and make the better sale of Brimstone by showing the use. Candles of Wax to light. A painted bellows. For that perhaps they have not the use of them. A pot of cast iron. To try the sale, for that it is a natural commodity of this Realm. All manner of edge tools. To be sold there or to the less civil people by the way where you shall touch. What I would have you there to remember. To note specially what excellent dying they use in these regions, and therefore to note their garments and ornaments of houses: and to see their Die houses and the Materials & Simples that they use about the same, and to bring musters and shows of the colours and of the materials● for that it may serve this clothing realm to great purpose. To take with you for your own use. All manner of engines to take fish and foul. To take with you those things that be in perfection of goodness. For as the goodness now at the first may make your commodities in credit in time to come: so false and Sophisticate commodities shall draw you and all your commodities into contempt and ill opinion. A letter of Gerardus Mercator, written to M. Richard Hakluyt of Oxford, touching the intended discovery of the North-east passage, An. 1580. LIterae ●uae (vir humanissime) 19 Junii demùm mihi reddite fuerunt: vehementer dolui visis illis tantam, non modo temporis, sed multò magis tempestivae instructionis iacturam factam esse. Optassem Arthurum Pet de quibusdam non levibus ante suum discessum praemonitum fuisse. Expeditissima sanè per Orientem in Cathaium est navigatio: & saepè miratus sum, eam foeliciter inchoatam, desertam fuisse, velis in Occidentem translatis, post●uam plus quàm dimidium itineris vestri iam notum haberent. Nam post Insulam Vaigats, & Nova Zembla continuò ingens sequitur Sinus, quem ab ortu Tabin immane promontorium complectitur. Ingens Sinus post Insulam Vaigats & Nou●m Zemblam. In hunc medium maxima illabuntur flumina, quae universam Regionem Seticam perluentia, utque existimo, in intima continentis usque magnis navigijs pervia, facillimam rationem exhibent quaslibet merces ex Cataio, Mangi, Mien, caeterisque circumfusis regnis contrahendi, atque in Angliam deportandi. Caeterùm cùm non temerè eam navigationem intermissam crederem, opinabarab Imperatore Russorum & Moscoviae obstaculum aliquod interiectum fuisse. Quod si verò cum illius gratia ulterior illac navigatio detur, suaderem profecto non primùm Tabin promontorium quaerere, atque explorare, sed Sinum hunc atque flumina, in ijsque portum aliquem commodissimum, stationémque Anglicis Mercatoribus deligere, ex quo deinceps maiore opportunitate, minoribúsque periculis Tabin promontorium, & totius Cathai circumnavigatio indagari posset. Esse autem ingens in Septentrionem excurrens promontorium Tabin, Tabin promontorium ingens. non ex Plinio tantùm, verùm & alijs scriptoribus, & tabu●is aliquot (licèt rudius depictis) certum habeo. Polum etiam Magnetis haud long ultra Tabin situm esse, certis Magnetis obseruationibus didici: circa quem & Tabin plurimos esse scopulos, difficilémque & periculosam navigationem existimo: dif●ic●liorem tamen ad Cathaium accessum fore opinor, ea qua nunc via in Occidentem tentatur. Propin quior enim fiet haec navigatio polo Magnetis, quám altera, ad quem propitùs accedere non puto tutum esse. Quia verò Magnes alium quàm Mundi polum habet, Quo propius ad polum acceditur, eò directorium Nauticum magis a Septeouior● deviat. quo ex omni part respicit: quò propiùs ad cum acceditur, eò directorium illud Nauticum magnetis virtute imbutum, magis à Septentrione deviat, nunc in Occidentem, nunc in Orientem, pront quis vel orientalior, vel occidentalior est illo Meridiano, qui per utrumq: polum Magnetis, & Mundi ducitur, Mirabilis est haec varietas, & quae navigantem plurimùm fallere potest, nisi hanc Magnetis inconstantiam nòrit, & ad poli elevationem per instrumenta subinde respiciat. In hac re si non sit iustructus D. Arthurus, aut ea sit dexteritate, ut deprehenso errore eum invenire & castigare possit, timeo ne devias faciat ambages, tempus illum fallat, & semiperacto negotio, à gelu praeoccupetur: Aiunt enim Sinum illum fortiùs quotannis congelari. Quod si contingat: hoc quod consultius mihi visum fuit, proximum illi erit refugium, ut in eo sinu, ijsque fluminibus quae dixi, portum quaerat, & per Legatum aliquem, cum magno Chamlet, nomine Serenissimae Reginae notitiam, amicitiámque contrahat: quam opinor Maximo orbis Imperatori gratam, imo gratissimam fore propter remotissima commercia. Opinor ab ostijs Bautisi & Oechardi Bautisus & Oechardus maxima flu●ina in hunc Sinum illabuntur. fluminum maximorum, usque ad Cambalu Regiam summam Chami, non ultra 300● milliar●a Germanica esse, & iter sumendum per Ezinam urbem regni Tangut, que 100L tantùm milliarijs Germanicis ab ostijs distare videtur, & paret Magno Cham. Valde optarem cognoscere, quàm altè communiter exur got aestus maris in eo Moscoviae Postulata Mercatoris, de quibus certior fieri cupit. portu, quem vestri pro station habent, & in alijs versùs orientem locis usque ad Tabin. Item, an mare in hoc districtu semper in unam partem, videlic et Orientem, aut Occidentem fluat, an verò pro ratione aestuum fluat, & refluat, in medio inquam canali, hoc est, an ibi sex horis in occasum, & iterum sex in ortum fluat, an verò semper in eandem partem: a liae enim speculationes non parum utiles hinc dependant. Idem optarem à D. Frobiscero in occidentem observari. Quod ad Sinum Merosro, & Canadam, ac Novam Franciam attinet, ea in meis tabulis desumpta sunt ex quadam Tabula marina, que à quodam sacerdote ex earum ditionum Naucleri peritissimi Galli descriptione excerpta fuit, & illustrissimo Principi Georgio ab Austria episcopo Leodiensi oblata. Non dubito, quin quantùm ad littorum situm attinet & poli elevationem, ad veritatem ea quàm proximè accedant. Habebat enim ea tabula praeter scalam graduum latitudinis per medium sui extensam, aliam praeterea particularem Novae Franciae litto●●bus adiunctam, qua depravatae latitudines, occasione erroris Magnetis ibi commissae, castigarentur. jacobi Cnoyen Buscoducensis itincrarium per omnem Asiam, Affricam, & Septentrionem, olim mihi Amicus Antuerpiae ab ali● mutuò acceptum communicavit, eo usus sum, & reddidi: post multos annos eundem ab amico repetij, & reminisci ille non potuit à quo accepisset. Gulielmi Tripolitani & joannis de plano Carpini scripta non vidi, tantùm excerpta exillis quaedam in alijs scriptis libris inveni. Abilfadae Epitome gaudeo verti, utinam citò habeamus. Haec (there Domi●e) tuis respondenda putavi: si quid est aliud quod à me desideres, libentissimè tibi communicabo: hoc vicissim amanter à tua humanitate petens, ut quae ex utriusque navigationis cursu obseruata nancisi poteris, mihi communices, penes me pro tuo arbitrio manebunt omnia, & quaecunque inde collegero, fideliter ad te perscribam, si forte ad pulcherrimum, utilissimúmque orbi Christiano hoc navigationis institutum aliquid opis & consilij adferre possint. Benevale, vir doctissime. Duisburgi in Clivia, 28. julij 1580. T. H. paratissimus quantus quantus sum, Gerardus Mercator. Dulce mare inter Novam Zemblam & Tabin suspicatur. Redeunte Arthuro, quaeso discas ab illo que optavi, & num alicubi in suo itinere, dulce mare, aut parum salsum invenerit: suspicor enim mare inter Nova Zembla, & Tabin dulce esse. The same in English. SIr, I received your letters the 19 of june: it grieved me much that upon the sight of them the time being spent, I could not give any convenient instructions: I wish Arthur Pet had been informed before his departure of some special points. The voyage to Cathaio by the East, is dourlesse very easy and short, and I have oftentimes marveled, that being so happily begun, it hath been left of, and the course changed into the West, after that more than half of your voyage was discovered. A great gulf is beyond Vaigats, whereinto mighty rivers descend. For beyond the Island of Vaigats and Nova Zembla, there followeth presently a great Bay, which on the left side is enclosed with the mighty promontory Tabin. Into the mids hereof there fall great rivers, which passing through the whole country of Serica, and being as I think navigable with great vessels into the heart of the continent, may be an easy means whereby to traffic for all manner of merchandise, and transport them out of Cathaio, Mangi, Mien, and other kingdoms thereabouts into England. But considering with myself that that navigation was not intermitted, but upon great occasion, I thought that the Emperor of Russia and Moscovie had hindered the proceeding thereof. If so be that with his grace and favour a further navigation may be made, I would counsel them certainly not first to seek out the promontory Tabin, The best course to be taken in discoveries. but to search this bay and rivers aforesaid, and in them to pick and choose out some convenient port and harbour for the English merchants, from whence afterward with more opportunity and less peril, the promontory Tabin and all the coast of Cathaio may be discovered. And that there is such a huge promontory called Tabin. I am certainly persuaded not only out of Pliny, but also other writers, and some Maps (though some what rudely drawn:) and that the pole of the Loadstone is not far beyond Tabin, I have learned by the certain observations of the Loadstone: about which pole and Tabin I think there are very many rocks, and very hard and dangerous sailing: and yet a more hard and difficile passage I think it to be this way which is now attempted by the West, for it is nearer to the pole of the Loadstone, to the which I think it not safe to approach. And because the Loadstone hath another pole then that of the world, to the which from all parts it hath a respect, the nearer you come unto it, the more the needle of the Compass doth vary from the North, sometimes to the West, and sometimes to the East, according as a man is to the Eastward or to the Westward of that Meridian, that passeth by both the poles of the Magnes and the World. This is a strange alteration and very apt to deceive the sailor, unless he know the unconstancy and variation of the Compass, and take the elevation of the pole sometimes with his instruments. If master Arthur be not well provided in this behalf, or of such dexterity, that perceiving the error he be not able to correct the same, I fear lest in wandering up and down he loose his time, and be overtaken with the ice in the midst of the enterprise. For that gulf, as they say, is frozen every year very hard. Which if it be so, the best counsel I could give for their best safety, were to seek some harbour in that bay, and those rivers whereof I have spoken, and by some Ambassador to make friendship and acquaintance with the great Can, in name of the Queen's majesty, which I believe will be grateful to the mightiest Emperor in the world, yea most excellent for the length of the traffic, and great distance of the places. I think from the mouths of the mighty rivers Bautisus and Oechardus to Cambalu the chiefest seat of the prince the Can, The mouths of Bautisus and Oechardus 300. leagues from Cambalu. there are not past 300. German miles, and to pass by Ezina a city of the kingdom of Tangut, which seemeth to be but 100 German miles from the mouths of the said rivers, and is subject to the great Can. I would gladly know how high the sea doth flow commonly in the port of Moscovia where your men do harborough, and in other Easterly places unto Tabin. And also whether the sea in this straight do flow always one way to the East or to the West, or whether it do ebb and flow according to the manner of the tides in the middle of the channel, that is to say, whether it ●low there six hours into the West, Upon the observations of the tides depend great speculations. and as may back again to the East, for hereupon depend other speculations of importance. I would wish M. Frobisher to observe the same Westwards. Concerning the gulf of Merosro and Canada, and new France which are in my maps, they were taken out of a certain sea carded drawn by a certain priest out of the description of a Frenchman, ● Pilot very skilful in those parts, and presented to the worthy prince George of Austria, bishop of Liege: for the trending of the coast, and the elevation of the pole, I doubt not but they are very near the truth: for the chart had● beside a scale of degrees of latitude passing through the midst of it, another particularly annexed to the coast of New France, wherewith the error of the latitudes committed by reason of the variation of the compass might be corrected. The history of the voyage of jacobus Cnoyen Buschoducensis throughout all Asia, Africa, and the North, was lent me in time passed by a friend of mine at Antwerp. After I had used it, I restored it again: after many years I required it again of my friend, but he had forgotten of whom ●ee had borrowed it. The writings of Gulielmus Tripolitanus, and joannes de Plano Carpini I never see: only I found certain pieces of them in other written hand books. I am glad the Epitome of Abilfada is translated, I would we might have it shortly. Thus much Sir I thought good to answer your letters: if there be any thing else that you would require of me, I will most willingly communicate it with you, craving this likewise of your courtesy, that whatsoever observations of both these voyages shall come to your hands, you would impart them to me, they shall all remain with me according to your discretion and pleasure, and whatsoever I gather of them, I will faithfully signify unto you by letters, if happily they may yield any help or light unto this most excellent enterprise of navigation, and most profitable to our christian common wealth. Far you well most learned friend. At Duisburg in Cliveland, 28. of julie, the year, 1580. At Arthur his return I pray you learn of him the things I have requested, and whether any where in his vo●age, he found the sea fresh, or not very salt: for I suppose the Sea between Nova Zembla and Tabin to be fresh. Yours wholly to my power to be commanded, Gerardus Mercator. The discovery made by M. Arthur Pet, and M. Charles jackman, of the North-east parts, beyond the Island of Vaigatz, with two Barks: the one called the George, the other the William, in the year 1580. Written by Hugh Smith. Upon Monday the 30. of May, May. we departed from Harwich in the afternoon, the wind being at South, and to the Eastward. The ebb being spent we could not double the pole, and therefore were constrained to put in again until the next day in the morning, being the last of May: which day we weighed our anchors about 3. a clock in the morning, the wound being West south-west. The same day we passed Orfordnesse at an East Sun, and Stamford at a West Sun, and Yarmouth at a West northwest sun, and so to Winterton, where we did anchor all night: it was then calm, and the flood was come. The next day being the first of june, june. we set sail at 3. a clock in the morning, and set our course North, the wound at the South-west, and at Southsouthwest. The 10. day about one of the clock in the afternoon, we put into Norway to a place where one of the headlands of the sound is called Bottle: the other headland is called Moil. There is also an Island called Kene. Kene an Island of Norway. here I did found the pole to be elevated 62. deg. it doth flow there South, and it hieth 7. or 8. foot, not above. The 11. day in the morning the wind came to the South and to the Southeast: the same day at six in the afternoon we set sail, and bore along the coast: it was very foul weather with rain and fog. The 22. day the wound being at West, we did hall the coast East north-east, and East. The same day at 6. in the morning we did double the north cape. The North cape doubled. About 3. in the afternoon we past Skites bearenesse, and hauled along the coast East, and East southeast, and all the same night we halled Southeast, and Southeast by East. The 23. day about 3. in the morning we came to Wardhouse, Wardhouse. the wound at the Northwest. The cause of our coming in was to seek the William, whose company we lost the 6. day of this month, and to sand letters into England. About one of the clock in the after noon the William also came into Wardhouse to us in good safety, and all her company in good health. The 24. the wound came to the East Northeast. This day the William was hauled a ground, because she was somewhat leak, and to mend her steerage. This night about 12. of the clock she did hale a float again. The 25. day the wound was at East north-east. The 26. day the Toby of Harwich departed from Wardhouse for London, Thomas green being master, to whom we delivered our letters. The 27. day the wound was at South southeast, and the 28. also. The 29. day about 6. in the afternoon, the wound came to the West northwest for the space of one hour, and presently to the East again, and so was variable all the same night. The 30. about six in the morning, the wind came to East southeast, and continued so all the same day. july. The first of july about 5. in the afternoon, the wound was at Northnorthwest: and about 7. of the clock we set sail from Wardhouse East and by South. The second day about 5. in the morning, the wound was East, and East southeast, and we did lie to the shorewards. And about 10. in the morning the wound came to South southeast, and we laid it to the Eastward: sometime we lay East by South, sometime East southeast, and sometimes East by North. About 5. in the afternoon we bore with the William, who was willing to go with Kegor, because we thought her to be out of try, and sailed very ill, where we might mend her steerage: whereupon master Pet not willing to go into harbour said to master lackman, that if he thought himself not able to keep the sea, he should do as he thought best, and that he in the mean time would bear with Willoughbies land, Willoughbies land. for that it was a parcel of our direction, and would meet him at Verove Ostrove, or Vaigats, and so we set our course East north-east, the wind being at Southeast. hundred. leagues from Kegor. The 3. day the wind at Southeast we found the pole to be elevated 70. degrees, 46. minu●s. The same night at 12. of the clock we sounded, but had no ground, in 120. fathoms, being fifty leagues from the one side by our reckoning East north-east from Kegor. The 4. day all the morning was calm. This day we found the pole to be elevated 71. degrees 38. minutes. This day at 9 in the afternoon the wound at North-east with a gentle gale, we hauled along Southeast by East. The 5. day the wound at Northwest, we hauled East and East by South: this day we see land, but we could not make it, the wound being Northerly, so that we could not come near to it. The 6. day about 2. in the afternoon, the wound at North northwest, we halde East southeast with a fair and gentle gale: this day we met with ice. About 6. in the afternoon it become calm: we with sail and oars laid it to the North-east part, hoping that way to clear us of it: for that way we did see the head part of it, as we thought. Which done, about 12. of the clock at night we gate clear of it. We did think it to be ice of the bay of Saint Nicholas, but it was not, as we found afterwards. A sight of perfect land. The seventh day we met with more ice, at the East part of the other ice: we halde along a weather the ice to find some end thereof by East north-east. This day there appeared more land North from us being perfect land: the ice was between us and it, so that we could not come nearer to it. The same morning at six of the clock we put into the ice to find some way through it, we continued in it all the same day and all the night following, the wind by the North Northwest. We were constrained to go many points of our compass, but we went most an Easterly course. The eight day the wind at North northwest, we continued our course, and at five in the morning we sounded, and had 90. fathoms read oze. This day at four in the afternoon we sounded again, and had 84. fathoms oze, as before. At six in the after noon we cleared ourselves of the ice, and hauled along Southeast by South: we sounded again at 10. a clock at night, and had 43. fathom sandy oze. The 9 day at 2. in the morning, we sounded again, and had 45. fathoms, than there appeared a shadow of land to us East Northeast, and so we ran with it the space of 2. hours, and then perceiving that it was but fog, we hauled along Southeast. 70. deg. 3. min. This day at 2. in the afternoon we sounded and had fifty fathoms black oze. Our latitude was 70. degrees three minutes. At ten a clock at night we sounded again, and had fifty fathoms black oze. The tenth day the wound being at North northwest, we haled East and by North, which course we set, because at ten of the clock afore noon we did see land, and then we sounded having 35. fathoms black oze. All this day there was a great fog, so that we dared not bear with the land to make it, and so we kept an outwardly course. This day at 6. in the afternoon we espied land, wherewith we halled, and then it grew calm: we sounded and had 120. fathoms black oze: and then we sent our boat a land to sound and prove the land. The same night we came with our ship within and Island, where we road all the same night. The same night we went into a bay to ride near the land for wood and water. An Island. The 11. day the wound came to the East southeast: The main land. this day about a league from us to the Eastwards, we see a very fair sound or river that passed very far into the country with 2. or 3. branches with an Island in the midst. The 12. of july the wound was East Southeast. This day about 11. a clock in the morning, there came a great white bear down to the water side, and took the water of his own accord, we chased him with our boat, but for all that we could do, he goat to land and escaped from us, where we named the bay Bearebay. Bearebay. This day at 7. in the after noon we set sail, for we had good hope that the wind would come Westerly, and with sail and oars we gate the sea. All the night it was calm with fog. The 13. day in the morning the wound was very variable with fog, and as it cleared up we met with great store of ice, which at the first showed like land. This ice did us much trouble, and the more because of the fog, which continued until the 14. day, 12. of the clock. The 14. day in the morning we were so embayed with ice, that we were constrained to come out as we went in, which was by great good fortune, or rather by the goodness of God, otherwise it had been impossible, and at 12. of the clock we were clear of it, the wound being at South and South by West. The same day we found the pole to be elevated 70. degrees, 26. minutes: 70. deg. 26. min. we lay along the coast Northwest, thinking it to be an Island, but finding no end in rowing so long, we supposed it to be the main of Nova Zembla. The supposed main of Nova Zembla. About 2. in the afternoon we laid it to the Southward to double the ice, which we could not do upon that board, so that we cast about again and lay West along under the ice. About seven in the afternoon we got about the greatest part thereof. About 11. a clock at night we brought the ice Southeast of us, and thus we were rid of this trouble at this time. The 15. day about 3. in the morning, the wound was at South south-west: we cast about and lay to the Eastwards: the wind did Wester, so that we lay South south-west with a flawn sheet, and so we ran all the same day. About 8. in the after noon we sounded, and had 23. fathoms small grey sand. This night at twelve of the clock we sounded again, and had 29. fathoms sand, as afore. The 16. day unto 3. in the morning we hauled along East Southeast, where we found 18. fathoms read sand, than we hauled along North-east. In these sounding we had many overfals. Many overfals. This day at 10. of the clock we met with more ice, which was very great, so that we could not tell which way to get clear of it. Then the wind came to the South Southeast, so that we lay to the Northwards. We thought that way to clear ourselves of it, but that way we had more ice. About 6. in the afternoon, the wound came to the East. Then we lay to the Southwards that we had 30. fathoms black oze. This day we found the pole to be elevated 69. deg. 40. minutes, and this night at 12. a clock we had 41. fathoms read sand. The 17. day at 3. in the morning, we had 12. fathoms. At 9 we had 8. and 7. all this day we ran South and South by West, at the depth aforesaid, read sand, being but shallow water. At eight in the afternoon, the wind with a shower and thunder came to the South-west, and then we ran East Northeast. At 12. at night it came to the South and by East, and all this was in the bay of Pechora. The bay of Pechora. The 18. day at 7. in the morning we bore with the headland o● the bay, where we found two Islands. There are also overfals of water 〈◊〉 ●●des. We went between the main and the Island, next to the head, where we had abou● 2. fathoms and a half. We found the pole elevated 69. deg. 13 minutes. This day we had sight of Vaigatz: They had sight of Vaygatz. the land of the main of Pechora did trend Southeast, we hauled East southeast, and had 10. fathoms oze all the same day until 4. in the after noon, then being calm, we ankered in 10. fathoms all the same night. The 19 day at two in the morning we set sail, and ran South and South south-west all the same day at 8.7. and 6. fathoms, this was off the South part of Vaigatz, this part of the land lieth North and South. This day at 4. in the afternoon we found shallow water sometime 4. fathoms, sometime 3. and 2. and a half, and one fathom and a half: there we ankered and sent our boat away to sound, and all to leeward we had 4. foot and 3. foot, and 2. foot, there was not water for the boat between Vaigatz & the other side: finding no more water, there was no other way but to go back as we came in, having the wound Northwest, so at twelve at ni●ht we set sail. The 20. day we plied to the Northwards, and got deep water again 6. and 7. fathoms. The 21. day the wind by the Northwest, we hauled along the coast North and North northwest, we had 8. and 9 and 10. fathoms. The 22. day the wind came to the South-west, we bore along the coast of Vaygatz, as we found it to lie North and by West, and Northnorthwest, and North. The wind blewe very much with great fog, In Island having store of wood & water. we lacking water and wood bore within an Island where we found great store of wood and water, there were three or four goodly found'st. Under two points there was a cross set up, and a man buried at the foot of it. Upon the said cross Master Pet did grave his name with the date of our Lord, and likewise upon a stone at the foot of the cross, and so did I also, to the end that if the William did chance to come thither, they might have knowledge that we had been there. At eight in the afternoon the wind came to the North northwest, we set sail and turned out of the Bay. The same night the wind came to the West, so that we lay North along the land. The 23. day at five in the morning, the wound came to the South-west, a Sea board we saw a great number of fair Islands, ●. fair islands. to the number of six: a sea board of these Islands, there are many great overfals, as great streams or tides: we halde North-east and East north-east as the land did trend. At eight aforenoone the wind came to the Southeast with very much wound, rain and fog, and very great store of ice a sea board: so we lay to the South-west to attain to one of the Islands to harbour us if the weather did so extremely continued, and to take in our boat, thinking it meet so to do, and not to tow her in such weather. About twelve of the clock it become very calm upon the sudden, and came up to the West Northwest, and Northwest by West, and then we took in our boat, and this done, there came down so much wind, as we were not able to steer afore it, with corpse and bonnets of each, we hauled South with the land, for so the land did trend. This day all the afternoon we sailed under a great land of ice, we sailed between the land and it, being not able to cross it. About twelve at night we found the ice to stretch into the land, that we could not get clear to the Eastward, so we laid it to the shore, and there we found it clear hard aboard the shore, and we found also a very fair Island which makes a very good harbour, and within are 12. fathoms. An Island to the East of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues. This Island is to the Eastwards of Vaigatz, 4. or 5. leagues. This land of the main doth trend Southeast, and Southeast by East. It is a very fair coast, and even and plain, and not full of mountains nor rocks: you have but shallow water of 6. or 7. fathoms, about a league from the shore, all this morning we halled East southeast. This day we found the pole to be elevated 69. degrees 14. minutes. About 12. a clock we were constrained to put into the ice to seek some way to get to the Northwards of it, hoping to have some clear passage that way, but there was nothing but whole ice. About nine in the afternoon we had sight of the William, and when we saw her, there was a great land of ice between her and us, so that we could not come one to the other, but as we came near to her, we sounded our trumpet and shot off two muskets, and she put out her flag upon her foretopmaste in token that she did see us: all this time we did shorten our sails, and went with our foresail & main top sail, seeking the best way through the broken ice, she making away the best that she could to follow us, we put out our flag to answer her again with the like: thus we continued all the afternoon till about 12. a clock at night, and then we moared our ship to a piece of ice to tarry for the William. The William and the George meet again. The 25. day about five in the morning, the William came to us, being both glad of our meeting. The William had her stern post broken, that the rudber did hung clean besides the stern, so that she could in no wise port her helm, with all hands she did lighten her stern, and trim her head, and when we had brought her forward all that we could, we brought a table under her stern, and without captain did wound up her stern, and so we made it as well as the place would give us lean, and in the end we brought her to steer again. We acknowledge this our meeting to be a great benefit of God for our mutual comfort, and so gave his majesty thanks for it. All the night after we took our rest being made fast upon a piece of ice: the wind was at West Northwest, but we were so enclosed with ice that we could not tell which way to pass. Winds we have had at will, but ice and fog too much against our wills, if it had pleased the Lord God otherwise. The 26. day the wound was at West Northwest: we set sail to the Northwards, to seek if we could find any way clear to pass to the Eastward, but the further we went that way, the more and thicker was the ice, so that we could go no further. So about four in the afternoon we were constrained to more upon another piece of ice. I think we sailed in all a league this day, here we had 15. fathoms oze, and this oze is all the channel over. All the same day after four of the clock, and all the night we tarried there, being without all good hope, but rather in despair. This day Master jugman did see land East Northeast from us, as he did think, whether it were land or not, I cannot tell well, but it was very like land, but the fogs have many times deceived us. The 27. day the wind was at Northwest. This day at nine in the morning we set sail to seek the shore. Further into the ice we could not go, and at seven in the afternoon we moared to a piece of ice, and the William with us, here we had 14. fathoms oze. At three in the afternoon we warped from one ice to another. At nine in the afternoon we moared again to a piece of ice until the next day. All this night it did snow with much wound, being at West Northwest, and at Northwest, and by West. The 28. day the wind came to the South-west, and Southsouthwest: this day was a very fair day. At one in the afternoon master Pet and master jackman did confer together what was best to be done considering that the winds were good for us, and we not able to pass for ice, they did agreed to seek to the land again, and so to Vaygatz, and there to confer further. Their return. At 3. in the afternoon we did warp from one piece of ice to another to get from them if it were possible: here were pieces of ice so great, that we could not see beyond them out of the top. Thus we warped until 9 in the afternoon, and then we moared both our ships to a great and high piece of ice, until the next morning. The nine and twenty day the wind came to the South-west, we set sail at five in the morning to ply into the shore if it were possible, we made many turns among the ice to small purpose, for with the wind doth the currant run. The currant runneth with the wind. This day by misfortune a piece of ice stroke of our greepe afore at two aforenoone, yet for all this we turned to do our best. The William being encumbered with ice, and perceiving that she did little good, took in all her sails, and made herself fast to a piece of ice, and about four in the afternoon she set sail to follow us. We were afraid that she had taken some hurt, but she was well. At seven afore noon we took in all our sails to tarry for the William, and made our ship fast to a piece of ice: the William before she came to us took in all her sails, and moared to another piece of ice, and thus we continued until the next morning. The 30. day the wind at Southeast, and by South, and at 9 in the morning we set sail, and sooner would have done if that William had been by us, but we did tarry for her to know whether all was well with her: But as soon as we made sail, she did the like. All this day we did our best to seek our way as the ice would give us leave, sometime we lay South, sometime West, and sometime East, and thus we continued vutill eight at night, and then being calm, we made our ship fast to a piece of ice, and went to supper. In the mean time the wound with a fair gentle gale came up to the East, and East and by South, but there came down a shower of rain with it, which continued the space of one hour: Which being done, it become calm again, so that we could do no good all that night, but took our rest until the next day. The 31. the wind being at South-west, we set sail to turn to windeward at three a clock in the morning. In this turning we did little good, for the currant would not give us leave. For as the wind is, so is the currant. We did our best until ten of the clock, and then perceiving that we did no good, and being enclosed with ice, we made our ships fast to a piece of ice: All this day the William lay still, and did as much good as we that did labour all the forenoon. Thus we taken our rest all the same day. In the afternoon we set sail, the wind being at South & by East, we lay to the Westwards, as South-west and Southwest and by South, and sometime to the Westward as we might. Thus we continued until 9 at night, and then we could go no further for ice: so we with the William were constrained to make our ship fast to a piece of ice all the same night. This day we found the pole elevated 69. degrees 20. minutes, and here we had 17. fathoms oze. The first day of August was very calm in the morning, August. the wind being at West Northwest. About twelve the wind came to the West, and continued so all the same night with great fog. The second day the wind was at Southwest all day with rain and fog. All this day we were enclosed with ice, so that we were forced to lie still. Here we had one and twenty fathoms oze. At six in the afternoon the wind was at West with very much foul weather, and so continued all the same night. The third day the wind was at West, and West by North, and West Northwest, this day we lay still enclosed with ice, the weather being dark with fog: thus abiding the Lord's leisure, we continued with patience. And sounding we found 21. fathoms. The fourth day we lay still enclosed with ice, the wind being at West Northwest, this ice did every day increase upon us, yet putting our trust in God, we hoped to be delivered out of it in good time. The fift day all the morning it reigned with very much wound, being at South Southeast: about 3. in the after noon we set sail, and presently it become calm for the space of one hour, than the wound came to the North Northeast, and here we had 33. fathoms: thus we made way among the ice Southwest, and Southsouthwest, & West, as we might find our way for the space of 3. hours: then we met with a whole land of ice. A whole land of ice. so that we could go no further: here we moared our ship to tarry for a further opening. Here we found 45. fathoms oze, and all the night was very dark with fog. The sixt day having no opening of the ice we lay still, the wind being at West, and West by South: here we had sixty three fathoms oze: all the same night the wind was at the West Northwest. The 7. day the wind was at West, and West and by North all day. And all this day we lay still being enclosed with ice, that we could not stir, labouring only to defend the ice as it came upon us. Here we had 68 fathoms oze. The 8. day was very fair & calm but foggy. This day towards night there was little wind by the South Southwest: then the ice began a little to open, and here we had 70. fathoms oze: all the night was foggy. The 9 day the wind was at Northwest, and by West, all the afternoon we lay still because of the ice, which did still enclose us. This day we found the pole elevated seventy degrees, 4. minutes, 70. degr. 4. min. we had 63. fathoms oze: this night was a very fair night, but it freezed: in the morning we had much ado to go through the same: Frost. and we were in doubt that if it should have freezed so much the night following, we should hardly have passed out of it. This night there was one star that appeared to us. The appearing of the stars, sign of Winter. The tenth day the wind was at East Northeast with a very small gale. We with sail and oars made way through the ice: about five in the morning we set sail: sometime we lay Southwest, and sometime South, and sometime West, as we might best find the way. About three in the afternoon the gale began to fresh: about six in the afternoon the wind was at North-east with fog. Here we had eighty eight fathoms: we bore sail all the same night, and it snowed very much. Much snow. The eleventh day we were much troubled with ice, and by great force we made our way through it, which we thought a thing impossible: but extremity doth cause men to do much, and in the weakness of man God's strength most appeareth. This day we had 95. fathoms. At three in the afternoon the wind came to the South-west, we were forced to make our ship fast to a piece of ice, for we were enclosed with it, and tarried the lords leisure. This night we had 97. fathoms. The 12. day the wound was at the Southeast not very much but in a manner calm: at a 11. of the clock the wind came to the West Southwest: all the day was very dark with snow and fog. At 6. in the afternoon we set sail the wind being at the North Northeast: all this night we bore away South-west, and Southsouthwest, as well and as near as the ice would give us leave: all this night we found the ice somewhat favourable to us, more than it was before, whereupon we stood in good hope to get out of it. The 13. day at 7. in the morning, the wind was at the North-east, and North-east and by East: all this day we were much troubled with the ice, for with a blow against a piece of ice we broke the stock of our anchor, and many other great blows we had against the ice, that it was marvelous that the ship was able to abide them: the side of our boat was broken with our ship which did recoil back, the boat being betwixt a great piece of ice, and the ship, and it perished the head of our rudder. This day was a very hard day with us: at night we found much broken ice, and all this night it blewe very much wind, so that we lay in drift with the ice, & our drift was South, for the wind was at North all this night, and we had great store of snow. Great store of snow. The 14. day in the morning we made our ship fast to a piece of ice, and let her drive with it. In the mean time we mended our boat and our steerage: all this day the wind continued Northerly, and here we had threescore and two fathoms. Thus we lay a drift all the same night. The 15. day we set sail at 6. in the morning, the wind being at North-east. At 9 aforenoon we entered into a clear Sea without ice, whereof we were most glad, and not without great cause, and gave God the praise. We had 19 fathoms water, and ran in Southwest all the morning until we came to 14. fathoms, and thence we halled West, till we came to 10. fathoms, and then we went Northwest, for so the land doth trend. At 12. of the clock we had sight of the land, which we might have had sooner, but it was dark and foggy all the same day: for when we had sight of the land, we were not passing three leagues from it. This day we had the pole elevated 69 degrees 49 minutes. 69 degrees 49 minutes. All day we ran along the coast in ten and nine fathoms, peppered sand. It is a very goodly coast and a bold, and fair sounding of it, without sands or rocks. The 16 day the wind was at East: this day we were troubled again with ice, but we made great shift with it: for we got between the shore and it. This day at twelve of the clock we were thwart of the Southeast part of Vaigats, Then are thwart against Vaigats. all along which part there was great store of ice, so that we stood in doubt of passage, yet by much ado we got betwixt the shore and it: about 6 in the afternoon was found a great white bear upon a piece of ice: all this day in the afternoon it was dark with fog. And all the night we haled North and North by West, and sometime North and by East, for so doth the land trend. The 17 day in the morning we haled West, for so doth the land lie. The wound was at Southeast, and it was very dark with fog, and in running along the shore we fallen a ground, but God be praised without hurt, for we came presently off again. The William came to an anchor to stay for us, and sent some of their men to help us, but before they came we were under sail, and as we came to the William we did stow our boats, and made sail, we went within some of the Islands, The Islands. and haled Westsouthwest. About two of the clock in the afternoon, we set our course Southwest and by South: so we ran South-west until twelve at night, the wound came to the Northnortheast, and then we haled West. The 18 day at 6 in the morning we had 16 fathoms read sand: at 6 in the morning 13 fathoms. At 10, 14 fathoms, and we haled Westnorthwest. At 12 a clock the wind came to the East, and East by South, we haled West and by North all the same day and night. At 6 in the afternoon we had 17 fathoms read sand. The 19 day the wound was at Eastnortheast: at 6 in the morning we had 19 fathoms read sand: at 12 of the clock the wound blue North and North by East, we had 17 fathoms of water, at 3 in the afternoon 15. The 20 day the wound was at North-east, and Northnortheast: at 7 in the morning we had 30 fathoms black oze: at twelve of the clock we were upon the sudden in shoal water, among great sands, and could found no way out. By sounding and seeking about, we came aground, and so did the William, but we had no hurt, for the wound was off the shore, and the same night it was calm: all night we did our best, but we could not have her afloat. These shoals do lie off Colgoyeve: shoals off Colgoyeve. it is very flat a great way off, and it doth not high above 2 or 3 foot water: it floweth North-east, and Southwest. The 21 day the wound was at South-west, and being very fair weather we did lighten our ships as much as was possible for us to do, by reason of the place. The same high water, by the help of God, we got both a float, and the wound being at the South-west did help us, for it caused it to flow the more water. This day we found the pole to be elevated 68 degrees 40 min. In the afternoon we both set sail to seek way to get out of these sands, our boat a head sounding, having 6,7, and 8 fathoms all within the sand which was without us. We bore to the Southward, and the William bore more to the Eastwards, and night being at hand the wound came to the Southeast, whereupon we laid it to the Southwards, lying South-west, and South and by West, and ran to 19, and 12 and 14 fathoms, and presently we had but six fathoms, which was off the sands head, which we were a ground upon the day before. Then we cast about to the Eastwards for deep water, which we presently had, as 10,15, and 20 and so to 23 fathoms. The 22 day at 8 in the morning, we cast about to the Southward, and this day in the morning we see the William under our Ice as far as we could see her, They lost the William here. and with a great fog we lost the sight of her, and since we have not seen her. Thus we ran till we came to thirty fathoms black oze, which we had at twelve of the clock, and at three in the afternoon we had twenty and three fathoms, and then we ran Westnorthwest, and West by North, all the same night following. The 23 day we had at 6 in the morning 27 fathoms, at 8 a clock 28 fathoms: at 9 the wind being at Eastsoutheast, we haled Westnorthwest; this day we had sight of the land of Hugri side. The land of Hugry. At twelve of the clock we had thirty two fathoms sand. This day we ran West and by North, and came to five fathoms of the bay of Morzovets. The bay of Morezovets. Then we laid it to the Northwards, so that we lay Northnortheast off. The wound after came to the North, and North by East, and we lay East and East by North, than we laid it to the Westward again: and thus we lay till we came to forty fathoms, and then we went Northwest till we came to fourteen fathoms, and so to ten fathoms. Then we cast about to the Eastwards and lay East, and East by North all the same night. The 24 day at 8 in the morning we had 32 fathoms. We ran Northwest till we came to 11 fathoms, than we lay to the Northwards till 12 at night, and then we came to forty fathoms, than the wound at North-east we lay to the Westwards, and haled Northwest along. The 25 at 4 in the morning we had 37 fathoms, we ran Northwest, the wind at Northnortheast very much. The 26 day we ran with the same wind, and found the pole to be elevated 70 deg. 40 min. The 27 at 7 in the morning we see land, which we made to be Kegor, than we haled Northwest, and North by West to double the North Cape. The 28 day at 3 in the morning we ran Northwest, and so all day. At night the wound came to the South-west, and we ran Northwest all that night. The town of Hungon. The 29 day we put into a sound called Ta'en, and the town is called Hungon: we came to an anchor at 5 in the afternoon, at 25 fathoms very fair sand. This sound is very large and good, and the same night we got water aboard. The 30 day in the morning the wind at North-east, and but little, we set sail, and with our boat on head we got the sea about 12 of the clock: the wound with a fair gale c●me to the East Southeast, and all this day and night we ran Westnorthwest. They double the North Cape in their return. The 31 day at 12 of the clock we doubled the North Cape, the wound being at Eastsoutheast, we haled West all the same day, and at night we ran Westsouthwest. The 1 day of September the wound was at North-east with very much fog: all this day we ran Westsouthwest: at 2 in the afternoon the wound came North. The second day at 3 in the morning we doubled foulness, & the wound was this day variable at all parts of the Compass. In the afternoon we made but little way: at 6 a clock the wind came to the South-west, and we went Northwest. At 9 in the night there came down so much wind by the Westsouthwest, that we were feign to lay it a hull, we haled it to Northwards for the space of 2 hours, and then we laid her head to the Southwards, and at the break of day we see land, which is very high, and is called by the men of the country Foulness. Foulness. It is within full of small Islands, and without full of rocks very far out, and within the rocks you have fair sand at 20 fathoms. The 3 day in the morning we bore with the sound aforesaid: Within it is but shoal water, 4 5 and 3 fathoms, sandy ground, the land is very high, and the Church that is seen is called Helike Kirke. It doth high here not above 8 or 9 foot. The 12 day at 3 in the afternoon, we put into a sound by Lowfoote, Lowfoote. where it doth flow South-west, and by South, and doth high 7 or 8 foot water. The 13 day much wound at West: we had a ledge of rocks in the wound of us, but the road was reasonable good for all Southerly and Westerly winds. We had the main land in the wind of us: this day was stormy with rain. The 23 day at four of the clock in the afternoon we put into Norway, into a sound called Romesal, The sound of Romesal. where it floweth Southsoutheast, and doth high 8 foot water: this place is full of low Islands, and many good sounds without the high mountain land. Here is great store of wood growing, as fir, birch, oak, and hazel: all this night the wound was at the South, very much wind, with rain and fog. The 28 day in the morning the wound being at Eastnortheast we set sail at 8 of the clock, and haled out of the bay Westsouthwest, and South-west, having a goodly gale until one of the clock, and then the wound came to Southeast, and to the South with rain and fog, and very much wind: at six of the clock we came into a very good road, where we did ride all the same night in good safety. The 29 day we put into a good sound, the wound by the South-west: at three in the afternoon there came down very much wound by the South, and all night with vehement blasts, and rain. The 30 day all day the wound was at Westsouthwest. And in this sound the pole is elevated 63 deg. 10 min. October. The first day of October the wind was at South with very much wind, and vehement blasts. The 7 day we set sail: for from the first of this month until this 7 day, we had very foul weather, but specially the fourth day when the wound was so great, that our cables broke with the very storm, and I do not think that it is possible that any more wound than that was should blow: for after the breaking of our cable, we did drive a league, before our anchors would take any hold: but God be thanked the storm began to slack, otherwise we had been in ill case. The 7 day at night we came to an anchor until the next day, which was the 8 day of the month, when as the wind grew great again, with rain, whereupon we set sail and returned into the sound again: and at our first coming to an anchor, presently there blew so much wind, that although our best anchor was out, yet the extremity of the storm drove us upòn a ledge of rocks, and did bruise our ship in such sort, that we were constrained to lighten her to save her, and by this means (by the help of God) we got off our ship and stopped our leaks, and moared her in good safety abiding for a wound. We rid from this day by reason of contrary winds, with fog and rain until the 24 day, which day in the morning the wound came to the North-east, and at 8 of the clock we set sail. This sound is called Moor sound, Moor sounds where it higheth about 5 foot water, & floweth Southsoutheast. The next day being the 25 day we put into a sound which is called V●tar sound, where was a ship of the king of Denmark put into another sound there by, being 2 leagues to the southwards of us, that came out of Island: the wound was contrary for us at Southsouthwest. The 12 day of November we set sail the wound being at the East Southeast, and past through the sound where the king's ship did lie: which sound is called Sloure sound. But as we did open the sound, we found the wound at the South-west, so that we could do no good, so that we moared our ship between 2. Islands until the 18 day, and then the weather being fair and calm, we set sail, & went to sea hoping to found a fair wound, but in the sea we found the wound at the South-west, and Southsouth west, so that we were constrained to return into the same sound. The next day being the 19 the kings ship came out also, because she see us put to sea, & came as far out as we, and moared where we did more afore: And at our return back again, we moared our ship in an utter sound called Scorpe sound, because the king's ship was without victuals, and we did not greatly desire her company, although they desired ours. In this sound the pole is elevated 62 deg. 47 min. Thus we lay still for a wound until the 1 of December, which day we set sail at 6 a clock in the morning, & at 4 in the afternoon we laid it is the innards. The 9 day we had sight of the coast of Scotland which was Buquhamnesse. The 10 day we were open off the Frith. The 11 day at 4 in the morning we were thwart of Barwike: at 6 we were thwart of Bamburch: the same day at 10 at night we were shot as far as Hollyfoote. Then the wound came to the South and Southeast, so that we lay still until the next day in the morning, and then we were constrained to put with Tinmouth. The same day at night we haled aground to stop a leak, which we found to be in the scarf afore. The wound continued by the Southeast & Southsoutheast until the 20 day, and then we set sail about 12 at night, bearing along the coast. The 22 day by reason of a Southeast wound, we thought we should have been put into Humber, but the wound came to the West, so that we haled Southeast: and at 3 in the afternoon we haled a sea board the sands, and had shoal water of Lymery and Owry, and were in 4 fathoms of them. The next day we haled as we might to seize Orfordnesse. The 24 day we came thwart of the Nase, about 8 in the morning. The 25 day being the Nativity of Christ, we came to an anchor between Old haven, and Tilberie hope. The same day we turned as high as Porsher. The 26 day we turned as high as Ratcliff, and praised God for our safe return. And thus I end, 1580. The William with Charles jackman arrived at a port in Norway between Tronden and Rostock in October 1580, and there did winter: And from thence departed again in February following, and went in company of a ship of the King of Denmark toward Island: and since that time he was never herded of. Instructions made by the company of English merchants for discovery of new trades, unto Richard Gibs, William Biggat, john Backhouse, William Freeman, john Haly, and Iame● Woodcock● etc. masters of the 9 ships, and one bark that we had freighted for a voyage with them to be made (by the grace of God) from hence to S. Nicholas in Russia, and back again: which ships being ●ow in the river of Thames are presently ready to departed upon the said voyage, with the next apt winds that may serve ●herunto: and with this Fleet afterwards was joined M. Christopher Carlisle with the Tiger. The 1 of june 1582. FOrasmuch as the number of ships which we purpose to sand in this Fleet together for Saint Nicholas in Russia is greater than at any time heretofore we have sent thither, as also for that some speeches are given out that you shall be me● withal by such as with force & violence will assault you as enemies, to the end that good order may be established among you for keeping together in company, and uniting your ●orces, as well for the better direction to be had in your navigation, as also for your more safety and strength against the enemy, we have thought good to appoint among you an Admiral and Uiceadmirall, and that all of you and every one particularly shall be bond in the sum of one hundred pounds to keep company together. 2 Because the Solomon is the biggest ship, best appointed, and of greatest force to defend or offend the enemy, we do therefore appoint that ship Admiral, which shall wear the flag in the main top. 3 The Thomas Allen being a good ship and well appointed, and for that the master of her is the ancientest master of the Fleet that hath taken charge that way, we do appoint the same ship to be Uiceadmirall, and to wear the flag in the foretop. 4 And for that the master of the Prudence is of great experience, and knowledge in that voyage, we do appoint that he with the master of the Admiral and Uiceadmirall shall confer, consult and agreed upon the courses and directions that shall be used in this voyage, and it shall be lawful unto the master of the Admiral, with the consent of M. Gibs, and M. Biggat, or one of them to make his courses and directions from time to time during the whole voyage, and all the fleet are to follow and observe the same without straying or breaking of company at any time upon the penalty before specified. 5 The appointing of the ships for Admiral and viceadmiral, and those men to consult and agreed upon the courses and directions of the voyage, as aforesaid, hath been done by the consents and with the liking of you all, and therefore we doubt not but that you will all carefully and willingly observe the premises. 6 Item, we have thought good to put you in mind, that at such times as you may conveniently from time to time, you do assemble and meet together, to consider, consult, and determine upon such articles as you shall think necessary to be propounded touching your best safety and defence against all forces that may be offered you in this voyage, as well outwards bond, and while you shall remain in the road and bay of S. Nicholas, as also homewards bond, and that which you shall agreed upon, or that which most of you shall consent unto, 'cause it to be set down in writing for record, which may serve for an act amongst yourselves to bind you all to observe the same. 7 We have appointed james Woodcock in the small bark to attend upon you, & to receive his directions from you. You are therefore to remember well what conference and talk hath been had with you here before your going touching the said bark, to what purposes she may best serve, and the manner how to employ her, and thereupon to give your order and direction unto him, as the time and place shall require. 8 Item, if you shall understand as you are outwards bond, that the enemy is go before you to S. Nicholas, Berozova Vstia. remember what advise hath been given you for your stay at Berozova Vstia, till you have by espials viewed and understood the forces, and the manner of their abode at that place. 9 And if in the sea either outwards or homewards, or in the time of your abode at anchor at Saint Nicholas, you shall be assaulted by force of any, as enemy whatsoever, you are to defend yourselves with such forces as you may or can: trust not too far, neither give place to inconvenience. 10 You will not forget what conference we had touching your passing outwards bond by Wardhouse, to view and understand what you can at that place, and to show yourselves, to see if there be any there that have a mind to speak with you, for that we think it better then, & thereabouts, then afterwards or else where. 11 While you shall remain in the road at S. Nicholas, be circumspect and careful to have your ships in readiness, and in good order always, and upon all suddens. The greatest danger unto you in that place will be while you shall shifted your ships: therefore you are to consider of it, but the fittest time for you to do the same, will be when the wind is Southerly of the shore, or calm, and at such time you may the better do it without danger. You must take such order among you, that your companies may be always willing and ready to help one the other, and appoint among yourselves such ships to shifted first, and such after, in such sort and form as you shall think best and most convenient. And while they shall be in discharging, shifting, and lading, let the rest of your companies which have not then to do in lading or discharging, help those ships that shall have labour to do, as well for carrying the barks from ships to the shore, or from shore to the ship with your boats, as also for any other help that they shall have need of. 12 Remember what hath been said unto you touching the moring of your ships, etc. for using advantage against the enemy, if you shall be assaulted in that place. 13 See that you serve God, abolish swearing and gaming, be careful of fire and candles, etc. 14 You are to consult and agreed among yourselves upon signs, tokens, and good orders for the better keeping of company together, and also the manner how and by what means, rescue, aid, or help may be given by one to the other in fight, ●● you happen to come to it. Thus we pray God to sand you a prosperous voyage and safe return. The opinion of Master William Burrough sent to a friend, requiring his judgement for the fittest time of the departure of our ships towards S. Nicholas in Russia. WHereas you request me to persuade the company not to sand their ships from hence before the fine of May, I do not think the same so good a course for them to observe: for you know that the sooner we send them hence, the sooner we may look for their return. The Russian fleet best to be set forth in the beginning of May. If we send them in the beginning of May, then may they be at Saint Nicholas by the fine of the same month: and by that time the greatest part of your lading of necessity must be come down, especially the flax: but if it should fall out so lateward a breaking up of the river of Duyna, that by the end of May the goods cannot be brought to Saint Nicholas, yet this is always to be accounted for certain, that before our ships can come thither, the goods may be brought down to that place: and if through ice the ships be kept back any time, the loss and charge of that time toucheth not the company at all, but the owners of the ships, and yet will the Owners put that in adventure, rather than carry longer time before their going hence. Now seeing by sending our ships hence in the beginning of May, their arrival at S. Nicholas may be at the end of the same month, and remaining thirty days there, they may be laden and come thence by the last of june, and return home hither by the 10 of August with commodities to serve the market then, it cannot be denied but we should reap thereby great commodity. But it may be objected, that if all our ships be sent then to return as aforesaid, you shall not be able to sand us in so much cordage, Wax and Oils, as otherwise you should do if they remained a moveth longer, neither could you by that time perfect your accounts to be sent in them as you would do. For answer thereunto this is my meaning: though I wish the greatest part of our shipping to go as aforesaid, yet would I have one good ship or two at the most well furnished in all points that should departed always from hence, between the beginning and the 10 day of june: and the same to be conditioned withal to remain at S. Nicholas from the first arrival there until the midst of August, or to be dispatched thence sooner, at the will and liking of our factors for the same: by this order these commodities following may ensue. 1 You may have our commodities there timely to sand by the river before it wax shallow, to be dispersed in the country at your pleasure. 2 The greatest part of our goods may be returned hither timely to serve the first markets. 3 Our late ships remaining so long here may serve to good purpose, for returning answer of such letters as may be sent over land, and received here before their departure. 4 Their remaining so late with you shall satisfy your desire for perfecting your accounts, and may bring such cordage, Wax, Oil, & other commodities, as you can provide before that time: and chief may serve us in stead to bring home our goods that may be sent us from Persia. Now seeing it may be so many ways commodious to the commpany to observe this order, without any charge unto them, I wish that you put to your helping hand to further the same. A copy of the Commission given to Sir Jerome Bowes, authorizing him her majesties Ambassador unto the Emperor of Russia, Anno 1583. ELIZABETHA Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hyberniae Regina, fidei defensatrix, etc. universis & singulis praesentes literas visuris & inspecturis, salutem. Cùm Serenissimus Princeps, joannes Basilius, Rex, & magnus Dux Russiae, Volodiomerae, Moscoulae, & Novogrodiae, Rex Cazani, & Astracani, Dominus Plescoae, & magnus Dux Smolenscoae, Tueri, Vgori, Permiae, Valeae, Bolharae, & aliarum ditionum: Dominus & magnus Dux Novogrodiae in inferiori regione Chernigae, Rezanae, Polotscoae, Ratsaviae, Yeraslavae, Bealozeri, Liflandiae, Oudori, & Condensae, & gubernator in tota provincia Siberiae, & partium Septentrionalium, & aliarum, frater, & Amicus charissimus, Nobilem virum, Feodor Andrewich Spisemski, nuper ad nos ablegaverit, ad certa quaedam negotia nobiscum agenda, quae honorem utrinque nostrum quàm proximè attingunt, queque rectè definiri concludíque nequeunt, nisi Ambassiatorem aliquem & oratorem ad praefatum serenissimum principem amandaverimus: Hinc est, quòd nos de fidelitate, industria, provida circumspectione, & satis magno rerum usu, predilecti nobis famuli nostri, Hieronimi Bowes Militis, ex nobilibus domesticis nostris unius, plurimùm confidentes, praefatum Hieronimum Bowes Militem, nostrum verum & indubitatum Ambassiatorem, Oratorem, & Commissarium specialem facimus, & constituimus per praesentes. Dantes, & concedentes eidem Hieronimo Bowes Militi oratori nostro tenore praesentium, authoritatem, & mandatum, tam generale, quàm speciale, ita quòd specialitas non deroget generalitati, nec è contrà generalitas specialitati, nomine nostro, & pro nobis, cum praefato serenissimo principe, e●usque consiliarijs, & deputatis quibuscunque de praefatis negotijs & eorum singulis, tractandi, conferendi, concludendi appunctuandíque, prou● praefato Oratori nostro ae quum, & ex honore nostro videbitur: Nec non de, & super huiusmoditractatis, conclusis, appunctuatísque, caeterísque omnibus & singulis, praemissa quovismodo concernentibus, literas, & instrumenta valida & efficacia, nomine nostro, & pro nobis tradendi, literasque & instrumenta consimilis vigoris & effectus, ex altera part peten●i, & confici, & sigillari debitè procurandi, & recipiendi, & generaliter omnia, & singula praemissa qualitercunque concernentia, faciendi, exercendi, & expediendi, in, & eodem modo, sicut nos ipsi faceremus, & facere possemus, si essemus praesentes, etiamsi talia sint, quae de se mandatum exigant magis speciale: promittentes bona fide, & in verbo Regio, omnia & singula, quae per praedictum Ambassiatorem, & oratorem nostrum appunctuata, promissa, conventa, concordata, & conclusa fuerint in hac part, nos rata & grata, & firma habituras & obseruaturas, & superinde literas nostras patentes confirmatorias, & approbatorias in forma valida, & autentica, prout opus fuerit, daturas. In cuius rei restimonium, his praesentibus manu nostra signatis, magnum sigillum nostrum regni nostri Anglie apponi fecimus. Datae è Regia nostra Grenwici quinto die mensis Junii, Anno Dom. 1583. Regni verò nostri vicessimo quinto. The same in English. ELIZABETH by the grace of God, Queen of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. to all and singular, to whom these presents shall come to be seen and read, greeting. Whereas the most excellent prince john Basiliwich king, and great duke of all Russia, Volodomer, Moscovie, and Novogrod, king of Cazan and Astracan, lord of Plesco, and great duke of Smolensco, of Tuer, Vgor, and Permia, Valca, Bolhar and others, lord great duke of Novogrod in the low country, of Cherniga, Rezan, Polotsco, Rostove, Yeraslave, Bealozera, Lie●●and, Oudor, Obdor and Condensa, and governor of all the land of Siberia, and of the North parts and other, our most dear brother and friend did of late sand unto us one Feodor Andrewich Spisemsky, a noble man of his, to deal with us in certain special businesses, respecting very nearly the honour of either of us, and being such as without the speeding of some Ambassador of ours to the foresaid most excellent prince, cannot be sufficiently determined and concluded: For this cause we having great confidence in the fidelity, industry, provident circumspection and convenient experience of our well-beloved servant Jerome Bowes knight, a gentleman of quality of our household, do by these presents make and constitute the foresaid Jerome Bows knight our true & undoubted Ambassador, Orator and special commissioner, giving and granting to the same Jerome Bowes knight, our Orator, by the virtue of these presents authority and commandment, as well general as special, so that the special shall not prejudice the general, nor on the other side the general the special, to entreat, confer, conclude, and appoint in our name, and for us with the foresaid most excellent prince and his counsellors and deputies whatsoever, concerning the foresaid businesses, and each of them, according as it shall seem good, and for our honour to our foresaid Orator, as also of and upon such things entreated, concluded and appointed, as in all and singular other things, any manner of way concerning the premises, to deliver in our name and for us, sufficient and effectual letters and instruments, and to require letters & instruments of the like validity and effect of the other part, and to procure them lawfully to be made and sealed, and then to receive them, and generally to do, execute, and dispatch all and singular other things concerning the premises, in, and after the same manner, as we ourselves would and might do if we were present, although they be such things as may seem of themselves to require a more special commandment: promising in good faith and in the word of a prince, that we will hold and observe all and singular the things which by our Ambassador aforesaid shall be appointed, promised, agreed, accorded and concluded in this behalf, as lawful, grateful, and firm, and thereupon as need shall require, will give our letters patents, confirmatory and approbatory, in form effectual and authentical. In witness whereof, we have caused our great seal of our kingdom of England to be put to these presents, and signed them with our own hand. Given at our palace of Greenwich the fourth day of june, in the year of our Lord 1583, and of our reign the five and twentieth. A Letter sent from her Highness to the said great Duke of Russia, by sir Jerome Bows aforesaid, her majesties Ambassador. Serenissimo Principi at Domino, joanni Basilio, Dei gratia Regi & magno Duci totius Russiae, Volodomerae etc. Regi Cazani, etc. Domino Plescoae, etc. Domino & magno Duci Novogrodiae, etc. & Gubernatori in tota Provincia Siberiae, etc. Fratri & amico nostro charissimo. ELIZABETHA, Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, fidei defensatrix etc. Serenissimo Principi ac Domino, joanni Basilio, eadem Dei gratia Regi & magno Duci totius Russiae, Volodomerae, Moscoviae, & Novogrodiae, Regi Cazani & Astracani, Domino Plescoae, & magno Duci Smolenscoae, Tueri, Vgori, Permiae, Viatskae, Bolhare, & aliarum ditionum, Domino & magno Duci Novogrodiae in inferiori regione, Chernigae, Rezanae, Polotscoae, Rostovae, jaroslavae, Bealozeri, Liflandiae, Oudori, & Condensae, & Gubernatori in tota provincia Siberiae, & partium Septentrionalium, & aliarum, fratri & amico suo charissimo, Salutem. Serenissime princeps, frater & amice charissime, ex ijs quae nobiscum egit S. V illustris legatus, intelleximus, quàm gratè vobis faceremus satis, si legatum aliquem cum mandatis instructum, ad S. V ablegaremus. In quo certè quidem instituto adeò nobis ex animo placuit, quod est honestè postulatum, ut non nisi praestita re possemus nobis quoquo modo satisfacere. Atque cum id haberemus apud nos decretum, nobis non incommode incurrit in mentem & oculos Hieronimus Bowes miles, ex nobilibus nostris Domesticis, plurim●m nobis dilectus, quem inpraesentiarum ad S. V ablegamus, cuius prudentiae & fidei, totum hoc quicquid est, quod ad Serenitatum mutuò nostrarum dignitatem ornandam pertinere posse arbitramur, commisimus. In quo munerè perfungendo, quin omnem curam & diligentiam sit collaturus, neutiquam dubitamus: à S. autem V rogamus, velit ei eam fidem habere in ijs persequendis quae habet à nobis in mandatis, quam nobis habendam putaret, si essemus praesentes. Praetereà, cùm nobis multum charus sit Robertus jacobus medicus, quem superiori 1582 anno, ad S. V misimus, rogamus ut eum eo loco S. V habeat, quo virum probatissimum, & singulari quàm plurimarum virtutum laud ornatum habendum esse, boni principes censent. Quem à nobis neutiquam able gavissemus, nisi amicitiae nostrae, & study gratificandi S. V plurimum tribuissemus. In qua dum voluntate manemus erga S. V non nisi optimè de bonis vestris meritis in praefatum jacobum nobis pollicemur. Et Deum Opt. Max. precamur, ut S. V saluam conseruet, & incolumem. Datae è Regia nostra Grenovici 19 die mensis Junii, Anno Domini 1583, regni verò nostri vicessimo quinto. S. vestrae bona soror. The same in English. ELizabeth by the grace of God, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. to the most excellent Prince and Lord, john Basiliwich, by the same grace of God, King and great Duke of all Russia, Volodomer, Moscovie, and Novogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, Lord of Plesco, and great Duke of Smolensco, of Tuer, Vgor, and Permie, V●a●sca, Bolhar, and others, Lord and great Duke of Novogrod in the low country, of Chernig●, Rezan, Polot●ko, Rostove, jaroslave, Bealozera, Lifland, Oudor, Obdor, and Condensa, and Governor of all the land of Siberia, and of the North parts and others, her dearest brother and friend, Salutations. Most excellent Prince, most dear brother and friend, by those things which the worthy ambassador of your excellency declared unto us, we have understood how kindly it would be taken, if we should sand to your excellency an ambassador from us, with commandment and instructions. In which matter your honourable request hath so much pleased us, that we could not any manner of way satisfy ourselves, except we performed the same. And having purposed with ourself so to do, we thought of, and remembered Jerome Bowes Knight, a gentleman of quality of our household, a man very much beloved of us, whom at this present we sand unto your Majesty, and to whose wisdom and faithfulness we have committed all, whatsoever we take to appertain to the advancement of both our honours indifferently. In the discharge of which service, we doubt not but that all care and diligence shall be used on his pa●t, so that we entreat your Majesty to give him credence in the prosecuting of those things which he hath from us in commandment, no less then to ourself, if we were present. And whereas Robert jacob doctor of physic is a man very dear unto us, Doctor jacob. whom the last year we sent unto your excellency, we desire that he may have that favour and estimation with you, which good princes think a most honest and virtuous man worthy of: for had we not carried great respect to our mutual friendship, and endeavour to gratify your Majesty, we should in no case have parted with him. And seeing we continued still the same good will towards your excellency, we do even promise' to ourself your honourable kindnesses towards him: and we pray the almighty God to preserve your Majesty in good safety and health. Given at our palace of Greenwich the 19 day of june, in the year of our Lord 1583, and of our reign the five and twentieth. Your majesties good sister. A brief discourse of the voyage of Sir Jerome Bowes knight, her majesties ambassador to ivan Vasilivich the Emperor of Muscovia, in the year 1583. THe Emperor of Russia that then lived, by name ivan Vasiliwich, having deliberately considered how necessary it were for the strengthening of his estate, that a sure commerce and intercourse of merchants should be again renewed between him and her sacred Majesty of England, with such further immunities and privileges for the honour and utility of both their dominions, and subjects of the same, as upon mutual treaty of people interposed on both sides, might be assented unto: sent over into this realm, in the year of our Lord 1582, as his ambassador for that purpose, an ancient discreet gentleman of his household called Pheodor Andrevich Phisemsky, accompanied with one of his Secretaries, for his better assistance in that expedition: Pheodor Andrevich Phisemsky the Emperor's ●mbassadour. and besides his many other directions, whereof part were to be delivered by word of mouth, and the rest set down in a letter under the emperors signature, addressed to her Majesty: he had in special charge to solicit her Majesty to sand over with him to his master an ambassador from her, to treat and contract of such affairs of importance as concerned both the realms, which was the principal end of his employments hither. Whereupon her Majesty very graciously inclining to the Emperor's motion, and at the humble suit of the English merchants trading those countries being carried with the same princely respects, to satisfy his demands in that behalf, made choice of sir Jerome Bowes, a gentleman of her Court, ordinarily attending upon her majesties person, towards whom was apparently expressed her princely opinion and favour by the credit of this negotiation. After he had received his commission, with other special letters to the Emperor, with all other instructions appertaining to his charge, and that the said Russee ambassador was licensed to return home to his master, being honourably entertained and rewarded, the English ambassador being attended upon with forty people at the lest, very honourably furnished, whereof many were gentlemen, and one M. Humphrey Cole a learned preacher, took his leave of her Majesty at the Court at Greenwich the eighteenth of june, and with the other ambassador, with their several companies, embarked themselves at Harwich the two and twentieth of the same, and after a stormy voyage at the Sea, they arrived both in safety in the road of S. Nicholas the three and twentieth of july next following. The Ruff ambassador lodged himself at the abbey of S. Nicholas: and the English ambassador was lodged and well entertained by the English merchants, at their house at S. Nicholas, standing in an Island called Rose Island. The Ruff ambassador having reposed himself one whole day, took his leave of the English ambassador, and departed towards Moscow. The English ambassador abode yet at S. Nicholas four or five days, when having made provision of boats, and means to that purpose, he went forward upon his journey towards Moscow, to a town called Colmogro, about four score miles distant from S. Nicholas. You must here understand that before the English ambassadors going into Russia, there were divers strangers, but especially certain Dutch merchants, who had intruded themselves to trade into those countries. The Hollanders intrude into our trade. Notwithstanding a privilege of the sole trade thither was long before granted to the English merchants. These Dutch men had already so handled the matter, as they had by chargeable means won three of the chiefest counsellors to the Emperor to be their assured friends, namely, Mekita Romanovich, Bodan Belskoy, and Andrew Shalkan the chancellor: for besides daily gifts that they bestowed upon them all, they took so much money of there's at interest at five and twenty upon the hundred, as they paid to some one of them five thousand marks yearly for the use of his money, and the English merchants at that time had not one friend in Court. The ambassador having now spent five weeks at S. Nicholas and at Colmogro, there came to him then a gentleman sent from the Emperor to entertain him, and had in charge to conduct him up the rivers towards Moscow, and ●o deliver him provision of all kind of victuals necessary. This gentleman being a follower of Shalkan the chancellor, was by him (as it seemed) foisted into that service of purpose, as afterward appeared by the course he took, to offer discourtesies, and occasions of mislike to the ambassador: for you must understand that the chancellor and the other two great counsellors (spoken of as friends to the Dutchmen) had a purpose to oppose themselves directly against her majesties embassage, especially in that point, for the barring of all strangers from trading into the Emperor's country. This gentleman conducted the English ambassador a thousand miles up the rivers of Dwina and Soughana, to a city called Vologda, where received him another gentleman sent from the Emperor, a man of better countenance than the other, who presented the ambassador from the Emperor with two fair geldings well furnished after their manner. At a city called Yeraslave upon the river Volga there met the ambassador a duke well accompanied, sent from the Emperor, who presented him from the Emperor a coach and ten geldings for the more easy conveying of him to Moscow, from whence this city was distant five hundred miles. Two miles on this side Moscow there met the ambassador four gentlemen of good account, accompanied with two hundred horse: who after a little salutation, not familiar, without embracing, told him that they had to say to him from the Emperor, and would have had him light on foot to have herded it, notwithstanding themselves would still have sit on horseback: which the ambassador soon refused to do, and so they stood long upon terms, whether both parties should light or not: which afterwards agreed upon, there was yet great niceness whose foot should not be first on ground. Their message being delivered, and after having embraced each other, they conducted the said ambassador to his lodging at Moscow, a house builded of purpose for him, themselves being placed in the next house to it, as appointed to furnish him of all provisions, and to be used by him upon all other occasions. The ambassador having been some days in Moscow, and having in all that time been very honourably used from the Emperor (for such was his will) though some of his chiefest counsellors (as is said) had another purpose, and did oftentimes cunningly put it in use: He was sent for to Court, and was accompanied thither with about forty gentlemen honourably mounted, and sumptuously arrayed, & in his passage from his lodging to the court, were set in a ward five or six thousand shot, that were of the Emperor's guard. At the entry into the court there m●t him four noble men appareled in clot of gold, and rich furs, their caps embroidered with pearl and stone, who conducted him towards the Emperor, till he was met with four others of greater degree than they, who guided him yet further towards the Emperor, in which passage there stood along the walls, and sat upon benches and forms in row, seven or eight hundred people, said to be noblemen and gentlemen, all appareled in garments of coloured satins and clot of gold. These four noblemen accompanied him to the Emperor's chamber door, where met him the Emperor's herald, whose office is there held great: and with him all the great officers of the Emperor's chamber, who all conducted him to the place where the Emperor sat in his state, having three crowns standing by him, viz. of Moscovia, Cazan, and Astrakan, and also by him 4 young noblemen of about twenty years of age, of each side twain, costly appareled in white, holding upon their shoulders each of them a broad axe, much like to a Galloglas axe of Ireland, thin and very sharp, the steal or handle not past half a yard long, and there sat about the chamber upon benches and other low seats, above an hundred noblem●n richly appareled in clot of gold. The ambassador being thus brought to the Emperor to kiss his hand, after some compliments and inquiry of her majesties health, he willed him to go sit down in a place provided for that purpose, nigh ten pases distant from him, from whence he would have had him to have sent him her majesties letters and present, which the ambassador thinking not reasonable stepped forward towards the Emperor: in which passage the chancellor came to meet him, and would have taken his letters: to whom the ambassador said, that her Majesty had directed no letters to him; and so went on, and delivered them himself to the Emperors own hands. And after, having thus delivered her majesties letters and what he had else to say at that time, he was conducted to the Council chamber, where having had conference with the council of matters of his embassage, he was soon after sent for again to the Emperor, where he dined in his presence at a side table, near unto him, and all his company at another board by, where also dined at other tables in the same place, all the chief noble men that were about the Court, to the number of an hundred. And in the time of this dinner, the Emperor used many favours to the ambassador and about the midst of dinner (standing up) drank a great carouse to the health of the Queen his good sister, and sent him a great bowl full of Rhenish wine and sugar to pledge him. The ambassador after this, was often called to Court, where he had conference both with the Emperor and his council of the matters in question, touching both ambassages, which divers times raised many jars: and in the end, after sundry meetings, the Emperor finding himself not satisfied to his liking, for that the ambassador had not power by his commission to yield to every thing that he thought ●it, as a man whose will was seldom wont to be gainsaid, let lose his passion, and with a stern and angry countenance told him that he did not reckon the Queen of England to be his fellow: for there are (quoth he) that are her betters. The ambassador greatly misliking these speeches, & being very unwilling (how dangerous soever it might prove to his own person) to give way to the Emperor, to derogate aught from the honour and greatness of her Maies●y: and finding also that to subject himself to the angry humour and disposition of the Emperor was not the means to win aught at his hands, with like courage and countenance to answer his, told him that the Queen his Mistress was as great a prince as any was in Christendom, equal to him that thought himself the greatest, well able to defend herself against his malice whosoever, and wanted no means to offend any that either she had, or should have cause to be enemy unto. Yea (quoth he) How sayest thou to the French king, and the king of Spain? Marry (quoth the ambassador) I hold the Queen my Mistress as great as any of them both. Then what sayest thou (quoth he) to the Emperor of Germany? Such is the greatness of the Queen my Mistress (quoth the ambassador) as the King her father had (not long since) the Emperor in his pay, in his wars against France. This answer misliked the Emperor yet so much more, as that he told the ambassador, that were he not an ambassador, he would throw him out of the doors. Whereunto he answered that he might do his will, for he was now fast within his country: but he had a Mistress who (he doubted not) would be revenged of any injury that should be done unto him. Whereupon the Emperor in great sudden bade him get him home. And he with no more reverence than such usage required, saluted the Emperor, and went his way. All this notwithstanding, the ambassador was not much sooner out of the chamber, and the emperors choler somewhat settled, but he delivered to his council that stood about him many commendations in the favour of the ambassador, for that he would not endure one ill word to be spoken against his Mistress, and there withal wished himself to have such a servant. The ambassador had not been much more than one hour in his lodging, but the Emperor imagining (as it seemed) by the extraordinary behaviour of the ambassador (for he wanted not wit to judge) that he had found what was the Emperor's case, sent his principal secretary unto him, to tell him, that notwithstanding what had passed, yet for the great love that he bore to the Queen his sister, he should very shortly be called again to Court, and have a resolution of all the matters in question: and this Secretary was now further content to impart, and said to the ambassador that the Emperor was fully resolved to sand a greater noble man home with him in embassage to the Queen his sister, than ever he yet at any time sent ●ut of his country: and that he determined also to sand to the Queen a present worth three thousand pounds, and to gratify himself at his departure with a gift that should be worth a thousand pounds: and told him also that the next day the Emperor would sand a great noble man unto him, to confer with him of certain abuses done him by Shalkan the chancellor, and his ministers. And so the day following he sent Bodan Belskoy the chiefest counsellor that he had, a man most in credit with him: this man examined all matters wherewith the ambassador had found himself grieved, and supplied him with what he wanted, and righted him in all things wherein he had been wronged. Not long after the return of this noble man, the Emperor caused to be set down in his own presence, a n●w and much larger allowance of diet for the ambassador than he had had before, and shortly after sent the same to the ambassador by his principal Secretary Savio Frollo. This diet was so great, as the ambassador often times sought to have it lessened, but the Emperor would not by any means. The scroll of the new diet was this: One bushel of fine meal for three days. One bushel of wheat meal for a day and a half. Two live geese for one day. Twenty hens for the day. Seven sheep for a day. One ox for three days. One side of pork for a day. seventy eggs for a day. Ten pound of butter. Seventy penny white loaves of bread. Twelve penny loaves of bread. One veather or gallon of vinegar. Two veathers of salt cabiges. One peak of onions. Ten pound of salt. On altine, or six penny worth of wax candles. Two altines of tallow candles. One fourth part of a veather of cherry mead. As much of Mallynovomead. Half a veather of burned wine. One veather of sodden mead called Obarni. Three veathers of sweet mead. Ten veathers of white mead. Fifteen veathers of ordinary mead. Four veathers of sweet beer. Fifteen veathers of beer. Half a pound of pepper. Three sollitincks or ounces of saffron. One sollitincke of maze. One sollitincke of nutmegs. Two sollitincke of cloves. Three sollitincks of cinnamon. Provender, One bushel of oats. One load of hay. One load of straw. Now he began so much to discover his purpose and affections towards her Majesty & her country, as he sent to the ambassador, entreating him that his ‖ M. Co●e. preacher, and doctor jacob his English physician, might set down the points of the religion in use in England, which the ambassador caused to be done accordingly, and sent them unto him, who seemed so well to like them, as he caused them (with much good allowance) to be publicly read before divers of his council, and many others of his nobility. Now he drawn hotly again in question to marry some kinswoman of her Majesties, & that he would sand again into England, to have some one of them to wife, and if her Majesty would not upon his next embassage sand him such a one as he required, himself would then go into England, and carry his treasure with him, and marry one of them there. Here you must understand that the year before this embassage, he had sent to her Majesty by his ambassador to have had the lady Mary Hastings in marriage, which entreaty by means of her inability of body, by occasion of much sickness, or perhaps, of no great liking either of herself or friends, or both, ●ooke no place. The ambassador was now so far grown into the Emperor's favour, & his affection so great to England, as those great counsellors that were the ambassadors great enemies before, were now desirous of some public courtesies at his hands for their advantage to the Emperor: neither dared they now any more interpose themselves twixt the Emperor and him: for not long before this, the Emperor for abusing the ambassador, had (to show his favour towards him) beaten Shalkan the chancellor very grievously, and had sent him word, that he would not leave one of his race alive. Now whilst the ambassador was thus strongly possessed of the emperors favour, he employed himself in all he might, not only for the speedy dispatch of the negotiation he had in hand, but laboured also by all the good means he might, further to benefit his country and countrymen, and so not long after wan at the emperors hands not only all those things he had in commission to treat for by his instructions, but also some other of good and great importance, for the benefit of the merchants. Private suits obtained of the Emperor by the ambassador. Leave for Richard Fransham an English man and apothecary to the Emperor, his wife, and children, to come home into England, and to bring with him all such goods as he had got there. He obtained like leave for Richard Elmes an Engli●hman one of the emperors surgeons. He also got leave for jane Richard's the widow of Doctor Bomelius a Dutchman, and physician to the Emperor, who for treason practised with the king of Pole against the said Emperor, was roasted to death at the city of Moscow, in the year 1579. These following he obtained for the behoof of the merchants. HE procured for the merchants promise' of recompense for certain goods taken from their factors by robbery upon the Volga. He obtained likewise the payment of five hundred marks, which was paid for ten years before his going into Russia (into the emperors receipt) for a rent of a house that they had at Vologda. He also got granted for them the repayment of fifteen hundred marks, which had been exacted of them the two last years before his coming thither. He got also for them order for the repayment of an old and desperate debt of three thousand marks, a debt so desperate, as four years left out of their accounts, and by the opinion of them all, not thought fit to be dealt with, for too much offending the Emperor, or impeaching his other business, which was thought at lest otherwise sufficient, and was therefore left out of his instructions from her Majesty. He obtained that all strangers were forbidden to trade any more into Russia, and that the passage and trade to all the Emperors Northern coasts and countries, from the Wardhouse to the river of Ob should be only free to the English nation. Lastly, of a great desire he had to do the merchants good, without motion either of themselves here, or their Agents there, or any other of them, he obtained of the Emperor the abatement of all their custom which they had long before paid, and agreed still to continued, which custom the Dutchmen and strangers being removed, as now it was agreed, amounted to two thousand pounds yearly. All th●se were granted, some already paid before his coming from Moscow, the old privilege ratified, newly written, signed and sealed, and was to be delivered to the ambassador at his next coming to Court, before when the Emperor fallen sick of a surfeit, and so died. After whose death the case was woondrously altered with the ambassador: for whereas both in his own conceit, and in all men's opinion else, he was in great forwardness to have grown a great man with the Emperor, what for the love he bore to her Majesty, and the particular liking he had of himself, he now fallen into the hands of his great enemies, Mekita Romanovich and Andre Shalkan the chancellor, who, after the death of the Emperor, took the special government upon themselves, and so presently caused the ambassador to be shut up a close prisoner in his own house, for the space of nine weeks, and was so straight guarded and badly used by those that attended him, as he daily suspected some further mischief to have followed: for in this time there grew a great uproar in Moscow of nigh twenty thousand people, which remembering that his enemies reigned, somewhat amazed the ambassador, but yet afterwards the matter fallen out against that great counsellor Bodan Belskoy, whom I noted before to be a special man in the old Emperor's favour: who was now notwithstanding so outrageously assaulted, as that he was forced to seek the Emperor's chamber for his safety, and was afterwards sent away to Cazan, a place he had in government, five hundred miles from Moscow, where he hath remained ever since, and never as yet called again to court, at which time the ambassador expected some such like measure, and prepared himself aswell as he could, for his defence: yet happily after this, was sent for to court, to have his dispatch, and to take his leave of the Emperor: whither being conducted (not after the wonted manner) and brought to the council chamber, came to him only Shalkan the chancellor and a brother of his, who without more ado, told him for the sum of his dispatch, that this Emperor would not treat of further amity with the Queen his mistress, than such as was between his late father and her, before his coming thither: and would not hear any reply to be made by the ambassador, but presently caused both himself and all his company to be disarmed of their weapons, and go towards the Emperor. In which passage there were such outrages offered him, as had he not used more patience than his disposition afforded him, or the occasion required, he had not in likelihood escaped with life, but yet at length was brought to the presence of the Emperor, who said nothing to him, but what the chancellor had already done, but offered him a letter to carry to her Majesty, which the ambassador (for that he known it contained nothing that did concern his embassage) refused till he see his danger grow too great: neither would the Emperor suffer the ambassador to reply aught, nor well he could, for they had now of purpose taken away his interpreter, being yet unwilling (as it seemed, and suspecting the ambassadors purpose) that the Emperor and other should know how dishonourably he had been handled: for there was at that time, in that presence a noble brave gentleman, The great friendship of L. Boris Pheodorovich. one Boris Pheodorovich Godenoe, brother to the Emperor that now is, who yet after the death of the Emperor did always use the ambassador most honourably, and would very willingly have done him much more kindness, but his authority was not yet, till the coronation of the Emperor: but notwithstanding he sent often unto him, not long before his departure, and accompanied his many honourable favours with a present of two fair pieces of clot of gold, and a timber of very good sables: and desired that as there was kindness and brotherhood twixt the Emperor and her Majesty, so there might be love and brotherhood twixt him and the ambassador. Saving from this man, there was now no more favour nor friendship left for the ambassador in Moscovia: for the chancellor Shalkan had now sent him word that the English Emperor was dead: he had now nothing offered him but dangers and disgraces too many, and a hasty dispatch from the Moscow, that he might not tarry the coronation of the new Emperor: offences many in his preparation for his long journey, only one mean gentleman appointed to accompany him to the sea side, expecting daily in his passage some sudden revenge to be done upon him, for so he understood it was threatened before his coming from the Moscow, & therefore with resolution provided by all the means he might, by himself and his s●ruants for his defence (for now was his danger known such, as the English merchants did altogether leave him, although he commanded them in her majesties name to accompany him) that if any such thing should happen to be offered him, as many of them as he could that should offer to execute it, should die with him for company: which being perceived was thought to make his passage the safer. So afterward being driven to digest many injuries by the way, at length he recovered S. Nicholas, where remembering his unfortunate loss of the old Emperor, and his ill usage since then at the Moscow, he being forced to take a bore letter for the sum of his dispatch, containing nothing of that he came for, and the poor and disgraceful present sent him (in the name of the Emperor) in respect of that that was meant him by the old Emperor, knowing all these to be done in disgrace of her Majesty and himself, determined now to be discharged of some part of them in such sort as he could, and so providing as he might to prevent his danger, in getting to his ship, furnishing and placing his men to answer any assault that should be offered him, after he had bidden farewell to the uncourteous gentleman that brought him thither, by three or four of the valiantest and discreetest men he had, he sent to be delivered him or left at his lodging, his masters weak letter, and worse present, and so afterwards happily (though hardly) recovered his ship in safety, although presently afterwards, there was great hurly burly after him, to force him to receive the same again, but failed of their purpose. So came the ambassador from S. Nicholas the twelft day of August, and arrived at Gravesend the twelft of September following, and attended her Majesty at the court at Otelands', where, after having kissed her majesties hands, and delivered some part of the success of his embassage, he presented her an Elk or Loshe, the Read dear of the country, and also a brace of Rain dear, Buck and Do, both bearing very huge horns: they in her majesties presence drawn a sled and a man upon it, after the manner of the Samoeds, a people that inhabit in the North-east from Russia, and were that year come over the sea in the winter season upon the ice, in their sleds, drawn with these dear into Russia, where the ambassador bought of them seventeen, whereof he brought nine alive into Kent. The manner of the preferring of suits in Russia, by the example of our English merchants bill, exhibited to the Emperor. IOhn Basiliwich, Lord, King, and great Duke of all Russia, the English merchants, William, son of Thomas, with his company sue unto. Lord, in the 7082. year of the world's creation, thy majesties treasurer, named Gregory Mekitowich Borozden, took of us for thy use 12. poods of loaf sugar, prised at 8. robles the pood, which sugar was sent to the ‖ The emperors house of recreation. Sloboda. Moore, the said Gregory treasurer, took of us for thy Majesty 200. reams of paper, prised at 20. altines the ream, for all which the money hath not been paid which amounteth to 216. robles. And in the 84. year thy diake Stephan Lighachdo took of us for thy Majesty copper plates, for the sum of 1032. robles and one fourth part unpaid for. Also in the said 84. year thy majesties diakes called ivan Blasghoy, and ivan Sobakin took of us for thy use, sundry commodities, and have not paid 630. robles, the rest of the money due for the said goods. In the 85. year thy majesties treasurer Peter G●olouen took of us for thy Majesty, clot of sundry sorts, and hath not paid of the money due therefore 538. robles. In the 88 year, thy diakes Andrea Shalkan, and Istomay Yeuskoy took of us lead for thy Majesty, to the value of 267. robles and a half not paid. And in the same year thy majesties diak Boris Gregoriwich had for thy use 15. broad'cloths of diverse sorts, prised at 210. robles, whereof 90. robles are unpaid. Also in the said 88 year thy diak Andrea Shalkan took from us 1000 robles for thee (Lord) in ready money, yet we know not whether by thy majesties appointment. And also in the 89. year (Lord) thy diak Andrea Shalkan took from us for thy Majesty 500 robles, we know not whether by thy majesties order or not, because that thy authorised people do yearly take away from us, neither do they give us right in any cause. All the money (Lord) which is not paid us out of thy majesties treasury for our commodities or wares with the money taken from us by Andrea Shalkan, is 4273. robles 25. altines. Right noble king and Lord, show they mercy, and 'cause the money to be paid us which is owing for our goods, as also that which hath been taken from us: extend thy favour, King and Lord A letter of M. Henry Lane to the worshipful M. William Sanderson, containing a brief discourse of that which passed in the North-east discovery for the space of three and thirty years. MAster Sanderson, as you lately requested me, so have I sought, and though I cannot find things that heretofore I kept in writing, and lent out to others, yet perusing at London copies of mine old letters to content one that means to pleasure many, I have briefly and as truly as I may, drawn out as followeth: The rough hewing may be planed at your leisure, or as pleaseth him that shall take the pains. First the honourable attempt to discover by sea Northeast and Northwest named for Cathay, being chief procured by privilege from king Edward the sixt, and other his nobility, by and at the cost and suit of M. Sebastian Cabota, than governor for discoveries with sir Andrew judde, sir George Barnes, sir William Garrard, M. Anthony Hussie, and a company of merchants, was in the last year of his majesties reign 1553. Anno 1553. M. William Burrough was then young, and with his brother in this first voyage. The general charge whereof was committed to one sir Hugh Willoughby knight, a goodly Gentleman, accompanied with sufficient number of Pilots, Masters, Merchants and Mariners, having three ships well furnished, to wit, The Bona Sperança, the Edward Bonaduenture, and the Confidentia. The Edward Bonaduenture, Richard chancellor being Pilot, and Steven Burrough Master, having discovered Wardhouse upon the coast of Finmark, by storm or fog departed from the rest, found the bay of S. Nicholas now the chief port for Russia, Newnox is from the road of S. Nicholas Westward 35 miles. there wintered in safety, and had aid of the people at a village called Newnox. The other two ships attempting further Northwards (as appeared by pamphlets found after written by sir Hugh Willoughby) were in September encountered with such extreme cold, that they put back to seek a wintering place: and missing the said bay fallen upon a desert coast in Lappia, entering into a River immediately frozen up, since discovered, named Arzina Reca, distant East from a Russian Monastery of Monks called Pechingho, from whence they never returned, but all to the number of 70. people perished, which was for want of experience to have made caves and stoves. These were found with the ships the next Summer Anno 1554. Note. by Russee fishermen: and in Anno 1555. the place sent unto by English Merchants as hereafter appeareth. Anno 1554. Anno 1554. the said ship Edward Bonaduenture (although rob homewards by Flemings) returned with her company to London, showing and setting forth their entertainments and discovery of the countries even to the city of Moscow, from whence they brought a privilege written in Russee with the Kings or great Duke's seal, the other two ships looked for and unknown to them where they were. Anno 1555. An. 1555. the said company of Merchants for discovery upon a new supply, sent thither again with two ships, to wit, the Edward Bonaduenture, & another bearing the name of the King and Queen, The King and Queen's letters. Philip and Marie, whose Majesties by their letters to the said Mosco●ite, recommended sundry their subjects then passing, whereof certain, to wit, Richard chancellor, George Kill worth, Henry Lane, and Arthur Edward's, after their arrival at the Bay, and passing by Dwina to Vologda, went first up to Moscow, where, upon knowledge of the said letters, they with their train had special entertainment, with houses and diet appointed, and shortly permitted to they princes presence, they were with gentlemen brought through the city of Moscow, to the castle and palace, replenished with numbers of people, and some gunner's. They entered sundry rooms, furnished in show with ancient grave personages, all in long garments of sundry colours, gold, tissue, baldekin, and violet, as our vestments and copes have been in England, suitable with caps, jewels, and chains. These were found to be no courtiers, but ancient Moscovites, inhabitants, and other their merchants of credit, as the manner is, furnished thus from the Wardrobe and Treasury, waiting and wearing this apparel for the time, and so to restore it. Then entering into the presence, being a large room floored with carpets, were men of more estate, and richer show, in number above an hundred set square: who after the said English men came in, doing reverence, they all stood up, the prince only sitting, and yet rising at any occasion, when our King a●d Queen's names were read or spoken. Then after speeches by interpretation, our men kissing his hand, and bidden to dinner, were stayed in another room, and at dinner brought through, where might be seen massy silver and gilded plate, some like and as big as kilderkins, and washbowles, and entering the dining place, being the greater room, the prince was s●t bore headed, his crown and rich cap standing upon a pinnacle by. Not far distant sat his Metropolitan, with divers other of his kindred, and chief Tartarian Captains: none sat over against him, or any, at other tables, their backs towards him: which tables all furnished with guests set, there was for the Englishmen, named by the Russes, Ghosti Carabelski, to wit, strangers or merchants by ship, a table in the midst of the room, where they were set direct against the prince: and then began the service, brought in by a number of his young Lords and Gentlemen, in such rich attire, as is above specified: and still from the Prince's table (notwithstanding their own furniture) they had his whole messes set over all in massy fine gold, delivered every time from him by name to them, by their several Christian names, as they sat, viz. Richard, George, Henry, Arthur. Likewise bread and sundry drinks of purified mead, made of five white and clarified honey. At their rising, the prince called them to his table, to receive each one a cup from his hand to drink, and took into his hand Master George Kill worths beard, M. Killingworths' beard of a marvelous length. which reached over the table, & pleasantly delivered it the Metropolitan, who seeming to bless it, said in Russee, this is God's gift. As in deed at that time it was not only thick, broad, and yellow coloured, but in length five foot and two inches of assize. Then taking leave, being night, they were accompanied and followed with a number, carrying pots of drink, and dishes of meat dressed, to our lodging. This year the two ships, with the dead bodies of Sir Hugh Willoughby, and his people, were sent unto by Master Killingworth, (which remained there in Moscow Agent almost two years) and much of the goods and victuals were recovered and saved. Anno 1556. The company sent two ships for Russia, with extraordinary masters and sailors to bring home the two ships, Anno 1556. which were frozen in Lappia, in the river of Arzina aforesaid. The two ships sent this year from England sailing from Lapland to the Bay of S. Nicholas, took in lading with passengers, to wit, a Ruff ambassador, named joseph Napea, and some of his men shipped with Richard chancellor in the Edward. But so it fell out that the two which came from Lappia, with all their new Masters and Mariners, never were herded of, but in foul weather, and wrought seas, after their two years wintering in Lapland, become, as is supposed, unstanch, and sunk, wherein were drowned also divers Russes merchants, and servants of the ambassador. A third ship the Edward aforesaid, falling on the North part of Scotland, upon a rock was also lost, and Master chancellor, with divers other, drowned. The said Russee ambassador hardly escaping, with other his men, mariners, & some goods saver, were sent for into Scotland, from the King, Queen, and Merchants (the messenger being M. Doctor Laurence Hussie, and others:) And then, as in the chronicles appeareth, honourably entertained and received at London. This year also the company furnished and sent out a pinnace, named the Serchthrift, to discover the harborowes in the North coast from Norway to Wardhouse, and so to the Bay of S. Nicholas. There was in her Master and Pilot, Stephen Burrough, with his brother William, and eight other. Their discovery was beyond the Bay, toward the Samoeds, people dwelling near the river of Ob, and found a sound or sea with an Island called Vaigats, first by them put into the Card or Map. In that place they threw snow out of their said pinnace, with shovels in August, by which extremity, and lack of time, they came back to Russia, and wintered at Colmogro. Anno 1557. Anno 1557. The company with four good ships, sent back the said Russee ambassador, and in company with him, sent as an Agent, for further discovery, Master Anthony jenkinson, Loghar voyage. who afterward anno 1558, with great favour of the prince of Moscovia, and his letters passed the river Volga to Cazan, and meaning to seek Cathay by land, was by many troops and companies of uncivil Tartarians encountered, and in danger: but keeping company with merchants of Bactria, or Boghar, and Vrgeme, traveling with camels, he with his company, went to Boghar, and no further: whose entertainment of the king is to be had of master jenkinson, which returned anno 1559. to Moscovie. And in anno 1560. 1560. he, with Henry Lane, came home into England: which year was the first safe return, without loss or shipwreck, or dead freight, & burnings. And at this time was the first traffic to the narve in Livonia, The first trade to the narve, 1560. which confines with Lituania, & all the dominions of Russia: and the markets, fairs, commodities, great towns & rivers, were sent unto by divers servants: the reports were taken by Henry Lane, Agent, and delivered to the company, 1561. The trade to Rye, and Revel, of old time hath been long since frequented by our English nation, but this trade to the narve was hitherto concealed from us by the Danskers and Lubeckers. Anno 1561. the said Master Anthony jenkinson went Agent into Russia, who the next year after, passing all the river of Volga to Astracan, and over the Caspian sea, arrived in Persia, and opened the trade thither. Also between the years of 1568. and 1573. sundry voyages after Master jenkinsons, were made by Thomas Alcock, Alcock slain in Persia. Arthur Edwards, Edward's died at Astracan● , Master Thomas Bannister, Bannister died in Media. and Master Geffrey ducat, whose return (if spoil near Volga had not prevented by roving thieves) had altogether salved and recovered the companies (called the old companies) great loss, charges, and damages: but the saying is true● By unity small things grow great, & by contention great things become small. This may be understood best by the company. The frowardness of some few, and evil doing of some unjust factors, was cause of much of the evil success. Arthur Edward's was sent again 1579. and died in the voyage at Astracan. About which matters, are to be remembered the voyages of Master Thomas Randolph Esquire, Ambassador, anno 1567. And late of Sir Jerome Bowes, anno 1583. both tending and treating for further discoveries, freedoms, and privileges, wherewith I meddle not. But in conclusion, for their pains and adventures this way (as divers do now adays other ways) as worthy Gentlemen sent from princes, to do their country good, I put them in your memory, with my hearty farewell. From S. Magarets' near Dartforth in Kent. Yours Henry Lane. The most solemn, and magnificent coronation of ‖ Or Theodor. Pheodor juanowich, Emperor of Russia etc. the tenth of june, in the year 1584. seen and observed by Master jerom Horsey gentleman, and servant to her Majesty, a man of great travel, and long experience in those parts: wherewith is also joined the course of his journey over land from Moscow to Emden. The death of ivan Vasiliwich 1584. Apr. 18. WHen the old Emperor ivan Vasiliwich died, (being about the eighteenth of April, 1584. after our computation) in the city of Moscow, having reigned 54. years, there was some tumult and uproar among some of the nobility, and commonalty, which notwithstanding was quickly pacified. Immediately the same night, the Prince Boris Pheodorowich Godonova, Knez ivan Pheodorowich, Mesthis Slafsky, Knez ivan Petrowich Susky, Mekita Romanowich & Bodan jacoulewich Belskoy, being all noble men, and chiefest in the Emperors Will, especially the Lord Boris, whom he adopted as his third son, ●. Boris adopted as the Emperor's third son. & was brother to the Empress, who was a man very well liked of all estates, as no less worthy for his valour & wisdom: all these were appointed to dispose, & settle his son Pheodor juanowich, having one sworn another, and all the nobility, and officers whosoever. In the morning the dead Emperor was laid into the Church of Michael the Archangel, into a hewn sepulchre, very richly decked with vestures fit for such a purpose: and present Proclamation was made, (Emperor Pheodor juanowich of all Ru●sia etc.) Throughout all the city of Moscow was great watch and ward, with soldiers, and gunner's, good orders established, and officers placed to subdue the tumulters, and maintain quietness: to see what speed and policy was in this case used was a thing worth the beholding. This being done in Moscow, great men of birth and account were also presently sent to the bordering Towns, as Smolensko Vobsko, Kasan, Novogorod etc. with fresh garrison, and the old sent up. As upon the 4. of May a parliament was held, wherein were assembled. the Metropolitan, Archbishops, Bishops, Priors, and chief clergy men, and all the nobility whatsoever: where many matters were determined not pertinent to my purpose, yet all tended to a new reformation in the governments but especially the term, and time was agreed upon for the solemnising of the new Emperor's coronation. The old Empress, her father, and her young son sent to Ouglets, In the mean time the Empress, wife to the old Emperor, was with her child the Emperor's son, Charlewich Demetrie juanowich, of one years age or there abouts, sent with her father Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay, & that kindred, being 5. Brothers, to a town called Ouglets, which was given unto her, and the young Prince her son, with all the lands belonging to it in the shire, with officers of all sorts appointed, having allowance of apparel, jewels, diet, horse etc. in ample manner belonging to the estate of a princess. The time of mourning after their use being expired, called Sorachyn, or forty orderly days, the day of the solemnising of this coronation, The day of Pheodor his coronation. with great preparations, was come, being upon the 10. day of june, 1584. and that day than Sunday, he being of the age of 25. years: at which time, Master jerom Horsey was orderly sent for, and placed in a fit room to see all the solemnity. The Emperor coming out of his Palace, there went before him, the Metropolitan, Archbishops, Bishops, and chiefest Monks, and Clergy men, with very rich Copes, and priests garments upon them, carrying pictures of our Lady etc. with the emperors Angel, banners, censers, and many other such ceremonious things, singing all the way. The Emperor with his nobility in order entered the Church named Blaveshina, or Blessedness, where prayers, and service were used, according to the manner of their Church: that do●e, they went thence to the Church, called Michael the Archangel, and there also used the like prayers, and service: and from thence to our Lady Church, Prechista, being their Cathedral Church. In the midst thereof was a chair of majesty placed, wherein his Ancestors used to sit at such extraordinary times: his robes were then changed, and most rich and unvaluable garments put on him: being placed in this Princely seat, his nobility standing round about him in their degrees, his imperial Crown was set upon his head by the Metropolitan, his Sceptre globe in his right hand, his sword of justice in his left of great riches: his 6. Crowns also, by which he holdeth his kingdoms were set before him, and the Lord Boris Pheodorowich was placed at his right hand: then the Metropolitan read openly a book of a small volume, with exhortations to the Emperor to minister true justice, to enjoy with tranquility the Crown of his ancestors, which God had given him, and used these words following: Through the will of the almighty & without beginning God, which was before this world, whom we glorify in the Trinity, one only God, the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, maker of all things, worker of all in all every where, fulfiller of all things, by which will, and working, he both liveth, and giveth life to man: that our only God which enspireth every one of us his only children with his word to discern God through our Lord jesus Christ, and the holy quickening spirit of life, now in these perilous times establish us to keep the right Sceptre, and suffer us to reign of ourselves to the good profit of the land, to the subduing of the people, together with the enemies, & the maintenance of virtue. And so the Metropolitan blessed and laid his cross upon him. After this, he was taken out of his chair of Majesty, having upon him an upper rob adorned with precious stones of all sorts, orient pearls of great quantity, but always augmented in riches: it was in weight two hundred pounds, the train, and parts thereof born up by 6. Dukes, his chief imperial Crown upon his head very precious: his staff imperial in his right hand of an unicorns horn of three foot and a half in length beset with rich stones, bought of Merchants of Ausburge by the old Emperor in An. 1581. and cost him 7000. Marks sterling. This jewel M. Horsey kept sometimes, before the Emperor had it. His sceptre globe was carried before him by the prince Boris Pheodorowich, his rich cap beset with rich stones and pearls was carried before him by a Duke: his 6. Crowns also were carried by Demetrius juanowich Godonova, the Emperor's uncle, Mekita Romanowich the Emperor's uncle, Stephan Vasiliwich, Gregory Vasiliwich, ivan Vasiliwich brothers of the blood royal. Thus at last the Emperor came to the great Church door, and the people cried, God save our Emperor Pheodor juanowich of all Russia. His horse was there ready most richly adorned, with a covering of embroidered pearl and precious stones, saddle, and all furniture agreeable to it, reported to be worth 300000, marks sterling. There was a bridge made of 150. fathom in length, three manner of ways, three foot above ground and two fathom broad, for him to go from one Church to the other with his Princes and nobles from the press of the people, which were in number infinite, and some at that time pressed to death with the throng. As the Emperor returned out of the Churches, they were spread under foot with clot of gold, the porches of the Churches with read velvet, the bridges with scarlet, and stammel clot from one church to another: and as soon as the Emperor was passed by, the clot of gold, velvet and scarlet was cut, and taken of those that could come by it, every man desirous to have a piece, to reserve it for a monument: silver and gold coin, then mynted of purpose was cast among the people in great quantity. The lord Boris Pheodorowich was sumptuously, and richly attired, with his garments decked with great orient pearl, beset with all sorts of precious stones. In like rich manner were apparelled all the family of the Godonovaes' in their degrees, with the rest of the princes, and nobility, whereof one named Knez ivan Michalowich Glynsky, whose rob, horse, and furniture, was in register found worth one hundred thousand marks sterling, being of great antiquity. The Empress being in her palace, was placed in her chair of Majesty also before a great open window: most precious, and rich were her robes, and shining to behold, with rich stones, and orient pearl beset, her crown was placed upon her head, accompanied with her Princesses, and Ladies of estate: then cried out the people, God preserve our noble Empress Irenia. After all this the Emperor came into the Parliament house which was richly decked: there he was placed in his royal seat adorned as before: his 6. crowns were set before him upon a table: the basin, and ewer royal of gold held by his knight of guard with his men standing two on each side in white apparel of clot of silver, called Kindly, with sceptres, and battle axes of gold in their hands: the Princes, and nobility were all placed according to their degrees all in their rich robes. The Emperor after a short oration, permitted every man in order to kiss his hand: which being done, he removed to a princely seat prepared for him at the table: where he was served by his nobles in very princely order. The three out rooms being very great, and large were beset with plate of gold, and silver round, from the ground up to the va●ts o●e upon the other: among which plate were many barrels of silver and gold: this solemnity, and triumph lasted a whole week, wherein many royal pastimes were showed and used: after which the chiefest men of the nobility were elected to their places of office, & dignity, as the Prince Boris Pheodorowich was made chief Counsellor to the Emperor, Master of the horse, had the charge of his person, Lieutenant of the Empire, and Warlike engines, Governor or Lieutenant of the Empire of Cazan, and Astracan and others: to this dignity were by Parliament, and gift of the Emperor given him many revenues, and rich lands, as there was given him, and his for ever to inherit a province called Vaga, of 300. English miles in length, and 250. in breadth, with many towns and great villages populous and wealth, his yearly revenue out of that province, is 35. thousand marks sterling, being not the 5. part of his yearly revenue. Further, he and his house be of such authority, and power, that in 40. days warning they are able to bring into the field 100 thousand Soldiers well furnished. The conclusion of the Emperor's Coronation was a peal of ordinance, called a peal royal two miles without the city, being 170. great pieces of brass of all sorts, as fair as any can be made, these pieces were all discharged with shot against bulwarks made of purpose: 20. thousand hargubusers standing in 8. ranks two miles in length, apparelled all in velvet, coloured silk & stammels, discharged their shot also twice over in good order: and so the Emperor accompanied with all his princes and nobles, at the lest 50. thousand horse departed through the City to his palace. This royal coronation would ask much time, and many leaves of paper to be described particularly as it was performed: it shall suffice, to understand that the like magnificence was never seen in Russia. The coronation, and other triumphs ended, all the nobility, officers, and merchants according to an accustomed order every one in his place, and degree brought rich presents unto the Emperor, wishing him long life, and joy in his kingdom. The sametime also Master jerom Horsey aforesaid, remaining as servant in Russia for the Queen's most excellent Majesty, was called for to the Emperor, as he sat in his imperial seat, and then also a famous Merchant of Netherlands being newly come to Moscow, (who gave himself out to be the king of Spain's subject) called john de Wale, john de Wale. was in like sort called for. Some of the nobility would have preferred this subject of the Spaniard before Master Horsey servant to the Queen of England, whereunto Master Horsey would in no case agreed, saying, he would have his legs cut off by the knees, before he would yield to such an indignity offered to his Sovereign the Queen's Majesty of England, to bring the Emperor a present, in course after the King of Spain's subject, or any other whatsoever. The Emperor, and the Prince Boris Pheodorowich perceiving the controversy, sent the Lord Treasurer Peter juanowich Galavyn, and Vasili Shalkan, both of the Counsel, to them, who delivered the Emperor back, Master Horseys speech: whereupon he was first in order (as good reason) admitted and presented the Emperor in the behalf of the English Merchants trading thither, a present wishing him joy, and long to reign intranquilitie, and so kissed the Emperor's hand, he accepting the present with good liking, and avouching, that for his sister's sake Queen Elizabeth of England, he would be a gracious Lord to her Merchants, in as ample manner as ever his father had been: and being dismissed, he had the same day sent him 70. dishes of sundry kinds of meats, with 3. carts laden with all sorts of drinks very bountifully. After him was the foresaid subject of the Spanish king admitted with his present, whom the Emperor willed to be no less faithful and serviceable unto him, than the Queen of England's subjects were & had been, and then the king of Spain's subjects should receive favour accordingly. All these things thus in order performed, praises were sung in all the churches. The Emperor and Empress very devoutly resorted on foot to many principal Churches in the City, and upon Trinity Sunday betook themselves to a progress in order of procession, to a famous monastery called Sergius and the Trinity, 60. miles distant from the City of Moscow, accompanied with a huge army of Noblemen, Gentlemen and others, mounted upon goodly horses with furniture accordingly. The Empress of devotion took this journey on foot all the way, accompanied with her princesses and ladies, no small number: her guard and gunner's were in number 20000. her chief counsellor or attendant, was a noble man of the blood Royal her uncle of great authority called Demetri juanowich Godonova. All this progress ended, both the Emperor and Empress returned to Moscow: shortly after the Emperor by the direction of the prince Boris Pheodorowich, sent a power into the land of Siberia, where all the rich Sables & Furs are got. This power conquered in one year and a half, 1000 miles. In the performance of this war, there was taken prisoner the Emperor of the country called Chare Sibersky, and with him many other dukes and noble men, which were brought to Mosko with a guard of soldiers and gunner's, Chare Sibersk● prince of Siberia taken prisoner and brought to Moscow. who were received into the city in very honourable manner, and do there remain to this day. Hereupon the corrupt officers, judges, justices, captains and lieutenants through the whole kingdom were removed, and more honest men substituted in their places, with express commandment, under severe punishment to surcease their old bribing & extortion which they had used in the old Emperor's time, and now to execute true justice without respect of people: and to the end that this might be the better done, their lands and yearly stipends were augmented: the great tasks, customs, and duties, which were before laid upon the people in the old Emperor's time, were now abated, and ●ome wholly remitted, and no punishments commanded to be used, without sufficient and due proof, although the crime were capital, deserving death: many Dukes and noble men of great houses, that were under displeasure, and imprisoned 20. years by the old Emperor, were now set at liberty and restored to their lands: all prisoners were set at liberty, and their trespasses forgiven. In sum, a great alteration universally in the government followed, and yet all was done quietly, civilly, peaceably, without trouble to the Prince, or offence to the Subject: and this bread great assurance and honour to the kingdom, and all was accomplished by the wisdom especially of Irenia the Empress. These things being reported and carried to the ears of the kings and princes that were borderers upon Russia, they grew so fearful and terrible to them that the Monarch of all the Scythians called the Crimme Bohemian-tartar or great Can himself, named Sophe● Keri ali, Sopher Keri ali king of the Crimmes arrival at Moscow. came out of his own country to the Emperor of Russia, accompanied with a great number of his nobility well horsed, although to them that were Christians they seemed rude, yet they were personable men, and valiant: their coming was grateful to the Emperor, and their entertainment was honourable● the Bohemian-tartar prince having brought with him his wives also, received of the Ruff Emperor entertainment, and princely welcome according to their estates. Not long after, 1200. Polish gentlemen, valiant Soldiers, and proper men came to Mosko offering their service to the Emperor, who were all entertained: and in like sort many Chirkasses, and people of other nation's come and offered service. And assoon as the report of this new created Emperor was spread over other kingdoms of Europe, there were sent to him sundry Ambassadors to wish him joy and prosperity in his kingdom: thither came Ambassadors from the Turk, from the Persian, the Bogharia●, the Crimme, the Georgian, and many other Tartar princes. There came also Ambassadors from the Emperor of Almain, the Pole, the Swethen, the Dane, etc. And since his coronation no enemy of his hath prevailed in his attempts. It fallen out not long after, that the Emperor was desirous to sand a message to the most excellent Queen of England, The new Emperor Pheodore Iuano●ich his letters and requests to the Queen. for which service he thought no man fit than M. Jerome Horsey, supposing that one of the Queens own men and subjects would be the more acceptable to her. The sum of which message was, that the Emperor desired a continuance of that league, friendship, amity and intercourse of traffic which was between his father and the Queen's majesty and her subjects, with other private affairs besides, which are not to be made common. Master Horsey having received the letters and requests of the Emperor, provided for his journey over land, and departed from Moscow the fift day of September thence unto Otuer, M. Horseiss voyage from Moscow to England overland. to Torshook, to great Novogrod, to Vobsky, and thence to Nyhouse in Livonia, to Wenden, and so to Riga: (where he was beset, and brought forthwith before a Cardinal called Ragevil, but yet suffered to pass in the end:) From thence to Mito, to Golden, and Libou in Curland, to Memel, to Koningsburgh in Prussia, to Elbing, to Danzig, to Stetine in Pomerland, to Rostock, to Lubeck, to Hamborough, to Breme, to Emden, and by sea to London. Being arrived at her majesties royal court; and having delivered the Emperor's letters with good favour, and gracious acceptance, he was forthwith again commanded to repass into Ruffia, with other letters from her majesty to the Emperor, and prince Boris Pheodorowich, answering the Emperor's letters, and withal requesting the favour and friendship; which his father had yielded to the English merchants: and hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the merchants of London themselves of that company, to deal in their behalf. Being thus dispatched from London by sea, he arrived in Moscow, the 20. of April 1586. 1586 and was very honourably welcomed. And for that merchant's behoof, obtained all his requests, being therein specially favoured by the noble prince Boris Pheodorowich, who always affected M. Horsey with special liking. And having obtained privileges for the merchants, he was recommended from the Emperor again, to the Queen of England his mistress, by whom the prince Boris, in token of his honourable and good opinion of the Queen's majesty, sent her highness a royal present of Sables, Luzarns, clot of gold and other rich things. So that the Company of English merchants, next to their thankfulness to her majesty, are to accounted M. Horseiss pains their special benefit, who obtained for them those privileges, which in twenty years before would not be granted. The manner of M. Horseiss last dispatch from the Emperor, because it was very honourable, I thought good to record. He was freely allowed post horses for him and his servants, victuals and all other necessaries for his long journey: at every town that he came unto from Moscow to Vologda, which is by land five hundred miles, he received the like free and bountiful allowances, at the Emperor's charge, New victual and provision were given him upon the river Dwina at every town by the king's officers, being one thousand miles in length. When he came to the new castle called Archangel, he was received of the Duke Knez Vasili Andrewich Isuenogorodsky by the Emperor's commission into the Castle, gunner's being set in ranks after their use, where he was sumptuously feasted: from thence he was dispatched with bonntifull provision and allowance in the Duke's boat, with one hundred men to row him, and one hundred Gunners in other boats to conduct him, with a gentleman captain of the Gunners. Coming to the road where the English, Dutch, and French ships road, the gunner's discharged, and the ships shot in like manner 46. pieces of their ordinance, & so he was brought to his lodging at the English house upon Rose Island. And that which was the full and complete conclusion of the favour of the Emperor and Boris Pheodorowich toward M. Horsey, there were the next day sent him for his further provision upon the sea by a gentleman and a captain the things following: 16. live oxen. 70. sheep. 600. hens. 25. flitches of Bacon. 80. bushels of meal. 600. loaves of bread. 2000 eggs. 10. geese. 2. crane's. 2. swans. 65. gallons of mead. 40. gallons of Aquavitae. 60. gallons of beer. 3. young bears. 4. hawks. Store of onions and garlic. 10. fresh salmon. A wild bore. All these things were brought him down by a Gentleman of the Emperors, and another of prince Boris Pheodorowich, & were received in order by john Frefe servant to M. Horsey, together with an honourable present and reward from the prince Boris, sent him by M. Francis Cherry an Englishman: which present was a whole very rich piece of clot of gold; & a fair pair of Sables. This Gentleman hath observed many other rare things concerning those parts, which hereafter (God willing) at more convenient time and laisure shall come to light. Pheodor juanowich the new Emperors gracious letter of privilege to the English Merchants word for word; obtained by M Jerome Horsey. 1586. THrough the will of the almighty, and without beginning God, which was before this world, whom we glorify in the Trinity, one only God the father, the son, and the holy ghost, maker of all things, worker of all in all every where, fulfiller of all things, by which will and workings he both loveth and giveth life to man, That our only God, which inspireth every one of us his only children with his word, to discern God through our Lord jesus Christ, and the holy quickening spirit of life now in these perilous times, Establish us to keep the right Sceptre, and suffer us of ourselves to reign to the good profit of the land, and to the subduing of the people, together with the enemies, and to the maintenance of virtue. We Pheodor the offspring of john, the great Lord, Emperor, king and great prince of all Russia, of Volodemeria, Moscovia and Novogrod, king of Cazan, king of Astracan, Lord of Plesko, and great prince of Smolensko, of Tuer, Yougoria, Permia, Viatsko, of Bolghar and others, lord and great prince of the land of the lower Novogrod, Chernigo, Rezan, Polotsko, Rostow, Yeraslave, the White lake, Liefland, Oudor, Condensa, and Ruler of all Siberia, and all the northside, and lord of many other countries. I have gratified the merchants of England, to wit, sir Rowland Haiward, and Richard Ma●tin Aldermen, sir George Barnes, Thomas Smith esquire, Jerome Horsey, Richard Saltonstall, with their fellows. I have licenced them to sail with their ships into our dominion the land of Dwina, with all kind of commodities to trade freely, and unto our kingdom and the city of Moscow, and to all the cities of our empire of Moscovia. And the english merchants sir Rowland Haiward & his society desired us, that we would gratify them to trade into our kingdom of Moscovia, and into our heritage of great Novogrod and Plesko, and into all parts of our kingdom, to buy and cell with their wares without custom. Therefore we for our sister's sake Queen Elizabeth, & also because that they allege that they had great loss and hindrance by the venture of the sea, and otherwise, have gratified the said English merchants sir Rowland Haiward and his society, freely to come into our kingdom of Moscovia, and into all our dominions with all kind of commodities, to trade, & traffic freely, & at their pleasure with all kind of their commodities: also I have commanded not to take any manner of custom for their goods, nor other customs whatsoever: That is to say, neither for passing by any place by water, nor for launching, neither for passing through any place by land, neither for the vessels or boats, nor for their heads, nor for passing over bridges, nor for ferying over at any place, neither for acknowledgement at any place where they shall come, nor any manner of custom or duty, by what name soever. Only they shall not bring with them into our dominions, neither recarie out of our dominions, or father any other men's goods but their own, neither cell them nor barter them away for them. Also our natural people shall not buy and cell for them, or from them, neither shall they retain or keep any of our natural subjects goods, or pawns by them to colour them. Also they shall not sand any of their Ruff servants about into any city to engross, or buy up commodities, but into what city they themselves shall come, they shall buy and sell, and shall sell their own commodities and not ours. And when they shall come into our inheritance of great Novogrod and Plesko, and through all our dominions with their commodities, than our noblemen and captains, and every one of our officers shall suffer them to departed according to this our letter, & shall take no custom at all of them, for any of their commodities, neither for passing through or passing by, nor for passage over any bridges, nor shall take of them any other duty whatsoever name they have. Also into what places of our dominion, or when they shall happen to come, and to proceed to buy or cell, and wheresoever they shall pass through with goods not buying of any commodities, neither will cell their own, then in those cities and towns they shall take no manner of custom or duty of them, accordingly as before. And I have gratified them and given them free leave to traffic throughout all the dominions of our kingdom in all cities with their goods, to buy and cell all manner of commodities, without any duty or custom whatsoever. And the English merchants where they are desirous to buy or cell, or barter their wares with our merchants, whole wares for wares, they shall cell their commodities whole, and not by retail: That is to say, neither by small weight nor by the yard, to cell or barter in their own houses, and they shall sell and barter their wares wholly, Cloth by the pack, and by the whole Cloth, and Damask and velvet by the piece and not by the yard, and all manner of commodities that are to be sold by weight, not to cell by the small weights, as by the pound and ounce, but by whole sale: also they shall sell wines by the pipe: and by the gallon, quart or s●oope they shall not sell. And they shall buy, cell and exchange their own commodities themselves, and the Ruff merchants shall not make sales or exchange for them or from them any of their commodities, neither shall they themselves convey or carry through any other man's goods at no place in stead of their own: and which of the English merchants will at any time cell his commodities at Colmogro or Vologda or Yeraslave, they may, and of their commodities throughout all our cities and dominions, our noblemen, captains, and every of our officers shall take no manner of custom, according as it is written in this our gracious letter: and throughout all our dominions and cities they shall hire carriers and vessels with men to labour, at their own charge, to transport their goods. So likewise, whensoever the English merchants are disposed to departed out of our kingdom into any other country or into their own land, if our pleasure be, they shall take our goods with them from our Treasury, and shall cell them, and exchange them for such commodity as is commodious for our kingdom, and shall deliver it into our Treasury, and with those our commodities, our Noblemen and captains, and every of our officers shall let them pass through all our cities also without custom according to these our letters. Also whensoever the English merchants shall have sold their own goods & bought themselves commodities, & will departed out of Moscow, than they shall manifest themselves to our chief Secretary Andrew Sholkalove, in the office where the Ambassadors are always dispatched. And if the English merchants coming, have had any mischance by the sea, insomuch that the ship be broken, or if that ship do come to any part of our country: then we will 'cause the goods to be sought out in true justice, and to be given to the English people, which at that time shall be here resident in our country: and if so be that it so fall out that at that time there be no Englishmen within our realm: then will we 'cause these goods to be laid up in a place together, and when the people of England shall come into our realm, than we will command all those goods to be delivered to the said English people. Also we have gratified all the English merchants with the house of one Vrie here in the Moscow right over against S. Maxims church behind the market, and they shall dwell in the same house according as before time, and they shall keep one always in the house to keep it, either a Ruff, or one of their own people. Also the English merchants shall possess their houses, to wit, at Yeraslave, Vologda, Colmogro, and the house at the haven of the sea, & they shall dwell in those houses, according as our goodness hath been to them heretofore: and we have commanded, that there shall not be taken of them no yearly rent, nor no manner of custom, tax, rend or any other duty whatsoever for those houses, neither shall they pay any duty or tax with any of the townsmen of those places, & in every one of those houses, to wit, at Yeraslave, Vologda, and Colmogro, they shall have men to keep their houses, two or three of their own country people, strangers or else Russes, men of the meanest sort, which shall be no merchants, that they may lay their goods in those houses, and they may cell the commodities out of those their houses to whom they please, according to this our gracious letter: and those that keep their houses shall not cell or buy no part of their commodity, except they be there or give order, whereby they be not deceived by them. So likewise I have gratified them with their house at the sea haven, at the mouth of Podezemsky, & we have commanded that they shall not carry their goods from thence to the new ca●tle S. Michael the archangel, but shall arrive, and do as they have done heretofore with their wares at that their house, and shall unlade their commodities out of their ships, and shall lad them again with Russee commodities, even there at that their house without interruption: only they shall permit our officers of Colmogro & sworn men to writ up those commodities, both the commodities of England, and those of Russeland, what the merchants shall declare themselves, & no otherwise, but they shall not overlook their commodities, neither shall they unbind any of their packs. And when the English merchants are disposed to sand into their own country, to wit, any of their own people on land through any other kingdom whatsoever, they shall not sand their people without our kingly knowledge and commandment, and which of their people so ever they do mean to sand out of our kingdom into their own country, than they shall sand those their people, not without our kingly majesties knowledge, to wit, those that go of pleasure without carrying any commodities with them, and they shall have a letter of pass given unto them, out of the office where the Ambassadors have always their dispatch. And whosoever hath any thing to do with them in matters of controversy, either concerning merchandise or injuries, than they are to be judged by our treasurers and Secretary of the Ambassadors office to do justice between both parties, & to seek out the truth of matters in all things, and whatsoever cannot be found out by the Law, shallbe tried by oath and lots: whose lot soever is taken forth, him to have right. And in what place of all our kingdom, in what city soever they or their people shall be, and that there happen any matter of controversy, either concerning merchandise, injuries or otherwise, that they have occasion of set upon any man by law, or that any seek upon them, concerning what matter soever in all our kingdom and cities, than our lieutenants, captains, and our officers shall give them justice, and shall minister all true justice between them, seeking out the truth: and what cannot be truly sought by law, shallbe sought out by oath and lot: whose lot soever is taken out, him to have right accordingly as before, and the judges or justices shall take of them no kind of duty, for matters of law no where throughout all our realms. This letter is given in our princely palace within the city of Moscow, in the year from the foundation of the world, seven thousand fourscore and fifteen in the month of February. The embassage of M. Giles Fletcher, Doctor of the Civil Law, sent from her Majesty to Theodor the Emperor of Russia, Anno 1588. IN the year 1588. was sent Ambassador from her highness into the country of Russia, Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Civil Law, as well to treat with the new Emperor Pheodor juanowich, about league and amity, in like manner as was before with his father ivan Vasilowich, as also for the re-establishing and reducing into order the decayed trade of our Englishmen there. Who notwithstanding at his first arrival at the Moscow, found some parts of hard entertainment, by means of certain rumours concerning the late naval victory which was there reported to have fallen on the Spanish side, as also for some dislike conceived against the privileged trade of our English merchants. Yet in the end he obtained of the Emperor many good & equal conditions, and was courteously and honourably dismissed by him. The principal points which he entreated of, and were granted unto him by the said Emperor, were these: 1 A continuation of league and amity between her Highness and the said Emperor Pheodor juanowich, in like manner as was before with his father ivan Vasilowich. 2 A confirmation and re-establishment of the former privileges of the Company of our English merchants, which were infringed and annulled in the principal points, with divers necessary additions to the same, for the better ordering of their trade in those countries hereafter, viz. That the state of the privilege granted before in the names of some private and particular men, be altered in that point, and the same granted by the name and stile of their incorporation, viz. To the fellowship of English merchants for the discovery of new trades. 3 That upon every surmise and light quarrel, the said privilege be not revoked and annulled, as before time it hath been. 4 That justice shall be administered to the said Company and their Agent without delay, upon such as shall offer them any despite or injury, or shall exact or impose upon them any payment, taxation or imposition whatsoever, contrary to the freedom of the said grant. 5 That the goods & commodities of the said Company, be not forcibly taken as before time they had been by the Emperor's officers or people of authority, either for the use of the said Emperor or of his officers. But in case they have need of the said commodities, the same to be taken at reasonable prices, and for ready money. 6 That the said Company be not charged hereafter with the answering of such debts as are made by any Englishman not being of the society. 7 That the Emperors authorised people shall not hereafter repute any Englishman resiant in that country, to be any factor, servant, or dealer in the said Companies affairs, but such as the Agent shall inregister by name, within the offices where custom is entered in all such places of the land where the said Company have residencies to traffic. 8 That the names of such as shall so be enregistered be no longer continued in record, nor themselves reputed as factors or dealers for the said Company, than the Agent shall think good. But in case the said Agent in his discretion shall think meet to strike out of the Register any name of such as have been employed in the Companies service, the said person to be held as private, & whose act in bargaining or otherwise, shall not charge the said Company. 9 That if any English man within the country of Russia be suspected for any notorious crime, as felony, treason, etc. the same be not straightways set upon the * It is roasting to death. Pudkey, nor otherwise tormented, till such time as he shall be convicted by plain and evident proofs: which being done, the whole proceeding to be sent over to the Queen of England. 10 That the said privilege with the additions, shall be published in all towns and parts of the Emperor's dominions, where the said Company have traffic. 11 That the said Company shall be permitted to use a sole trade through the emperors countries, by the river Volga into Media, Persia, Bogharia, and the other the East countries. 12 Whereas there was claimed of the said Company the sum of 23553. marks of debt, made by certain of their factors for the said company, for payment whereof, their whole stock was in danger of arrest, by public authority: Further also 2140. rubbles for custom and houserent, he obtained a rebatement of eighteen thousand, one hundred fifty and three marks of the said debt. The said Ambassador M. Giles Fletcher, as I understand, hath drawn a book entitled, Of the Ruff Common wealth, containing: First, a Cosmographical description of the country, which hath these chapters. 1 Of the length and breadth of the country of Russia, with the names of the shires. 2 Of the soil and climate. 3 Of the native commodities of the country. Secondly, a description of their policy contained in these Chapters, viz. 1 Of the constitution or state of the Ruff Common wealth. 2 Of their Parliaments, and manner of holding them. 3 Of the Ruff Nobility and means whereby it is kept in an under proportion agreeable to that state. 4 Of the manner of governing their provinces or shires. 5 Of the emperors privy counsel. 6 Of the Emperor's customs & their revenues, with the practices for the increase of them. 7 Of the Ruff commonalty and their condition. 8 Of their public justice and manner of proceeding therein. 9 Of the Emperor's forces for his wars, with the chief officers, and their salary or pay● 10 Of their manner of mustering, armour, and provision for victual. 11 Of their ordering, ma●ching, charging, and their martial discipline. 12 Of their colonies and policy in maintaining their purchases by conquest. 13 Of their borderers with whom they have most to do in war and peace. 14 Of their church offices and degrees. 15 Of their liturgy or form of Church service. 16 Of their manner of administering the Sacraments. 17 Of the doctrine of the Ruff church. 18 Of the manner of solemnising their marriages. 19 Of the other ceremonies of the Ruff church. Thirdly, the oeconomy or private behaviour of the Ruff containing these chapters. 1 Of the Emperor's household officers, and order of his house. 2 Of the private behaviour and manner of the Ruff people. The description of the country of Russia, with the breadth, length, and names of the Shires. THe country of Russia was sometimes called Sarmatia. It changed the name (as some do suppose) for that it was parted into divers small, and yet absolute governments, not depending, nor being subject the one to the other. For Russee in that tongue doth signify as much as to part, or divide. The Ruff reporteth that four brethren, Trubor, Rurico, Sinees, and Variws divided among them the North parts of the country. Likewise that the South parts were possessed by 4. other, Kio, Scieko, Choranus, and their sister Libeda: each calling his territory after his own name. Of this partition it was called Russia, about the year from Christ 860. As for the conjecture which I found in some Cosmographers, that the Ruff nation borrowed the name of the people called Roxellani, & were the very same nation with them, it is without all good probability, both in respect of the etymology of the word (which is very far fet) and especially for the seat and dwelling of that people, which was betwixt the two rivers of Tanais and Boristhenes, (as Strabo reporteth) quite another way from the country of Russia. Strabo in his 7. book of Geogr. When it bore the name of Sarmatia, it was divided into two chief parts: the White and the Black. The white Sarmatia was all that part that lieth towards the North, & on the side of Liefland: as the provinces now called Dwina, Vagha, Vstiug, Vologda, Cargapolia, Novogrodia, etc whereof Novogrod velica was the Metropolite or chief city. Black Sarmatia was all that country that lieth Southward towards the Euxin or Black sea: as the dukedom of Volodemer, of Moscow, Rezan, etc. Some have thought that the name of Sarmatia was first taken from one Sarmates, whom Moses & josephus call Asarmathes son to joktan, & nephew to Heber, of the posterity of Sem. Gen. 10. joseph. l. 1, ca,14 But this seemeth to be nothing but a conjecture taken out of the likeness of the name Asarmathes. For the dwelling of all joktans' posterity is described by Moses to have been betwixt Mescha or Masius (an hill of the Ammonites) & Sephace, near to the river Euphrates: which maketh it very unlikely that Asarmathes should plant any colonies so far off in the North & northwest countries. The borders of Russia. It is bounded northward by the Laps & the North Ocean. On the Southside by the Tartars called Crimmes. Eastward they have the Nagaian Tartar, that possesseth all the country on the East side of Volga towards the Caspian sea. On the West and Southwest border lieth Lituania, Livonia and Polonia. The whole Country being now reduced under the government of one, containeth these chief Provinces or Shires. The Shires of Russia. Volodemer, (which beareth the first place in the emperors stile, because their house came of the Dukes of that Country) Moscow, Nisnovogrod, Plesko, Smolensko, Novogrod velica (or Novogrod of the low Country) Rostove, Yaruslave, Bealozera, Rezan, Duyna, Cargapolia, Meschora, Vagha, Vstuga, Ghaletsa. These are the natural shires pertaining to Russia, but far greater and larger than the shires of England, though not so well peopled. The other countries or provinces which the Ruff Emperors have got perforce added of late to their other dominion, are these which follow, The Provinces or Countries got by conquest. Twerra, Youghoria, Permia, Vadska, Boulghoria, Chernigo, Oudoria, Obdoria, Condora, with a great part of Siberia: where the people though they be not natural Russes, yet obey the Emperor of Russia, and are ruled by the Laws of his Country, paying customs and taxes, as his own people do. Besides these he hath under him the kingdoms of Cazan and Astracan, got by conquest not long since. As for all his possession in Lituania (to the number of 30. great Towns and more,) with narve and Dorp in Livonia, they are quite go, being surprised of late years by the Kings of Poland and Sweden. These Shires and Provinces are reduced all into four jurisdictions, which they call Chetfyrds (that is) Tetrarchies, or Fourth parts. The whole Country is of great length and breadth. The breadth and length of the Country. From the North to the South (if you measure from Cola to Astracan which bendeth somewhat Eastward) it reacheth in length about 4260. versed, or miles. Notwithstanding the Emperor of Russia hath more territory Northward, far beyond Cola unto the River of Tromschua, that runneth a hundred versed, well-nigh beyond Pechinga, Pechinga. near to Wardhouse, but not entire nor clearly limited, by reason of the kings of Sweden and Denmark, that have divers Towns there, aswell as the Ruff, plotted together the one with the other: every one of them claiming the whole of those North parts as his own right. The breadth (if you go from that part of his territory that lieth farthest Westward on the narve side, to the parts of Siberia Eastward, where the Emperor hath his garrisons) is 4400. versed or thereabouts. A versed (by their reckoning) is a 1000 pases, yet less by one quarter then an English mile. If the whole dominion of the Ruff Emperor were all habitable, and peopled in all places, as it is in some, he would either hardly hold it all within one regiment, or be over mighty for all his neighbour Princes. Of the Soil and Climate. THe soil of the Country for the most part is of a sleight sandy mould, yet very much different one place from another, for the yield of such things as grow out of the earth. The Country Northwards towards the parts of S. Nicholas and Cola, and North-east towards Siberia, is all very barren, and full of desert woods by reason of the Climate, and extremity of the cold in Winter time. So likewise along the River Volgha betwixt the Countries of Cazan, and Astracan: where (notwithstanding the soil is very fruitful) it is all unhabited, saving that upon the river Volgha on the Westside, the Emperor hath some few Castles with garrisons in them. This happeneth by means of the Crimme Bohemian-tartar, that will neither himself plant Towns to dwell there, (living a wild and vagrant life) nor suffer the Ruff (that is far off with the strength of his Country) to people those parts. From Vologda (which lieth almost 1700. versed from the port of S. Nicholas) down towards Moscow, and so towards the South part that bordereth upon the Crimme, (which containeth the like space of 1700. versed or there abouts) is a very fruitful and pleasant Country, yielding pasture, and corn, with woods and waters in very great plenty. The like is betwixt Rezan (that lieth Southeast from Moscow) to Novogrod and Vobsko, that reach farthest towards the Northwest. So betwixt Moscow, and Smolensko (that lieth South-west towards Lituania) is a very fruitful and pleasant soil. The whole Country differeth very much from itself, by reason of the year: so that a man would marvel to see the great alteration and difference betwixt the Winter, and the Summer Russia. The whole Country in the Winter lieth under snow, which falls continually, and is sometime of a yard or two thick, but greater towards the North. The Rivers and other waters are all frozen up a yard or more thick, how swift or broad so ever they be. And this continueth commonly five months, viz. from the beginning of November till towards the end of March, what time the snow beginneth to mel●● So that it would breed a frost in a man to look abroad at that time, and see the Winter face of that Country. The cold of Russia. The sharpness of the air you may judge of by this: for that water dropped down or cast up into the air congealeth into ice before it come to the ground. In the extremity of Winter, if you hold a pewter dish or pot in your hand or any other metal (except in some chamber where their warm stoaves be) your fingers will fries fast unto it, and draw off the skin at the p●rting. When you pass out of a warm room into a cold, you shall sensibly feel your breath to wax stark, and even stifling with the cold, as you draw it in and out. divers not only that travel abroad, but in the very markets, and streets of their Towns, are mortally pinched and killed withal: so that you shall see many drop down in the streets; many travelers brought into the Towns sitting dead and stiff in their Sleds. divers loose their noses, the tips of their ears, and the balls of their cheeks, their toes, fe●te, etc. Many times (when the Winter is very hard and extreme) the bears and wolves issue by troops out of the woods driven by hunger, and enter the villages, tearing and ravening all they can find: so that the inhabitants are feign to fly for safeguard of their livest And yet in the Summer time you shall see such a new hue and face of a Country, the woods (for the most part w●ich are all of fir and birch) so fresh and so sweet, the pastures and meadows so green and well grown, (and that upon the sudden) such variety of flowers, such noise of birkes (specially of Nightingales, that seem to be more loud and of a more variable no●e then in other Cou●treys) that a man shall not lightly travel in a more pleasant Country. And this fresh and speedy growth of the Spring there seemeth to proceed from the benefit of the snow: which all the Winter time being spread over the whole Country as a white rob, and keeping it warm from the rigour of the froft, in the Spring time (when the Sun waxeth warm, and dissolveth it into water) doth so thoroughly drench and soak the ground, that is somewhat of a sleight and sandy mould, and then shines so hately upon it again, that it draweth the herbs and plants forth in great plenty and variety, in a very short time. As the Winter exceedeth in cold, so the Summer inclineth to over much heat, specially in the months of june, july and August, being much warmer than the Summer air in England. The Country throughout is very well watered with springs, rivers, and Ozeraes, or lakes. Wherein the providence of God is to be noted, for that much of the Country being so far inland, as that some part lieth a thousand miles and more every way from any Sea, yet it is served with fair Rivers, and that in very great number, that emptying themselves one into another, run all into the Sea. Their lakes are many and large, some of 60. 80. 100 and 200, miles long, with breadth proportionate. The chief Rivers of Russia. The chief Rivers are these, First, Volgha, that hath his head or spring at the root of an Alde●tree, about 200. versed above Yaruslave, and groweth so big by the increase of other Rivers by that time it cometh thither, that it is broad an English nule and more, and so runnesh into the Caspian sea, about 2800. versed or miles of length. The next is Boristhenes (now called Neper) that divideth the Country from Lituania, and falls into the Euxin sea. The third Tanais or Don, (the ancient bounder betwixt Europe and Asia) that taketh his head out of Rezan Ozera, and so running through the Country of the Chrim Bohemian-tartar, falls into the great Sea, lake, or mere, (called Maeotis) by the City of Azou. By this River (as the Ruff reporteth) you may pass from their City Moscow to Constantinople, and so into all those parts of the world by water, drawing your boat (as their manner is) over a little Isthmus or narrow slip of land, a few versts overthwart. Which was proved not long since by an Ambassador sent to Constantinople, who passed the River of Moscua, and so into another called Ocka, whence he drawn his boat over into Tanais, and thence passed the whole way by water. The fourth is called Duy●a, many hundred miles long, that falls Northward into the bay of S. Nicholas, and hath great Alabaster rocks on the banks towards the sea side. The fifth Duna, that emptieth into the Baltic sea by the town Riga. The sixt Onega, that falls into the Bay at Solovetsko 90. versed from the port of S. Nicholas. This River, below the town Cargapolia, meeteth with the River Volock, that falls into the Finland Sea by the town Yama. So that from the port of S. Nicholas into the Finland sea, and so into the Sound, you may pass all by water, as hath been tried by the Ruff. The seventh Suchana, that floweth into Duyna, and so into the North sea. The eight Ocka, that fetcheth his head from the borders of the Chrim, and streameth into Volgha. The ninth Moscua that runneth thorough the City Moscow, and giveth it the name. There is Wichida also a very large and long river that rises out of Permia, and falls into Volgha. All these are rivers of very large streams, the lest to be compared to the Thames in bigness, and in length far more, besides divers other. The Pole at Moscow is 55. degrees 10. minutes. At the port of S. Nicholas towards the North 63. degrees and 50. minutes. The native commodities of the Country. FOr kinds of fruits, they have Apples, pears, plums, cherries, read and black, The first-fruits and grain of Russia. (but the black wild) a deene like a musk millian, but more sweet and pleasant, cucumbers and goords (which they call Arbouse) rasps, strawberries, and hurtilberies, with many other berries in great quantity in every wood and hedge. Their kinds of grain are wheat, rye, barley, oats, pease, buckway, psnytha, that in taste is somewhat like to rice. Of all these grains the Country yieldeth very sufficient with an overplus quantity, so that wheat is sold sometime for two alteens or ten pennies starling the Chetfird, which maketh almost three English bushels. Their rye is sowed before the Winter, all their other grain in the Spring time, and for the most part in May. The Permians and some other that devil far North, and in desert places, are served from the parts that lie more Southward, and are forced to make bread sometimes of a kind of root (called Vaghnoy) and of the middle rind of the fir tree. If there be any dearth (as they accounted this last year Anno 1588. wheat and rye being at 13. alteens, or 5. shillings five pennies starling the Chetfird) the fault is rather in the practice of their Nobility that use to engross it, then in the Country itself. The native commodities of the Country (wherewith they serve both their own turns, The chief commodities of the Country. and sand much abroad to the great enriching of the Emperor, and his people) are many & substantial. First, furs of all sorts. 1 Furs. Wherein the providence of God is to be noted, that provideth a natural remedy for them, to help the natural inconvenience of their Country by the cold of the Climate. Their chief furs are these, Black fox, Sables, Lusernes, don fox, Martrones, Gurnestalles or Armins', Lasets or Miniver, Beaver, Wuluerins, the skin of a great water Rat that smelleth naturally like musk, Calaber or grey squirrel, read squirrel, read & white fox. These Rats are in Canada. Besides the great quantity spent within the Country (the people being clad all in furs the whole winter) there are transported out of the Country some years by the merchants of Turkey, Persia, Bougharia, Georgia, Armenia, and some other of Christendom, to the value of four or five hundred thousand rubbles, as I have herded of the merchants. The best Sable fur groweth in the country of Pechora, Momgosorskoy and Obdorskoy, Momgosorskoy perhaps Molgomzai●. the worse sort in Siberia, Perm, & other places. The black fox and read come out of Siberia, white and done from Pechora, whence also come the white wolf, and white Bear skin. The best Wuluerin also thence and from Perm. The best Martrons are from Siberia, Cadam, Morum, Perm, and Cazan. Lyserns, Minever, and Armins', the best are out of Gallets, and Ouglits, many from Novogrod and Perm. The Beaver of the best sort breeds in Murmonskey by Cola. Other common furs, and most of these kinds grow in many, and some in all parts of the Country. The second commodity is of Wax, 2 Wax: whereof hath be●e shipped into foreign countries (as I have herded it reported by those that best know it) the sum of 50000. pood yearly, every pood containeth 40. pound, but now about 10000 pood a year. The third is their Honey, 3 Hony. whereof besides an exceeding great quantity spent in their ordinary drinks (which is Mead of all sorts) and their other uses, some good quantity is carried out of the country. The chief increase of honey is in Mordua and Cadam near to the Cheremissen Tartar: much out of Severskoy, Rezan, Morum, Cazan, Dorogobose, and Vasma. Fourthly, of Tallow they afford a great weight for transportation: 4 Tallow. not only for that their country hath very much good ground apt for pasturage of cattle, but also by reason of their many Lents and other fasts: and partly because their greater men use much wax for their lights, the poorer and meaner sort birch dried in their stoaves, and cut into long shivers, which they call Luchineos. Of tallow there hath been shipped out of the Realm a few years since about 100000. pood yearly, now not past 30000. or thereabouts. The best yield of tallow is in the parts and territories of Smolensko, Yaruslave, Ouglits, Novogrod, and Vologda, Otfer, and Gorodetskey. another principal commodity is their Losh and Cowhide. 5 Hide. Their Losh or buff hide is very fair and large. Their bull and cow hide (for oxen they make none, neither yet weather) is of a small size. There hath been transported by merchant's strangers some years 100000. hides. Now it is decreased to 30000. or thereabouts. Besides great store of goats skins, whereof great numbers are shipped out of the country. The largest kind of Losh or buff breeds about Rostove, Wichida, Novogrod, Morum, and Perm. The lesser sort within the kingdom of Cazan. An other very great and principal commodity is their Trane oil, 6 Trane oil. drawn out of the Seal fish. Where it will not be impertinent to show the manner of their hunting the Seal, The manner of hunting the Seal fish. which they make this oil of: which is in this sort. Towards the end of Summer (before the frost begin) they go down with their boats into the Bay of S. Nicholas, to a cape called Cusconesse or Foxnose, wh●re they leave their boats till the next spring tide. When the Sun waxeth warm toward the spring, and yet the ice not melted within the Bay, they return thither again. Then drawing their boats over the sea ice, they use them for houses to rest and lodge in. There are commonly about 17. or 18. fleet of them, of great large boats, which divide themselves into divers companies, five or six boats in a consort. They that first find the haunt, fire a beacon, which they carry with them for the nonce. Which being espied by the other companies, by such among them as are appointed of purpose, they come altogether and compass the Seals round about in a ring, that lie sunning themselves together upon the ice, commonly four or five thousand in a shoal, and so they invade them every man with his club in his hand. If they hit them on the nose, they are soon killed. If on the sides or back they bear out the blow, and many times so catch and hold down the club with their teeth by main force, that the party is forced to call for help to his fellows. The manner of the Seals is when they see themselves beset, to gather all close together in a throng or plump, to sway down the ice, and to break it (if they can) which so bendeth the ice that many times it taketh the sea water upon it, and maketh the hunters to wade a soot or more deep. After the slaughter when they have killed what they can, they fall to sharing every boat his part in equal portions: and so they flay them, taking from the body the skin, and the lard or fat with all that cleaveth to the skin. This they take with them, leaving the bodies behind, and so go to shore. Where they dig pits in the ground of a fathom and an half deep, or thereabouts, and so taking the fat or lard off from the skin, they throw it into the pit, and cast in among it hot burning stones to melt it withal. The uppermost and purest is sold, and used to oil wool for clot, the grosser (that is of a read colour) they cell to make soap. 7 Ickary. Likewise of Ickary or Cavery, a great quantity is made upon the river of Volgha out of the fish called Bellougina, the Sturgeon, the Severiga and the Sterledey. Whereof the most part is shipped by French and Netherlandish merchants for Italy and Spain, some by English merchants. 8 Hemp and Flax. The next is of Flax and Hemp, whereof there hath been shipped (as I have herded merchants say) at the port of narve a great part of 100 ships small and great yearly. Now, not past five. The reason of this abating and decrease of this & other commodities, that were wont to be transported in a greater quantity, is the shutting up of the port of the narve towards the Finland sea, which now is in the hands and possession of the Sweden. Likewise the stopping of the passage overland by the way of Smolensko, & Plotsko, by reason of their wars with the Polonian, which causeth the people to be less provident in maintaining and gathering these and like commodities, for that they lack sales. For the growth of flax the province of Vobsko, and the country about is the chief and only place. For Hemp Smolensko, Dorogobose and Vasma. 9 Salt. The country besides maketh great store of salt. Their best salt is made at Scararouse in very great quantity, where they have great store of salt wells, about 250. versed from the sea. At Astracan salt is made naturally by the sea water, that casts it up into great hills, and so it is digged down, and carried away by the merchants and other that will fetch it from thence. They pay to the Emperor for acknowledgement or custom 3.d. Russee upon every hundred weight. Besides these two, they make salt in many other places of the Realm, as in Perm, Wichida, Torma, Kenitsma, Solovetsky, Ocona, Bombasey, and Nonocks, Nonocks. all out of salt pits, save at Solovetsky, which lieth near to the sea. 10 Tar. Likewise of Tar they make a great quantity out of their fir trees in the country of Duyna and Smolensko, whereof much is sent abroad. Besides these (which are all good and substantial commodities) they have divers other of smaller account, that are natural and proper to that country: as the fi●h tooth (which they call Ribazuba) which is used both among themselves, 11 Ribazuba. and the Persians and Bougharians that fetch it from thence for beads, knives, and sword hafts of Noblemen and gentlemen, and for divers other uses. Some use the powder of it against poison, as the Unicorns born. The fish that weareth it is called a Morse, and is caught about Pechora. These fish teeth some of them are almost 2. foot of length, and weigh 11. or 12. pound apiece. 12 Slude. In the province of Corelia, and about the river Duyna towards the North sea, there groweth a soft rock which they call Slude. This they cut into pieces, and so tear it into thin flakes, which naturally it is apt for, and so use it for glasse-lanthorns and such like. It giveth both innards and outwards a clearer light than glass, and for this respect is better than either glass or horn: for that it neither breaketh like glass, nor yet will burn like the lantern. 13 Saltpetre and brimstone. Saltpetre they make in many places, as at Ouglits, Yaruslave & Vstiug, and some small store of brimstone upon the river Volgha, but want skill to refine it. Their iron is somewhat brittle, 14 Iron. but a great weight of it is made in Corelia, Cargapolia, & Vstiug Thelesna. Other mine they have none growing within the realm. Their beasts of strange kinds are the Losh, the olen, the wild horse, the bear, the woluering, or wood dog, the Lyserne, the Beaver, the Sable, the Martron, the black and done for, The strange beasts, fish, foul, etc. that breed in Russia. the white Bear towards the sea coast of Pechora, the Gurnstale, the Laset or Minever. They have a kind of Squirrel that hath growing on the pinion of the shoulder bone a long ●uft of hair, much like unto feathers with a far broader tail than have any other squirrels, which they move and shake as they leap from tree to tree, much like unto a wing. They skies a large space, & seem for to fly withal, and therefore they call them Letach Vechshe, that is, the flying squirrels. Their hares and squirrels in Summer are of the same colour with ours, in Winter the hare changes her coat into milk white, the squirrel into grey, whereof cometh the Calaber. They have fallow dear, the roe buck, & goats very great store. Their horses are but small, but very swift & hard, they travel them unshod both winter and Summer, without all regard of pace. Their sheep are but small & bear course & harsh wool. Of foul they have divers of the principal kinds: First, great store of hawks, the eagle, the gerfaulcon, the slightfaulcon, the goshawk, the tassel, the sparhawk, etc. But the principal hawk that breeds in the country, is counted the gerfaulcon. Of other fowls their principal kinds are the swan tame & wild, (whereof they have great store) the stork, the crane, the tedder of the colour of a pheasant, but far bigger & liveth in the fir woods. Of pheasant and partridge they have very great plenty. An owl there is of a very great bigness, more ugly to behold then the owls of this country, with a broad face, & ears much like unto a man. For fresh water fish, besides the common sorts (as carp, pikes, perch, tench, roach, etc.) they have divers kinds very good and delicate: as the Bellouga or Bellougina of 4. or 5. elnes long, the Ositrina or Sturgeon, the Severiga and Sterledy somewhat in fashion and taste like to the Sturgeon, but not so thick nor long. These 4. kinds of fish breed in the Volgha, and are catched in great plenty, and served thence into the whole Realm for a great food. Of the Roes of these four kinds they make very great store of Icary or Caviary as was said before. They have besides these that breed in the Volgha a fish called the Riba bela, or white salmon, which they account more delicate than they do the read salmon, whereof also they have exceeding great plenty in the Rivers Northward, as in Duyna, the river of Cola, etc. In the Ozera or lake near a town called Perislave, not far from the Moscow, they have a small fish which they call the fresh herring, of the fashion, and somewhat of the taste of a sea-herring. Their chief towns for fish are, Ya●●slaue, Bealozera, Novogrod, Astracan, and Cazan: which all yield a large custom to the Emperor every year for their trades of fishing, which they practise in Summer, but send it frozen in the Winter time into all parts of the Realm. The chief Cities of Russia. THe chief cities of Russia are Moscow, Novogrod, Rostove, Volodomer, Plesko, Smolensko, jaruslave, Petislave, Nisnovogrod, Vologda, Vstiug, Colmogro, Cazan, Astracan, Cargapolia, Columna. The city of Moscow is supposed to be of great antiquity, Moscow. though the first founder be unknown to the Ruff. It seemeth to have taken the name from the river that runneth on the one side of the town. Berosus the Chaldean in his 5. book telleth that Nimrod (whom other profane stories call Saturn) sent Assyrius, Medus, Moscus, & Magog into Asia to plant colonies there, and that Moscus planted both in Asia and Europe. Which may make some probability, that the city, or rather the river whereon it is built, took the denomination from this Moscus: the rather because of the climate or situation, which is in the very farthest part & list of Europe, bordering upon Asia. The City was much enlarged by one ivan or john, son to Daniel, that first changed his title of duke into King: though that honour continued not to his posterity: the rather because he was invested into it by the Pope's Legate, who at that time was Innocentius the 4. about the year 1246. which was very much misliked by the Ruff people, being then a part of the Eastern or Greek Church. Since that time the name of this city hath grown more famous, & better known to the world: insomuch that not only the province, but the whole Country of Russia is termed by some by the name of Moscovia the Metropolite city. The form of this City is in manner round with 3. strong walls, circuling the one within the other, & streets lying between, whereof the inmost brickwall, and the buildings closed within it (lying safest as the heart within the body, fenced and watered with the river Moscua, that runneth close by it) is all accounted the Emperor's castle. The number of houses (as I have herded) through the whole City (being reckoned by the Emperor a little before it was fired by the Crim) was 41500. in all. Since the Bohemian-tartar besieged and fired the town (which was in the year 1571.) there lieth waste of it a great breadth of ground, which before was well set and planted with buildings, specially that part on the South side of Moscua, built not long before by Basilius the Emperor for his garrison of soldiers, to whom he gave privilege to drink Mead, and beer at the dry or prohibited times, when other Russes may drink nothing but water, and for that cause called this new city by the name of Naloi, that is skinck or pour in. So that now the city of Moscow is not much bigger than the city of London. The next in greatness, & in a manner as large, is the city Novograd: Novograd. where was committed (as the Ruff says) the memorable war so much spoken of in stories of the Scythians servants, that took arms against their masters: which they report in this sort: viz. That the Boiarens or gentlemen of Novograd & the territory about (which only are soldiers after the discipline of those countries) had war with the Tartars. Which being well performed & ended by them, they returned homewards. Where they understood by the way that their Cholopey or bondslaves whom they left at home, had in their absence possessed their towns, lands, houses, wives and all. At which news being somewhat amazed, and yet disdeining the villainy of their servants, they made the more speed home: and so not far from Novograd met them in warlike manner marching against them. Whereupon advising what was best to be do●e, they agreed all to set upon them with no other show of weapon but with their horse whips (which as their manner is every man rideth withal) to put them in remembrance of their servile condition, thereby to terrify them, & abate their courage. And so marching on & lashing altogether with their whips in their hands they gave the onset. Which seemed so terrible in the ears of their villains, and struck such a sense into them of the smart of the whip which they had felt before, that they fled altogether like sheep before the drivers. In memory of this victory the Novogradians ever since have stamped their come (which they call a dingoe Novogrodskoy currant through all Russia) with the figure of a horseman shaking a whip aloft in his hand. These 2. cities exceed the rest in greatness. For strength their chief towns are Vobsko, Smolensko, Cazan & Astracan, as lying upon the borders. But for situation jaruslave far exceedeth the rest. jaruslave. For besides the commodities that the soil yieldeth of pasture and corn, it lieth upon the famous river of Volgha, & looketh over it from a high bank very fair & stately to behold: whereof the town taketh the name. For jaruslave in that tongue signifieth as much as a fair or famous bank. In this town (as may be guessed by the name) dwelled the Ruff king Vladimer surnamed jaruslave, Saxon Grammaticus lib. 11. pag. ●87. that married the daughter of Harald king of England, by mediation of Sueno the Dane, as is noted in the Danish story about the year 1067. The other towns have nothing that is greatly memorable, save many ruins within their walls. The streets of their cities and towns in stead of paving are planked with fir trees, plained & laid even close the one to the other. Their houses are of wood without any lime or stone, The manner of Russee building. built very close and warm with fir trees plained and piled one upon another. They are fastened together with dents or notches at every corner, & so clasped fast together. Betwixt the trees or timber they thrust in moss (whereof they gather plenty in their woods) to keep out the air. Every house hath a pair of stairs that lead up into the chambers out of the yard or street after the Scottish manner. This building seemeth far better for their country, then that of stone or brick; as being colder & more dampish than their wooden houses, specially of fir, that is a dry & warm wood. Whereof the providence of God hath given them such store, as that you may build a fair house for 20. or 30. rubbles or little more, where wood is most scant. The greatest inconvenience of their wooden building is the aptness for firing, which happeneth very often & in very fearful sort, by reason of the dryness and fatness of the fir, that being once fired, burneth like a torch, & is hardly quenched till all be burned up. Of the manner of Crowning or Inauguration of the Ruff Emperors. THe solemnities used at the Russee Emperors coronation, are on this manner. In the great church of Precheste (or our Lady) within the Emperor's castle is erected a stage whereon standeth a scrine that beareth upon it the Imperial cap & rob of very rich stuff. When the day of the Inauguration is come, there resort thither, first the Patriarch with the metropolitans, archbishops, bishops, abbots and prior's, all richly clad in their pontificalibus. Then enter the Deacons with the quire of singers. Who so soon as the Emperor setteth foot into the church, begin to sing: Many years may live noble Theodore juanowich, etc: Whereunto the patriarch and Metropolite with the rest of the clergy, answer with a certain hymn, in form of a prayer, singing it altogether with a great noise. The hymn being ended, the patriarch with the Emperor mount up the stage, where standeth a seat ready for the Emperor. Whereupon the patriarch willeth him to sit down, & then placing himself by him upon another seat provided for the purpose, boweth down his head towards the ground, and says this prayer: O Lord God king of kings, Lord of lords, which by thy prophet Samuel didst choose thy servant David, & anoint him for King over thy people Israel, hear now our prayer, & look from thy sanctuary upon this thy servant Theodore, whom thou hast choose and exalted for king over these thy holy nations, anoint him with the oil of gladness, protect by thy power, put upon his head a crown of gold & precious stones, give him length of days, place him in the seat of justice, strengthen his arm, make subject unto him all the barbarous nations. Let thy fear be in his whole heart, turn him from an evil faith, and all error, and show him the salvation of thy holy and universal Church, that he may judge thy people with justice, & protect the children of the poor, & finally attain everlasting life. This prayer he speaketh with a low voice, & then pronounceth aloud: All praise and power to God the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost. The prayer being ended, he commands certain Abbots to reach the imperial robe & cap: which is done very decently, and with great solemnity, the Patriarch withal pronouncing aloud: Peace be unto all. And so he beginneth another prayer to this effect: Bow yourselves together with us, and pray to him that reigneth overall. Preserve him (o Lord) under thy holy protection, keep him that he may do good and holy things, let justice shine forth in his days, that we may live quietly without strife and malice. This is pronounced somewhat softly by the Patriarch, whereto he addeth again aloud: Thou art the king of the whole world, and the saviour of our souls, to thee the Father, Son and Holy ghost be all praise for ever and ever. Amen. Then putting on the robe and the cap, he blesseth the Emperor with the sign of the cross, saying withal: In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy ghost. The like is done by the Metropolites, Archbishops, and Bishops: who all in their order come to the chair, and one after another bless the Emperor with their two forefingers. Then is said by the Patriarch another prayer, that beginneth: OH most holy virgin, mother of God etc. After which a Deacon pronounceth with a loud voice: Many years to noble Theodore, good, honourable, beloved of God, great Duke of Volodemer, of Moscow, Emperor, and Monarch of all Russia, etc. Whereto the other Priests and Deacons that stand somewhat far of by the altar or table, answer singing: Many years, many years to the noble Theodore. The same note is taken up by the Priests and Deacons, that are placed at the right and left side of the Church, and then altogether, they chant and thunder out, singing: Many years to the noble Theodore, good, honourable, beloved of God, great Duke of Volodomer, Moscow, Emperor of all Russia, etc. These solemnities being ended, first cometh the Patriarch with the Metropolites, Archbishops, and Bishops, than the Nobility, and the whole company in their order, to do homage to the Emperor, bending down their heads, and knocking them at his feet to the very ground. The stile wherewith he is invested at his Coronation, runneth after this manner. THeodore juanowich, by the grace of God great Lord and Emperor of all Russia, great Duke of Volodemer, Moscow, and Novogrod, King of Cazan, King of Astracan, Lord of Plesco, and great duke of Smolensco, of Twerria, joughoria, Permia, Vadska, Bulghoria, and others, Lord and great Duke of Novogrod of the Low country, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotskoy, Rostove, Yaruslaveley, Bealozera, Leifland, Oudoria, Obdoria, and Condensa, Commander of all Siberia, and of the North parts, and Lord of many other Countries, etc. This stile containeth in it all the emperors Provinces, and setteth forth his greatness. And therefore they have a great delight and pride in it, forcing not only their own people but also strangers (that have any matter to deliver to the Emperor by speech or writing) to repeat the whole form from the beginning to the end. Which breeds much cavil, and sometimes quarrel betwixt them and the Bohemian-tartar, and Poland Ambassadors: who refuse to call him Czar, that is Emperor, and to repeat the other parts of his long stile. Myself when I had audience of the Emperor, thought good to salute him only with thus much uz. Emperor of all Russia, great Duke of Volodomer, Moscow and Novogrod, King of Cazan, King of Astracan. The rest I omitted of purpose, because I known they gloried, to have their stile appear to be of a larger volume than the Queens of England. But this was taken in so ill part, that the Chancellor (who then attended the Emperor, with the rest of the nobility) with aloud chase voice, called still upon me to say out the rest. Whereto I answered, that the Emperor's stile was very long, and could not so well be remembered by strangers, that I had repeated so much of it, as might show that I gave honour to the rest etc. But all would not serve till I commanded my interpreter to say it all out. Their forces for the wars, with the chief officers and their salaries. THe Soldiers of Russia are called Sinaboyarskey, or the sons of Gentlemen: because they are all of that degree, by virtue of their military profession. For every soldier in Russia is a gentleman, and none are gentlemen, but only the soldiers, that take it by descent from their ancestors: so that the son of a gentleman (which is born a soldier) is ever a gentleman, Soldiers by birth and inheritance. and a soldier withal, & professeth nothing else but military matters. When they are of years able to bear arms, they come to the office of Roserade, or great Constable, and there present themselves: who entereth their names, and alotteth them certain lands to maintain their charges, for the most part the same that their fathers enjoyed. For the lands assigned to maintain the army, are ever certain, annexed to this office without improving, or detracting one foot. But that if the Emperor have sufficient in wages, the rooms being full so far as the land doth extend already, they are many times deferred, and have nothing allowed them, except some one portion of the land be divided into two. The whole number of his soldiers in continual pay, is this. First he hath his Dworaney, that is, Pensioners, or Guard of his person, to the number of 15000 horsemen, with their captains and other officers, that are always in a readiness. Degrees of horsemen. 1. ●raetoriani or such as attend the Emperor's person 15000. Of these 15000 horsemen, there are three sorts or degrees, which differ as well in estimation as in wages, one degree from another. The first sort of them is called Dworaney Bulshey, or the company of head Pensioners, that have some an hundred, some fourscore rubbles a year, and none under 70. The second sort are called Seredney Dworaney, or the middle rank of Pensioners. These have sixty or fifty rubbles by the year, none under forty. The third and lowest sort, are the Dyta Boiarskey, that is, the low Pensioners. Their salary is thirty rubbles a year for him that hath most, some have but 25, some 20, none under 12. Whereof the half part is paid them at the Moscow, the other half in the field by the general, when they have any wars, & are employed in service. When they receive their whole pay, it amounteth to 55000 rubbles by the year. And this is their wages, besides lands allotted to every one of them, both to the greater and the less, according to their degrees. Whereof he that hath lest, hath to yield him twenty rubbles or marks by the year. Besides these 15000 horsemen, that are of better choice (as being the Emperors own guard when himself goeth to the wars, not unlike the Roman soldiers called Praetoriani) are a hundred and ten men of special account for their Nobility, and trust, which are choose by the Emperor, and have their names registered, that found among them for the Emperor's wars, to the number of 65000. Two other troops to the number of 65000. horsemen, with all nececessaries meet for the wars after the Ruff manner. To this end they have yearly allowance made by the Emperor for themselves, and their companies, to the sum of 40000 rubbles. And these 65000 are to repair to the field every year on the borders towards the Crim Tartar, (except they be appointed for some other service) whether there be wars with the Tartars, or not. This might seem peradventure somewhat dangerous for some state, to have so great forces under the command of Noblemen to assemble every year to one certain place. But the matter is so used, as that no danger can grow to the Emperor, or his state by this means. First, because these noblemen are many, to wit, an 110. in all, & changed by the Emperor so often as he thinketh good. Secondly, because they have their livings of the Emperor, being otherwise but of very small revenue, and receive this yearly pay of 40000 rubbles, when it is presently to be paid forth again to the soldiers that are under them. Thirdly, because for the most part they are about the Emperor's person being of his Counsel, either special, or at large. Fourthly, they are rather as paymasters, than Captains to their companies, themselves not going forth ordinarily to the wars, save when some of them are appointed by special order from the Emperor himself. Horsemen in continual pay 80000. So the whole number of horsemen that are ever in a readiness, and in continual pay, are 80000, a few more or less. If he have need of a greater number (which seldom falls out) than he enterteineth of those Sinaboiarskey, that are out of pay, so many as he needeth: and if yet he want of his number, he giveth charge to his Noblemen, that hold lands of him to bring into the field every man a proportionable number of his servants (called Kolophey, such as till his lands) with their furniture, according to the just number that he intends to make. Which the service being done, presently lay in their weapons, and return to their servile occupations again. Footmen in continual pay 12000. Of footmen that are in continual pay, he hath to the number of 12000 all gunner's, called Strelsey: Whereof 5000 are to attend about the city of Moscow, or any other place where the Emperor shall abide, and 2000 (which are called Stremaney Strelsey, or gunner's at the stirrup) about his own person at the very Court or house where himself lodgeth. The rest are placed in his garrison towns, till there be occasion to have them in the field, and receive for their salary or stipend every man seven rubbles a year, besides twelve measures a piece of Rye, and Dates. Of mercenary Soldiers, that are strangers (whom they call Nimschoy) they have at this time 4300 of Polonians: Stranger's mercenaries in pay 4300. of Chirchasses (that are under the Polonians) about 4000, whereof 3500 are abroad in his garrisons: of Doutches & Scots about 150: of Greeks, Turks, Danes and sweden's, all in one band, an 100 or thereabouts. But these they use only upon the Bohemian-tartar side, and against the Siberians: as they do the Bohemian-tartar soldiers (whom they hire sometimes, but only for the present) on the other side against the Polonian and Sweden: thinking it best policy to use their service upon the contrary border. The chief Captains or leaders of these forces, according to their names and degrees, The chief captains or leaders. are these which follow. First, the Voyavoda Bulshaia, that is, the Great Captain, or Lieutenant general under the Emperor. This commonly is one of the four houses of the chief Nobility of the land. 1. The Voiavod or General. Their great Voiavod or general at this present in their wars, is commonly one of these four: Knez Feodor juanowich Methisloskey, Knez ivan Michalowich Glinskoy, Cherechaskoy, end Trowbetskoy, all of great nobility. Next unto the Voiavod or general there is some other placed as Lieutenant general, 2. Lieutenant general. being a man of great valour and experience in the wars, who ordereth all things that the other countenanceth. At this time their principal man, & most used in their wars, is one Knez Demetrie juanowich Forestine, an ancient and expert captain, and one that hath done great service (as they say) against the Bohemian-tartar and Polonian. Next under the Voiavod and his Lieutenant general are four other that have the marshalling of the whole army divided among them, 3. Marshals of the field four. and may be called the marshals of the field. Every man hath his quarter, or fourth part under him. Whereof the first is called the Prava Polskoy, or right wing. The second is the Levoy Polskoy, or left wing. The third is Rusnoy Polskoy, or the broken band, because out of this there are choose to sand abroad upon any sudden exploit, or to make a rescue or supply, as occasion doth require. The fourth Storoshovoy Polskoy, Four marshals: deputies right. or the warding band. Every one of these four Marshals have two other under them (eight in all) that twice every week at the lest must muster and train their several wings or bands, and hold and give justice for all faults, and disorders committed in the camp. And these eight are commonly choose out of the 110. (which I spoke of before) that receive & deliver the pay to the soldiers. Under these eight are divers other Captains, as the Gulavoy, Five Colonels under Captains. Captains of thousand five hundred and 100 The Petyde Setskoy or Captains of fifties, and the Decetskies' or Captains of tens. Besides the Voiavoda or general of the army (spoken of before) they have two other that bear the name of Voiavoda, Six Masters of the Artillery whereof one is the master of the great Ordinance (called Naradna voiavoda) who hath divers under officers, necessary for that service. The other is called the Voiavoda gulavoy, or the walking Captain; The walking Captain. that hath allowed him 1000 good horsemen of principal choice, to range & spy abroad, & hath the charge of the running Castle, which we are to speak of in the Chapter following. All these Captains, & men of charge must once every day resort to the Bulsha voiavoda, or General of the army, to know his pleasure, & to inform him, if there be any requisite matter pertaining to their office. Of their mustering, and levying of forces, manner of armour, and provision of victual for the wars. WHen wars are towards (which they fail not of lightly every year with the Bohemian-tartar, Their order of mustering. & many times with the Polonian & Sweden) the four Lords of the Chetfirds sand forth their summons in the Emperor's name, to all the Dukes and Dyacks of the Provinces, to be proclaimed in the head towns of every Shire: that all the Sinaboiarskey, or sons of gentlemen make their repair to such a border where the service is to be done, at such a place, & by such a day, and there present themselves to such, & such Captains. When they come to the place assigned them in the summons or proclamation, their names are taken by certain officers that have commission for that purpose from the Roserade, or high Constable, as Clerks of the bands. If any make default & fail at the day, he is multted, & punished very severely. As for the General & other chief Captains, they are sent thither from the Emperors own hand, with such Commission & charge as he thinketh behoveful for the present service. When the soldiers are assembled, they are reduced into their bands, & companies, under their several Captains of tens, fifties, hundred, thousand, etc. and these Bands into 4 Polskeiss, or Legions (but of far greater numbers than the Roman Legions were) under their four great Leaders, which also have the authority of Marshals of the field (as was said before.) Concerning their armour they are but slightly appointed. The common horseman hath nothing else but his bow in his case under his right arm, The horseman's furniture. & his quiver & sword hanging on the left side: except some few that bear a race of dags, or a javelin, or short staff along their horse side. The under captains will have commonly some piece of armour besides, as a shirt of male, or such like. The General with the other chief captains & men of Nobility will have their horse very richly furnished, their saddles of clot of gold, their bridles fair bossed & tasselled with gold, & silk fringe, bestudded with pearl & precious stones, themselves in very fair armour, which they call Buliatnoy, made of fair shiving steel, yet covered commonly with clot of gold, and edged round with armin fur, his steel helmet on his head a very great price, his sword bow and arrows at his side, his spear in his hand, with another fair helmet, and Shesta pera, or horseman's sceptre carried before him. Their swords, bows, and arrows are of the Turkish fashion. They practise like the Bohemian-tartar to shoot forward and backward, as they fly and retire. The footman's furniture. The Strelsey or footman hath nothing but his piece in his hand, his striking hatchet at his back, & his sword by his side. The stock of his piece is not made calieverwise, but with a plain & strait stock (somewhat like a fouling piece) the barrel is rudely & unartificially made, very heavy, yet shooteth but a very small bullet. As for their provision of victual, Provision of victual. the Emperor alloweth none, either for Captain or soldier, neither provideth any for them except peradventure some corn for their money. Every man is to bring sufficient for himself, to serve his turn for four months, & if need require to give order for more to be brought unto him to the Camp from his tenant that tilleth his land, or some other place. One great help they have, that for lodging an● diet every Ruff is prepared to be a soldier beforehand. Though the chief Captains & other of account carry tents with them after the fashion of ours, with some better provision of victual then the rest. They bring with them commonly into the Camp for victual a kind of dried bread, (which they call Suchary) with some store of meal, which they temper with water, and so make it into a ball, or small lump of dough, called Tollockno. And this they eat raw in stead of bread. Their meat is bacon, or some other flesh or fish dried, after the Dutch manner. If the Ruff soldier were as hardy to execute an enterprise, as he is hard to bear out toil and travel, or were otherwise as apt and well trained for the wars, as he indifferent for his lodging and diet, he would far exceed the soldiers of our parts. Of their marching, charging, and other Martial discipline. THe Ruff trusteth rather to his number, then to the valour of his soldiers, or good ordering of his forces. Their marching or leading is without all order, save that the four Polskoy or Legions, (wherinto their army is divided) keep themselves several under their ensigns, & so thrust all on together in a hurry, as they are directed by their General. Their Ensign is the image of S. George. The Bulsha Dworaney or chief horsemen, have every man a small drum of brass at his saddle bow, horsemen's drums. which he striketh when he giveth the charge, or onset. The horseman's manner of charging. They have drums besides of a huge bigness, which they carry with them upon a board laid on four horses, that are sparred together with chains, every drum having eight strikers, or drummers, besides trumpets and shawms, which they sound after a wild manner, much different from ours. When they give any charge, or make any invasion, they make a great hollow or shout altogether, as loud as they can, which with the sound of their trumphets, shawms, and drums, maketh a confused and horrible noise. So they set on first discharging their arrows, then dealing with their sword, which they use in a bravery to shake, and brandish over their heads, before they come to strokes. The footman's charge. Their footmen (because otherwise they want order in leading) are commonly placed in some ambush or place of advantage, where they may most annoyed the enemy, with lest hurt to themselves. If it be a set battle, or if any great invasion be made upon the Ruff borders by the Bohemian-tartar, they are set within the running or moving Castle (called Beza, The walking Castle. or Gulaygorod) which is carried about with them by the Voiavoda gulavoy (or the walking General) whom I spoke of befor●. This walking or moving Castle is so framed, that it may be set up in length (as occasion doth require) the space of one, two, three, four, five, six, or seven miles: for so long it will reach. It is nothing else but a double brickwall of wood to defend them on both sides behind and before, with a space of three yards or thereabouts, betwixt the two sides: so that they may stand within it, and have room enough to charge and discharge their pieces, and to use their other weapons. It is closed at both ends, and made with loop holes on either side, to lay out the nose of their piece, or to push forth any other weapon. It is carried with the army wheresoever it goeth, being taken into pieces, and so laid on carts sparred together, and drawn by horse that are not seen, by reason that they are covered with their carriage as with a shelf or penthouse. When it is brought to the place where it is to be used (which is devised and choose out before by the walking Voiavod) it is planted so much as the present use requireth, sometime a mile long, sometimes two, sometimes three or more: Which is soon done without the help of any Carpenter, or instrument: because the timber is so framed to clasp together one piece with in another: as is easily understood by those that know the manner of the Ruff building. In this Castle standeth their shot well fenced for advantage, specially against the Bohemian-tartar, that bringeth no ordinance, nor other weapon into the field with him, save his sword, and bow, and arrows. They have also within it divers field pieces, which they use as occasion doth require. Of pieces for the field they carry no great store, when they war against the Bohemian-tartar: but when they deal with the Polonian (of whose forces they make more account) they go better furnished with all kind of munition, and other necessary provisions. It is thought that no Prince of Christendom hath better store of munition, than the Ruff Emperor. And it may partly appear by the Artillery house at Moscow, where are of all sorts of great Ordinance, all brass pieces, very fair, to an exceeding great number. The Ruff soldier is thought to be better at his defence within some castle or town, than he is abroad at a set pitched field. Which is ever noted in the practice of his wars, and namely at ●ho siege of Vobsco, about eight years since: where he repulsed the Polonian king Stepan Batoro, 1580. with his whole army of 100000 men, and forced him in the end to give over his siege, with the loss of many of his best Captains and soldiers. But in a set field the Ruff is noted to have ever the worse of the Polonian and Sweden. If any behave himself more valiantly than the rest, or do any special piece of service, the Emperor sendeth him a piece of gold, stamped with the Image of Saint George on horseback. Reward for valour. Which they hung on their sleeves, & set in their caps. And this is accounted the greatest honour they can receive, for any service they do. Of their Colonies, and maintaining of their conquests, or purchases by force. THe Russee Emperors of late years have very much enlarged their dominions, & territories. Their first conquest after the Dukedom of Moscow (for before that time they were but Dukes of Volodomer, as before was said) was the city, & Dukedom of Novogrod on the West, and Northwest side: which was no small enlargement of their dominion, & strengthening to them for the winning of the rest. This was done by ivan great grandfather to Theodor now Emperor; about the year 1480. The same began likewise to encroach upon the countries of Lituania and Livonia, but the conquest only intended, & attempted by him, upon some part of those countries, was pursued & performed by his son Basileus, who first won the city & dukedom of Plesko, afterwards the city & dukedom of Smolensco, & many other fair towns, with a large territory belonging unto them, about the year 1514. These victories against the Lettoes or Lituanians, in the time of Alexander their duke, he achieved rather by advantage of civil dissensions, 1580. & treasons among themselves, then by any great policy, or force 〈◊〉 his own. But all this was lost again by his son ivan Vasillwich, about 8 or 9 years past, upon composition with the Polonian king Stephan Batore: whereunto he was forced by the advantages which the Pole had then of him, by reason of the foil he had given him before, and the disquietness of his own state at home. Only the Ruff Emperor, at this time hath left him on that side his country, the cities of Smolensco, Vobsco, Chernigo, & Bealagorod in Lituania. Lituania. In Livonia not a town nor one foot of ground. When Basilius first conquered those countries, he suffered then the natives to keep their possessions, and to inhabit all their towns, only paying him a tribute, under the government of his Ruff Captains. But by their conspiracies & attempts not long after, he was taught to deal more surely with them. And so coming upon them the second time, he killed and carried away with him, three parts of four, which he gave or sold to the Tartars that served him in those wars, and in stead of them placed there his Russes, so many as might overmatch the rest, with certain garrisons of strength besides. Wherein notwithstanding this oversight was committed, for that (taking away with him the upland, or country people that should have tilled the ground, & might easily have been kept in order without any danger, by other good policies) he was driven afterwards many years together, to victual the country (specially the great towns) out of his own country of Russia, the soil lying there in the mean while waste, and untilled. The like fallen out at the port of narve in Liefland, narve. where his son ivan Vasiliwich devised to build a town, and a castle on the other side the river, (called juangorod) to keep the town and country in subjection. The castle he caused to be so built and forcified, that it was thought to be invincible. And when it was furnished, for reward to the Architect (that was a Polonian) he put out both his eyes, to make him unable to build the like again. But having left the natives all within their own country, without abating their number or strength, the town and castle not long after was betrayed; and surrendered again to the king of Sweden. On the Southeast side, they have got the kingdoms of Cazan, and Astracan. These were won from the Bohemian-tartar, by the late Emperor ivan Vasiliwich, the one about thirty five, the other about thirty and three years ago. Northward out of the country of Siberia, Siberia and Ob. he hath laid unto his realm a great breadth and length of ground, from Wichida to the river of Obba, about a 1000 mile's space: Conquest of a 1000 miles. so that he is bold to writ himself now, The great Commander of Siberia. The countries likewise of Permia and Pechora are a divers people and language from the Ruff, Permia and Pechora. overcome not long since, and that rather by threatening, and shaking of the sword, then by any actual force: as being a weak and naked people, without means to resist. Means of holding chief towns. That which the Ruff hath in his present possession, he keepeth on this sort. In his four chief border towns of Vobsko, Smolensko, Astracan, and Cazan, he hath certain of his counsel not of greatest nobility, but of greatest trust, which have more authority within their precincts, (for the countenancing and strengthening of their government there) than the other Dukes that are set to govern in other places, as was noted before, in the manner of ordering their provinces. These he changes sometime every year, sometime every second or third year, but exceedeth not that time, except upon very special trust, and good liking of the party, and his service: lest by enlarging of their time, they might grow into some femiliaritie with the enemy (as some have done) being so far out of sight. The towns besides are very strongly fenced with trenches, castles, & store of munition, and have garrisons within them, to the number of two or three thousand a piece. They are stored with victual if any siege should come upon them, for the space of two or three years before hand. The four castles of Smolensko, Vobsko, Cazan and Astracan, he hath made very strong to bear out any siege: so that it is thought that those towns are impregnable. As for the countries of Pechora and Permia, and that part of Siberia, which he hath now under him, Means of holding the countries of Pechora, Permia, and Siberia. they are kept by as easy means, as they were first got. uz. rather by showing, then by using of arms. First, he hath stored the country with as many Russes as there are natives, & hath there some few soldiers in garrison, enough to keep them under. Secondly, his officers & Magistrates there are of his own Ruff people, and he changes them very often, uz. every year twice or thrice: notwithstanding there be no great fear of any innovation. Thirdly, he divideth their into many small governments, like a staff broken in many small pieces: so that they have no strength being severed, which was but little neither when they were all in one. Fourthly, he provideth that the people of the country have neither armour, nor money, being taxed & peeled so often as he thinketh good: without any means to shake off that yoke, or to relieve themselves. Siberia. In Siberia (where he goeth on in pursuing his conquest) he hath divers castles & garrisons, to the number of 6000 soldiers of Russes & Polonians, & sendeth many new supplies thither, to plant and to inhabit, as he winneth ground. At this time besides he hath got the king's brother of Siberia, alured by certain of his captains, to leave his own country by offers of great entertainment, The king's brother of Siberia. and plesanter life with the Ruff Emperor, than he had in Siberia. He was brought in this last year, and is now with the Emperor at Moscow well entertained. 1588. Of the Tartars, and other borderers to the country of Russia, with whom they have most to do in war, and peace. The Polonians called Laches by the Ruff. THeir neighbours with whom they have greatest dealings & intercourse, both in peace & war, are first the Tartar. Secondly the Polonian whom the Ruff calls Laches, noting the first author or founder of the nation, who was called Laches or Leches, whereunto is added Po, which signifieth People, and so is made Polaches, that is, the People or posterity of Laches: which the Latins after their manner of writing call Polonos. The third are the sweden's. The Polonians & Sweden's are better known to these parts of Europe then are the Tartars, that are farther off from us (as being of Asia) and divided into many tribes, different in name, and government one from another. The greatest and mightiest of them is the Chrim Bohemian-tartar, The Chrim Tartar. (whom some call the Great Can) that lieth South, & Southeastward from Russia, and doth most annoy the country by often invasions, commonly once every year, sometimes entering very far within the inland parts. In the year 1571 he came as far as the city of Moscow, The firing of Moscow by the Chrim Bohemian-tartar, in the year 1571. with an army of 200000 men, without any battle, or resistance at all, for that the Ruff Emperor (than ivan Vasiliwich) leading forth his army to encounter with him, marched a wrong way. The city he took not, but fired the suburbs, which by reason of the buildings (which are all of wood without any stone, brick, or lime, save certain out rooms) kindled so quickly, and went on with such rage, as that it consumed the greatest part of the city almost within the space of four hours, being of 30 miles or more of compass. Then might you have seen a lamentable spectacle: besides the huge & mighty flame of the city all on light fire, the people burning in their houses and streets, but most of all of such as laboured to pass out of the gates farthest from the enemy, where meeting together in a mighty throng, & so pressing every man to prevent another, wedged themselves so fast within the gate, and streets near unto it, as that three ranks walked one upon the others head, the uppermost treading down those that were lower: so that there perished at that time (as was said) by the fire & the press, the number of 800000 people or more. The principal cause of this continual quarrel betwixt the Ruff & the Chrim is for the right of certain border parts claimed by the Bohemian-tartar, but possessed by the Ruff. The Bohemian-tartar allegeth that besides Astracan and Cazan (that are the ancient possession of the East Tartar) the whole country from his bounds North and Westward so far as the city of Mosko, and Mosko itself pertaineth to his right. Homage done b● the Ruff to the Chrim Bohemian-tartar. Which seemeth to have been true by the report of the Russes themselves, that tell of a certain homage that was done by the Ruff Emperor every year to the great Chrim or Can, the Ruff Emperor standing on foot and feeding the Chrims horse, (himself sitting on his back) with oats out of his own cap, in stead of a bowl or manger, and that within the castle of Mosko. And this homage (they say) was done till the time of Basileus grandfather to this man. Who surprising the Chrim Emperor by a stratagem done by one of his nobility (called ivan Demetrowich Belschey) was content with this ransom, viz. with the changing of this homage into a tribute of furs: which afterwards also was denied to be paid by this Emperor's father. Hereupon they continued the quarrel, the Ruff defending his country, & that which he hath wone, the Chrim Tartar invading him once or twice every year, sometime about Whitsuntide, but oftener in harvest. What time if the great Can or Chrim come in his own person, he bringeth with him a great army of 100000. or 200000. men. Otherwise they make short & sudden roads into the country with lesser numbers, running about the list of the border as wild geese fly, invading and retiring where they see advantage. Their common practice (being very populous) is to make divers armies, The manner of the Tartars fight, and armour. and so drawing the Ruff to one or two places of the frontiers, to invade at some other place, that is left without defence. Their manner of fight, or ordering of their forces is much after the Ruff manner (spoken of before) save that they are all horsemen, and carry nothing else but a bow, a sheaf of arrows, and a falcon sword after the Turkish fashion. They are very expert horsemen, and use to shoot as readily backward, as forward. Some will have a horsmans' staff like to a boar spear, besides their other weapons. The common soldier hath no other armour than his ordinary apparel, viz. a black sheep's skin with the wool side outward in the day time, and inward in the night time, with a cap of the same. But their Morseys or noblemen imitate the Turk both in apparel and armour. When they are to pass over a river with their army, they tie three or four horses together, and taking long poles or pieces of wood, bind them fast to the tails of their horse: so si●ting on the poles they drive their horse over. At handy strokes (when they join battle) they are accounted far better men than the Ruff people, fierce by nature, but more hardy and bloody by continual practice of war: as men knowing no arts of peace, nor any civil practice. Yet their subtlety is more than may seem to agreed with their barbarous condition. The subtlety of the Tartar. By reason they are practised to invade continually, and to rob their neighbours that border about them, they are very pregnant, and ready witted to devise stratagems upon the sudden for their better advantage. As in their war against Beala the fourth, king of Hungary, whom they invaded with 500000. men, and obtained against him a great victory. Where, among other, having slain his Chancellor called Nicholas Schinick, they found about him the king's privy seal. Whereupon they devised presently to sergeant letters in the king's name, to the cities and towns next about the place, where the field was fought: with charge that in no case they should convey themselves, and their goods out of their dwellings, where they might abide safely without all fear of danger, and not leave the country desolate to the possession of so vile and barbarous an enemy, as was the Bohemian-tartar nation, terming themselves in all reproachful manner. For notwithstanding he had lost his carriages, with some few stragglers that had marched disorderly, yet he doubted not but to recover that loss, with the access of a notable victory, if the savage Bohemian-tartar dared abide him in the field. To this purpose having written their letters in the Polish character, by certain young men whom they took in the field, and signed them with the King's seal, they dispatched them forth to all the quarters of Hungaria, that lay near about the place. Whereupon the Ungarians that were now flying away with their goods, wives, and children, upon the rumour of the king's overthrow, taking comfort of these sergeant letters, stayed at home. And so were made a prey, being surprised on the sudden by this huge number of these Tartars, that had compassed them about before they were ware. When they besiege a town or fort, they offer much parley, and sand many flattering messages to persuade a surrendry: promising all things that the inhabitants will require: but being once possessed of the place, they use all manner of hostility, and cruelty. This they do upon a rule they have, uz. that justice is to be practised but towards their own. They encounter not lightly, but they have some ambush, whereunto (having once showed themselves, and made some short conflict) they retire as repulsed for fear, and so draw the enemy into it if they can. But the Russee being well acquainted with their practice is more wary of them. When they come a roving with some small number, they set on horseback counterfeit shapes of men, that their number may seem greater. When they make any onset, their manner is to make a great shout, crying all out together Olla Billa, Olla Billa, God help us, God help us. They contemn death so much as that they choose rather to die, then to yield to their enemy, and are seen when they are slain to bite the very weapon, when they are passed striking or helping of themselves. Wherein appeareth how different the Bohemian-tartar is in his desperate courage from the Ruff and Turk. For the Russee soldier, if he begin once to retire, putteth all his safety in his speedy flight. And if once he be taken by his enemy, he neither defendeth himself, nor entreateth for his life, as reckoning strait to die. The Turk commonly, when he is past hope of escaping, falls to entreaty, and casts away his weapon offereth both his hands, and holdeth them, as it were to be tied: hoping to save his life, by offering himself bondslave. The chief booty the Tartars seek for in all their wars is to get store of captives, specially young boys, and girls, whom they cell to the Turks, or other their neighbours. To this purpose they take with them great baskets made like bakers panniers to carry them tenderly, and if any of them happen to tyre, or to be sick by the way, they dash him against the ground, or some tree, and so leave him dead. The Soldiers are not troubled with keeping the captives and the other booty, for hindering the execution of their wars, but they have certain bands that iutend nothing else, appointed of purpose to receive and keep, the captives and the other pray. The Tartar religion. The Ruff borderers (being used to their invasions lightly every year in the Summer) keep few other cattle on the border parts, save swine only which the Bohemian-tartar will not touch, nor drive away with him: for that he is of the Turkish religion, and will eat no swine's flesh. Of Christ our Saviour they confess as much as doth the Turk in his Alcoran, viz. that he came of the Angel Gabriel and the Virgin Marie, that he was a great Prophet, and shall be the judge of the world at the last day. In other matter likewise, they are much ordered after the manner and direction of the Turk: having felt the Turkish forces when he won from them Azou and Casfa, with some other towns about the Euxine or black Sea, that were before tribularies to the Crim Tartar. So that now the Emperor of the Crims for the most part is choose one of the Nobility whom the Turk doth commend: whereby it is brought now to pass, that the Crim Tartar giveth to the Turk the tenth part of the spoil which he getteth in his wars against the Christians. Herein they differ from the Turkish religion, for that they have certain idol puppets made of silk, or like stuff, of the fashion of a man, which they fasten to the door of their walking houses, to be as janusses or keepers of their house. And these idols are made not by all, but by certain religious women which they have among them for that and like uses. They have besides the image of their King or great Can, of an huge bigness, which they erect at every stage when the army marcheth: and this every one must bend and bow unto as he passeth by it, be he Bohemian-tartar or stranger. They are much given to witchcraft, and ominous conjectures upon every accident which they hear or see. In making of marriages they have no regard of alliance or consanguinity. Only with his mother, sister, and daughter a man may not marry, and though he take the woman into his house, and accompany with her, yet he accounteth her not for his wife till he have a child by her. Then he beginneth to take a dowry of her friends of horse, sheep, cows, etc. If she be barren after a certain time, he turneth her home again. The Tartar nobility. Under the Emperor they have certain Dukes, whom they call Morseiss or Divoymorseiss, that rule over a certain number of 10000 20000. or 40000. a piece, which they call Hoards. When the Emperor hath any use of them to serve in his wars, they are bond to come, and to bring with them their Soldiers to a certain number, every man with his two horse, at the lest, the one to ride on, the other to kill, when it cometh to his turn to have his horse, eaten. For their chief vicaile is horse flesh, which they eat without bread, or any other thing with it. The Tartar diet. So that if a Bohemian-tartar be taken by a Ruff, he shall be sure lightly to find a horse-legge, or some other part of him at his saddle bow. 1588. This last year when I was at the Moscow, came in one Kiriach Morsey, nephew to the Emperor of the Crims that now is (whose father was Emperor before) accompanied with 300. Tartars, and his two wives, whereof one was his brother's widow. Where being entertained in very good sort after the Ruff manner, he had sent unto his lodging for his welcome, to be made ready for his supper and his companies, two very large and fat horses, ready flayed in a sled. They prefer it before other flesh, because the meat is stronger (as they say) than Beef, Mutton, and such like. And yet (which is marvel) though they serve all as horsemen in the wars, and eat all of horse flesh, there are brought yearly to the Moscow to be exchanged for other commodities 30. or 40. thousand Bohemian-tartar horse, which they call Cones. They keep also great herds of cows, & flocks of black sheep, rather for the skins and milk (which they carry with them in great bottles) then for the use of the flesh, though sometimes they eat of it. Some use they have of rise, figs, and other first-fruits. They drink milk or warm blood, and for the most part carded them both together. They use sometime as they travel by the way, to let their horse blood in a vain, and to drink it warm, as it cometh from his body. Towns they plant none, nor other standing buildings, but have walking houses, which the latins call Veij, built upon wheels like a shepherds cottage. The Tartars dwelling. These they draw with them whithersoever they go, driving their cattle with them. And when they come to their stage, or standing place, they plant their cart houses very orderly in a rank: and so make the form of streets, and of a large town. And this is the manner of the Emperor himself, who hath no other seat of Empire but an Agora, or town of wood, that moveth with him whithersoever he goeth. As for the fixed and standing building used in other countries, they say they are unwholesome and unpleasant. They begin to move their houses and cattle in the Spring time from the South part of their Country towards the North parts. And so driving on till they have graed all up to the farthest part Northward, they return back again towards their South country (where they continued all the Winter) by 10. or 12. miles a stage: in the mean while the grass being sprung up again, to serve for their cattle as they return. From the border of the Shalcan towards the Caspian sea, to the Ruff frontiers, they have a goodly Country, specially on the South and Southeast parts, but lost for lack of tillage. Of money they have no use at all, and therefore prefer brass and steel before other metals, specially bullate, which they use for sword, knives, and other necessaries. As for gold and silver they neglect it of very purpose, (as they do all tillage of their ground) to be more free for their wandering kind of life, and to keep their Country less subject to invasions. Which giveth them great advantage against all their neighbours, ever invading, and never being invaded. Such as have taken upon them to invade their Country (as of old time Cyrus and Darius Hystaspis, on the East and Southeast side) have done it with very ill success: as we find in the stories written of those times. For their manner is when any will invade them, to allure and draw them on by flying and reculing (as if they were afraid) till they have drawn them some good way within their country. Then when they begin to want victual and other necessaries (as needs they must where nothing is to be had) to stop up the passages, and enclose them with multitudes. By which stratagem (as we read in Laonicus Chalcacondylas in his Turkish story) they had well-nigh surprised the great and huge army of Tamerlan, but that he retired with all speed he could towards the river Tanais or Don, not without great loss of his men, and carriages. In the story of Pachymerius the Greek (which he written of the Emperors of Constantinople from the beginning of the reign of Michael Palaeologus to the time of Andronicus the elder) Pachymerius. I remember he telleth to the same purpose of one Nogas a Tartarian captain under Cazan the Emperor of the East Tartars (of whom the city and kingdom of Cazan may seem to have taken the denomination) who refused a present of Pearl and other jewels sent unto him from Michael Palaeologus: ask withal, for what use they served, and whether they were good to keep away sickness, death, or other misfortunes of this life, or no. So that it seemeth they have ever, or long time been of that mind to value things no further, then by the use and necessity for which they serve. For person and complexion they have broad and flat visages, of a tanned colour into yellow and black, fierce and cruel looks, thin haired upon the upper lip, and pit of the thin, light and nimble bodied, with short legs, as if they were made naturally for horsemen: whereto they practise themselves from their childhood, seldom going afoot about any business. Their speech is very sudden and loud, speaking as it were out of a deep hollow throat. When they sing you would think a kowe lowed, or some great bandog howled. Their greatest exercise is shooting, wherein they train up their children from their very infancy, not suffering them to eat, till they have shot near the mark within a certain scantling. They are the very same that sometimes were called Scythae Nomades, or the Scythian shepherds, by the Greeks and Latins. Some think that the Turks taken their beginning from the nation of the Crim Tartars. Of which opinion is Laonicus Calcocondylas the Greek Historiographer, Laonicus Calcocondylas. in his first book of his Turkish story. Wherein he followeth divers very probable conjectures. The first taken from the very name itself, for that the word. Turk signifieth a Shepherd or one that followeth a vagrant and wild kind of life. By which name these Scythian Tartars have ever been noted, being called by the Greeks: 〈…〉 or the Scythian shepherds. His second reason, because the Turks (in his time) that dwelled in Asia the less, to wit, is Lydia, Caria, Phrygia and Cappadocia, spoke the very same language that these Tartars did, that dwelled betwixt the river Tanais or Don, and the country of Sarmatia, which (as is well known) are these Tartars called Crims. At this time also the whole nation of the Turks differ not much in their common speech from the Bohemian-tartar language. Thirdly because the Turk and the Crim Bohemian-tartar agreed so well together, as well in religion, as in matter of traffic never invading, or inurying one another: save that the Turk (since Laonicus his time) hath encroached upon some Towns upon the Euxin Sea, that before pertained to the Crim Tartar. Fourthly, because Ortogules' son to Oguzalpes, and father to Otoman the first of name of the Turkish nation made his first roads out of those parts of Asia, upon the next borderers, till he came towards the countries about the hill Taurus, where he overcame the Greeks that inhabited there: and so enlarged the name and territory of the Turkish nation, till he came to Eubaea and Attica, and other parts of Greece. This is the opinion of Laonicus, who lived among the Turks in the time of Amurat the sixt Turkish Emperor, about the year 1400. when the memory of their original was more fresh: 1400 and therefore the likelier he was to hit the truth. There are divers other Tartars that border upon Russia, as the Nagayes, the Cheremissens, the Mordwites, the Chircasses, and the Shalcans', which all differ in name more than in regiment, or other condition, from the Crim Tartar, except the Chircasses that border Southwest, towards Lituania, and are far more civil than the rest of the Tartars, The Nagay Tartar the cruelest. of a comely person, and of a stately behaviour, as applying themselves to the fashion of the Polonian. Some of them have subjecteth themselves to the Kings of Poland, and profess Christianity. The Chircasce the cruelest Tartar. The Nagay lieth Eastward, and is reckoned for the best man of war among all the Tartars, but very savage, and cruel above all the rest. The Cheremessen Bohemian-tartar, that lieth betwixt the Ruff and the Nagay, are of two sorts, the Lugavoy (that is of the valley) and the Nagornay, The Cheremissen Bohemian-tartar of two sorts: the Lugavoy and the Nagornay. or of the hilly country. These have much troubled the Emperors of Russia. And therefore they are content now to buy peace of them, under pretence of giving a yearly pension of Russee commodities to their Morseys, or Divoymorseiss, that are chief of their tribes. For which also they are bond to serve them in their wars, under certain conditions. They are said to be just and true in their dealings: and for that cause they hate the Russee people, whom they accounted to be double, and false in all their dealing. And therefore the common sort are very unwilling to keep agreement with them, but that they are kept in by their Morseiss, or Dukes for their pensions sake. The Mordwit Tartar the most barbarous of the rest. The most rude & barbarous is counted the Mordwit Tartar, that hath many selfe-fashions and strange kinds of behaviour, differing from the rest. For his religion, though he acknowledge one God, yet his manner is to worship for God, that living thing that he first meeteth in the morning, & to swear by it all that whole day, whether it be horse, dog, cat, or whatsoever else it be. When his friend dieth, he killeth his best horse, and having flayed off the skin he carrieth it on high upon a long pole before the corpses to the place of burial. This he doth (as the Ruff saith) that his friend may have a good horse to carry him in heaven: but it is likelier to declare his love towards his dead friend, in that he will have to die with him the best thing that he hath. Next to the kingdom of Astracan, that is the farthest part. Southeastward of the Ruff dominion, lieth the Shalcan, and the country of Media: whither the Ruff merchants trade for raw silks, syndon, saphion, skins, and other commodities. The chief Towns of Media where the Ruff tradeth, are Derbent (built by Alexander the great, as the inhabitants say) and Zamachi where the staple is kept for raw silks. The reviving of silkwormes. Their manner is in the spring time to revive the silkworms (that lie dead all the Winter) by laying them in the warm sun, and (to hasten their quickening that they may sooner go to work) to put them into bags, and so to hung them under their children's arms. As for the worm called Chrinisin (as we call it Chrymson) that maketh coloured silk, Chrinisin a kind of silkworm. it is bread not in Media, but in Assyria. This trade to Derbent and Samachi for raw silks, and other commodities of that Country, as also into Persia, and Bougharia down the river of Volga, and through the Caspian sea, Liberty to trade down the Caspian sea. is permitted aswell to the English as to the Ruff merchants, by the emperors last grant at my being there. Which he accounteth for a very special favour, and might prove indeed very beneficial to our English merchants, if the trade were well and orderly used. The whole nation of the Tartars are utterly void of all learning, and without written Law: yet certain rules they have which they hold by tradition, common to all the Hoards for the practice of their life. Which are of this sort. First, To obey their Emperor and other Magistrates, whatsoever they command about the public service. 2 Except for the public behoof, every man to be free and out of controlment. 3 Not private man to possess any lands, but the whole country to be as common. 4 To neglect all daintiness and variety of meats, and to content themselves with that which cometh next to hand, for more hardness, and readiness in the executing of their affairs. 5 To wear any base attire, and to patch their clotheses whether there be any need or not: that when there is need, it be no shame to wear a patched coat. 6 To take or steal from any stranger whatsoever they can get, as being enemies to all men, save to such as will subject themselves to them. 7 Towards their own hoard and nation to be true in word and deed. 8 To suffer no stranger to come within the Realm. If any do, the same to be bondslave to him that first taketh him, except such merchants and other as have the Bohemian-tartar Bull, or passport about them. No stranger without passport admitted. Of the Permians, Samoites, and Laps. THe Permians and Samoites that lie from Russia, North and Northeast, are thought likewise to have taken their beginning from the Bohemian-tartar kind. And it may partly be guessed by the fashion of their countenance, as having all broad and flat faces as the Tartars have, except the Chircasses. The Permians are accounted for a very ancient people. The Permians. They are now subject to the Ruff. They live by hunting, and trading with their furs, as also doth the Samoit, The Samoits. that dwelleth more towards the North Sea. The Samoit hath his name (as the Ruff says) of eating himself: as if in times past, they lived as the Cannibals, eating one another. Which they make more probable, because at this time they eat all kind of raw flesh, whatsoever it be, even the very carrion that lieth in the ditch. But as the Samoits themselves will say, they were called Samoie, that is, of themselves, as though they were Indigene, or people bread upon that very soil, that never changed their seat from one place to another, as most nations have done. They are subject at this time to the Emperor of Russia. I talked with certain of them, and find that they acknowledge one God: The Samoits religion. but represent him by such things as they have most use and good by. And therefore they worship the Sun, the olen, the Losh, and such like. As for the story of Slata Baba, or the Golden hag, Slata Baba or the golden Hag. (which I have read in some maps, and descriptions of these countries, to be an idol after the form of an old woman) that being demanded by the Priest, giveth them certain Oracles, concerning the success, and event of things, I found it to be a very fable. A fable. Only in the Province of Obdoria upon the sea side, The Sea. near to the mouth of the great river Obba, there is a rock, which naturally (being somewhat helped by imagination) may seem to bear the shape of a ragged woman, with a child in her arms (as the rock by the North Cape the shape of a Friar) where the Obdoriant Samoites use much to resort, by reason of the commodity of the place for fishing: Fishing o● sea. and there sometime (as their manner is) conceive, and practise their sorceries, and ominous coniecturing about the good or bad speed of their journeys, fishing, hunt, and such like. They are clad in Seal skins, with the hairy side outwards down as low as the knees, The Samoits habit and behaviour. with their breeches and netherstockes of the same, both men and women. They are all black haired, The people of Meta Incognita such. naturally beardless. And therefore the men are hardly discerned from the women by their looks: save that the women wear a lock of hair down along both their ears. They live in a manner a wild and savage life, roving still from one place of the country to another, without any property of house or land more to one then to another. Their leader or director in every company, is their Papa or Priest. On the North side of Russia next to Corelia, lieth the country of Lappia, The ●appes. which reacheth in length from the farthest point Northward, (towards the Northcape) to the farthest part Southeast (which the Ruff calleth Sweetness or Holy nose, the English men Capegrace) about 345. versed or miles. From Sweetness to Candelox by the way of Versega (which measureth the breadth of that country) is 90. miles or thereabouts. The whole country in a manner is either lakes, or mountains, which towards the Sea side are called Tondro, because they are all of hard and craggy rock, but the inland parts are well furnished with woods that grow on the hills sides, the lakes lying between. Their diet is very bore and simple. Bread they have none, but feed only upon fish and foul. They are subject to the Emperor of Russia, and the two kings of Sweden and Denmark: which all exact tribute and custom of them (as was said before) but the Emperor of Russia beareth the greatest hand over them, and exacteth of them far more than the rest. The opinion is that they were first termed Laps of their brief and short speech. The Ruff divideth the whole nation of the Laps into two sorts. The one they call Nowremanskoy Lapary, that is, the Noruegian Laps because they be of the Danish religion. For the Danes and Norwegians they accounted for one people. The other that have no religion at all but live as bruit and heathenish people, without God in the world, they call Dikoy Lapary, or the wild Laps. The whole nation is utterly unlearned, having not so much as the use of any Alphabet, or letter among them. For practise of witchcraft and sorcery they pass all nations in the w●rlde. Though for enchanting of ships that sail along their coast, (as I have herded it reported) and their giving of winds good to their friends, and contrary to other, whom they mean to hurt by tying of certain knots upon a rope (somewhat like to the tale of AEolus his windbag) is a very fable, devised (as may seem) by themselves, to terrify sailors for coming near their coast. Their weapons are the long bow, and handgunne, wherein they excel, aswell for quickness to charge and discharge, as for nearness at the mark by reason of their continual practice (whereto they are forced) of shooting at wild fowl. Their manner is in Summer time to come down in great companies to the sea side, to Wardhuyse, Cola, Kegor, and the bay of Vedagoba, and there to fish for Cod, Salmon, & But-fish, which they sell to the Russes, Danes, & Norwegians, and now of late to the English men that trade thither with clot, which they exchange with the Laps & Corelians for their fish, The mart at Cola. oil, and furs, whereof also they have some store. They hold their mart at Cola on S. Peter's day: what time the captain of Wardhuyse (that is resiant there for the king of Denmark) must be present, or at lest sand his deputy to set prices upon their stockfish, train oil, furs, and other commodities: as also the Ruff Emperor's customer, or tribute taker, to receive his custom, which is ever paid before any thing can be bought or sold. When their fishing is done, their manner is to draw their carbasses or boats on shore, and there to leave them with the keel turned upwards, till the next spring tide. Their travail to and fro is upon sleddes drawn by the Olen Deer: Sleds drawn with Deer. which they use to turn a grazing all the Summer time in an Island called Kildyn, (of a very good soil compared with other parts of that Country) and towards the Winter time, when the snow beginneth to fall, they fetch them home again for the use of their fled. The description of the regions, people, and rivers, lying North and East from Moscovia: as the way from Moscovia to the river Petzora, and the Province jugaria or juhra, and from thence to the river Obi. Likewise the description of other countries and regions, even unto the Empire of the great Can of Cathay, taken out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein. The dominion of the Duke of Moscovia. THE dominion of the Prince of Moscovia, reacheth far toward the East and North, unto the places which we will now describe. As concerning which thing. I translated a book that was presented unto me in the Moscovites tongue, and have here made a brief rehearsal of the same. I will first therefore describe the journey from Moscovia to Petzora, and so to jugaria and Obi. Vologda. Versed. Vstiug. From Moscovia to the city of Vologda, are numbered five hundred versts, one versed containing almost the space of an Italian mile. From Vologda to Vstiug toward the right hand, descending with the course of the river of Vologda and Suchana with whom it joineth, are counted five hundred verstes, where within two versts of the town called Strelze, and hard by the city of Vstiug, Suchana joineth unto jug which runneth from the South: from whose mouth unto the springs of the same, are numbered five hundred versts. Suchana. jug. So called of his swift and pleasant stream. But Suchana and jug, after they join together, loose their first names, and make but one river named Dwina, by the which the passage to the city of Colmogro containeth five hundred versts, from whence, in the space of six days journey, Dwina entereth into the North Ocean at six mouths. And the greatest part of this journey consists by Navigation. For by land from Vologda unto Colmogro, passing over the river Vuaga, are a thousand verstes. Not far from Colmogro, the river Pienega running from the East on the right hand for the space of seven hundred versts, Pienega. falls into Dwina. From Dwina by the river Pienega, by the space of two hundred versts, they come to a place called Nicholai, Nicholai. from whence within half a versed ships have passage into the river Kuluio, Kuluio. which hath his original from a lake of the same name toward the North, from whose springs is eight days voyage to the mouth of the same, where it entereth into the Ocean. Sailing by the coasts of the right hand of the sea, they pass by the regions of Stanuwische, Calunczscho, The regions by the North sea. and Apnu: And sailing about the promontory or cape of Chorogoski Nosz, Stanuwische, Camenekh, and Tolstickh, they come at length into the river Mezen, and from thence in the space of six days, to a village of the same name, standing in the mouth of the river Pieza, Pieza. by the which again ascending toward the left hand & summer East, they come to the river Piescoia: Piescoia. from whence sailing for the space of five versts, they come into two lakes, in the which are seen two ways: whereof one on the right side, goeth to the river Rubicho, Rubicho. by the which they pass to the river Czircho. Other, by an other and shorter way, bring their ships from the lake directly into Czircho: Czircho. from whence, except they be hindered by tempest, they come in the space of three weeks to the river and mouth of Czilma, Czilma. flowing into the great river Petzora, Petzora. which in that place is two versts in breadth. Sailing from thence, they come in the space of six days to the Town and castle of Pustosero, Pustosero. near unto the which, Petzora entereth into the North Ocean at six mouths. The inhabitants of this place, are men of simple wit: they received the faith of Christ, and were baptized in the year M.D.xviii. From the mouth of Czilma unto the mouth of the river Vssa, Vssa. going by Petzora, is one months voyage. Vssa hath his springs in the mountain * Cingulus mund●. Poyas Semnoi, being on the left hand toward the summer East, and springeth out of a great stone of the same mountain, called Camen Bolschoi. From the springs of Vssa to the mouths of the same, are numbered more than a thousand versts. Furthermore, Petzora runneth from this south winter part, from whence ascending from the mouths of Vssa, unto the mouths of the river Stzuchogora, is three weeks voyage. They that described this viage said that they rested between the mouths of the rivers of Stzuchogora and Potzscheriema, Stzuchogora. Potzscheriema. and left their victuals there which they brought with them from Russia. Beyond the rivers of Petzora and Stzuchogora toward the mountain Camenipoias', Camenipoias'. and the sea with the islands thereabouts, and the Castle of Pustosero, are divers and innumerable nations, which by one common name are called Samoged (that is) Samoged. such as eat themselves. They have great increase of fowls, birds, and divers kinds of beasts: Fowls and beasts. as Sables, Marterns, Bevers, Otters, Herntelines, Squirrels: and in the Ocean the beast called a Mors: Also Uesse, white Bears, Wolves, Hares, Equiwoduani, great Whales, and a fish called Sems●, with divers other. The people of these nations come not to Moscovia: For they are wild, and flee the company and society of other men. Wild people. From the mouths of Stzuchogora, sailing up the river unto Poiassa, Artawische, Cameni, and Poiassa the greater, Poiassa. is three weeks viage. Furthermore, the ascending to the mount Camen, Camen. is three days journey: from the which descending they come to the river Artawischa, Artawischa. and from thence to the river Sibut, Sibut. from whence they pass to the Castle of Lepin, Lepin. and from Lepin to the river Sossa. The people that inhabit the region by this river, are called Vuogolici. Leaving Sossa on the right hand, Sossa. they come to the great river Obi, Obi. that springeth out of the lake Kitaisko, Kitaisko. the which, with all the haste they could make, they could scarcely pass over in one day, the river being of such breadth that it reacheth fourscore versts. The people also that devil about the river, are called Vuogolici and Vgritzschi. Vuogolici. From the Castle of Obea, ascending by the river of Oby, unto the river Irtische, Irtische. into the which Sossa entereth, is three months journey. In these places are two Castles named jerom and Tumen, jerom. Tumen. kept by certain Lords called Knesi juhorski, being tributaries to the great Duke of Moscovia, as they say. Here are divers kinds of beasts and furs. From the mouth of the river Irtische to the Castle of Grustina, Grustina. is two months journey: from whence to the lake Kitai, Kitai. by the river Oby (which I said to have his springs in this lake) is more than three months journey. From this lake come many black men, lacking the use of common speech. Black men without speech They bring with them divers wares, and especially pearls, and precious stones, which they cell to the people called Grustintzi and Serponowtzi. These have their name of the Castle Serponow, Serponow. situate in the mountains of Lucomoria, Lucomoria. beyond the river Obi. They say that to the men of Lucomoria chanceth a marvelous thing and incredible: For they affirm, that they die yearly at the xxvii. day of November, being the feast of S. George among the Moscovites: Men that yearly die and revive. and that at the next spring about the xxiii. day of April, they revive again as do Frogs. With these also, the people of Grustintzi and Serponowtzi exercise a new and strange kind of trade: For when the accustomed time of their dying, or rather of sleeping, approacheth, they leave their wares in certain places appointed, which the Grustintzi and Serponowtzi carry away, leaving other wares of equal value in their places: which if the dead men at the time of their reviving perceive to be of unequal price, they require their own again: by reason whereof, much strife and fight is between them. Obi. From the river of Obi descending toward the left hand, are the people called Calami, Calami. which came thither from Obiowa and Pogosa. Beneath Obi, about Aurea Anus (that is, the golden old wife) are the rivers Sossa, Berezwa, and Danadim, Rivers. all which spring out of the mountains Camen, Bolschega, Poiassa, and the rocks joining to the same. All the nations that inhabit from these rivers to Aurea Anus, are subject to the prince of Moscovia. Aure● Anus. Aurea Anus, called in the Moscovites tongue, Slara Baba, is an idol, at the mouth of Obi in the province of Obdora, Obdora. standing on the furthest bank toward the sea. Along by the banks of Obi, & the rivers near there about, are here and there many castles and fortresses: all the lords whereof, are subject to the prince of Moscovia, as they say. They say also, or rather fable, that the idol called Aurea Anus, is an image like unto an old wife, having a child in her lay, and that there is now seen another infant, which they say to be her nephew: Also, that there are certain instruments that make a continual sound like the noise of Trumpets, the which, if it so be, I think it to be by reason of the wind, blowing continually into the hollow places of those instruments. Cousin. The river Cousin falls out of the mountains of Lucomoria: In the mouth of this is a castle, whither from the springs of the great river Cousin, is two months voyage. Furthermore, from the springs of the same river, the river Cassima hath his original, Cassima. which running through Lucomoria, falls into the great river Tachnin, Tachnin a great river. beyond the which (as is said) devil men of prodigious shape, People of monstrous shape. of whom, some are overgrown with hair like wild beasts, other have heads like dogs, and their faces in their breasts, without necks, and with long hands also, and without feet. A fish like a man. There is likewise in the river Tachnin a certain fish, Pliny writeth of the like fish. with head, eyes, nose, mouth, hands, feet, and other members utterly of human shape, and yet without any voice, and pleasant to be eaten, as are other fish. The end of the journal. All that I have hitherto rehearsed, I have translated out of the said journey which was delivered me in the Moscovites tongue: In the which, perhaps some things may seem fabulous, and in manner incredible, as of the dumb men, and the dead reviving, the Aurea Anus also, and the monstrous shapes of men, with the fish of human form: whereof, although I have made diligent inquisition, yet could I know nothing certain of any that had seen the same with their eyes: nevertheless, to give further occasion to other to search the truth of these things, I have thought good to make mention hereof. Noss in the Moscovites tongue signifieth a nose, and therefore they call all capes or points, that reach into the sea, by the same name. Mountains. The mountains about the river of Petzora are called Semnoi Poyas, or Cingulus mundi, that is, the girdle of the world, or of the earth. The great Can of Cathay. Kithai is a lake, of which the great Can of Cathay, whom the Moscovians call Czar Kithaiski, hath his name: For Can in the Tartars language signifieth, A King. Moria is the sea. The places of Lucomoria, near unto the sea, are salvage, full of woods, and inhabited without any houses. And albeit, that the author of this journey, said, that many nations of Lucomoria are subject to the prince of Moscovia, Lucomoria. yet for as much as the kingdom of Tumen is near thereunto, Tumen. whose prince is a Bohemian-tartar, and named in their tongue, Tumenski Czar, that is, a king in Tumen, and hath of late done great damage to the prince of Moscovia: it is most like that these nations should rather be subject unto him. Petzora. Near unto the river Petzora (whereof mention is made in this journey) is the city and castle of Papin, Papin. or Papinowgorod, whose inhabitants are named Papini, and have a private language, differing from the Moscovites. Beyond this river are exceeding high mountains, High mountains, supposed to be Hyperborei, and Khipphet. reaching even unto the banks, whose ridges or tops, by reason of continual winds, are in manner utterly barren without grass or first-fruits. And although in divers places they have divers names, yet are they commonly called Cingulus mundi, that is, the girdle of the world. In these mountains do jerfalcons breed, whereof I have spoken before. There grow also Cedar trees, among the which are found the best and blackest kind of Sables: and only these mountains are seen in all the dominions of the prince of Moscovia, which perhaps are the same that the old writers call Rhipheos, or Hyperboreos, so named of the Greek word, Hyper, that is, Above, and Boreas, that is, the North: for by reason they are covered with continual snow and frost, they can not without great difficulty be travailed, and reach so far into the North, that they make the unknown land of Engronland. The Duke of Moscovia, Basilius the son of john, sent on a time two of his Captains, named Simeon Pheodorowich Kurbski, & Knes Peter Vschatoi, to search the places beyond these mountains, and to subdue the nations thereabouts. Kurbski was yet alive at my being in Moscovia, & declared unto me that he spent xvii. days in ascending the mountain, & yet could not come to the top thereof, which in their tongue is called Stolp, that is, a pillar. This mountain is extended into the Ocean unto the mouths of the rivers of Dwina and Petzora. But now having spoken thus much of the said journey, I will return to the dominions of Moscovia, with other regions lying Eastward & South from the same, toward the mighty Empire of Cathay. Cathay. But I will first speak somewhat briefly of the province of Rezan, and the famous river of ●anais. The province of Rezan, The fruitful province of Rezan. situate between the rivers of Occa and Tanais, hath a city builded of wood, not from the bank of Occa: there was in it a Castle named Ia●oslaue, I●●oslaue. whereof there now remains nothing but tokens of the old ruin. Not far from that city, the river Occa maketh an Island named Strub, which was sometime a great Dukedom, whose prince was subject to none other. This province of Rezan is more fruitful than any other of the provinces of Moscovia: Insomuch that in this (as they say) every grain of wheat bringeth forth two, and sometimes more ears: whose stalks or straws grow so thick that horses can scarcely go through them, or quails fly out of them. There is great plenty of honey, Hony. fish, fowls, birds, and wild beasts. The first-fruits also do far exceed the first-fruits of Moscovia. The people are bold and warlike men. A special note gathered by the excellent Venetian Cosmographer M. john Baptista Ramusius out of the Arabian Geography of Abilfada Ishmael, concerning the trending of the Ocean sea from China Northward, along the coast of Tartary and other unknown lands, and then running Westwards upon the Northern coasts of Russia, and so farther to the Northwest. Descrivendo pois i'll predetto Abilfada Ishmael ilnoghis della terra habi●abile, che c●rcuendo il mar Oceano tocca, dice cosi. La regione della Cine. Confini delli v●rimi Tartari● Alcune Terre Incognite. Confini Settentrionall della Russia. Rivoltasi l'Oceano da levante verso la regione delle Cine, & uà alla volta di Tramontana, et passata finalment la detta regione, se ne giunge a Gogi & Magog●, cio è all● confini de gl● Vltimi Tartari, et di quivi ad Alcune Terre che sono Incognite: Et correndo sempre per Ponente, passa sopra licon●ini Settentrionali della Rossia, et uà alla volta di Maestro. The same in English. THe aforesaid Abilfada Ishmael describing afterward the habitable places of the earth, which the Ocean sea in his circuit toucheth, saith in this manner following. The Ocean sea turneth from the East toward the Country of the Chinaes', The Country of China. and stretcheth toward the North, and at length having passed the said Country, it reacheth unto the Gogi and Magogi, that is, to the confines of The uttermost Tartars, The coasts of the uttermost Tarta●s. and from thence, unto certain unknown countries: Certain unknown countries. and running still Westward it passeth upon the Northern coasts of Russia, The Northern coasts o● Russia. and from thence it runneth toward the Northwest. The Northwest. (which it doth indeed upon the coast of Lappia.) By this most notable testimony it appeareth, that the Ocean sea compasseth and environeth all the East, Northeast, and North parts of Asia and Europe. The Emperor's private or household Officers. THe chief Officers of the Emperor's household are these which follow. The first is the office of the Boiaren Conesheva, or master of the Horse. Master of the Horse. Which containeth no more than is expressed by the name, that is, to be overseer of the Horse, and not Magister equitum, or Master of the Horsemen. For he appoints other for that service, as occasion doth require, as before was said. He that beareth that office at this time, is Boris Pheodorowich Godonoe, brother to the Empress. Of Horse for service in his wars (besides other for his ordinary uses) he hath to the number of ten thousand which are kept about Moscow. The next is the Lord Steward of his household at this time, The L. Steward. one Gregory Vasilowich Godonoe. The third is his Treasurer, The ●. Treasurer. that keepeth all his monies, jewels, plate, etc. now called Stephan Vasilowich Godonoe. The fourth his Controller, Controller. now Andreas Petrowich Clesinine. The fift his Chamberlain. Chamberlain. He that attendeth that office at this time, is called Estoma Bisabroza Pastelnischay. The sixt his Tasters, Tasters. now Theodor Alexandrowich, and ivan Vasilowich Godonoe. The seventh his Harbingers, Harbingers. which are three Noble men, and divers other Gentlemen that doth office under them. These are his ordinary officers, and offices of the chiefest account. Of Gentlemen, beside them that wait about his chamber, Gentlemen of the chamber. and person (called Shilsey Strapsey) there are two hundred, all noblemen's sons. His ordinary Guard is two thousand Hagbutters ready with their pieces charged, The Gard. and their match lighted, with other necessary furniture continually day and night: which come not within the house, but wait without in the court or yard, where the Emperor is abiding. In the night time there lodgeth next to his bedchamber the chief Chamberlain, with one or two more of best trust about him. A second chamber off, there lodge six other of like account for their trust and faithfulness. In the third chamber lie certain young Gentlemen, of these two hundred, called Shilsey Strapsey, that take their turns by forties every night. Grooms. There are Grooms besides that watch in their course, and lie at every gate and door of the Court, called Estopnick. The Hagbutters or Gunners, whereof there are two thousand (as was said before) watch about the emperors lodging, or bed chamber by course 250. every night, and 250. more in the Court yard, and about the Treasure house. His Court or house at the Moscow is made Castle wise, walled about, with great store of fair ordinance planted upon the brickwall, and containeth a great breadth of ground within it, with many dwelling houses: Which are appointed for such as are known to be sure, and trusty to the Emperor. Of the private behaviour, or quality of the Ruff people. THE private behaviour and quality of the Ruff people, may partly be understood by that which hath been said concerning the public state and usage of the Country. As touching the natural habit of their bodies, Constitution of their bodies. they are for the most part of a large size, and of very fleshly bodies: accounting it a grace to be somewhat gross and burley, and therefore they nourish and spread their beards, to have them long and broad. But for the most part they are very unwieldy and unactive withal. Which may be thought to come partly of the climate, and the numbness which they get by the cold in winter, and partly of their diet that standeth most of roots, onions, garlic, cabbage, and such like things that breed gross humours, which they use to eat alone, and with their other meats. Their diet. Their diet is rather much then curious. At their meals they begin commonly with a Charke or small cup of Aqua vitae, (which they call Russee wine) and then drink not till towards the end of their meals, taking it in largely, and all together, with kissing one another at every pledge. And therefore after dinner there is no talking with them, but every man goeth to his bench to take his afternoons sleep, which is as ordinary with them as their night's rest. When they exceed, and have variety of dishes, the first are their baked meats (for roast meats they use little) and then their broths or pottage. Their common drink is Mead, the poorer sort use water, and a third drink called Quasse, which is nothing else (as we say) but water turned out of his wits, with a little bran meashed with it. This diet would breed in them many diseases, but that they use bathstoves, or hot houses in stead of all Physic, commonly twice or thrice every week. All the winter time, and almost the whole Summer, they heat their Peaches, which are made like the german bathstoves, and their Poclads like ovens, that so warm the house that a stranger at the first shall hardly like of it. These two extremities, specially in the winter of heat within their houses, and of extreme cold without, together with their diet, make them of a dark, and sallow complexion, their skins being tanned and parched both with cold and with heat: specially the women, that for the greater part are of far worse complexions, than the men. Whereof the cause I take to be their keeping within the hot houses, and busying themselves about the hearing, and using of their bathstoves, and peaches. The Ruff because that he is used to both these extremities of heat and of cold, can bear them both a great deal more patiently, than strangers can do. You shall see them sometimes (to season their bodies) come out of their bathstoves all on a froth, and fuming as hot almost as a pig at a spit, and presently to leap into the river stark naked, or to power cold water all over their bodies, and that in the coldest of all the winter time. An admirable enduring of extreme heat, and cold at one and the same time. The women to mend the bad hue of their skins, use to paint their faces with white and read colours, so visibly, that every man may perceive it. Which is made no matter, because it is common, and liked well by their husbands: who make their wives and daughters an ordinary allowance to buy them colours to paint their faces withal, and delight themselves much to see them of fowl women to become such fair images. This parcheth the skin, and helpeth to deform them when their painting is of. The Noble man's attire. They apparel themselves after the Greek manner. The Nobleman's attire is on this fashion. First a Taffia, or little night cap on his head, that covereth little more than his crown, commonly very rich wrought of silk and gold thread, and set with pearl and precious stone. His head he keepeth shaven close to the very skin, except he be in some displeasure with the Emperor. Then he suffereth his hair to grow and hung down upon his shoulders, covering his face as ugly and deformedly as he can. Over the Taffia he weareth a wide cap of black Fore (which they accounted for the best fur) with a Tiara or long bonnet put within it, standing up like a Persian or Babylonian hat. About his neck (which is seen all bore) is a collar set with pea●le and precious stone, about three or four fingers broad. Next over his shirt, (which is curiously wrought, because he strippeth himself into it in the Summer time, while he is within the house) is a Shepon, or light garment of silk, made down to the knees, buttoned before: and then a Caftan or a close coat buttoned, and gird to him with a Persian girdle, whereat he hangs his knives and spoon. This commonly is of clot of gold, and hangs down as low as his ankles. Over that he weareth a lose garment of some rich silk, furred and faced about with some gold lace, called a Ferris. An other over that of thamlet, or like stuff called an Alkaben, sleeved and hanging low, and the cape commonly brooched, and set all with pearl. When he goeth abroad, he casts over all these (which are but sleight, though they seem to be many) an other garment called an Honoratkey, like to the Alkaben, save that it is made without a collar for the neck. And this is commonly of fine clot, or Camel's hair. His buskins (which he weareth in stead of hose, with linen folles under them in stead of boot hose) are made of a Persian leather called Saphian, embroidered with pearl. His upper stocks commonly are of clot of gold. When he goeth abroad, he mounteth on horseback, though it be but to the next door: which is the manner also of the Boiarskey, or Gentlemen. The Boiarskey or Gentleman's attire is of the same fashion, The Gentleman's apparel. but differeth in stuff: and yet he will have his Ca●tan or undercoat sometimes of clot of gold, the rest of clot, or silk. The Noble woman (called China Boiarshena) weareth on her head, The Noble woman's attire. first a cawl of some soft silk (which is commonly red) and over it a fruntlet called Obrosa, of white colour. Over that her cap (made after the coif fashion of clot of gold) called Shapka Zempska, edged with some rich fur, and set with pearl and stone. Though they have of late begun to disdain embrodering with pearl above their caps, because the Diacks, and some merchants wives have taken up the fashion. In their ears they wear earrings (which they call Sargee) of two inches or more compasso, the matter of gold set with Rubies, or sapphires, or some like precious stone. In Summer they go often with kerchieffes of fine white lawn, or cambric, fastened under the chin, with two long ●assels pendent. The kerchief spotted and set thick with rich pearl. When they ride or go abroad in rainy weather, they wear white hats with coloured bands, called Stapa Zemskoy. About their necks they wear collars of three or four fingers broad, set with rich pearl and precious stone. Their upper garment is a lose gown called Oposhen commonly of scarlet, with wide lose sleeves, hanging down to the ground buttened before with great gold buttons, or at lest silver and guilt nigh as big as a walnut. Which hath hanging over it fastened under the cap, a large broad cape of some rich fur, that hangs down almost to the mids of their backs. Next under the Oposken or upper garment, they wear another called a Leitnick that is made close before with great wide sleeves, the cuff or half sleeve up to the elbows, commonly of clot of gold: and under that a Ferris Zemskoy, which hangs lose buttoned throughout to the very foot. On the hand wrists they wear very fair bracelets, about two fingers broad of pearl and precious stone. They go all in buskins of white, yellow, blue, or some other coloured leather, embroidered with pearl. This is the attire of the Noblewoman of Russia, when she maketh the best show of herself. The Gentlewoman's apparel may differ in the stuff, but is all one for the making or fashion. As for the poor Mousick and his wife they go poorly clad. The Mousick● or common man's attire. The man with his Honoratkey, or lose gown to the small of the leg, tied together with a lace before, of course white or blue clot, with some Shube or long waistcoat of fur, or of sheepskin under it, and his furred cap, and buskins. The poorer sort of them have their Honoratkey, or upper garment, made of Rows hair. This is their winter habit. In the summer time, commonly they wear nothing but their shirts on their backs, and buskins on their legs. The woman goeth in a read or blue gown, when she maketh the best show, and with some warm Shube of fur under it in the winter time. But in the summer, nothing but her two shirts (for so they call them) one over the other, whether they be within doors, or without. On their heads, they wear caps of some coloured stuff, many of velvet, or of clot of gold: but for the most part kerchiefs. Without earings of silver or some other metal, and her cross about her neck, you shall see no Ruff woman, be she wife, or maid. The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the Right Honourable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England, etc. BY the grace of God the great Lord Emperor, and great Duke Theodore juanowich, great Lord, King, and great Duke of all Russia, of Volodemer, Moscow, and Novogorod, king of Cazan, and Astracan, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke of Smolensco, Tuer, Vghori, Permi, Viatsko, Bolgorie, and other places, Lord and great Duke of Novogrod in the Low Country, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotsky, Rostove, Yeroslave, Bealozera, and L●efland of Oudorski, Obdorski, Condinski, and commander of all Sibierland, The Emperors style increased. and the North coasts, great Lord over the Country of juerski, Grisinski, Emperor of Kabardinski, and of the Country Charchaski, and the Country of Gorsky, and Lord of many other regions. From Boris Pheodorowich his majesties brother in law, master of his horses, governor of the territories of Cazan and Astracan, to William Lord Burghley, Lord high Treasurer to the most virtuous Lady Elizabeth, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, and other dominions: I received your Lordship's letters, wherein you writ that you have received very joyfully my letters sent unto you, and advisedly read them, and imparted the same unto her Majesty: and that your Merchants find themselves aggrieved, The English Merchants complaints. that when they approach these parts, and are arrived here, they are not permitted to enter into a free and liberal course of barter, traffic, and exchange of their commodities, as heretofore they have done, but are compelled before they can enter into any traffic to accept the emperors wax, and other goods, at high rates far above their value, to their great loss: and that they are by reason of this restraint long held upon these coasts to the danger of wintering by the way. Hereafter there shallbe no cause of offence given to the Merchants of the Queen's Majesty Queen Elizabeth: they shall not be forced to any thing, neither are there or shall be any demands made of custom or debts. Such things as have been heretofore demanded, all such things have been already upon their petition and supplication commanded to be discharged. I have solicited his Majesty for them, that they be not troubled hereafter for those matters, and that a favourable hand be carried over them. And according to your request I will be a mean to the Emperor for them in all their occasions, and will myself show them my favourable countenance. And I pray you (William Burghley) to signify to her majesties Merchants that I promise' to have a care of them, and for the Queen's Majesty of England's sake, I will take her Merchants into my protection, and will defend them as the emperors selected people under the Emperor's commission: and by mine appointment all his majesties officers and authorised people shall be careful over them. The Emperor's gracious favour towards them was never such as it is now. English Merchants in great favour with the Emperor. And where you writ that at the port the Emperor's Officers cell their wax by commission at a set rate given them, far above the value, and that they enforce your Merchants to accept it, they deny that they take any such course, but say they barter their wax for other wares, and also put their wax to sale for ready money to your Merchants, according to the worth thereof, and as the price goeth in the custom house here. It hath been heretofore dear, and now is sold as good cheap as in any other place, and as they can best agreed: they enforce no man to buy it, but rather keep it: therefore your Merchants have no just cause to make any such report. I have expressly given order, that there shall be no such course used to enforce them, but to buy according to their own wills, and to tarry at the port or to departed at their pleasure. And as touching the customs already past, and debts demanded at your Merchant's hands, whereof you writ: Our Lord great Emperor and great Duke Theodore juanowich of all Russia of famous memory hath showed his majesties especial favour and love, for the great love of his well-beloved sister Queen of England, and by my petition and mediation, whereas there was commandment given to take Marshes whole debt of your Merchants and factors, Half the debt of A●tony Marsh remitted. it is moderated to the half, and for the other half, commandment given it should not be taken, and the Merchant's bills to be delivered them. And to the end hereafter that her majesties Merchants move no contention betwixt our Lord the Emperor and great Duke of Russia, and his well-beloved sister Queen Elizabeth, his Majesty desireth order to be given, that your Merchants do deal justly in their traffic, and plainly without fraud or guile. And I will be a favourer of them above all others, under his majesties authority: themselves shall see it. Ann. Dom. 1590. Written in our great Lord the emperors city of Moscow in the month of july, 7099. The Queen's majesties letter to Theodore juanovich Emperor of Russia, 1591. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. to the right high, mighty, and right noble prince Theodore juanovich great Lord, King, and great Duke of all Russia, Volodemer, Moscow, Novogrod, King of Cazan, and Astracan, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke of Smolensko, Otuer, Vghory, Perme, Viatski, Bolgory, and other places: Lord and great Duke of Novogrod in the low country, of Chernigo, Rezan, Polotsky, Rostove, Yeraslave, Bealozero, and Lifland, of Oudorsky, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and commander of all Sibierland and the North coasts, great Lord over the country of juersky, Grisinsky, Emperor of Kabardinsky, and of the country of Charkasky, and of the country of Gorsky, and Lord of many other countries, our most dear and loving brother, greeting. Right noble and excellent prince, we have received your majesties letters brought over by our merchants in their return of their 1590. last voyage from your port of S. Nicholas; which letters we have advisedly read and considered, and thereby perceive that your Majesty doth greatly mislike of our late employment of Jerome Horsey into your dominions as our messenger with our highness letters, and also that your Majesty doth think that we in our letters sent by the said messenger have not observed that due order or respect which appertained to your princely majesty, in the form of the same letter, aswell touching the enlargement of your majesties stile and titles of honour which your Majesty expected to have been therein more particularly expressed, as also in the adding of our greatest seal or signet of arms to the letters which we sand to so great a Prince as your Majesty is: in any of which points we would have been very loath willingly to have given just cause of offence thereby to our most dear and loving brother. And as touching the said messenger Jerome Horsey we are sorry that contrary to our expectation he is fallen into your majesties displeasure, whom we mind not to maintain in any his actions by which he hath so incurred your majesties mislike: yet that we had reason at such time as we sent him to your Majesty to use his service as our messenger, we refer ourselves to your princely judgement, praying your Majesty to reduce into your mind the especial commendation, which in your letters written unto us in the year 1585., 1585. you made of the said Jerome Horsey his behaviour in your dominions: at which time your Majesty was pleased to use his service as your messenger to us, requiring our answer of your letters to be returned by him and by none other. That employment, with other occasions taken by your Majesty to use the service of the said Jerome Horsey (as namely in the year 1587.) when your Majesty sent him to us again with your letters, and your liberal and princely privilege at our request granted to our merchants (for which we have heretofore given thanks to your Majesty, so do we hereby reiterate our thankfulness for the same) moved us to be of mind, that we could not make choice of any of our subjects so fit a messenger to your Majesty as he, whom your Majesty had at several times used upon your own occasions into this our Realm. But lest your highness should continued of the mind that the letters which you sent by our ambassador Giles Fletcher (wherein some mention was made of your conceived displeasure against the said Horsey) came not to our hands, and that we were kept ignorant of the complaint which your Majesty made therein against the said Horsey, we do not deny but that we were acquainted aswell by our ambassador as by those letters of some displeasure conceived against him by your Majesty: but your said letters giving only a short general mention of some misdemeanour committed by him, expressing no particulars, we were of opinion that this offence was not so heinous, as that it might utterly extinguish all your former princely favour towards him, but that upon his humble submission to your Majesty, or upon better examination of the matter of the displeasure conceived against him, the offence might have been either remitted, or he thereof might have cleared himself. And to that end we were not only by his great importunity long solicited, but by the intercession of some of our Nobility giving credit to his own defence, we were entreated on his behalf to use his service once again into Russia as our messenger to your Majesty, whereby he might have opportunity to clear himself, and either by his answer or by his submission recover your majesties former favour: whereunto our princely nature was moved to yield, wishing the good of our subject so far forth as his desert might carry him, or his innocency clear him. Thus noble Prince, our most loving and dearest brother, it may appear unto your Majesty how we were induced to use the service of the said messenger, aswell for the recovery of your majesties favour towards him (if he had been found worthy of it) as for experience of the manners and fashions of your country, where he hath been much conversant. But sith by your majesties letters it appeareth that he hath not cleared himself in your majesties sight, we mean not to use him in any such price hereafter. And as touching your majesties conceit of the brevity which we used in the setting down of your majesties stile and titles of honour: as nothing is further from us, then to abridge so great and mighty a Prince of the honour due unto him (whom we hold for his greatness to deserve more honour than we are able to give him) so shall we need no further nor surer argument to clear us of the suspicion of the detracting from your Majesty any part of your just and princely honour and greatness, than the consideration of our own stile, which is thus contracted, videlicet, Elizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith etc. which kingdoms and dominions of ours are expressed by these general words, videlicet, England, France, and Ireland: in every of which there are several principalities, dukedoms, earldoms, provinces and countries: which being severally expressed would enlarge much our stile, and make it of great length; which by our progenitors hath not been used: notwithstanding, we think it no dishonour to us, compendiously to abridge the same in all our writings and letters written to what Prince, King, or Potentate soever. Whereupon we infer, that holding your majesties general stile, we offer your Highness no dishonour in not expressing all the particular provinces: albeit we can willingly content ourself, upon the knowledge of your usages and customs, to observe that course, which yourself shall think most honourable. And for the sealing up of our letters which we writ to all our allies, kinsmen, and friends, Kings and Princes, we have in use two several seals; both which we esteem alike honourable, bring our princely seals. And as the volume of our letters falls out to be great or small, so accordingly is our greater or lesser seal annexed to the said letters, without esteeming either of them more or less honourable than the other. So as, our most loving and dearest brother, in the said letters there was nothing done of purpose to detract from your Majesty any thing of the usual regard, which our Highness was wont to yield unto your most noble father of famous memory ivan Basilivich Emperor of all Russia, or to yourself, our dearest brother. For the residue of the points of your majesties letters concerning the entertainment of our ambassador, and proceeding in the cause of Anthony Marsh we hold ourself satisfied with your princely answer, and do therein note an honourable and princely care in your Majesty to prevent the like troubles, controversies and suits, that Marshes 'cause stirred up between our merchants and your subjects, which is, that your Majesty doth purpose from time to time to purge your Country of such stragglers of our subjects, as do or shall hereafter abide there, and are not of the Company of our merchants, but contemptuously departed out of our land without our highness licence: of which sort there are presented unto us from our merchants the names of these several people, videlicet, Richard Cocks, Bennet jackman, Rainold Kitchen, Simon Rogers, Michael Lane, Thomas Worsenham: whom it may please your Majesty by your princely order to dismiss out of your land, that they may be sent home in the next ships, to avoid the mislike which their residence in those parts might breed to the disturbance of our brotherly league, and the impeaching of the intercourse. And whereas, most loving and dearest brother, one William Turnbull a subject of oursis lately deceased in your kingdom, one with whom our merchants have had much controversy for great sums of money due unto them by him while he was their Agent in their affairs of merchandises: which differences by arbitrable order were reduced to the sum of 3000 rubbles, and so much should have been paid by h●● as may appear by your majesties council or magistrates of justice by very credible information and testimony: and whereas also the said Turnbull was further indebted by bills of his own hand to divers of our subjects, amounting in the whole, to the sum of 1326 pounds, which bills are exemplified under our great seal of England, and to be sent over with this bearer: of which sums he hath often promised payment: it may please your most excellent Majesty in your approved love to justice, to give order to your favourable council and magistrates, that those several debts may be satisfied to our merchants and subjects out of the goods, merchandise, and debts which are due to the state of the said Turnbull: whereof your majesties council shallbe informed by the Agent of our merchants. We trust we shall not need to make any new request by motion to your Majesty that some order might be taken for the finding out of the rest of our merchant's goods seized to your majesties use in the hands and possession of john Chappel their servant, The Emperor seized our merchant's goods. being a thing granted, and no doubt already performed by your majesties order. We therefore entreat your Majesty, that as conveniently as may be, satisfaction or recompense be given to our said merchants towards the repairing of their sundry great losses, aswell therein as otherwise by them of late sundry ways sustained. And lastly, our most dear and loving brother, as nothing in all these our occasions is to be preferred before our entire league and amity, descending upon us as an inheritance, in succession from both our ancestors and noble progenitors: so let us be careful on both sides by all good means to hold and continued the same to our posterity for ever. And if any mistaking or error of either side do rise, in not accomplishing of circumstances agreeable to the fashion of either of our countries and kingdoms, let the same upon our interchangeable letters be reconciled, that our league and amity be no way impeached for any particular occasion whatsoever. And thus we recommend your Majesty to the tuition of the most High. From our royal Palace of Whitehall the 14 of january, anno Domini 1591. 1591. The Queen's majesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. to the right honourable and noble Prince Lord Boris Pheodorowich Godonova, Master of the horses to the great and mighty Emperor of Russia, his highness lieutenant of Cazan and Astracan, our most dear and loving cousin, greeting. Right honourable, it hath appeared unto us upon the reading and perusing of the Letters lately sent unto our Highness from our dear and loving brother the Emperor, in what part his Majesty took the late employment of our messenger Jerome Horsey in our affairs into Russia: wherein we do also find the honourable endeavour used by your Lordship to appease his highness mislike and exception taken aswell to the person of our Mess●nger, as to our princely letters sent by him: both of which points we have answered in our letters sent by this bearer directed to our said loving brother the Emperor: upon perusing whereof we doubt not but his Majesty will be well satisfied touching our said Messenger and former letters. And for the honourable course held by your Lordship in the interposing of your opinion and favourable construction in a thing which might grow to the offence of the league and amity standing between your Sovereign Lord and us (wherein your Lordship performed the office of an honourable and grave Counsellor) we take ourself beholding to your Lordship for your readiness in that behalf, and do assure ourself that the same did proceed of the especial love and kind affection that your Lordship hath ever born and continued towards us, whereof our princely nature will never be unmindful. We have been also from time to time made acquainted by our chief and principal Counsellor William Lord Burghley, Lord high Treasurour of our highness Realm of England, of your letters which have passed between your Lordship and him, concerning the intercourse of our Merchant's traffic in your Countries, and of the honourable offices done by your Lordship with the Emperor in favour of our said Merchants. And lastly (which we take a most assured argument of your undoubted love and affection towards us) that your Lordship hath vouchsafed, and of purpose taken into your hands the protection of our said Merchants, and the hea●ing and determining of all their causes and occasions whatsoever, which shall concern them or their trade. All which we conceive to be done for our sake, and therefore do acknowledge ourselves to be, and still will continued beholding unto you for the same. And whereas we have made mention in our said letters written to our loving brother the Emperor of certain debts due aswell to our merchants, as to other of our subjects by one William Turnbull a subject of ours late deceased in Russia, we pray you to be referred to the said letter. And forasmuch as the said cause will fall under your Lordship's jurisdiction by reason of your acceptation of all their causes into your patronage and protection: we are so well assured of your honourable inclination to justice, and your good affection towards our merchants for our sake, that we shall not need to entreat your honourable furtherance either of justice or expedition in the said cause. And lastly considering that your noble lineage together with your great wisdom and desert hath made you a principal Counsellor and director of the state of so great a Monarchy, whereby your advice and direction is followed in all things that do concern the same, we have given order to our said principal Counsellor William Lord Burghley, treasurour of our Realm of England, that as any occasion shall arise to the hindrance of the intercourse between these Countries, or of the privileges granted by his Majesty to our merchants, that he may by advertisement treat with your Lordship thereupon: which we by reason of our great princely affairs can not so conveniently at all times do with such ●●p●●it●on as the cause may require. And thus with our princely commendations we bid you farewell. From our royal Palace of Whitehall the fourteenth day of januariee, Anno Domini 1591. To the right honourable my very good Lord, the Lord Boris Pheodorowich, Master of the horses to the great and mighty Emperor of Russia, his highness Lieutenant of Cazan and Astracan, William Cecil Lord Burghley, Knight of the noble Order of the Garter, and Lord high Treasurer of England, sendeth greeting. RIght honourable my very good Lord, upon the last return of our merchant's ships out of Russia, there was brought unto my hands, by one Francis Cherry an English merchant, a letter directed to the Queen's Majesty, from the great and mighty Emperor of Russia, and another letter from your Lordship directed to me: which said letter written from the Emperor to her Majesty hath been considerately and advisedly by her Highness read and perused, and the matter of complaint against Jerome Horsey therein comprised thoroughly examined: which hath turned the same Horsey to some great displeasure. I did also acquaint our Majesty with the contents of your Lordship's letters written to me, and informed her of your Lordship's honourable favour showed to her highness merchants from time to time: who took the same in most gracious part, and confessed herself infinitely beholding unto your Lordship for many honourable offices done for her sake, the which she meant to acknowledge by her letters to be written to your Lordship under her princely hand and seal. And forasmuch as it hath pleased your good Lordship to take into your hands the protection of her majesties merchants, and the redress of such injuries as are, or shall be offered unto them contrary to the meaning of the privileges and the free liberty of the intercourse, wherein in some points your Lordship hath already used a reformation, as appeareth by your said letters: yet the continuance of traffic moving new occasions and other accidents tending to the loss of the said merchants, whereof some particulars have been offered unto me to treat with your Lordship upon: I thought it good to refer them to your honourable consideration, that order might be taken in the same, for that they are apparently repugnant to the emperors letters written to her Majesty, and do much restrain the liberty of the trade: one is, that at the last coming of our merchants to the port of Saint Michael the Archangel, This is a new po●t. where the mart is held, their goods were taken by the emperors officers for his highness service at such rates, as the said officers were disposed to set upon them, so far under their value, that the merchants could not assent to accept of those prices: which being denied, the said officers restrained them of all further traffic for the space of three weeks, The English merchants 3 weeks restrained from their Mart. by which means they were compelled to yield unto their demand how unwillingly soever. Another is, that our said merchants are driven to pay the emperors officers custom for all such Ruff money as they bring down from the Moscow to the Sea side to employ there at the Mart within the Emperors own land; which seemeth strange unto me, considering the same money is brought from one place of the Country to another, and there employed without any transport over of the said money. These interruptions and impositions seem not to stand with the liberties of the emperors privileges and freedom of the intercourse, which should be restrained neither to times or conditions, but to be free and absolute: whereof it may please your Lordship to be advised, and to continued your honourable course held between the Emperor and her Majesty, to reconcile such differences as any occasion doth offer to their league or traffic. Thus not doubting of your Lordship's furtherance herein, I humbly take my leave of your good Lordship. From her majesties royal palace of Whitehall this 15 of january, 1591. 1591. A Letter from the Emperor of Russia, Theodore juanovich to the Queen's Majesty. 1592. THrough the tender merry of our God, whereby the dayspring from on high hath visited us, thereby to guide our feet into the way of peace. Even this our God by mercy we glorify in Trinity. We the great Lord, King and great Duke Theodore juanowich, governor of all Russia, of Volodimer, Moscow, and Novogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, Lord of Vobsco, and great Duke of Smolensco, Otuer, Vghori, Perme, Viatsky, Bulgary, and other regions, Lord and great Duke also of Novogrod in the low country, of Chernigo, of Rezan, Polotsko, Rostove, Yeroslave, Bealozera, and of Lifland, of Vdorsky, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and all the country of Siberia, and commander of all the North parts, and Lord over the country of juersky, and King of Grusinsky, The Emperor's ●●ile lately enlarged. and of the country of Kabardinsky, Cherchasky, and Duke of Igorsky, Lord and ruler of many countries more etc. To our loving sister Elizabeth Queen of England, France, and Ireland, etc. Loving sister, your letters sent by your servant Thomas Lind, we have received, and read what you have written in the same touching our title, and touching your order held in your letters heretofore sent us by your servant Jerome Horsey: wherein you have answered us sufficiently and most graciously. And whereas your Majesty hath written in your letter concerning the goods of William Turnbull late deceased in our kingdom, that your subjects, for whom he was factor, should have debts growing unto them from him by account; we at your majesties request have caused not only order to be taken, but for your highness sake, loving sister, we have caused the goods to be sought out and delivered to your merchant's Agent and his company, together with his stuff, books, bills and writings, as also money to the value of six hundred rubbles, which Christopher Holmes and Francis Cherry are to pay for This is a damty meat made of the ro●d of sturgeons. y●arie: and we have set at liberty the said Turnebulles kinsman Raynold Kitchen and his fellows, and delivered them to your merchant's Agent. And further, where you writ unto us for such your subjects as have departed out of your majesties Realm secretly without licence, that we should give order to sand them home: concerning such your subjects for which you have written unto our Majesty by letters, we will 'cause search to be made, and such as are willing to go home into your kingdom, we will command forthwith to be delivered unto your merchant's Agent, and so to pass. And such of your majesties people as have given themselves under our government as subjects, we think it not requisite to grant to let them pass. And further, where you have written unto us concerning the goods of john Chapel, we have written heretofore the whole discourse thereof, not once, but sundry times, and therefore it is not needful to writ any more thereof. And such goods as were found out of the goods of the said Chapel, the money thereof was restored to your majesties people William Turnbull and his fellows. M. Thomas Lind. Your majesties servant Thomas Lind we have sent with our letters the same way whereby he came into our kingdom. The long abiding here of your majesties servant in our kingdom, was for the coming of your people from the Sea port. Written in our princely court and royal seat in the city of Moscow in the year from the beginning of the world 7101, 1592. in the month of january. To the Queen's most excellent Majesty from the Lord Boris Pheodorovich Godonova. BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore juanovich governor of Russia, Volodimer, Moscow, and Novogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, Lord of Vobsko, and great Duke of Smolensco, Otuer, Vghori, Perme, Viatsky, Bulgary, and other regions, Lord and great Duke of Novogrod in the low country, of Chernigo, of Rezan, Polotsko, Rostove, jeroslave, Bealozera, and of Lifland, of Vdorsky, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and all the country of Sibery, and commander of all the North parts, and Lord over the country of juersky, and King of Grusinsky, and of the country of Kabardinsky, Cherchasky, and duke of Igorsky, Lord and ruler of many countries more, etc. Most resplendent Queen Elizabeth of England, France, and Ireland, etc. his princely majesties servant, Lord and Master of his horses, and high Steward of his house, and Precedent of the territories of Cazan and Astracan, Boris Pheodorovich Godonova, unto your most excellent Majesty, great Lady Queen Elizabeth, sand my humble commendations. It hath pleased your Majesty to writ unto me your gracious and princely letter by your servant Thomas Lind; which letter I received with all humbleness. During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Moscow, it pleased God of his mercifulness, and our Lady the mother of God, and holy Saints, by the prayers of our lord and king his Majesty Theodore juanovich over all Russia governor, the right believer and lover of Christ, The Empress Irene delivered of a daughter. to sand our Queen and gracious Lady Irene a young Princess, to the great joy and comfort of our kingdom, named Pheodocine. Wherefore we give all honour and glory to the almighty God unspeakable, whose gifts had been manifold with mercy unto us; for which all we Christians laud and praise God. After all this your servant was occasioned to stay until the coming of your merchants from the sea port. Touching the letters which you have received from your loving brother our Lord and Master by your ambassador, therein you perceive sufficiently my good meaning, in travailing for the continuance of amity and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes, in the which I will continued mine endeavour. Also your merchants I have taken into my protection for to defend them for the love I bear to your Majesty. As heretofore I have done it willingly, and with great care of their good, so I mean to continued so far as God will give me leave; to the end that brotherly love be held between you Princes without disturbance. As I have been to your merchants in times past, so now by the permission and commandment of our Lord and Master, I will be their defender in all causes: and will 'cause all our authorised people to favour them and to defend them, and to give them free liberty to buy and cell at their pleasure. The merchants do not certify your princely Majesty of all our friendship and favour showed unto them from time to time. And whereas your Majesty hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants aught to have of William Turnbull lately diseased, I having perused your majesties letter, whereby I am requested to be a mean for the recovery and obtaining of their said debts, I have moved it to our Lord and King his Majesty, that order may be given therein: and that his kinsman Rainold Kitchen with three people more may be sent over together with the said Turnebulles stuff and other things, as bills, books and writings. All which shall be delivered to your merchant's Agent and his fellows, and in money 600 rubbles of the said Turnebulles. And touching your merchants, I will have a great care over them, and protect them, whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade: and all kind of traffic in merchandise shall be at their liberty. Written in our Lord and King's Majesty royal city of Moscow, in the year from the beginning of the world 7101, in the month of januarie. A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England. BY the grace of God great Lord, King, and great Duke Theodor juanovich, governor of Russia, Volodimer, Moscow, and Novogrod, King of Cazan and Astracan, Lord of Vobsco, and great Duke of Smolensco, Otuer, Vghory, Perme, Viatsky, Bulgary, and other regions, Lord and great Duke of all Novogrod in the low countries, of Chernigo, of Liffeland, of Vdorsky, Obdorsky, Condinsky, and all the country of Sibery, and commander of all the North parts, and Lord over the country of juersky, and King of Grosinsky, and of the countries of Kabardinsky, Cherchasky, and Duke of Igorsky, Lord and ruler of many countries more etc. His princely majesties servant, Lord and Master of his horses, and high Steward of his house, Precedent of the territories of Cazan and Astracan, Boris Pheodorowich Godonova, to the most honourable Counsellor of the most resplendent mighty great Lady Elizabeth Queen of England, France, and Ireland, William Burghley, Lord, and Knight of the Garter, high Treasurour of England, sendeth greeting. I perceive by your letter that your merchants last ships came home in sastie, and that you have received the letters sent by them, by the hands of Francis Cherie, M. Francis Cherie. one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Majesty, unto your Queen's most excellent Majesty, and one from me to her Highness, and one from myself to you; and the contents thereof you have caused to be read and well understood at large. And whatsoever is therein written concerning Jerome Horsey, you have sought out the ground thereof, and that he is in great displeasure. And her Highness hath written in her letter concerning her majesties merchants, that whereas I have taken them into protection, she taketh it very lovingly and kindly, that for her sake they have received so great kindness. And touching the damages and hindrances which your merchants have sustained by means of the emperors authorised people and officers, and that they were not permitted to traffic at liberty at the Sea port in the year 1589, for the space of three weeks, it hath been against the emperors majesties will and pleasure, as also against mine. Where you desire and wish that between our emperors Majesty, and your Queen's Majesty, their love and amity may not be separated at any time, but to continued: and you request me that I should be good unto the English merchants, and to defend them from all such damages hereafter: your honours loving letter I have therein thoroughly considered: and as I have been heretofore, so I will still continued to be a mean betwixt our Lord and kings Majesty, and your great Lady the Queen her highness, for the maintaining of brotherly love and amity, most joyfully and willingly, as God knoweth, aswell hereafter as I have been heretofore: praying you to do the like also. Mine only desire is for your most excellent Princess sake, to do all that lieth in m●e for the aiding, helping and protecting of her majesties merchants, by the order and commandment of our Lord and king his Majesty. And to that end, I have given order to all our authorised people to be careful overthem, and to defend them in all causes, and to give them free liberty to traffic at their own wills and pleasures. It may be that your merchants do not certify you the truth of all things, nor make known unto your honour my readiness to protect them: And how my Letters and Commissions are sent to all authorised people for them, that they should aid and assist them according to the tenor of my Letters, to all others that be in authority under the said Officers or otherwise. Also your honour writeth of the debarring of your merchants at the Sea port from their accustomed liberty of interchangeable traffic and bartar. Touching which complaint search and inquisition hath been made, and commandment given, that your Queen's majesties merchants at the Seaside, and in all places where the trade is, do not sustain any damage or hindrance hereafter, but that they shallbe at liberty without any hindering or letting, either in the Moscow, the Treasurehouse, or else where by any of our authorised people, but absolutely to be at free liberty at their own will and pleasure. And also I will continued to be their protector and defender in all causes, by our Lord and kings majesties order and commandment: as it shallbe known and certified you by your people resident here in the Moscow. Written in our King's Majesties royal city of Moscow from the beginning of the world 7101● Anno Domini 1592. year, in the month of january. A most gracious Letter given to the English Merchants Sir john Hart and his company, by Theodore juanowich, the King, Lord, and great duke of all Russia, the only upholder thereof. THe only God omnipotent before all eternity, his will be done without end: the Father, Son, and holy Ghost we glorify in Trinity. Our only God the maker of all things and worker of all in all every where with plentiful increase: for which cause he hath given life to man to love him, and to trust in him: Our only God which inspireth every one of us his holy children with his word to discern good through our Lord jesus Christ, and the holy quickening spirit of life now in these perilous times establish us to keep the right s●epter, and suffer us to reign of ourselves to the good profit of the land, and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies, and to the maintenance of virtue. We the great Lord, king, and great duke Theodore juanovich, of all Russia the only upholder, of Volodimer, Moscow, and Novogrod, King of Casan, and king of Astracan, Lord of Vobsco, and great duke of Smolensko, of Otuer, Vghorie, Permia, Viatski, Bulgari, and other regions, great duke also of Novogrod in the low Country, of Chernigo, of Rezan, Polotski, Rostove, Yaruslave, Bealozero, and of Liefland, of Vdorski, Obdorski, Condenski, and commander of all the Country of Siberi and of the North parts, and Lord over the Country of juerski, Grusinski, and King over the Country of Igorski, and ruler over many other kingdoms and Lordships more. Our princely Majesty at the request of our brother in law Bo●is Feodorowich Godenova our servant, and Master of our horses, general controller of our house, and governor of the Lordships and kingdoms of Casan and Astracan; unto the English merchants Sir john Hart knight, sir William Webbe knight, Richard Salkenstow Alderman, Nicholas Moseley alderman, Robert Dove, Wil● Garrowe, john Harbey, Robert Chamberlain, Henry Anderson, john Woodworth, Francis Cherry, john Merrick, & Christopher Holmes; hath graciously given leave to come & go with their ships into our kingdom & territories of Duina with all kind of commodities at their pleasures to traffic from the seaside to our royal city of Moscow, & in all other cities, towns, countries and territories of our whole kingdom of Moscow: upon the humble petition and suit of the said English merchants sir john Hart and his company, we have given them leave to pass and traffic into all parts of our dominions and territories of Moscow, and to our inheritance of Novogrod and Plesco with their wares and commodities without paying any custom or duties. We the great Lord, king, and great duke Theodore juanowich of all Russia have firmly given and granted unto the aforesaid English merchants sir john Hart and his company, for the love we bear to our dear sister Queen Elizabeth, we I say of our gracious goodness have given leave to travel and pass to our royal seat of Moscow, and to all the parts of our kingdom with all kind of commodities, and to traffic with all kind of wares at their own pleasure, without paying any custom of their said wares. To you our Customers we will and command not to take any manner of custom of the said merchants and their company, neither for entering, weighing nor passing by or through any place of our territories, nor for custom, of judgement by Law, or for their person or people; nor any duties over bridges, or for certificates or processes, or for conducting over any streams or waters, or for any other customs or duties that may be named; we will and straightly command you not to take any of them in any wise. Provided always, that the said merchants shall not colour any stranger's wares, nor bring them into our country, nor favour them colourably, nor sell for any stranger. To you our subjects also we command, not to meddle or deal with any wares of strangers colourably, nor to have them by you in keeping, nor to offer to sell their commodities; but themselves to sell their own commodities in change or otherwise as they may or can. And in all towns, cities, countries, or any part of our dominions and territories it shallbe lawful for the foresaid merchants and their company to cell or barter away their own commodities in change or otherwise, for or at their pleasure as they will. And whensoever the said merchants or any of them come into our territories of great Novogrod or Plesco, or to any other parts of our kingdom with their wares, by virtue of these our majesties letters we straightly charge and command you our Captains, generals, and all other that be authorised or in office, to suffer the aforesaid merchants to pass and repass, and to take no kind of custom or duty of them, or any of their goods, howsoever it may have name: nor in no place else where they shall come in all our kingdom. Likewise if they cell not nor buy no wares, you shall take no custom, but suffer them quietly to pass where they will with their goods. Of our gracious goodness and mere goodwill we have given the said merchants leave to traffic throughout all our kingdoms, and in all towns and cities with all manner of wares and commodities without paying any custom or duty. Wheresoever they shall happen to sell or barter away any of their commodities to our subjects, they are to barter or cell by whole sale, and not by retail, as by the yard or by the ounce in their houses or elsewhere: but by the pack or whole clotheses, velvets, damasks, taffeties by the piece, and not by the yard; and all other wares that are to be sold by weight, they are to be sold not by the ounce, but by great sale. Your wines shallbe sold by hog's heads, pipes or butts, but not by quarts nor pints. The said English merchant's are to sell or barter away their own commodities themselves, and not to suffer any Russes to buy or cell for them: nor to carry or transport any wares of strangers in stead of their own in no wise. And if the said English merchants shall be desirous to cell any of their commodities at Colmogro, or upon the River of Duina, or at Vologhda or at Yeraslave; when as the said merchants have sold in any of the said Towues, Cities or territories, than you our officers and authorised people by virtue of this our gracious letter we will and straightly command not to take any custom of the aforesaid merchants, howsoever it may be named. Also whensoever the said English merchants or any of their factors shallbe desirous to hire carriers to carry their wares to any place of our dominions or Cities, it shallbe at their choice and pleasure to higher them the best they can, and where they will, either water men to row, or vessels. Also when any of the said merchants themselves, or any of there's are desirous to travel into any part of our dominions, or into any other kingdoms, or into their own kingdom, if any of our treasure be delivered to them, they to take it with them, and to sell it in bartar or otherwise for such wares as are most requisite and necessary to be brought into our kingdom and to be delivered into our treasury. You, our nobility, generals & all others in authority suffer them to pass through all our cities, towns & countries without taking any custom of them. And when the said merchants have done their traffic in any place & come to the Moscow, they shall make it known at their arrival at the house of Chancery and secretariship to Vasili Shalkan. And further when there come any English merchants with their ships or vessels by sea, that by mishap shallbe cast away upon any of our shores or costs, we will and command you to aid & help them, and to seek for their goods so perished by any casualty, and to be restored again to the said English merchants or their assigns without any prolonging or detaining. As also if any of the aforesaid merchant's goods be found in any part of our coasts or streams and they not present themselves, let the said goods be taken and laid up in safety in some place or other, and be delivered to the aforesaid merchants or their factors under penalty of our displeasure. Furthermore we King, Lord, and great duke of all Russia, of our gracious goodness give unto the English merchants and their company, their ●ouse in the City of Moscow lying ●ard by the Church of S. Mark behind the market place: which they shall keep and remain therein after their old accustomed use. Provided always that they shall keep one Russee porter or one of their own people, & may keep any other Ruff servant at their discretion. Also their houses in sundry places, as at jeraslave, Vologhda, Colmogro, and at S. Michael Archangel, all these houses they shall keep and use at their own pleasure, according to our former letters patents without paying any duty, rent, or custom. Nor you the commonalty of the said towns shall take any thing of them or there's for any duty that should belong to you, especially of the houses aforesaid: but the said English merchants shall enjoy them peaceably for themselves and their families, but shall not suffer any other strangers Russes or others to use the aforesaid houses: Also you shall suffer them to lay their wares and commodities in their warehouses, and to cell their commodities to whom they please without let or hindrance, by virtue of this our gracious letter. Their housekeeper being a Ruff shall not undertake to meddle, or cell any of their wares without they themselves be present, nor to buy any thing for them. Also it shallbe lawful for the said merchants when they shall arrive at their port, to lad and unlade their merchandises as in times past they have done at their pleasure. And when they lad their ships with Russee commodities or unlade them, it shallbe lawful for them to hire any of our subjects to help them for the present time, and for them to carry their goods to and fro with their own vessels to S. Michael Archangel, or elsewhere. Also we command you our authorised people at the sea side as well Customers as others to take of the foresaid merchants a note, or remembrance, what goods they bring in and ship out: whereby it may be known what goods come in and go out. But in no wise shall you open or unpacke any of their wares or merchandises. In like manner when as they ship or send away any of their country commodities from S. Michael Archangel to any other place, or to our royal City of Moscow ye shall not hinder nor let them any manner of wise for the shipping of their merchandises in or out, by virtue of these our gracious letters of privilege given them. And whensoever any of the said English merchants have any occasion to sand over land out of our dominions into their own country any of their servants or factors, by virtue of this our gracious letter we command you to give them their passport out of the office of our Secretariship. And whensoever any of our subjects hath any thing to do with any of the foresaid merchants by way of contentions: or that they be damnified or hindered by any of our subjects: then we appoint and ordain our chancellor and Secretary Vasili Shalcan to hear their causes, and finally to determine on both sides according to equity and justice: and that he shall search the truth between both parties. And when the truth, cannot be proved or found out, then to cast lots by order of the foresaid judge, and he to whom the lot shall fall to take his oath. Furthermore whensoever any of the English merchants or their factors shall come into any parts of our dominions or Cities, and shallbe wronged any kind of ways in trading, or otherwise by any abused, or have any occasion of contention with any by way of trade in merchandise or otherways: we straightly charge and command you our governors, and authorised subjects within all our Realm and territories of the same, to minister justice unto the aforesaid merchants, or to their deputies, and to search the truth of the contention: And for want of sufficient proof cast lots who shall take his oath for the more ready trial of the cause: And in no wise to take any fee or duty of the aforesaid English merchants for the said judgement in Law. We will and command all this to be observed and kept in all parts of our dominions by all our subjects and authorised people, by virtue of these our royal letters patents: And the said letters not to be diminished in any part or parsell thereof, by any people howsoever they be named. And whosoever shall withstand & not regard these our gracious letters shallbe in our high displeasure, and shall incur the loss of his life. This our gracious letter was given in our kingdom and royal City of Moscow, in the year from the beginning of the world 7104. in the month of May. After our account 1596. Subscribed by the emperors Chancellor and Secretary Vasili Shalcan. The contents of M. Garlands Commission unto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. john Dee to the Emperor of Russia his Court. FRiend Thomas Simkinson I pray you go to Brounswik or Cassil and inquire if Master john Dee be there or where he is, and when you find him, certify him how that I have sent you purposely to know where he doth remain, and at your return I will come and speak with him myself. Also you may certify him that the Emperor of Russeland having certain knowledge of his great learning and wisdom is marvelous desirous of him to come into his Country. And hath given me his letter with his hand and golden seal at it for to bring him into the Country with me if it be possible, and for his living show him that he shall be sure of 2000 pound yearly, and also all provision for his table out of the emperors kitchen free: and if he think this too little, I will assure him that if he ask as much more, he shall have it, and for his charges into the Country, I have sufficient of the emperors allowance to bring him and all his royally into the Country. And because he may doubt of these proffers, he shall remain at the borders until the Emperor be certified of him, and of his requests, which he would have. And I am sure he shall be conveyed through the land with five hundred horses, and he shallbe accounted as one of the chiefest in the land next the Emperor. Also show him how that my Lord Protector at my coming away did take me in his arms, and desired me as he should be my friend to bring him with me, and he would give him of his own purse yearly 1000 rubbles besides the emperors allowance. All these foresaid grants and demands do I Thomas Simkinson acknowledge to be spoken by Edward Garland to me, and to be sent to declare the same unto Master john Dee● And in witness that this is of a truth I have written the same with my own hand, and thereunto set my name, in Wittingaw, otherwise called Trebona, the 18. of September, Anno 1586. By me Thomas Sinkinson of Hull. A letter to the right worshipful M. john Dee Esquire, containing the sum and effect of M. Edward Garland his message, delivered to Master Dee himself, (Letterwise) for a more perfect memorial thereof. Anno 1586. RIght worshipful, it may please you to understand, that I was sen● unto you from the most mighty Prince Feodor juanowich, Lord, Emperor and great duke of Russia, etc. As also from the most excellent prince Boris Feodorowich, Lord Protector of Russia: to give your worship to understand the great good will and hearty desire they bear unto you; for that of long time they have had great good report of your learning & wisdom, as also of your good counsel unto Princes: whereupon his majesties most earnest desire and request is unto you; that you would take the pains to come unto his city of Moscow, to visit his majesties Court: for that he is desirous of your company, and also of your good counsel in divers matters that his Majesty shall think needful. And for the great goodwill that his Majesty beareth unto you, he will give you yearly toward your maintenance 2000 pound starling; and the Lord Protector will give you a thousand rubbles, as also your provision for your table you shall have free out of his majesties kitchen: And further whatsoever you shall think needful or convenient for you, in any part or parts of his dominion, it shall be at your worship's commandment. And this is the sum and effect of my message and commandment given me by his Majesty and the Lord Protector. In witness whereof I have written this with my own hand, the 17. of December 1586. By me Edward Garland. In Trebona castle otherwise called Wittingaw in Boëmia: to which place this M. Edward Garland, came to M. Dee with two Moscovites to serve him, etc. He had six more, which by M. Dees counsel were sent back. Witness M. Edward Kelley, and M. Francis Garland, brother to foresaid Edward, and divers others. IT seemeth that this princely offer of the Emperor Pheodor juanowich, and of the L. Boris Pheodorowich Protector to his Majesty, was made unto the learned and famous mathematician M. john Dee, partly to use his counsel & direction about certain discoveries to the North-east; and partly for some other weighty occasions: but because their conquest to Siberia was not as then fully settled, & for divers other secret reasons, it was for the time with all thankfulness refused. A branch of a letter from M. john Merick, Agent unto the Moscovie company in Russia, closed up in the Moscow the 14. of March, Anno 1597. touching the death of Pheodor juanowich late Emperor of all Russia, etc. Having thus far proceeded with this my answer unto the chiefest points of your worship's letters received, my desire was to have sent one unto you long since, as you may perceive by 10. Febr. 1597. the first date: but by reason I could not get leave, I have deferred it of till this instant, for that there was none suffered to pass out of the land. The causes may be judged, for that it pleased God to call out of this world, the Emperor his Majesty, who departed about the 7. of january: and ever since hath been a mourning time, & no suits for any matter could be herded. But it hath been a very dead season. Yet (thanks be to God) through the wise government of Lord Boris Pheodorowich the Lord Protector unto the said late Emperor, since his death all things have been very quiet without any dissension; as the like in such a great kingdom I have not herded of. And now through the providence of Almighty God, and by surrender of the late Empress Irenia Feodoruna, and the common consent of the Patriarch, Nobles, Bishops, and the whole Clergy, with the whole Commons besides, choice is made of none other but of the said Lord Protector, L. Boris Pheodorowich to be Emperor, Prince Boris Pheodorowich by general con●ent choose Emperor of Russia. and great duke of all Russia, who was most unwilling to receive the kingdom, but the people would make no other choice, nor have any other. So that with much ado and entreaty, it hath pleased his Majesty to take upon him the kingdom, and he is absolute Emperor to him and his heirs. And certainly God hath done much for this Country, and hath made the people greatly happy, in that he hath provided and appointed so famous and worthy a Prince: whose excellent government and experience these fourteen years hath been manifest to all Russia. God grant his highness a most prosperous and long reign, with his Lady the Empress, the Prince his son, and the Princess his daughter. All men do rejoice both Ruff and strangers for this most famous Emperor. The Coronation is thought shallbe on the ascension day next, till which time I cannot departed from Moscow: which is a little before the time that ordinarily I do take my journey from hence. And touching his majesties favour towards me on your behalf, especially for her majesties sake, as in foretime it was extraordinary, and so specially showed to me, as to none the like: so hath his highness promised the continuance thereof, with further favour as shallbe desired, Whereof I have no doubt: for daily I do find the same. A learned Epistle written 1581. unto the famous Cosmographer M. Gerardus Mercator concerning the river Pechora, Naramsay, Cara reca, the mighty river of Ob, the place of Yaks Olgush in Siberia, the great river Ardoh, the lake of Kittay called of the borderers Paraha, the Country of Carrah Colmak, giving good light to the discovery of the North-east passage to Cathay, China and the Malucaes'. ¶ Inclyto & celebri Gerardo Mercatori, domino & amico singulari in manus proprias Duisburgi in Clivia. cum meminissem, amice optime, quanta, cum unà ageremus, delectatione afficerere in legendis Geographicis scriptis Homeri, Strabonis, Aristotelis, Plinij, Dionis & reliquorum, laetatus sum eo quod incidissem in hunc nuncium, qui tibi has literas tradit, quem tibi commendatum esse valde cupio, quique dudum Arusburgi hîc ad Ossellam flwium appulit. Hominis experientia, ut mihi quidem videtur, multum te adiwerit in re una, eaque summis à te votis expetita, & magnopere elaborata, de qua tam vary inter se dissentiunt Cosmographi recentiores; patefactione nimirum ingentis illius Promontorij Tabin, celebrisque illius & opulente regionis sub Cathayorum rege per Oceanum ad Orientem brumalem. Alferius is est natione Belga, qui captiws aliquot annos vixit in Moscovitarum ditione, apud viros illic celeberrimos Yacovium & Vnekium; à quibus Antuerpiam missus est accersitum homines rei nautice peritos, qui satis amplo proposito premio ad illos viros se recipiant; qui Suevo artifice duas ad came patefactionem naves edificarunt in Duina flwio. Duae nau●s aedificatae in Duina flwio ad patefactione● Orie●●●lem. Vt ille rem proponit, quamquam sine arte, apposite tamen, & ut satis intelligas, quod queso diligenter perpendas, aditus ad Cathayam per Orientem proculdubio brevissimus est & admodum expeditus. Adijtipse flwium Obam tum terra per Samoedorun & Sibericorun regionem, tum mari per littus Pechorae fluminis ad Orientem. Hac experientia confirmatus certò apud se statuit navim mercibus onustan, cuius carinam non nimium profundè demissam esse vult, in Sinun S. Nicolai conducere in regione Moscovitarun, instructam illam quidem rebus omnibus ad eam patefactionem necessarijs, atque illic redintegrato commeatu, Moscoviticae nationis notissimos justa mercede asciscere: qui & Samoedicam linguam pulchre teneant, & flwium Ob exploratum habeant, ut qui quotannis ea loca ventitant. unde Maio exeunte constituit pergere ad Orientem per continentem Vgoriae ad Orientales parts Pechorae, Insulam que cui nomen est Dolgoia. Dolgoia Insula. Hic latitudines observare, terram describere, bolidem demittere, locorumque ac punctorum distantias annotare, ubi & quoties licebit. Et quoniam Pechorae Sinus vel euntibus vel redeuntibus commodissimus est tum subsidij tum diversorij locus propter glaciem & tempestates, diem impendere decrevit cognoscendis vadis, facillimoque navium aditu inveniendo: quo loco antehac aquarum altitudinem duntaxat ad quinque pedes invenit, sed profundiores canales esse non dubitat: deinde per eos fines pergere ad tria quatuorve milliaria nautica, relicta Insula quàm Vaigats vocant, Insula Vaigats. media ferè via inter Vgoriam & Novam Zemblam: tum Sinum quendam praeterire inter Vaigats atque Obam, qui per Meridiem vergens pertingit ad terram Vgoriae, Sinus inter Valgats & Obam vergens per meridiem. in quem confluunt exigui duo amnes ‖ Vel Naramsey & Cara reca. Marmesia atque Carah, ad quos amnes gens alia Samoedorum accolit immanis & efferata. Multa in eo tractu loca vadosa, multas cataractas invenit; sed tamen per quas possit Navigari. Vbi ad flwium Obam perventum fuerit, qui quidem flwius (ut referunt Samoedi) septuaginta habet ostia, quae propter ingentem latitudinem multas magnasque concludentem Insulas, quas varij iucolunt populi, vix quisquam animaduertat, ne temporis nimium impendat, constituit ad summum tria quatuorve tentare ora, ea praeserim quae ex consilio Incolarum, quos in itinere aliquot habiturus est, commodissima videbuntur, triaque quatuorve eius regionis navigiola tentandis Ostijs adhibere, quàm fieri potest ad littus proxime, Littus Obae incolitur ab Ostijs trium dierum itinere. (quod quidem sub itinere trium dierum incolitur) ut quo loco tutissime navigari possit, intelligat. Quod si navim per flwium Obam adverso amne possit impellere, prima si poterit cataracta, eaque, ut verisimile est, commodissima, ad eumque locum appellere, quem aliquando ipse cum suis aliquot per Sibericorum regionem terra adijt, qui duodecim iuxra dierum itinere distat à M●ri, quà influit in mare flumen Ob, qui locus est in continente, propè flwium Ob cui nomen est Yaks Olgush, Yaks Olgush locus super Obam flwium duodecim dierum itinere à mari. nomine mutuato ab illo magno Profluente flumini Ob illabente, tum certè speraret maximas se difficultates superasse. Referunt enim illic populares, qui trium duntaxat dierum navigatione ab eo loco abfuerunt (quòd illic rarum est, eo quòd multi ad unum duntaxat diem cymbas pelliceas à littore propellentes oborta tempestate perierunt, cùm neque à sole neque à syderibus rectionem scirent petere) per transuersum fluminis Ob, unde spaciosum esse illius latitudinem constat, grandes se catinas praeciosis onustas mercibus magno flwio delatas vidisse per Nigros, puta AEthiopes. Eumenides flwium Ardoh illi vocant, Ardoh flumen influens in lacum Kitthaym: de quo in itinere ad Boghariam scribit Antonius jenkinsonus. qui influit in lacum Kittayum, quem Pataha illi nominant, cui contermina est gens illa latissimè fusa, quàm Carrah Colmak appellant, non alia certè quàm Cathaya. Illic, si necessitas postulabit, opportunum erit hybernare, se suosque reficere, resque omnes necessarias conquirere. Quòd si acciderit, non dubitat interim plurimùm se adiutum iti, plura illic quaerentem atque ediscentem. Veruntamen sperat aestate eadem ad Cathayorum fines se perventurum, nisi ingenti glaciei mole ad os flwij Obae impediatur, quae maior interdum, interdum minor est. Tum per Pechoram redire statuit, atque illic hybernare: vel si id non poterit, in flumen Duinae, quo mature satis pertinget, atque ita primo vere proximo in itinere progredi. unum est quòd suo loco oblitus sum. Qui locum illum Yaks Olgush incolunt, à maioribus suis olim praedicatum asserunt, se in lacu Kitthayo dulcissimam campanarum harmoniam audivisse, atque ampla aedificia conspexisse: Et cùm gentis Carrah Colmak mentionem faciunt (Cathaya illa est) ab imò pectore suspiria repetunt, Carrah Colmak est Cathaya. manibusque proiectis suspiciunt in coelum, velut insignem illius splendorem innuentes atque admirantes. Vtinam Alferius hîc Cosmographiam melius saperet, multum ad illius usum adiungeret, qui sanè plurimus est. Multa praetereo, vir amicissime, ipsumque hominem te audire cupio, qui mihi spospondit se in itinere Duisburgi te visurum. Auet enim tecum confer sermons, & procul dubio hominem multum adiweris. Satis instructus videtur pecunia & gratia, in quibus alijsque officijs amicitiae feci illi, si vellet, mei copiam. Deus Optimus maximus hominis votis atque alacritati faveat, initia secundet, successus fortunet, exitum foelicissimum concedat. Vale amicè ac Domine singularis. Arusburgi ad Ossellam flwium 20. Februarij 1581. Tuus quantus quantus sum joannes Balakus. To the famous and renowned Gerardus Mercator, his Reverend and singular friend at Duisburgh in Cliveland, these be delivered. CAlling to remembrance (most dear Friend) what exceeding delight you took at our being together, in reading the Geographical writings of Homer, Strabo, Aristotle, Pliny, Dion, and the rest, I rejoiced not a little that I happened upon such a messenger as the bearer of of these presents, (whom I do especially recommend unto you) who arrived lately here at Arusburg upon the river of Osella. This man's experience (as I am of opinion) will greatly avail you to the knowledge of a certain matter which hath been by you so vehemently desired, and so curiously laboured for, and concerning the which the late Cosmographers do hold such variety of opinions: namely, of the discovery of the huge promontory of Tabin, and of the famous and rich countries subject unto the Emperor of Cathay, and that by the North-east Ocean sea. The man is called * Or Oliver. Alferius being by birth a Netherlander, who for certain years lived captive in the dominions of Russia under two famous men Yacovius and Vnekius, by whom he was sent to Antwerp to procure skilful Pilots and Mariners, (by propounding liberal rewards) to go unto the two famous personages aforesaid, which two had set a Sweden Shipwright on work to build two ships for the same discovery upon the river of Dwina. Two ships built upon the river of Dwina for the North-east discovery. The passage unto Cathay by the North-east (as he declareth the matter, albeit without art, yet very aptly, as you may well perceive, which I request you diligently to consider) is without doubt very short and easy. This very man himself hath traveled to the river of Ob, both by land, through the countries of the Samoeds, and of Sibier, and also by Sea, along the coast of the river Pechora Eastward. Being encouraged by this his experience he is fully resolved with himself to conduct a Bark laden with merchandise (the keel whereof he will not have to draw over much water) to the Bay of Saint Nicholas in Russia, being furnished with all things expedient for such a discovery, and with a new supply of victuals at his arrival there, and also to hire into his company certain Russes best known unto himself, who can perfectly speak the Samoeds' language, and are acquainted with the river of Ob, as having frequented those places year by year. Whereupon about the end of May he is determined to sail from the Bay of S. Nicholas Eastward, by the main of joughoria, and so to the Easterly parts of Pechora, & to the Island which is called Dolgoia. The Island of Dolgoia. And here also he is purposed to observe the latitudes, to survey and describe the country, to sound the depth of the Sea, and to note the distances of places, where, and so often as occasion shall be offered. And forasmuch as the Bay of Pechora is a most convenient place both for harbour and victual, as well in their going forth as in their return home in regard of Ice and tempest, he is determined to bestow a day in sounding the Flats, and in searching out the best entrance for ships: in which place heretofore he found the water to be but five foot deep, howbeit he doubteth not but that there are deeper channels: and then he intends to proceed on along those coasts for the space of three or four leagues, leaving the Island called Vaigats almost in the middle way between Vgoria and Nova Zembla: The Island of Uaigats. then also to pass by a certain Bay between Vaigats and Ob, trending Southerly into the land of Vgoria, A Bay between Uaigats and Ob trending Southerly. whereinto fall two small rivers called * Or, Naramsey and Cara Reca. Marmesia and Carah, upon the which rivers do inhabit an other barbarous and savage nation of the Samoeds. He found many Flats in that tract of land, and many cataracts or overfals of water, yet such as he was able to sail by. When he shall come to the river of Ob, which river (as the Samoeds report) hath seventy mouths, which by reason of the huge breadth thereof containing many and great Islands, which are inhabited with sundry sorts of people, no man scarcely can well discover, because he will not spend too much time, he purposeth to search three or four at the most of the mouths thereof, those chief which shall be thought most commodious by the advise of the inhabitants, of whom he means to have certain with him in his voyage, and means to employ three or four boats of that Country in search of these mouths, as near as possibly he can to the shore, which within three days journey of the Sea is inhabited, that he may learn where the river is best navigable. If it so fall out that he may sail up the river Ob against the stream, and mount up to that place which heretofore accompanied with certain of his friends, The place upon the river Ob, where he was but 12. days journey from the mouths thereof, and is called Yaks Olgush. he passed unto by land through the country of Siberia which is about twelve days journey from the Sea, where the river Ob falls into the Sea, which place is in the Continent near the river Ob, and is called Yaks Olgush, borrowing his name from that mighty river which falls into the river Ob, then doubtless he would conceive full hope that he had passed the greatest difficulties: for the people dwelling thereabouts report, which were three days sailing only from that place beyond the river Ob, whereby the breadth thereof may be gathered (which is a rare matter there, because that many rowing with their boats of leather one days journey only from the shore, have been cast away in tempest, having no skill to guide themselves neither by Sun nor Star) that they have seen great vessels laden with rich and precious merchandise brought down that great river by black or swart people. They call that river * M. jenkinson in his voyage to Boghar speaketh of the ri●er Ardok. Ardoh, which falls into the lake of Kittay, which they call Paraha, whereupon bordereth that mighty and large nation which they call Carrah Colinak, which is none other than the nation of Cathay. There, if need require, he may fitly Winter and refresh himself and his, and seek all things which he shall stand in need of: which if it so fall out, he doubteth not but in the mean while he shall be much furthered in searching and learning out many things in that place. Howbeit, he hopeth that he shall reach to Cathaya that very Sommner, unless he be hindered by great abundance of Ice at the mouth of the river of Ob, which is sometimes more, and sometimes less. If it so fall out, he than purposeth to return to Pechora, and there to Winter: or if he cannot do so neither, than he means to return to the river of Dwina, whither he will reach in good time enough, and so the next Spring following to proceed on his voyage. One thing in due place I forgot before. The people which devil at that place called Yaks Olgush, affirm that they have herded their forefathers say, that they have herded most sweet harmony of bells in the lake of Kitthay, and that they have seen therein stately and large buildings: and when they make mention of the people named Carrah Colmak (this country is Cathay) they fetch deep sighs, and holding up their hands, they look up to heaven, signifying as it were, and declaring the notable glory and magnificence of that nation. I would this Oliver were better seen in cosmography, it would greatly further his experience, which doubtless is very great. Most dear friend, I omit many things, and I wish you should hear the man himself which promised me faithfully that he would visit you in his way at Duisburg, for he desireth to confer with you, and doubtless you shall very much further the man. He seemeth sufficiently furnished with money and friends, wherein and in other offices of courtesy I offered him my furtherance if it had pleased him to have used me. The Lord prospero the man's desires and forwardness, bless his good beginnings, further his proceed, and grant unto him most happy issue. Far you well good sir and my singular friend. From Arusburg upon the river of Ossella, the 20. of February, 1581. Yours wholly at commandment, john Balak. MAster Anthony jenkinson in a disputation before her Majesty with sir Humphrey Gilbert for proof of a passage by the North-east to Cathaya, among other things allegeth this: videlicet, that there came a continual stream or currant through Mare glaciale, of such swiftness as a Colmak told him, that if you cast any thing therein, it would presently be carried out of sight towards the West, etc. A testimony of the Northeasterne Discovery made by the English, and of the profit that may arise by pursuing the same: taken out of the second volume of Navigations and Voyages, fol. 17. of the notable Cosmographer, M. john Baptist a Ramusius, Secretary to the State of Venice: Written in Italian in the year, 1557. DAlla part pois di sot la nostra Tramontana, che chiascune scrittore & Cosmographo di questi & de passari tempi fin'hora vi ha' messo & met mare congelato, & che la terra corra continuament fino of 90. gradi verso il Polo: sopra questo mappamondo all' incontro si vede che la terra uà solament un poco sopra la Noruega & Suetia, & voltando corre pois Greco & Levante nel paese della Moscovia & Rossia, & uà diritto all Cataio. Et i cio sia la verità, le navigationi che hanno fat gl' Inglesi con le loro naus, volendo andare à scoprire all Cataio all tempo del Re Odoardo Sesto d' Inghilterra, questi anni passatis, ne possono far vera testimonianza: perch nel mezzo del loro viaggio, capitate per fortuna a i liti di Moscovia, dove trovarona all hora regnare Giovanni Vasilivich Imperatore della Rossia & gran Duca di Moscovia, il quale con molto piacere & maraviglia vedutogli, fece grandissime carezze, hanno trcuato quel mare essere navigabile, & non agghiacciato. La qual navigatione (anchor che con l'esito fin hora non sia stata bene intesa) se col spesso frequentarla & col lungo uso & cognition de que ' mari si continuerà, è per fare grandissima mutatione & rivolgimento nelle cose di questa nostra part del mondo. The same in English. Moreover (having before spoken of divers particularities, in an excellent Map of Paulus Venetus) on that part subject to our North pole, where every writer and Cosmographer of these and of former times hitherto, have, and do place the frozen Sea, and that the land stretcheth continually to 90. degrees, towards the pole: contrariwise, in this map is to be seen, that the land extendeth only a little above Norway and Swethland, and then turning itself trendeth afterwards towards the Southeast and by East, unto the country of Moscovie and Russia, and stretcheth directly unto Cathay. And that this is true, the navigations which the English men have of late made, intending to discover Cathay, in the time of Edward the sixt, king of England, are very sufficient witnesses. For in the mids of their voyage, lighting by chance upon the coast of Moscovie (where they found then reigning john Vasiliwich Emperor of Russia, and great duke of Moscovia, who after he had, to his great delight and admiration, seen the English men, entertained them with exceeding great courtesies) found this sea to be navigable, and not frozen. Which navigation to Cathay, The great hope of the Northeasterne discovery. although it be not as yet thoroughly known, yet if with often frequenting the same, and by long use and knowledge of those seas it be continued, it is like to make a wonderful change and revolution in the state of this our part of the world. The testimony of Gerardus Mercator in his last large Map of Europe, touching the notable discoveries of the English, made of Moscovie by the North-east. MAgnam occasionem certámque rationem emendandae Europae nobis attulit celeberrima Anglorum per Cronium mare navigatio: quae littora Septentrionalia Finlappiae Moscoviae que juxta coeli situm, mundique plagas digesta habet. Exacta etiam urbis Moscuae latitudo ab Anglis obseruata, interiorum Regionum emendatiùs describendarum infallibilem legem praescripsit: Quibus oblatis adminiculis pulcherrimis, iniquum putavi tabulam hanc castigatiorem non reddere. The same in English. THe most famous navigation of the English men by the North-east sea hath offered unto me a great occasion, and certain direction for the reformation of the map of Europe: which discovery hath the Northern parts of Finmarke, Lapland, and Moscovie, laid out according to the just elevation and the quarters of the world. And further, the true observation of the latitude of the city of Moscow, made by the foresaid Englishmen, hath yielded me an infallible rule, for the correcting of the situation of the inland countries: which notable helps being ministered unto me, I thought it my duty to exhibit to the world this Map, more exact and perfect then hitherto it hath been published. Another testimony of joannes Metellus Sequanus concerning the same Navigation and Discovery in his Preface prefixed before Osorius de rebus gestis Emanuelis Regis Portugalliae, written about the year, 1574. AT ne omnis, unis Hispanis, Oceani maris gloria totáque concederetur, Britanni Septentriones nova in Moscoviam navigatione, ab hinc annis viginti plus minùs illustratunt. Nam bellis Suericis à Moscovitarum, Naruaeque Livoniae exclusi commercio, iter ad illos Oceano, hinc Noruegiae, Finmarchiae, Lappiae, Scricfinniae, Biarmiaeque; illinc Groenlandiae littora praeteruecti, ultrà Septuagesimum latitudinis Aquilonaris gradum sibi patefaciunt. Quam navigationem Belgae posteà, non sine tamen cum cum ijsdem Brittanis velitatione, sunt secuti. Eò vehunt argenti veteris fragmenta, lineásque vestes propè detritas, omnísque generis minutiores merces, ad usum, cultúmque corporis hominum utriusque sexus, veluti lintea & byssea cingula, periscelides, crumenas, cultros, & id genus sexcenta. A Moschis autem pelles omnis generis pretiosas adferunt, & salmones salitos, fumóque duratos. The same in English. BUt lest all and the whole glory of discovering the Ocean sea should be ascribed to the Spaniards, the Englishmen about twenty years past, by a new navigation into Moscovie, discovered the North-east parts. For they by reason of the wars of Swethland being hindered from the traffic of the Moscovites and of the narve in Liefland, opened a passage for themselves by the Ocean sea, beyond the Northern latitude of 70. degrees: having in their course on the one side the coasts of Norway, Finmark, Lapland, Scrickfin and Biarmia: On the other side the coast of Gronland. Which voyage the Hollanders afterward entered into, but not without some conflict with the English. They carry thither old plate and course linen clot, and all kind of small mercery wares, serving for the appareling of men and women, as linen, and silk girdles, garters, purses, knives, and many such like things. And they bring away from the Moscovites, all kind of precious Furs, and Salmon salted and dried in the smoke. BREVIS COMMENTARIUS DE ISLANDIA: QVO SCRIPTORUM DE HAC Insula errores deteguntur, & extraneorum quorundam convitijs, ac calumnijs quibus Islandis liberiùs insultare solent, occurritur: per ARNGRIMUM JONAM ISLANDUM. SERENISSIMO PRINCIPI AC DOMINO, Domino CHRISTIANO four DANIAH, Noruegiae, Vandalorum, Gotborúmque, Regi electo: Slesuici, Holsatiae, Stormariae & Dithmarsiae Duci: Comiti in Ol denburg & Delmenhorst: Domino suo clementissimo. PRaclaram sanè apud Historicos meretur laudem, Sereniss. Princeps, Anchuri illius Midae regis filij ausus plusquam humanus, & in patriam pietas, ferè exemplo carens, quòd ad occludendum ingentem circa Celaenam Phrygiae oppidum, terrae hiatum, quotidie homines haud exiguo numero, & quicquid in propinquo erat, absorbentem, sese ultrò obtulerit. Cum enim ab oraculo Midas pater accepisset, non prius conclusum iri istam voraginem, quam res eò preciosissimae immitterentur: Anchurus existimans, nihil esse anima pretiosius, sese viwm in illud profundissimum chasma praecipitem dedit: idque tanto animi cum feruore, ut neque parentis desiderio, neque dulcissimae coniugis amplexu vel lachrymis, ab isto proposito se retrahi passus sit. Nec inferiorem multò consecuti sunt gloriam Sperthius & Bulis, Laced aemonij, qui ad avertendam potentissimi Regis Persarum Xerxis, ob occisos à Lacedemonijs Darij patris legatos, ultionem, ad Regem profecti sunt, & ut legatorum necem in se, non in patria ulcisceretur, erectis & constantibus an imis sese obtulerunt. Quae verò res, Sereniss. Princeps, illos ac alios complures movit, ut patriae flagrantes amore, nullum pro ea periculum, nullas molestias, imò ne mortem ipsam recusarint, ea profectòme quoque impulit, non quidem, ut quemadmodum illi, mortem sponte oppeterem, aut me mactandum ultrò offerrem, sed tamen, ut id quod solum possem, in gratiam patriae tentarem: Hoc est, ut scriptorum de ea errores colligerem & rumusculos vanos refellerem: Ac ita remprofectò periculosam, & multorum for san sinistro obnoxiam judicio, aggrederer. In eo proposito me etiam Cn. Pompeij exemplum confirmavit: Quem rei frumenta●iae apud Romanos procuratorem, cum in summa Vrbis annonae charitate, in Sicilia, Sardinia & Africa frumentum collegisset, maiorem patriae, quàm sui, tradunt rationem habuisse. Cum enim Romam versus properaret, & ingenti ac periculosa oborta tempestate, Naucleros trepidare, nec se ventorum aut maris saevitiae committere velle animaduerteret, ipse navim primus ingressus, anchor as tolli jussit, in haec verba exclamans: Vt navigemus urget necessitas: ut vivamus, non urget. Quibus vir prudentissimus innuisse videtur, patriae periclitantis maiorem habendam rationem, quàm privatae incolumitatis. Hunc ego sic imitor, (Si par●a licet componere magnis, & muscam Elephanto conferre) ut collectis ac comportatis ijs, quibus ad succurrendum gentis nostrae nomini ac famae, apud extraneos, ex malevolorum quorundam invidia iam diu laboranti uterer; paucula haec in lucem emittere, méque pelago huic quantumuis turbulento committere, lintea ventis tradere, cúmque illo exclamare non dubitem: Vt scribamus, urget necessitas: Vt verò scriptum nostrum, cuiusnis delicato palato, ubique satissaciat, aut omnem Momi proteruiam effugiat, non urget. Institutum meum complures probaturos spero: successum forsan non itidem omnes probabunt. Nihilominus tamen maiorem habendam rationem patriae, multorum hactenus opprobriae & contumelias sustinentis, qùàm sive laudis, sive vituperationis, ad me ipsum hinc forsan rediturae, existimabam. Quid enim causae esse potest, cur nonnullorum odium & invidentiam, cum hoc patriae benefaciendi seu gratisicandi studio fortè coniunctam recusem? Quodsi scriptorum errores liberius notare, si quorundam calumnias durius perstringere videbor, eos tamen aequos me habiturum censores confido, qui paulò diligentius animaduertere volent, quam parùm tolerabiles sint scriptorum de nostragente errores: quot etiam & quàm graves quorundam in nos caelumniae, quibus nationem nostram varijs modis lacessivere, & etiamnum lacessere non desislunt. Dandum etiam aliquid omnibus congenito solinatalis amori est; Dandum justo, ob hanc patriae illatam iniuriam, dolori. Et ego quidem, quantum fieri potuit, ubique, mihi temperavi, ac à convitijs abstinere volui: quòd si quid videatur mollius dicendum fuisse, id praedicta ratione veniam, spero, merebitur. Cum igitur haec mihi subcunda sit alea, quod omnibus scriptum aliquod edituris in more positum animaduerto, id mihi hoc tempore solicitè curandum est: Nempè ut patronum & mecoenatem aliquem huie meo commentariolo quaeram, sub cuius nomine & numine, tutius in vulgi manus exeat. Eamigitur ad rem nihil poterit contingere optatius, vestra, clementissime Princeps, Sereniss. Maiestate: Etenim nos ei, qui vitam & fortunas nostras in suam potestatem & tutelam accepit, et inquam, nomen quoque gentis nostrae innocenter contaminatum, curae ut sit, supplices rogamus. Imo verò, Rex clementiss● non solùm ad hanc rem, S. Maiestatis V. clemens implorare auxilium necessum habemus; Sed ad multa quoabque; alia, quae in nostra patria desiderantur, aut quae alioqui ad huius utilitatem & salutem communem spectant: quaeque non per me, sedper summorum nostrae gentis virorum libellos supplices hoc tempore exponuntur, aut certè brevi exponentur. Nihil enim dubitamus quin S.U. Maiestas, Christianissimorum maiorum exemplo, etiam nostram patriam, inter reliquas imperij sui Insulas, sua cura & protectione regia dignari velit. Nam quae nostra est ad S. Maiestatem V. confugiendi necessitas, ea est S. Maiestatis Van nobis sublevandis, curandis & protegendis, gloria: Et ob nutritam extremi ferè orbis Arctoi ecclesiam, in remotissimis M.U. imperij finibus, quae tranquillitatem & tuta singulari Dei beneficiò halcyonia habet, praemium, ac reposita in coelis immarcessibilis vitae aeternae corona. Caeterum cùm illa huius loci non sint, id quod mei est propositi subiungo: & à S. Maiestate V. ca, qua par est, animi submissione peto, ut huic meae opellae & studio in patriam collato, favere, & patroni benig ni esse loco, clementer dignetur. Quod superest, Sereniss. Princeps, Dom. clementissime, Maiestaetem V. sapientiae & prudentiae, omniúmque adeò virtutum heroicarum indies incrementa sumentem, ad summum imperij fastigium, summus ille regnorum, omniúmque; adeò rerum humanarum dispensator, Deus opt max evehat: Euectam, omni rerum foelicissimo successu continuè beet: Beatámque hoc modo, ut summum horum regnorum ornamentum, columen, praesidium, Ecclesiae clypeum & munimen, quam diutissimè conseruet: Ac tandem in altera vita, in solido regni coelestis gaudio, cum praecipuis ecclesiae Dei nutritijs, syderis instar, illustrem fulgere faciat. Faxit etiam idem Pater clementis ut haec votae, quantò saepius, in amplissimorum Maiestatis FIVE regnorum & Insularum quovis angulo, quotidiè repetuntur ac ingeminantur, tantò rata magis & certiora maneant. Haffniae 1593. Mense Maxt. S.M.U. humiliter subiectus: Arngrimus jonas Islandus. Benigno Benigno & pio Lectori salutem. IN lucem exijt circa annum Christi 1561. Hamburgi foetus valdè deformis, patre quodam Germanico propola: Rhythmi videlicet Germanici, omnium qui unquam leguntur spurcissimi & mendacissimi in gentem Islandicam. Nec sufficiebat sordido Typographo sordidum illum foetum semel emisisse, nisi tertiùm etlam aut quartùm publicasset, quo videlicet magis innocenti genti apud Germanos & Danos, aliósque vicinos populos summam & nunquam delendam ignominiam, quantum in ipso fuit, inureret. Tantum Typographi huius odium fuit, & exre illicita lucriaviditas. Et hoc in illa civitate, que plurimos annos commercia sua magno suorum cum lucro in Islandia exercuit, impunè fecit, joachimus Leo nomen illi est, dignus certè qui Leones pascat. Reperiuntur ptaeterea multi alij scriptores, qui cum miracula naturae, quae in hac Insula creduntnr esse plurima, & gentis Islandicae mores ac instituta describere se velle putant, à re ipsa & veritate prorsus aberrarunt, naut●rum fabulas plusquam aniles, & vulgi opiniones vanissimas secuti. Hi Scriptores etsi non tam spurca & probrosa reliquerunt, quàm sordidus iste Rhythmista: multa tamen sunt in illorum scriptis, quae illos excusare non possunt, aut prorsus liberare, quo minus innocentem gentem suis scriptis deridendam alijs exposuerint. Hoec animaduertens, legens, expendens, subindenovis, qui Islandorum nomen & aestimationem laederent, scriptoribus ortis, alienorum laborum suffuratoribus impudicis, qui etiam non desinunt gentem nostram novis conspurcare mendacijs, lectorésque nova monstrorum enumeratione & descriptionibus fictis deludere, saepe optabam esse aliquem, qui ad errata Historicorum, & aliorum iniquorum censorum responderet, quí que aliquo scripto innocentem gentem à tot convicijs si non liberaret, certè aliquo modo apud pios & candidos Lectores defenderet. Quare hoc tempore Author eram honesto studioso, Arngrimo jonae F. ut revolutis scriptorum monumentis, qui de Islandia aliquid scripserunt, errores & mendacia solidis rationibus detegeret. Ille etsi primò reluctabatur, vicit tamen demum admonitio, amórque communis patriae, ita ut hunc qualemcunque commentariolum conscribetet, non ex vanis vulgi fabulis, sed & ex sua & multorum fide dignorum experientia, comprobationibus sumptis. Ille verò, qui hanc rem meo estaggressus instinctu, vicissim à me suo quasi iure flagitabat, ut in has pagellas, vel tribus saltem verbis praefarer: existimans aliquid fidei vel authoritatis opusculo inde conciliatum iti. Quare ut mentem breviter exponam: Ego quidem & honestam & necessariam quoque operam navasse eum judico, qui non modò scriptorum varias sententias de rebus ignotis perpendere, & invicem conferre, nec non ad veritatis & experientiae censuram exigere: Sed etiam patriam à venenatis quorundam sycophantarum morsibus vindicare conatus sit. AEquum est igitur, Lector optime, ut quicquid hoc est opusculi, velut sanctissimo veritatis & patriae amore adversus Zoilorum proterniam munirum & muniendum excipias. Vale. Gudbrandus Thorliacus Episcopus Holensis in Islandia. Anno 1592. jul. 29. ¶ Authoris ad Lectorem. IMbute Lector suavis arte Palladis, Lector benign, human, multùm candide, Qui cuncta scis collis sacri mysteria: Has videris si fortè quando paginas Non lectione sique dedignabere, Fac, nostuo candor● ut haec committimus Et aequitati, fronte sic non tetrica, Vulin legas nec ista quando turbido: Communis unquam sortis haud sis immemor, Infirmitas quam nostra nobis contulit. Obnoxius nam non quis est mortalium Erroribus naevisque semper plurimis? Quod si diu multúmque cogitaveris, Nostris eris conatibus paulo aequior, Tuis & isto ritè pacto consules: Candore nam quo nostra tractans utere, En te legentes rursus utentur pari: Sic ipse semper alteri quae feceris, Aequalitatis lege & hac fient tibi. De gente multis praedicata Islandica Authoribus quamvis probata maximi●, Nostro perîclo hucúsque vulgò credita, Licere nobis credimus refellere, Non ut notam scriptorum inuram nomini, Nostrum sed à nota probrosa vindicem: Hoc institutum iú●que fásque comprobant: Hoc nostra consuetudo lexque comprobant: Hoc digna lectu exempla denique comprobant. Ergo faue: nostris faue conatibus, Sis mitis, indulgens & aeguus arbiter, O Lector arte imbute suavis Palladis, Lector benign, amice, multum candide, Qui cuncta scis collis sacri mysteria. COMMENTARII DE ISLANDIA INITIV M. QVemadmodum in militia castrensi, alios nulla aequa ratione adductos, sed ambitione, invidia & avaritia motos, Martis castra sequi animaduertimus: Alios verò justis de causis arma sumere; ut qui vel doctrinae coelestis propagandae aut seruandae ergò bella movent, vel aliquo modo lacessiti paratam vim ac iniuriam repellunt, vel saltem non lacessiti, propter obsidentem hostem metu in armis esse coguntur: Non secus Apollini militantes: alijanimo nequa quam bono, Philosophico seu verius Christiano, ad scribendum feruntur: puta qui gloriae cupiditate, qui livore ac odio, qui affectata ignorantia alios sugillant, ut ipsi potiores habeantur, nunc in personam, nomen acfamam alicuius, nunc in gentem totam stylum acuentes, atque impudenter quasi mentiendo, insontem nationem & populos commaculantes: Alij verò contrà, animo ingenuo multa lucubrando investigant & in lucem emittunt; ut qui scientiam Theologicam & Philosophicam scriptis mandarunt, quíque suis vigilijs veterum monumenta nobis explicuerunt: qui quicquid in illis obscurum, imperfectum, inordinatum animaduerterunt, usu & experientia duce illustrarunt, explerunt, ordinarunt: qui mundi historias, bona fide, aeternae memoriae consecrarunt: qui linguarum cognitionem suis indefessis laboribus iwerunt: denique qui aliorum in se suamue gentem vel patriam, licentiosam petulantiam reprimere, calumnias refellere, & quandam quasi vim iniustam propulsare annixi sunt. Et quidem ego, cui literas vix, ac ne vix quidem videre contigit, omnium qui divinae Palladi nomen dederunt, longè infimus (ut id ingenuè de mea tenuitate confitear) facere certè non possum, quin me in illorum aciem conferam, qui gentis suae maculam abluere, veritatem ipsam asserere, & convitiantium jugum detrectare studuerunt: Maiora ingenio sors denegavit: Id quoquo modo tentare compellit ipsius veritatis dignitas, & innatus amor patriae, quam extraneos non nullos falsis rumoribus deformare, varijs convitijs, magna cum voluptate proscindere, ali●sque nationibus deridendam propinare comperimus. Quorum petulantiae occurrere, & criminationes falsas, detectis simul scriptorum de hac Insula erroribus, apud bonos & cordatos viros, (Nam vulgus sui semper simile, falsi & vanitenacissimum, non est quòd speremme ab hac inveterata opinione abducereposse) diluere hoc commentariolo decrem. Etsi autem Islandia multos habet, ut aetate, ita ingenio & eruditione me longè superiores, ideóque ad hanc causam patriae suscipiendam multò magis idoneos: Ego tamen optimi & clarissimi viri, Dom. Gudbrandi Thorlacij, Episcopi Hole●sis, apud Islandos, sollicitationibus motus communi causae, pro viribus, nequaquam deesse volui, tum ut aequissimae postulatiom ipsius parerem, atque a●●tem & studium debitum erga patriam declaratem, tum ut reliquos sympatriotas meos, in ●●narum literarum scientia foelicius versatos, atque in terum plurimarum cognitione ulterius pr●gressos, ad hoc gentis nostrae patrocinium invitarem: Tantum abest, ut ijs qui idem conabuntur, obstaculo esse voluerim. Caeterum ut ad rem redeamus, quoniam illi quicunque sunt nostrae gentis obtrectatores, testimonio scripto se uti ac niti iactitant: videndum omnino est, quidnam de Islandia, & quàm vera scriptores prodiderint, ut si fortè isti, alijs in nos dicendi aliquam occasionem dederint, patefactis ipsorum erroribus (nolo enim quid durius dicere) quàm meritò nos calumnientur, reliquis planum fiat. Porrò, quamuis vetustiorum quorundam scripta de hac Insula, ad veritatis & experientiae normam exigere non verear: Tamen nobis eorundem alioqui sacra est memoria, reverenda dignitas, suspicienda eruditio, laudanda voluntas & in Rempub, literariam studium: Novitij verò, si qui sunt id genus scriptores, aut verius pasquilli, cum ijs longè veriora quàm scripserant, audire & nosse de Islandia licuerit, sua levitate & ingenio malè candido, nihil nisi invidiae & calumniae maculam lucrati esse videbuntur. Atque ut Commentarius hic noster aliquid ordinis habeat, duo erunt propositae orationis Commentarij duae partes. capita, unum de Insula, de incolis alterum: quantum quidem de his duobus capitibus Scriptores qui in nostris manibus versantur, annotatum reliquerunt: Quoniam ultra has mecas vagari, vel plura quàm haec ipsa, & quae huc pertinere videbuntur artingere nolo. Non enim ex professo Historicum vel Geographum sed disputatorem tantùm agimus. Ita que omissa Primae partis tractatio. longiore praefatione partem primam, quae est de situ, nomine, miraculis, & alijs quibusdam adiunctis Insulae, aggrediamur. SECTIO PRIMA. Insula Islandiae, quae per immensum à caeteris secreta longè sita est in Oceano, vixque à navigantibus Munst. lib. 4. Cosmograph● agnoscitur, etc. ETsi haec tractare, quae ipsam terram vel illius adiuncta seu proprietates concernunt, ad gentem vel incolas à calumniantium morsu vindicandos parùm faciat: tamen id nequaquam omittendum videtur. Sed de his primùm, & quidem prolixiùs aliquantò agendum est, ut perspecto, quàm vera de hac re tradant illi Islandiae scriptores, facilè in de candidus Lector, in ijs quae de Incolis scripta reliquerunt, quaequeve ab illis alij, tanquam Dijs prodentibus, acceperunt, unde sua in gentem nostram judibria deptomi aiunr, quantum fidei mereantur, judicet. Primum igitur distantiam Islandiae à reliquis terris non immensam esse, nec tantam, quanta vulgò putatur, si quis insulae longitudinem & latitudinem aliquo modo cognitam haberet, facilè demonstrari posse●. Non enim id alio, quàm isto cognosci exactè posse modo existimârim, cum nulli dubium sit, quàm semper nautarum vel rectissimus, ut illis videtur, cursus aberret. Quare varias authorum de situ Islandiae sententias subiungam, ut inde quivis de distantiaid colligat, quod maximè verisimile videbitur, donecfortè aliquando propria edoctus experientia, meam quoque sententiam si non interponam, tamen adiungam. Munsterus Islandiam collocat Longit. Latitud. sub graedibus ferè 20 68 Gerardus Mercator 352 68 Gemma Frisius: Medium Islandiae: 7. 0 65. 30 Hersee: 7. 40 60. 42 Thirtes: 5. 50 64. 44 Nadar: 6. 40 57 20 jacobi Ziegleri: Littus Islandiae Occident. 20. 63. Chos promontorium: 22. 46 63. Latus orientale extenditur contra Septentrionem: & finis extensionis habet 30. 68 Latus septentrionale contra occidentem extenditur, & finis extensionis habet 28. 69. Lateris Occidentalis descriptio. Heckelfel promontorium 25. 67. Madher promontorium 21.20 65.10 Civilates in ea mediterraneae sunt Holen Episcopalis 28. 67. 50 Schalholten Episcopalis 22 63. 30 Reinholdus. Per Holen Islandiae. 68 joh. Myritius. Per Med. Islandiae. 69. Neander. Islandia tribus gradibus in circulum usque Arcticum ab aequinoctiali excurrit, adeò ferè, ut medram circulus ille secet, etc. Et si qui sunt praeterea, qui vel in mappis, vel alioqui suis scriptis Insulae situm notarunt, quorum plures sententias referre nihil attinet, cum quò plures habeas, eò magis dissidentes reperias. Ego quamuis verisimiles coniecturas habeo, cur nullae citatae de Islandiae situ sententiae assentiar, quin potius diversum quippiam ab ijs omnibus statuam, tamen id ipsum in dubio relinquere malo, quàm quicquam non exploratum satis affirmate, donec, ut dixi, fortè aliquando non coniecturam, sed obseruationem & experientiam propriam afferre liceat. Distantiam ab ostio Albis ad portum Islandie meridionalis Batzende, quidam scripserat esse circiter 400. milliarium: unde si longitudinis differentiam ad meridianum Hamburgensem supputaveris, nullam modò positarum longitudinum habebit illo in loco Islandia. Ego ternis Hamburgensium navigationibus docere possum, septimo die Hamburgum ex Islandia perventum esse. Praeterea etiam, Insulae quae ab ovium multitudine Faereyjar, seu rectius Faareyjar dictae sunt, bidui nauigatione, ut & littora Noruagiae deserta distant. Quatridui verò nauigatione Bidni navigatio ab Islandia ad Noruagiam desertam. in Gronlandiam habitabilem, & pari ferè temporis interuallo, ad provinciam Noruagiae Stad. inter opida Nidrosiam & Bergas sitam pervenitur, quemadmodum in harum nationum vetustis codicibus reperimus. SECTIO SECUNDA. In hac, aestivo solstitio, sole signum Cancri transeunte, nox nulla, brumali Solstitio proinde nullus dies. Munsterus, Olaus magnus: & reliqui. Item, Vadianus. In ea autem Insula que long supra Arcticum circulum in amplissimo Oceano sit a est, Islandia body dicta, & terris congelati maris proxima, quas Entgronlandt vocant, menses sunt plures sine noctibus. NVllum esse hyemali solstitio diem, id est, tempus quo sol supra horizontem conspicitur in illo tantum Islandiae angulo, si modò quis est, fatemur, ubi polus ad integros 67. gradus attollitur. Holis autem, quae est sedes Episcopalis Borealis Islandiae, sita etiam in a●gustissima & profundissima conualle, latitudo est circiter grad. 65.44. min. ut à Domino Gudbrando eiusdem loci Episcopo accepimus, & illic diem brevissimum habemus ad minimum duarum horarum, in meridionali autem Islandia longiorem, ut exartificum tabulis videre est. unde constat nec Islandiam ultra Arcticum circulum positam esse, nec menses plures noctibus in aestivo, vel diebus in brumali solsti●io carere. SECTIO TERTIA. Nomen habet à glacie quae illi perpetuo ad Boream adhaeret. Item. Munsteru●. Sa●o. A latere Occidentali Noruagiae Insula, quae Glacralis dicitur, magno circumfusa Oceano reperitur, obsoletae admodum habitationis tellus, etc. Item, Hac est T●yle, nulli veterum non celebrata. NOmen habet à glacie) Tria nomina consequenter sortita est Islandia. Nam qui omnium p●imus eius inventor fuisse creditur Naddocus genere Noruagus, cum versus insulas Farenses navigaret tempestate valida, ad littora Islandiae Orientalis fortè appulit: ubi cum fuisset aliquot septimanas cum socijs commo●atus, animaduertit immodicam nivium copiam, montium quorundam cacumina obtege●tem, atque ideò à nive nomen Insulae Snelandia indidit, Snelandia. Hunc secutus alter, Gardarus, fama quam de Islandia Naddocus attulerat impulsus, Insulam quaesitum abijt, reperit, & nomen de suo nomine Gardarsholme id est, Gardars Insula imposuit. Quin & plures novam terram visendi cupido incessit: nam & post illos duos adhucte●tius quidam Noruagus (Floki nomen habuit) contulit se in Islandiam, illique à glacie qua viderat ipsam cingi nomen fecit. Obsoletae admodum) Ego ex istis ve●bis Saxonis hanc sententiam nequaquam eruo, ut quidam, quòd inde ab initio habitatam esse Islandiam, seu ut verbo dicam, Islandos autocthonas dicat, cum constet vix ante annos 718. incolicoeptam. Haec est Thyle) Grammatici certant & adhuc sub judice lis est. Quam tamen facilè di●imi posse crediderim, si quis animaduertat, circa annum Domini 874 primùm fuisse inhabitatam● 874 Nisi quis dicere velit Thulen illum Aegypti Regem, quem hoc ipsi nomen dedisse purant, ad Insulam iam tum incultam & inhabitatam penetraste. Illud verò rursus si quis neget, per me sanè licebit, ut illud sit quoddam quasi spectaculum, dum ita in contrarias scinduntur sententias. unus affirmat esse Islandiam. Alter quandam insulam, ubiarbores bis in anno fructificant. Ter●ius unam ex Orcadibus, sive ultimam in ditione Scoti, ut joannes Myritius & alij, qui nomen illius refe●unt Thylensey, quod etiam Virgilius per suam ultimam Thylen sensisse videtur. Siquidem ultra Britannos quo nomine Angli hody dicti & Scoti veniunt, nullos populos statueret. Quod vel ex illo Vergilij Eclog. 1. apparet. Et penitus toto divisos orb Britannos. Quartus unam ex Farensibus. Quintus Telemarchiam Noruagiae. Sextus Schrichfinniam. Pe●petu● ad Boream adhaeret.) Illud verò, Glaciem Insulae perpetuò, velut paulò post asserit Munsterus: Octo continuis mensibus adhaerere: neutrum verum est. Nam ut plurimum in mense Aprili aut Maio soluitur, Glacies Aprili aut Maio soluitur & Occidentem versus propellitur, necante januatium aut Februarium saepissimè etiam tardius redit. Quid? quòd plurimos annos numerare licet, quibus glaciem illam huius nationis immite flagellum, ne viderit quidem Islandia: Quod etiam hoc anno 1592. comp●rtum est. unde constat quàm verè à Frisio scriptum sit, navigationem ad ha●e insulam tantum quadrimestrem patere, propter glaciem & frigora, quibus intercludatur iter. Cùm Anglicae naves quotannis nunc in Martio, nunc in Aprili, quaedam in Maio, Germanorum & Danorum in Maio & junio, plaerumque ad nos redeant, & harum quaedam non ante Augustum iterum hinc soluant. Superiore autem anno 1591. quaedam navis Germanica, cupro onusta, portum Islandiae Vopnafiord 14. dies circiter in Novembri occupavit, quibus lapsis inde foeliciter soluit. Quare cum glacies Islandiae, nec perpetuò, neque octo mensibus adhaereat, Munsterus & Frisius manifestè falluntur. SECTIO QVARTA. Tam grandis Insula, Kranzius. Munsterus. ut populos multos contineat. Item, Zieglerus, Situs Insulae extenditur inter austrum & boream ducentorum prope Schaenorum longitudine. GRandis.) Wilstenius quidam, rector Scholae OLDENBUR GENSIS Anno 1591. ad awnculum meum in Islandia Occidentali misit brevem commentarium, quem ex scriptorum rapsodijs de Islandia collegerat. Vbi sic reperimus: Islandia duplo ma●or Sicilia, etc. Sicilia autem secundum Munsterum 150. milliaria Germanica in ambitu habet. Nostrae verò Insulae ambitus etsinobis non est exactè cognitus, tamen vetus & constans opinio, & apud nostrates recepta 144. milliaria numerat per duodecim videlicet promontoria Islandiae Magnitude Islandiae. insigniora, quae singula 12. inter semilliaribus distent, aut circiter, quae collecta praedictam summam ostendunt. Populos multos) Gysser us quidam, circa annum Domini 1090. Episcopus Schalholtensis in Islandia, omnes insulae colonos seu rusticos qui tantas facultates possiderent, ut regi tributum solvere tenerentur (reliquis paupenbus cum foeminis & promiscuo vulgo omissis) justrari curavit, reperítque in part Insulae Orientali 700, meridionali 1000, Occidentali 1100, Aquilonari 1200. Summa 4000 colonorum tributa soluentium, jam si quis experiatur, inveniet Insulam plus dimidio fuisse inhabitatam. SECTIO QVINTA. Insula multa sui part montosa est & inculta. Qua part autem plana est praestat plurimùm pabulo, Munst. Frisius, Ziegler. tam laeto, ut pecu● depellatur à pascuis, ne ab aruina suffocetur. ID suffocationis periculum nullo testimonio, nec nostra nec patrum nostrorum, vel quàm longè retrò numeraris, memoria confumari potest. SECTIO SEXTA. Sunt in hac Insula montes elati in coelum, quorum vertices perpetua nive candent, Munst. Frisius. radices sempiterno igne aestuant. Primus Occidentem versus est, qui vocatur Hecla, alter Crucis, tertius Helga. Item Zieglerus. Rupes si●e promontorium Hecla aestuans perpetuis ignibus. Item Saxo. In hac itidem Insulamons est, qui repem sideream perpetuae slagrationis aestibus imitatus, incendra sempiterna iugi flammarum eructatione continuat. MIracula Islandiae Munsterus & Frisius narraturi mox in vestibulo, magno suo cum incommodo impingunt. Nam quod hic de monte Hecla asterunt, etsi aliquam habet verita●is speciem, tamen quod idem de duobus alijs montibus perpetuo igne aestuantibus dicunt, manifestè erroneum est. Illi enim in Islandia non extant, nec quicquam, quod huic tanto scriptorum errori occasionem dederit, imaginari possumus. Facta tamen est, sed nunc demum Anno 1581. ex monte quodam. australis Islandiae, maritimo, perpetuis nivibus & glacie obducto memorabilis fumi ●c flammae eruptio, magna saxorum ac cineris copia erecta. Caeterum ille mons longè est ab his tribus, quos authores commemorant, diversissimus. Porrò etsi haec de montibus ignitis maximè vera narrarent, annon naturaliter ista contingerent? An ad extruendam illam, quae mox in Munstero, Zieglero & Frisio sequitur, de orco Islandico opinionem aliquid faciunt? Ego sanè nefas esse duco, his vel similibus naturae miraculis ab absurda asserenda abuti, vel haec tanquam impossibilia cum quadam impietate mirari. Quasi verò non concurrant in huiusmodi incendijs causae ad hanc rem satis validae. Est in horum montium radicibus materia ●ri aprissima, nempe sulphurea & bituminosa. Accedit aër per poros ac cavernas in terrae viscera ingressus, ac illum maximi incendij fomitem exsufflans unà cum nitro, qua exsufflatione tanquam follibus quibusdam, ardentissima excitaur flamma. Habet siquidem ignis, his ita conenientibus, quae tria ad urendum sunt necessaria, materiam scilicet, motum, & tandem penetrandi facultatem: Materiam quidem pinguem & humidam ideóque flammas diu●urnas alentem: Motum praestat per terrae cavernas admissus aër: Penetrandi facultatem facit ignis vis invicta, sine respiraculo esse nescientis, & incredibili conatu violenter erumpentis, atque ita (non secus ac in cuniculis machinisue seu tormentis bellicis, globi ● ferro maximi, magno cum fragore ac strepitu, à sulphur & nitro, è quibus pyrius pulvis conficitur, excitato, eijciuntur) lapides & Saxa in ista voragine ignita, ceu quodam camino, colliquefacta cum immodica arenae & cin●rum copia, exspuentis & eiaculantis, idque ut plurimum, non sine terraemotu: qui si secundum profunditatem terrae fiat, succussio à Possidoneo appellatur, vel hiatus erit, vel puls●s. Hiatu terra dehiscit: Lib. 2. cap. 20. pulsu elevatur in●umescens, & nonunquam, ut inquit Plinius, moles magnas egerit: Cuiusmodi terraemotus iam mentionem fecimus, maritima Islandiae Australis Anno 1581. infestantis, quíque à Pon●ano his verbis scitissimè describitur. Ergo incertae ferens raptim vestigia, anhelus Spiritus incursat, nunc huc, nunc percitus illuc, Explor átque abitum insistens, & singula tentat, Si quâ forte queat victis erumpere claustris. Intereatremit ingentem factura ruinam Terra, suis quatiens latas cum moenibus urbes: Dissiliunt awlsa iugis immania saxa, etc. Haec addere libuit, non quòd cuiquam haec ignora esse existimemus; Sed ne nos alijignorate credant, atque ideo ad suas fabulas, quas hinc exstruunt, confugere velle. Caeterum video quid etiamnum admirationem non exiguam scriptoribus moveat, in his, quos ignoranter fingunt, tribus Islandiae montibus, videlicet cum eorum basin semper ardere dicant, summitates tamen nunquam nive careant, Porròid admirari, est praeter authoritatem tantorum virorum, quibus AEtne incendium optimè notum erat, quae, cùm secundum Plinium hybernis temporibus nivalis sit, noctibus tamen, eodem teste, semper arde●. Quare etiam secundum illos, ille mons, cum adhuc nivium copia obducitur, & tamen ardeat, sordidarum animarum quoque erit recepta culum●id quod Heclae propter nives in summo vertice & basin aestuantem, adscribere non dubitarunt. Vix autem mirum esse potest, quòd ignis montis radicibus latens, & nunquam, nisirarissimè erumpens, excelsa montis cacumina, quae nivibus obducuntur, non colliquefaciat. Nam & in Caira, altissima montis cacumina nivibus semper candentia esse perhibentur: Cardanus. & in Beragua quidem similiter, sed 5000 passuum in coelum elata, quae nivibus nunquam liberentur, cum tamen partibus tantùm decem ab aequatore distent. Vtrámque hanc provinciam juxta Pariam esse sitam accepimus. Quid? quod illa Teneriffae (quae una est ex insulis Canarijs, quae & Fortunatae) pyramis, secundum Munsterum, 8 aut 9 milliarium Germanicorum altitudine in aëra assurgens, atque instar Aetnae iugiter conflagrans, nives, quibus media cingitur, teste Benzone Italo, Indiae occidentalis Historico, non resolu●t. Quod ipsum in nostra Hecla quid est, quod magis miremur? Atque haec ita breviter de incendiis montaniss. Nunc illud q●oque; castigandum arbitramur, quod hos montes in coelum usque; attolli scribant. Habent enim nullam prae caeteris Islandiae montibus notabilem altitudinem: Praecipuè tertius ille Helga à Munstero appellatus, nobis Helgafel. 1. Sacer mons, apud monasterium eiusdem nominis, nulla sui part tempore aestino nivibus obductus, nec montis excelsi, sed potius collis humils nomen meretur, nunquam, ut initio huius sectionis dixi, de incendio suspectus. Nec verò perpetue nives Heclae, vel paucis alijs adscribi debebant: Permultos enim habet eiusmodi montes nivosos Islandia, quos omnes vel toto anno, non facilè colle gerit aut connumerarit, horum praedicator & admirator Cosmographus. Quin etiam id non ngligendum, quod mons Hecla non occidentem versus, ut à Munstero & Zeiglero annotatum est, sed inter meridiem & orientem positus sit. Nec promontorium est: sed mons ferè mediterraneus. Incendia perpetua ing●, etc. Quicunque; perpetuam flammarum eructationem Heclae adscripserunt, toto coelo errarunt, adeò, ut quoties flammas eructârit, nostrates in annales retulerint, viz. Annales Islandie. anno Christi 1104.1157.1222.1300.1341.1362. & 1389. Neque enim ab illo de montis incendio audire licuit, usque ad annum 1558. quae ultima fuit in illo monte eruptio. Interea non nego, fieri posse, quin mons infern● latentes intus flammas & incendia alat, quae videlicet statis interuallis, ut hactenus annotatum est, eruperint, aut etiam forte posthac erumpant. SECTIO SEPTIMA. Frisius. Munst. Montis Heclae flamma nec stuppam lucernarum luminibus aptissimam adurit, neque aqua extinguitur: Eóque impetu, quo apud nos machinis bellicis, globi ijciuntur, illinc lapides magn● in aera emittuntur, ex frigoris & ignis & sulphuris commixtione. Is locus à quibusdam putatur carcer sordidarum animarum. Item Zieglerus. Is locus est carcer sordidarum animarum. NEc stuppam adurit.) unde habeant Scriptores, non satis conijcitur. Haec enim nostris hominibus prorsus ignota, nec h●c unquam, nisi prodidissent illi, audita fuissent. Nemo enim est apud nos tam temerariae curiositatis, ut huius re● periculum, ardente monte, facere ausit, vel quod scire licuit, unquam ausus fuerit. Quod tamen Munsterus asserit. Qui, inquit, naturam tanti incendij contemplari cupiunt, & ob id ad montem propius acc●dunt, eos una aliqua vorago vivos absorbet, etc. Quae res, ut dixi, nostrae genti est ignota prorsus. Exstat tamen liber veteri Noruagorum lingua scriptus, in quo terrarum, aquarum, ignis, aëris, etc. miracula aliquot confusa reperias, pauca vera, plurima vana & falsa. unde facile apparet, à Sophis quibu●dam, si dijs placet, in Papatu olim esse conscriptum: Speculum regal nomen dederunt, Speculum regal propter vanissima mendacia, quibus totus, sed plaerumque sub religionis & pietatis praetextu (quo difficilius est fucum agnoscere) scatet speculum minimè regal, sed Anile & Irregulare. In hoc speculo figmenta quaedam de Heclae incendio, his quae nunc tractamus non multum dissimilia, habentur, nullo experimento magis quàm haec stabilita, ideóque explodenda. Caeterum ne audaculus videar, qui speculum illud regal mendacij accusem; nullum verò ex his que minus credibilia affert, recenseam; Accipe horum pauca Lector, quae fidem minimè mereri existimarim. 1 De quadam Insula Hyberniae; quae templum & Parochiam habet: Cuius incolae decedentes non inhumantur: sed ad aggerem seu parietem coemeterij, vivorum instar erecti, consistunt perpetuò: Nec ulli corruptioni, nec ruinae, obnoxij: ut posterûm quivis suos maiores ibi quaerere & conspicere possit. 2 De altera Hyberniae Insula, ubi homines emori nequeant. 3 De omni terrâ & omnibus arboribus Hyberniae, quae omnibus omninò venenis resistant, serpentes & alia venenata, ubivis terrarum, solâ virtute & praesentiâ, etiam sine contactu, enecent. 4 De tertia Hyberniae Insula: Quòd haec dimidia Diabolorum colonia facta sit. In dimidiam vero propter templum ibidem exstructum, juris habeant nihil, licet & pastore (ut tota Insula incolis) & sacris perpetuò careat: idque per naturam ita esse. 5 De quarta Hyberniae Insula, quae in lacu quodam satis vasto fluiter: cuius gramina, quibusuis morbis praelentissimum remedium existant: Insula verò ripam lacus statis temporibus acc●dat, idque ut plurimum, diebus Dominicis, ut tum quivis facilè eam veluti navim quandam, ingrediatur: id quod tamen pluribus simul, per fatum licere negat. Hanc vero Insulam septimo quoque anno ripae adnasci tradit, ut à continente non discernas: In eius autem locum mox succedere alteram, priori, naturâ, magnitudine & virtute consimilem: quae unde veniat, nesciri: idque cum quodam quasi tonitru contingere. 6 De venatoribus Noruegiae, qui lignum domare (sic enim loquitur, quantumuis impropriè: cùm ligno ut non vita, ita nec domitura competat) adeò docti sint, ut asseres 8. ulnas longi, plantis pedum eorundem alligati, tanta eos celeritate, vel in excelsis montibus, promoveant, ut non modò canum venaticorum, aut caprearum cursu, sed etiam avium volatu superari nequeant: atque unico cursu, unico etiam hastae ictu, novem vel plures capreas feriant. Haec & similia, de Hybernia, Norvegia, Islandia, Gronlandia, Gronlandia. de aquae & aëris etiam miraculis, centonum ille magister, in suum speculum collegit: Quibus, licet suis admirationem, vulgo stuporem, nobis tamen risum concitavit. Sed Frisium audiamus. Flamma, inquit, Montis Heclae nec sluppam, lucernarum luminibus aptissimam, adurit, nec aqua extinguitur. Atqui, inquam, ex Schola vestra Philosophica petitis rationibus hoc Paradoxon confirmari poterit. Docent enim Physici, commune esse validioribus flammis omnibus ut siccis extinguantur, alan●ur verò humidis: unde etiam fabri, aqua inspersa, ignem excitare solent. Cùm enim, aiunt, ardentior fuerit ignis, à frigido incitatur, & ab humido alitur, quorum utrumque, aquae inest. Item: Aqua solet vehementes accend●re ignes: Quoniam humidum ipsum quod exhalat, pinguius redditur, nec à circumfuso fumo absumitur, sed totum ignis ipse depascitur, quò purior inde factus, ac simul collectus, à frigido alacrior inde redditur. unde etiam ignes artificiosi aqua minimè extinguibiles. Item: Sunt sulphur & bitumine loca abundantia, quae sponte ardent, quorum flamma aqua minimè extinguitur. Prodidit etiam Philosophus, Aqua ali ignem. Arist. 3. de anim. Et Plin. lib. 2. Nat. Histor. cap. 110. Et Strabo lib. 7. In Nymphaeo exitè Petra flamma, que aquâ accenditur. Idem, Viret aeternum contexens fontem igneum fraxinus. Quin & repentinos ignes in aquis existere, ut Thrasumenum lacum in agro Perusino arsisse totum, ChronicaIslandie idem autor est. Et anno 1226, & 1236. non procul à promontorio Islandiae Reykianes, flamma ex ipso mari erupit. Etiam in corporibus humanis repentinos ignes emicuisse, ut Seruio Tullio dormienti, è capite flammam exsilijsse: Et L. Martium in Hispania, interfectis Scipionibus, concìonem seu orationem ad milites habentem, atque ad ultionem exhortantem, conflagrasse, Valerius Antias narrat. Meminit etiam Plinius flammae montanae, quae ut aqua accendatur, ita terra aut foeno extinguatur. Item, Alterius campestris, que frondem densi supra se nemoris non adurat. Quae cum ita sint, mirum, homines id in solà Heclâ mirari (ponam enimiam ita esse, cum non sit tamen, quòd à quoquam scire potuerim) quod multis aliarum terratum partibus seu locis, tam montaniss, quàm campestribus, cum ea commune esset. Eo impetu quo apud nos globi. Sic enim Munsterus. Frisius. Mons ipse cum furit, inquit, horribilia tonitrua insonat, proijcit ingentia Saxa, sulphur evomit, cineribus egestis, tam longè terram circumcirca operit, ut ad vicesimum lapidem coli non possit, etc. Caeterum oportuit potius cum AEtnâ, aut a●ijs montibus flammivomis, quos mox recitabo, compa●asse, cum non dees●et, non modò simile, sed prope idem: Nisi fo●tè quòd incendia rarius ex Heclâ erumpant, quàm alijs id genus montibus. Nam proximis 34. annis prorsus quievit, facta videlicet ultima eruptione, An. 1558 ut superius annotavimus. Et nihil tam magnificè dici potest de nostra Hecla, quin idem, vel maius caeteris montibus flammivomis competat, ut mox apparebit. Quòd verò ●ulphur eiaculetur, manifestum est commentum, nullo experimento apud nostrates cognitum. Is locus est carcer sordidarum animarum. Hic praefandum esse mihi video, atque veniam à Lectore petendam, quòd, cum initio proposuerim, de terra & incolis divisim agere, in hac prima part tamen quae sunt meritò secundae partis, miscere cogar. Euenit hoc s●riptorum culpa, qui Insulae situi ac miraculis, religionis in●olarum particulam hanc, de opinione infernalis carceris, confuderunt. Quare etiam ut hunc locum attingamus, qui, non m●retur isti● oc commentum ab homine cordato in Historia positum esse? Quis non miretur, viros ●apientes eò perduci, ut haec vulgi deliramenta auscultent, nedum se quantur? Vulgus enim extraneo●um & hominum collwies nautica, (hic enim saniores omnes, tam inter na●tas qu●m reliquos, excipio,) de hoc insolito naturae miraculo audiens, ingenito stupore ad istam, de carcere animar●m, imaginationem fertur: Siquidem incendio nullam substerni materiam videt, que madmodum in domesticis focis fieri consuevit. Atque hac pe●s●asione vulgi sama inolevit, dum (ut ad maledicta optimè assuefactum est) unus alteri huius montis incendium imprecatur. Quasi verò ignis elementaris & materiatus ac visibilis, animas, 1. substantias spirituales comburat. Quis denique non miretur, cur ●undem carcerem damnatorum, non in AEtnâ etiam, nihilo minus ignibu ac incendijs celebri, confingant? At confinxit, dices, Gregorius Pontifex. Purgatorium ig●tur est. Sit sanè: Eadem igitur huius carceris veritas, quae & purgatorij. Sed pri●squam longius procedamus, libet hic referre fabulam pe●●epidam, huius opinionis infernalis originem & fundamen●um: Nempe cuidam extraneorum navi ●sl●ndiam relinquenti, & turgidis velis, citissimo cursu iter suum rectà legenti, f●ctam obuiam alter●m, similiter impigro cursu, sed con●●a vim tempesta●um, velis & remis n●tentem: cuius praefectus rogatus, quinam ●ssent? Respondisse fertur: De Bi●chop van Bremen. Iterum rogatus quo tenderent? ait. Thom H●ckelfeldttho, Thom H●ckelfeldtt●o. Haec videns Lector vereor, ne pelu●m postulet dari: Est enim mendacium adeo detestandum, ut facilè nauseam p●riat. Abeat igitur ad Cynosarges & ranas palustres: illud enim ei●s●ē f●cumus a●que illarum coax, coax. Nec verò dignum est hoc commentum, quod ridea●ur, nedum refutetur● Sed nolo cum insanis Papistis nugati: Quin potius ad scriptores nostros convertamur. A●que in primis nequeo hîc● clarissimi viri, D. C●sparis Peuceri, illud praeterire. Est in Islandia, inquit, mons Hecla, qui immanis barathri, vel inferni potius profunditate terribilis, eiulantium miserabili & lamentabili ploratu personat, ut voces plorantium circumquaque, ad interuallum magni milliaris, audiantur. Circumuolitant hunc coruorum & vulturum nigerrima agmina● quae nidulari ibidem ab incolis existimantur. Vulgus incolarum descensum esse per voraginem illam ad inferos persuasum habet: Ind, cum praelia commit●untur alibi in quacunque part orbis terrarum, aut caedes fiunt cruentae, commoveri horrendos circumcirca tumultus, & excitari clamores, atque eiulatus ingentes longâ experientia didicerunt. Quis verò rem tam incredibilem ad te vir doctissime perferre autus fuit? Nec enim vulture● habet Islandia, sed genus aquilarum secundum, quod ab albicante caudâ Plinius notavit, & Pygarsum appellavit. Nec ulli sunt huius spectaculi apud nos testes: Nec denique ib●dem coruos aut aquilas nid ficare probabile est, quae, igni & fumo semper inimicissimo potius à focis vel●ncendijs arceantur. Et nihilominus in huius rei testimonium, (ut & exauditi per voraginem montis tumulius extranei.) experientiam incolarum ellegant, quae certè contraria omnia testarur. unde verò foramen vel fenestra illa montana, per quam clamores, strepitus & tumultus apud antipodes, periaecoes & antaecoes factos exaudiremus? De quâ re multa essent, quae authorem istius mendacij interro gatum haberem, modò quid de illo nobis constaret: qui utinam veriora narrare discat, nec tam perfrictâ fronte similia, incomperta, atque adeò incredibilia, clarissimo viro Peucero, aut alijs referre praefumat. Astella verò Munsterus cum in●endij tanti & tam incredilis caussas in famosissimâ AEtna investigare conatus sit, quam rem illic naturalem facit, hîc verò praeternaturalemimo infernalem faciat, an non monstri simile est? Caeterùm de AEthnâ quid dico? Quin potius videamus quid de Heclae incendio aliâs sentiat Munsterus. Munsterus Cosmograph universal. lib. 1. cap. 7. Dubium non est. inquit, montes olim & campos arsisse in orb terrarum: Et nostra quidem aetate ardent. Verbi gratia: In Islandia mons Hecla statis temporibus for as proycit ingentia Saxa, evomit sulphur spargit cineres, tam longè circumcirca, ut terra ad vicesumum lapidem coli non possit. Vbi autem montium incendia perpetua sunt, intelligimus nullam esse obstructionem meatuum, per quos modò, quasi flwium quendam, ignes, modo flammas, nunc verò fumum tantùn, evomunt. Sin per temporum interualla increscunt, internis meatibus obturatis, eius v●scera nihilominus ardent. Superioris autem partis incendia propter fomitis inopiam, non nihil remittunt ad tempus. Astella ubi spiritus vehementior, ●ursus reclusis meatibus i●sdem vel alijs, ex carcere magnâ vi erumpit, cineres, arenam, sulphur, pumices, massas, quae habent speciem ferri, saxa, aliàsque materias foras proycit, plerunque non sine detrimento regionis adiacentis. Haec Munsterus. Vbi videas quaeso Lector, quomodo suose i●gulet gladio, videas inquam hîc eandem de incendio Heclae & AEtnae opinionem & sententiam, quae tamen lib. 4. eiusdem, admodum est dispar, ut illic ad causas infernales confugiat. Habet profectò Indie occidentalis mons quidam flammivomus aequiores multò, quàm hic nost●r, censores & historicos, minimè illic barathrum exaedificantes: Cuius historiam, quia & brevis est, & non illepida, subijciam, ab Hieronimo Benzone Italo in Historia● novi o●bis, lib. 2. his verbis descriptam. Triginta quinque in quit, milliarium interuallo abest Legione monsflammivomus, qui per ingentem craterem tantos saepe flammarum globos eructat, ut noctu latissimè ultra 10000 passuum incendia reluceant. Nonnullis fuit opinio, intus liquefactum aurum esse, perpetuam ignibus materiam. Itaque Dominicanus quid ●m monachus, cum eius rei periculum facere vellet, ahenum & catenam ferream fabricari curat, moxque in montis jugum cum quatuor alijs Hispanis ascendens, catenam cum aheno ad centum quadraginta ulnas in caminum demittit. Ibi ignis feruore, ahenum cum part catenae liquefactum est. Monachus non leviter iratus Legionem recurrit, fabrum incusat, quòd catenam tenuiorem multò quàm iussisset ipse, esset fabricatus. Faber aliam multo crassiorem excudit. Monachus montem repetit: Catenam & lebetem demittit. Res priori incoepto similem exitum habuit. Nec tantùm resolutus lebes evanuit, verum etiam flammae globus repentè è profundo exsiliens, propemodum & Fratrem & soc●os absumpsit. Omnes quidem adeo perculsi in urbem reversi sunt, ut de eoincoepto exequendo nunquam deinceps cogitarent, etc. O qu●m cenlura dispar? In montano Indiae occidentalis camino aurum: Islandie verò, infernum quaerunt. Sed hoc ut nimisrecens, ac veteribus ignotum fortasse reijcient: Cur igitur eundem, quem in Hecla Islandie animarum carcerem, in Chimaera, Lyciae monte, cuius noctu di●que flamma immortalis perhibetur, non sunt imaginati scriptores? Cur non in Ephesi montibus, quos taeda flammante tactos, tantum ignis concipere accepimus, ut lapides quoque & arenae in ipsis aquis ardeant, & ex quibus accenso baculo, si quis sulcum traxerit, rivos ignium sequi narratur à Plinio? Cur non in Cophantro Bactrorum monte, noctu semper conflagrante? Cur non in Hiera Insula, in medio mari ardente? Cur non in Aeolia, similiterin ipso mari olim dies aliquot aliquot accensa? Cur non in Babyloniorum campo, interd●u flagrant? Cur non in Aethiopum campis, Stellarum modo, noctu semper nitentibus? Curnon in illo Liparae tumulo, ampla & profunda voragine hiante, teste Aristotele, ad quem non tutò noctu accedatur: ex quo Cymbalorum sonitus, crotalorum boatus, cum insolitis & inconditis cachinnis exaudiantur? Cur non in Neapolitanorum agro ad Puteolos? Cur nōin illa superius commemorata Teneriffe pryramide montana, instar Aetnae, iugiter ardente, & lapides, ut ex Munstero videre est, in aëra exspuente? Cur non in illo Aethiopum iugo, quod Plinius testatur, horum omnium maximo aduri incendio? Cur non denique in Veswio monte, non sine insigni vicinie clade, & C. Plinij exitiali detrimento, dum insueti incendij causas perscrutaturus venit, nubium tenus flammas cum saxis euomēte, pumicum & cinerum ineffabili copiâ aëra replente, & solem meridianum per totam viciniam densissimis tenebris intercipiente? Dicam, & dicam quod res est: Quia scilicet illis, utpote notioribus, fidem, etsi inferni esse incendia finxissent, minimè adhiberi praevidebant: Hecle verò aestum, cuius rumor tardius ad eorum aures pervenit, huic commento vanissimo stabiliendo, magis inserui●e putabant. Sed facessite: Deprehensa fraus est: Desinite posthac illam de inferno Heklensi opinionem cuiquam velle persuadere. Docuit enim & nos, & alios, vobis invitis, consimilibus incendijs, operationes suas Natura, non Infernus. Sed videamus iam plura eiusdem farinae vulgi mendacia, quae Historicis & Cosmographis nostris adeò malè imposuerunt. SECTIO OCTAVA. juxta hos montes (tres praedictos Heclam, etc.) sunt tres hiatus immanes, Frisius Ziegle●us, Olaws Mag●. quorum altitudinem apud montem Heclam potissimum, ne Lynceus quidem perspicere queat: Sed apparent ipsum inspicientibus, homines primùm submersi, adhuc spiritum exhalantes, qui amicis suis, ut ad propria redeant, hortantibus, magnis suspirijs se ad montem Heclam proficisci debere respondent: Sicque subitò evanescunt. AD confirmandum superius mendacium de Inferno terrestri ac visibili, commentum hoc, non minus calumniosum (etsi facilè largiar, Frisium non tam calumniandi, quàm nova & inaudita praedicandi animo ista scripsisle) quàm falsum ac gerris Siculis longè vanius ac detestabilius, excogitarunt homines ignavi, nec coelum nec infernum scientes. Quos scriptores isti, viri alio qui preclarissimi & optimè de Repub. literaria meriti, nimium prepropero judicio secuti sunt. Caeterum optandum esser, nullos tanto novitatis studio Historias scribe●e, ut non vereantur aniles quasuis nugas ijs insetere, atque ita aurum purum coeno aspergere. Qui verò demum sunt homines illi submersi, in lacu infernali natitantes, & nihilominus cum notis & amicis confabulantes? Anne nobis veterem Orphea, cum sua Eurydice, in Stygias relabente un das, celloquentem, & in his extremi orbis partibus, tanquam ad Tanaim Hebrumque nivalem, cantus exercentem ly●cos, re diviwm dabitis? Certè, etsi nolint alij futilem huiusmodi ineptiarum levitatem ac mendacium agnoscere, agnovit tamen rerum omnium haud negligens aestimator Cardanus, lib. 18. subtil. cuius haec sunt verba. Est Hecla mons in Islandia, ardetque non aliter ac AEtna in Sicilia per interualla, ideoque persuasione longa (vulgi) concepta, quod ibi expientur animae. Alij, ne vani sint, assingunt inania fabulae, ut consona utdeantur. Quae sunt autem illa inania? Quòd spectra comminiscuntur, se admontem Heclam ire respondentia, ait idem. Et addit. Nec in Islandia solum, sed ubique licet rarò, talia contingunt: Subditque de laruâ homicida Historiam, quae sic haber. Efferebatur, inquit, anno praeterito, funus viri plebeij Mediolani, orientali in porta juxta templum maius foro venali, quod à caulium frequentia nomen caulis nostra lingua sonat. Occurrit mihi notus: Peto, ut medicorum moris est, quo morbo excesserit? Respondet ille: consuesse hunc virum hora noctis tertia à labore redire domum: Vidit lemurem nocte quadam insequentem: Quam cum effugere conaretur, ocyus citato pede abibat: Sed à spectro captus atque in terram pro●ectus videbatur. Execlamare nitebatur: Non poterat. Tandem, cum diu in terra cum larua volutatus esset, inventus à praetercuntibus quibujdam, semiviws domum relatus, cum resipuisset, interrogatus, haec quae minus expectabantur, retulit. Obid animam despondens, cum nec ab amicis, nec medicis, nec sacerdotibus persuaderi pot●isset, mania esse haec, octa inde diebus perijt. Audivi postmodum & ab alijs, qui vicini essent illi, neminem ab inimico vulneratum tam constanter de illo testatum, ut hic, quod à mortuo fuisset in terram provolutus. Cum quidam quaererent, quid ille post quam in terram volutareiur ageret? Conatum, inquit, mortuum adhibitis gulae manibus, ut eum strangularet: Nec obstitisse quicquam, nisi quòd se ipsum tueretur manibus. Cum alij dubitarent, ne forte haec à vivo passus esset, interrogarentque in quo mortuum a vivo secernere potuisset? Caussam reddidit satis probabilem, dicens se tanquam cottum attrectasse, nec pondus habuisse, nisiut premebatur. Et paulò post addit. Eadem verò ratione, qua in Islandia, in arenae solitudinibus AEgypts & AEthiopiae, Indiaeque ubi Sol ardei, eaedem imagines, eadem spectra viatores ludificare solent. Hactenus Cardanus. Ind tamen nemo concluserit, sicut de Islandia scriptores nostri faciunt, in illis AEgypti & AEthiopiae, Indiaeque locis, carcerem existere damnatorum. Haec ex Cardano adscribere libuit, ut etiam extraneorum testimonia pro nobis, contra figmenta tanta afferamus. Conuincit autem praesens Cardani locus haec duo, scilicet: nec esse Islandiae proprias spectrorú apparitiones: (quod etiam omnes norunt, nisi eius rei ignorantiam nimis affectent) nec illud mortuorum cum vivis, in hiatu Heclensi, colloquium, nisi ementitis hominum fabulis, quavis ampulla vanioribus, niti, quibus beluae vulgares, ad confirmandam de animarum cruciatibus opinionem, use fuerant. Et quis quam est, qui illis scriptorum hiatibus, mortuorum miraculis ad summum usque refertis, adduci potest utcredat? Quisquam, qui vanitatem tantam non cotēnat? Cerrè. Nam & hinc convicia in gentem nostram rectè sumi aiunt: Nihil scilicet hac proiectius ac deterius esse usquam, quae intra limites Orcum habeat. Scilicet hoc commodi nobis peperit Historicorum ad res novas diwlgandas aviditas. Verum illa è vulgi demetia nata opinio, ut stulta ac inanis, & in opprobrium nostrae gentis consicta, hactenus, ut spero, satis labefactata est. Quare iam perge Lector, ulterius hanc de secretis infernalibus Philosophiam cognoscere. SECTIO NONA. Circum verò Insulam, per septem aut octo menses fluctuat glacies, miserabilem quendam gemitum, Frisius & Munst. & ab humana voce non alienum, ex collisione edens. Putant incolae, & an monte Hecla & in glacie loca esse, in quibus animae suorum crucientur. EGregium scilicet Historiae augmentum, de Orco Islandico in unius montis basin, haud sanè vastam, coacto: Et interdum (statis forsan temporibus) loca commutante. Vbi scilicet domi in foco motano delitescere piget, & exire, pelagúsque, sed sine rate, tentare juuat, seseque in glacieifrustella colligere. Audite porroò, huius secreti admiratores: En porrigam Historicis aliud Historiae auctarium nequaquam contemnendum. Scribant igitur, quotquot his scriptorum, commentis adherent, Islandos non solùm infernum intra limites habere, sed & scientes volentes in gredi, atque intactos eodem die egredi, Quid ita? Quia pervetus est Insulae cosuetudo, ut maritimi in hanc glaciem, ab Historicis infernalem lactam, manè phocas, se● vitulos marinos captum eant, ac vesperi incolumes redeant. Addite etiam, in scrinijs & alij● vasis ab Islandis carcerem damnatorum asseruari, ut paulò, post ex Frisio audiemus. Sed maturè praevidendum erit vobis, ne Islandi fortitudinis & constantiae laudem vestris nationibus praeripiant: quip qui tormenta (ut historicis vestris placet) barathri sustinuisse & velint & possint, illáque sine ullo graviore damno perrumpere atque effugere valeant, quod quide mipsum ex iam dictis efficitur: Et multosnostratium enumerare poss●m, qui in ipso venationis actu longiusculè à littore digressi, glacie à Zephyris dissipata, multa milliaria glaciei in sidētes, tempestatis violentia profligati, & aliquot dies ac noctes continuas crudelissimi pelagi fluctibus iactati, sicque (id enim, inquam, ex praesenti Historicorum problemate consequitur) tormenta & cruciatus barathri glacialis experti sunt: Qui tandem mutata tempestate, atque à Borea spirantibus ventis, ad littora, cum hoc suo glaciali navigio rursus adacti, incolumes domum pervenerunt: Quorum aliqui etiam hody viwnt. Quare hoc novitaris avidi arripiant, inde que, si placet, justum volumen conficiant, atque ad Historiam suam apponant. Nec enim vanissima illa commenta aliter, quàm eiusmodi iocularibus excipienda & confundenda videntur. Caeterum, ioco seposito, unde digressi sumus, revertamur. Primùm igitur ex sectione secunda satis constat, glaciem, neque septem, neque octo mensibus circa ipsam Insulam fluitare: Deinde etiam, glaciem hanc, etsiinterdum ex collisione grandes sonitus & fragores edit, interdum propter undarum allwionem, taucum murmur personat, quicquam tamen humanae voci simile resonare aut eiulare minimè fatemur. Quod autem dicunt, nos & in glacie, & in monte Hecla loca statuere, in quibus animae nostrorum crucientur, Id verò seriò pernegamus, Deóque ac Domino nostro jesu Christo, quinos à morte & inferno eripuit, & regni coelestis ianuam nobis reseravit, gratias ex animo a gimus, quod nos de loco, in quem anime nostrorum defunctorum commigrent, rectius, quàm dicunt isti Historici, instituerit. Scimus & tenemus animas piorum non in Purgatorium Pontificiorum, aur campos Elysios, sed in sinum Abrahae, in manum Dei, in Paradisum coelestem, mox ê corporis ergastulo transferri. Scimus & tenemus de impiorum animabus, non in montanoes focos & cineres, vel glaciem nostris oculis expositam, deflectere, sed in extremas mox abripi tenebras, ubi est fletus & stridor dentium, ubi est frigus, ubi est ignis ille, non vulgaris, sed extra nostram scientiam & subtilem disputationem positus. Vbi non modò corpora, sed animae etiam i substantiae spirituales, cruciantur. Huic extremo & tenebricoso carceri non Islandos viciniores, quàm Germanos, Danos, Gallos, Italos, aut quamvis aliam gentem, quo ad loci situm, statuimus. Nec de huius carceris loco sitúue quicquam disputare attinet: Sufficit nobis abundè, quòd illius tenebricosum foetorem & reliqua tormenta, dante & iwante Domino nostro jesu Christo, cuius precioso sanguine redempti sumus, nunquam simus visuri aut sensuri. Atq●e hîc de orco Islandico disputationis colophon esto. SECTIO DECIMA. Quòd si quis ex hac glacie magnam partem ceperit, Frius, Zieglerus Sa●o ●e●esi●iliter. eámque vasi aut scrinio inclusam, quàm diligentissimè asseruarit, illa tempore glaciei, quae circum insulam est, degelantis, enanescit, ut neque minima eius particula vel guttula aquae reperiatur. ID profecto necessariò addendum fuit: Hanc scilicet glaciem, voces humanas, secundum Historicos, representatem, & damnatorum receptaculum existentem, non esse, ut reliqua in vastissima hac universitate omnia, ex Elementi alicuius materia conflatam. Siquidem cum corpus esse videatur, corpus tamen non sit, (quod ex Frisijs paradoxo rectè deducitur) cum etiam corpora dura & solida perrumpat, non secus ac spectra & genij: Restat igitur cum non sit elementaris naturae, ut vel spiritualem habeat materiam, vel coelestem, vel quod ipsi forsan largiantur, infernalem. Infernalem tamen esse non assentiemur, quia ad aures nostras pervenit frigus infernale longè esse intractabilius, quam est hec glacies, humanis manibus in scrinio reposita, nec quicquam suo contactu, vel nudatam carnem laedere valens. Nec profectò spiritualem esse dabimus; accepimus enim à Physicis, substantias spirituales nec cerni, nec tangi, necijs quicquam decedere posse: Quae tamen omnia in hanc historicorum glaciem, quantumuis, secundum illos, hyperphysicam, cadere certum & manifestum est. Praeterea & hoc verissimum est, eam calore solis resolutam, ac in superficie sua stagnantem, siti piscatorum restinguendae, non secus ac rivos terrestres, inseruire: Id quod substantiae spirituali denegatum est. Non est igitur spiritualis, ut nec infernalis. jam verò coelestem habere materiam, nemo audebit dicere: Ne forte inde aliquis suspicetur, glaciem hanc barathrum, quod illi Historici affingunt, secum ê coelo traxisse: Vel id coelo, quip eiusdem materie cum glacie, commune esse, atque ita carcer damnatorum cum Paradiso coelesti loca commutasse, Historicorum culpa putetur. Quare cum glacies haec Historica nec ●it elementaris, ut ex praesenti loco Fri●●j optmè sequi iam toties monuimus: nec spiritualis, nec infernalis, quod verumque brevibus, solidis tamen rationibus demonstravimus: nec coelestis materiae, quod opinari religio vetat: relinquitur omnino, ut secundum eosdem Historicos nulla sit, quam tamen illi tàm cum stupendâ admiratione praedicant, & nos videri ac tangi putamus. Est igitur, & non est: Quod axioma ubi secundum idem, & ad idem, & eodem tempore, verum esse poterit, nos demum miraculis istis glacialibus credemus. Itaque iam vides Lector, ad haec refellenda nullo alio esse opus, quàm monstrari quomodo secum dissideant. Sed haud mirum, eum qui semel vulgi fabulosis rumoribus se permisit, saepius errare. Cuiusmodi etiam prodidit quidam de glacieihuius Sympathiâ, quòd videlicet molis, cuius pats esset, discessum insequeretur, ut omnem obseruationis diligentiam inevitabili fugae necessitate deciperet. Atqui saepe vidimus eiusmodi solitariam molem post abactam reliquam glaciem, nullis vectibus, nullis machinis detentam, ad littus multis septimanis consistere. Palam est igitur, illud de glacie miraculum fundamento niti, quàm est ipsa glacies, magis lubrico. SECTIO VNDECIMA. Non procul ab his montibus, 〈◊〉 (tribus praedictis) ad maritimas oras vergentibus, sunt quatuor fontes diversissimae naturae. unus suo perpetuo ardore omne corpus sibi immissum raptim convertit in saxum, manente tamen priore formâ. Alter est algoris intolerabilis. Tertius vel melle dulcior, & restinguendae siti iucundissimus. Quartus plane exitialis, pestilens, & virulentus. ETiam haec fontium ●opographia satis apertè monstrat, quàm ex impuro font has suas narrationes omnes miraculosas hauserit Geographus. Id enim dicere videtur: Montes hos tres praedictos ferè continguos esse: Siquidem tribus montibus quatuor fontes indiscretè adscribit. Alioqui si non vicinos statuisset, uni alicui horum duos fontes adscripsisset. Sed neque hi montes contigui sunt (quip multis milliaribus invicem dissiti) neque juxta hos fontes illi quatuor reperiuntur: quod, qui credere nolit, experiatur. Caeterum ad haec confundenda sufficit, credo, ipsorum histori corum contrarietas. Nam de duobus fontibus quidam Frisio his verbis contradicit. Erumpunt ex eodem monte (Heclâ) fontes duo, quorum alter aquarum frigiditate, alter feruore in●olerabili exedit omnem elementarem vim. Hi duo sunt primi illi Frisijs fontes, nisi quod hic miraculum indurandi corpora, alteri fontium attributum, omissum sit. Atqui non simul possunt ex ipso monte, & juxta montem erumpere. Hic vero libenter quaesierim, quâ ratione quisquam ex Peripateticis dicat, aliquid ipso elemento a quae frigidius, aut igne calidius? unde demum, scriptores, ista frigiditas? unde iste fervour? Nonne è Schola vestra accepimus aquam esse elementum frigidissimum & humidum, atque adeò frigidissimum, ut ad constituendas qualitates secundas, remitti sit necesse, nec simplicem usibus humanis inseruire? (Haec ego nunc Physicorum oracula fundo, vera an falsa, nescio.) Testis est unus omnium, & pro omnibus, johannes Fernelius lib. 2. Physiologiae, cap. 4. Sic, inquit, qualitates hae (quatuor primae) quatuor rerum naturis summae obtigerunt, ut quemadmodum puro igne nihil calidius, nihil que levius: Sic terra nihil siccius, nihil gravius: Aquam sinceram, nullius medicamenti vis gelida evincit, ut nec aërem, ullius humor. Summae praeterea sic illis insunt, ut ne minimum quidem possint augescere, remitti verò possint. Nolo huc rationes seu argumenta Physicorum aggregare. unum profecto híc cavendum est, ne dum fontium miracula praedicant scriptores, ut glaciem Islandorum, ita etiam fontes creatorum numero eximant. Nos fontium a diuncta, quae huc scriptores pertraxerunt, ordine persequemur. Primus suo perpetuo calore) Plurimae sunt in Islandia thermae seu fontes calidi: Pauciores ardentes: quos ne que cuiquam miraculo esse debere existimamus, cum huiusmodi, ut a scriptoribus didici, passim abundet Germania, praecipuè in ijs locis, quae non sunt procul ab Alpium radicibus. Nota est fama thermarum Badensium, Gebarsuiliensium, Calbensium, in ducatu Wirtembergensi, & multarum aliarum quarum meminit Fuchsius in lib. de arte medendi. Et non solum Germania, sed etiam Gallia, & longè magis omnium bonorum parens Italia, inquit Cardanus. Et Aristoteles narrat, circa Epyrum calidas aquas sca●urire, unde locus Pyriphlegeton appellatur. Atque inquàm, haec ideo minus miranda, quod ut incendij montani, ita feruoris aquei caussas indagarint Naturae speculatores: Aquam scilicet per tertae venas sulphureas, aut aluminosas labi, indeque non calorem solùm, sed saporem etiam & virtutes alienas concipere. Docuit hoc Aristoteles libro de mundo. Continet, inquit, terra in se multos fontes, ut aquae, ita & spiritus & ignis: Quidam amnium more fluunt, & velignescens eijciunt ferrum: Nunc tepidae aquae erumpunt, nunc feruentissimae, nunc temperatae. Et Seneca: Empedocles existimabat ignibus, quos multis locis opertos tegit terra, aequam calescere, si subiecti sint solo, per quod aquae transitus est. Lib. 3. Nat. quest. Et scitè de thermis Baianis Pontanus. Baiano sed ne fumare in littore thermas Mirere, aut liquidis fluitare incendia venis: Vulcani fora sulphureis incensa caminis Ipsa monent, latè multùm tellure sub ima Debacchari ignem, camposque exurere opertos. Ind fluit, calidum referens ex igne vaporem, unda fugax, tectis fervent & balne a flammis. Hoc loco attingendum duxi quod tradit Saxo Grammaticus, Danorum celebratissimus historicus, Islandiae fontes quosdam nunc ad summum excrescere, & exundare: Nunc adeò subsidere, ut vix fontes agnoscas. Qui etsi rariores apud nos invenivotur, adscribam tamen similes, etiam alibi à natura productos, ne quis hîc monstri quippiam imaginetur. Hos autem recitat Plinius. In Tenedo Insula unum, qui semper à tertia noctis hora, in sextam solstitio aestivo exunde●. In agro Pitinate, trans Apenninum montem, flwium esse, qui omnibus Solstitijs ●stiuis exundet, brumalitempore siccetur. Refert etiam de font quodam satis largo, qui singulis horis i●tumescat & residat. Nec id magis negligendum: subire tetras flumina, tursusque redire: ut Lycus in Asia, Erasinus in Argolica, Tigris in Mesopotamia, quibus Cardanus addit Tanaim in Moscovia: Et quae in AEsculapij font Athenis immersa sunt, in Phaletico reddi. Et Seneca scribit esse flumina, quae in specum aliquem subterraneum demissa, ex hominum oculis se subducunt, quae consumi paulatim & intercidere constet: Eademque post interuallum reverti, recipereque & nomen & cursum priorem. Et iterum Plinius; flwium in Atinate campo mersum, post 20 millia passuum exi●e. Quae omnia, & his similia, Islandiae fontes, miraculo nullo, prae caeteris esse debere, ostendunt. Omne corpus immissum continuò convertit in saxum. His duobus adiunctis, feruore nempe, seu ardore vehementissimo, & virtute indurandi corpora, primum suum fontem describit Frisius, Et fama quidem accepi, ipse non sum expertus, existere similem fontēin Islandia, non procul à sede Episcopali Schalholt, apud villam nomine Haukadal. Habet simile Seneca, dicens, fontem quendam esse, qui ligna in lapides convertat, hominumque viscera indurescere, qui aquam etus biberint: Et addit eiusmodi fontes in quibusdam Italiae locis inveniri: quod ovidius Ciconum flumini tribuit 15. Metamorph. Flumen habent Cicones, quod potum saxea reddit Viscera, quod tactis inducit marmora rebus. Et Cardanus: Georgius Agricola, inquit, in Elbogano tractu juxta oppidum à falconibus cognominatum, integras cum corpooe abietes in lapidem conversas esse, atque, quod maius est, in rimis etiam Pyritidem lapidem continere. Et Domitius Brusonius, in Sylare amne, qui radices montis eius, qui est in agro urbis Vrsentinorum olim, nunc Contursy, lambit, folia & arborum ramos in lapides transire, non fide altorum, sed propria, ut qui incola sit regionis, (cuirei etiam Plinius astipulatur) narrat, cortices autem lapidum, annos numero ostendere. Sic (si scriptoribus credimus) guttae Gotici fontis sparse lapidescunt. Et in Vngaria, Cepusij aqua, in urceos infusa, lapidescit. Plinius refert etiam, ut in Ciconum flumine, & in Piceno lacu velino, lignum deiectum, lapideo cortice obduci. Secundus algoris intolerabilis. Quantum ad secundum fontem attinet, nullus hic est quòd quisquam sciat, algoris intolerabilis, sed plurimi bene frigidi, ita ut vulgaribus rivis aestivo sole tepescentibus, non sine voluptate ex frigidioribus illis aquam hauriamus. Sunt & longè frigidiores sortè alibi: Nam & Cardanus in agro Corinthio è montis vertice fluentem nuum commemorat, nive frigidiorem: Et intra primum à Culma lapidem, Insanam vocatum: quae aqua cum seruere videatur, sit tamen longè frigidissima, etc. Tertius vel melle dulcior. Neque id prosus verum est. Non enim est ullus apud nos, qui vel minima ex part cum mellis dulcedine conferri possit. Rectius igitur Saxo, qui fontes (quoniam plures sunt) in Istandia dicit inveniri Cerealem referentes liquorem, ut etiam ibidem non diversi saporis solum, sed diversi etiam coloris fontes & flumina reperiuntur. Etsi autem tradunt Physici aquam naturaliter ex se neque soporem neque odorem habere, tamen, ut superius attigimus, verisimile est, quod alij per accidens vocant, eam saepe referre qualitatem terrae, in qua generatur, & per cuius venas transitum atque excursum habet: Atque hinc aquarum odores, colores, sapores, alios atque alios existero. Cuiusmodi sunt, de quibus narrat Seneca, quorum alij famem excitent, alij bibentes inebtient, alij memoriae officiant, alij iwent eandem, alij vini saporem & virtutem repraesentent: Vt ille apud Plinium in Andro Insula fons, in templo Liberi, qui Nonis jan: vini sapore fluat. Et apud Aristotelem fons in agro Carthaginensi, Lib. de ●●●ab. auscult●●. qui oleum praebeat, & guttulas Cedri odore repraesentet. Item, Orcus flwius Thessaliae, influens in Peneum, olei instar supernatans: Cuiusmodi etiam narrat Cardanus in Saxonia esse, juxta Brunonis oppidum, fontem oleo per●usum: Lib. 2. de Element. Et in Suevia, juxta Coenobium, cui Tergensche nomen est Item, in valle montis jurassi. Causam huius rei putat esse bitumen valde pingue, quod oleum sine dubio contineat. Idem, famam esse ait, in Cardia, juxta locum Daschyli, in campo albo aquam esse lact dulciorem. Aliam quoque juxta pontem, qua Valbeburgum itur. jam aquarum vini saposem referentium meminit his verbis Propertius, 3. lib. Elegiar. En tibi per mediam bene olentia flumina Naxon, unde inum pota Naxia turba merum. Est autem Naxus Insula una ex Cycladibus, in mari AEgeo, Causam huius assignat Cardanus, quod hydromel vetustaie transeat in vinum. Aristoteles commemorat Siciliae fontem, quo incolae loco aceti utantur. Idem saporum aquae causam in calorem retulit, quòd terra excocta mutet & praebeat saporem aquae. jam de aquae coloribus ita Cardanus. Eadem est ratio colorum aquae, ait, quae & saporum: videlicet à terra originem trahere. Nam Candida est aqua, ad secundum lapidem à Glauca, Misenae oppido: Rubea, ut in Radera Misenae flwio, juxta Radeburgum: Et olim in judaea juxta joppen: Viridis, in Carpato monte, juxta Neusolam: Caerulea aut blava, inter Feltrium & Taruisium, & in Thermopylis etiam talem fuisse referunt: Nigerrima in Allera flwio Saxoniae, ubi in Visurgimse exonerat. Caussae sunt aergillae colores, sed tenuiores. Item Aristo●eles: circa japygiam promontorium, esse fontem, quisanguinem fundat, addens, eam maris partem suo foetore navigantes procul arcere. Aiunt praeterea in Idumaea fontem esse, qui quater in anno colorem mutet, cum sit colore nunc viridi, nunc albo, nunc sanguineo, nunc lutulento. Et de aquarum odore sie Cardanus. Similis ratio differentiae est in odoribus. Plerumque tamen aquarum odores iniucundi sunt, quòd rarò terra bene oleat. Pessimè olim foetabat in AElide, Anigri fluminis aqua, usque, ad perniciem, ●on solum piscium, sed etiam hominum. juxta Metonem in Messania, in puteo quodam optimè olens aqua hauriebatur. Haec ideo recito, ut nullus magis in Islandia quàm alibi, aquarum, colores odores, sapores, miretur. Quartus plane exitialis. Autor est Isidorus, esse fontem quendam, cuius aqua pota vitam extinguat: Et Plinius: juxta Nonarim, inquit, Arcadia, Styx (juxta Cyllenem montem, ait Cardan. Sola equi ungula con●inebatur: referunt ea sublatum Alexandrum magnum) nec odore differens, nec colore, epota illico necat. Idem, In Beros● Taurorum colle sunt tres fontes sine remedio, sine dolore mortiferi: Et quod longè maximum est, quod Seneca stagnum esse dicat, in quod prospicientes statim moriantur. Nos verò Islandi etiam hunc quartum Frisijs fontem, cuius etiam Saxo meminit, ut antchac semper, itidemetiam nobishodie penitus ignotum testamur: Hocque; igitur nomine, Deo immortales gratias agimus, quòd ab eiusmodi fontibus & serpentibus, insectis venenatis, ac alijs pestiferis & contagiosis, esse nos immunes volverit. Praeterea est apud praedictos fontes tanta sulphuris copia. Montes tres à Munstero & Frisio ignivomi dicti, omnes longissimo interuallo à nostris fodinis distant. Quare cum juxta hos montes, fontibus quatuor, quos tantopere miraculis celebrant, locum & situm faciant, necesse est eos fontes pari ferè interuallo à fodinis sulphureis remotos esse. Nec verò apud montem Heclam, ut Munsterus, nec apud hos Frisijs fontes (quorum rumor quàm verus sit, hactenus ostensum est) sulphur effoditur: Nec patrum nostrorum memoria effossum esse arbitramur. Neque; verum est, quod de sulphuris copia tradit Munsterus, esse videlicet penè unicum Insulae mercimonium & vectigal. Sulphur in boreali Islandiae part Nam cum insula in quatuor partes divisa sit, quarta pars, nempe borealis, tantum dimidia, hoc utitur mercimonio, nec sulphuris mica in vectigal jusulae pendi●ur. SECTIO DVODECIMA. Munst. Piscium tanta est copia in hac Insula, ut ad altitudinem domorum sub aperto coelo vendendi exponantur. SVb aperto coelo. Id quidem facere vidimus mercatores extraneos, donecu aves mercibus extraneis exonerarint, incipiantque; easdem rursus piscibus & reliquis nostratium mercibus one-rare. An verò nostri homines id aliquando fecerint, non satis liquet. Certè copiosa illa & vetus piscium abundantia iam desijt, Islandis & istius boni, & aliorum penuria laborare incipientibus, Domino Deo meritum impietatis nostrae flagellum, quod utinam ritè agnoscamus, immit●ente. SECTIO DECIMATERTIA. Frisius. Equos habent velocissimos, qui sine intermissione 30. millaria continuo cursu conficiunt. QVidam in sua mappa Islandiae, 20. millaria continuo cursu assequi tradit cuiusdam paroeciae equos. Sed utrum que impossibile ducimus. Nam maximae celeritatis & roboris bestias (Rangiferos appellant) scribit Munsterus non nisi 30. millaria 24. horarum spacio conficere. SECTIO DECIMAQVARTA. Cete grandia instar montium prope Islandiam aliquando conspiciuntur, quae naves evertunt, Munst. nisi tubarum sono absterreantur, aut missis in mare rotundis & vacuis vasis, quorum lusu delectantur, ludificentur. Fit aliquando, ut nautae in dorsa cetorum, quae Insulas esse putant, anchor as figentes, saepe periclitentur, vocantur autem eorum lingua Trollwal, Tuffelwalen. i. Diabolica cete. INstar montium: En tibi iterum, Lector, Munsteri Telenicia Echo, & caecum, ut dici soler, insomnium. Deformat, me Hercule, adeò mendax & absurda hyperbole historiam, idque tantò magis quantò minus est necessaria. Nam quorsum attinet mentiri Historicum, si historia est reiverae narratio? Quorsum tropicas hyperboles assumet? Quid conabitur persuadere, aut quo pertrahere Lectorem, siquidem nihil nisi simplicem rorum expositionem sibi proponit? Pictoribus atque Poëtis, Qùodlibet audendi semper fuit aequapotestas: Non itidem Historicis. Dorsa cetorum, quae Insulas putant: Nata est haec fabula, ut & reliquae, ex mendacio quodam, ut antiquo, ita ridiculo & vano, cuius ego fidem titivilitio non emam. Est autem tale: Missos fuisse olim Legatos cum sodalitio monastico, ab Episcopo Bremensi (Brandanus veteribus Noruagis, Krantzio, ni fallor, Alebrandus appellatur) ad fidem Papisticam, quae tum Christiana putabatur, in Septentrione praedicandam & diwlgandam: Eosque, ubi immensum iter Septentrionem versus navigando consumpsissent, ad insulam quandam pervenisse: ibique jacta anchora descensum in Insulam fecisse, focos accendisse: (Nam verisimile est nautas in ipso mari glaciali frigore non parum esse vexatos) & commeatum navalem ad reliquum iter expedivisse. Astella ubi bene ignibus accensis incaluerant foci, Insulam hanc submersam citò evanuisse, nautas autem per praesentem scapham vix seruatos fuisse. Habes huius rei fundamentum, Lector, sed quàm incredibile, ipse vides. Quid verò tandem est animi nautis, qui in mari procelloso videntes scopulum, vel, ut Munsterus, Insulam perexiguam emergere, non vitent potius omni studio, allisionem & naufragium metuentes, quàm ut in portu parum tuto quiescere teutent? Sed ubi anchora figenda? Solent enim, ut plurimùm, deesle nautis tam immensi funes, ut in altissimo aequore anchoram demittant: Igitur in dorsis cetotum, respondet Munsterus. Oportet igitur, vestigium unci prius effodiant. O stultos nautas, balenarum carnem, à terrae cespitibus, inter fodiendum, non dignoscentes, nec lubricam cetorum cutem, à terrestri superficie internoscentes. Digni profectò, quibuscum ipse Munsterns, nauclerus transfretaret. Equidem hoc loco, ut & superius, de miraculis Islandiae terrestribus agens, è Tantali, ut aiunt, horto fructus colligit, id est, ea consectatur, quae nunquam reperiuntur, nec usquam sunt, dum miracula hinc inde conquirere, terram & pelagus verrere, ad Historiae suae supplementum studet: Vbi tamen nihil nisi commentitia tantùm venari potest. Vocantur autem lingus eorum Trollwal. Ne ultra peram, Munstere: Nullam siquidem es linguae nostrae cognitionem adeptus: Quare meritò puderet tantum virum, rem ignotam alios velle docere: Est enim eiusmodiin coeptum erroribus obnoxium complurimis, ut vel hoc tuo exemplo docebimus. Dum enim vis alijs autor esse, quomodo nostra lingua balenae vel cete appellentur, detracta, perinscitiam, aspiratione, quae penè sola vocis significationem facit, quod minimè verum est, affers: Non enim val nostra lingua balenam, sed electionem sive delectum significat, à verbo, Eglantine vel i eligo, vel deligo: unde val, etc. At balena Hualur nobis vocatur: unde tu Trollhualur scribere debebas. Nec vero Troll Diabolum, ut tu interpretatis, sed Gigantes quosdam montanoes significat. Vides igitur, quomodo in toto vocabulo turpiter, quod haud tamen mirum, errs. Levis quidem illa in linguam nostram iniutia, in unica tantùm voce: qunoniam plures, haud dubiè, non noras. Idem alijs etiam usu venit: Non enim probandum est, quòd quidam, dum Islandiae descriptionem, ab Islandis acceptam, ederet, maluerit omnia, aut certè plurima promontoriorum, finuum, montium, fontium, fluminum, tesquorum, vallium, collium, pagorum nomina depravare (quòd nostrae linguae ignarus, non sciret à nostratibus accepta satis exactè legere) atque corrumpere, quàm prius ab ipsis Islandis, qui tum temporis, id est, Anno 1585. 1585. in Academia Haffniensi vixerunt, quomodo singula legi ac scribi deberent, ediscere. Ipsum certè hac nativorum nominum & appellationum voluntaria depravatione, (qua factum est, ut ipsi ea legentes, paucissima nostra agnoscamus) in linguam nostram, alioqui puram & avitam penè elegantiam retinentem, non leviter peccasse reputamus. Caeterum iam plurima Islandiae miracula, quae quidem scriptores nostri-attigerunt, sic ut cunque examinavimus. Sed tamen priusquam alio divertamur, in hac part attingendum videtur, quod idem ille in mappa Islandiae, quam sub suo nomine, praedicto anno edi fecerat, de duobus, praeter supra d●ctos, fontibus Islandiae prodidit: quorum alter lanas albas colore nigro, alter nigras albo, inficiat. Quod quidem ubi acceperit, aut unde habeat, scire equidem non possumus: Nec enim apud nostrates, nec apud extraneos scriptores, reperire licuit. Sed undecunque est, fabula est, nec veritatis micam habet. Quamuis autem sit incredibile, Lanas nigras albo infici colore, cum traditum sit a Plinio, Lanarum nigras nullum imbibere colorem: Tamen simile quiddam narratur à Theophrasto: Flumen esse in Macedonia, quod oves nigras, albas reddat. Et illa, cuius etiam superius memini, rapsodia Noruagica, speculum scilicet illud regal, hos ipsos fontes Irlandiae, quae hody Hybernia, non Islandiae esse affirmat. Quod forsan Lectori imposuit, in lingua peregrina, pro R, S, legenti. Non maiorem fidem meretur, quod Historicus quidam habet: Esse in Islandia saxum, quod montium praerupta non extrinseca agitatione, sed propria nativaque motione pervolitet: Id qui credere volet, quid incredibile ducet? Est enim commentum tam inauditum, ut nullum eius simile, fabulatos fuisse Epicuraeos (qui tamen multa incredibilia excogitasse Luciano visi sunt) constet: Nisi fortè hominem, qui Islandis proprio nomine stain dicitur, sentu Historicus rupes quasdam circuisse, vel circumreptasse. Quod, etsi ridiculum est in Historian miraculosam referre, hominem scilicet moveri vel ambulare, tamen ad saluandam Historici fidem, simulandum: ne figmentum illud, per se satis absurdum, nec dignum quod legatur, durius perstringamus. Eodem crimine tenentur, quicunque Islandie, coruos albos, picas, lepores, & vultures adscripserunt: Perraro enim vultures, cum glacie marina, sicut etiam ursos (sed hos saepius quá vultures) & cornicum quoddam genus, Islandis Isakrakur, advenire obseruatum est. Picas verò & lepores, ut & coruos albos, nun quàm Islandia habuit. Atque haec ferè sunt, que de prima commentarij nostri part quotidianas occupationes, in praesentia, afferre licuit. Quae in hunc finem à me scripta sun●, (quod etiam prius testatus sum,) ut scriptorum de terra ignota errores, & quorundam etiam affectata vanitas, patefierent: Neque enim eorum famae quicquam detractum cupio: Sed quòd veritati & patr●ae, operam meam consecraram, illa, quae hactenus dicta sunt à multis, de Insula, fidem valde exiguam mereri, necesse habui ostendere: ac ita mihi viam ad sequentia de Incolis sternere. Commentary primae partis Finis. Commentarij de Islandia pars secunda: quae est de incolis. ABsolutis hactenus miraculis Islandie, (cum nonnullis alijs, primae parti annexis) que dum scriptores, velut Agamemnonios quosdam fontes, imò, ut quiddam praeter & contra omnem naturam, mirantur, nec non variè depraedicant, minus veritati ipsi, & authoritati suae consulunt; monet propositae orationis series, ut ad alteram commentarij partem nos conferamus, quae est de incolis: Vbi quid primùm dicam, aut unde initium sumam, non satis teneo. Tanta enim sunt in nos ultimos Islandos, & tot quorundam ludibria, tot opprobria, tot scommata, tot dicteria, (Atque inter haec etiam nonnulla eorum, qui simplicissimam veritatem profiteri volunt, nempe historicorum) ut si singula recensere velim, non aliud quàm Icariae numerum dicere coner aquae. Sed, ut dixiinitio, non cum omnibus aequè stricto iure agemus. Nam licet Krantzius, Munsterus, Frisius, & alij, nimis audacter multa de gente nostra scripserint: Tamen suis monumentis de studijs liberalibus alioqui benè meriti. etiam apud nos eo erunt in precio, quo merentur. Verum interea, etsi quis velit eos à calumniand● nota liberare, tamen non leave est, eos res quasdam tam absurdas, impossibiles & ridiculas proposuisse cuiusmodi illa fuerunt, quae hactenus exposuimus, tum impias, & atrocitate menda● rorum horrendas, cu●usmodi iam sequentur aliquot, in historias retulisse. Astella alijs, quicunque; sunt, qui quotidianis convicijs nationem Islandorum incessunt, responsio, quam merentur, parata esse debet: Ex quorum numero, scurra ille fuit, qui rhythmis aliquor, in gentis nostrae contumeliam, Germanica lingua editis, nomen suum immortali dedecori consecravit. Quapropter, ut instituti nostri ratio exigit, dum scriptorum de hacre monumenta persequimur, etsi quae dam in eis occurrant, quae contumeliae patum habent, nos tamen plaeraque excutiemus, & errores, ut hactenus, annotabimus: tum si quid veriin erea attulerint, id nequaquam dissimulabimus. Secundae panis distributio. Ac eo modo, primùm Munsterum, Krantzium, Frisium, & si qui sunt alij, audiemus, Graculo illo, cum suis rhythmis Germanicis, dira calumnia infect●s in postremum, ut dignus est, reiecto locum. 1. Capitis huius partis divisio. In hunc igitur modum, primùm de fide ●eu Religione Islandorum: Deinde de ipsorum motibus, institutis seu v●uendi ratione, authores isti scribunt. SECTIO PRIMA. Adalbertus Metropolitanus Hamburgensis, Anno Christi 1070. vidit ad Christum conversos Islandos: licet ante susceptam Christi fidem, lege Naturali viventes, non multùm à lege nostra discrepantes: itaque, petentibus illis, ordinavit quendam virum sanctum, primum Episcopum, nomine Isleif. KRantzius his verbis, & Munsterus alibi, fidei seu Religionis Christianae dignitatem Islandis videntur adscribere: Facerentque & se, & veritate dignum, nisi eandem aliâs nobis adimerent. Nam (ut de Krantzio infra) Munsterus, quae supra prodidit, de fide nostra, seu opinione circa Inferni locum situmque, omninò est à Christiana pletate alienum: Velle scilicet scrutari arcana, quae Deus sibi soli reseruavit, quaeque voluit nostrum captum excedere: Non enim reperitur de hac re quicquam in literis sacris, ubi locus vel situs inferni seu ignis aete●i, Diabolo & Angelis ipsius, adeoque damnatis omnibus animabus destinati, determinetur, aut circumscribatur: Nullum inquam, infra terram, seu in ea, aut ulla alia huius mundi part, corporalem seu localem situm illi damnatorum carceri pagina sacra assignat: quinimò, terram hanc interituram, & terram novam & coelos novos, justorum & sanctorum habitacula, creanda affirmat: Apoc. 2.2. Petri 3 Esa. 65. Quare Christianus rerum adeò abstrusarum inquisitionem libenter praeterit: tum dogmata nullis apertis & illustribus scripturae sacrae testimonijs stabilita, velut certa & vera recipere, aut alijs tradere, nefas esse ducit. Deut. 4. & 12. Esa. 8. Matth. 17.2. Timoth. 3 Deinde etiam pugnat acriter cum Religione Christiana, quo Munsterus & Krantzius Islandos ornant, encomium: Eos videlicet, catulos ac pueros suos aequo habere in precio. De quo infra, section. 7. Sic igitur secum dissidet Munst. dum quos Christianos asserit, inferni architectos aliàs facit: Item, Krantzius & Munsterus, dum quos fide Christo insertos affirmant, cosdem omni pietatis & honestatis sensu exuunt: quòd scribant filios ab his, non maiore cura, quàm catulos diligi. Sed ut ad rem: De Religiore equidem nostra, quae qualisue fuerit, cum Ethnicismus primùm fugari caepit, nihil magnificè dicere possumus: quemadmodum nec alia Septentrionis Regna vicina, uti existimo, de suis fidei initijs. Fatendum enim est, & cum serijs gemitibus deplorandum usque ad illam nunquamsatis praedicatam diem, que nobis velut immortalitatis initium illuxit & repurgati evangelii doctrinam attulit, tenebras plusquam Cimmerias, etiam nostris hominibus, ut reliquis Septentrionis Ecclesijs, offusas fuisse. Illud tamen piè nobis sentire liceat, apud nos, ut & in vicina Noruegia (nam nolo ultra septa vagari, & de populis ignotis quicquam pronunciare) eiecta primum Idololatria Ethnica, sinceriorem long & simpliciorem fidem seu religionem Christianam viguisse; quip veneno Papistico minus infectam, quam posteà, ubi auctum Romanae sedis fermentum pestiferum, & malum contagiosum maturuit, & per totum orbem virus suum diffudit: Nam ut posteà apparebit, multis annis ante quam nova Pontificiorum Idololatria vires & incrementum cepit, Islandia Christum amplexa est: & ut laudatissimi duo illi Noruegiae Reges, quibus ut commune nomen, ita commune nominis Christi propagandi studium & professio, nihil nisi fidem in Deum Patrem, Filium, & spiritum Sanctum, sonabat. Dico autem illum Olaum Thryggonis F. qui Anno Christi 968. natus, Anno aetatis 27. imperium Noruegiae adeptus est, & primus, ut accepimus, Noruegis Christum obtrusit: quibus imperitabat annis 5. Et huic cognominem, Olaum nuncupatum Sanctum, Haraldi F. Qui anno Christi 1013. aut circiter, imperij habenas arctius in primis obtinuit: Per annos fere 17. Christi doctrinam audacter tradidit. Anno Christi 1030● ab improbis parricidis nefariè interfectus, in pago Noruegiae Stickla Stodum, pro Christi nomine cruorem fudit. Habuit etiam nostra patria inter multos alios quendam insignem pietate virum; cui Nialus nomen erat, qui circa annum Christi 1000 vixit in praedio seu villa Berthors huol, sita in Parochia Islandiae, Landenum: Quique rerum humanarum experientia, circumspecta animi prudentia, sagacitate & consilio, habebatur in signis. Cum enim, eius seculo, indomitis Islandia motibus fluctuarer, incolis à nullo ferè superiore magistratu repressis, nullis se factionibus immiscuit: Plurimas cauta animi virtute ac industria composuit: Nunquam vim fecit, nec passus est, si ultimum tantum in vita diem excipias. Ade ò studiosè seditiones & turbas vitavit: aliosque; vitare aut evadere cupientes optimè iwit: Nec quisquam eius consilio, nisi maximo suo commodo est unquam usus: nec quisquam ab eo, nisi cum vitae & fortunarum periculo deflexit. Tam certum ab eo oraculum petebatur, ut valde mirandum sit, unde homini tanta suturorum eventuum, & tam certa coniectura & consilium esse potuerit, quanta in ipso deprehensa est. unde ipsius cauta, providens & consilij plena sapientia, apud nostrates in proverbium abijt: Nials biita taden: quasi dicas, Niali consilium: vel, Niali consilio res geritur, aut succedit: cùm quid prudenter & admirando cum consilio gestum est. Hic cum domiluae, a 100 viris con●uratis ob cedem à filio ipsius, ipso tamen inicio patratam cingeretur, & inimicis domum un dique igni succendentibus, sibi videret supremum fatum instare, ait tandem. Haec quidem fato, hoc est, voluntate divina accidunt. Caeterum spem & fiduciam in Christo sitam habeo, nos (dese & uxore loquens) licet corpus hoc nostrum caducum, mimicorum flammis, mortalitatis corruptionem subeat, ab aeternis tamen flammis liberatum iri. Sicque inter has voces, & flammarum saevitiam, vitam, An. Christo 1010. cum uxore & filio homicida, finivit. Vox profectò filijs Dei non indigna, animae, cum mortis acerbitate luctantis sumu●●● solatium arguens. Haec ideo addidi, ut ostendam, quâ coniectura adducar ad existimandum mox initio Christianismi (ut sic loquar) apud nos recepti, non fuisse tam deceptas & errorum tenebris immersat hominum mentes, quàm nunc, paulò ante haec nostra tempora fuerunt. Astella verò iam postquam Dominus Deus per Lutherum, & Lutheri in vinea Domini collegas, & pios successores, salutis doctrinam illustriorem reddidit, mentiúmque nostrarum gravi veremo & densa caligine excussis, dextrae suae digito, hoc est, spiritu Sancto, (Matth. 12. vers. 28.) cordis nostri auriculas vellicavit, ac oculos, quibus saluificam ipsius veritatem cerneremus, nobis aperuit: Nos omnes & singuli credimus & confitemur Deum esse Spiritum (johan. 4. vers. 24. aeternum isaiah 40. vers. 28.) Infinitum (jerem. 23. vers. 24. Psalm. 136. vers. 7.8.9.) optimum (Matth. 19.17.) omnipotentem (Gene. 17.1. Apocal. 1.8.) unum essentia & natura: unum providentia: unum efficientia rerum & administratione (Deut. 6.5. Ephes. 4.5.) At personis divinitatis, proprietatibusque distinctum, Patrem, Filium & spiritum Sanctum (Matth. 28.19. & 3.17.) Deum Patrem quidem, primam divinitatis personam, coeli terrae & omnium rerum creatorem (Gene. 1. vers. 1. & se quent.) Sustentatorem & gubernatorem (Psal. 115.3. Heb. 1.3.) Pa●rem Domini nostri jesu Christi (Psalm. 2.7. & se quent:) & nostrum per cundem Patrem (Rom. 8.15.) Animae & corporis curatorem (Luc. 12.12.) Tum jesum Christum, secundam divinitatis personam, filium Deipatris (johan. 1.18. etc.) unigenitum (johan. 1.29. Heb. 1.2.) aequalem patri (1. Paral. 17.13. johan. 1.1.) Deum verum (johan. 1.2. etc.) ante omnia creata praeordinatum (1. Pet. 1.20. Apocal. 13.8. etc.) & statim post lapsum, promissum Messiam (Gen. 3.15.) Sanctis Patriarchis identidem promulgatum, ut Abrahae (Gen. 12.3 etc.) Isaac. Gen. 26.4.) jacob. (Gen. 28.14.) & promissionibus confirmatum (Genes. 49.9. Esa. 11.1.10.) Sacrificijs Mosaicis (Leuit. 1.2. etc.) Et alijs typis prefiguratum: immolatione Isaac (Gen. 22.) Exaltatione aenei serpentis, (Num. 21.) jona (jon. 2. etc.) Prophetarum testimonio proclamatum (isaiah 7.14. etc.) ac tandem in plenitudine temporis verè exhibitum: hominem verum (johan. 1.14. etc. Paul. Galat. 4.) mortuum pro peccatis nostris: resuscitatum propter justificationem nostri (Rom. 4.25. etc.) Ascendentem in coelum (Act. 1.9. etc.) ac pro nobis ad dexteram patris sine intermissione interpellantem (1. johan. 2.1. etc.) per spiritum Sanctum suum (qui tertia est divinitatis persona patri & filio compar & consubstantialis. (Actor. 5.4.) Ecclesiam sibi verbo & Sacramentis colligentem (Matth. 16.18. Roman. 10.14. etc.) Et ad vitam aeternam sanctificantem (Actor. 9.31. etc.) Ac tandem consummatis seculis è coelo venturum (Actor. 1.11.) judicare vivos & mortuos (1. Thess. 4. 15●) redditurum impijs secundum opera sua, eosque poenis aeternis adiudicaturus (Mat. 13.42. & 25.41.) credentes verò in nomine ipsius aeterna vita donaturum. (Mat. 25.34. etc.) Hunc, inquam, jesum Christum redemptorem (Mat. 1.21.) Caput (1. Corinth. 12.27.) & Dominum nostrum (Ephes. 4.5.) agnoscimus: Nosque illi nomen in sacio baptismo dare ac dedisse (Actor. 2.38.) Et per baptismum illi inser●os esse (1. Cor. 12.13.) apertè, ingenuè, liberè ac libenter fatemur ac contestamur: omnesque alios, quicunque aliud nomen sub coelo datum esse hominibus, per quod salui fiant, comminiscuntur, seriò detestamur, execramur & damnamus. (Actor. 4.12.) Verbum ipsius sanctissimum unicam salutis normam statuimus, illudque tantummodò, omnibus humanis commentis abiectis & spretis, infallibilem fidei nostrae regulam & amussim nobis proponimus: (Galat. 1.8. Esa. 29.13. Ezech. 20.) Quod duplicis Testamenti, veteris & novi appellatione complectimur. (Hebr. 8.) traditum per Prophetas & Apostolos (Ephes. 2.20.) singulari & immensa Dei bonitate in hunc usque diem semper in Ecclesia conseruatum & conseruandum in posterum. (Matth. 28. ult. Psalm. 71.18. 1. Cor. 11.26.) Deo igitur optimo maximo gratias ex animo & toto pectore agimus, quòd etiam ad nos, vastissimo interuallo à reliquo Ecclesiae corpore diwlsos & ultimas mundi partes habitantes, lumen hoc suum, concessum ad revelationem gentium, & paratum ante faciem omnium populorum, olim pio Sime oni benign ostensum (Nam in Christo omnes thesauri sapientiae reconditi) quod nunc totam nostram gentem radijs suis saluificis illuminat ac souet, pertingere volverit. Haec ita breviter, ipsam summam perstringendo, fides nostra est, & nostra religio, quam monstrante spiritu Sancto, & ipsius in vinea Christi ministris, hausimus: idque ex fontibus Israenlis. Anno Domini 1070. vidit ad Christum conversos Islandos. Krantzius. DVbium nobis est, utrum his verbis dicere volverit Krantzius, Islandos primiùm Anno Domini 1070. ad Christum esse conversos: an verò, prius quidem esse conversos non neget, sed eo primùm anno id Adalberto innotuisse dicat. Vtrumuis autem affirmet, Chronologiae Isi indicae gentis antiquissimae. tamen fidem ipsius hoc loco suspectam reddunt annales & Chronologiae nostrae gentis antiquissimae, quae contrarium restantur: quibus utrum malis, de rebus nostris prorijs & domesticis & intra nostrae insulae limites gestis credere, an verò Krantzio, aut cuivis alteri in nostratium rerum historia peregrino, sit penes tuum, candide Lector, arbitrium. Ego profecto multis adducor ut nostris potius assentiar. Nostrates enim nota tantùm & ferè domestica asserunt; ille peregrina & ignota. Hisuas Chronologias sine aliarum omnium nationum labe, macula & sugillatione contexuerunt tantummodò, ut rebus gestis suum verum tempus seu aeram assignarent; ille quedam, cum re & veritate pugnantia in contumeliam gentis nostre ignotissimae, historiae suae admiscuit, ut paulò post apparebit: hi omnium episcoporum Islandiae nomina, annos, ordinem & successum describunt: ille unius tantùm mentionem facit, idque longè secus quàm res habet. Vetustissimi annales. Porrò ut his fidem faciam, pauca, que in vetustissimis nostris annalibus de Islandia ad Christum conversa, & de Episcoporum in notris Ecclesijs successione reperi, quorum etiam fides apud nos publicè recepta est, cum extraneis communicabo. Quae tametsi leviuscula, nec omnia prorsus digna quae scribantur, scribenda tamen omninò sunt ad nostrarum rerum veritatem, adversus Krantzium & alios asse●endam: Sic igitur habent. Anno Christi 874. prius quidem, 874 ut ante commemoravimus, inventa, sed tunc primum à Noruagis (quorum princeps fuit Ingulphus quidam, Islandia primum inhabitata. è cuius nomine promontorium Islandiae orientalis Ingulffs hoffdi appellationem traxit) occupata est Islandia. Hi plures quam 400. cum cognatis & agnatis & preterea numerosa familia nominatim in annalibus nostris recensentur: nec illorum tantùm numerus describitur, sed quas oras, quae littora, & quae loca mediterranea, singuli occupaverint & incoluerint, & quomodo primi inhabitatores, fretis, sinibus, portubus, Isthmis, porthmis, promontorijs, rupibus, scopulis, montibus, collibus, vallibus, tesquis, fontibus, fluminibus, rivis, ac denique villis seu domicilijs suis nomina dederint, quorum hodiè plaeraque retinentur & in usu sunt, apertè narratur, Itaque Noruagi occupatae iam Islandiae 60. annorum spacio, aut circiter, habitabiles partes sua multitudine implent: Centum verò propemodum annis Ethnici manferunt, si paucissimos, qui in Noruagia fortè sacro font abluti fuerant, excipias. Annis autem vix centum à primo ingressu elapsis, mox de religione Christiana agi coeptum est, nempe circa annum Domini 974. quae res non sine insigni rebellione plusquam 20. 974 annis variè à multis tentata est. Commemorantur autem duo Episcopi extranei, qui cum alijs, in convertenda ad fidem Christi insula, diligenter laborarint: Prior Fridericus, Saxo natione, Fredericus Saxo. qui anno 981. ad Islandos venit; atque docendi munere strenuè functus est, ac tantum fecit, ut Anno 984. sacrae aedes Islandis in usu fuerint. Alter verò ille extraneus Episcopus sive concionator, quem Thangbrandt nuncupavere, anno 997. in Islandiam primùm venit. Hinc post 26. annorum disceptationem de religione, tandem Anno 1000 Anno dom. 1000 in conventu generali omnium incolarum decretum est, universali eorundem consensu, ut Ethnicorum numinum cultu seposito, religionem sectarentur Christianam. Rursus in solenni incolarum conventu Anno 1050. sancitum est, ut leges seculares seu politicae (quarum constitutiones allatas ex Noruagia qui dam Vlsliotus, Anno 926. Islandis communicarat) ubique cederent iuri Canonico seu divino. Anno 1056. abit peregrè ex Islandia Isleifus quidam, in Episcopum Islandiae ordinandus. Redit ordinatus in Islandiam, & Cathedram Scalholtensem adit Anno 1057, Moritur 1080. AEtatis 74.4. Kalendas Iulias. Videbuntur forsitan haec minuta, concisa, vilia, nec narratione satis digna, cum multis fortè quae sequuntur: Sed nee historiam Romanam conteximus, nec tam minuta erunt, quin contra Krantzij & aliorum errores convincendos, prout nostrum est institutum, valeanr. Et certè, quátum ad fidem nostrarum Chronologiarum, constat Saxonem Grammaticum non parum illis tribuisse: Cuius, in praefatione suae Daniae, haec sunt verba. Nec Thylensium inquit, (sic enim Islandos appellat) industria filentio obliteranda: quicum ob nativam soli sterilitatem, luxuriae nutrimentis carentes, officia continuae sobrietatis exerceant, omniáque vitae momenta ad alienorum operum notitiame conferre soleant, inopiam ingenio pensant. Cunctaram quip nationum res gestas cognosse, memoriaeque mandare, voluptatis loco reputant, non minoris gloriae iudicantes, alienas virtutes disserere, quam proprias exhibere. Quorum the sauros Historicarum rerum pignoribus refertos curiosius cens●lens, haud paruam praesentis operis partem ex eorum relationis imitatione contexui: nec arbitros habere contempsi, quos tanta verustatis perifia callere novi, Haec Saxo. Quare lubet Episcoporun Islandie Catalogum persequi, ut ex annalibus nostris continuata diligenter, quoad eius fieri potest, omnium series, his quae de primo Isleifo contra Krantzium at tulimus, fidem faciat. ANNO Christi. EPISCOPI Schalholtenses. two Gysserus. 1082 Ordinatur peregrè. 1083 Redit in Islandiam cum Episcopatu. 1118 Moritur 5. Kalend. Maias qui fuit dies Martis. III Thorlacus Runolphi. F. Anno aetatis 32: Ordinatur eodem anno, quo praedecessor Gysserus vita excessit, sed tamen ante illius obitum 30. d●e. 1133 Moritur. FOUR Magnus. 1134 Ordinatur. 1148 Postridiè festi omnium Sanctorun in villa sacerdotali Hiitardal cōuiuans, caenaculo fulmine percusso, cum viris 70. flammis absumptus est. FIVE Klaingus. 1151 Eligitur. 1152 Cathedram adit. 1176 Moritur. VI Thorlacus. Eligitur biennio ante obit praedecessoris 1178 Ordinatur. 1193 Moritur. VII Paulus. 1195 Ordinatur. 1211. Moritur. VIII Magnus. 1216 Ordinatur. IX Siguardus. 1239 Cathedram adit. 1268 Moritur. X Arnerus. 1269 Cathedram adit. 1298 Moritur. XI Arnerus Helgonis F. 1304 Ordinatur. 1305 Cathedram adit. 1309 In Constantinopolitan abit ligna à rege Noruagiae petiturus, quibus templum Schalboltense reaedificaretur, quod eodem anno fulmine tactum conflagrarat. 1310 Redit ex itinere. 1320 Moritur. EPISCOPI Holenses. ANNO Christi. I jonas Augmundi F. Isleifi discipulus. Ordinatur peregrè: anno aetat. 64. cognomentum illi, sanctus: cuius memoriae dies 3. Martij, apud Islandos est antiquitùs dicatus. 1106 Moritur 11. Kalend. Maias. 1121 II Ketillus sive Catullus. Ordinatur. 1122 Moritur. 1145 III Biorno. Ordinatur venit in Islandiam. 1147 Moritur. 1162 FOUR Brandus. Ordinatur. 1163 Cathedram adit. 1165 Moritur. 1201 FIVE Gudmundus, cognomento Bonus. Eligitur & ordinatur. 1203 Moritur. 1237 VI Botolphus. Redit ordinatus. 1239 Moritur. 1246 VII. Henticus. Cathedram adit. 1247 Moritur. 1260 VIII Brandus. Abbas peregrè abit. 1262 Cathedram adit. 1263 Moritur. 1264 IX. jorundus. Cathedram adit. 1267 Moritur. 1313 X Audunnus. Cathedram adit. 1314 Moritur. 1322 XI Laurentius. Eligitur & ordinatur. 1324 Moritur Idib. April. 1331 XII Egillus. Cathedram adit. 1332 Moritur. 1341 ANNO Christi. Episcopi Schalholt. XII jonas Haldorus. 1321 Eligitur. 1322 Ordinatur Kal. Augusti. 1323 Cathedram adit. 1338 Moritur. XIII jonas Indridi F. Noruagus. 1339 Cathedram adit. 1341 Moritur. XIIII jonas Siguardi F. 1343 Cathedram adit. 1348 Moritur pridiè divi Magni. XV Gyrthus. 1349 Ordinatus Asloiae Noruagorum, ab Episcopo Asloensi Salomone. 1356 Abiens peregrè fluctibus vitam finit. XVI Thorarinnus. 1362 Cathedram adit. 1364 Moritur. XVII Oddgeirus. 1366 Cathedram adit. 1381 Moritur in Assumpt. beatae virginis, in portu Noruagiae Bergensi, è mercium aceruo in imum navis delapsus. Sepultus Bergisin ade salvatoris. XVIII Michaël Danus. 1385 Cathedram adit. 1388 Resignat profectus in Daniam. XIX. Wilhelmus Danus. 1394 Cathedram adit. Moritur. XX Arnerus. 1420 Hic cognomento fuit Missour i liberalis. Gessit una praefecturam Islandiae totius: Episcopatum Scalholtens'. & vice Episcopatum Holensen. Obijt. XXI jonas Gerickson. 1432 Suecus sive cognomento sive natione praeest Ecclesiae Schalholtensi: ac post à ob quaedam nimis audacter tentata, à quodam Thorualdo de Modrwollum (ut fama est) captus, & alligato ad collum saxo in amne Schalholtensi, qui à ponte nomen habet, viws submer sus & strangulatus est. XXII Gosuinus. 1445 Praeest Ecclesiae Schalholtensi. XXIII Sueno. 1472 Dictus sapiens praeest. Episcopi Holenses. ANNO Christi. XIII Ormus. Cathedram adit. 1343 Moritur in festo omnium Sanctorun. 1355 XIIII jonas Erici F. cognomento Skalle. Cathedram Holensem aditur u● venit in Islandiam. Gronlandie Episcopus. Hic jonas, olim in Episcopum Gronlandiae ordinatus, à Pontifice Romano impe●trauit, ut liceret sibi Episcopatun. Holensem adire, qui tune tempori, vacabat. unde cum confirmationem huius dignitatis ac muneris, à Pontifice acceptam, veniens non proferret, apud Presbyteros dioecesis Holensis, suspectae fidei esse coepit. Quare ab ijsdem in Noruagiam relegatus est, ut ears arbitrio Regi● componeretur. Rege igitur ipsius partibus favente Cathedram Holensem obtinuit. 1358 Gronlandie Episcopus. 1356 Moritur. 1391 XV Petrus. Ordinatur, quo anno praedecessor rebus mortalium exemptus est. Cathedram adit Holensem. Moritur. 1392 XVI jonas Wilhelmus, Anglus, sive genere, sive cognomine, praefuit Ecclesiae Holensi. 1432 XVII Godschalcus. Moritur. 1457 XVIII Olaus Rogwaldi F. praedicti Godschalchi ex sorore nepos, uterque, Noruagus, eligitur. 1458 Moritur. 1497 XIX Godschalcus. Demortui Olai nepos ex fratre, & ille Noruagus, eligitur eodem anno quo patruus decessit. Cathedram adit, ac per totos 20. annos multos ex subditis duriter exercuisse fertur. 1500 Anno 1520. cum inter pocula & vo● luptates convivales versaretur audiretque obijsse jonan Sigismundum, quem cum uxore & liberis multos annos crudelissimè vexaverat, in subitum morbum repentè incidit, & sic pau●o post, eam, qua in tota vita in miseros ANNO Christi. Episcopi Schalholt. XXIIII Magnus Eiolphi F. 1489 Praeest. XXV. Stephanus. 1494 Cathedram adit. Deinde Godtschalco episcopo Holensi, qui crudelis nomen meritus esse videtur● Synchronos similem cum illo clementiae & justiciae laudem reportavit. 1519 Moritur: aut circiter. XXVI Augmundus. Eligitur anno obitus Stephani. 1522 Cathedram adit. Hoc episcopo, praefectus regius cum comitibus altquot Scalhottam invitatus, in ipso convivio à coniuratis quibusdam interfectus est, eò quod impiè passim in incolas & bona ipsorum grassatus esset. Augmundus verò tanquam istius caedis author, quanquam se juramento purgarat, in Daniam transuectus, Obijt. XXVII Gysserus. 1540 Eligitur vivente Augmundo. 1541 Cathedram adit, Papisticarum traditionum abrogator circa coniugium sacerdotum: 1544 Eius nuptiae Schalholtiae celebratae. XXVIII. Martinus. 1547 Praeest, & sequentibus. XXIX Gislaus jonas. 1556 1587. Hic statim, Augmundo episcopo, coepit juvenis verae pietatis & puri●ris doctrinae evangelicae studio, & amore flagrare, eandemque pastor ecclesiae Selardalensis diligenter propagare, qua ratione Pontificiorum odiam adeò in se derivauit, ut illorum insidijs ac rabiei cedere coactus, Hamburgum se contulerit, unde Haffniam Danorum profectus, in coepto verae Theologiae studio strenuè pergens, in multorum, praecipuè verò in summa D. D, Petri Palladij ●um temporis Episcopi, familiaritate & gratia vivebat. Postea, inde in patriam reuerso, Martinus sponte cessit. Moritur & hic 31. annos plus minus evangelium jesus Christi professus: nec tantum viva voce. sed & quocunque demum posuit modo, docendo, dicendo, scribendo, re & consilio Ecclesiam Dei iwit & promovit. XXX Otto Enerus, vir gravis, pius & eruditus. 1588. Electus abit patria. 1589 Ordinatur: Redit & cathedram adit, susceptique muneris labores aggreditur. Episcopi Holenses. ANNO Christi. subditos usus est, vim cum miserabile morte commutavit. XX jonas Araesonius. Cathedram adit● etiam hic Papisticarun superstitionum ultimus & acerrimtu assertor. Qui, cum Gyssero & Martino episcopis Scalholtiae acri●ter resisteret, à pientiss. Rege Christiano tertio iubetur sub poena exil● protinus in Daniam adventare. Sea hoc neglecto, captum Martinum Schalholtiae Episcopum custodia mandavit. Tandem & ipso à vir● quodam magni nominis, quem prius ut fertur, lacessiverat, captus, a● Schalholtiam adductus, ibidem cum filijs duobus, authoritate regij praefecti, capitis supplicio affectus est. In cuius ultionem, non mult● post praefectus ille regius, cum socijs aliquot, a quibusdam sicarijs, decollatorum o lim famulis, nefariè occisus est. 1525 1548 1550 1551 XXI Olaus Hialterus. Abit patria 1552 Cathedram adit. 1553 Hic primus sincerioris doctrinae apud Holenses amorem in multorum animis, etiam adhuc praedecessoris sui collega, accendit: Deinae eandem doctrinam Episcopus apertiùs docuit & propugnavit. Moritur. 1568 XXII Gudbrandus Thorlacius. Ille nan m●dò suae aetatis, sed & posteritatis ornamentum. Qui praeterquam quod inchoatum opus a praedecessore Olao sibi relictum ducente S. S. optimè ad eam, quam dedit Deus perfectionem, deduxit: (Dico labores & diligentiam in asserenda veri tate evangelica, & papisticis superstitionibus abrogandis) etiam in ha● patria sua officinam Typographicam primus Islandorum aperuit. Cui idcirco patria inter libros complures in linguam vernaculam translatos, etiam sacrosancta Biblia, elegantissimis typis Islandica lingua in officina ipsius excusa, in aeternum d●bebit Hic inquam Episcopus praesen●, officium suscepturus. Abijl: 1570 Redit & Cathedram Holensem ingreditur. 1571 CIrca haec igitur tempora mentibus nostris è coelo reddita lux est, & regni coelestis ianua per sinceriorem doctrinae Christianae expositionem reserata. Nam & Schola trivialis in utraque sede Episcopali, laudatissimi Regis Daniae Christiani tertij munificentia & pietate, circa annum 1553. fundata est: ac subinde patris Christianissimi eximiam pietatem imitante filio, Divo Friderico secundo rege nostro sanctissimo, Anno 1588. ad coelestem patriam evocato, aucta & promota: quae etiam hodiè, clementissimi regis & principis nostri, Christiani 4. favore & nutu viget florétque: in qua juventus nostrae Insulae, artium dicendi & sacrae Theologiae rudimentis imbuta, ad scientiam & veram pietatem formatur, ut hinc ministri Ecclesiarum petantur. Peruenimus tandem ad hodiernum usque diem in Episcoporum Islandiae catalogo: quo praedicti viri clarissimi Dom. Gudbrandus Thorlacius, & Dom. Otto Enerus ille Holis, hic Schalholi●ae Ecclesiarum sunt antistites: quorum utrumque, ut Deus opt. max. Ecclesiae suae saluum & superstitem, propter gloriam nominis sui sanctissimi, diu conseruate velit, omnes seriò & ardentibus votis flagitamus. SECTIO SECUNDA. Specus babitant plerúmque, aut ad montium latera in excavatis mansiunculis. Et mox: Munst. Krantz. Frisius. Templa habent multa & domos ex ossibus piscium & balenarum constructas. Item: Multi etiam ad pellendam frigoris asperitatem in cavernis latitant, quemadmodum Africani ad solis astum vitandum. Item Munsterus, Multi in Islandia hody costis & ossibus balenarum, domos suas construunt, etc. HIc membrum secundum initium sumit, de incolarum vivendi ratione & moribus. Et primum, quibus utantur edificijs seu domibus: nempè secundum Munsterum, Krantzium, Frisium, etc. Specubus & montium cavernis. Quamuis autem in splendidis ae dificijs, alijsque id genus mundani ornatus pretiosis rebus parum inest, quod ad verè beatam vitam conferre queat, tamen nec hîc veritatem tacere possumus: dicimúsque omnino Cosmographos & Historicos in errore etiam hîc versari. Etenim, cuiusmodi gentis publica domicilia esse scribunt, ea sunt tantum in paucis locis, tum magalia, ut opilionum, tum piscatotum casae & receptacula, eo tantum anni tempore quo piscaturae operam dare, aut propter gregem excubare opus habent. At ipsas domus, seu ipsa hominum domicilia, antiquitus quidem satis magnificè & sumptuosè, quoad huius terrae fert conditio, ligno, cespite & saxis habuerunt Islandi constructa, usque ad illud tempus, quo illis cum Noruagis, qui ligna sufficiebant, negociatio, Negotia●io eum Noruagis defijt. Syluae fluctibus maris delatae. & mercium commuratio esse desijt, quae inde paulatim collabi incipiunt: Cùm nec syluas ae dificijs aptas habeamus, nec fluctuum maris beneficio iam ut olim ad littora, quod minima ex part sufficiat, adferatur: Nec mercatores extranei inopiae nostrae succurrant. unde plurima rura ignobiliora ab antiqua illa integritate multum declinarunt, & iam quaedam collapsa sunt, quaedam ruinam minantur, Nihilominus multa sunt praedia, multae villae, quas haud facilè recensuero, quarum aedificia veterem illam excellentiam imitantur, & quarum domus sunt maximae, & latae & longae, tum plaerúmque benè altae. Vt exempli gratia. Praedia seu villae, quae cubilia habent plusquam 50. cubitos longa, 10. lata, alta 20. Tum reliquas domus, ut coenaculum, hypocaustum, penuarium etc. hujc sua proportione respondentes. Possum multa nostratium aedificia ampla & vasta, nec in speciem deformia, nec ob artis structuram & sumptuosam firmitudinem, seu robur, contemnenda cum aliquot delubris; sive sacris aedibus, solis lignis, antiqua & operosa gravitate & pulchritudine exstructis commemorare: Cuiusmodi est templum Cathedrale Holense atrium habens, cuius columnae utrinque quinque, ulnas 14. altae, 5. circiter crassae: tum trabes ac tigna, & reliquum culmen, huic substructioni proportionaliter respondens. Ligna ad hoc ipsum atrium Anno 1584. horrenda tempestate collapsum, clementissimus Rex noster D. Fridericus, cuius nobis sacratissima est memoria, Anno 1588. benignissimè largitus est. Ipsum verò templum atrium suum omni quantitate manifestè excedit: tum templi intima pars quae chorus appellari sole●, & templi meditullio, & atrio magnitudine nonnihil cedit. Erat autem hoe longè maius ollm, ut accepi Schalholtense, quod iam bis concrematum, ad inferiorem magnitudinem redactum est. Praetereà aliquot alia templa nostre Insulae, horum antiquam magnificentiam imitantia licet non aequantia. Sed hîc nequaquam res exigere videtur, ut in prolixiorem eius rei descriptionem evager. Vtenim Domus & aedificia nostra nihil depredicamus: ita eorundem nos nihil pudet, quòd contenti paupertate nostra Christo gratlas immortales agamus, qui à nobis vili tecto non dedignatur recipi, quódque templa & domus nostras, quas Munsterus, Krantzius, & Frisius piscium & balenarum ossibus non verè dicunt exstructas, non aspernetur magis, quàm illa extraneorum culmina marmorea, parietes vermiculatos, pavimenta tesselata, reliquúmque id genus ornamenti. SECTIO TERTIA. Communitecto, victu, statu, (hîc Krantzius habet, strato) gaudent cum iumentis. Item: Solopastu peccorum & nunc captura piscium victitant. Munsterus. Krantzius. HAec sunt & sequentia, quae Krantzius suo Munstero praemansa, in os ingessit, adeòut Munstero non opus fuerit ea vel semel masticare, quod ex collatione utriusque patet. Munsterus enim haec opprobria, utex Krantzij in suam Noruegiam praefatione hausta deglutierat, ita cadem cruda lib. 4. Cosmographiae capit 8. in gentem nostram evomit. Quae hactenus fuerunt, etsi satis gravia sunt, tolerabiliora tamen erant. Hoc verò commentum malignissimum, & quae sequentur, non facilè est sine stomacho praeterite. Nostrum igitur est, etiam hîc veritatem asserere, & mendacium in Authoris caput retorquere. Tecto: Primùm igitur quod de communi tecto, (uti etiam de victu & statu) cum iumentis dicunt, fal●um & erroneum clamamus, teste non modòre ipsa, si quis id hodiè perquirere volet: Sed etiam multorum extraneorum, qui aliquot apud nos annos egerant, & verita●i plus quam gentem nostram calumniand● affectui tribuunt, experientia; qui ipsi domos & habitationes nostras viderunt, & norunt in singulis praedijs seu villis, multas esse distinctas domus: nempe in abiectissimis & vilissimis 7. vel 8. in maioribus, nunc decem, nunc 20. In maximis, nunc 40. nunc 50; que ut plurimùm, & tecto & parieribus distinctae, uni possessori vel domino, rarò duobus aut tribus, rarissimè pluribus inseruiunt, ac usibus quotidianis & domesticis sufficiunt. unde facilè intelligis, Lector, quàm verè eodem tecto cum iumentis utantur Islandi, cum singuli rustici in hac domuum varietate, peculiaria bovilia, ovilia, equilia, agnilia, debitis interuallis dissita habeant, quae servi, quoties opus est, petunt, unde rursus habitationem subinde repe●unt. Quòd autem quidam in mappa Islandiae de provincia Skagefiord annotauir, sub eodem tecto homines, canes, sues & oves, vivere, partim falsum, partim minimè mirandum est. De ovibus quidem, utiam dictum est, & prae cipuè suibus (cum illa provincia sues non habeat) falsum: De canibus haud mirum, cum illis nec regum aulae caruerint nec hodiè careant, ut nimis omnibus est notum. Sed de canibus paulò post. Sect, 7. huius. Victu. An iumentorum pabula possint commodè victus appellatione contineri, meritò dubitaverim: Cùm Doletus, Ciceronis interpretem ●gens, dicat: Victum, in quit, cum iureconsultis, ita exponemus, ut victus verbo contineantur, quae esui, potui, cultuique corporis, quaeque ad vivendum homini sunt necessaria. Et Vlpianus, de verborum significat. Ijsdem verbis victum definit. Hoc loco verò Authores illi, etiam iumentorum pabula, victum appellant. Caeterum videamus quomodo hîc eluceat veritatis & candoris praestantia. jumenta non habemus praerer quam equos & boves: His gramina & foenum (nisi ubi foeni inopia obrepit) pabulum, aqua potum praebet. At hi ipsi scriptores fatentur, Islandos piscibus, butyro, carmbus, tum bubulis, tum ovillis, etiam frumento, licet pauco & adventitio, vivere. Non igitur cibum habent cum brutis communem, quod tamen ijdem his verbis asserunt: Communi victu gaudent cum iumentis: Quod quid sit Munstero, ipse paulò superius haud obscurè docuit. Islandia, inquit, populos multos continet, solo pecorum pastu, & nunc captura piscium victitantes. Quid autem est pecorum pastus, aliud, quàm pecorum cibus? ait Doletus: nisi Munsterus fortè pecorum pastum, ipsa pecora ad pastum hominum mactata appellet: cui, ut existimo, usus Romanorum refragatur, qui, ut homines vesci, ita pecora pasci docuit: hominúmque victum, pecorum autem, pastum & pabulum vocari jussit. An verò existimem tam dementes fuisse Munsterum & Krantzium, ut senserint Islandos graminibus & foeno vivere? Quo miseriae Nabuchodonozor, divinae ultionis jugum subiens, redactus est, Dani. 4. 30. Facilè dabimus multa, quibus homines, non modò nostrates, sed vestrates quoque vescuntur, iumenta & pecora fortè non reijcere, si familiari pabulo destituantur. Vt equi frumento & panibus hordeaceis pascuntur: ijdem lac (quemadmodum etiam vituli & agni) & cerevisiam, si offeratur, bibunt, & quidem avidè. Sed & canes quaevis fercula & cibaria devorant. An idcircò quisquam dicet, homines communi victu cum canibus & iumentis gaudere? jam quecunque famis grassantis tempore contigêre, pro universali gentis alicuius consuetudine in historiam referri non debent. Vt non licet nobis de extraneis scribere, huius aut illius terrae populos canum, murium aut felium usu victitare solitos, etsi fortè fame, sieve obsidioue, sive alioqui annonae charitate invalescente immissa, id factitarint. Potum autem interdum esse multis cum iumentis communem non magnoperè contraibimus: nempè a quam lympidissimam, naturalem illum potum, omnibus animantibus à Deo creatum: quem etiam ex part, medicinae consulti comendant, imò nec patres Hebraei, necipse Seruator nosterfastidiebat. Ad amictum verò quod attinet, (Nam & amictum victus vocabulo comprehendimus) nequaquam hic cum iumentis communis est. Illa enim pilis & villis natura (quod Munsterum & Krantzium novisse iurarim) vestiuit● homines, alioqui nudi, pannis corpus induere necesle habent. Haec indumenta, quae quidem Islandia suppeditat, ex lanis ovium conficiuntur. Sed non cogitaram ideò rectè dici, amictum esse nobis cum ovibus communem, sive eundem. Vtuntur etiam extranei pannis ex ovilla lana confectis, licet artificio subtiliore. Sed de indumentis nihil: Stultum enim est, ex eolaudem vel superbam aestimationem quaerere, quod naturae nostrae infirmitatem arguit. Statu. Restat ille status, quem cum brutis habere communem dicimur. Qui qualis aut cuiusmodi sit, aut eum esse velint nostri scriptores, cerrè non facilè assequor. Status, inquit Doletus, est vel corporis, vel causarum, vel ordinis & conditionis. Certè alium esse statum nostri corporis, quàm iumentorum (naru praeter duos pedes etiam manus habemus, & corpore ac vultu sursum erecto incedimus) alium item ordinem & conditionem nostram ducimus, Illi boni viri, si id de se aut alijs cognitum habent, sateantur. Nos haectam vana & in Deum creatorem nostrum tam contemptibilia irridemus, nec prolixiore tractatu dignamur. Caeterum quia nostrum est, nec amori patriae, nec ulli rei tantum tribuere, quin plus semper & ubique veritati largiamur: Dicam quid sit, quod huic infami scriptorum convicio occasionem fortè dederit. Occasio harum fabularum. Sunt in vicinia Schalholt●ae, ad littus Islandiae australe, paroechiolae tres, inter duos rapidissimos amnes Thiorsaa & Diffwis ●a interceptae; quae & syluis & cespitibus, consueto gentis ad focos alendos fomite, ferè destituuntur. In istis paroechijs habitantes, & si qui sint vicini, quamuis plures eorum, ut de omnibus rebus, ad rem familiarem pertinentibus, ita etiam de his, quae ad focos & balnea opus habent, sibi opportunè prospiciunt: Tamen sunt inter eos quidam, sed infimae tantum sortis coloni, qui quoniam istis rebus domi destituantur, nec aliunde petere eas valeant, in culinis foeno ad coquendos cibos utuntur: Astella ubi hyemis nivosae sevitia horrida ingruit, coloni isti miseti ad suum bouile refugiunt, illic scilicet exstructis tabulatis interdiù operas domesticas exercentes, à bobus, cum focos habere nequeant, calorem mutuantur, quemadmodum mihi ab alijs narratum est. Sicque illi tantùm, qui sanè paucissimi sunt, communi cum bobus tecto, in bruma, uti quidem non gaudent, sed coguntur. Verùm victum & statum longè alium habent, de qua re hactenus. Hec est in istis Paroechiolis quorundam sors & inopia, quorum conditio idcirco etiam apud nos sabula vulgi effecta est, quamuis non satis justè. Vbi, quo iure toti genti tribuatur, quod vix acne vix quidem de istis paucis colonis verum est, libenter quaesierim? Taedet de his pluribus agere: Tantùm quia mihi cum Theologis res est, illud Salomonis ijs reponam, Qui calumniatur egenum, deridet factorem eius. proverb. 14. Equidem quia gens haec nostra pauper & egena est & fuit, ac veluti quidam mendicus inter divites, tot extraneorum probra & scommata tulit. Sed videant cui exprobrent. Certè, sialiud nihil nobis cum illis commune est, tamen omnes ex ijsdem constamus elementis, & unus & idem omnitum Pater; Deus. SECTIO QVARTA. In simplicitate sancta vitam agunt, cum nihil amplius quaerant, quàm natura concedit. Beata gens, Krantzius. Munster. cuius paupertati nullus invidet. Sed mercatores Anglici & Dani quie scere gentem non sinunt, qui ob piscaturam evehendam terram illam frequentantes cum mercibus omnigenis vitra quoque nostra invexerunt. Nam & fruges aquae miscere in potum didicerunt, & simplicis aquae haustus oderunt. Nunc aurum & argentum cum nostris admirantur. SImplicitate. Equidem sanctae simplicitatis laudem nobis attribui, meritò gaudemus: Sedid dolemus, quòd reperiatur etiam apud nos justitiae ac legum ingens depravatio, ac magna anarchia, quam multorum scelerum myriades consequuntur; quod pij & boni omnes quotidiè deplorant. Id mali autem nequaquam supremi Magistratus, hoc est, Regis nostri clementissimi, fed verius nostrapte culpa accidit: qui haec quae clàm ipso praeposterè geruntur & quae in inferiore magistratu desiderantur, ad maiestatem ipsius non deferimus. Mercatores. Mercatores porrò, non solùm Angli & Dani, sed maximè Germani, ut nunc, ita olim terram nostram, non ob piscaturam sed pisces auchendos frequentantes, nequaquam artem illam, miscendarum frugum aquae, Islandos docuerunt. quip ipsi Noruagi primi, quòd nobis conste●, terrae nostrae incolae, à quibus oriundi sunt Islandi, artem illam, sicut etiam aureos argenteosque nummos, secum ex Noruegia attulerunt, ut initio non suerit minor argenti & auri usus apud nos, quàm est hodiè. Et quidem ante Danorum, Germanorum, Anglorumuè frequentes ad nos navigationes, terra nostra multò, quàm nunc, senescentis mundi incommoda, coelo solóque persentiens, fertilior, in delectissimis quibusque locis, Cereris munera produxit. Munsterus. Krantiziu●. SECTIO QVINTA. Rex Daniae qui & Noruagiae quotannis praefectum immittit genti. ANno Domini 846. natus est Haraldus Harfagre (quod auricomum vel pulchricomum dixeris) Qui deinde Anno 858. 858 Rex Normagiae designatus, ubi aetas virésque justum incrementum acceperunt, formam imperij Noruagici mutavit. Nam antea in minutas provincias divisum (quas Fylki vocabant, & qui his praeerant regulos, Fylkis Konga) ad Monarchiam armis potentibus redegit. Id cum & gene●e & potentia valentes aliquot regni incolae aegrè ferrent, patria exulare, quàm ipsius Tyrannidis jugum non detrectare maluerunt. unde hi in Islandiam, antea quidem à quibusdam visam & inventam, at desertam tamen, colonias, dicto superius Anno 874. transtulerunt: Atque sic genti nostrae originem praebentes, se Islandos nuncuparunt, quod nomen hodiè posteri retinent. Vixerunt itaque Islandi diu, nullius imperium agnoscentes, annis scilicet 386. plus minus. Et quamuis Rex Noruagiae Haquinus ille conatus, qui omnium regum Noruagiae diutissimè, nempe plusquam 66. annos imperium gerebat, saepè per legatos tentarat tributarios sibi facere Islandos, constanter tamen semper re●iterunt, donec tandem circa annum Domini 1260. homagium ipsi praestarent. 1260 Atque postea semper in data fide persistentes, & regibus Noruagie parentes, translato per Margaretam, Margareta. Daniae, Sueciae, & Noruagiae reginam, Noruagorum imperio, ad Danos, unà cum reliquis imperij Noruagici Insulis, Serenissimum Danie regem; Dominum & Regem suum hodiè salutant. SECTIO SEXTA. Omnia inter eos communia sunt, praeter uxores. Krantzius. ●lun●te●●●. HOcloco praemittit Krantzius talem Ironiam. Multa insignia in moribus illorum, etc. Porrò etiam hîc fidem vestram elevat ingenium, ad asserendum res incompertas nimis procliue, cupidinem novitatis, & nominis ac famae, imò veritatis curam preposteram arguit, omnium & rerum personarúmque, & temporum experientia: O scriptores suspiciendi. Testes sunt leges poli●icae, quibus inde ab initio cum Noruagis usi sunt eisdem Islandi: De Rege & subditis: De foro, & his quae in forensem disceptationem cadere possunt: De haereditatibus: adoptionibus, nuptijs, furto, rapinis, mutuo, contractibus & caeteris: Quae omnia, quorsum illis, quibus res omnes sunt communes? Testes sunt, tot de bonis mobilibus & immobilibus contentiones, turbae & certamina, in foris ac judicijs Islandorum: Testes sunt Reges nunc Daniae & olim Noruagiae, qui tot libellis supplicibus Islandorum, ad componendas istas de possessionibus controversias, olim & nunc interpellati saepè fuerant. Testis contra seipsum Krantzius, cuius verba distinction i huius, haec fuerunt. Ante susceptam Christi sidem (Islandi) lege naturali viventes parum à lege nostra discrepabant, etc. Si lege naturae, certè lege illa justitiae, quae tribuit unicuique suum: Si lege justitiae, certè proprietatum & dominiorum distinctiones in nostra gentelocum habuisse oportet: Quanquam autem in hanc ipsam legem etiam in Ecclesia, & quidem satis atrociter, saepè delinquitur: tamen & Ecclesia & Ethnici iustissimam & optimam esse semper fassi sunt. SECTIO SEPTIMA. Catulos suos & pueros aequo habent in precio: Nisi quòd à pauperioribus facilius impetrabis filium quàm catulum, etc. QVamuis principio huius commentarioli censuerim, Munsterum & alios magni nominis viros, in ijs, quae de Islandia scripta reliquerunt, esse à calumniae nota liberandos: num tamen id híc, etiam à candidissimo & maximè sincero quocunque fieri possit, non satis video. Quid enim movit tantos viros, ut Nautarum malevolas nugas & mendacia secuti, tam atroci & contumelioso opprobrio gentem nostram diffamarent, commacularéntque? Nihil profectò, nisi secura ridendi & contemnendi gentem pauperem & ignotam, licentia, & si quae sunt huic vicia confinia. Caeterum nôrint omnes non tam Islandis, quàm ipsis Authoribus, incommodare hoc mendacium. Cum enim illud, & plurima etiam alia in historiam suam accumulant, efficiunt unà, ut alibi quoque suspectae fidei habeantur. Illúdque quod ait Aristoteles, lucrantur, ut cum vera dixerint, illis sine suspitione non credatur. Sed age Lector, subsiste paulisper, mecúmque gravitatem & sapientiam tantorum virorum expend: Ne tantum Islandiae Elogium in: actum praetereamus. Docuerunt hactenus Krantzius & Munsterus: Islandos esse Christianos. Item: Islandos ante susceptam Christi fidem lege naturali vixisse. Item: Islandos vixisse lege quadam non multum à lege Germanorum discrepante. Item: Vixisse eos in sancta simplicate. Adeldum igitur Lector, & quas Christianismi, Legis naturalis, legis Germanorun, sanctae simplicitatis no●as Authores illi requirant, & in Islandis monstrent ac depingant, perpend. una fuit supra, quòd infernum sive carcerem damnatorum montis Hecle voragine & radicibus circumscribant Islandi; de quo vide Sect. 1 huius: & sect. 7. prior. part. Altera nota, quòd, cum Anabaptistis, proprietatum & dominio●um distinctiones tollant: de quo Sect. praeced. Tertia eáque longè excellentissima haec est: illi praeclari affectus naturales, amor, cura, & animus tam pius & paternus Islandorum in liberos, quòd videlicet eiusdem precij sint apud illos canes & filij, aut hi etiam vilioris. Siccine nobis Munstere & Krantzi Legem Christi, naturae, Germanorum, & sanctam simplicitatem depingitis? O picturam praeclaram & excellentem, quamuis non prorsus Apellaeam: O inventum acutum & admirandum, si benè authenticum: O scientiam plusquàm humanam, etsi non prorsus divinam. Nos verò Islandi, quamuis ultimi & gelidam conclusi ad Arcton, longè alias Christianismi notas requirim●●. Nam & praeceptum Dei habemus, ut quilibet proximum diligat velut seipsum. jam nemo est, puto, qui seipsum non plus diligat, aut pluris faciat, quàm canem. Quod si tantus esse debet proximi cuiuslibet favour, tanta aestimatio, tantus amor, quantus quaeso e●it in liberos? Quorum arctissimum amorem, preterquam quòd ipsa parens natura nobis firmissimè conciliavit, etiam Lex divina curam summam in enutriendo habere jussit. (Exo. 12.24. Ephe. 6.4.) ut scilicet sint in sancto coniugio, Ecclesiae quaedam seminaria, omnis pietatis & honestatis exercitia: Prout vates ille pulcherrimè cecinit. Vult Ecclesiolam quamlibet esse domum. Item: Coniugium humanae quaedam est Academia vitae. Vt iam satis constet, apud Christianos longè pluris faciendos & curandos filios, quàm canes: Et, si qui non aliter curent, Christianos non esse. Sed & hic in prolem dulcissimam affectus naturalis in Ethnicis etiam satis apertè conspicitur: ut si quos hoc penitùs exueris, eosdem etiam homines esse negaveris. Monstrant id matres Carthaginenses, cum tertio bello Punico adolescentes quique lectissimi obsides in Siciliam mitterentur, quos illae fletu & lamentatione miserabili ad naves comitatae, & ex his quaedam à filiorum complexibus aegrè diwlsae, cum ventis pandi vela cernerent, nauésque è portu egredi, dolore stimulante, in subiectos fluctus dissiluere; Sabellico authore. Monstrat AEgeus, qui navem filij Thesei, cum velis atri coloris, ex Creta redeuntem cerneret, perijsse filium ratus, vitam in proximis undis finivit. Sabellic. lib. 3. cap. 4. Monstrat Gordianus senior, Africa proconsul, qui similiter, ob rumores de morte filij, vitam suspendio clausit. Campofulgos lib. 5. cap. 7. Monstrant idem jocasta Creontis filia, Auctolia Sinonis F. Anius Tuscorum Rex, Orodes Rex Parthorum, & alij numero innumero: De quibus vide stat. lib. 2. Plutarchum, & alios, etc. Huc illud. Amor descendit, etc. Adeò, ut videas non minus esse homini proprium, sobolem intimè diligere, & summo amore prosequi, quàm avi volare; ut si iam aliquando homines esse Islandos, nedum Christianos scriptores nostri fassi sint, hunc amorem & affectum in filios ijsdem, quantumuis inviti & repugnantes, adscribant: sin minus, non modò hominis titulum & dignitatem illis detrahant, sed evam infrà bruta & quasuis bestias, quae ipsae, stimulante natura, maximo prolis suae & arctissimo amore tenentur, deprimant. Non addam contra hoc impudens mendacium exempla etiam nostratium satis illustria: Tacebo leges nostras plagiarias ipsis Islandis antiquiores, quip à Noruagis acceptas, quae exstant in codice legum nostrarum, titulo Mannhelge: cap. 5. Si quis hominem liberum (quemuis, nedum filium) extraneis vendat, etc. jam verò si quis eò fortunae deveniat, ut proprium filium, sive incolae, sive extranei alicuius potestati, vel fame vel extrema quacunque urgente necessi●ate, aut periculo, permittat, ne famelicum inedia deficientem aspicere cogatur, canem verò in proprias dapes reseruer, Is minimè dicendus est filium aequo aut inferiore loco habere quàm canem, sive id faciant Islandi, sive extranei quilibet. Offenderant fortè Germanorun vel Danorum naute apud nos mendicos quosdam, liberis onustos, quorum hîc maximus est numerus, quiiocando, ut sunt nugis scurrilibus addicti, dixerint: Da mihi aut vend hoc vel illud: Cúmque rogarint extranei: Quid tu mihi vicissim? Responderint mendici. Habeo liberos 10. vel 14, dabo ex eis unum vel plures, etc. Solet enim ista mendicorum collwies istiusmodi scurriles dialogismos cum extraneis instituere. Quod si tum quispiam bonus vir, misertus stoliditatis & inopie mendicorum, uno illos filio leuauerit, eíque propter Deum in alijs terris, aliquo tandem modo benè prospexerit, num mendicus, qui anoqui cum filio, fame & paupertate moriturus, filium miserenti permittit & committit, filium istum suum minoris facit quàm canem? Prestitum est à multis tam Islandis quàm extraneis huiusmodi benevolentiae & commiserationis opus: ex quibus fuit vir nobilissimus Accilius julius à serenissimo rege Daniae olim missus ad Islandos, Anno Domini 1552. Qui ut audivi, 15. pueros pauperculos assumpsit & secum in Daniam avexit: Vbi postea ipsius beneficio singulos suo vitae generi addictos, in viros bonos & frugi evasisse, mihi narratum est. Quid si quis in extrema constitutus angustia, filium non modò vendat; sed si emptorem non habet, ipse mactet & comedat? Nota sunt huius rei exempla: Parentum videlicet invitae crudelitatis in filios, stimulante non odio vel astorgia, sed incuitabili necessitate compellente. Num quis inde universal gentis alicuius convicium exstruxerit? Legimus, in obsidione Samariae matres duas filios suos mactasse, & coctos comedisse: 4. Reg. C. 6. Legimus in obsidione jerosolymitana, quam flebilis fuerit vox miserrimae matris, filium misellum iam mactaturae. Infans, ait, (referam enim Eusebij verba de hac re, etsi notissima, ut miserae matris affectus appareat,) miselle & infelix, cuinam in hoc belli, famis, & seditionis tumultu, te commodè reseruem? Si Romanorum subijciamur imperio, illic servitutis iugopressi, vitam infoeliciter exigemus. Sed serui●utem credo fames antevertet. Accedit factiosorum praedonum turba, his utrisque miserijs toleratu mul●ò asperior. Age igitur mignate, sis matri cibus, sis praedonibus furia, sis communi hominum vitae fabula, quae res una ad judaeorum calamitates de esse videtur. Quae cum dixisset, natum trucidat, assatúmque dimidium mox comedit, dimidium reseruat, etc. Eusebius libro 3. capite 6. jam quis est, qui non credat miserrimam hanc matrem filium hunc suum, domini alicuius, si se obtulisset, apud quem credidisset seruatum iri, aut emptoris possessioni fuisse permissuram? Nota est fames, Calagurium, Hispaniae urbem, olim à Cneio Pompeio obsessam opprimens (Val. libro septimo cap. 7.) cuius civibus, uxores & liberi in usum extremae dapis conversi sunt, quos profectò, pro cibarijs & alijs dapibus haud inviti vendidissent. Nota est quoque fames, quae Anno Domini 851. (Vincent. libro 25. cap. 36.) Germaniam attrivit, ut etiam pater filium suum devorare volverit. Notum etiam est, post mortem Henrici septimi Imperat. fame per triennium continuata, quomodo parentes liberos, vel liberi parentes devorarint, & praecipuè quidem in Polonia & Bohemia. Et ne exempla tantum antiqua petamus, accepimus tantam annonae saevitiam, Anno 1586. & 1587. in Hungaria grassatam fuisse, ut quidam alimentorum inopia adacti immanissimo Christianorum hosti proprios liberos vendiderint, & in perpetuum servitutis jugum manciparint: quidam paruulos suos, quos ulterius tolerare non sustinebant, crudeli misericordia in Danubium proiecisse, & suffocasse dicantur. Sed, num haec & sunilia exempla quempiam eò insaniae adigent, ut dicat hanc vel illam nationem, liberos in escam propriam mactare consuevisse, Turcis libenter vendere, aut a quis submergere & suffocate solitam esse? Non opinor. Sic neque quòd mendici apud Islandos, extrema urgente necessitate, cuius durissimi sunt morsus, filios suos libenter amittant, toti genti, & quidem probri loco, communiter adscribendum est à quoquam, nisi apud eundem omnis pudor, candor, humanitas, veritas exulent. Caeterùm optarim ego, parcius Islandis canum curam exprobrare illos populos, quorum matronae, & praecipuè nobiles, canes in maximis delicijs habent, ut eos vel in plateis, ne dicam in sacris concionibus, sinu gestent, quem morem in peregrinis quibusdam, quos Romae catulos simiarum & canum in gremio circumferre Caesar conspexit, hac quaestione reprehendit, dum quaereret: Numquid apud ipsos mulieres liberos non parerent? Monens errare eos, qui à natura inditos sibi affectus, quibus in amorem hominum ac praecipuè sobolis incitarentur, in bestias transferunt, quarum deliciarum voluptas, Islandorum gentem, nunquam cepit aut habuit. Quare iam Munstere & Krantzi, alias nobis Christianitatis, (ut sic dicam) legis naturae, legis item Germanorum, & sanctae simplicitatis notas quaerite. SECTIO OCTAVA. Krantzius. Munsterus. Episcopum suum colunt pro Rege: ad cuius nutum respicit totus populas. Quicksands quid ex lege, scripturis, & ex consuetudine aliarum gentium constituit, quàm sanctè observant. FVit equidem initio ferè ad repurgat●m evangelii doctrinam maxima Episcopi obseruantia; sed nunquam tanta ut exteris legibus aut consuetudini cederent nostrae leges politicae, ex nutu Episcopi. Nec tempore Alberti Krantzij, multò minùs Munsteri (quorum ille 1517, hic 1552. post partum salutiferum decessit) Episcopi Islandorum regiam obtinuerunt authoritatem, cùm scilicet multi ex ijs, qui divitijs paulò plus valebant, adversus ipsos consurgere non dubitarint; quae res apud nostrates liquidò constat. Interim tamen Episcopi, anathematis fulmine terribiles, alios in suam potestatem redegerunt, alios furibunda saevitia id temporis persecuti sunt. Porrò etsi tum fuit magua, imò maxima Episcopi obseruantia, tamen nunc di●pul●●s tenebris Papisticis, alia ratione homines Satan aggreditur, eorumque; mentes contemptus libertate & refractaria contumacia, adversus Deum & sacrum ministerium, etiam hîc armare non negligit. SECTIO NONA. Illic victitant plerumque piscibus, propter magnam penuriam frumenti, quod aliunde à maritimis civitatibus infertur: & qui inde cum magno lucro pisces exportant. Item Munsterus. Munster. Illic piscibus induratis utuntur loco panis qui illic non crescit. VIde Lector, quàm Munsterum iwet, eadem oberrare chorda: ut cum de gente ignota nihil scribere possit, quod coloris aliquid habeat, vel falsa afferre, vel eadem saepiùs repete●e, sicque cramben eandem recoquere sustineat: Dixerat enim paulò ante, Islandos piscibu● vivere. Verba ipsius superiùs etiam recitata, haec sunt. Islandia populos continet multos, solo pecorum pastu & nunc captura piscium victilantes, etc. Et yt caetera transeam in quibus leave quiddam notari poterat; Illud sanè, panem in Islandia non crescere, perquam verum est. Quod etiam illicum Germania commune esse crediderim, quòd videlicet nec illie panis crescat, nisi fortè in Munsteri agro, ubi etiam acetum naturale optimè crescit. Sed haec, troporum indulgenria, scilicet, salva erunt. Ad convicia autem, quae ex victu Islandorum petunt extranei, infrà paucis respondebitur, Sect. 15. SECTIO DECIMA. Incolae res maiorum & sui temporis celebrant cantibus & insculpunt scopulis, atque promontorijs, Munster. Krantzius. ut nulla, nisi cum naturae iniuria, intercidant apud posteritatem. Cytharaedi, & qui testitudine ludunt, apud eos reperiuntur quàm plurimi, qui praedulci modulamine & volucres & pisces irretiant & capiant. Frisius. QVin veterum gesta aliquot cantibus & poëmatibus nostratium, ut & soluta oratione, Veterum gesta apud Islandos conseruata. apud nos conseruentur, non negamus. Quòd verò à nobis aut maioribus nostris eadem scopulis vel promontorijs insculpta sunt, eam non licet nobis, ut neque illam tantam Cicharaedorum, aves aut pisces demulcentium, laudem accipere. Statuimus enim animi esse generosi ac veracis, ut crimina falsa refellere, ita laudem immeritam sibi haud vendicare, nec, etsi quis tribuat, agnoscere. SECTIO VNDECIMA. SEd cum scriptoribus iam dictis, viris alioqui spectatae eruditionis & preclari nominis, quitamen haec ita inconsideratè scriptis suis interseruerunt, actionis finis esto. Etiam magna mei pars est exhausta laboris: Sed restat tamen foetus ille vipereus Germanicus, quem idcircò anonymum secundo partu mater edi voluit, ut venenatis aculeis nomen Islandorum tantò liberiùs pungeret. Porrò licet adversus hanc bestiam in arenam descendere non dubitem, omnibus tamen constare volo, quonam hoc animo faciam, videlicet, non ut cum illius pestifera virulentia, convicijs aut maledicentia certem. (Nam ut estin triviali paroemia, Hoc scio pro certo, quodsi cum stercore certo, Vinco, seu vincor, semper ego maculor:) Sed ut bonis & cordatis omnibus, etiam extraneis, satisfaciam, qui maledicentiam istam Germanicam lecturi vel audituri sunt, aut olim audierint, ne & hi nos meritò calumniam tantam sustinere credant: Tum etiam ut alios qui istis virulentis rhythmis Germanicis, in gentis nostrae opprobrium utuntur, & inde dicteria & contumeliosas subsannationes ad despiciendos Islandos petunt, ab illa mordendi licentia in posterum, si fieri possit, abducamus. Ergò, ne longis ambagibus Lectori fastidium oratio nostra pariat, ad ea narranda accedam, quae maledicus ille Germanus in suum pasquillum congessit: Quem etiam sua de Islandis carmina Encomiastica recitantem in his pagellis introducerem, nisi praeviderem foetum illum probrosum, tot & tam varijs maledictis turgidum, omnibus bonis nauseam movere posse, ac sua spurcitie ab ijs legendis absterrere. Referam igitur praecipua, (ijs scilicet omissis quae cum alijs communia habet, atque hactenus ventilata sunt) sed, quàm ille, longè mitius; ne, ut dixi, linguae ipsius obscoena petulantia, aures bonae & eruditae offendantur: Qui ipsum videre aut audire volet, quaerat apud propolas. Nobis inquam, non est in animo putida ipsius calumnia & conviciorum sentina, has chartas inquinare. Primùm igitur obijcit Germanicus hie noster, si Dijs placet, Historicus: 1. Obiectio sen convicium. Multos ex pastoribus Islandiae toto biennio sacram concionem ad populum nullam habere: Vt in priore editione, huius pasquilli legitur, quod tamen posterior editio eiusdem refurat: Dicens, eosdem pastores in integro anno tantum quinquies concionari solitos: quae duo quàm ritè sibi consentiant, videas bone Lector, cum constet Authorem mox à prima editione vix vidisse Islandiam. Ita scilicet plerumq, mendacium mendacio proditur, juxta illud: Verum vero consentit: Falsum nec vero, nec falso. Sed cum nostrum non sit veritatem uspiam dissimulare, nos haud negandum ducimus conciones sacras circa id tempus, quo iste Sycophanta in Islandia vixit, nempe anno 1554. aut circiter multò fuisse rariores, quàm sunt hodiè, tum scilicet tenebris Papisticis vix dum discussis. Quod etiam de Psalmis Davidicis à vulgo latinè demurmuratis, ut idem nostratibus exprobrat, intelligere est: Papistae enim totam spem salutis in sua Missa collocantes, de concione aut doctrina parùm fuere solliciti. Postquam verò caligine illa exempti sumus, aliter se rem habere, Deo inprimis gratias agimus: Licet quorundam pastorum nostrorum tardam stupiditatem, segnitiem & curam praeposteram non possimus omni modo excusare. Quod verum in nullos suorum popularium etiam competat, aliae quon que nationes viderint. SECTIO DVODECIMA. Secundo calumniatur vitilitigator: Adulteria & scortationes non modo publica esse & frequentia scelera inter Islandos: 2. Conuitium. sed ab ijs pro scelere ne haberi quidem. ETsi autem foedissimae istae turpitudines etiam in nostra repub, non prorsus inusitatae sunt: tamen cum omnibus constet in alijs quoque nationibus longè etiam frequentiores esse, cum ibi quoque populi frequentia maior: immeritò & malignè hoc nomine magis Islandos, quàm populos & gentes reliquas, quarum, ut dixi, nomen etiam plus nostratibus hoc crimine malè audit, notauir. Et licer ex animo optarim longè minus ad scelera, & turpitudines in nostra patria conniveri, quàm passim hic fieri videmus: tamen etiam innata illa mordendi libidine, hoc veterator in presenti convitio attexuit: videlicet, quòd scelera ista ab Islandis pro scelere non habeantur. Nam in quà demum repub. id impudens ille aslerere audet? Illàne; quae in legem codicis II titulo Mannhelge: cap. 28. iuravit; que statuit, ut iterum adulterium qui cum coniuge alterius commiserit, confiscatis suis bonis, capite etiam plectatur? Illàne, quae pro adulterio, à famulo cum uxore domini commisso, non ita dudum 80. thalerorum mulctam irrogavit? Illáne, quae eundem, si ad statutum tempus non soluerit velvades dederit, in exilium proscribendum decrevit? Illáne: cuius leges politicae, quemuis in adulterio cum uxore, à viro legitimè deprehensum, si evaserit, homicidij mulctam expendere iubent? Illáne, cuius itidem leges politicae, in complexu matris, filioe aut sorotis, à filio, patre, vel fratre deprehensum, vitam suam dimidio eius, quod quis si eundem insontem interfecisset, expendere teneretur, redimere iubent? Illàne, cuius leges politicae adulterium sceleris infandi nomine notarunt & damnarunt? Et in eo tertiò deprehensum, capite plectendum severè mandant? Cernis igitur, Lector benign, quàm iniurium habeamus notarium, dicentem: Adulterium & scortationes in Islandia peccati aut sceleris nomen non mereri. Nam licet politici quidam hoc vel illud scelus impunitum omit●tant, non debet tota gens, non leges, non boni & pij omnes, eo nomine in ius vocari, aut malè audire. SECTIO DECIMATERTIA. TErtium convicium est, quo fraudis & perfidiae erga Germanos Islandis notam inurit. 3. Conuitium. Fuit autem proculdubio famosi huius libelli author, cerdo & propola circumforaneus, multosque; Islandiae angulos, sordidae mercaturae gratia, ostiatim adierat: quod ipse de se in praeclaris illis suis rhythmis testatur, maximam Islandiae partem sibi peragratam esse. unde cum ipse mala fide cum multis egerit (plerumque enim fraus & mendacia coniunguntur, & mendacem se fuisse, hac ingenij sui experientia satis probavit) etiam sortè à se deceptorum fraudem est expertus. Hinc illa in totam gentem criminatio extitit: Dissimulato intereà, qua fide quidam Germanorum, quibus annua est navigatio ad Islandos, cum nostris hominibus agant. Ea autem querela, cùm non alios conviciari, sed aliorum in gentem nostram immerita convicia monstrare instituerim, consultò supersedeo. SECTIO DECIMAQVARTA. Quarto: negat in convivijs quemquam discumbentium à mensa surgere: sed matres familias singulis convivis quoties opus fuer it matellas porrigere. 4.5.6. & 7. Conuitia. Praetereà variam conviviorum edendi bibendique rusticitatem nota●. Cubande & prandendi ritus obijcit: quod decem plus minus in eodem lecto promisc●è viri cum foeminis pernoctent, inque lecto cibum capiant: atque interea se non nisialeae aut latrunculorum ludo exerceant. Sexto. Calumniatur eosdem faciem & os urina proluere. Septimo. Nuptiarum, sponsalium, natalitiorum celebritatem & funerum ritus contemptuose extenuat. HAEc & huiusmodi plurima in gentem insontem, imò de se & suis optimè meritam, impurus calumniator evomit. Quae quidem eius generis sunt, ut illi de his respondere prorsus dedignemur. Nam ut demus (quod tamen non damus) aliquid huiusmodi apud homines sordidos, & exipsa vulgi colluuie infimos, quibuscum longè saepius, quàm bonis & honestis conversabatur, animaduertisse praeclarum hunc notarium Germanicum (vixerat enim, ut eius rhythmi restantur, diuriusculè in locis maritimis Islandiae, quo ferè promiscuum vulgus, tempore piscature annuatim confluit, & tam extraneorum nautarum, quàm sua nequitia corruptum, saepius inho●●estè mores & vitam instituit) Tamen manifestiorem etiam hoc loco iniuriam nobis facit, unius nebulonis & desperati Sycophante turpitudine, totam gentem (ut ferè solent etiam alij) a spergendo, quam ut refutatione ulla indigeat. Cuius rei etiam ipsi extrahei in nostra Insula non parum ve●●ati, locupletissimi testes esse possunt. Possem multas cius farinae foeditates, rusticitates & obseoenitates, etiam in ipsius natione deprehensas colligere. Sed odi facundiam caninam, nec in aliorum opprobrium disertum esse juuat: ne● tam ●e neresse volo, ut verbulis transuer berer. Id tantum viderint boni & pij omnes, cuius sit animi, pessima quaeque ab uno altero designata, toti genti obijcere. Si quis Germany aut alterius nationes urbes & pagos omnes peragret, & scelera ac mores pessimos, furta, homicidia, particidia, scortationes, adulteria, incestus, luxurlem, rapinas & reliquas impietates & obscoenitates in unum coactas, omnibus Germanis, aut alio qui alteri cuivis toti nationi communes esse asserat, atque haec omnia insigniter mentiendo, exaggeret, isne optimae rei studio sus habebitur? Sed quid mirum, licet verbero, &, ut propriè notem, porcus impurus, iste, inquam, Rhythmista, naturam & ingenium suum eiusmodi loidoria prodiderit? Notum est enim porcos, cum hortos amaenissimos intrarint, nec lilium nec rosas aut flores alioqui pulcherrimos & suavissimos decerpere: Sed rostro in coenum prono, quicquid estluti & stercoris volutare, vertere & invertere, donec impurissima, hoc est, suo genio apprimè congruentia eruant, ubi demum solida voluptate pascuntur. Ad istum igitur modum hic porcus Rhythmista, optima, & quae in nostra Repub. laudibilia esse possunt, sicco pede praeterit, pessima quaeque;, atque; ea, vel à nullo, vel admodum paucis designata, hoc est, suae naturae, & ingenio aptissima, ut se esse, qui dicitur, re ipsa probaret, corrasi●vnde posthac porci nomen ex moribus & ingenio ipsius sactum, sortitor. SECTIO DECIMAQVINTA. NOnum convicium hic recensebimus, quod à victu, ac praecipuè cibo ac potu Islandorum maledicus ille porcus, non uno aut paucis verbis, sed prolixa invectiva petivit: 9 Conuicium. Nempe quòd cibis utantur vetustis, & insulsis, idque sine panis usu: Tum etiam quòd varia & incognita extraneis piscium genera illis sint esui, & aquam ac serum lactis in potum misceant. Quae omnia venenatus hic pasquillus diserta contumelia, & i●geniosa calumnia, pulchrè amplific avit. Caeterum ersi illum prolixiore responsione non dignemur: tamen propter alios, qui hody hancrem partim mirantur, partim haud leviter nostre genti obijciunt, pauca hoc loco addenda videbantur. Primùm igitur totam hanc gentem bipartitò fecabimus: In mendicos, & hos qui & se & cum alijs etiam mendicos alunt. Mendicorum, & eorum qui ad hos proximè accedunt, omnia cibaria recensere aut examinare haud facile est, nec quòdillos edere, aut edisse, extrema aliquando coëgit necessitas, relic genti cibariorum genera aut numerum praescribere fas est. Nam & de suffocatis quidem non comedendis legem habemus inter canones, quorum seruantissima videri voluit antiquitas. Deinde etiam tempora distinguemus, ut nihil mirum sit, grassante annonae saevitia, multa à multis ad explendam famem adhiberi aut adhibita fuisse, quae aliàs vix canes pascant. Vt nuperrimè de Parisiensibus accepimus, Anno 1590. arctissima Henrici 4. Navarraei obsidione pressis, & famem Saguntinam, ut P. Lindebergius loquitor, perpessis; eos non modò equinam, sed morticinam quoque carnem ex mortuorum ossibus in mortario contusis farinae pugillo uno aut altero misto, confectam, in suas dapes convertisse: & de alijs quoque populis notum est, qui simili urgente inopia, etiam murium, felium & canum esu victitarint. Sic etiam Islandis aliquando usu venit (quanquam à canina, murium & felium, ut & humana carne hactenus, nobis quantum constat, abstinuerint) licet non ab hoste obsessis: Nam cùm ad victum necessaria ex terra marique petant, & ab extraneis nihil commeatus, aut parum admodum advehatur, quoties terrae marisque munera DEUS praecluserit, horrendam annonae caritatem ingruere & ingruisse, & dira fame vexari incolas, necesse est. unde fit, ut illos qui in diem vivere soliti fuerint, nec praecedentium annorum superantes commearus habuerint, extrema tentasse, quoties egestas urserit, credibile. Caeterum, utrum haec res publico & perpetuo opprobrio magis apud Islandos, quàm alias nationes, occasionem meritò praebere debeat, candidis & bonis animis judicandum relinquo. Porrò quod de gentis nostrae proprijs & consuetis alimentis multi obijcere solent, potissimum de carne, piscibus, butyro, absque sale inveteratis, Item de lacticinijs, fiumenti mopia, potu aquae, etc. & reliquis: id nos in plurimis Islandiae locis (nam sunt multi quoque nostratium, qui Danorum & Germanorum more, quantum quidem castis & temperatis animis ad mediocritatem sufficere debet, licet magna condimentorum varietate, ut & ipsis Pharmacopolijs, destituimur, mensam instruere & frugaliter vivere sustineant) ita se habere haud multis refragabimur, videlicet praedicta victus genera, passim sine salis condimento usitata esse. Et insuper addemus, haec ipsa cibaria, quae extranei quidam velnominare horient, ipsos ramen extraneos apud nos, non sine voluptate, manducare solitos. Nam etsi frumenti aut farris penè nihil vulgò habeamus, nec sal, gulae irritamentum, ad cibarra condienda, omnibus suppetit: docuit tamen Deus. opt. max. etiam nostros homines rationem tractandi & conseruandi, Ratio conseruandi cibos sine sale. quae ad vitam sustentandam spectant, ut appareat, Deum in alendis Islandis non esse ad panem vel salem alligatum. Quòd verò sua omnia extranei iucundiora & salubriora clamant; negamus tamen satis causae esse, cur nostra nobis exprobrent: Nec nos DEUM gulae nostrae debitorem reputamus; quin potius totopectore gratias a gimus, quod sine opiparis illis delicijs & lautitijs, quae tam iucundae & salubres putantur, etiam nostrae gentis hominibus, annos & aeratem bonam, tum valetudinem etiam sirmissimam, robur ac vires validas (quae omnia statuimns boni & convenientis alimenti, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse indicia) concedere dignetur, cum ingenio etiam non prorsus tam crasso ac sterili, quàm huic nostro aēri & alimentis assignare Philosophi videntur, quod re libentius, quàm verbis multi fortasse nostratium comprobare poterant, Ni nos (ut inquit ille) paupert as invida deprimeret. Sed hic vulgi judicium, ut in alijs saepè, etiam eos qui sapere volunt (iam omnes bonos & cordatos excipio) nimis a pertè decipit: Videlicet hoc ipso, quòd omnia, quae illorum usus non admittit, aut quae non viderunt, aut experti sunt antea, continuò damnent. Veluti, si quis, qui mare nunquam vidit, mare mediterraneum esse aliquod, non possit adduci ut credat: Sic illi sensu suae experientiae omnia metiuntur, ut nihil sit bonum, nihil conducibile, nisi quo illi soli viwnt: At profectò nos, eò dementiae non processimus, ut eos qui locustis vescuntur, quod tum de alijs, tum AEthiopie quibusdam populis, ideo (autore Diodoro) Actidophagis appellatis, & Indiae gente, cui Mandrorum nomen Clytharcus & Magestanes dederunt, teste Agatarchide, didicimus; aut ranis, aut cancris marinis, aut squillis gibbis, quae res hodiè nota est, vulgi propterea ludibrijs exponete praesumamus, à quibus tamen edulijs, in totum nostra consuetudo abhorret. SECTIO DECIMASEXTA. DEcimo. Hospitalitatem nostris hominibus inhumanissimus porcus obijcit. Marsupium in quit, ●. Conuicium. non circumferunt, nec hospitiari aut convivari gratis pudor est. Namsi qui● aliquid haberet, quod cum alys communicaret, id faceret sanè in primis ac libenter. His quoque annectamus, quod templa, seu sacras aediculas domi propriae à multis Islandorum extruct as velut pudendum quiddam commemorat: quodque eas primùm omnium de manè oraturi petant, nec à quoquam prius interpellari patiantur. Haec ille velut ensign quoddam dedecus in Islandis notavit. Scilicet, quia nihil cum Amaricino, sui: Nec porci divina unquam amarunt: quod sanè metuo ne nimis verè hoc conviciatore dicatur, id quod vel ex his ultimis duabus obiectionibus constare poterit. Verùm enimuerò, cùmipse suarum virtutum sit testis locupletissmus, nos Lectorem eius rei cupidum ad ipsius hoc opus Poëticum remittimus, quod is de Islandia composuit, & nos iam aliquot proximis distinctionibus examinavimus: cuius maledicentiae & foeditatis nos hîc pro ipso puduit; ita, ut quae is Satyrica, at quid Satyrica? Sathanica, inquam, mordacitate & maledicentia in nostram gentem scribere non erubuit, nos tamen referre pigeat: Tanta eius est & tam abominanda petulantia, tam atrox calumnia. DEUS BONE: Hoc conviciorum plaustrum (paucissima namabque; attigimus: Nolui enim laterem lavare, & stulto, ut inquit ille sapientissimus, secundum stultitiam suam respondere, cum in ipsius Rhythmis verbum non sit quod convicio careat) qui viderit, nonne judicabit pasquilli istius autorem hominem fuisse pessimum, imò faecem hominum, tum virtutis ac veritatis contemptorem, sine pietate, sine humanity? Sed hîc meritò dubitaverim, peiusne horum conviciorum autor de Islandis meritus sit, an verò Typographus ille joachimus Leo (& quicunque sunt alij, qui in suis editionibus, nec suum nec urbis suae nomen profiteri ausi sunt) qui illa iam bis, si non saepius, typis suis Hamburgi enulgavit. Hoccine impunè fieri sinitis, ô senatus populusque Hamburgensis? Hanccine statu●stis gratiam deberi Islandiae, quae urbi vestrae iam plurimos annos, exportatis affatim nostrarium quibusuis commodis, pecudum, pecorumque carnibus, butyro & piscium copia quotannis, penè immodica, quaedam quasi cella penuaria fuit? Vrbes Angliae commercia olim in Islandia exercentes. Sensere huius Insulae commoda etiam Hollandiae olim & Angliae urbes aliquot: Praeterea Danis, Bremènsibus, & Lubecensibus cum Islandis commercia diu fuerunt. Sed a nullis unquam tale encomium, talem gratiam reportarunt, qualis hec est Gregoriana calumnia: In vestrà, vestrà inquam urbe, nata, edita, iterata, si non tertiata: que alias nationes, quibus Islandia vix, ac ne vix quidem, nomine tenus, alioqui innotuerat, ad huius gentis opprobrium & contemptum armavit: quam à ciue vestro acceptam iniuriam, iam 30. annos, & plus cò, Islandia sustinet. Sed etiam, inscio magistratu, eiusmodi multa saepè fiunt: Neque enim dubitamus, quin viri boni ciusmodi scripta famosa indignè ferant, & ne edantur, diligenter caveant: cum tales editiones pugnent cum iure naturali: Ne alteri facias, quod tibi factum non velis: Et Caesareo, de libellis famosis: in quo irrogatur poena gravissima ijs, qui tales libellos componunt, scribunt, proferunt, emi vendiue curant, aut non statim repertos discerpunt. Caeterum iam tandem receptui canamus: Nósque ad te, Islandia parens carissima, quam nec paupertas, nec frigora, nec id genus incommoda alia, quamdiu Christo hospitia cupidè & libenter exhibere non desistis, invisam facient, convertamus: Vbi te primùm ad id quod modò diximus, nempè serium & ardens studium ac amorem DEI, & divine scientiae, nobis in Christo pate factae, totis viribus hortamur: ut uni huic cuncta posthabeas, doctrinae & verbi cupiditate flagres: Sacrum ministerium & ministros, non parum cures, non contemnas aut odio prosequare: sed reverearis, foveas, ames. Contra facientes, pro impijs & profanis habeas: ut omnia ad pietatis & honestatis praescriptum geras, in vita privata & communi, ut huic status & ordines Ecclesiastici & Politici, in universum obtemperent: In utroque vitae genere, ab illa amussi seu norma aequi & boni dependeas, & caeteros qui pertinacia ac impietate ab ea deflectunt, averseris, quos aequum est poenis condignis affici, id quod magistratui curae futurum non diffidimus. In primis verò nullos nisi spectatae fidei & probitatis viros, quique ad istas virtutes, reliquas huc pertinentes coniungant, ad gubernacula admittas, qua ratione reliquis incommodis ritè occurritur. Res ista enim, si probè curetur, ut videlicet, qui munus publicum gerunt, ex bonis omnibus optimi quique deligantur, improbi & huic rei inepti, procul inde arceantur; subditorum conditio, longè erit optatissima: vita & mores tantò magis laudabiles sequentur: pietas & honestas tantò erunt illustriores. At verò si secus fiat, si Pastores Ecclesiarum suo muneri, vel vita vel doctrina non respondeant, si ad administrationem politicam promiscuè admittantur, quicunque eò propria levitate, ambitione vel avaritia & contentione honoris, ruunt: si ijdem criminum aut improbitaris, vel suspecti vel convicti sint, aut suspectorum & convictorum protectores, vel ijsdem illicitè indulgentes, quis tuus quaeso demum futurus est status? quae facies? quae conditio? Certè longè omnium miserrima. Nec enim alio pacto citius ad ruinam & interitum tuum appropinquabis, quàm si istis te regendam commiseris, qui quod in ijs est, licet sint & ipsi ex tuis, iugulum tuum, propter emolumenta privata, & odia latentia, quotidiè petere contendunt. Quamobrem (ne ista pluribus agam) quanti intersit, ut haec probè curentur, sacilè, ô Patria, intelligis. Sed dum haec tuls auribus à me occinuntur, utinam gemitus meos altissimos, qui sub hac ad te Apostrophe latent, Serenissimae Regiae Maiestatis aures exa●diant, apud quam ego pro te ita deploro damna publica, quae ea de causa exoriuntur maximè, quòd patria à regia sede, & conspectu, tantò interuallo sit remota, ut multi propterea tantò sibi maiorem sumant licentiam, & linpunitatem securius promittant. Caeterum ista numini iustissimo, quod aequis omnia oculis aspicit, committenda ducimus. Reliquum est, ô patria, ut studium in te nostrum, eo quo speramus animo●i. comi & benigno, suscipias: quod quamuis minimè tale est, quale optaremus, tamen cum VELLE SIT INSTAR OMNIUM, nolui idcirco desistere, quod pro tuo nomine, tua dignitate, tua innocentia pugnate me satis strenuè diffiderem. Quin potius, quicquid id est (si modò quicquam est) & quantulum cunque tandem, quod ad tui patrocinium● pro mea tenui part afferte possem, nequaquam supprimendum putavi, nec enim illos laudare soleo, Qui, quòd desperent invicti membra Glyconis, Nodosa nolunt corpus probibere Chiragra. Me sanè, si haec commentatiuncula non erit tibi aut mihi dedecori, operae nequaquam poenitebit. Quòd si ad laudem vel aliquale patrocinium tui aliquid faciat, operam perdidisse haud videbor. Sin verò alios alumnos tuos, meos conterraneos, arte & industria superiores, ad causam tuam, vel nunc, vel in posterum suscipiendam, hoc conatu tenello excitavero, quid est cur operae precium non fecisse dicar? quibus seribentibus, licet mea fama in obscuro futura est, tamen praestantia illorum, qui nomini officient meo, me consolabor: Nam etsi famae & nominis cura summa esse debet, maior tamen patriae; cuius dignitate salva & incolumni, nos quoque saluos & incolumes reputabimus. Scripsi Holis Hialtaedalensium in Islandia, AErae Christianae Anno 1592. 17. Kalendas Maias. A BRIEF COMMENTARY of Island: wherein the errors of such as have written concerning this Island, are detected, and the slanders, and reproaches of certain strangers, which they have used overboldly against the people of Island, are confuted. By Arngrimus jonas, of Island. To the most mighty Prince and Lord, Lord Christian the 4. of Denmark, Norway, and of the Vandals and Goths, King elect: of Sleswic, Holste, Stormar, and Duhmarse Duke: Earl of Oldenburg, and Delmenhorst: His most gracious Lord THat heroical attempt of Anchurus, son of King Midas (most gracious prince) and that piety towards his country in manner peerless, deserveth highly to be renowned in histories: in that freely and courageously he offered his own person, for the stopping up of an huge gulf of earth, about Celoena, a town in Phrigia, which daily swallowed multitudes of men, and what soever else came near unto it. For when his father Midas was advertised by the Oracle, that the said gulf should not be shut up, before things most precious were cast into it: Anchurus deeming nothing to be more invaluable than life, plunged himself alive down headlong into that bottomless hole; and that with so great vehemency of mind, that neither by his father's request nor by the allurements and tears of his most amiable wife, he suffered himself to be drawn back from this his enterprise. Sperthius also and Bulis, two Lacedæmonians, were not much inferior to the former, who to turn away the revenge of Xerxes that most puissant King of the Persians, intended against the Lacedæmonians, for kill the ambassadors of his father Darius, hied them unto the said king, and that he might avenge the ambassadors death upon them, not upon their country, with bardy, and constant minds presented themselves before him. The very same thing (most gracious prince) which moved them, and many others being inflamed with the love of their country, to refuse for the benefit thereof, no danger, no trouble, not nor death itself, the same thing (I say) hath also enforced me, not indeed to undergo voluntary death, or freely to offer myself unto the slaughter, but yet to assay that which I am able for the good of my country: namely, that I may gather together and refute the errors, and vain reports of writers, concerning the same: and so take upon me a thing very dangerous, and perhaps subject to the sinister judgement of many. In this purpose the example of Cneius Pompeius hath likewise confirmed me: who being choose procurator for corn among the Romans, and in an extreme scarcity and dearth of the city, having taken up some store of grain in Sicilia, Sardinia, and Africa, is reported to have had greater regard of his country, then of himself. For when he made haste towards Rome, and a mighty and dangerous tempest arising, he perceived the Pilots to tremble, and to be unwilling to commit themselves to the rigour of the stormy sea, himself first going on board, and commanding the anchors to be weighed, broke forth into these words: That we should sail necessity urgeth: but that we should live, it urgeth not. In which words he seemeth wisely to infer, that greater care is to be had of our country lying in danger, then of our own private safety. This man do I thus imitate, If small with great as equals may agreed: And Fly with Elephant compared be. Namely that gathering together and laying up in store those things which might be applied to secure the fame and credit of our nation, having now this long time been oppressed with strangers, through the envy of certain malicious people, I boldly adventure to present these few meditations of mine unto the view of the world, and so boysing up sails to commit myself unto a troublesome sea, and to break forth into the like speeches with him: That I should writ necessity urgeth: but that my writings in all places should satisfy every delicate taste, or escape all peevishness of carpers it urgeth not. I doubt not but many will allow this my enterprise: the success perhaps all men will not approve. Nevertheless, I thought that there was greater regard to be had of my country, sustaining so many men's mocks and reproaches, then of mine own praise or dispraise, redounding perhaps unto me upon this occasion. For what cause should move me to shun the envy and hate of some men, being joined with an endeavour to benefit and gratify my country? But if I shall seem somewhat too bold in censuring the errors of writers, The errors of the writers of Island intolerable. or too severe in reprehending the slanders of some men: yet I hope all they will judge indifferently of me, who shall seriously consider, how intolerable the errors of writers are, concerning our nation: how many also and how grievous be the reproaches of some, against us, wherewith they have sundry ways provoked our nation, and as yet will not cease to provoke. They aught also to have me excused in regard of that inbred affection rooted in the hearts of all men, towards their native soil, and to pardon my just grief for these injuries offered unto my country. And I in very deed, so much as lay in me, have in all places moderated myself, and have been desirous to abstain from reproaches: but if any man think, we should have used more temperance in our stile, I trust, the former reason will content him. sithence therefore, I am to undergo the same hazard, which I see is commonly incident to all men, that publish any writings: I must now have especial regard of this one thing: namely, of seeking out some patron, and Maecenas for this my brief commentary, under whose name and protection it may more safely pass through the hands of all men. But for this purpose I could not find out, nor wish for any man more fit than your royal Majesty, most gracious prince. For unto him, who hath received under his power & tuition our lives and goods, unto him (I say) do we make humble suit, that he would have respect also unto the credit of our nation, so injuriously disgraced. Yea verily (most gracious King) we are constrained to crave your majesties merciful aid, not only in this matter, but in many other things also which are wanting in our country, or which otherwise belong to the public commodity and welfare thereof: which not by me, but by the letters supplicatory of the chief men of our nation, are at this time declared; or will shortly be declared. For we doubt not but that your sacred Majesty, after the example of your Christian predecessors, will vouchsafe unto our country also, amongst other Islands of your majesties dominion, your kingly care and protection. For as the necessity of fleeing for redress unto your sacred Majesty, is ours: so the glory of relieving, regarding, and protecting us, shall wholly redound unto your sacred Majesty: as also, there is laid up for you, in respect of your fostering and preserving of God's church, upon the extreme northerly parts almost of the whole earth, and in the uttermost bounds of your majesties dominion (which by the singular goodness of God, enjoyeth at this present tranquility and quiet safety) a reward and crown of immortal life in the heavens. But considering these things are not proper to this place, I will leave them, and return to my purpose which I have in hand: most humbly beseeching your S.M. that you would of your clemency vouchsafe to become a favourer and patron unto these my labours and studies, for the behalf of my country. It now remains (most gracious and merciful sovereign) for us to make our humble prayers unto almighty God, that king of kings, and disposer of all humans affairs, that it would please him of his infinite goodness, to advance your Majesty (yearly growing up in wisdom & experience, and all other heroical virtues) to the highest pitch of sovereignty: and being advanced, continually to bless you with most prosperous success in all your affairs: and being blessed, long to preserve you, as the chief ornament, defence and safeguard of these kingdoms, and as the shield and fortress of his church: and hereafter in the life to come, to make you shine glorious like a star, amongst the principal nurcing fathers of God's Church, in the perfect joy of his heavenly kingdom. The same most merciful father likewise grant, that these prayers, the oftener they be daily repeated and multiplied in every corner of your majesties most ample territories & Islands so much the more sure and certain they may remain. Amen. At Haffnia, or Copen Hagen 1593. in the month of March. Y. S. M. most humble subject, Arngrimus jonas, Islander. To the courteous and Christian reader Gudbrandus Thorlacius, Bishop of Holen in Island, wisheth health. THere came to light about the year of Christ 1561, a very deformed imp, begotten by a certain Pedlar of Germany: namely a book of Germane rhymes, of all that ever were read the most filthy and most slanderous against the nation of Island. Neither did it suffice the base printer once to sand abroad that base brat, but he must publish it also thrice or four times over: that he might thereby, what lay in him, more deeply disgrace our innocent nation among the Germane, & Danes, and other neighbour countries, with shameful, and everlasting ignominy. So great was the malice of this printer, & his desire so greedy to get lucre, by a thing unlawful. And this he did without controlment, even in that city, which these many years hath trafficked with Island to the great gain, and commodity of the citizens. His name is joachimus Leo, a man worthy to become lions food. Great errors grow upon mariners fabulous reports. Moreover, there are many other writers found, who when they would seem to describe the miracles of nature, which are thought to be very many in this Island, & the manners, & customs of the Islanders, have altogether swerved from the matter and truth itself, following mariners fables more trifling then old wives tales, & the most vain opinions of the common sort. These writers, although they have not left behind them such filthy & reproachful stuff as that base rhymer: yet there are many things in their writings that will not suffer them to be excused, & altogether acquitted from causing an innocent nation to be had in detision by others. Wherefore marking, reading, & weighing these things with myself, & considering that there daily spring up new writers, which offer injury to the fame & reputation of the Islanders, being such men also as do shamelessly filch out of other men's labours, deluding their reader's with feigned descriptions, & a new rehearsal of monsters, I often wished that some one man would come forth, to make answer to the errors of historiographers & other unjust censurers: and by some writing, if not to free our innocent nation from so many reproaches, yet at leastwise, in some sort to defend it, among christian & friendly readers. And for this cause I have now procured an honest and learned young man one Arngrimus Fitz-Ionas, to peruse the works of authors, that have written any thing concerning Island, and by sound reasons to detect their errors, & falsehoods. And albeit at the first he was very loath, yet at length my friendly admonition, & the common love of his country prevailed with him so far, that he compiled this brief commentary, taking his proofs, not out of the vain fables of the people, but from his own experience, and many other men's also of sufficient credit. Now, he that undertook this matter at my procurement, did again as it were by his own authority challenge at my hands, that I should in two or three words at lest, make a preface unto his book; thinking it might gain some credit, and authority thereby. Wherefore to speak my mind in a word: for my part: I judge him to have taken both honest & necessary pains, who hath done his endeavour not only to weigh the divers opinions of wrighters concerning things unknown, and to examine them by the censure of truth, and experience, but also to defend his country from the venomous bites of certain sycophants. It is thy part therefore (gentle reader) to accept this small treatise of his, being as it were guarded with the sacred love of truth, and of his country, against the perverseness of carpers. Farewell. Anno 1592. july 29. Here beginneth the Commentary of Island. Even as in war, daily experience teacheth us, that some upon no just & lawful grounds (being egged on by ambition, envy, and covetise) are induced to follow the army, and on the contrary side, that others arm themselves upon just and necessary causes: namely such as go to battle for the defence and propagation of the Gospel, or such as being any way provoked thereunto, do withstand present violence and wrong, or at lest (not being provoked) by reason of the enemy approaching are constrained to be up in arms: right so, they that fight under Apollo's banner. Among whom, a great part, not upon any honest, philosophical, or indeed Christian intention, address themselves to wright: especially such as for desire of glory, for envy and spite, or upon malicious and affected ignorance, carp at others: and, that they may be accounted superiors, sometimes whet their styles against the person, name and fame of this or that particular man, sometimes inveighing against a whole country, and by shameless untruths disgracing innocent nations and people. Again, others of an ingenuous mind, do by great industry, search and bring to light things profitable: namely, they that writ of Divinity, Philosophy, History and such like: and they who (taking use and experience for their guides) in the said Sciences have brought things obscure to light, things maimed to perfection, and things confused to order: and they that have faithfully commended to everlasting posterity, the stories of the whole world: that by their infinite labours have advanced the knowledge of tongues: to be short, that endeavour themselves to repress the insolency, confute the slanders, and withstand the unjust violence of others, against themselves, their Nation or their Country. And I for my part, having scarce attained the sight of good letters, and being the meanest of all the followers of Minerva (that I may freely acknowledge mine own wants) can do no less then become one of their number, who have applied themselves to rid their country from dishonour, to avouch the truth, and to shake off the yoke of railers & revilers. My estate enabled me only to writ; howbeit the excellency of truth, and the inbred affection I bear to my country enforceth me to do the best I can: sithence it hath pleased some strangers by false rumours to deface, and by manifold reproaches to injury my said country, making it a byword, and a laughingstock to all other nations. To meet with whose insolency and false accusations, as also to detect the errors of certain writers concerning this Island, unto good and well affected men (for the common people will be always like themselves, stubbornly maintaining that which is false and foolish, neither can I hope to remove them from this accustomed and stolen opinion) I have penned the treatise following. And albeit Island is not destitute of many excellent men, who, both in age, wit, and learning, are by many degrees my superiors, and therefore more fit to take the defence of the country into their hands: notwithstanding, being earnestly persuaded thereunto, by that godly & famous man Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island, I thought good (to the utmost of mine ability) to be no whit wanting unto the common cause: both that I might obey his most reasonable request, and also that I might encourage other of my countrymen, who have been better trained up in good learning, and endued with a greater measure of knowledge than I myself, to the defence of this our nation: so far am I from hindering any man to undertake the like enterprise. But to return to the matter, because they (whatsoever they be) that reproach and malign our nation, make their boast that they use the testimonies of writers: we are seriously to consider, what things, and how true, writers have reported of Island, to the end that if they have given (perhaps) any occasion to others of inveighing against us, their errors being laid open (for I will not speak more sharply) all the world may see how justly they do reproach us. And albeit I nothing doubt to examine some ancient writers of this Island, by the rule of truth and experience: yet (otherwise) their memory is precious in our eyes, their dignity reverend, their learning to be had in honour, and their zeal and affection towards the whole common wealth of learned men, highly to be commended: but as for novices (if there be any such writers or rather pasquilles) when they shall hear and know truer matters concerning Island, than they themselves have written, they shall seem by their inconstancy and perverse wit to have gained naught else but a black mark of envy and reproach. And that this commentary of mine may have some order, it shall be divided into two general parts: the first of the Island, the second of the inhabitants: and of these two but so for-foorth as those writers which are come to our hands have left recorded: because I am not determined to wander out of these lists, or to handle more than these things and some other which pertain unto them. For I profess not myself an Historiographer, or Geographer, but only a Disputer. Wherefore omitting a longer Preface, let us come to the first part concerning the situation, the name, miracles, and certain other adjuncts of this Island. The first section. The Isle of Island being severed from other countries an infinite distance, Munsterin lib. 4. cosmography. standeth far into the Ocean, and is scarce known unto Sailors. ALbeit a discourse of those things which concern the land, and the adiunces or properties thereof be of little moment to defend the nation or inhabitants from the biting of slanderers, yet seemeth it in no case to be omitted, b●t to be entreated of in the first place, that the friendly reader perceiving how truly those writers of Island have reported in this respect, may thereby also easily judge what credit is to be given unto them in other matters which they have left written concerning the inhabitants, and which others have received from them as oracles; from whence (as they say) they have borrowed scoffs and taunts against our nation. First therefore, that the distance of Island from other countries is not infinite, nor indeed so great as men commonly imagine, it might easily be provided, if one did but in some sort know the true longitude & latitude of the said Island. For I am of opinion that it cannot exactly be known any other way then this, whenas it is manifest how the Mariner's course (be it never so direct, as they suppose) doth at all times swerver. In the mean while therefore I will set down divers opinions of authors, concerning the situation of Island, that from hence every man m●y gather that of the distance which seems most probable; until perhaps myself being one day taught by mine own experience, may, if not intrude, yet at lest adjoin, what I shall think true as touching this matter. Longit. Latitud. deg. min. deg. min. Munster placeth Island almost in 20 68 Gerardus Mercator 325 68 Gemma Frisius placeth the midst of Island 7 0 65 30 Hersee 7 40 60 42 Thirtes 5 50 64 44 Nadar 6 40 57 10 jacobus Ziegle●us. The West shore of Island 20 0 63 0 The promontory of Chos 22 46 63 0 The East shore is extended Northward, and hath bounds of extension in 30 0 68 0 The North shore is extended Westward, and hath bounds of extension in 28 0 69 0 The description of the West side. Longit. Latitud. deg. min. deg. min. The promontory of Heckelfell 25 0 67 0 The promontory of Madher 21 20 65 10 The inland cities of Island Holen the seat of a bishop 28 0 67 50 Schalholten the seat of a bishop 22 63 30 Reinholdus, By Holen in Island 68 johannes Mi●itius. By Mid-Island 69 ½ Neander. Island stretcheth itself 3 degrees within the circle arctic from the equinoctial, insomuch that the said circled arctic doth almost divide it in the midst etc. There be others also, who either in their maps, or writings have noted the situation of Island: notwithstanding it is to no purpose to set down any more of their opinions, because the more you haue● the more contrary shall you find them. For my part, albeit I have probable conjectures persuading me not to believe any of the former opinions, concerning the situation of Island, but to descent from them all: yet had I rather leave the matter in suspense then affirm an uncerteinty, v●till (as I have said) I may be able perhaps one day not to guess at the matter, but to bring forth mine own observation, and experience. A c●rteine writer hath put down the distance between the mouth of Elbe & Ba●zende in the South part of Island to be 400 leagues: from whence if you shall accounted the difference of longitude to the meridian of Hamburg, Island must ●aue none of the forenamed longitudes in that place. I am able to prove by three sundry voyages of certain Hamburgers, that it is but seven days sailing from Island to Hamburg. Se●en days ●ailing from Island to Hamburg. Besides all those Islands, which by reason of the abundance of sheep, are called Fareyiar, or more rightly Fa●reyiar, as likewise the desert shores of Norway, Island but two da●●s ●a●●ing distant from Faar-Islands, & from the deser● sho●es of Norway. are distant from us but two days sailing. We have four days sailing into habitable Gronland: and almost in the same quantity of time we pass over to the province of Norway, called Stad, lying between the towns of Nidrosia or Trondon, and Bergen, as we find in the ancient records of these nations. The second section. In this Island, Munsterus, Olaus Mag●us and others. at the Summer solsti●iu●, the Sun passing thorough the sign of Cancer, there is no night, and therefore at the Winter solstitium there is no day. Also: Vadianus. But in that Island, which far within the arctic circle is seated in the main Ocean, at this day called Island, and next unto the lands of the frozen sea, which they call Eng●ontland, there be many months in the year without nights. AT the solstitium of winter, that there is no day (that is to say, no time, wherein the Sun is seen above the horizon) we confess to be true only in that angle of Island (if there be any such angle) where the pole is elevated full 67 degrees. But at Holen (which is the bishop's seat for the North part of Island, and lieth in a most deep valley) the latitude is about 65 degrees and 44 minutes, as I am informed by the reverend father, Gudbrand, bishop of that place: a●d yet there, the shortest day in all the year is at lest two hours long, and in South-Island longer, as it appeareth by the tables of Mathematicians. herehence it is manifest, first that Island is not situate beyond the arctic circle: secondly, that in Island there are not wanting in Summer solstitium many nights, Island is not within the circle arctic. nor in Winter solstitium many days. The third section. It is named of the ice which continually cleaveth unto the North part thereof. Another writeth: Munsterus, Saxo. From the West part of Norway there lieth an Island which is named of the ice, environed with an huge sea, and being a country of ancient habitation, etc. Z●eglerus. This is Thyle, whereof most of the ancient writers have made mention. IT is named of ice, etc. Island hath been called by three names, one after another. For one Naddocus a Noruagian born, who is thought to be the first Discoverer of the same, Island first discovered by Naddocus in a tempest. as he was sailing towards the Faar-Ilands, through a violent tempest did by chance arrive at the East shore of Island; where staying with his whole company certain weeks, he beheld abundance of snow covering the tops of the mountains, and thereupon, in regard of the snow, called this Island Sneland. Sneland. After him one Gardarus, being moved thereunto by the report which Naddocus gave out concerning Island, went to seek the said Island; who, when he had found it, called it after his own name Gardarsholme, Gardasholme. that is to say, Gardars' Isle. There were more also desirous to visit this new land. For after the two former, a certain third Noruagian, called Flok, went into Island, Island. and named it of the ice, wherewith he see it environed. Of ancient habitation, etc. I gather not this opinion out of these words of Saxon (as some men do) that Island hath been inhabited from the beginning, or (to speak in one word) that the people of Island were autochthones, that is, earth-bred, or bread out of their own soil like unto trees and herbs; sithence it is evident, that this Island scarce began to be inhabited no longer ago then about 718 years since. This is Thyle, etc. Grammarians wrangle about this name, and as yet the controversy is not decided. Which notwithstanding, I think might easily grow to composition, if men would understand that this Island was first inhabited about the year of our Lord 874. Unless some man will say that Thule King of Egypt (who, as it is thought, gave this name thereunto) passed so far unto an Island, which was at that time untilled, and destitute of inhabitants. Again, if any man will deny this, he may for all me, that it may seem to be but a dream, while they are distracted into so many contrary opinions. One affirms that it is Island: another, that it is a certain Island, where trees bear fruit twice in a year: the third, that it is one of the Orcadeses, or the last Island of the Scotish dominion, as johannes Myritius and others, calling it by the name of Thylensey, which Virgil also seemeth to have meant by his ultima Thyle. If beyond the Britan's (by which name the English men and Scots only at this day are called) he imagined none other nation to inhabit. Which is evident out of that verse of Virgil in his first Eclogue: And Britan's whole from all the world divided. The fourth writeth, that it is one of of the Faar-Ilands: the fist, that it is Telemark in Norway: the sixt, that it is Schrichfinnia. Which continually cleaveth to the North part of the Island. That cl●use that ice continually cleaveth etc. or as Munster affirmeth a little after, The ice of Iseland set always to the West. that it cleaveth for the space of eight whole months, are neither of them both true, when as for the most part the ice is thawed in the month of April or May, and is driven towards the West: neither doth it return before januarie or February, nay often times it cometh later. What if a man should reckon up many years, wherein ice (the sharp scourge of this our nation) hath not at all been seen about Island? No ice at all some years ●● Island. which was found to be true this present year 1592. Hereupon it is manifest how truly Frisius hath written that navigation to this Island lieth open only for four months in a year, and no longer, by reason of the ice and cold, whereby the passage is shut up, when as English ships every year, sometimes in March, sometimes in April, and some of them in May; the Germane and Danes, in May and june, do usually return unto us, and some of them departed not again from hence till August. But the last year, being 1591., there lay a certain ship of Germany laden with Copper within the haven of Vopnasiord in the coast of Island about fourteen days in the month of November, Navigation open to Island from March till the midst of November. which time being expired, she fortunately set sail. Wherefore, seeing that ice, neither continually, nor yet eight months cleaveth unto Island, Munster and Frisius are much deceived. The fourth section. The Island is so great that it containeth many people. Item Zieglerus saith: Krantzius Munsterus. The situation of the Island is extended between the South and the North almost 200 leagues in length. SO great, etc. One Wilstenius schoolmaster of Oldenburg, in the year 1591., sent unto mine Uncle in West-Island, a short treatise which he had gathered out of the fragments of sundry writers, concerning Island. Where we found thus written: Island is twice as great as Sicily, etc. But Sicily, according to Munster, hath 150 german miles in compass. As for the circuit of our Island, although it be not exactly known unto us, yet the ancient, constant, and received opinion of the inhabitants accounteth it 144 leagues; Island 144 german miles in compass. namely by the 12 promontories of Island, which are commonly known, being distant one from another 12 leagues or thereabouts, which two numbers being multiplied, produce the whole sum. Many people. etc. One Gysserus about the year of our Lord 1090, being bishop of Schalholten in Island, caused all the husbandmen, or countrymen of the Island, who, in regard of their possessions were bond to pay tribute to the king, to be numbered (omitting the poorer sort with women, and the meaner sort of the communality) and he found in the East part of Island 700L in the South part 1000, in the West part 1100, in the North part 1200, to the number of 4000 inhabitants paying tribute. Now if any man will try, he shall find that more than half the Island was at that time unpeopled. The fifth section. The Island, Munste● F●isiu●. Ziegle●●s●. most part thereof, is mountainous and untilled. But that part which is plain doth greatly abound with fodder, which is so rank, that they are feign to drive their cattle from the pasture, lest they surfeit or be choked. THat danger of surfeiting or choking was never herded tell of, in our fathers, grandfathers, great-grandfathers or any of our predecessors days, be they never so ancient. The sixth section. There be in this Island mountains lift up to the skies, Munster as Frisius. whose tops being white with perpetual snow, their roots boil with everlasting fire. The first is towards the West, called Hecla: the other the mountain of the cross: and the third Helga. Item: Zieglerus. The rock or promontory of Hecla boileth with continual fire. Item: Saxo. There is in this Island also a mountain, which resembling the starry firmament, with perpetual flashing of fire, continueth always burning, by uncessant belching out of flames. MVnster and Frisius being about to report the wonders of Island do presently s●umble, as it were, upon the threshold, to the great inconvenience of them both. For that which they here affirm of mount Hecla, although it hath some show of truth: notwithstanding concerning the other two mountains, that they should burn with perpetual fire, it is a manifest error. For there are no such mountains to be found in Island, nor yet any thing else (so far forth as we can imagine) which might minister occasion of so great an error unto writers. Howbeit there was seen (yet very lately) in the year 1581. out of a certain mountain of South Island lying near the Sea, and covered over with continual snow and frost, a marvelous eruption of smoke and fire, casting up abundance of stones and ashes. But this mountain is far from the other three, which the said authors do mention. Howbeit, suppose that these things be true which they report of fiery mountains: is it possible therefore that they should seem strange, or monstrous, whenas they proceed from natural causes? What? Do they any whit prevail to establish that opinion concerning the hell of Island, which followeth next after in Munster, Ziegler, and Frisius? For my part, I think it no way tolerable, that men should abuse these, and the like miracles of nature, to avouch absurdities, or, that they should with a kind of impiety wonder at them, as at matters impossible. As though in these kinds of inflammations, there did not concur causes of sufficient force for the same purpose. There is in the roots of these mountains a matter most apt to be set on fire, coming so near as it doth to the nature of brimstone and pitch. There is air also, which insinuating itself by passages, and holes, into the very bowels of the earth, doth puff up the nourishment of so huge a fire, together with saltpeter, by which puffing (as it were with certain bellows) a most ardent flame is kindled. For, all these thus concurring, fire hath those three things, which necessarily make it burn, that is to say, matter, motion, and force of making passage: Thr●● natural causes of fiery mountai●●●. matter which is fatty and moist, and therefore nourisheth lasting flames: motion which the air doth perform, being admitted into the caves of the earth: force of making passage, and that the invincible might of fire itself (●hich can not be without inspiration of air, and can not but break forth with an incredible strength) doth bring to pass: and so (even as in undermining trenches, and engines or great warlike ordinance, huge iron bullets are cast forth with monstrous roaring, and cracking, by the force of kindled Brimstone, and saltpeter, whereof Gunpowder is compounded) chingle and great stones being skorched in that fiery gulf, as it were in a furnace, together with abundance of sand and ashes, are vomited up and discharged, and that for the most part not without an earthquake: which, if it cometh from the depth of the earth, (being called by Possidonius, Succussio) it must either be an opening or a quaking. Opening causeth the earth in some places to gape, and fall a sunder. By quaking the earth is heaved up and swelleth, Lib. 20. cap. 20. and sometimes (as Pliny says) casts out huge heaps: such an earthquake was the same which I even now mentioned, which in the year 1581. did so sore trouble the South shore of Island. And this kind of earthquake is most clearkely described by Pontanus in these verses: The stirring breath runs on with stealing steps, urged now up, and now enforced down: For freedom eke tries all, it skips, it leaps, to rid itself from uncouth dungeon. Then quakes the earth as it would burst anon, The earth y quakes, and walled cities quiver, Strong quarries crack, and stones from hills do shiver. I thought good to add these things, not that I suppose any man to be ignorant thereof: but lest other men should think that we are ignorant, and therefore that we will run after their fables, which they do from hence establish. But yet there is somewhat more in these three feigned mountains of Island, which causeth the said writers not a little to wonder, namely whereas they say that their foundations are always burning, and yet for all that, their ●oppes be never destitute of snow. Howbeit, it be seemeth not the authority and learning of such great clerks to marvel at this, who can not but well know the flames of mount Aetna, which (according to Pliny) b●ing full of snow all Winter, notwithstanding (as the same man witnesseth) it doth always burn. Wherefore, if we will give credit unto them, even this mountain also, sithence it is covered with snow, and yet burneth, must be a prison of unclean souls: which thing they have not doubted to ascribe unto Hecla, in regard of the frozen top, and the fiery bottom. And it is no marvel that fire lurking so deep in the roots of a mountain, and never breaking forth except it be very seldom, should not be able continually to melt the snow covering the top of the said mountain. For in Caira (or Capira) also, the highest tops of the mountain are said continually to be white with snow: Cardanus. and those in Veragua likewise, which are five miles high, and never without snow, being distant notwithstanding but only 10 degrees from the equinoctial. We have herded that either of the foresaid Provinces standeth near unto Paria. What, if in Tenerifta (which is one of the Canary or fortunate islands) the Pike so called, arising into the air, according to Munster, eight or nine german miles in height, and continually flaming like Aetna: yet (as Benzo an Italian, and Historiographer of the West Indies witnesseth) is it not able to melt the girdle of snow embracing the midst thereof. Which thing, what reason have we more to admire in the mountain of Hecla? And thus much briefly concerning fiery mountains. Now that also is to be amended, whereas they writ that these mountains are lifted up even unto the skies. For they have no extraordinary height beyond the other mountains of Island, but especially that third mountain, called by Munster Helga, and by us Helgafel, that is the holy mount, standing just by a monastery of the same name, being covered with snow, upon no part thereof in Summer time, neither deserveth it the name of an high mountain, but rather of an humble hillock, never yet (as I said in the beginning of this section) so much as once suspected of burning. Neither yet aught perpetual snow to be ascribed to Hecla only, or to a few others; for Island hath very many such snowy mountains, all which the Cosmographer (who hath so extolled and admired these three) should not easily find out, and reckon up in a whole year. And that also is not to be omitted, that mount Hecla standeth not towards the West, as Munster and Ziegler have noted, but between the South and the East: neither is it an headland, but rather a midland hill. Continueth always burning etc. whosoever they be that have ascribed unto Hecla perpetual belching out of flames, they are far besides the mark: insomuch that as often as it hath be●e inflamed, our countrymen have recorded it in their yearly Chronicles for a rare accident: The chronicles of Island. namely in the years of Christ 1104, 1157, 1222, 1300, 1341, 1362, and 1389: For from that year we never herded of the burning of this mountain until the year 1558, which was the last breaking forth of fire in that mountain. In the mean time I say not that is impossible, but that the bottom of the hill may inwardly breed and nourish flames, which at certain seasons (as hath been heretofore observed) have burst out, and perhaps may do the like hereafter. The seventh section. The flame of mount Hecla will not burn tow (which is most apt for the wieke of a candle) neither is it quenched with water: F●isius. Munsterus. and by the same force that bullets are discharged out of warlike engines with us, from thence are great stones cast forth into the air, by reason of the mixture of cold, and fire, and brimstone. This place is thought of some to be the prison of unclean souls. Item: Zieglerus. This place is the prison of unclean souls. WIll not burn towe. Where these writers should find such matters, it is not easy to conjecture. For our people are altogether ignorant of them, neither had they ●uer been herded of here among us, if they had not brought them to light. For there is no man with us so rashly and fond curious, that dareth for his life, the hill being on fire, try any such conclusions, or (to our knowledge) that ever dared: which notwithstanding Munster affirmeth, saying: They that are desirous to contemplate the nature of so huge a fire, & for the same purpose approach unto the mountain, are by some gulf swallowed up alive, etc. which thing (as I said) is altogether unknown unto our nation. Yet there is a book extant, written in the ancient language of the Noruagians, wherein you may find some miracles of earth● water, fire, and air, etc. confusedly written, few of them true, and the most part vain and false. Whereupon it easily appeareth that it was written long since by some that were imagined to be great wise men in the ●im● of Popery. They called it a royal looking glass: howbeit, in regard of the fond fables, Specul●m regale w●i●t●● in the Noruagian tongue. wherewith (but for the most part under the show of religion and piety, whereby it is more difficult to find out the cozenage) it doth all over swarm, it deserveth not the name of a looking glass royal, Whence the febles of Island gr●w. but rather of a popular, and old wives looking glass. In this glass there are found cert●ine figments of the burning of Hecla, not much unlike these which we now entreat of, nor any whit more grounded upon experience, and for that cause to be rejected. But that I may not seem somewhat foolehardy, for accusing this royal looking glass of falsehood (not to mention any of those things which it r●porteth as less credible) lo here a few things (friendly reader) which I suppose deserve no credit at all. 1 Of a certain Isle in Ireland, having a church and a parish in it, the inhabitants whereof deceasing are not buried in the earth, but like living men, do continually, against some bank or brickwall in the Churchyard, stand bolt-upright: neither are they subject to any corruption or downfall: insomuch that any of the posterity may there seek for, and behold their ancestors. 2 Of another Isle of Ireland, where men are not mortal. 3 Of all the earth and trees of Ireland, being of force to resist all poisons, and to kill serpents, and other venomous things, in any country whatsoever, by the only virtue and presence thereof, yea even without touching. 4 Of a third Isle of Ireland, that the one half thereof become an habitation of devils, but that the said devils have no jurisdiction over the other half, by reason of a Church there built, although, as the whole Isle is without inhabitants, so this part is continually destitute of a Pastor, and of divine service: and that it is so by nature. 5 Of a fourth Isle of Ireland floating up and down in an huge lake, the grass whereof is a most present remedy for all kind of diseases, and that the Island, at certain seasons, especially on Sundays, cometh to the bank of the lake, so that any man may then easily enter into it, as it were into a ship: which notwithstanding (saith he) destiny will not suffer any more than one to enter at a time. Furthermore, he reporteth that this Island every seventh year groweth fast to the bank, so that you cannot discern it from firm land: but that into the place thereof there succeedeth another, altogether like the former, in nature, quanti●ie, and virtue: which, from what place it cometh, no man can tell: and that all this happeneth with a kind of thundering. 6 Of the hunters of Norway who are so expert to tame wood (for so he speaketh very improperly, whereas unto wood neither life nor taming can be ascribed) that wooden pattens of eight elnes long being bond to the soles of their feet do carry them with so great celerity even upon high mountains, that they cannot be outrun, either by the swiftness of hounds and dear, or yet by the flying of birds. And that they will kill nine roes or more at one course & with one stroke of a dart. These and such like, concerning Ireland, Norway, Island, Gronland, of the miracles of water, and air, this master of fragments hath gathered together into his looking glass: whereby, although he hath made his own followers wonder, and the common people to be astonished, yet hath he ministered unto us nothing but occasion of laughter. But let us hear Frisius. The flame of mount Hecla (saith he) will not burn tow (which is most apt matter for the wieke of a candle) neither is it quenched with water. But I say that this strange opinion may be confirmed by many reasons borrowed out of your school of Philosophy. For the natural Philosophers do teach, That it is common to all forcible flames to be quenched with dry things, and nourished with moist: whereupon, even blacksmithes, by sprinkling on of water, use to quicken and strengthen their fire. For (say they) when fire is more vehement, it is stirred up by cold, and nourished by moisture, both which qualities do concur in water. Item, water is wont to kindle skorching fires: because the moisture itself, which ariseth, doth prove more fatty and gross, neither is it consumed by the smoke enclosing it, but the fire itself feedeth upon the whole substance thereof, whereby being made purer, and gathering round together, it becometh then more vehement by reason of cold. And therefore also wildfires cannot be quenched with water. Item, There be places abounding with brimstone and pitch, which burn of their own accord, the flame whereof cannot be quenched with water. The grand Philosopher also hath affirmed, that fire is nourished by water. Arist. 3. de anim. And Pli●ie, in the second book of his natural history cap. 110. And Strabo in his 7. book. In Nympheum there proceedeth a flame out of a rock, which is kindled with water. The same author saith: The ash continually flourisheth, covering a burning fountain. And moreover that there are sudden fi●es at some times, even upon waters, as namely that the lake of Thrasumenus in the field of Perugi, was all on fire, as the same Strabo witnesseth. And in the years 1226, and 1236, not far from the promontory of Island called Reykians, a flame of fire broke forth out of the sea. Yea even upon men's bodies sudden fires have glittered: as namely, there sprung a flame from the head of Servius Tullius lying a sleep: and also Lucius Martius in Spain after the death of the S●ipions, making an oration to his souldiers● and exhorting them to revenge, was all in a flame, as Valerius Antias doth report. Pliny in like sort maketh mention of a flame in a certain mountain, which, as it is kindled with water, so is it quenched with earth or hay: also of another field which burneth not the leaves of shady trees that grow directly over it. These things b●ing thus, it is strange that men should account that a wonder in Hecla only (for I will grant it to be, for disputation's sake, when indeed there is no such matter so far forth as ever I could learn of any man) which is common to many other parts or places in the world, both hilly and plain, as well as to this. And by the same force that bullets, etc. Munster says the like also. Frisius. This mountain when it rageth, it soundeth like dreadful thunder, casts for●h huge stones, disgorgeth brimstone, and with the cinders that are blown abroad, it covereth so much ground round about it, that no man can inhabit within 20. miles thereof, etc. Howbeit, they aught to have compared it with Aetna, or with other fiery mountains, whereof I will presently make mention, seeing there is to be found in them, not only alike accident, but in a manner the very same. Unless perhaps this be the difference, that flames broke seldomer out of Hecla, then out of other mountains of the same kind. For it hath now rested these 34. years full out, the last fairy breach being made in the year 1558. as we have before noted. And there can no such wonders be affirmed of our Hecla, but the same or greater are to be ascribed unto other burning mountains, as it shall by and by appear. But that brimstone should be sent forth it is a mere fable, and never known unto our nation, by any experiment. This place is the prison of unclean souls. Here I am constrained to use a preface, and to crave pardon of the Reader, because, whereas in the beginning I propounded unto myself to treat of the land, and of the inhabitants distinctly by themselves, I must of necessity confusedly handle certain matters in this first part, which do properly belong unto the second. This is come to pass through the fault of these writers, who have confounded this part of the inhabitants religion concerning the opinion of hell, or of the infernal prison, with the situation & miracles of the island. Wherefore that we may come to this matter, who can but wonder, that wise men should be grown to this point, not only to listen after, but even to follow and embrace the dote of the rude people? For the common sort of strangers, and the off-skowring of mariners (here I do except them of better judgement aswell mariners as others) hearing of this rare miracle of nature, by an inbred and natural blockishness are carried to this imagination of the prison of souls: and that because they see no wood nor any such fuel laid upon this fire as they have in their own attorneys at home. And by this persuasion of the gross multitude, the report grew strong, especially (as they are too much accustomed to banning and cursing) while one would wish to another the fiery torments of this mountain. As though elementary, material, and visible fire could consume men's souls being spiritual, bodiless, and invisible substances. And to be short, who can but wonder, why they should not feign the same prison of damned souls, aswell in mount Aetna, being no less famous for fires and inflammations than this? But you will say, that Pope Gregory feigned it so to be. Therefore it is purgatory. I am content it should be so: then there is the same truth of this prison that there is of purgatory. But before I proceed any further I think it not amiss to tell a merry tale, which was the original and ground of this hellish opinion: namely that a ship of certain strangers departing from Island, under full sail, a most swift pace, going directly on her course, met with another ship sailing against wind & weather, and the force of the tempest as swiftly as themselves, who hailing them of whence they were, answer was given by their governor, De Bischop van Bremen: being the second time asked whether they were bond? he answered, Thom Heckelfeld tho, Thom Heckelfeld tho. I am afeard jest the reader at the sight of these things should call for a vason: for it is such an abominable lie, that it would make a man cast his gorge to hear it. Away with it therefore to fenny frogs, for we esteem no more of it, then of their croaking coax coax. Nay, it is so palpable that it is not worthy to be smiled at, much less to be refuted. But I will not trifle any longer with the fond Papists: let us rather come unto our own writers. And first of all I cannot here omit a saying of that most worthy man Doctor Caspar Peucer. There is in Island (quoth he) mount Hecla, being of as dreadful a depth as any vast gulf, or as hell itself, which resoundeth with lamentable, & miserable yell, that the noise of the criers may be herded for the space of a great league round about. Great swans of ugly black Ravens and Vultures lie hoovering about this place which are thought of the inhabitants to nestle there. The common people of that country are verily persuaded, that there is a descent down into hell by this gulf: and therefore when any battles are fought else where, in whatsoever part of the whole world, or any bloody slaughters are committed, they have learned by long experience, what horrible tumults and outcries, what monstrous skritches are herded round about this mountain. Who dared be so bold (most learned Sir) to bring such an incredible report to your ears? Neither hath Island any Uultures, but that second kind of Eagles, which Pliny noted by their white tails, and called them Pygarsi: neither are there any with us, that can bear witness of the foresaid spectacle: nor yet is it likely that Ravens and Eagles would nestle in that place, when as they should rather be driven from thence by fire and smoke, being things most contrary to their nature. And yet notwithstanding for proof of this matter, as also of a strange tumult herded within the hollow of the mountain, they allege the experience of the inhabitants, which indeed testifieth all things to the contrary. But whereabout should that hole or window of the mountain he, by the which we may hear outcries, noise and tumults done among them, who inhabit the most contrary, distant, and remote places of the earth from us? Concerning which thing I would ask the author of this fable many questions, if I might but come to the knowledge of him: in the mean time I could wish that from henceforth he would learn to tell troth, & not presume with so impudent a face to inform excellent Peucer, or others, of such unknown and incredible matters. But to return to Munster, who endeavouring to search out the causes of the great and strange fire of that famous hill Aetna, is it not monstrous that the very same thing which he there maketh natural, he should here imagine to be preternatural, yea infernal? But why do I speak of Aetna? Let us rather consider what Munster in another place thinketh of the burning of Hecla. Munsterus Cosmography universalis lib. 1. cap. 7. It is without doubt (says he) that some mountains and fields burned in old time throughout the whole world: and in this our age do burn. As for example: mount Hecla in Island at certain seasons casts abroad great stones, spitteth our brimstone, and disperseth ashes, for such a distance round about, that the land cannot be inhabited within 20. miles thereof. But where mountains do continually burn we understand that there is no stopping of the passages, whereby they pour forth abundance of fire sometime flaming, & sometime smoking as it were a streaming flood. But if between times the fire increaseth, all secret passages being shut up, the inner parts of the mountain are notwithstanding inflamed. The fire in the upper part, for want of matter, somewhat abateth for the time. But when a more vehement spirit (the same, or other passages being set open again) doth with great violence break prison, it casts forth ashes, sand, brimstone, pumistones, lumps resembling iron, great stones, & much other matter, not without the damage of the whole region adjoining. Thus far Munster. Where consider (good Reader) how he cutteth his throat with his own sword, consider (I say) that in this place there is the very same opinion of the burning of Hecla, & the burning of Aetna, which notwithstanding in his 4. book is very diverse, for there he is feign to run to infernal causes. A certain fiery mountain of West India hath far more friendly censurers, & historiographers then our Hecla, who make not an infernal gulf thereof. The History of which mountain (because it is short & sweet) I will set down, being written by Hieronimus Benzo an Italian, in his history of the new world, lib. 2. These be the words. About 35. miles distant from Leon there is a mountain which at a great hole belcheth out such mighty balls of flames, that in the night they shine far and near, above 100● miles. Some were of opinion that within it was melted gold ministering continual matter & nourishment for the fire. Hereupon a certain Dominican friar, determining to make trial of the matter, caused a brass kettle, & an iron chain to be made: afterward ascending to the top of the hill with 4. other Spaniards, he letteth down the chain & the kettle 140. elnes into the furnace: there, by extreme heat of the fire, the kettle, & part of the chain melted. The monk in a rage ran back to Leon, & chid the smith, because he had made the chain far more slender than himself had commanded. The smith hammers out another of more substance & strength then the former. The Monk returns to the mountains, and let's down the chain & the cauldron: but with the like success that he had before. Neither did the cauldron only vanish & melt a way: but also, upon the sudden there came out of the depth a flame of fire, which had almost consumed the Friar, & his companions. Then they all returned so astonished, that they had small list afterward to prosecute that attempt, etc. What great difference is there between these two censures? In a fiery hill of West India they search for gold: but in mount Hecla of Island they seek for hell. Howbeit they will perhaps reject this as a thing too new, & altogether unknown to ancient writers. Why therefore have not writers imagined the same prison of souls to be in Chimaera an hill in Lycia (which, by report, flameth continually day and night) that is in mount Hecla of Island? Why have they not imagined the same to be in the mountains of Ephesus, which being touched with a burning torch, are reported to conceive so much fire, that the very stones & sand lying in the water are caused to burn, & from the which (a staff being burned upon them, & trailed after a man on the ground) there proceed whole rivers of fire, as Pliny testifieth? Why not in Cophantrus a mountain of Bactria, always burning in the night? Why not in the Isle of Hiera, flaming in the midst of the sea? Why not in Aeolia in old time likewise burning for certain days in the midst of the sea? Why not in the field of Babylon burning in the day season? Why not in the fields of Aethiopia glittering always like stars in the night? Why not in the hill of Lipara opening with a wide and bottomless gulf (as Aristotle beareth record) whereunto it is dangerous to approach in the night: from whence the sound of Cymbals and the noise of rattles, with unwonted and uncouth laughters are herded? Why not in the field of Naples, near unto Puteoli? Why not in the Pike of ●eneriffa before mentioned, like Aetna continually burning and casting up stones into the air, as Munster himself witnesseth? Why not in that Aethiopian hill, which Pliny affirmeth to burn more than all the former? And to conclude, why not in the mountain of Veswius, which (to the great damage of all the country adjoining, & to the utter destruction of Caius Plinius prying into the causes of so strange a fire) vomiting out flames as high as the clouds, filling the air with great abundance of pumistones, and ashes, & with palpable darkness intercepting the light of the sun from all the region thereabout? I will speak, & yet speak no more than the truth: because in deed they foresaw, that men would yield no credit to those things as being too well known, though they should have feigned them to have been the flames of hell: but they thought the burning of Hecla (the rumour whereof came more slowly to their ears) to be fit for the establishing of this fond fable. But get you packing, your fraud is found out: leave off for shame hereafter to persuade any simple man, that there is a hell in mount Helca. For nature hath taught both us & others (maugre your opinion) to acknowledge her operations in these fireworks, not the fury of hell. But now let us examine a few more such fables of the common people, which have so unhappily misledd our historiographers & cosmographers. The eight section. Near unto the mountains (the 3. forenamed Hecla etc.) there be three vast holes, F●isius. Zi●glerus. Olaus' magnu●. the depth whereof, especially at mount Hecla, cannot be discerned by any man, be he never so sharp sighted: but there appear to the beholders thereof certain men at that instant plunged in, & as yet drawing their breath, who answer their friends (exhorting them with deep sighs to return home) that they must departed to mount Hecla: and with that, they suddenly vanish away. TO confirm the formerly, of an earthly & visible hell (albeit I will easily grant that Frisius in writing these things did not intend to reproach any, but only to blaze abroad new & incredible matters) certain idle companions knowing neither hell nor heaven have invented this fable, no less reproachful than false, and more vain & detestable than Sicilian scoffs. Which fellows these writers (being otherwise men of excellent parts, and to whom learning is much indebted) have followed with an over hasty judgement. But it were to be wished, that none would writ Histories with so great a desire of setting forth novelties & strange things, that they fear not, in that regard to broach any fabulous & oldmives toys, & so to defile pure gold with filthy mire. But I pray you, how might those drowned men be swimming in the infernal lake, & yet for all that, parleing with their acquaintance & friends? What? Will you conjure, & raise up unto us from death to life old Orpheus conferring with his wife Eurydice (drawn back again down to the Stygian flood) & in these parts of the world, as it were by the banks of snowy Tanais, & Hebrus descanting upon his harp? But in very deed although others will not acknowledge the falsehood, & vanity of these trifles, yet Cardane being a diligent considerer of all things in his 18. book de sub●ilitate, doth acknowledge & found them out. Whose words be these. There is Hecla a mountain in Island, which burneth like unte AE●na at certain seasons, & hereupon the common people have conceived an opinion this long time, that souls are there purged: some, lest they should seem liars, heap up more vanities to this fable, that it may appear to be probable, & agreeable to reason. But what be those vanities? namely, they feign certain ghosts answering them, that they are going to mount Hecla: as the same Cardane says. And further he addeth. Neither in Island only, but every where (albeit seldom) such things come to pass. And then he tells this story following of a man-killing sprite. There was (says he) solemnised this last year the funeral of a common citizen, in the gate near unto the great Church, by that marketplace, which in regard of the abundance of herbs, in our tongue hath the name of the herbmarket. There meets with me one of mine acquaintance: I (according to the custom of Phisi●ians) presently ask of what disease the man died? he giveth me answer that this man used to come home from his labour 3. hours within night: one night among the rest he espied an hobgoblin pursuing him: which to avoid, he ran away with all speed: but being caught by the sprite, he was thrown down upon the ground. He would feign have made a shout, & was not able. At length (when the sprite & he had struggled together upon the ground a good while) he was found by certain passengers, & carried home half dead. And when he was come to himself again, being asked what was the matter, he up and told this strange relation. Hereupon (being utterly daunted, & discouraged, when neither by his friends, nor by Physicians, nor by Priests, he could be persuaded, that these things were but his own conceits, & that there was no such matter) 8. days after he died. I herded also afterward of others which were his neighbours, that no man could more constantly affirm himself to be wounded of his enemy, than this man did, that he was cast upon the ground by a ghost. And when some demanded what he did, after he was tumbled on the earth? The dead man (quoth he) laying his hands to my throat, went about to strangle me: neither was there any remedy, but by defending myself with mine own hands. When others doubted lest he might suffer these things of a living man, they asked him how he could discern a dead man from a living? To this, he rendered a very probable reason, saying that he seemed in handling to be like Cottum, & that he had no weight, but held him down by main force. And presently after he addeth. In like manner as in Island, so in the desert sands of Egypt, AEthiopia, and India, where the sun is hot, the very same apparitions, the same sprights are wont to delude wayfaring men. Thus much Cardane. Yet from hence (I trow) no man will conclude as our writers of Island do, that in the places of Egypt, AEthiopia, and India, there is a prison of damned souls. I thought good to writ these things out of Cardane, that I may bring even the testimony of strangers on our sides, against such monstrous fables. This place of Cardane implieth these two things, namely the apparitions of sprights are not proper to Island alone (which thing all men know, if they do not maliciously feign themselves to be ignorant) And secondly that that conference of the dead with the living in the gulf of Hecla is not grounded upon any certainty, but only upon fables coined by some idle people, being more vain than any bubble, which the brutish common sort have used, to confirm their opinion of the tormenting of souls. And is there any man so fantastical, that willbe induced to believe these gulfs, mentioned by writers, to be any where extant, although they be never so full of dead men's miracles? yea doubtless. For from hence also they say, the reproaches are justly used against our nation: namely, that there is nothing in all the world more base, & worthless than it, which containeth hell within the bounds thereof. This verily is the good that we have got by those historiographers, who have been so greedy to publish novelties. But this opinion, bread by the sottishness of the common people hath hitherto (as I hope) been sufficiently overthrown as a thing foolish & vain, and as being devised for the upbraiding of our nation. Wherefore, proceed (friendly Reader) and be farther instructed in this philosophy of infernal secrets. The ninth section. Frisius and Munster. But round about the Island, for the space of 7. or 8. months in a year there floateth ise, making a miserable kind of moan, and not unlike to man's voice, by reason of the clashing together. The inhabitants are of opinion that in mount Hecla and in the ise, there are places wherein the souls of their countrymen are tormented. NO doubt, a worthy augmentation of the history, concerning the hell of Island, shut up within the bottom of one mountain, & that no great one: yea, at some times (by fits and seasons) changing places: namely, when it is weary o● lurking at home by the fires side within the mountain, it delighteth to be ranging abroad, & to venture to sea, but without a ship, & to gather itself round into morsels of ice. Come forth, & give ear all you that wonder at this secret. Lo, I will afford these historiographers another addition of history very notable. Let them writ therefore, that the Islanders have not only hell within their jurisdiction, but also that they enter into it willingly & wittingly, & come forth again untouched the very same day. How can that be? Why: it is an ancient custom of the Island that they which inhabit near the sea shore do usually go betimes in a morning to catch Seals, Taking of Seals on the ice. even upon the very same i'll which the historiographers make to be hell, & in the evening return home safe and sound. Set down also (if you please) that the prison of the damned is kept in store by the Islanders in coffers and vessels, as we shall anon hear out of Frisius. But you had need wisely to foresee, jest the Islanders beguile all your countries of the commendation of courage & constancy: namely, as they (for so it pleaseth your writers to report) who both can & will endure the torments of hell, & who are able to break through & escape them, without any farther hurt: which thing is necessarily to be collected out of that, that hath been before mentioned. And I am able to reckon up a great many of our countrymen, who in the very act of hunting, wandering somewhat far from the shore (the ice being dispersed by western winds) & for the space of many leagues resting upon the ice, Western wound is disperse the ice. being chased with the violence of the tempest, & some whole days & nights being tossed up & down in the waves of the raging sea, & so (for it followeth by good consequence out of this problem of the historiographers) have had experience of the torments, & pains of this hell of ice. Who at the last, the weather being changed, & the winds blowing at the North, being transported again to the shore, in this their ship of ice, have returned home in safety: some of which number are alive at this day. Wherefore let such as be desirous of news snatch up this, & (if they please) let them frame a whole volume hereof, & add it to their history. Neither do these vain fantasies deserve otherwise to be handled & confuted, then with such like merriments, & sport. But to lay aside all jesting, let us return to the matter from whence we are digressed. First of all therefore it is evident enough out of the second section, y● ice floateth not about this Island, neither 8. nor 7. months in a year: Ice floateth no● 7. or 8. months about Island. then, that this ice (although at some times by shuffling together it maketh monstrous sounding & crackling, & again at some times with the beating of the water, it sendeth forth an hoarse kind of murmuring) doth any thing at all resound or lament, like unto man's voice, we may in no case confess. But whereas they say that, both in the Isle, and in mount Hecla we appoint certain places, wherein the souls of our countrymen are tormented, we utterly stand to the denial of that: and we thank God & our Lord jesus Christ from the bottom of our hearts (who hath delivered us from death & hell, & opened unto us the gate of the kingdom of heaven) because he hath instructed us more truly, concerning the place, whether the souls of our deceased countrymen departed, than these historiographers do tell us. We know and maintain that the souls of the godly are transported immediately out of their bodily prisons, not into the Papists purgatory, nor into the Elysian fields, but into Abraham's bosom, into the hand of God, & into the heavenly paradise. We know & maintain concerning the souls of the wicked, that they wander not into the fires & ashes of mountains, or into visible ice, but immediately are carried away into utter darkness, where is weeping & gnashing of teeth, where there is cold also, & fire not common, but far beyond our knowledge & curious disputation. Where not only bodies, but souls also, that is spiritual substances are tormented. And we do also hold, that the Islanders are no whit nearer unto this extreme & dark prison, in regard of the situation of place, than the Germane, Danes, Frenchmen, Italians, or any other nation whatsoever. Neither is it any thing to the purpose, at all to dispute of the place or situation of this dungeon. It is sufficient for us, that (by the grace and assistance of our Lord jesus Christ, with whose precious blood we are redeemed) we shall never see that utter darkness, nor feel the rest of the torments that be there. Now let us here shut up the disputation concerning the hell of Island. The tenth section. If any man shall take a great quantity of this ice, & shall keep it never so warily enclosed in a coffer or vessel, Frisius. Ziegleru●. Saxo. it will at that time when the ice thaweth about the Island, utterly vanish away, so that not the lest part thereof, not nor a drop of water is to be found. SUrely, this was of necessity to be added: namely, that this ice, which according to historiographers representeth man's voice, & is the place of the damned, doth not as all other things in this wide world, consist of the matter of some element. For whereas it seemeth to be a body, when indeed it is no body: (which may directly be gathered out of Frisius absurb opinion) whereas also it pierceth through hard & solid bodies, not otherwise then spirits & ghosts: therefore it remains, seeing it is not of an elementary nature, that it must have either a spiritual, or a celestial, or an infernal matter. But that it should be infernal, we can not be persuaded, because we have herded that infernal cold is far more unsufferable than this ise, which useth to be put into a box with men's hands, & is not of force any whit to hurt even naked flesh, by touching thereof. Nor yet will we grant it to be spiritual: for we have learned in natural Philosophy, that spiritual substances can neither be seen nor felt, & cannot have any thing taken from them: all which things do not withstanding most manifestly agreed to this i'll of the Historiographers, howsoever according to them it be supernatural. Besides also, it is most true, that the very same ice being melted with the heat of the sun, & resolved into water, upon the upper part thereof, standeth fishermen in as good stead to quench their thirst, as any land-river would do, which thing can no way be ascribed to a spiritual substance. It is not therefore spiritual, nor yet infernal. Now none willbe so bold to affirm, that it hath celestial matter, lest some man perhaps might hereupon imagine, that this i'll hath brought hell (which the historiographers annex unto it) down from heaven, together with itself: or that the same thing should be common unto heaven, being of one & the same matter with ise, & so that the prison of the damned may be thought to have changed places with the heavenvly paradise, & all by the oversight of these Historiographers. Wherefore seeing the matter of this historical i'll is neither elementary (as we have so often proved by this place of Frisius) neither spiritual, nor infernal, both which we have concluded evidently, in short, yet sound and substantial reasons: nor yet celestial matter● which, religion forbiddeth a man once to imagine: it is altogether manifest, that according to the said historiographers, there is no such thing at all, which notwithstanding they blaze abroad with such astonishing admiration, & which we think to be an ordinary matter commonly seen and felt. Therefore it is, and it is not: which proposition when it shall fall out true, in the same respect, in the same part, and at the same time, then will we give credit to these frozen miracles. Now therefore the Reader may easily judge, that we need none other help to refute these things, but only to show how they disagree one with another. But it is no marvel that he, which hath once inclined himself to the fabulous reports of the common people, should oftentimes fall into error. There was a like strange thing invented by another concerning the sympathy or conjoining of this i'll: namely, that it followeth the departure of that huge lump, whereof it is a part, so narrowly, & so swiftly, that a man by no diligence can observe it, by reason of the unchangeable necessity of following. But we have oftentimes seen such a solitary lump of ise remaining (after the other parts thereof were driven away) and lying upon the shore for many weeks together, without any posts or engines at all to stay it. Therefore it is plain that these miracles of ise are grounded upon a more slippery foundation then ise itself. The eleventh section. Frisiu●. Not far from these mountains (the three forenamed) declining to the sea shore, there be four fountains of a most contrary nature between themselves. The (first, by reason of his continual heat converteth into a stone any body cast into it, the former shape only still remaining. The second is extremely cold. The third is sweeter than honey, and most pleasant to quench thirst. The fourth is altogether deadly, pestilent, and full of rank poison. Even this description of fountains doth sufficiently declare how impure that fountain was, out of which the geographer drawn all these miraculous stories. For he seemeth to affirm, that the three foresaid mountains do almost much one another: for he ascribeth four fountains indifferently unto them all. Otherwise, if he had not made them stand near together, he would have placed next unto some one of these, two of the foresaid fountains. But neither do these mountains touch (being distant so many leagues a sunder) neither are there any such four fountains near unto them, which, he that will not believe, let him go try. But to confuce these things, the very contrariety of writers is sufficient. For another concerning two fountains gain saith Frisius in these words. There do burst out of the same hill Hecla two fountains, the one whereof, by reason of the cold streams, the other with intolerable heat exceedeth all the force of el●●●●s. These be Frisius his two first fountains, saving that here is omitted the miracle of hardening bodies, being by him attributed to one of the said fountains. But they cannot at one time break forth, both out of the mountain itself, and near unto the mountain. But here I would willingly demand, by what reason any of the Peripatetics can affirm, that there is some thing in nature colder than the element of water, or hotter than the element of fire. From whence (I pray you, learned writers) proceedeth this coldness? From whence cometh this hear? Have we not learned out of your school that water is an element most cold and somewhat moist: and in such sort most cold, that for the making of secondary qualities, it must of necessity be remitted, & being simple, that it cannot be applied to the uses of mankind? I do here deliver these Oracles of the natural Philosophers, not knowing whether they be true or false. M. john Fernelius, lib. 2. Phys. cap. 4. may stand for one witness amongst all the rest; & instead of them all. So excessive (says he) be these four first qualities in the four elements, that as nothing is hotter than pure fire, & nothing lighter: so nothing is drier than earth, & nothing heavier: and as for pure water, there is no quality of any medicine whatsoever exceedeth the coldness thereof, nor the moisture of air. Moreover, the said qualities be so extreme & surpassing in them, that they cannot be any whit increased, but remitted they may be. I will not hear heap up the reasons or arguments of the natural Philosophers. These writers had need be wary of one thing, jest while they too much magnify the miracles of the fountains, they exempt them out of the number of things created, aswell as they did the ice of the Islanders. We will prosecute in order the properties of these fountains set down by the foresaid writers. The first by reason of his continual heat. There be very many Baths or hot fountains in Island, Many hot Baths in Island. but fewer vehemently hot, which we think aught not to make any man wonder, when as I have learned out of authors, that Germany every where aboundeth with such hot Baths, especially near the foot of the Alpes. The hot Baths of Baden, Gebarsuil, Calben in the duchy of Wittenberg and many other be very famous: all which Fuchsius doth mention in his book de Arte medendi. And not only Germany, but also France, & beyond all the rest Italy that mother of all commodities, says Cardan. And Aristotle reporteth, that about Epyrus these hot waters do much abound, whereupon the place is called Pyriplegethon. And I say, these things should therefore be the less admired, because the searchers of nature have as well found out causes of the heat in waters, as of the fire in mountains: namely, that water runneth within the earth through certain veins of Brimstone & Allom, The causes of hot Baths. and from thence taketh not only heat, but taste also, & other strange qualities. Aristotle in his book de Mundo hath taught this. The earth (says he) containeth within it fountains not only of water, but also of spirit & fire: some of them flowing like rivers, do cast forth read hot iron: from whence also doth flow, sometimes lukewarm water, sometimes scalding hot, and sometimes temperate. Lib. 3 nat. quaest. And Seneca. Empedocles thought that Baths were made hot by fire, which the earth secretly containeth in many places, especially if the said fire be under that ground where the water passeth. And Pontanus writeth very learnedly concerning the Baian Baths. No marvel though from bank of Baian shore hot Baths, or veins of scalding liquor flow: For Vulcan's forge incensed evermore doth teach us plain, that heart of earth below And bowels burn, and fire enraged glow. From hence the flitting flood sends smoky streams, And Baths do boil with secret burning gleams. I thought good in this place to touch that which Saxo Grammaticus the most famous historiographer of the Danes reporteth. That certain fountains of Island do sometime increase & flow up to the brink: sometimes again they fall so low that you can scarce discern them to be fountains. Which kind of fountains, albeit they be very seldom found with us, yet I will make mention of some like unto them, produced by nature in other countries, jest any man should think it somewhat strange. Pliny maketh a great recital of these. There is one (saith he) in the Isle of Tenedos, which at the Solstitium of summer doth always flow from the third hour of the night, till the sixt. In the field of Pitinas beyond the Apennine mountain, there is a river which in the midst of summer always increaseth, and in winter is dried up. He maketh mention also of a very large fountain, which every hour doth increase and fall. Neither is it to be omitted, that s●me rivers run under the ground, and after that fall again into an open channel: as Lycus in Asia, Erasinus in Argolica, Tigris in Mesopotamia, unto which Cardan addeth Tanais in Moscovia: and those things which were thrown into Aesculapius' fountain at Athens, were cast up again in Phaletico. And Seneca writeth that there are certain rivers which being let down into some cave vn●er ground, are withdrawn out of sight, seeming for the time to be utterly perished and taken away, and that after some distance the very same rivers return, enjoying their former name and their course. And again Plivie reporteth that there is a river received under ground in the field of Atinas that issueth out twenty miles from that place. All which examples and the like, should teach us that the fountains of Island are not to be made greater wonders than the rest. Doth forth with convert into a stone any body cast into it. By these two properties, namely warmth or most vehement heat, & a virtue of hardening bodies doth Frisius describe his first fountain. And I have herded reported (though I never had experience thereof myself) that there is such a fountain in Island not far from the bishop's seat of Schalholt, in a village called Haukadal, Seneca reporteth of the like, saying: That there is a certain fountain which converteth wood into stone, hardening the bowels of those men which drink thereof. And addeth further, that such fountains are to be found in certain places of Italy: which thing Ovid in the 15. book of his Metamor. ascribeth unto the river of the Cicones. Water drunk out of Ciconian flood fleshy bowels to flinty stone doth change: Aught else therewith besprinckt, as earth or wood becometh marble straight: a thing most strange. And Cardane. Georgius Agricola affirmeth, that in the territory of Elbogan, about the town which is named of Falcons, that the whole bodies of Pine trees are converted into stone, and which is more wonderful, that they contain, within certain rifts, the stone called Pyrites, or the Flint. And Domitius Brusonius reporteth, that in the river of Silar (running by the foot of that mountain which standeth in the field of the city in old time called Vrsence, but now Contursia) leaves and boughs of trees change into stones, & that, not upon other men's credit, but upon his own experience, being born & brought up in that country: which thing Pliny also avoucheth, saying, that the said stones do show the number of their years, by the number of their Barks, or stony husks. So (if we may give credit to authors) drops of the Goths fountain being dispersed abroad, become stones. And in Hungary, the water of Cepusius being poured into pitchers, is converted to stone. And Pliny reporteth, that wood being cast into the river of the Cicones, and into the Veline lake in the field of Pice, is enclosed in a bark of stone growing over it. The second is extremely cold. As for the second fountain, here is none to any men's knowledge so extremely cold: Rivers of Island in summer season lukewarm. In deed there be very many that be indifferently cool, insomuch that (our common rivers in the Summer time being lukewarm) we take delight to fetch water from those cool springs. It may be that there are some far colder in other countries: for Cardane maketh mention of a river (streaming from the top of an hill in the field of Corinth) colder than snow: and within a mile of Culma, the river called Insana seeming to be very hot is most extremely cold, etc. The third is sweeter than honey. Neither is this altogether true. For there is not any fountain with us, which may in the lest respect be compared with the sweetness of honey. And therefore Saxo written more truly, saying, that certain fountains (for there be very many) yielding taste as good as beer: and also in the same place there are fountains & rivers not only of divers tastes, but of divers colours. And albeit natural Philosophers teach, that water naturally of itself hath neither taste nor smell, yet it is likely (as we have touched before, which other call per accidens) that oftentimes it representeth the qualities of that earth wherein it is engendered, and through the veins whereof it hath passage and issue: and from hence proceed the divers & sundry smells, colours and savours of all waters. Of such waters doth Seneca make mention, whereof some provoke hunger, others make men drunken, some hurt the memory, & some help it, & some resemble the very quality and taste of wine, as that fountain which Pliny speaketh of in the isle of Andros, within the temple of Bacchus, In lib. de mirab. ●uscul●. which in the Nones of january used to flow over with wine. And Aristotle reporteth, that in the field of Carthage there is a fountain which yieldeth oil, & certain drops smelling like Cedar. Also Orens a river of Thessaly flowing into Peneus, swimmeth aloft like oil. Cardane reporteth, that there is in Saxony, near unto the town of Brunswic, a fountain mixed with oil: and another in Suevia near unto the Abbey called Tergensch. Also in the valley of the mountain jurassus. He supposeth the cause of this thing to be very fatty pitch, which cannot but contain oil in it. The same author saith: It is reported that in Cardia near to the place of Daschylus, in the white field, there is water sweeter than milk. Another also near unto the bridge which we pass over going to the town of Valdeburg. Propertius likewise in the third book of his Elegies mentioneth certain waters representing the savour of wine in these words. Amid the Isle of Naxus lo, with fragrant smells and fine A freshet runs; you Naxians go fill cups, carouse, there's wine. This Naxus is one of the islands called Cyclades lying in the AEgaean sea. Cardane giveth a reason hereof, namely, because Hydromel or water-hony, in long continuance will become wine. Aristotle nameth a fountain in Sicilia, which the inhabitants use in stead of vinegar. The same author maketh the cause of savours in water to be heat, because the earth being hot changes and giveth savour unto the water. Now concerning the colours of water so saith Cardane. There is the same reason (says he) of the colours of water, that there is of the savours thereof, for both have their original from the earth. For there is white water within two miles of Glauca a town in Misena: read water in Radera a river of Misena not far from Radeburg: & in old time near unto joppa in judea: green water in the mountain of Carpathus by Ne●sola: sky-coloured or blue water between the mountains of Feltrius & Taruisius: & it is reported that there was water of that colour in Thermopylis: coal-black water in Alera a river of Saxony, at that place where it dischargeth itself into the Weser. The causes of these colours are the colours of the soil. Also Aristotle saith, that about the promontory of japigia, there is a fountain which streameth blood: adding moreover, that Mariners are driven far from that place of the sea, by reason of the extreme stench thereof. Furthermore, they say that in Idumaea there is a fountain which changes colour four times in a year: for sometimes it is green, sometime white, sometime bloody, & sometimes muddy coloured. Concerning the smells of waters, thus writeth Cardane. There is the like reason of difference in smells. But for the most part the steames of waters be unpleasant, because the earth doth seldom times smell well. The water of the river Anigris in Aelis stank, to the destruction, not only of fish, but also of men. About M●●on in Messania, out of a certain pond there hath been drawn most sweet smelling, and odoriferous water. I do recite all these examples to the end that no man should make a greater wonder at the colours, smells, and savours of waters that be in Island, then at those which are in other countries. The fourth is altogether deadly. Isidore affirmeth, that there is a certain fountain whose water being drunk, e●tinguisheth life. And Pliny saith, That about Nonaris in Arcadia, the river of Styx (near the mountain of Cillene, saith Cardane: it would be contained in nothing but an horsehoofe: and it is reported that Alexander the great was poisoned there withal) not differing from other water, The same Author saith. neither in smell nor colour, being drunk, is present death. In Berosus an hill of the people called Tauri, there are three fountains, every one of them deadly without remedy, & yet without grief. And (which is the strangest thing of all the rest) Seneca maketh mention of a pool, into which whosoever look, do presently die. But, as for this fourth fountain of Frisius, which Saxo doth likewise mention, we Islanders, as always heretofore, so even at this day do testify, that it is utterly unknown unto us: and therefore in this regard, we tender unto God immortal thanks, Island free from snakes and other venomous beasts because he hath vouchsafed to preserve our nation from such fountains, from serpents and venomous worms, & from all other pestiferous & contagious creatures. Furthermore about the foresaid mountains there is such abundance of brimstone. The three mountains called by Munster and Frisius, Fiery mountains, do all of them stand an huge distance from our Mines. Wherefore, when as near unto these hills they have found out a place for four fountains, which they do so mightily extol for wonders, they must needs have some Brimstone Mines also, standing a like distance from the said fountains. And assuredly, neither about mount Hecla, as Munster would have it, nor by Frisius his fountains (the report whereof how true it is, hath been hitherto declared) is Brimstone digged up at this day: nor I think ever was within the remembrance of our fathers. Neither is it true that Munster reporteth concerning the abundance of Brimstone: namely, that it is almost the only merchandise and tribute of the Island. For whereas the Island is divided into four parts, Brimstone Mines only in the North part of Island. the fourth part only towards the North (nay, but even the half thereof) doth use it for merchandise, and there is not one crumb of Brimstone paid for tribute of the Island. The twelfth Section. There are so great store of fish in this Island, Munster. that they are laid forth on piles to be sold in the open air, as high as the tops of houses. IN the open air. In deed we have seen other country merchants do so, until they had unladen their ships of outlandish wares, & filled them again with fish & with other of our country merchandise. But whether our men have done the like at any time, it is not manifest. Certainly, Abundance of fish about Island diminished. that plentiful and ancient abundance of fish is now decayed, and the Islanders now begin to be pinched with the want of these and other good things, the Lord laying the just scourge of our impiety upon us, which I pray God we may duly acknowledge. The thirteenth Section. They have most swift horses, Prisiu●. which will run without ceasing a continual course for the space of 30. leagues. A Certain Cosmographer in his Map of Island reporteth concerning the horses of one parish, that they will run 20. leagues at once in a continued race. But we accounted both to be impossible. For Munster writeth that those beasts which excel all other in swiftness & strength of body, called ‖ Rain dear. Rangiferi, cannot run above 30. leagues in 24. hours. The fourteenth Section. There be seen sometimes near unto Island huge Whales like unto mountains, Munster. which overturn ships, unless they be terrified away with the sound of trumpets, or beguiled with round and empty vessels, which they delight to toss up and down. It sometimes falls out that Mariners thinking these Whales to be islands, and casting out anchors upon their backs, are often in danger of drowning. They are called in their tongue Tr●llwal Tuffelwalen, that is to say, the devilish Whale. LIke unto mountains. Lo here once again (gentle Reader) Munster's falsifying echo, and (as the proverb saith) his blind dream. Such a false and senseless overreaching doth exceedingly disgrace an history, and that by so much the more, by how much the less necessary it is. For to what purpose should an Historiographer make leasings, if history be a report of plain truth? Why should he use such strange surmounting? What is it that he would persuade, or whither would he ravish the Reader, if he propoundeth unto himself nothing but the simple declaration of things? Poets and Painters had leave of old, To seigne, to blaze, in all things to be bold. But not Historiographers. The backs of Whales which they think to be islands. This fable, like all the rest, was bread of an old, ridiculous and vain tale, the credit and truth whereof is not worth a straw. And it is this that followeth, namely, that the bishop of Breme (called by the ancient Norway's Brandan, Certain letters sent by Brandan bishop of Breme, to preach Christian faith in the North. and by Kranzius, if I be not deceived, Alebrandus) in old time sent certain Legates with a Coven of Friars to preach and publish in the North the popish faith, which was then thought to be Christian: and when they had spent a long journey in sailing towards the North, they came unto an Island, and there casting their anchor they went a shore, and kindled fires, (for it is very likely that the Mariners were not a little vexed with the nipping cold which they felt at sea) and so provided victuals for the rest of their journey. But when their fires grew very hot, this Island sank, and suddenly vanished away, and the Mariners escaped drowning very narrowly with the boat that was present. This is the foundation of the matter, but h●w incredible it is, I appeal to the Reader. But what ailed these Mariners, or what meant they to do, who in a tempestuous sea, seeing a rock before their eyes, or (as Munster saith) a little Island, would not rather with all diligence have avoided it for fear of running a store and shipwreck, then to rest in such a dangerous harbour? But in what ground should the anchor be fastened? for Mariners for the most part are destitute of such long cables, whereby they may let down an anchor to the bottom of the main sea, therefore upon the backs of Whales, says Munster. But then they had need first to boar a hole for the flouke to take hold in. OH silly Mariners, that in digging cannot discern Whales flesh from lumps of earth, nor know the slippery skin of a Whale from the upper part of the ground: without doubt they are worthy to have Munster for a Pilot. verily in this place (as likewise before treating of the land-miracles of Island) he gathereth first-fruits as they say, out of Tantalus his garden, and followeth hard after those things which will never and no where be found, while he endeavoureth to proule here and there for miracles, perusing sea and land to stuff up his history: where notwithstanding he cannot hunt out aught but feigned things. But they are called in their language Trollwal. Go not farther than your skill, Munster, for I take it you cannot skill of our tongue: and therefore it may be a shame for a learned man to teach others that which he knoweth not himself: for such an attempt is subject to manifold errors, as we will show by this your example. For while you take in hand to school others, & to teach them by what name a Whale-fish is to be called in our tongue, leaving out through ignorance the letter H. which almost alone maketh up the signification of the word, you deliver that which is not true: for val in our language signifieth not a Whale, but choosing or choice of the verb Eglantine vel, that is to say, I choose, or I make choice, from whence val is derived, etc. But a Whale is called Hualur with us, & therefore you aught to have written Trollhualur. Neither doth Troll signify the devil, as you interpret it, but certain Giants that live in mountains. You see therefore (and no marvel) how you err in the whole word. It is no great injury to our language being in one word only: because (doubtless) you known not more then ●ne. Others also do offend in the same fault, for it is not to be allowed that a certain man being about to publish a Map of Island received from Islanders themselves, had rather mar the fashion of all, or in very deed of the most names of Capes, bay, mountains, springs, rivers, homocks, valleys, hills & towns (because that being ignorant of our language, he was not able to read those things aright, which he received from our countrymen) he had rather (I say) deprave & corrupt them all, then learn of the Islanders themselves, which at that time, namely in the year 1585. lived in the university of Hasnia, or Copen Hagen, how every thing aught to be read and written. And we esteem him for this his wilful marring of our native names and words, (whereupon it came to pass that we reading the same, could acknowledge very few to be our own) that he is no slight offender against our tongue, otherwise retaining the pure and the ancient property. But now we have after some sort examined most of the miracles of Island, which our writers have mentioned. Notwithstanding before we entor into any further matter, we think it good in this section to touch that which the last forenamed man (in this Map of Island, that he caused to be put forth in the foresaid year under his own name) hath given out concerning two other fountains besides the former's whereof the one should die white wool black, & the other black wool white. Which thing where he received it, or whence he had it, we can by no means imagine: Who be the Islandish witters? for it is not to be found in our own writers, nor in the writers of other countries. But whence soever it be, it is but a tale, & hath not one jot of truth in it. And although it be incredible That black wool may be died of a white colour, seeing it is affirmed by Pliny, that black wool (of all other) will receive no colour & notwithstanding there is some such thing reported by Theophrastus: namely, that there is a river in Macedonia which maketh black sheep white. Also, that Norway pamphlet called the Royal looking-glass, which I mentioned before, doth attribute these fountains to Ireland, Speculum regale. which is also called Hybernia, and not to Island. Which peradventure deceived the Reader, reading in a strange language S in stead of R. That likewise deserveth no better credit which another Author writeth: That there is a certain great stone in Island which runneth up and down the crags and clifs of mountains by no outward force, but by the own proper and natural motion. He that will believe this, what will he not believe? For it is such a rare devise that the Epicures themselves (who yet seemed to Lucian to have feigned many incredible things) I am sure never invented the like: unless perhaps the said Author doth imagine, that a man (who is called of the Islanders by the proper name of stain) should compass about, and climb up certain rocks: which although it be ridiculous to put into a story of wonders, namely, that a man should move or walk, yet is it so to be supposed to save the credit of the Author, that we may not more severely condemn that fable, which is so senseless of itself and not worthy to be read. They are guilty of the same crime also who have found out ravens, pies, hares and vultures, all white in Island: for it is well known that vultures come very seldom, together with the Ice of the sea, Uultures, bears and crows come upon the drift Ice into Island. unto us, as hears also (but they seldomer than vultures) and a certain kind of crows called by the Islanders Isakrakur. But as for white pies, hares, and ravens, Island never had any. And these in a manner be the things which, in regard of our daily business, we were able at this present to afford, as touching the former part of our treatise, which were penned by me for this purpose (as in the beginning I did protest) that the errors of Authors concerning an unknown land, and the affected vanity also of some men might be disclosed, for I am not desirous to diminish any man's good name: but because I consecrated these my labours to truth and to my country, I could not choose but show, that those things which hitherto have been reported by many concerning our Island deserve very little credit: and so to address myself unto the matters following concerning the Inhabitants. Here endeth the first part of the Commentary. Of Island the second part, concerning the Inhabitants. Having hitherto finished the miracles of Island with certain other particulars belonging to the first part, the which while writers do wonder at, and diversly extol as it were the fountains of Agamemnon, yea, as things besides and against all nature, they have been very careless both of truth itself, & of their own credit. Now the course of the present speech doth admonish me to make haste unto the other part of the treatise concerning the Inhabitants: wherein what I should first say, or where I should begin, I am altogether ignorant. For there be such monstrous, and so many mocks, reproaches, skoffes, and taunts of certain men against us poor Islanders dwelling in the utmost parts of the world (and amongst these also, some things of there's who take upon them to profess most simple truth, namely Historiographers) insomuch, that to reckon up the particulars were nothing else but to tell the drops of the Icarian sea. But as I said in the beginning, we will not deal alike severely with all. For although Krantius, Munsterus, Frisius & others have written many things too boldly of our nation: yet having otherwise deserved well of learning by their monuments, they shallbe still in the same reputation with us that they are worthy of. Howbeit in the mean time, although a man would free them from the mark of slanderers, yet is it no small matter that they should broach certain senseless, impossible & ridiculous things, such as those are which we have hitherto laid down: as also that they should record in histories profane and horrible untruths, some of which kind shall now immediately be discussed. As for others, whatsoever they be, who upbraid the nation of Islanders with daily reproaches, they are to have that answer in a readiness which such men deserve. In the number of whom, that scoffer is to be accounted, who by a company of rhymes publishe● in the german tongue, to the disgrace of our country, hath brought his name into ●uerlasting ignominy. Wherefore as our present business requireth, while we are in hand with the writings of Authors concerning this matter, although we meet with some things containing little reproach, notwithstanding we will examine most of them, noting the errors as hitherto we have done: In the mean time also when they shall allege any truth, we will in no case dissemble it. And after this manner, first we will hear Munster, Krantzius and Frisius, and others also, if there be any more, what they have to say, rejecting that Parot and his Dutch rhymes infected with fell slander, ●●●e is worthy, unto the last place. First therefore the said Authors writ concerning the faith or religion of the Islanders: and secondly, of their Manners, Customs, and course of life in manner following. The first Section. Adalbert Metropolitan of Hamburg in the year of Christ 1070. saw the Islanders converted unto Christianity: Krantzius in praefatione suae Norwegiae. albeit, before the receiving of Christian faith, they lived according to the law of nature, and did not much differ from our law: therefore at their humble request, he appointed a certain holy man named Islief to be their first Bishop. KRantzius in these words, and Munster other where, do seem to attribute unto the Islanders the prerogative of Christian faith: and they should deal both beseeming themselves and the truth, if they did not in other places deprive us of the same. For (to speak of Krantzius anon) that which Munster before reported concerning our faith or opinion about the place and situation of hell, is very far from Christian piety: namely, to be desirous to pry into those secrets which God hath kept close unto himself alone, and which his pleasure is, should exceed our capacity: for there is not any thing found in the holy Scriptures of this matter, where the place and situation of hell, or of eternal fire prepared for the devil and his angels, and so for all damned souls, is bounded or compassed about. The holy Bible (I say) assigneth no local or badily situation beneath the earth, or upon the earth, or in any other place of this world, to that prison of the damned: but it affirmeth that this earth shall perish, and that a new earth, and new heavens shall be created for the habitation of just and holy men, revel. 2.2. Pet. 3. and Esay 65. wherefore a Christian man willingly giveth over to search into such hidden secrets: and he accounteth it unlawful to receive or deliver unto others, opinions (grounded upon no plain and manifest places of Scripture) for certainties and truths. Deut. 4. and 12. Esay 8. Matth. 27. 2. Tim. 3. Further also that commendation wherewith Munster and Krantzius do grace the Islanders, is merely contrary to Christian religion: namely, that they make all one reckoning of their whelps and of their children. But more of this matter anon in the 7. section. So therefore Munster disagreeth with himself, whereas those whom he affirmeth to be Christians, afterward he maketh to be master-builders of hell. Also Krantzius and Munster both together, when as those whom they affirm to be engrafted by faith into Christ, they exempt from all sense of piety and honesty, in that they writ that their sons are not dearer unto them than their whelps. But to return to the matter: In very deed we have no great thing to say concerning our religion, what, or of what sort it was when Gentilism was first put to flight. No more (I think) have other Northern nations near unto us to say concerning the beginning of their faith. For (alas) we must needs confess & bewail with deep sighs, that until that day which shined unto us like the beginning of immortality, & brought unto us the pure doctrine of the gospel, our countrymen, as likewise other churches of the North, were overspread with more than Cimmerian darkness. But we may justly and religiously think thus much, that among us and our neighbours of Norway (for I will not range out of my bounds, nor affirm any thing of unknown people) after heathenish idolatry was rooted out, Christian faith & religion did flourish far more sincere and simple, as being less infected with the poison of popery at that time, then afterward, when as the pestiferous leaven of the see of Rome being augmented, & the contagious mischief growing ripe, the poison thereof was dispersed through the whole world: for, as it shall afterward appear, Island embraced Christ many years before the new idolatry of the papists began to prevail, and did sound forth nothing but faith in God the Father, the Son & the holy Ghost, like unto those two most renowned kings of Norway, who as they had one common name, so had they one common care and profession to advance the gospel of Christ. I mean Olaus the son of Thryggo, who was born in the year of Christ 968. attaining to the kingdom of Norway in the 27. year of his age, The first christian king of Norway. and was the first, as we have herded, that offered Christ unto the Norwegians, over whom he reigned five years: and another of that name called Olaus Sanctus the son of Harald, who in the year of Christ 1013. or thereabouts, governed with more severity, & for the space of 17. years did boldly deliver the doctrine of Christ. In the year of Christ 1030. being unjustly slain by wicked murderers, he shed his blood for the name of Christ in a town of Norway called Sticfla Stodum. Our country also had, among many other, one man of excellent piety whose name was Nialus, Nialus the first known professor of Christian faith in Island. who about the year of Christ 1000 lived in the village of Berthorsbuol situate in the parish of Island called Landehum: who also for his experience in human affairs, for his great wisdom and sage counsel was accounted famous. For whereas in his time Island was turmoiled with many fierce mutinies, the inhabitants being in subjection to no superior magistrate, he intermeddled not in any quarrels, saving that by his discreet virtue & diligence, he set through and brought to composition a great number: he never did nor suffered violence, but only upon the last day of his life. So carefully avoided he all seditions and strifes: and gave good assistance to others, who were desirous also to avoid and escape them: neither did any man ever put in practise his counsel, but it turned to his especial good: nor ever any did swerver therefrom, but with the danger of his life and possessions. The words or rather the oracles that came from him were so certain, that it was wondered from whence any man should have so great and so sure forecast and counsel of things to come, as was found to be in him. Whereupon his discreet and provident wisdom joined with counsel become a proverb amongst us Nials byta raden: That is to say, the counsel of Nialus: or, the thing is done, or succeedeth by Nialus his counsel: when any business was achieved prudently, and with admirable discretion. This man, when, for a slaughter committed by his son without his knowledge, he was in his own house beset with a 100 men, who had conspired his death, and when his enemies began on all sides to set his house on fire, seeing his end approach, at length he broke into these words. Doubtless these things happen by fate, that is, by the will of God. Howbeit, I put my hope and confidence in Christ, that we (meaning his wife, and himself) although this our frail body shall undergo the corruption of death, in the fire of our enemies, yet, that it shallbe delivered from eternal flames. And so in the midst of these voices, and in the fury of the flames, he with his wife and the manslayer his son, in the year of Christ 1010. ended his life. A voice undoubtedly full well beseeming the sons of God, arguing the notable comfort of his soul amid the very pangs of death. I therefore added those things to show by what reason I was moved to think, that in the very beginning of Christianity received amongst us, men's minds were not so beguiled and overwhelmed in the darkness of errors, as of late, a little before these our times, they have been. But after the Lord God by Luther, and Luther's fellowlabourers in the vineyard of the Lord, A sum of the Islanders Religion. and by his godly successors, did make the doctrine of salvation more manifest, and shaking off the heavy sloth, and thick mist of our minds by the finger of his right hand, that is by his holy Spirit Matth. 12. u. 28.) did pluck the ears of our hearts, and opened our eyes, that we might behold his saving health: We all, and every of us do believe and confess, that God is a spirit (john 4. u 24.) eternal (Esay 40. u 28.) infinite (jere. 23. u 24. Psal. 139. u 7.8.9.) most good (Matth. 19 u. 17.) almighty (Gen. 17. 1. revel. 1.8.) one in being, and nature: one in providence: one in the making and governing of all things (Deut. 6.5. Ephe. 4.5.) But distinguished by the people of the Godhead and their properties, the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost (Matth. 28. 19 & 3.17.) God the Father the first person of the Godhead creator of heaven and earth, and all other things (Gen. 1. u. 1. and in those that follow) the upholder & governor of all (Psa. 115.3. Heb. 1.3.) Father of our Lord jesus Christ (Psal. 2,7. and verses following) and our Father through him (Rom. 8. 15.) keeper of our souls and bodies (Luke 12.12.) And that jesus Christ the second person of the Godhead is the son of God the Father (john 1.18. etc.) only begotten (john 1.29. Heb. 1.2.) equal to his Father (1. Chro. 17.13. joh. 1. 1.) true God (john 1.2. etc.) foreappointed before the creation of all things (1. Pet. 1.20, revel. 13.8. etc.) and presently after man's fall promised to be the Messiah (Gene. 3.15. etc.) published eftsoons unto the holy patriarchs, as unto Abraham (Gen. 12. 3. etc.) unto Isaac (Gen 26.4) unto jacob (Gene. 28.14.) and confirmed by promises (Gen. 49.9. Esa. 11.1,10.) prefigured by the sacrifices of Moses (Leu. 1.2. etc.) and by other types, as namely by the offering of Isaac (Gen. 22.) by the lifting up of the brazen serpent (Num. 21.) by jonas (jonas 2. etc.) proclaimed by the testimony of the Prophets (Esa. 7.14.) and at length in the fullness of time truly exhibited: true man (john 1.14. etc. Gal. 4.) that he died for our sins, and was raised again for our justification (Rom. 4.25. etc.) Ascending into heaven (Acts 1.9. etc.) and making intercession for us at the right hand of his Father without ceasing (1. john 2.1. etc.) by his holy Spirit (which is the third person of the Godhead, coequal, and consubstantial to the Father and the Son, Acts. 5. 4.) gathering the Church to himself by the Word, and Sacraments (Matth. 16.18. Rom. 10.14. etc. and sanctifying it to eternal life, Acts. 9.31. etc. And that one day at the end of the world he will come from heaven (Acts. 1.11.) to judge the quick and the dead (1. Thessal. 4.15.) that he will tender unto the wicked according to their worke●, and that he will judge them to eternal pains (Matth. 13.42. & 25.4.) but that he will reward them with eternal life, who believe in his Name (Matth. 25.34.) This jesus Christ (I say) we acknowledge to be our redeemer (Matth. 1.21.) our head (1. Corinth. 12.27.) and our Lord (Ephe. 4.5.) And that we in our holy baptism do give, and have given our names unto him (Acts. 2.38.) and that we are engrafted into him by baptism (1. Corin. 12.13.) And this we do plainly, ingenuously, freely, and willingly confess, and witness: And as for all others who invent any other name in heaven given unto men by which they may be saved, we do earnestly detest, curse, and condemn them (Acts. 4.12.) We hold his most holy Word to be the only rule of our salvation: And that alone (all man's devices being cast away and contemned) we propound unto ourselves as an infallible rule, and level of our faith (Galat. 1.8. isaiah 29.13. Ezech. 20.) which we contain under the name of the old and new Testament (Hebr. 8.) delivered by the Prophets and Apostles (Ephe. 2.20.) by the singular and infinite goodness of God, preserved ever unto this day and to be preserved hereafter always in the Church (Matth. 28. last verse. Psal. 71.18.1. Cor. 11.26.) Therefore we tender thanks unto our most gracious and Almighty God from our soul, and from our whole heart, because that even unto us being separated an huge distance from the rest of the body of his Church, and inhabiting the farthest parts of the world, he would that this light granted for the revelation of the Gentiles, and prepared before the face of all people, and in old time favourably showed to holy Simeon (for in Christ are all the treasures of wisdom hidden) which now doth enlighten and cherish with the saving beams thereof our whole nation, that he would (I say) this light should come unto us. This in brief (running over the very sum) is our faith, and our Religion, which by the direction of the holy Spirit, and of his Ministers in the vineyard of Christ, we have drawn and that out of the fountains of Israel. Krantzius. In the year of our Lord 1070. see the Islanders converted unto Christ, etc. IT is doubtful unto us whether in these words Kranzius would have said, that the Islanders were first converted unto Christ in the year of our Lord 1070: or whether he doth not deny that they were indeed before converted, but says that it was known first unto Adalbert that year. But whethersoever of these he affirmeth: notwithstanding the yearly records, and most ancient Chronicles of our nation testifying the contrary do make his credit to be suspected in this place, The most ancient Chronicles of Island. unto which records and Chronicles, whether you had rather give assent concerning our own proper and domestical affairs, done within the bounds of our Island, or to Krantzius or any other being ignorant in the story of our country, I appeal (friendly reader) unto your own discretion. For my part I am enforced by many reasons to agreed rather unto our own writers. For our countrymen affirm those things only that be known, and in a manner domestical: he writeth matters foreign and unknown: they have compiled their histories without the diffaming, disgracing or reprehending of any other nations, only that they might assign unto their own acts and exploits the true time or age thereof: he hath intermeddled in his history certain things contrary to the truth, and that to the upbraiding of our nation being most unknown unto him, as it shall immediately appear: they describe the names, years, order, succession of all the Bishops of Island: he mentioneth only one, & that far otherwise then the truth. Furthermore, that I may make good the credit of our Countrymen, I will impart with strangers a few things which I found in our most ancient records of the conversion of Island unto Christ, and of the succession of Bishops in our Churches. Which although they be of little moment, and not altogether worthy to be written, yet must they of necessity be set down for the defence of the truth of our affairs against Krantzius and others: Thus therefore standeth the certainty thereof. Island first inhabited. In the year of Christ 874. Island (being indeed discovered before that time, as is above mentioned) was then first of all inhabited by certain Noruagians. Their chieftain was one Ingulphus from whose name the East cape of Island is called Ingulffs hoffdi. These planters are reckoned up by name in our records more than to the number of 400. together with those of their blood and kindred, and great families besides: neither only is their number described, but it is also plainly set down, what coasts, what shores, and what inland places each of them did occupy and inhabit, and what name's the first inhabitants did give unto Straitss, bays, harboroughs, necklands, creeks, capes, rocks, crags, mountains, hills, valleys, homockes, springs, floods, rivers. And to be short, what name's they gave unto their graunges or houses, whereof many at this day are retained and used. Therefore the Norway's with their company peopled all the habitable parts of Island now occupied by them for the space of 60. years or thereabouts: but they remained Ethnics almost a 100 years, except a very few which were baptized in Norway. But scarce a 100 years from their first entrance being past, presently Christian Religion began to be considered upon, namely about the year of our Lord 974. Which thing above 20. years together, was diversly attempted of many not without notable rebellion: amongst the rest there are mentioned two outlandish Bishops, who with others diligently laboured in converting the Island to Christian faith: the former was one Fridericus a Saxon born, Fridericus Saxo the first preacher of the Christian faith in Island. Anno Domini 981. who in the year 981. came into Island, and behaved himself courageously in the office of preaching, and prevailed so much, that in the year 984. Churches were used in Island. But the other outlandish Bishop or preacher whom they called Thangbrande came first into Island in the year 997. And then after 26. years consulting about Religion, at length in the year 1000 Anno Domini 1000 it was decreed in a general assembly of all the inhabitants by their whole consent, that the worship of heathenish Idols being abandoned, they should embrace Christian Religion. Again, in the year 1050. it was decreed in a solemn assembly of the inhabitants, that temporal or politic laws (the constitutions whereof being brought out of Norway were communicated unto the Islanders by one Vlfliot in the year 926.) should every where give place to the Canon or divine Law. In the year 1056. one Isleif went beyond the seas out of Island to be consecrated bishop of Island. He came home consecrated into Island, and entered into the bishopric of Schalholt in the year 1057. He died 1080. in the year of his age 74. The 4. of the Kalends of july. These things perhaps will seem trifiing, short and base, nor sufficiently worthy to be mentioned, together with many other matters which follow: but neither do we compile the Roman history, neither yet shall these things be so trifling, but that they may be of sufficient force to convince the errors of Krantzius and others, according to our purpose. And undoubtedly as touching the truth of our histories, it is evident that Saxon Grammaticus attributeth very much unto them: whose words in his preface of Denmark be these: Neither is the diligence of the Thylenses (for so he calleth Islanders) to be smothered in silence: who when as by reason of the native barrenness of their soil, wanting nourishments of riot, they do exercise the duties of continual sobriety, and use to bestow all the time of their life in the knowledge of other men's exploits, they supply their want by their wit. A notable testimony of Saxon concerning the Islanders. For they esteem it a pleasure to know, and commit unto memory the famous acts of other natìons, reckoning it no less praise worthy to discourse of other men's virtues, then to practise their own. Whose treasuries replenished with the monuments of historical matters, I more curiously searching into, have compiled no small part of this present work by following of their relation: neither despised I to have those men for my judges, whom I known to be skilful in so great knowledge of antiquity. Thus far Saxo. Wherefore I think it not amiss to proceed in the recital of the Bishops of Island, that the order and descent of them all, being so far forth as is possible, diligently put together out of our yearly records, may make good that which we have alleged against Krantzius concerning Isleif the first Bishop of Island. In the year of CHRIST. The Bishops of Schalholt. I Isleif. 1056. Consecrated beyond the seas. 1057. Returns and entereth the Bishop's sea of Schalholt. 1080. Dieth in the year of his age 74. the 4. of the Kalends of july. II Gysserus. 1082. Consecrated beyond the sea. 1083. Returns into Island with his Bishopric. 1118. Dieth the 5. of the Kal. of May being tuesday. III Thorlacus son of Runulphus. In the year of his age 32. Consecrated the same year, wherein The Bishops of Holen. In the year of CHRIST. I jonas son of Augmundus. Isleif his disciple. Consecrated beyond the seas in the year of his age 64. his surname was Sanctus, unto whose memory the 3. of March was by the inhabitants in old time dedicated. 1106. Dieth the 11. of the Kalends of May. 1121. II Ketillus or Catullus. Consecrated. 1122. Dieth. 1145. III Biorno. Being consecrated came into Island. 1147. In the year of CHRIST. The Bishops of Schalholt. his predecessor Gysserus deceased, but yet 30. days before his death. 1133. Dieth. four Magnus. 1134. Consecrated. 1148. On the morrow after the feast of all Saints, in his parish town of Heitardal, the house being stricken with lightning, he, and 70. men with him were consumed with fire. V. Klaingus. 1151. Choose. 1152. Entereth the see. 1176. Dieth. VI Thorlacus. Choose two years before the death of his predecessor. 1178. Consecrated. 1193. Dieth. VII. Paulus. 1195. Consecrated. 1211. Dieth. VIII. Magnus. 1216. Consecrated. IX. Siguardus. 1239. Entereth his see. 1268. Dieth. X. Arnetus. 1269. Entereth his see. 1298. Dieth. XI. Arnetus son of Helgo. 1304. Consecrated. 1305. Entereth the see. 1309. Saileth into Norway, to crave timber of the king of Norway, wherewith the Church of Schalholt might be re-edified, which the same year being touched with lightning, was burned down. 1310. Returns home. 1320. Dieth. XII. jonas Haldorus. 1321. Elected. 1322. Consecrated the first of August. 1322. Entereth his see. 1338. Dieth. XIII. jonas son of Indrid a Noruagian born. 1339. Entereth his see. 1341. Dieth. The Bishops of Holen. In the year of CHRIST. Dieth. 1162. four Brandus. Consecrated. 1163. Entereth is Episcopal see. 1165. Dieth. 1201. V Gudmundus surnamed Bonus. Elected and consecrated. 1203. Dieth. 1237. VI Botolphus. Returns consecrated. 1239. Dieth. 1246. VII. Henricus. Entereth the see. 1247. Dieth. 1260. VIII. Brandus an Abbot, Goes beyond the seas. 1262. Entereth the Bishopric. 1263. Dieth. 1264. IX. Ierundus● Entereth his see. 1267. Dieth. 1313. X. Audunnus, Entereth his see. 1314. Dieth. 1322. XI. Laurentius. Elected and consecrated. 1324. Dieth in the Ideses of April. 1331. XII. Egillus. Entereth his see. 1332. Dieth. 1341. XIII. Ormus. Entereth his see. 1343. Dieth upon the feast of all Saints. 1355. XIIII. jonas son of Eticus, surnamed Skalle. Being to enter his sea of Holen came into Island. This jonas being before time consecrated bishop of Gronland, obtained licence of the bishop of Rome to enter the See of Holen, which was at that time vacant. Whereupon coming and not bringing with him the confirmation of this dignity and function, received from the Pope, he began to be suspected among the priests of the diocese of Holen. Wherefore he 1358 A Bishop of Gronland. 1356. In the year of CHRIST. The Bishops of Schalholt. XIIII. jonas son of Siguardus. 1343. Entereth his see. 1348. Dieth on S. Magnus even. XU. Gyrthus. 1349. Consecrated at Aslo in Norway by Solomon bishop of Aslo. 1356. Going beyond the seas he was drowned. XVI. Thorarinnus. 1362. Entereth his see. 1364. Dieth. XVII. Oddgeirus. 1366. Entereth his see. 1381. Dieth upon the Assumption of the blessed Virgin, in the port of Bergen in Norway, falling down from a pack of wares into the bottom of the ship. He was buried at Bergen in the Church of our Saviour. XVIII. Michael a Dane. 1385. Entereth his see. 1388. Resigneth, and saileth into Denmark. XIX. William a Dane. 1394. Entereth the Bishopric. Dieth. XX. Arnerus surnamed Milldur, that is to say, Liberal. He was at one time Lord Precedent of all Island, bishop of Schalholt, and vicebishop of Holen. 1420. He died. 1432. XXI. jonas Gerickson Sueden, either surnamed or born, is made Bishop over the Church of Schalholt: and afterward for certain bold attempts being taken by one Thorualdus de Modrwolium (as it is reported) and a great stone being bond to his neck, he was cast alive into the river of Schalholt, (which taketh name of the bridge) and was there strangled. 1445. XXII. Goswinus' bishop of Schalholt. 1472. XXIII. Sueno called the wise, bishop of Schalholt. 1489. XXIIII. Magnus' son of Eiolphus, Bishop, etc. XXV. Stephen. 1494. Entereth the see. Then (living at one time with Godschalchus' bishop of Holen, who seemed worthy to be surnamed cruel) he had the same commendations for mercy and justice, that Godschalchus had. The Bishops of Holen. In the year of CHRIST. was sent back up th●m into Norway, that the matter might be set through by the judgement of the king. The king therefore favouring his part, he obtained the bishopric of Holen. Hercules dieth. 1391. XU. Peter. Consecrated the same year wherein his predecessor departed out of this present life. Entereth the see of Holen. 1392. Dieth. XVI. jonas Wilhelmus English, Either born or surnamed. An English man Bishop in Island. Entered the see. 1432. XVII. Godschalcus. Died. 1457. XVIII. Olaus' son of Rogwaldus nephew to the forenamed Godschalcus by the sister's side, both of them being Norway's. He was established. 1458. He died. 1497. XIX. Godschalchus. The nephew of Olaus deceased, by the brother's side: also he being a Noruagian was elected the same year wherein his uncle deceased. Hercules entereth the see. And for the space of 20. whole years is reported, cruelly to have entreated many of the subjects. In the year 1520. when he was in the midst of his cups, and banqueting dishes, & herded that jonas Sigismundus was departed out of this life (whom with his wife and children, he had for many years most cruelly oppressed) he presently fallen into a sudden disease, and so not long after changed that violence for miserable death, which in his whole life he had used against his distressed subjects. 1500. XX. jonas Araesonius. Entereth the see. 1525. This man was the last & most earnest maintainer of Popish superstitions. Who stoutly withstanding Gysserus and Martinus bishops of Schalholt, was commanded by the In the year of CHRIST. The Bishops of Schalholt. 1519. He died: or thereabouts. XXVI. Augmundus. 1522. Choose in the year wherein Stephen deceased. Entereth the see. While he was Bishop, the king's Lieu-tenant with some of his followers being invited to Schalholt, in the time of the banquet, was slain by certain conspirators: because he had in all places wickedly wasted the inhabitants and their goods. But Augmundus as the author of that murder (although he purged himself with an oath) being transported into Denmark, there ended his life. XXVII. Gysserus. 1540 Elected, Augmundus yet living. 1541. Entered the see. 1544. He was the abolisher of Popish traditions about Priests marriages: his own marriage being solemnised at Schalholt. XXVIII. Martinus. 1547. Bishop, etc: And the years following. XXIX. Gislaus jonas. 1556. 1587. This man presently, in the time of bishop Augmund began in his youth to be inflamed with the love of true piety, & of the pure doctrine of the Gospel, & being pastor of the Church of Selardal, diligently to advance the same, by which means he did so procure unto himself that hatred of Papists, as being constrained to give place unto their craft & cruelty, he departed over to Ham●urg, from whence coming to Copen Hagen in Denmark, & painfully proceeding in his former study of divinity, he lived in the familiarity, and favour of many, but specially of D. D. Peter Palladius: who was at that time bishop there. Afterwards returning into his country, Martin gave place unto him of his own accord. This man died also, having for the space of 31. years or there abouts, professed the Gospel of jesus Christ: neither did he help & further the Church of God by the sound of his voice only, but by all other means to the utmost of his ability, by teaching, preaching, writing, by his wealth & his counsel. XXX. Otto Enerus, a grave, godly, and learned man. 1588. Being choose he departeth his country. 1589. He is consecrated, returns, and entereth the sea, endeavouring himself in the labours of his function. The Bishops of Holen. In the year of CHRIST. most religious king Christian the 3. under pain of banishment to come with all speed into Denmark. But neglecting the king's commandment, he took Martin bishop o● Schalholt, and committed him toward. At length he himself also being taken by a man of great name (whom before that time, it is said, he had provoked) and being brought to Schalholt, was, together with his two sons, by the authority of the king's Lieutenant beheaded. In revenge whereof not long after, the said Lieu-tenant with some of his company, was villainously slain by certain roisters, which were once servants to the parties beheaded. 1551. XXI. Olaus Hialterus. Departed his country. 1552. Entereth the see. 1553. This man (being as yet in the life time of his predecessor fellow-labourer with him) was the first that kindled the love of sincere doctrine at Holen in the hearts of many: and then being bishop did openly teach and defend the said doctrine. He died. 1568. XXII. Gudbrandus Thorlacius. The ornament, not only of his age, but of posterity also: who besides that, by the direction of the holy spirit, he hath most notably brought th● work begun, and left unto him by his predecessor Olaus to that perfection which it hath pleased God to vouchsafe: (namely his labours and diligence in maintaining the truth of the Gospel, and in abolishing of Popish superstitions) even in this his country he is the first that hath established a Printing house. For which cause his country (besides, for many other books translated into our mother tongue) shallbe eternally bound unto him, that the sacred Bible also, by his means, is fairly printed in the language of Island. He (I say) being at this present, Bishop, when he was about to take his charge: Departed his country. 1570. Returned and entered the see of Holen. 1571. IN these times therefore light is restored unto our souls from heaven, and the gate of the kingdom of heaven is opened unto us by the sincere preaching of Christian doctrine. For in either of the Bishop's seats there is a free school founded by the liberality and piety of that most renowned King of Denmark Christian the third: and afterward the son following the godly steps of his most Christian father, the said Free schools by Lord Friderick the second, our most religious King, being called up to his heavenly country in the year 1588., have been increased and furthered: which at this day also do prospero and flourish by the favour and authority of the most gracious King and our Prince, Christian the fourth, wherein the youth of our Island being instructed in the rudiments of liberal arts, and sacred divinity, are trained up to knowledge and true godliness, that from hence minister's of Churches may proceed. We are come at length in the register of the Bishops of Island down to this present day, wherein the forenamed excellent men Gudbrandus Thorlacius, and Otto Enerus, the one at Holen, and the other at Schalholt are Bishops of our Cathedral Churches: both of which men, that it would please God long to preserve unto his Church in health and life, for the glory of his most holy name, we all do earnestly and with fervent prayers beseech him. The second section. They inhabit for the most part in caves, or hollow places within the sides of mountains. Munsterus. Krantziu●. Fri●ius. And again, They have many houses and Churches built with the bones of fish, and Whales. Again. Many of them also to avoid the extremity of cold, do keep themselves close in their caves, even as the people of Africa do to avoid the heat of the sun. Also Munster saith: Many in Island at this day build their houses with the ribs and bones of Whales. HEre the second member taketh his beginning concerning the course of life, and the manners of the inhabitants. And first of all what buildings or houses they do use: namely according to Munster, Krantzius, Frisius etc. Holes and caves of mountains. But although in gorgeous buildings, and such other worldly braveries there is very little help to the attaining of a life truly happy: notwithstanding, we can not in this place conceal the truth: and we plainly affirm that Cosmographers and Historiographers also do err in this point. For such habitations as they writ to be common unto the whole nation, are but in very few places, and are either sheepe-cots for shepherds, or cottages and receptacles for fishermen at that time of the year only when they go a fishing, and the others stand in need to watch their flock. But for their houses themselves, and the very dwelling places of men, the Islanders have had them built from ancient time stately and sumptuously enough, according to the condition of the Country, with timber, stones, and turfs, until such time as traffic and exchange of wares began to cease between them and the Noruagians, Traffic with the people of Norway ceaseth. who were wont to supply them with timber, and for that cause now our houses begin to decay: whenas neither we have woods convenient for building, nor yet there are now a days, as there were in old time, trees cast upon our shores by the benefit of the sea, which may in any sort relieve us: neither do outlandish Merchants secure our necessities: Drift would not so plentiful now, as in times past. whereupon many of our meanest country villages are much decayed from their ancient integrity, some whereof be fallen to the ground, and others be very ruinous. Notwithstanding there be many farms and villages which I cannot easily reckon up, the buildings whereof do resemble that ancient excellency, the houses being very large, both in breadth and length, and for the most part in height also. As for example: farms or granges which contain chambers in them, more than fifty cubits in length, ten in breadth, and twenty in height. And so other rooms, as a parlour, a stove, a buttery, etc. answering in proportion unto the former. I could here name m●ny of our country buildings both large and wide, neither ill-favoured in show, nor base in regard of their workmanship and costly firmness or strength, with certain Churches also, or religious houses built of timber only, according to ancient and artificial seemliness and beauty: as the Cathedral Church of Holen having a body the five pillars whereof on both sides be four elnes high, and about five elnes thick, as also beams and weather-bourdes, and the rest of the roof proportionally answering to this lower building. Our most gracious King Lord Frederick, whose memory is most sacred unto us, in the year 1588. did most liberally bestow timber for the re-edifying of this body being cast down in the year 1584. by an horrible tempest. But the Church itself doth manifestly exceed the body thereof in all quantity: also the inner part of the Church, which is commonly called the quire is somewhat less, both then the middle part of the Church, and also then the body. The Church of Schalholt was far greater as I have herded in old time, than this our Cathedral, which having now been twice burned, is brought to a lesser scantling. Likewise there be some other Churches of our Island, although not matching, yet resembling the ancient magnificence of these. But here the matter seemeth not to require that I should run into a long description of these things. For as we do not greatly extol our houses and buildings, so are we nothing ashamed of them: because being content with our poverty, we tender unto Christ immortal praise who despiseth not to be received of us under a base roof, and contemneth not our temples and houses, (which Munster, Krantzius and Frisius do not truly affirm to be built of fish and Whales bones) more than the marble vaults, the painted walls, the square pavements, and such like ornaments of Churches and houses in other countries. The third section. They and their cattle use all one house, Krantzius. Munsterus. all one food or victuals, all one state (here Krantzius hath it lodging.) Also. They live only by feeding of cattle, and sometimes by taking of fish. THese be the things together with those that follow, which Krantzius hath champed, and put into Munster's mouth, so that Munster shall not need so much as once to chew them, which may appear by comparing them both together. For Munster, as he swallowed these reproaches, taking them out of Krantzius his preface upon Norway, so he casts up the very same morsels undigested and raw against our nation, in his fourth book of cosmography cap. 8. Those things which have been hitherto, although they have sufficiently grieved us, yet will we let them seem more tolerable: but this most malicious devise, and those which follow we cannot easily brook. It is our part therefore in this place also to avouch the truth, and to turn the leasing upon the authors own head. House, etc. First, that which they say concerning the same common house (as also living, and state) with our cattle, we plainly affirm to be false and erroneous, not only the truth itself being our witness, if any man would make trial, but also the experience of many strangers, that have lived some years amongst us, and have more mind to speak the truth then to revile our nation: who have seen our houses and habitations with their own eyes, and knew that in every particular farm or grange there were many several rooms: namely, in those that were most simple and base, seven or eight: In others which were greater, sometimes ten, and sometimes twenty. In the greatest sometimes forty, and sometimes fifty. Which for the most part being severed, both by roofs and walls, do serve for the daily and household affairs of one owner or master, seldom of two or three, but almost never of more: whereupon the Reader may easily judge, how true it is that the Islanders and their cattle have all one house to lie in, when every husbandman in this variety of rooms hath several oxestalles, sheepe-cotes, stables, lambes-cots separated indifferent spaces one from another, which the servants go unto so often as need requireth, and from thence return back to the dwelling houses. But whereas one noted in his Map of Island, concerning the province of Skagefiord, that under the same roof, men, dogs, swine and sheep live all together, it is partly false, and partly no marvel: for sheep, as it hath been said, and specially for swine (when as that province hath no swine at all) it is utterly false: for dogs it is no marvel, when as not kings courts were ever, or at this day are destitute of them, as it is well known to all men. But as touching dogs afterward in the seventh section. Victuals, etc. Wither beasts meat may fitly be termed by the name of Victus, a man may justly doubt: when Doletus interpreting a piece of Tully, says: As for Victus (saith he) we will so expound it with the Civilians, namely that we comprehend under the word of Victus all things necessary for the life of man, as meat, drink, attire of the body, etc. And Vlpianus de verborum significatione defineth Victus in the very same words. But in this place the said authors call beasts meat by the name of Victus. But let us see what truth and plain dealing is to be found in these men. We have no labouring cattle besides horses and oxen: these have grass and hay (except where hay is wanting) for their fodder, and water to drink. Now, the very same writers confess, that the Islanders live by fish, butter, flesh both beef, and mutton, and corn also, though it be scarce, and brought out of other countries. Therefore they have not the same food with brute beasts, which notwithstanding the said writers affirm in these words: They and their cattle use all one victuals or food. What Munster's meaning is in this clause, he himself a little before hath plainly taught. Island (says he) containeth many people living only with the food of cattle, and sometimes by taking of fish. But what else is the food of cattle, but the meat of cattle, says Doletus? Unless perhaps Munster calleth the food of cattle, cattle themselves slain for the food of men: whom, as I think, the use of the jatine tongue doth gain say, which hath taught us that as men do eat, so beasts do feed, and hath termed the victuals of men, and the food or fodder of cattle. But may I think that Munster and Krantzius were so mad as to imagine that the Islanders live upon grass and hay? To this pass of misery was Nabuchodonozor brought undergoing the yoke of God's vengeance: Daniel 4. vers. 30. We will easily grant that beasts, and cattle will not perhaps refuse many things, which men not only of our country but of yours also eat, if the said beasts be destitute of their usual food: as horses are fed with corn and batley loaves: they will drink milk also (like unto calves and lambs) and ale, if it be proffered them, and that greedily. And dogs in like manner will devour any dainty dishes whatsoever. May any man therefore say that men use the same common victuals with dogs and horses? Now, whatsoever things have happened in the time of grievous famine aught not to be recorded in history for the general custom of any country. As it is not lawful for us to writ concerning other nations, that the people of this or that country, do usually live by eating of dogs, mice, cats, although perhaps in the time of famine or siege or dearth of corn, they have often been constrained so to do. But that the same drink is some times common to many men with beasts, we will not greatly gainsay: namely most pure water, that natural drink created by God for all living creatures: which also in some respect Physicians do commend, yea, neither the patriarchs themselves, nor our saviour Christ despised it. As touching apparel (for we comprehend apparel also under the name of Victus) it is no wise common to us with beasts. For nature hath clad them with hairs & bristles (as I dare say Munster and Krantzius cannot be ignorant) men, being otherwise naked, stand in need of clotheses to cover their bodies. But I had not thought it might therefore have properly been said, that sheep and we have all one apparel. Men of other countries also wear clot of sheeps wool, although it be more finely wrought. But no more concerning the attire of the body. For it is a mere folly to seek for praise, and ambitious reputation by that, which argueth the infirmity of our nature. State, etc. Now, it remains that we should speak of that state, which we are said to have common with beasts: but of what kind or manner it should be, or our writers would have it to be, I cannot easily discern. State (saith Doletus) is either of the body, or of causes, or of order and condition. Doubtless, that there is another state of our bodies then of beasts (for besides our two feet, we have hands also, and go with our bodies, and countenances lift upright) and that we be of another order and condition from them, we are verily persuaded. As for these good fellows, if they know any such matter by themselves or others, let them disclose it. We do altogether scorn these, being so vain things, and breeding so great contempt against the Majesty of God our creator, neither do we vouchsafe them any larger discourse. But because it is our duty not so highly to regard either the love of our country, or of any other thing whatsoever, but that we may be ready at all times, and in all places, to give truth the pre-eminence: I will say in a word what that was which perhaps might minister occasion to this infamous reproach of writers. There be near unto Schalholt, upon the South shore of Island, three small parishes standing between two most swift rivers Thiorsaa, and Olfwis Aa, being in a manner destitute both of wood and turf, which is the accustomed fuel of the country. And although most of the inhabitants of these parishes, and some of their neighbours, as they do in time of year provide all things necessary for household, so especially those things which belong to fires and baths: notwithstanding there be certain among them of the basest sort of people, who, because they want those things at home, and are not able to provide them from other places, are constrained to use straw for the dressing of their meat. But when the sharp rigour of snowy Winter cometh on, these poor people be take them to their ore stalls, & there setting up sheds, & doing their necessary business in the day time, when they are not able to make fires, they borrow heat from their oxen, as it hath been reported to me by others: And so they only, being very few in number, do not willingly enjoy, but are constrained to use the same common house with their oxen. But for their livelihoode and state it is far otherwise with them then with their oxen, of which thing I have entreated before. This is the lot, & poverty of certain men in those petty parishes, the condition whereof is therefore made a common byworde of the people amongst us, though somewhat injuriously. Where I would willingly demand with what honesty men can impute that unto the whole nation, which is hard and skantly true of these few poor men? I am weary to stay any longer in this matter: only, because I have to do with Divines, let that of Solomon suffice, Proverbs 17. verse 5. He that mocketh the poor, reproacheth him that made him. And in very deed, because● this our nation is now, and heretofore hath been poor and needy, and as it were a beggar amongst many rich men, it hath sustained so many taunts and scoffs of strangers. But let them take heed whom they upbraid. verily if there were nothing else common unto us with them, yet we both consist of the same elements, and have all one father and God. The fourth section. They lead their lives in holy simplicity, Krantzius, Munster●s. not seeking any more than nature doth afford. A happy Nation, whose poverty no man doth envy. But the English and Danish merchants suffer not the nation to be at rest, who frequenting that country to transport fishing, have conveyed thither our vices, together with their manifold wares. For now, they have learned to brew their water with corn, and begin to despise, and loathe the drinking of fair water. Now they covet gold and silver like unto our men. Simplicity, etc. I am exceedingly glad, that the commendation of holy simplicity is given unto us. But it grieveth us that there is found so great a decay of justice, and good laws, and so great want of government amongst us, which is the cause of many thousand heinous offences: which all honest and godly men do continually bewail. This inconvenience doth not happen through the negligence of the highest Magistrate, that is, of our most gracious King, but rather by our own fault: who do not present these things unto his Majesty, which are disorderly committed without his knowledge, and which are wanting in the inferior Magistrate. Merchants. Moreover, Merchants, not only of England and Denmark, but especially of Germany, as at this time, so heretofore frequenting our country, not to transport fishing, but fish, taught not Islanders the art of brewing corn with water. For the Norvagians themselves, the first, to our knowledge, that inhabited this Island, from whom the Islanders are lineally descended, brought with them out of Norway that art, as also gold and silver coin, so that in old time there was no less use of silver and gold with us, than there is at this day. And it is certain that before the often navigations of Danes, Germane, and English men unto us, our land was much more fertile than now it is (feeling the inconveniences of the ages and decayed world, Co●ne of old time growing in Island. both from heaven and earth) and brought forth, in certain choice places, corn in abundance. The fift section. The King of Denmark and Norway sendeth every year a Lieutenant into the Country. Munster●s. Krantzius. IN the year of our Lord eight hundred forty and six Harald Harfagre (which is to say, golden hairs or fair clocks) was born. Who afterward in the year eight hundred fifty and eight, being choose king of Norway, when he was grown to age, and full strength, changed the form of the Noruagian government. For whereas before it was divided into petty Provinces (which they called Fylki, The occasion of the first inhabiting of Island by the people of Norway. and the petty kings that governed them, Fylkis konga) he reduced it by force of arms unto a Monarchy. But when some inhabitants of the country, being mighty, and descended of good parentages, could not well brook this hard dealing, they chose rather to be banished their country, than not to shake off the yoke of tyranny. Whereupon, they in the year above named eight hundred seventy and four, transported colonies into Island being before discovered by some men and found out, but unpeopled as yet: And so being the first founders of our nation, they called themselves Islanders, which name their posterity re●eineth unto this day. And therefore the Islanders lived a long time, namely, three hundred eighty and six years, more or less, acknowledging no submission to any other Nation. And although Haquinus that crowned King of Norway, Haquinus coro●●tus. who reigned longest of any Noruagian king, namely, above sixty six years, did oftentimes attempt by Ambassadors to make the Islanders become tributaries unto him, notwithstanding at all times they constantly withstood him, till at length about the year of our Lord 1260● they performed homage unto him. And afterward continued always in their promised loyalty, being subjects to the king of Norway. But now at this day, since the Empire of the Noruagians was translated by Margaret Queen of Denmark, Suedeland, and Norway unto the Danes, they do honour as their sovereign Lord and King the most gracious king of Denmark. The sixt section. All things are common among them except their wives. Krantzius. Munsterus, HEre Krantzius in the first place beginneth with such agybe. There be many notable things in their manners, etc. Moreover, your wit being too hasty in affirming things unknown, doth here also diminish your credit. The experience as well of all things as of people and times proveth your over greedy desire of novelty, of fame and vainglory, and argueth your great negligence in maintaining the truth. OH worthy writers. But whether the aforesaid things be true or not, we call the laws of our Country to witness, which the Islanders from the beginning have used all one with the Norway's: of the King and his subjects: of the seat of justice, and of lawcases which come to be decided there: of inheritances: of adoptions, marriages, theft, extortions, lending, bargains, and the rest: all which, to what purpose should they be enjoined unto them with whom all things are common? We call to witness so many broils and contentions in our courts, and places of judgement in Island concerning goods movable, and immovable: we call to witness our kings, now of Denmark, aforetime of Norway, who by so many ●illes of supplication out of Island in old time, and of late have been often interrupted, for the setting through of controversies concerning possessions. We call Krantzius himself to witness against himself, whose words in the first section were these. Before the receiving of Christian faith the Islanders living according to the law of nature did not much differ from our law, etc. If by the law of nature, then doubtless by that law of justice, which giveth to every man his own: If by the law of justice, then certainly distinctions of properties and possessions must needs have taken place in our Nation: and although this very law is often transgressed, and that heinously even in the Church: notwithstanding both the Church, and also heathen men do acknowledge it to be most just and good. The seventh section. They make all one reckoning of their whelps, and of their children: except that of the poorer sort you shall easier obtain their son then their chalk. ALthough in the beginning of this Treatise I thought that Munster and other men of great name in those things which they have left written concerning Island, were not to be charged with slander, yet whether that favour may here be showed by any man whatsoever (be he never so favourable, and never so sincere) I do not sufficiently conceive. For what should move such great men, following the despiteful lies, and fables of mariners, to defame and stain our nation with so horrible and so shameful a reproach? Surely nothing else but a careless licentiousness to deride and contemn a poor and unknown Nation, and such other like vices. But, be it known to all men that this untruth doth not so much hurt to the Islanders, as to the authors themselves. For in heaping up this, and a great number of others into their Histories, they 'cause their credit in other places also to be suspected: And hereby they gain thus much (as Aristotle saith) that when they speak truth no man will believe them without suspicion. But attend a while (Reader) and consider with me the gravity and wisdom of these great Clerks: that we may not let pass such a notable commendation of Island. Krantzius and Munster have hitherto taught, that the Islanders are Christians. Also: that before the receiving of Christian faith they lived according to the law of nature. Also: that the Islanders lived after a law not much differing from the law of the Germans. Also, that they lived in holy simplicity. Attend I say (good Reader) and consider, what marks of Christianity, of the law of nature, of the Germans law, of holy simplicity, these authors require, and what marks they show and describe in the Islanders. There was one of the said marks before: namely, that the Islanders do place hell or the prison of the damned, within the gulf and bottom of mount Hecla: concerning which, read the first section of this part, and the seventh section of the former. The second mark is, that with the Anabaptists they take away distinctions of properties and possessions: in the section next going before. The third and most excellent is this: those singular & natural affections, that love and tender care, and that fatherly and godly mind of the Islanders towards their children, namely that they make the same account of them, or less than they do of their dogs. What? Will Munster and Krantzius after this fashion picture out unto us the law of Christ, the law of nature, the law of the Germans, and holy simplicity? OH rare and excellent picture, though not altogether matching the skill of Apelles: OH sharp and wonderful invention, if authentical: OH knowledge more than human, though not at all divine. But we Islanders (albeit the farthest of all nations and inhabiting a frozen clime) require far other notes of Christianity. For we have the commandment of God, that every man should love his neighbour as himself. Now there is none (I suppose) that doth not love or esteem more of himself then of his dog. And if there aught to be so great favour, so great estimation, so great love unto our neighbour, then how great affection do we own unto our children? The most near and inseparable love of whom, besides that nature hath most friendly settled in our minds, the love of God also commands us to have special regard in training them up (Exod. 12.24. Ephes. 6.4.) namely, that there may be in holy marriage certain seminaries of God's Church, and exercises of all piety and honesty: according to the excellent saying of the Poet. God will have each family, a little Church to be. ALso Of human life or man's society, a School or College is holy matrimony. That it may be manifest, that among Christians their sons are more to be accounted of and regarded, than their dogs: and if any do no otherwise esteem of them, that they are no Christians. But this natural affection toward our most dear offspring is plainly seen in the heathen themselves: that whomsoever you totally deprive of this, you deny them also to be men. The mothers of Carthage testify this to be true, when as in the third Punic war the most choice and gallant young men in all the City were sent as pledges into Sicilia, whom they followed unto the ships with most miserable weeping and lamentation, and some of them being with grief separated from their dear sons, when they saw the sails hoist, and the ships departing out of the haven, for very anguish cast themselves headlong into the water: as Sabellicus witnesseth. Egaeus doth testify this, who when he saw the ship of his son Theseus, returning ●ut of Crete with black sails, thinking that his son had perished, ended his life in the next waters: sabel. lib. 3. cap. 4. Gordianus the elder, Proconsul of Africa, doth testify this, who likewise, upon rumours of the death of his son, hanged himself. Campoful. lib. 5. cap. 7. Also jocasta the daughter of Creon, Auctolia daughter of Simon, Anius King of the Tuscans, Orodes King of the Parthians, and an infinite number of others. Concerning whom read Plutarch star. lib. 2. and other authors etc. To these may be added that sentence, Love descendeth, etc. So that you see, it is no less proper to a man entirely to love his children, then for a bird to fly: that if our writers at any time have confessed the Islanders to be men (much less to be Christians) they must, will they nill they, ascribe unto them this love and affection towards their children: If not, they do not only take from them the title and dignity of men, but also they debase them under every brute beast, which even by the instinct of nature are bond with exceeding great love, and tender affection towards their young one's. I will not add against this shameless untruth most notable examples of our own countrymen: I will omit our laws of man-stealing, more ancient than the Islanders themselves, being received from the Noruagians, and are extant in our book of laws under the title Manhelge cap. 5. Whosoever selleth a freeman (any man much more a son) unto strangers etc. Now if any man be driven to that hard fortune, that he must needs commit his own son into the hands of some inhabitant or stranger, being urged thereunto by famine, or any other extreme necessity, that he may not be constrained to see him hunger-starved for want of sustenance, but keepeth his dog still for his own eating, this man is not to be said, that he esteemeth equally or more basely of his son then of his dog: whether Islanders or any other countrymen do the same. The occasion of this slander. The german or the Danish mariners might perhaps found amongst us certain beggars laden with children (for we have here a great number of them) who in jesting manner for they are much given to trifling talk, might say: Give me this, or cell me that: a●d when the stranger should ask, What will you give me for it? the beggar might answer; I have ten or fourteen children, I will give you some one or more of them, etc. For this rabble of beggars useth thus fond to prate with strangers. Now if there be any well disposed man, who pitying the need and folly of these beggars, releaseth them of one son, and doth for God's sake by some means provide for him in another country: doth the beggar therefore (who together with his son being ready to die for hunger and poverty, yieldeth and committeth his son into the hands of a merciful man) make less account of his son then of his dog? Such works of love and mercy have been performed by many, aswell Islanders themselves as strangers: one of which number was that honourable man Accilius julius, being sent by the most gracious King of Denmark into Island in the year of our Lord 1552, who, as I have herded, took, and carried with him into Denmark fifteen poor boys: where afterward it was reported unto me, that by his good means every one of them being bond to a several trade, proved good and thrifty men. What if some man be driven to that pass, that he doth not only cell his son, but not finding a chapman, his own self killeth and eateth him? Examples of this kind be common, namely of the unwilling and forced cruelty of parents towards their children, not being pricked on through hate, or want of natural affection, but being compelled thereunto by urgent necessity. Shall any man hereupon ground a general reproach against a whole nation? We read that in the siege of Samaria, two mothers s●ew their sons, and eat them sodden: 4. King. chap. 6. We read in the siege of jerusalem, how lamentable the voice of that distressed mother was, being about to kill her tender child: My sweet babe, saith she (sore I will report Eusebius own words, concerning this matter, though very common, that the affection of a mother may appear) born to misery and mishap, for whom should I conveniently reserve thee in this tumult of famine, of war, and sedition? If we be subdued to the government of the Romans, we shall wear out our unhappy days under the yoke of slavery. But I think famine will prevent captivity. Besides, there is a rout of seditious rebels much more intolerable then either of the former miseries. Come on therefore, my son, be thou meat unto thy mother, a fury to these rebels, and a byword in the common life of men, which one thing only is wanting to make up the calamities of the jews. These sayings being ended, she killeth her son, roasting and eating one half, and reserving the other, etc. Eusebius lib. 3. cap. 6. Now, what man will not believe that this unhappy mother would full gladly have passed over this her son into the possession of some master or chapman, if she could have happened upon any such, with whom she thought he might have been preserved? That famine is well known which oppressed Calagurium, a city of Spain, when in old time C●cius Pompeius laid siege thereunto (Valerius lib. 7. cap. 7.) the citizens whereof converted their wives and children into meat for the satisfying of their extreme hunger, whom doubtless they would with all their hearts have sold for other victuals. That famine also is well known which in the year of our Lord 851 (Vincent. lib. 25. cap. 26.) afflicted Germany, insomuch that the father was glad to devour his own son. It is well known after the death of the Emperor Henry the seventh, in a famine continuing three whole years, how the parents would devour their children, and the children their parents, and that especially in Polonia and Bohemia. And that we may not only allege ancient examples: it is reported that there was such a grievous dearth of corn in the years 1586, and 1587., throughout Hungary, that some being compelled for want of food were feign to cell their children unto the most bloody and barbarous enemy of Christians, and so to enthrall them to the perpetual yoke of Turkish slavery: and some are said to have taken their children, whom they could no longer sustain, a●d with cruel mercy to have cast them into Danubius, and drowned them. But should these stories and the like make any man so mad as to affirm that this or that nation accustometh to kill their children for their own food, and to cell them willingly unto the Turks, or to drown and strangle them willingly in the water? I cannot think it. So neither (because beggars in Island being enforced through extreme and biting necessity, do willingly part with their sons) is this custom generally to be imputed unto the whole nation, and that by way of disgrace, by any man, except it be such an one who hath taken his leave of all modesty, plain dealing, humanity, and truth. But I could wish that the love of dogs in Islanders might be more sparingly reprehended by those people, whose matrons, and specially their noble women, take so great delight in dogs, that they carry them in their bosoms thorough the open streets: I will not say in Churches: which fashion Caesar blamed in certain strangers, whom he see at Rome carrying about young apes and whelps in their arms, ask them this question: Whether women in their country brought forth children or no? signifying hereby, that they do greatly offend, who bestow upon beasts these natural affections, wherewith they should be invited to the love of mankind, and specially of their own offspring: which strange pleasure never overtook, nor possessed the nation of the Islanders. Wherefore now (Munster and Krantzius) you must find us out other marks of Christianity, of the law of nature, of the Germane law, and of holy simplicity. The eight section. They honour their Bishop as their King: unto whose command all the whole people have respect. Krantzius. Munsterus. Whatsoever he prescribeth out of the law, the scriptures, or the customs of other nations, they do full holily observe. THere was indeed at the beginning, about the time of the reformation of religion, great reverence had unto the bishop; but never so great, that our politic laws at the bishops command should give place to outlandish laws & customs. Neither in the time of Albertus Krantzius, much less of Munster (of which two the first deceased in the year of our Lord 1517, and the second 1552) the bishops of Island had the authority of kings, when as many of the country which were of the richer sort, would not doubt to rebel against them; which thing is too well known in our country. Yet in the mean time, the bishops being terrible with their authority of excommunication, reduced some under their subjection, and others at that time they cruelly persecuted. Moreover, albeit at that time the bishop was had in great, yea, in exceeding great reverence, yet now adays, the darkness of popery being dispelled● the devil assaulteth men after another sort, and even here amongst us, he is not slack to arm their minds with contempt, and perverse stubbornness against God, and his holy ministry. The ninth section. They live there for the most part upon fish, because of their great want of corn, Munsterus. which is brought in from the port towns of other countries: who carry home fish from thence with great gain. Also Munster saith, they do there use stockfish in stead of bread, which groweth not in that country. COnsider (friendly reader) how Munster is delighted to harp upon one string, that when he can writ nothing of an unknown nation which may carry any show with it, he is feign either to bring in falsehood, or often to repeat the same things, & so to become tedious unto his reader: for he said a little before, that the Islanders live upon fish. His words above recited were these: Island containeth many people living only with the food of cattle, and sometimes by taking of fish. A●d that I may omit the rest in which some trifle might be noted: whereas he sayeth that bread groweth not in Island: it is most true: which I think is common therewith to Germany also, because bread groweth not there neither, except it be in Munster's field where natural vinegar also doth marvelously increase. But these toys, by the liberty of rhetoric forsooth, shall be out of danger. Howbeit, unto these reproaches, which strangers do gather from the meats and drinks of the Islanders, we will hereafter briefly answer, Sect. 15. The tenth section. The inhabitants do celebrated the acts of their ancestors, Munsterus. Krantzius. and of their times, with songs, and they grave them in rocks and promontories, that they may not decay with posterity, but only by the defect of nature. There be divers found amongst them that be minstrels, Frisius. and can play upon the lute, who with their delectable music do ensnare and take both fowls and fish. The Islanders preserve in writing the acts of their ancestors. WE deny not but that some worthy acts of our forefathers be reserved in the songs and poems of our countrymen, as also in prose: but that the same things have been engraven by us, or by our ancestors, in rocks or promontories, we may in no case acknowledge that praise to be due unto us, nor yet the other of minstrels, and taking of birds and fish. For we hold it to be the part of an honest and ingenuous mind, as to refute false crimes, so not to challenge undeserved praise unto himself, nor to accept it being offered. The eleventh section. BUt now, let this be the end of our controversy with the authors aforesaid, being otherwise men of excellent learning, and of great renown, who notwithstanding so inconsiderately have intermeddled these things in their writings. And now the better part of my labour is finished. But yet there remains that viperous Germane brood, the mother whereof would have it come to light, as it were at a second birth, without name, that it might so much the more freely wound the fame of the Islanders with venomous sting. Moreover, although I be not afraid to encounter with this beast, yet would I have all men to know with what mind I undertake this enterprise, namely, not that I mean to contend with his pestiferous rancour, by reproaches, and railing speeches (for as it is in the common proverb: I know, that if I strive with dung most vile, How ere it be, myself I shall defile) but that I may satisfy all honest and well affected men, even strangers themselves, who shall hereafter read or hear, or have heretofore herded that german pasquil, lest they also should think that we worthily sustain so monstrous a disgrace: and also that I may from henceforth, if it be possible, restrain others (who use those venomous german rhymes to the vpbrading of our nation, and from hence borrow their scoffs, and reproachful taunts to the debasing of us Iselanders) from that liberty of backbiting. Therefore, that I may not be tedious to the reader with long circumstances, I will come to the rehearsing of those things which that railing German hath heaped up in his lewd pasquil: whom also I could bring in, repeating his friendly verses of the Islanders, within the compass of this my book, but that I do foresee that the said slanderous libel being stuffed with so many and divers reproaches, might breed offence to all honest men, and deter them from reading it, with the filthiness thereof. I will therefore repeat the principal matters (omitting those things which he hath common with others, or, that heretofore have been examined) but far more modestly than he, lest (as I said) I 'cause good and learned me●s ears to tingle at his lewd and unseemly rhymes: they that are desirous to see or hear him, let them inquire at the Stationers. It is no part of our meaning (I say) to defile these papers with his stinking slanders, or with the filthy sink of his reproaches. First therefore, The first objection or reproach. this our goodly german Historiographer objecteth that there be many Pastors in Island, which preach not to their people once in two years, as it is read in the former edition of this pasquil, which notwithstanding the latter edition doth refute: saying that the said Pastors use to preach but five times in an whole year: which two, how well they agreed together, let the reader be judge, seeing it is manifest that the author himself, presently after the first edition, had scarce seen Island. So oftentimes one lie betrayeth another, according to that saying: Truth agreeth unto truth; but falsehood agreeth neither to truth nor to falsehood. But s●●h it is our part not to dissemble the truth in any place, we will not deny that holy sermons, about the time wherein this sycophant lived in Island, namely in the year 1554, were seldomer in use than they are at this day, namely, the darkness of popery being scarcely at that time dispelled. Which also is to be understood concerning the Psalms of David mumbled by the common people in Latin, as he casts us in the teeth: for the Papists grounding all the hope of their salvation in the Mass, did little regard the sermon, or doctrine. But after we were freed from that mist, it hath been (God be thanked) far otherwise with us: although we cannot altogether excuse the dullness, sloth, and preposterous care of certain of our Pastors. Which, whether it agreeth to any of their countrymen or not, let other nations judge. The twelfth section. Secondly, the trifler shamefully reporteth, that adulteries and whoredoms are not only public, The second reproach. and common vices amongst Islanders: but that they are not accounted by them for vices. ALthough indeed these most filthy abominations, even in our common wealth, be not altogether unusual: notwithstanding, since all men know that they are far more common in other nations, where be greater multitudes of people, he did undeservedly, and maliciously note the Islanders rather with this reproach, than other people and nations, who are more infamous with this crime than our countrymen. And albeit I wish with all mine heart that vices and enormities were much less winked at in our country, than we see they are, yet notwithstanding this juggler, by reason of his natural inclination to backbiting, hath added this in his last reproach: namely, that these vices by the Iselanders are not accounted for vice. For, in what common wealth dare the impudent companion affirm this to be true? What? in that common wealth which hath sworn to observe the law contained in our statute book under the title of Manhelge chap. 28, whereby it is enacted, that whosoever committeth adultery with another man's wife the second time, his goods being confiscate, he shall be punished with death? Or in that common wealth, which not long since hath inflicted the penalty of 80 dallers upon a servant committing adultery with his master's wife? Or in that common wealth which hath decreed, that if he doth not pay, nor lay in sureties at the day appointed, he shallbe banished the country? Or in that common wealth the politic laws whereof do straightly command that whosoever be according to law found in adultery with another man's wife, by her husband, if he escape, he shall undergo the punishment of manslaughter? Or in that common wealth, the politic laws whereof do also enjoin a man that is taken in carnal copulation with the mother, daughter, or sister, by the son, father, or brother, to redeem his life with the one half of that which he aught to have paid, if he had shed the innocent blood of the said party? Or in that common wealth the politic laws whereof have noted and condemned adultery under the name of a most heinous offence? and do straight command that he which is taken the third time in that beastly act shallbe punished with death? You see therefore (friendly readers) what an injurious Notary we have, affirming that adultery and whoredom in Island deserveth not the name of sin and wickedness: for although some officers let slip this or that vice unpunished, yet aught not the whole nation, nor the laws, nor all good and godly men, in that regard, to be accused or evil spoken of. The thirteenth section. The third reproach is, The third reproach. whereby he doth brand the Islanders with the mark of deceit and treachery toward the Germane. doubtless the author of this libel was some vagabond huckster or peddler, and had go particularly into many corners of Island to utter his trumpery wares, which he also testifieth of himself in his worthy rhymes, that he had travailed thorough the greatest part of Island, whereupon when he had played the cousining mate with others (for often times deceit and lying are joined together, and he hath sufficiently proved himself to be a liar, by this trial of his wit) peradventure himself was beguiled by them whom he before time had defrauded. From hence proceedeth this slander against our whole Nation: dissembling in the mean time with what honesty certain Germane, making yearly voyages into Island, deal with our men. But seeing by this complaint I have not determined to reproach others, but to lay open the undeserved reproaches of others against our nation, I do here of purpose surcease. The fourteenth section. Fourthly, he saith that in banquets none of the guests use to rise from the table: The 4,5,6, & 7 reproaches. but that the good wife of the house reacheth to every one a chamber-pot, so often as need reqnireth, Moreover, he noteth much unmannerliness of eating and drinking at banquets. Fiftly, he objecteth customs of lying in bed, and of dining: namely that ten people, more or less, men and women lie altogether in the same bed, and that they eat their meat lying in bed: and that in the mean time they do nothing but play at dices or at tables. Sixtly, he reporteth that they wash their hands and their faces in piss. seventhly, he despitefully abaseth our solemnizing of marriages, spousals, birthdays, and our customs at burials. THese, and a number of such like reproaches hath this impure slanderer spewed forth against an innocent nation, yea and that nation which hath deserved right well of him and his countrymen. Which are of the same kind with these, in so much that we altogether disdain to make answer unto them. For, that we may grant (which notwithstanding we will in no case yield unto) that this worthy german notarte observed some such matter among base companions, and the very offscouring of the common people, with whom he was much more conversant then with good and honest people (for he had lived, as his rhymes testify, some what long upon the coast of Island, whither a confused rout of the meanest common people, in fishing time do yearly resort, who being nought aswell through their own lewdness, as by the wicked behaviour of outlandish mariners, often times do lead a bad and dishonest life) notwithstanding we are in this place more manifestly wronged through the knavery of this one varlet, and desperate sycophant by his defaming of the whole nation (as others also usually do) then that it should need any refutation at all. Of which thing strangers themselves, who are not a little conversant in our Island, may be most sufficient witnesses. I could also gather together many such filthy, unmannerly, and bawdy fashions noted by others even in his own country. But I detest this dogged eloquence, neither take I any pleasure to be witty in the disgrace of others: and yet I will not show myself such a milksop as to be daunted with light words. Only, let all honest and good men consider, what disposition it argueth, for one to object against a whole nation certain misdemeanours committed by some one or other particular man. If any man should travel throughout all the cities and towns of Germany or any other nation, and heaping together the offences, and most lewd manners, the robberies, manslaughters, murders, whoredoms, adulteries, incests, riots, extortions, and other profane, and filthy acts, should affirm them to be common to all Germane, or otherwise to any other whole nation, and should exaggerate all these things with notorious lies, is he to be accounted one that spends his time in a good argument? But what marvel is it, though a varlet, and, that I may give him his true title, a filthy hog, that rhymer (I say) hath be wrayed his nature and disposition in such like reproaches? For it is well known that swine, when they enter into most pleasant gardens, do not pluck lilies, or roses, or any other most beautiful and sweet flowers; but thrusting their snouts into the ground, do tumble and toss up and down whatsoever dirt and dung they can find, until they have rooted up most unclean things, namely such as are best agreeable to their nature, wherewith they greedily glut themselves: Even so this hoggish Rhymer lightly passeth over the best and most commendable things of our Common wealth, but as for the worst, and those which have been committed by none, or by very few, namely, such things as best fit his humour and disposition (that he might indeed show himself to be the same which we have termed him) those things (I say) hath he scraped up together: whereupon hereafter by my consent, for his manners and disposition let him enjoy the name of a swine. The fifteenth section. We will here rehearse the ninth reproach, which that slanderous hog hath drawn from the manner of living, The ninth reproach. and specially from the meat and drink of the Islanders, and that not in one or a few words, but in a large invective: namely, that they eat old and unsavoury meats, and that, without the use of bread. Also, that they eat divers kinds of fish which are unknown to strangers: and that they mingle water and whey together for drink. All which this venomous pasquil, with eloquent railing and witty slander hath set out at the full. And albeit we do scarce vouchsafe to stand longer about answering of him, yet in regard of others, who at this day partly wonder at the matter, and partly object it to our nation, we thought good to add some few things in this place. First therefore we will divide this our nation into two parts: into beggars, and those that sustain both themselves, and, amongst others, beggars also. As touching all kinds of meats wherewith beggars and other poor men satisfy their hunger, it is no easy matter to rehearse and examine them: neither, because extreme necessity hath at some times compelled them to eat this or that, therefore is it meet to prescribe certain kinds and number of meats to the rest of the nation. For we have also a law among the canons apostolical, which forbiddeth to eat things strangled: in the observing of which canons, antiquity hath seemed to be very devout. Moreover, we will make a distinction of times also, that it may seem no strange accident in the time of famine, though many things are, and have been used by a great number of men to satisfy their hunger, which at other times are scarce meat for dogs. As very lately in the year 1590. we herded concerning the citizens of Paris, being environed with the most straight siege of Henry the fourth, King of Navarre, suffering (as Petrus Lindebergius speaketh) the famine of Saguntum; insomuch that they did not only eat their horses, but also taking the flesh of dead men, and beating their bones to powder in a mortar, they mingled therewith a handful or two of meal, esteeming it dainties. And it is well known also of other nations, who in the like urgent necessities have lived by eating of mice, cats and dogs. In like manner sometimes are we Islanders constrained to do, not being besieged by our enemies (although hitherto we have abstained from man's flesh, yea, and to our knowledge, from dogs, mice, and cats) for whereas we provide things necessary for food out of the land and sea, & no sustenance, or very little, is brought unto us by strangers: so often as God withholdeth his gifts of land and sea, then must follow and ensue a dreadful scarcity of victuals, whereupon the inhabitants are sometimes vered with grievous famine. And therefore it is likely that they amongst us which used to live from hand to mouth, and had not some provision of former years remaining, have been driven to great extremities, so often as need hath enforced them thereunto. But whether this thing aught worthily to minister occasion to a public and perpetual reproach against the Islanders, more than other nations, I refer it to the judgement of indifferent and honest minds. Morever, whereas divers use to object concerning the proper & accustomed fare of our country, especially of flesh, fish, butter being long time kept without salt: also concerning white meats, want of corn, drinking of water, and such like: in most places of Island (for there be many of our countrymen also, who, after the manner of the Danes and Germane so far forth as aught in a mean to suffice chaste and temperate minds, although we have not any great variety of sauce, being destitute of Apothecary's shops, are of ability to furnish their table, and to live moderately) we confess it to be even so: Want of salt in Island. namely that the foresaid kinds of victuals are used in most places without the seasoning of salt. And I will further add, that the very same meats, which certain strangers abhor so much as to name, yet strangers themselves, when they are among us do use to eat them with delight. For albeit for the most part we have no corn, nor meal, nor yet salted the provocation of gluttony, for the seasoning of our victuals, is common to us all: yet notwithstanding almighty God of his goodness hath taught our men also the way, how they should handle, and keep in store those things which belong to the sustentation of life, to the end it may appear, The Islanders means of preserving their meats without salt. that God in nourishing and sustaining of us Islanders, is not tied to bread and salt. But whereas strangers boast that all their victuals are more pleasant and wholesome: yet we deny that to be a sufficient reason, why they should upbraid us in regard of ours: neither do we think God to be a debtor unto our dainty mouths; but rather we give him thanks with our whole hearts, that he vouchsafeth without this delicate and nice fare, which is esteemed to be so pleasant and wholesome, to grant even unto the men of our country many years, and a good age as also constant health, and flourishing strength of body; all which we accounted to be signs of wholesome and convenient nourishment, and of a perfect constitution. Besides, our wits are not altogether so gross and barren, as the philosophers seem to assign unto this our air, and these nourishments, which perhaps many of our countrymen could much rather verify in deeds then in words, if (as the Poet saith) envious poverty did not hold us down. But here the judgement of the common people, as often in other matters, doth too plainly deceive (I except all good and well experienced men) some of them which would seem to be wise: namely, that whatsoever their use doth not admit, or that they have not seen, nor had trial of beforetime, they presently condemn. As for example, he that never see the sea will not be persuaded that there is a mediterrane sea: so do they measure all things by their own experience and conceit, as though there were nothing good and profitable, but that only where with they maintain their lives. But we are not grown to that pitch of folly, that because we have herded of certain people of Aethiopia, which are fed with locusts, being therefore called by Diodorus, Acridophagi, and of a certain nation of India also, whom Clitarchus & Megastenes have named Mandri, as Agatarchides witnesseth, or of others that live upon frogs or sea-crabs, or round shrimps, which thing is at this day commonly known, that (I say) we should therefore presume to make them a laughing stock to the common people, because we are not accustomed to such sustenance. The sixteenth section. TEnthly, that uncivil beast casts our men in the teeth with their good hospitality. The tenth reproach. They do not (saith he) carry about money with them in their purses, neither is it any shame to be entertained in a strange place, and to have meat and drink bestowed of free cost. For if they had anything which they might impart with others, they would very gladly. Moreover, he maketh mention of certain churches or holy chapels (as of a base thing) which many of the Islanders have built in their own houses: & that first of all in the morning, they have recourse thither, to make their prayers, neither do they suffer any man before they have done their devotion, to interrupt them. These be the things which he hath set down as some notable disgrace unto the Islanders. And no marvel: For filthy swine detest all cleanly one's, And hogs unclean regard not precious stones. Which I fear, lest it may be too truly affirmed of this slanderer, as it is manifest out of these two last objections. Howbeit, sithence he himself is a most sufficient witness of his own virtues, we will refer the reader, who is desirous to know more of him unto his book of rhymes against Island, which we have now examined in our former sections: at whose railing & filthy speeches we have been ashamed on his behalf: insomuch that those things which he with satirical, satirical? nay satanical biting and reviling of our nation, hath not blushed to writ, are irksome for us to repeat: so great & abominable is his insolency, & his reproaches so heinous. Good God! whosoever shall view this cartlode of slanders (for we have mentioned the lest part thereof, because I was loath to loose my labour, or, as the wise man saith, to answer a fool according to his foolishness, whereas in his rhymes there is not one word without a reproach) will he not judge the author of this pasquil to have been a most lewd man, yea the very dross of mankind, without piety, without humanity? But here I have just occasion to doubt whether the author of these revilings hath been the more injurious to Islanders, or the Printer thereof joachimus Leo (and whatsoever else they be who in their editions dare neither profess their own name, nor the name of their City) which Leo hath now twice, if not oftener, published the said pamphlet at Hamburg. Do you suffer this to go unpunished, OH you counsel and commons of Hamburg? What? Have you determined to gratify Island in this sort, which these many years, by reason of your abundant traffic with us, and your transporting home of all our commodities, The commodities of Island. of our beeves and muttons, and of an incredible deal of butter and fish, hath been unto your City in stead of a storehouse? The ancient traffic of England with Island. In times passed also, certain Cities of England and of Holland have reaped the commodities of this Isle: Moreover, there hath been ancient traffic of Denmark, Breme, and Lubeck with the Islanders. But they never gained by any of their chapmen such commendations, and such thanks, as are contained in this libel: It hath in your, in your City (I say) been bread, brought forth, iterated, if not the third time published: which hath armed other people, unto whom the name of Island was otherwise scarce known, to the disdain and contempt of this our Nation: and this injury offered by a Citizen of yours, hath Island sustained these 30. years and more, and doth as yet sustain. But many such accidents often come to pass without the knowledge of the magistrate, neither do we doubt but that good men are grieved at such infamous libels, and do take diligent heed that they be not published: for such editions are contrary to the law of nature: Do not that to another which thou wouldst not have done unto thyself: and to the laws Imperial of infamous libels: Laws against libels. wherein is enjoined a most grievous penalty unto those, who invent, writ, utter, or 'cause such libels to be bought or sold, or do not presently upon the finding thereof tear them in pieces. But now time bids us to sound a retreat: and to return home unto thee Island (our most dear mother) whom neither poverty, nor cold, nor any other such inconveniences shall make irksome unto us, so long as thou ceasest not to give hearty and willing entertainment unto Christ: where, first we do earnestly exhort thee to the serious and ardent affection, and love of God, and of the heavenly knowledge revealed unto us in Christ: that thou wouldst prefer this before all things, being inflamed with desire of doctrine, and of the word: that thou wouldst not lightly esteem, contemn or hate the holy ministery and ministers, but reverence, cherish, and love them. Accounting those that practise the contrary as wicked and profane: and managing all thy affairs both private and public, according to the prescript rule of piety and honesty, that unto this, thy states and orders Ecclesiastical and politic may in all things be conformed: and so in either kind of life relying thyself upon that level and line of equity and justice, and avoiding others, who upon stubbornness and impiety swerver therefrom. That thou wouldst also inflict just punishments upon offenders: All which we doubt not but the Magistrate will have respect unto. But especially that thou admittest none to be Magistrates, but men of approved fidelity and honesty, and such as may adjoin unto these virtues others hereto belonging, by which means inconveniences may fitly be prevented. For if this matter be well handled, namely that they which are the best of all good men be choose to bear public authority, wicked and unfit men being altogether rejected: the condition of the subjects shallbe most prosperous: the lives and manners of all men shall prove by so much the more commendable: godliness also and honesty shall become the more glorious. But on the contrary, if pastors of Churches be not answerable to their function, either in life or doctrine; if all men without respect or difference be admitted to the government of the common wealth, who aspire thereunto by their own rashness, ambition, or avarice, and desire of honour, yea though they be suspected or convicted of crimes and dishonesty, or be protectors or unjust favourers of such people as are suspected and convicted; then what will be thy state, o Island? What will be thy outward show or condition? Doubtless most miserable. Neither shalt thou by any other means more suddenly approach to thy ruin and destruction, then if thou committest thyself to the government of such men, who to the uttermost of their power, although they be of thy own brood, daily seek thy overthrow for their own private advantage and secret malice. Wherefore (to be short) let these be to advertise my dear Country, how behoveful it is that the matters aforesaid be put in practice. But whilst I am speaking these things unto thee (my Country) o that my deep and doleful sighs, which lie hide in the former speech, might pierce the ears of our King's most excellent Majesty, before whom, on thy behalf I do bewail the public miseries, which in this respect especially do arise, because we are so far distant from the seat and royal presence of our King, that many therefore take more liberty, and promise' more security of offending unto themselves. But we will commit all these matters to the most just judge of heaven and earth who beholdeth all things in equity. Now it remains (my beloved Country) that thou wouldst take in good part these my labours employed in thy service, and accept them with that favourable and courteous mind which I have expected. And although they be not of such worth as I could wish, yet sith a willing mind is worth all, I would not therefore give over because I mistrusted myself as one insufficient to contend for thy innocency, for thy reputation, and thy honour, my dear Country. But rather whatsoever it be (if it be aught) and how mickle-soever which for my slender ability I was able to afford in thy defence, I thought good not to suppress it: for I esteem not those men worthy of commendation, who despairing To overgrow the limbs of Lyco stout, Neglect to cure their bodies of the gout. And in very deed, it doth no whit repent me of my labour, if this little treatise shall tend neither to thy, nor to mine own disgrace. But if it shall any thing avail to thy honour or defence, I will think my travail right well bestowed. Yea, if by this my slender attempt I may but only excite other of thy children, and my native Countrymen, being far my superiors both in learning and industry to take thy cause in hand, either now or hereafter, what reason is there why any man should say that it is not worth my labour? Now, if they address themselves to writ, howsoever my fame shallbe obscured, yet will I comfort myself with their excellency, who are like to impair my credit: for albeit a man aught to have special regard of his name and fame, yet is he to have more of his Country, whose dignity being safe and sound, we also must needs esteem ourselves to be in safety. Written at Holen Hialtedale in Island, the year of our Lord 1592. the 17. of the Kalends of May. A letter written by the grave and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island, concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland, etc. Reverendissimo viro, erudition & virtute conspicuo, D. Hugoni Branham, Ecclesiae Harevicensis in Anglia pastori vigilantissimo, fratri & symmystae obseruando. MIrabar equidem (ut conjicis, reverend domine pastor) primo literarum tuarum intuitu, ignotum me, ab ignoto, scriptis salutari. Caeterùm, cum ulterius progrederer, comperime, si non aliter, certè nomine tenùs, tibi (quae tua est humanitas) innotuisse: Simulabque; quòd te nominis Islandorum studiosum experirer, exanimo gavisus sum. undè etiam faciam, ut tua pietas, tuúmque nomen, de evangelio jesu Christi nobis congratulantis, déque gente nostra tàm benignè támque honorificè sentientis & scribentis, apud nos ignotum este desinat. Quòd verò ad antiquitatis monimenta attinet, quae hic extare creduntur, nihil sanè est (preter illa, quorum in Commentario isto de Islandia, quem vidissete scribis, fit mentio) de hac nostra insula lectu scriptuuè dignum, quod cum humanitate tua communicem. Commentarius brevis de Islandia: per Arngrimum jonam Islandum editus, 1593. De vicinis itidem terris pauca, praeter historiam Regum Noruegiae, seu veriùs eiusdem historiae fragmenta; que alijs alitèr descripta sunt: sunt tamen talia, quae Krantzius non attigerit, aut eorum certè pauca. De vicina quoque Gronlandia, id veterum opinion habemus, eam magno circuitu ab extrema Noruegia, ubi ‖ Biarmia. Biarmlandia nuncupatur, & à qua haud vasto interuallo sita sit, circum quasi Islandiam exporrigi. Gronlandia olim suos habuit Episcopos. Illic nostrates aliquando commercia exercuisse, & eam terram tempore Pontificiorum suos Episcopos habuisse annals nostri testantur. Cetera nobis incognita. At hodiè sama est, vestris Britannis (quos ego propè maris dominos appellarim) quotannis esse in Gronlandia negotiationes: de qua re, si me certiorem feceris, non erit iniucundum. Etiam velim quaecun que nova erunt de rebus vestratium aut vicinorum regnorum, ea non omittas. Vale foeliciter (reverend Dom. pastor) Deo, musis, & commisso gregi quàm diutissime superstes, Amen. Ex Islandia in festo visitationis D. Mariae Anno 1595. Human. tuae studiosus Gudbrandus Thorlacius Episcopus Holensis in Islandia. The same in English. To the reverend, learned, and virtuous, Master Hugh Branham minister of the Church of Harewich in England, his brother and felow-pastour, etc. I Much marveled (even as yourself, reverend sir, conjectured that I would) at the first sight of your letters, that being a stranger I should be saluted in writing by one altogether unknown unto me. Howbeit, reading a little further, I found myself, if not otherwise, yet by name at lest (which proceedeth of your courtesy) known unto you: And also, for that I saw you desirous of the credit and honest report of us Islanders, I greatly rejoiced. Wherefore I myself will be a mean, that your virtue and good name (because you congratulate with us for the Gospel of Christ here published, and do think and writ so lovingly and honourably of our nation) may cease hereafter to be unknown amongst us. As touching the monuments of antiquity which are here thought to be extant; This is the brief Commentary of jonas Arngrimus immediately going before. there is, in very deed, nothing (except those particulars, whereof mention is made in the Commentary of Island, which you writ unto me that you have seen) worthy to be read or written, which I may communicate with you. And as concerning our neighbour Countries we have little to show, besides the history of the Kings of Norway, (or rather some fragments of the same history) which others have otherwise described: howbeit they are all in a manner such things as Crantzius never mentioned: unless it be some few relations. Moreover, as touching Gronland, we hold this from the opinion of our ancestors; that, from the extreme part of Norway, which is called ‖ Biarmia. Biarmlandia, and from whence the said Gronland is not far distant, it fetcheth about the Northern coast of Island with an huge circuit in manner of an half Moon. Our Chronicles likewise do testify that our own countrymen in times past resorted thither for traffic, and also that the very same country of Gronland had certain Bishops in the days of Popery. Gronland in old time had Christian Bishops. Moore than this we cannot avouch. But now it is reported that your Englishmen (whom I may almost call the lords of the Ocean sea) make yearly voyages unto Gronland: concerning which matter if you please to give me further advertisement, you shall do me an especial favour. Moreover, whatsoever news you hear concerning the affairs of England or of other countries thereabouts, I pray you make us acquainted therewith. Thus (reverend six) wishing you long life, for the service of God, for the increase of learning, and the benefit of the people committed to your charge, I bid you farewell. From Island upon the feast of the visitation of the blessed virgin Mary, Anno Dom. 1595. Yours Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island. The miraculous victory achieved by the English Fleet, under the discreet and happy conduct of the right honourable, right prudent, and valiant lord, the L. Charles Howard, L. high Admiral of England, etc. Upon the Spanish huge Armada sent in the year 1588. for the invasion of England, together with the woeful and miserable success of the said Armada afterward, upon the coasts of Norway, of the Scottish Western Isles, of Ireland, of Spain, of France, and of England, etc. Recorded in Latin by Emanuel van Meteran in the 15. book of his history of the low Countries. Having in part declared the strange and wonderful events of the year eighty eight, which hath been so long time foretold by ancient prophecies; we will now make relation of the most notable and great enterprise of all others which were in the foresaid year achieved, in order as it was done. Which exploit (although in very deed it was not performed in any part of the low Countries) was intended for their ruin and destruction. And it was the expedition which the Spanish king, having a long time determined the same in his mind, and having consulted thereabouts with the Pope, set forth and undertook against England and the low Countries. To the end that he might subdue the Realm of England, and reduce it unto his catholic Religion, and by that means might be sufficiently revenged for the disgrace, contempt and dishonour, which he (having 34. years before enforced them to the Pope's obedience) had endured of the English nation, and for divers other injuries which had taken deep impression in his thoughts. And also for that he deemed this to be the most ready and direct course, whereby he might recover his heredetarie possession of the low Countries, having restrained the inhabitants from sailing upon the coast of England. Which verily, upon most weighty arguments and evident reasons, was thought would undoubtly have come to pass, considering the great abundance and store of all things necessary wherewith those men were furnished, which had the managing of that action committed unto them. But now let us describe the matter more particularly. The preparation of the Spanish king to subdue England and the low Countries. The Spanish King having with small fruit and commodity, for above twenty years together, waged war against the Netherlanders, after deliberation with his counsellors thereabouts, thought it most convenient to assault them once again by Sea, which had been attempted sundry times heretofore, but not with forces sufficient. Unto the which expedition it stood him now in hand to join great puissance, as having the English people his professed enemies; whose Island is so situate; that it may either greatly help or hinder all such as sail into those parts. For which cause he thought good first of all to invade England, being persuaded by his Secretary Escovedo, and by divers other well experienced Spaniards and Dutchmen; and by many English fugitives, that the conquest of that Island was less difficult than the conquest of Holland and Zealand. Moreover the Spaniards were of opinion, that it would be far more behoveful for their King to conquer England and the low Countries all at once, then to be constrained continually to maintain a warlike Navy to defend his East and West Indie Fleets, from the English Drake, and from such like valiant enemies. And for the same purpose the king Catholic had given commandment long before in Italy and Spain, that a great quantity of timber should be felled for the building of ships; and had besides made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition; as namely in founding of brazen Ordinance, in storing up of corn and victuals, in training of men to use warlike weapons, in levying and mustering of soldiers: insomuch that about the beginning of the year 1588. he had finished such a mighty Navy, and brought it into Lisbon haven, as never the like had before that time sailed upon the Ocean sea. A very large and particular description of this Navy was put in print and published by the Spaniards; wherein were set down the number, names, and burdens of the ships, the number of Mariners and soldiers throughout the whole Fleet; likewise the quantity of their Ordinance, of their armour, of bullets, of match, of gunpoulder, of victuals, and of all their Naval furniture was in the said description particularized. Unto all these were added the names of the Governors, Captains, Noblemen and gentlemen voluntaries, of whom there was so great a multitude, that searce was there any family of account, or any one principal man throughout all Spain, that had not a brother, son or kinsman in that Fleet: who all of them were in good hope to purchase unto themselves in that Navy (as they termed it) invincible, endless glory and renown, and to possess themselves of great signiories and riches in England, and in the low Countries. But because the said description was translated and published out of Spanish into divers other languages, we will here only make an abridgemeut or brief rehearsal thereof. The number and quality of the ships in the Spanish Fleet, with the soldiers, Mariners, and pieces of Ordinance. Portugal furnished and set forth under the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia general of the Fleet, ten Galeons', two Zabraes, 1300. Mariners, 3300. soldiers, 300. great pieces, with all requisite furniture. Biscay, under the conduct of john Martin's de recalled Admiral of the whole Fleet, set forth ten Galeons', 4. Pataches, 700. mariners, 2000 soldiers, 250. great pieces, etc. Guipusco, under the conduct of Michael de Oquendo, ten Galeons', 4. Pataches, 700. mariners, 2000 soldiers, 310. great pieces. Italy with the Levant Islands, under Martin de Vertendona, 10. Galeons', 800. mariners, 2000 soldiers, 310. great pieces, etc. Castille, under Diego Flores de Valdez, 14. Galeons', two Pataches, 1700. mariners, 2400. soldiers, and 380. great pieces, etc. Andaluzia, under the conduct of Petro de Valdez, 10. Galeons', one Patache, 800. mariners, 2400. soldiers, 280. great pieces, etc. Item, under the conduct of john Lopez de Medina, 23. great Flemish hulks, with 700. mariners, 3200. soldiers, and 400. great pieces. Item, under Hugo de Moncada, four Galliass containing 1200. galleyslaves, 460. mariners, 870. soldiers, 200. great pieces, etc. Item, under Diego de Mandrana, four Galleys of Portugal, with 888. galleyslaves, 360. mariners, 20. great pieces, and other requisite furniture. Item, under Anthony de Mendoza, 22. Pataches and Zabraes, with 574. mariners, 488. soldiers, and 193. great pieces. Besides the ships aforementioned there were 20. caravels rowed with oars, being appointed to perform necessary services unto the greater ships: insomuch that all the ships appertaining to this Navy amounted unto the sum of 150. each one being sufficiently provided of furniture and victuals. The number of Mariners in the said Fleet were above 8000. of slaves 2088. of soldiers 20000. (besides noblemen and gentlemen voluntaries) of great cast pieces 2650. The foresaid ships were of an huge and incredible capacity and receipt. For the whole Fleet was large enough to contain the burden of 60. thousand tons. The Galeons' were 64. in number, A description of the Galeons'. being of an huge bigness, and very stately built, being of marvelous force also, and so high, that they resembled great castles, most fit to defend themselves and to withstand any assault, but in giving any other ships the encounter far inferior unto the English and Dutch ships, which can with great dexterity wield and turn themselves at all assays. The upperworke of the said Galeons' was of thickness and strength sufficient to bear off musket-shot. The lower work and the timbers thereof were out of measure strong, being framed of planks and ribs four or five foot in thickness, insomuch that no bullets could pierce them, but such as were discharged hard at hand: which afterward proved true, for a great number of bullets were found to stick fast within the massy substance of those thick planks. Great and well pitched Cables were twined about the masts of their ships, to strengthen them against the battery of shot. The Galliass were of such bigness, A description of the Galliass. that they contained within them chambers, chapels, turrets, pulpits, and other commodities of great houses. The Galliass were rowed with great oars, there being in each one of them 300. slaves for the same purpose, and were able to do great service with the force of their Ordinance. All these together with the residue aforenamed were furnished and beautified with trumpets, streamers, banners, warlike ensigns, and other such like ornaments. Their pieces of brazen ordinance were 1600. and of iron a 1000 The great Ordinance, bullets, gunpoulder, and other furniture. The bullets thereto belonging were 120. thousand. Item of gunpoulder 5600. quintals. Of match 1200. quintals. Of muskets and kaleivers 7000. Of haleberts and partisans 10000 Moreover they had great store of canons, double-canons, culverins and field-pieces for land services. Likewise they were provided of all instruments necessary on land to convey and transport their furniture from place to place; Their provision of victuals and other things necessary. as namely of carts, wheels, wagons, etc. Also they had spades, mattocks and baskets to set pioners on work. They had in like sort great store of mules and horses, and whatsoever else was requisite for a land-army. They were so well stored of biscuit, that for the space of half a year, they might allow each person in the whole Fleet half a quintal every month; whereof the whole sum amounteth unto an hundredth thousand quintals. Likewise of wine they had 147. thousand pipes, sufficient also for half a years expedition. Of bacon 6500. quintals. Of cheese three thousand quintals. Besides fish, rise, beans, pease, oil, vinegar, etc. Moreover they had 12000. pipes of freshwater, and all other necessary provision, as namely candles, lanterns, lamps, sails, hemp, oxe-hides and lead to stop holes that should be made with the battery of gunshot. To be short, they brought all things expedient either for a Fleet by sea, or for an army by land. This Naui●●es Diego Pimentelli afterward confessed) was esteemed by the King himself to contain 37000. people, and to cost him every day 30. thousand ducats. There were in the said Navy five terzaes of Spaniards, A Spanish terza consists of 3200. soldiers. (which terzaes the Frenchmen call Regiments) under the command of five governors termed by the Spaniards, Masters of the field, and amongst the rest there were many old and expert soldiers choose out of the garrisons of Sicily, Naples, and Terçera. Their Captains or Colonels were Diego Pimentelli, Don Francisco de Toledo, Don Alonço de Luçon, Don Nicolas de Isla, Don Augustin de Mexia; who had each of them 32. companies under their conduct. Besides the which companies there were many bands also of Castilians and Portugals, every one of which had their peculiar governors, captains, officers, colours and weapons. It was not lawful for any man, under grievous penalty, to carry any women or harlots in the Fleet: for which cause the women hired certain ships, wherein they sailed after the Navy: some of the which being driven by tempest arrived upon the coast of France. The general of this mighty Navy, was Don Alonso Perez de Guzman duke of Medina Sidonia, Lord of S. Lucar, and knight of the golden Fleet; by reason that the Marquis of santa Cruz appointed for the same dignity, deceased before the time. john Martin's de recalled was Admiral of the Fleet. Francis Bovadilla was chief Marshal: who all of them had their officers fit and requisite for the guiding and managing of such a multitude. Likewise Martin Alorcon was appointed vicar general of the Inquisition, being accompanied with more than a hundredth Monks, to wit, Jesuits, Capuchins, and friars mendicant. Besides whom also there were Physicians, Chirurgeons, Apothecaries, and whatsoever else pertained unto the hospital. Over and besides the forenamed governors and officers being men of chief note, there were 124. very noble and worthy Gentlemen, which went voluntarily of their own costs and charges, to the end they might see fashions, learn experience, and attain unto glory. Among whom was the prince of Ascoli, Alonzo de Leiva, the marquess de Pennafiel, the marquess de Ganes, the marquess de Barlango, count de Paredes, count de Yeluas, and divers other marquesses and earls of the honourable families of Mendoza, of Toledo, of Pachieco, of Cordova, of Guzman, of Manricques, and a great number of others. The preparation of the duke of Parma to aid the Spaniards. While the Spaniards were furnishing this their Navy, the duke of Parma, at the direction of king Philip, made great preparation in the low Countries, to give aid & assistance unto the Spaniards; building ships for the same purpose, and sending for Pilots and shipwrights out of Italy. In Flanders he caused certain deep channels to be made, and among the rest the channel of Yper commonly called Yper-lee, employing some thousand of workmen about that service: to the end that by the said channel he might transport ships from Antwerp and Ghendt to Bruges, where he had assembled above a hundredth small ships called hopes being well stored with victuals, which hoys he was determined to have brought into the sea by the way of Sluys, or else to have conveyed them by the said Yper-lee being now of greater depth, into any port of Flanders whatsoever. In the river of Waten, he caused 70. ships with flat bottoms to be built, every one of which should serve to carry 30. horses, having each of them bridges likewise for the horses to come on board, or to go forth on land. Of the same fashion he had provided 200. other vessels at Neiuport, but not so great. And at Dunkirk he procured 28. ships of war, such as were there to be had, and caused a sufficient number of Mariners to be levied at Hamburg, Breme, Emden, and at other places. He put in the ballast of the said ships, great store of beams of thick planks, being hollow and beset with iron pikes beneath, but on each side full of clasps and hooks, to join them together. He had likewise at Greveling provided 20. thousand of cask, which in a short space might be compact and joined together with nails and cords, and reduced into the form of a bridge. To be short, whatsoever things were requisite for the making of bridges, and for the barring and stopping up of havens mouths with stakes, posts, and other means, he commanded to be made ready. Moreover not far from Neiuport haven, he had caused a great pile of wooden fagote to be laid, and other furniture to be brought for the rearing up of a mount. The most part of his ships contained two ovens a piece to bake bread in, with a great number of saddles, bridles, and such other like apparel for horses. They had horses likewise, which after their landing should serve to convey, and draw engines, field-pieces, and other warlike provisions. Near unto Neiuport he had assembled an army, over the which he had ordained Camillo de Monte to be Campmaster. This army consisted of 30. bands or ensigns of Italians, of ten bands of Walloons, eight of Scots, and eight of Burgundians, all which together amount unto 56. bands, every band containing a hundredth people. Near unto Dixmud there were mustered 80. bands of Dutch men, sixty of Spaniards, six of high Germane, and seven bands of English fugitives, under the conduct of sir William Stanley an English knight. In the suburbs of Cortreight there were 4000 horsemen together with their horses in a readiness: and at Waten 900. horses, with the troop of the Marquis del Gwasto Captain general of the horsemen. Unto this famous expedition and presupposed victory, many potentates, princes, and honourable personages hied themselves: out of Spain the prince of Melito called the duke of Pastrana and taken to be the son of one Ruygomes de silva, but in very deed accounted among the number of king Philip's base sons. Also the Marquis of Burgrave, one of the sons of Archiduke Ferdinand and Philippe Welsera. Vespasian Gonsaga of the family of Mantua, being for chivalry a man of great renown, and heretofore Uiceroy in Spain. Item john Medici's, base son unto the duke of Florence. And Amadas of Savoy, the duke of Savoy his base son, with many others of inferior degrees. The Pope's furtherance to the conquest of England, and of the low Countries. Likewise Pope Sixtus quintus for the setting forth of the foresaid expedition, as they use to do against Turks & infidels, published a Cruzado, with most ample indulgences which were printed in great numbers. These vain bulls the English and Dutchmen deriding, said that the devil at all passages lay in ambush like a thief, no whit regarding such letters of safe conduct. Some there be which affirm that the Pope had bestowed the realm of England with the title of Defensor fidei, upon the king of Spain, giving him charge to invade it upon this condition, that he should enjoy the conquered realm, as a vassal and tributary, in that regard, unto the sea of Rome. To this purpose the said Pope proffered a million of gold, the one half thereof to be paid in ready money, and the other half when the realm of England or any famous port thereof were subdued. And for the greater furtherance of the whole business, he dispatched one D. Allen an English man (whom he had made Cardinal for the same end and purpose) into the Low countries, unto whom he committed the administration of all matters ecclesiastical throughout England. This Allen being enraged against his own native country, caused the Pope's bull to be translated into English, meaning upon the arrival of the Spanish fleet, to have it so published in England. By which Bull the excommunications of the two former Popes were confirmed, and the Queen's most sacred Majesty was by them most unjustly deprived of all princely titles and dignities, her subjects being enjoined to perform obedience unto the duke of Parma, and unto the Pope's Legate. But that all matters might be performed with greater secrecy, and that the whole expedition might seem rather to be intended against the Low countries, then against England, and that the English people might be persuaded that all was but bore words & threatenings, and that naught would come to effect, there was a solemn meeting appointed at Borborch in Flanders for a treaty of peace between her majesty and the Spanish king. Against which treaty the united provinces making open protestation, A treaty of peace, to the end that England and the united provinces might be secure of invasion. used all means possible to hinder it, alleging that it was more requisite to consult how the enemy now pressing upon them might be repelled from off their frontiers. Howbeit some there were in England that greatly urged and prosecuted this league, saying, that it would be very commodious unto the state of the realm, as well in regard of traffic and navigation, as for the avoiding of great expenses to maintain the wars, affirming also, that at the same time peace might easily and upon reasonable conditions be obtained of the Spaniard. Others thought by this means to divert some other way, or to keep back the navy now coming upon them, and so to escape the danger of that tempest. Howsoever it was, the duke of Parma by these wiles enchanted and dazzled the eyes of many English & Dutch men that were desirous of peace: whereupon it came to pass, that England and the united provinces prepared in deed some defence to withstand that dreadful expedition and huge Armada, but nothing in comparison of the great danger which was to be feared, albeit the constant report of the whole expedition had continued rife among them for a long time before. Howbeit they gave ear unto the relation of certain that said, that this navy was provided to conduct and waft over the Indian Fleets: which seemed the more probable because the Spaniards were deemed not to be men of so small discretion as to adventure those huge and monstrous ships upon the shallow and dangerous channel of England. At length when as the French king about the end of May signified unto her Majesty in plain terms that she should stand upon her guard, Her majesties warlike preparation by sea. because he was now most certainly informed, that there was so dangerous an invasion imminent upon her realm, that he feared much lest all her land and sea-forces would be sufficient to withstand it, etc. then began the Queen's Majesty more carefully to gather her forces together, & to ●urnish her own ships of war, & the principal ships of her subjects with soldiers, weapons, and other necessary provision. The greatest and strongest ships of the whole navy she sent unto Plymouth under the conduct of the right honourable Lord Charles Howard, lord high Admiral of England, etc. Under whom the renowned Knight Sir Francis Drake was appointed Uiceadmiral. The number of these ships was about an hundredth. The lesser ships being 30. or 40. in number, and under the conduct of the lord Henry Seimer were commanded to lie between Dover and Caleis. On land likewise throughout the whole realm, Her majesties land-forces. soldiers were mustered and trained in all places, and were committed unto the most resolute and faithful captains. And whereas it was commonly given out that the Spaniard having once united himself unto the duke of Parma, meant to invade by the river of Thames, there was at Tilburie in Essex over-against Gravesend, & mighty army encamped, and on both sides of the river fortifications were erected, according to the prescription of Fredrick Genebelli an Italian engineer. Likewise there were certain ships brought to make a bridge, though it were very late first. Unto the said army came in proper person the Queen's most royal Majesty, representing Tomyris that Scythian warlike princess, or rather divine Pallas herself. Also there were other such armies levied in England. The principal catholic Recusants (lest they should stir up any tumult in the time of the Spanish invasion) were sent to remain at certain convenient places, as namely in the Isle of Ely and at Wisbich. And some of them were sent unto other places, to wit, unto sundry bishops and noblemen, where they were kept from endangering the state of the common wealth, and of her sacred Majesty, who of her most gracious clemency gave express commandment, that they should be entreated with all humanity and friendship. The preparation of the united provinces. The provinces of Holland and Zealand, etc. giving credit unto their intelligence out of Spain, made preparation to defend themselves: but because the Spanish ships were described unto them to be so huge, they relied partly upon the shallow and dangerous seas all along their coasts. Wherefore they stood most in doubt of the duke of Parma his small and flat-bottomed ships. Howbeit they had all their ships of war to the number of 90. and above, in a readiness for all assays: the greater part whereof were of a small burden, as being more meet to sail upon their rivers and shallow seas: and with these ships they besieged all the havens in Flanders, beginning at the mouth of Scheld, or from the town of Lillo, and holding on to Greveling and almost unto Caleis, & fortified all their sea-townes with strong garrisons. Against the Spanish fleets arrival, they had provided 25. or 30. good ships, committing the government of them unto Admiral Lonck, whom they commanded to join himself unto the lord Henry Seymer, lying between Dover and Cales. And when as the foresaid ships, (whereof the greater part besieged the haven of Dunkirk) were driven by tempest into Zealand, justin of Nassau the Admiral of Zealand supplied that squadron with 35. ships being of no great burden, but excellently furnished with guns, mariners and soldiers in great abundance, and especially with 1200. brave musketeers, having been accustomed unto sea-fights, and being choose out of all their companies for the same purpose: and so the said justin of Nassau kept such diligent ward in that Station that the duke of Parma could not issue forth with his navy into the sea out of any part of Flanders. The Spanish fleet set sail upon the 19 of May. In the mean while the Spanish Armada set sail out of the haven of Lisbon upon the 19 of May, An. Dom. 1588. under the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia, directing their course for the Bay of Corunna, aliâs the Groin in Gallicia, where they took in soldiers and warlike provision, this port being in Spain the nearest unto England. As they were sailing along, there arose such a mighty tempest, that the whole Fleet was dispersed, so that when the duke was returned unto his company, he could notescry above 80. ships in all, whereunto the residue by little and little joined themselves, eccept eight which had their masts blown overboard. One of the four galleys of Portugal escaped very hardly, retiring herself into the haven. The other three were upon the coast of Baion in France, by the assistance and courage of one David Gwin an English captive (whom the French and Turkish slaves aided in the same enterprise) utterly disabled and vanquished: one of the three being first overcome, which conquered the two other, with the slaughter of their governors and soldiers, and among the rest of Don Diego de Mandrana with sundry others: and so those slaves arriving in France with the three Galleys, set themselves at liberty. They set sail from the Groin upon the 11. of july. The navy having refreshed themselves at the Groin, & receiving daily commandment from the king to hasten their journey, hoist up sails the 11. day of july, and so holding on their course till the 19 of the same month, they came then unto the mouth of the narrow seas or English channel. From whence (striking their sails in the mean season) they dispatched certain of their small ships unto the duke of Parma. At the same time the Spanish Fleet was escried by an English pinnace, captain whereof was M. Thomas Fleming, The Spaniards come within kenning of England. Captain Fleming. after they had been advertised of the Spaniards expedition by their scouts and espials, which having ranged along the coast of Spain, were lately returned home into Plymouth for a new supply of victuals and other necessaries, who considering the foresaid tempest, were of opinion that the navy being of late dispersed and lossed up and down the main Ocean, was by no means able to perform their intended voyage. Moreover, the L. Charles Howard L. high admiral of England had received letters from the court, signifying unto him that her Majesty was advertised that the Spanish Fleet would not come forth, nor was to be any longer expected for, and therefore, that upon her majesties commandment he must sand back four of her tallest and strongest ships unto Chattam. The L. Admiral's short warning upon the 19 of july. The lord high Admiral of England being thus on the sudden, namely upon the 19 of july about four of the clock in the afternoon, informed by the pinnace of captain Fleming aforesaid, of the Spaniards approach, with all speed and diligence possible he warped his ships, and caused his manners and soldiers (the greater part of whom was absent for the cause aforesaid) to come on board, and that with great trouble and difficulty, insomuch that the lord Admiral himself was feign to lie without in the road with six ships only all that night, after the which many others came forth of the haven. The very next day being the 20. of july about high noon, The 20. of july. was the Spanish Fleet escried by the English, which with a South-west wound came sailing along, and passed by Plymouth: in which regard (according to the judgement of many skilful navigators) they greatly overshot themselves, whereas it had been more commodious for them to have stayed themselves there, considering that the Englishmen being as yet unprovided, greatly relied upon their own forces, and known not the estate of the Spanish navy. Moreover, this was the most convenient port of all others, where they might with greater security have been advertised of the English forces, and how the commons of the land stood affected, and might have stirred up some mutiny, so that hither they should have bend all their puissance, and from hence the duke of Parma might more easily have conveyed his ships. But this they were prohibited to do by the king and his counsel, and were expressly commanded to unite themselves unto the soldiers and ships of the said duke of Parma, and so to bring their purpose to effect. Which was thought to be the most easy and direct course, for that they imagined that the English and Dutch men would be utterly daunted and dismayed thereat, and would each man of them retire unto his own Province and port for the defence thereof, and transporting the army of the duke under the protection of their huge navy, they might invade England. It is reported that the chief commanders in the navy, and those which were more skilful in navigation, to wit, john Martin's de recalled, Diego Flores de Valdez, and divers others found fault that they were bond unto so strict directions and instructions, because that in such a case many particular accidents aught to concur and to be respected at one and the same instant, that is to say, the opportunity of the wound, weather, time, tide, and ebb, wherein they might sail from Flanders to England. Oftentimes also the darkness and light, the situation of places, the depths and shouldst were to be considered: all which especially depended upon the conveniency of the winds, and were by so much the more dangerous. But it seemeth that they were enjoined by their commission to anchor near unto, or about Caleis, whither the duke of Parma with his ships and all his war like provision was to resort, and while the English and Spanish great ships were in the midst of their conflict, to pass by, and to landlord his soldiers upon the Downs. The Spanish captives reported that they were determined first to have entered the river of Thames, and thereupon to have passed with small ships up to London, supposing that they might easily win that rich and flourishing City being but meanly fortified and inhabited with Citizens not accustomed to the wars, who dared not withstand their first encounter, hoping moreover to find many rebels against her Majesty and popish catholics, or some favourers of the Scottish queen (which was not long before most justly beheaded) who might be instruments of sedition. Thus often advertising the duke of Parma of their approach, the 20. of july they passed by Plimmouth● which the English ships pursuing and getting the wound of them, gave them the chase and the encounter, and so both Fleets frankly exchanged their bullets. The day following which was the 21. of july, The 21. of july. the English ships approached within musket shot of the Spanish: at what time the lord Charles Howard most hotly and valiantly discharged his Ordinance upon the Spanish Uiceadmirall. The Spaniards then well perceiving the nimbleness of the English ships in discharging upon the enemy on all sides, gathered themselves close into the form of an half moon, and slackened their sails, lest they should outgo any of their company. And while they were proceeding on in this manner, one of their great Galliass was so furiously battered with shot, that the whole navy was feign to come up tounder together for the safeguard thereof: whereby it came to pass that the principal Galleon of Seville (wherein Don Pedro de Valdez, Vasques de silva, Alonzo de Sayas, and other noble men were embarked) falling foul of another ship, had her foremast broken, and by that means was not able to keep way with the Spanish Fleet, neither would the said Fleet stay to secure it, but left the distressed galleon behind. The lord Admiral of England when he see this ship of Valdez, & thought she had been void of Mariners and Soldiers, taking with him as many ships as he could, passed by it, that he might not lose sight of the Spanish Fleet that night. For sir Francis Drake (who was notwithstanding appointed to bear out his lantern that night) was giving of chase unto five great Hulks which had separated themselves from the Spanish Fleet: but finding them to be Easterlings, he dismissed them. The lord Admiral all that night following the Spanish lantern in stead of the English, found himself in the morning to be in the midst of his enemies Fleet, but when he perceived it, he cleanly conveyed himself out of that great danger. The day following, which was the two and twenty of july, The 22. of july. Sir Francis Drake espied Valdez his ship, whereunto he sent forth his pinnace, and being advertised that Valdez himself was there, and 450. people with him, he sent him word that he should yield himself. Valdez for his honours sake caused certain conditions to be propounded unto Drake: who answered Valdez that he was not now at laisure to make any long parley, but if he would yield himself, he should found him friendly and tractable: howbeit if he had resolved to die in fight, he should prove Drake to be no dastard. Upon which answer Valdez and his company understanding that they were fallen into the hands of fortunate Drake, being moved with the renown and celebrity of his name, with one consent yielded themselves, and found him very favourable unto them. Then Valdez with 40. or 50. noblemen and gentlemen pertaining unto him, Don Pedro de Valdez with his ship & company taken. came on board sir Francis Drakes ship. The residue of his company were carried unto Plymouth, where they were detained a year & an half for their ransom. Valdez coming unto Drake and humbly kissing his hand protested unto him, that he and his had resolved to die in battle, had they not by good fortune fallen into his power, whom they known to be right courteous and gentle, and whom they had herded by general report to be most favourable unto his vanquished foe: insomuch that he said it was to be doubted whether his enemies had more cause to admire and love him for his great, valiant, and prosperous exploits, or to dread him for his singular felicity and wisdom, which ever attended upon him in the wars, and by the which he had attained unto so great honour. With that Drake embraced him and gave him very honourable entertainment, feeding him at his own table, and lodging him in his cabin. Here Valdez began to recount unto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleet, and how four mighty Galleys were separated by tempest from them: and also how they were determined first to have put into Plymouth haven, not expecting to be repelled thence by the English ships which they thought could by no means withstand their impregnable forces, persuading themselves that by means of their huge Fleet, they were become lords and commanders of the main Ocean. For which cause they marveled much how the English men in their small ships dared approach with●n musket shot of the Spaniards mighty wooden castles, gathering the wound of them with many other such like attempts. Immediately after, Valdez and his company, being a man of principal authority in the Spanish Fleet, and being descended of one and the same family with that Valdez, which in the year 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland, were sent captives into England. There were in the said ship 55. thousand ducats in ready money of the Spanish king's gold, which the soldiers merrily shared among themselves. The same day was set on fire one of their greatest ships, being Admiral of the squadron of Guipusco, and being the ship of Michael de Oquendo Uiceadmirall of the whole Fleet, which contained great store of gunnepowder and other warlike provision. The upper part only of this ship was burned, and all the people therein contained (except a very few) were consumed with fire. And thereupon it was taken by the English, A great Bistaine ship taken by the English. and brought into England with a number of miserable burned and skorched Spaniards. Howbeit the gunpowder (to the great admiration of all men) remained whole and vnconsumed. In the mean season the lord Admiral of England in his ship called the Arke-royall, all that night pursued the Spaniards so near, that in the morning he was almost left alone in the enemies Fleet, and it was four of the clock at afternoon before the residue of the English Fleet could overtake him. At the same time Hugo de Moncada governor of the four Galliass, made humble suit unto the Duke of Medina that he might be licensed to encounter the Admiral of England: which liberty the duke thought not good to permit unto him, because he was loath to exceed the limits of his commission and charge. The 23. of july. Upon Tuesday which was the three and twenty of july, the na●y being come over against Portland, the wound began to turn Northerly, insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to invade the English. But the Englishmen having lesser and nimbler Ships, recovered again the vantage of the wind from the Spaniards, whereat the Spaniards seemed to be more iucensed to fight then before. But when the English Fleet had continually and without intermission from morning to night, beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small: the Spaniards uniting themselves, gathered their whole Fleet close together into a roundel, so that it was apparent that they meant not as yet to invade others, but only to defend themselves and to make haste unto the place prescribed unto them, which was near unto Dunkirk, that they might join forces with the duke of Parma, who was determined to have proceeded secretly with his small ships under the shadow and protection of the great one's, and so had intended circumspectly to perform the whole expedition. This was the most furious and bloody skirmish of all, in which the lord Admiral of England continued fight amid his enemies Fleet, and seeing one of his Captains afar off, he spoke unto him in these words: O George what dost thou? Will't thou now frustrate my hope and opinion conceived of thee? Will't thou forsake me now? With which words he being inflamed, approached forthwith, encountered the enemy, and did the part of a most valiant Captain. His name was George Fenner, a man that had been conversant in many Sea-fights. In this conflict there was a certain great Venetian ship with other small ships surprised and taken by the English. A great Venetian ship and other small ships taken by the English. The English navy in the mean while increased, whereunto out of all havens of the Realm resorted ships and men: for they all with one accord came flocking thither as unto a set field, where immortal fame and glory was to be attained, and faithful service to be performed unto their prince and country. In which number there were many great and honourable personages, as namely, the Earls of Oxford, of Northumberland, of Cumberland, etc. with many Knights and Gentlemen: to wit, Sir Thomas Cecil, Sir Robert Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir William Hatton, Sir Horatio Palavicini, Sir Henry Brooke, Sir Robert Carew, Sir Charles Blunt, Master Ambrose Willoughby, Master Henry Nowell, Master Thomas Gerard, Master Henry Dudley, Master Edward Darcie, Master Arthur Gorge, Master Thomas Woodhouse, Master William Harvey, etc. And so it came to pass that the number of the English ships amounted unto an hundredth: which when they were come before Dover, were increased to an hundred and thirty, being notwithstanding of no proportionable bigness to encounter with the Spaniards, except two or three and twenty of the Queen's greater ships, which only, by reason of their presence, bread an opinion in the Spaniards minds concerning the power of the English Fleet: the mariners and soldiers whereof were esteemed to be twelve thousand. The four and twenty of july when as the sea was calm, and no wind stirring, The 24. of july. the fight was only between the four great Galleasses and the English ships, which being rowed with Oars, had great vantage of the said English ships, which not withstanding for all that would not be forced to yield, but discharged their chain-shot to cut asunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses, with many other such Stratagems. They were now constrained to sand their men on land for a new supply of Gunpowder, whereof they were in great ●karcitie, by reason they had so frankly spent the greater part in the former conflicts. The same day, a Counsel being assembled, it was decreed that the English Fleet should be divided into four squadrons: the principal whereof was committed unto the lord Admiral: the second, to Sir Francis Drake: the third, to Captain Hawkins: the fourth, to Captain Frobisher. The Spaniards in their sailing observed very diligent and good order, sailing three and four, and sometimes more ships in a rank, and following close up one after another, and the stronger and greater ships protecting the lesser. The five and twenty of july when the Spaniards were come over-against the Isle of Wight, The 25. of july. the lord Admiral of England being accompanied with his best ships, (namely the Lion, Captain whereof was the lord Thomas Howard: The Elizabeth jonas under the commandment of Sir Robert Southwel soon in law unto the lord Admiral: the Bear under the lord Sheffield nephew unto the lord Admiral: the Victory under Captain Barker: and the galleon Leicester under the forenamed Captain George Fenner) with great valour and dreadful thundering of shot, encountered the Spanish Admiral being in the very midst of all his Fleet. Which when the Spaniard perceived, being assisted with his strongest ships, he came forth and entered a terrible combat with the English: for they bestowed each on other the broad sides, and mutually discharged all their Ordinance, being within one hundred, or an hundred and twenty yards one of another. At length the Spaniards hoist up their sails, and again gathered themselves up close into the form of a roundel. In the mean while Captain Frobisher had engaged himself into a most dangerous conflict. Whereupon the lord Admiral coming to secure him, found that he had valiantly and discreetly be haved himself, and that he had wisely and in good time over the fight, because that after so great a battery he had sustained no damage. The 26. of july. For which cause the day following, being the six and twenty of july, the lord Admiral rewarded him with the order of knighthood, together with the lord Thomas Howard, the lord Sheffield, M. john Hawkins and others. The same day the lord Admiral received intelligence from Newhaven in France, by certain of his Pinnasses, that all things were quiet in France, and that there was no preparation of sending aid unto the Spaniards, which was greatly feared from the Guisian faction, and from the Leaguers: but there was a false rumour spread all about, that the Spaniards had conquered England. The 27. of july. The seven and twenty of july, the Spaniards about the sun-setting were come over-against Dover, and road at anchor within the sight of Caleis, intending to hold on for Dunkirk, The Spaniards, anchor before Caleis. expecting there to join with the duke of Parma his forces, without which they were able to do little or nothing. Likewise the English Fleet following up hard upon them, anchored just by them within culuering-shot. And here the lord Henry Seymer united himself unto the lord Admiral with his fleet of 30. ships which road before the mouth of Thames. As the Spanish navy therefore lay at anchor, the duke of Medina sent certain messengers unto the duke of Parma, with whom upon that occasion many Noblemen and Gentlemen went to refresh themselves on land: and amongst the rest the prince of Ascoli, being accounted the king's base son, and a very proper and towardly young gentleman, to his great good, went on shore, who was by so much the more fortunate, in that he had not opportunity to return on board the same ship, out of which he was departed, because that in returning home it was cast away upon the Irish coast, with all the people contained therein. The duke of Parma being advertised of the Spanish Fleets arrival upon the coast of England, made all the haste he could to be present himself in this expedition for the performance of his charge: vainly persuading himself that now by the means of Cardinal Allen, he should be crowned king of England, and for that cause he had resigned the government of the Low countries unto Count Mansfeld the elder. And having made his vows unto S. Mary of Hall in Henault (whom he went to visit for his blind devotions sake) he returned toward Bruges the 28. of july. The 28. of july. The 29. of july. The next day traveling to Dunkirk he herded the thundering Ordinance of either Fleet: and the same evening being come to Dixmud, he was given to understand the hard success of the Spanish Fleet. Upon Tuesday which was the thirtieth of july, about high noon, he came to Dunkirk, The 30. of july. when as all the Spanish Fleet was now passed by: neither dared any of his ships in the mean space come forth to assist the said Spanish Fleet for fear of five and thirty warlike ships of Holland and Zealand, which there kept watch and ward under the conduct of the Admiral justin of Nassau. The foresaid five and thirty ships were furnished with most cunning mariners and old expert soldiers, amongst the which were twelve hundred Musketeers, whom the States had choose out of all their garrisons, and whom they known to have been heretofore experienced in sea-fights. This navy was given especially in charge not to suffer any ship to come out of the Haven, nor to permit any Zabraes, Pataches or other small vessels of the Spanish Fleet (which were more likely to aid the Dunkirk) to enter thereinto, for the greater ships were not to be feared by reason of the shallow sea in that place. Howbeit the prince of Pa●ma his forces being as yet unready, were not come on board his ships, only the English Fugitives being seven hundred in number under the conduct of Sir William Stanley● came in fit time to have been embarked, because they hoped to give the first assault against England. The residue showed themselves unwilling and loathe to departed, because they saw but a few mariners, who were by constraint drawn into this expedition, and also because they had very bore provision of bread, drink, and other necessary victuals. Moreover, the ships of Holland and Zealand stood continually in their sight, threatening shot and powder, and many inconveniences unto them: for fear of which ships, the Mariners and Seamen secretly withdrew themselves both day and night, lest that the duke of Parma his soldiers should compel them by main force to go on board, and to break through the Hollanders Fleet, which all of them judged to be impossible by reason of the straightness of the Haven. But it seemeth that the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards grounded upon a vain and presumptuous expectation, The Spaniards vain opinion concerning their own fleet. that all the ships of England and of the Low countries would at the first sight of the Spanish and Dunkirk Navy have betaken themselves to flight, yielding them sea room, and endeavouring only to defend themselves, their havens, and sea coasts from invasion. Wherefore their intent and purpose was, that the Duke of Parma in his small and flat-bottomed ships, should as it were under the shadow and wings of the Spanish fleet, convey over all his troops, armour, and warlike provision, and with their forces so united, should invade England; or while the English fleet were busied in fight against the Spanish, should enter upon any part of the coast, which he thought to be most convenient. Which invasion (as the captives afterward confessed) the Duke of Parma thought first to have attempted by the river of Thames; upon the banks whereof having at his first arrival landed twenty or thirty thousand of his principal soldiers, he supposed that he might easily have won the City of London; both because his small ships should have followed and assisted his land-forces, and also for that the City itself was but meanly fortified and easy to overcome, by reason of the Citizen's delicacy and discontinuance from the wars, who with continual and constant labour might be vanquished, if they yielded not at the first assault. They were in good hope also to have met with some rebels against her Majesty, and such as were discontented with the present state, as Papists, and others. Likewise they looked for aid from the favourers of the Scottish Queen, who was not long before put to death; all which they thought would have stirred up seditions and factions. Whenas therefore the Spanish flee● road at anchor before Caleis, to the end they might consult with the Duke of Parma what was best to be done according to the King's commandment, and the present estate of their affairs, and had now (as we will afterward declare) purposed upon the second of August being Friday, with one power and consent to have put their intended business in practice; the L. Admiral of England being admonished by her majesties letters from the Court, thought it most expedient either to drive the Spanish fleet from that place, or at leastwise to give them the encounter: and for that cause (according to her majesties prescription) he took forthwith eight of his worst & basest ships which came next to hand, & disburdening them of all things which seemed to be of any value, filled them with gunpowder, pitch, ●rimstone, and with other combustible and fiery matter; and charging all their ordinance with powder, bullets, and stones, he sent the said ships upon the 28 of july being Sunday, The 28 of july. about two of the clock after midnight, with the wind and tide against the Spanish fleet: which when they had proceeded a good space, being forsaken of the Pilots, and set on fire, were directly carried upon the King of Spain's Navy: which fire in the dead of the night put the Spaniards into such a perplexity and horror (for they feared jest they were like unto those terrible ships, which Frederic jenebelli three years before, at the siege of Antwerp, had furnished with gunpowder, stones, and dreadful engines, for the dissolution of the Duke of Parma his bridge, built upon the river of Scheld) that cutting their cables whereon their anchors were fastened, and hoising up their sails, they betook themselves very confusedly unto the main sea. In this sudden confusion, the principal and greatest of the four galliass falling fowl of another ship, lost her rudder: The galliasse of Hugo de Moncada cast upon the showlds before Caleis. for which cause when she could not be guided any longer, she was by the force of the tide cast into a certain showld upon the shore of Caleis, where she was immediately assaulted by divers English pinasses, hoys, and drumblers. And as they lay battering of her with their ordinance, and dared not board her, the L. Admiral sent thither his long boat with an hundredth choice soldiers under the command of Captain Amias Preston. Upon whose approach their fellows being more emboldened, M. Amias Preston valiantly boordeth the galliasse. did offer to board the galliasse: against whom the governor thereof and Captain of all the four galliass, Hugo de Moncada, stoutly opposed himself, fight by so much the more valiantly, in that he hoped presently to be succoured by the Duke of Parma. In the mean season, Moncada, after he had endured the conflict a good while, being hit on the head with a bullet, fallen down stark dead, and a great number of Spaniards also were slain in his company. The greater part of the residue leaping overboard into the sea, to save themselves by swimming, were most of them drowned. Howbeit there escaped among others Don Anthonio de Manriques, a principal officer in the Spanish fleet (called by them their Veador general) together with a few Spaniards besides: which Anthonio was the first man that carried certain news of the success of their fleet into Spain. This huge and monstrous galliasse, wherein were contained three hundred slaves to lug at the oars, and four hundred soldiers, was in the space of three hours rifled in the same place; and there were found amongst divers other commodities 50000 ducats of the Spanish king's treasure. At length when the slaves were released out of their fetters, the English men would have set the said ship on fire, which Monsieur Gourdon the governor of Caleis, for fear of the damage which might thereupon ensue to the Town and Haven, would not permit them to do, but dr●ue them from thence with his great ordinance. The great fight before Greveling the 29 of july. Upon the 29 of july in the morning, the Spanish Fleet after the foresaid tumult, having arranged themselves again into order, were, within sight of Greveling, most bravely and furiously encountered by the English; where they once again got the wind of the Spaniards: who suffered themselves to be deprived of the commodity of the place in Caleis road, and of the advantage of the wind near unto Dunkirk, rather than they would change their array or separate their forces now conjoined and united together, standing only upon their defence. And albeit there were many excellent and warlike ships in the English fleet, yet scarce were there 22 or 23 among them all which matched 90 of the Spanish ships in bigness, or could conveniently assault them. Wherefore the English ships using their prerogative of nimble stirrage, whereby they could turn and wield themselves with the wind which way they listed, came often times very near upon the Spaniards, and charged them so sore, that now and then they were but a pikes length asunder: & so continually giving them one broad side after another, they discharged all their shot both great and small upon them, spending one whole day from morning till night in that violent kind of conflict, until such time as powder and bullets failed them. In regard of which want they thought it convenient not to pursue the Spaniards any longer, because they had many great vantages of the English, namely for the extraordinary bigness of their ships, and also for that they were so nearly conjoined, and kept together in so good array, that they could by no means be fought withal one to one. The English thought therefore, that they had right well acquitted themselves, in chase the Spaniards first from Caleis, and then from Dunkerk● and by that means to have hendered them from joining with the Duke of Parma his forces, and getting the wind of them, to have driven them from their own coasts. The Spaniards that day sustained great loss and damage having many of their ships shot thorough and thorough, and they discharged likewise great store of ordinance against the English; who indeed sustained some hindrance, but not comparable to the Spaniards loss: for they lost not any one ship or person of account. For very diligent inquisition being made, the English men all that time wherein the Spanish Navy sailed upon their seas, are not found to have wanted above one hundredth of their people: albeit Sir Francis Drakes ship was pierced with shot above forty times, and his very cabin was twice shot thorough, and about the conclusion of the fight, the bed of a certain gentleman lying weary thereupon, was taken quite from under him with the force of a bullet. Likewise, as the Earl of Northumberland and Sir Charles Blunt were at dinner upon a time, the bullet of a demi-culuering brake thorough the midst of their cabin, touched their feet, and struck down two of the standers by, with many such accidents befalling the English ships, which it were tedious to rehearse. Whereupon it is most apparent, that God miraculously preserved the English nation. For the L. Admiral written unto her Majesty that in all human reason, and according to the judgement of all men (every circumstance being duly considered) the English men were not of any such force, whereby they might, without a miracle, dare once to approach within sight of the Spanish Fleet: insomuch that they freely ascribed all the honour of their victory unto God, who had confounded the enemy, and had brought his counsels to none effect. Three Spanish ships suck in the fight. The same day the Spanish ships were so battered with English shot, that that very night and the day following, two or three of them sunk right down: and among the rest a certain great ship of Biscay, which Captain Cross assaulted, which perished even in the time of the conflict, so that very few therein escaped drowning; who reported that the governors of the same ship slay one another upon the occasion following: one of them which would have yielded the ship was suddenly slain; the brother of the slain party in revenge of his death slay the murderer, and in the mean while the ship sunk. The same night two Portugal galeons of the burden of seven or eight hundredth tons a Two galeons taken and carried into Zealand. piece, to wit the Saint Philip and the Saint Matthew, were forsaken of the Spanish Fleet, for they were so torn with shot, that the water entered into them on all sides. In the galleon of Saint Philip was Francis de Toledo, brother unto the Count de Orgas, being Colonel over two and thirty bands: besides other gentlemen; who seeing their mast broken with shot, they shaped their course, aswell as they could, for the coast of Flanders: whither when they could not attain, the principal men in the ship committing themselves to their skiff, arrived at the next town, which was Ostend; and the ship itself being left behind with the residue of their company, was taken by the Ulishingers. In the other galleon, called the S. Matthew, was embarked Don Diego Pimentelli another campmaster and colonel of 32 bands, being brother unto the marquess of Tamnares, with many other gentlemen and captains. Their ship was not very great, but exceeding strong, for of a great number of bullets which had battered her, there were scarce 20 wherewith she was pierced or hurt: her upper work was of force sufficient to bear off a musket shot: this ship was shot thorough and pierced in the fight before Greveling; insomuch that the leakage of the water could not be stopped: whereupon the duke of Medina sent his great skiff unto the governor thereof, that he might save himself and the principal people that were in his ship: which he, upon a haut courage, refused to do: wherefore the Duke charged him to sail next unto himself: which the night following he could not perform, by reason of the great abundance of water which entered his ship on all sides; for the avoiding whereof, and to save his ship from sinking, he caused 50 men continually to labour at the pump, though it were to small purpose. And seeing himself thus forsaken & separated from his admiral, he endeavoured what he could to attain unto the coast of Flanders: where, being espied by 4 or 5 men of war, which had their station assigned them upon the same coast, he was admonished to yield himself unto them. Which he refusing to do, was strongly assaulted by them altogether, and his ship being pierced with many bullets, was brought into far worse case than before, and 40 of his soldiers were slain. By which extremity he was enforced at length to yield himself unto Peter Banderduess & other captains, which brought him and his ship into Zealand; and that other ship also last before mentioned: which both of them, immediately after the greater and better part of their goods were unladen, sunk right down. For the memory of this exploit, the foresaid captain Banderduess caused the banner of one of these ships to be set up in the great Church of Leiden in Holland, which is of so great a length, that being fastened to the very roof, it reached down to the ground. About the same time another small ship being by necessity driven upon the coast of Flanders, A small ship cast away about Blankenberg. about Blankenberg, was cast away upon the sands, the people therein being saved. Thus almighty God would have the Spaniards huge ships to be presented, not only to the view of the English, but also of the Zelanders; that at the sight of them they might acknowledge of what small ability they had been to resist such impregnable forces, had not God endued them with courage, providence, and fortitude, yea, and fought for them in many places with his own arm. The 29 of july the Spanish fleet being encountered by the English (as is aforesaid) and lying close together under their fight sails, with a South-west wind sailed past Dunkirk, The dishonourable flight of the Spanish navy: and the prudent advice of the L. Admiral. the English ships still following the chase. Of whom the day following when the Spaniards had got sea room, they cut their main sails; whereby they sufficiently declared that they meant no longer to fight but to fly. For which cause the L. Admiral of England dispatched the L. Henry Seymer with his squadron of small ships unto the coast of Flanders, where, with the help of the Dutch ships, he might stop the prince of Parma his passage, if perhaps he should attempt to issue forth with his army. And he himself in the mean space pursued the Spanish fleet until the second of August, because he thought they had set sail for Scotland. And albeit he followed them very near, yet did he not assault them any more, for want of powder and bullets. But upon the fourth of August, the wind arising, when as the Spaniards had spread all their sails, betaking themselves wholly to flight, and leaving Scotland on the left hand, trended toward Norway, (whereby they sufficiently declared that their whole intent was to save themselves by flight, attempting for that purpose, with their battered and crazed ships, the most dangerous navigation of the Northern seas) the English seeing that they were now proceeded unto the latitude of 57 degrees, and being unwilling to participate that danger whereinto the Spaniards plunged themselves, and because they wanted things necessary, and especially powder & shot, The English return home from the pursuit of the Spaniards the 4. of August. returned back for England; leaving behind them certain pinasses only, which they enjoined to follow the Spaniards aloof, and to observe their course. And so it came to pass that the fourth of August, with great danger and industry, the English arrived at Harwich: for they had been tossed up and down with a mighty tempest for the space of two or three days together, which it is likely did great hurt unto the Spanish fleet, being (as I said before) so maimed and battered. The English now going on shore, provided themselves forthwith of victuals, gunpowder, and other things expedient, that they might be ready at all assays to entertain the Spanish fleet, if it chanced any more to return. But being afterward more certainly informed of the Spaniards course, they thought it best to leave them unto those boisterous and uncouth Northern seas, and not there to hunt after them. The Spaniards seeing now that they wanted four or five thousand of their people and having divers maimed and sick people, and likewise having lost 10 or 12 of their principal ships, they consulted among themselves, what they were best to do, being now escaped out of the hands of the English, because their victuals failed them in like sort, and they began also to want cables, The Spaniards consult to sail round about Scotland and Ireland, and so to return home. cordage, anchors, masts, sails, and other naval furniture, and utterly despaired of the Duke of Parma his assistance (who verily hoping and undoubtedly expecting the return of the Spanish Fleet, was continually occupied about his great preparation, commanding abundance of anchors to be made, & other necessary furniture for a Navy to be provided) they thought it good at length, so soon as the wind should serve them, to fetch a compass about Scotland and Ireland, and so to return for Spain. For they well understood, that commandment was given throughout all Scotland, that they should not have any succour or assistance there. Neither yet could they in Norway supply their wants. Wherefore, having taken certain Scotish and other fisherboats, they brought the men on board their own ships, to the end they might be their guides and Pilots. Fearing also lest their fresh water should fail them, they cast all their horses and mules overboard: and so touching nowhere upon the coast of Scotland, but being carried with a fresh gale between the Orcadeses and Faar-Isles, they proceeded far North, even unto 61 degrees of latitude, being distant from any land at the lest 40 leagues. here the Duke of Medina general of the Fleet commanded all his followers to shape their course for Biscay: and he himself with twenty or five and twenty of his ships which were best provided of fresh water and other necessaries, holding on his course over the main Ocean, returned safely home. The residue of his ships being about forty in number, and committed unto his Uiceadmirall, fallen nearer with the coast of Ireland, intending their course for Cape Clare, because they hoped there to get fresh water, and to refresh themselves on land. But after they were driven with many contrary winds, at length, upon the second of September, The shipwreck of the Spaniards upon the Irish coast. they were cast by a tempest arising from the South-west upon divers parts of Ireland, where many of their ships perished. And amongst others, the ship of Michael de Oquendo, which was one of the great Galliass: and two great ships of Venice also, namely, lafoy Ratta and Belanzara, with other 36 or 38 ships more, which perished in sundry tempests, together with most of the people contained in them. Likewise some of the Spanish ships were the second time carried with a strong West wind into the channel of England, where of some were taken by the English upon their coast, and others by the men of Rochel upon the coast of France. Moreover, there arrived at Newhaven in Normandy, being by tempest enforced so to do, one of the four great Galliass, where they found the ships with the Spanish women which followed the Fleet at their setting forth. Two ships also were cast away upon the coast of Norway, one of them being of a great burden; howbeit all the people in the said great ship were saved: insomuch that of 134 ships, which set sail out of Portugal, there returned home 53 only small and great: Of 134 ships of the Spanish fleet, there returned home but 53. namely of the four galliass but one, and but one of the four galleys. Of the 91 great galleons and hulks there were missing 58, and 33 returned: of the pataches and zabraes 17 were missing, and 18 returned home. In brief, there were missing 81 ships, in which number were galliass, galleys, galeons, and other vessels both great and small. And amongst the 53 ships remaining, those also are reckoned which returned home before they came into the English channel. Two galeons of those which were returned, were by misfortune burned as they road in the haven; and such like mishaps did many others undergo. Of 30000 people which went in this expedition, there perished (according to the number and proportion of the ships) the greater and better part; and many of them which came home, by reason of the toils and inconveniences which they sustained in this voyage, died not long after their arrival. The Duke of Medina immediately upon his return was deposed from his authority, commanded to his private house, and forbidden to repair unto the Court; where he could hardly satisfy or yield a reason unto his malicious enemies and backbiters. Many honourable personages and men of great renown deceased soon after their return; as namely john Martin's de recalled, with divers others. A great part also of the Spanish Nobility and Gentry employed in this expedition perished either by fight, diseases, or drowning, before their arrival; & among the rest Thomas Perenot of Granduell a Dutchman, being earl of Cantebroi, and son unto Cardinal Granduell his brother. Upon the coast of Zealand Don Diego de pimentel, brother unto the Marquis de Tamnares, and kinsman unto the earl of Beneventum & Calua, and Colonel over 32 bands with many other in the same ship was taken and detained as prisoner in Zealand. Into England (as we said before) Don Pedro de Valdez, a man of singular experience, and greatly honoured in his country, was led captive, being accompanied with Don Vasquez de Sylvan Don Alonzo de Sayas, and others. Likewise upon the Scotish Western Isles of Lewis, and Ila, and about Cape Cantyre upon the main land, there were cast away certain Spanish ships, out of which were saved divers Captains and Gentlemen, and almost four hundred soldiers, who for the most part, after their shipwreck, were brought unto Edinburgh in Scotland, and being miserably needy and naked, were there clothed at the liberality of the King and the Merchants, and afterward were secretly shipped for Spain; but the Scotish fleet wherein they passed touching at Yarmouth on the coast of Norfolk, were there stayed for a time until the Counsels pleasure was known; who in regard of their manifold miseries, though they were enemies, winked at their passage. Upon the Irish coast many of their Noblemen and Gentlemen were drowned; and divers slain by the barbarous and wild Irish. Howbeit there was brought prisoner out of Ireland, Don Alonzo de Luçon, Colonel of two and thirty bands, commonly called a terza of Naples; together with Rodorigo de Lasso, and two others of the family of Cordova, who were committed unto the custody of Sir Horatio Palavicini, that Monsieur de Teligny the son of Monsi●ur de la Noüe (who being taken in sight near Antwerp, was detained prisoner in the Castle of Turney) might be ransomed for them by way of exchange. To conclude, there was no famous nor worthy family in all Spain, which in this expedition lost not a son, a brother, or a kinsman. For the perpetual memory of this matter, the Zelanders caused new coin of Silver and brass to be stamped: which on the one side contained the arms of Zealand, with this inscription: New coins stamped for the memory of the Spaniards overthrow. GLORY TO GOD ONLY: and on the other side, the pictures of certain great ships, with these words: THE SPANISH FLEET: and in the circumference about the ships: IT CAME, WENT, AND WAS. Anno 1588. That is to say, the Spanish fleet came, went, and was vanquished this year; for which, glory be given to God only. Likewise they coined another kind of money; upon the one side whereof was represented a ship fleeing, and a ship sinking: on the other side four men making prayers and giving thanks unto God upon their knees; with this sentence: Man purposeth; God disposeth. 1588. Also, for the lasting memory of the same matter, they have stamped in Holland divers such like coins, according to the custom of the ancient Romans. While this wonderful and puissant Navy was sailing along the English coasts, The people of England and of the united provinces, pia●, fast, and give thanks unto God. and all men did now plainly see and hear that which before they would not be persuaded of, all people throughout England prostrated themselves with humble prayers and supplications unto God: but especially the outlandish Churches (who had greatest cause to fear, and against whom by name, the Spaniards had threatened most grievous torments) enjoined to their people continual fasting and supplications, that they might turn away God's wrath and fury now imminent upon them for their sins: knowing right well, that prayer was the only refuge against all enemies, calamities, and necessities, and that it was the only solace and relief for mankind, being visited with affliction and misery. Likewise such solemn days of supplication were observed throughout the united Provinces. Also a while after the Spanish Fleet was departed, there was in England, by the commandment of her Majesty, and in the united Provinces, by the direction of the States, a solemn festival day publicly appointed, wherein all people were enjoined to resort unto the Church, and there to tender thanks and praises unto God: and the Preachers were commanded to exhort the people thereunto. The foresaid solemnity was observed upon the 29 of November; which day was wholly spent in fasting, prayer, and giving of thanks. Likewise, the Queen's Majesty herself, imitating the ancient Romans, road into London in triumph, in regard of her own and her subjects glorious deliverance. For being attended upon very solennely by all the principal estates and officers of her Realm, she was carried thorough her said City of London in a triumphant chariot, and in robes of triumph, from her Palace unto the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul, out of the which the ensigns and colours of the vanquished Spaniards hung displayed. And all the Citizens of London in their Liveries stood on either side the street, by their several Companies, with their ensigns and banners: and the streets were hanged on both sides with Blue clot, which, together with the foresaid banners, yielded a very stately and gallant prospect. Her Majesty being entered into the Church, together with her Clergy and Nobles gave thanks unto God, and caused a public Sermon to be preached before her at Paul's cross; wherein none other argument was handled, but that praise, honour, and glory might be rendered unto God, and that God's name might be extolled by thanksgiving. And with her own princely voice she most Christianly exhorted the people to do the same: whereupon the people with a loud acclamation wished her a most long and happy life, to the confusion of her foes. Thus the magnificent, huge, and mighty fleet of the Spaniards (which themselves termed in all places invincible) such as sailed not upon the Ocean sea many hundredth years before, in the year 1588. vanished into smoke; to the great confusion and discouragement of the authors thereof. In regard of which her majesties happy success all her neighbours and friends congratulated with her, and many verses were penned to the honour of her Majesty by learned men, whereof some which came to our hands we will here annex. AD SERENISSIMAM ELIZABETHAM ANGLIAE REGINAM THEODOR. BEZA. Straverat innumeris Hispanus navibus aequor, Regnis iuncturus sceptra Britanna suis. Tanti huius, rogitas, quae motus causa? superbos Impulit Ambitio, vexit avaritia. Quàm bene te ambitio mersit vanissima ventus? Et tumidos tumidae, vos superastis a quae! Quàm bene totius raptores orbis avaros, Hausit in exhausti justa vorago maris! At tu, cui venti, cui totum militat aequor, Regina, o munditotius una, decus, Sic regnare Deo perge, ambitione remota, Prodiga sic opibus perge iware pios, Vt te Angli longùm, longùm Anglis ipsa fruaris, Quàm dilecta bonis, tam metuenda malis. The same in English. THe Spanish Fleet did float in narrow Seas, And bend her ships against the English shore, With so great rage as nothing could appease, And with such strength as never seen before: And all to join the kingdom of that land Unto the kingdoms that he had in hand. Now if you ask what set this king on fire, To practise war when he of peace did treat, It was his Pride, and never quenched desire, To spoil that Islands wealth, by peace made great: His Pride which far above the heavens did swell, And his desire as vnsufficed as hell. But well have winds his proud blasts overblown, And swelling waves allayed his swelling heart, Well hath the Sea with greedy gulfs unknown, Devoured the devourer to his smart: And made his ships a pray unto the sand, That meant to pray upon another's land. And now, OH Queen, above all others bless, For whom both winds and waves are priest to fight, So rule your own, so secure friends oppressed, (As far from pride, as ready to do right) That England you, you England long enjoy, No less your friends delight, than foes annoy. THE SECOND VOLUME OF THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, Traffics and Discoveries of the English Nation, made by Sea or over-land, to the South and Southeast parts of the World, at any time within the compass of these 1600. years: Divided into two several parts: Whereof the first containeth the personal travels, etc. of the English, through and within the Straight of Gibraltar, to Alger, Tunis, and Tripoli in Barbary, to Alexandria and Cairo in Egypt, to the Isles of Sicilia, Zante, Candia, Rhodus, Cyprus, and Chio, to the City of Constantinople, to divers parts of Asia minor, to Syria and Armenia, to jerusalem, and other places in Indaea; As also to Arabia, down the River of Euphrates, to Babylon and Balsara, and so through the Persian gulf to Ormuz, Chaul, Goa, and to many Islands adjoining upon the South parts of Asia; And likewise from Goa to Cambaia, and to all the dominions of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor, to the mighty River of Ganges, to Bengala, Aracan, Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, to jamahai in the kingdom of Siam, and almost to the very frontiers of China. The second comprehendeth the Voyages, traffics, etc. of the English Nation, made without the Straight of Gibraltar, to the Islands of the Açores, of Porto Santo, Madera, and the Canaries, to the kingdoms of Barbary, to the Isles of Capo Verde, to the Rivers of Senega, Gambra, Madrabumba, and Sierra Leona, to the coast of Guinea and Benin, to the Isles of S. Thomés and Santa Helena, to the parts about the Cape of Buona Esperanza, to Quitangone near Mozambique, to the Isles of Comoro and Zanzibar, to the city of Goa, beyond Cape Comori, to the Isles of Nicubar, Gomes Polo, and Pulo Pinaom, to the main land of Malacca, and to the kingdom of junsalaon. ¶ By RICHARD HACKLVYT Preacher, and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford. Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralph Newberry, and Robert Barker. ANNO 1599 TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE Sir Robert Cecil Knight, principal Secretary to her Majesty, master of the Court of Wards and Liveries, and one of her majesties most honourable privy Counsel. RIght honourable having newly finished a Treatise of the long Voyages of our Nation made into the Levant within the Straight of Gibraltar, & from thence over-land to the South and Southeast parts of the world, all circumstances considered, I found none to whom I thought it fit to be presented then to yourself: wherein having begun at the highest Antiquities of this realm under the government of the Romans; next under the Saxons; and thirdly since the conquest under the Normans, I have continued the histories unto these our days. The time of the Romans affordeth small matter. But after that they were called hence by ●orren invasions of their Empire, and the Saxons by degrees become lords in this Island, and shortly after received the Christian faith, they did not only travel to Rome, but passed further unto jerusalem, and therewith not contented, Sigelmus bishop of Shireburne in Dorcetshire carried the alms of king Alfred even to the Sepulchre of S. Thomas in India, (which place at this day is called Maliapor) and brought from thence most fragrant spices, and rich jewels into England: which jewels, as William of Malmesburie in two sundry treatises writeth, were remaining in the aforesaid Cathedral Church to be seen even in his time. And this most memorable voyage into India is not only mentioned by the aforesaid Malmesburie, but also by Florentius Wigorniensis, a grave and worthy Author which lived before him, and by many others since, and even by M. Fox in his first volume of his Acts and Monuments in the life of king Alfred. To omit divers other of the Saxon nation, the travels of Alured bishop of Worcester through Hungary to Constantinople, and so by Asia the less into Phoenicia and Syria, and the like course of Ingulphus, not long afterward Abbot of Croiland, set down particularly by himself, are things in mine opinion right worthy of memory. After the coming in of the Normans, in the year 1096, in the reign of William Rufus, and so downward for the space of above 300 years, such was the ardent desire of our nation to visit the Holy land, and to expel the Saracens and Mahometans, that not only great numbers of Earls, Bishops, Barons, and Knights, but even Kings, Princes, and Peers of the blood Royal, with incredible devotion, courage and alacrity intruded themselves into this glorious expedition. A sufficient proof hereof are the voyages of prince Edgar the nephew of Edmund Ironside, of Robert Curtois brother of William Rufus, the great benevolence of king Henry the 2. and his vow to have go in person to the succour of jerusalem, the personal going into Palestina of his son king Richard the first, with the chivalry, wealth, and shipping of this realm; the large contribution of king john, and the travels of Oliver Fitz-Roy his son, as is supposed, with Ranulph Glanuile Earl of Chester to the siege of Damiata in Egypt: the prosperous voyage of Richard earl of Cornwall, elected afterward king of the Romans, and brother to Henry the 3, the famous expedition of prince Edward, the first king of the Norman race of that name; the journey of Henry earl of Derbie, duke of Hereford, and afterward king of this realm, by the name of Henry the 4 against the city of Tunis in Africa, and his preparation of ships and galleys to go himself into the Holy land, if he had not on the sudden been prevented by death; the travel of john of Holland brother by the mother's side to king Richard the 2 into those parts. All these, either Kings, King's sons, or King's brothers, exposed themselves with invincible courages to the manifest hazard of their people, lives, and livings, leaving their ease, their countries, wi●es and children, induced with a Zealous devotion and ardent desire to protect and dilate the Christian faith. These memorable enterprises in part concealed, in part scattered, and for the most part unlooked after, I have brought together in the best Method and brevity that I could devise. Whereunto I have annexed the loss of Rhodes, which although it were originally written in French, yet maketh it as honourable and often mention of the English nation, as of any other Christians that served in that most violent siege. After which ensueth the princely promise of the bountiful aid of king Henry the 8 to Ferdinando newly elected king of Hungary, against Solyman the mortal enemy of Christendom. These and the like Heroical intents and attempts of our Princes, our Nobility, our Clergy, & our Chivalry, I have in the first place exposed and set forth to the view of this age, with the same intention that the old Romans set up in wax in their palaces the Statuas or images of their worthy ancestors; whereof Sallust in his treatise of the war of jugurtha, writeth in this manner: Saepe audivi ego Quintum maximum, Publium Scipionem, praeterea civitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere, cum maiorum imagines intuerentur, vehementissimè animum sibi ad virtutem accendi. Scilicet non ceram illam, neque figuram, tantam vim in seize habere, sed memoria rerum gestarum flammam eam egregijs viris in pectore crescere, neque prius sedari, quàm virtus eorum famam & gloriam adaequaverit. I have often herded (quoth he) how Quintus maximus, Publius Scipio, and many other worthy men of our city were wont to say, when they beheld the images and portraitures of their ancestors, that they were most vehemently inflamed unto virtue. Not that the said wax or portraiture had any such force at all in itself, but that by the remembering of their worthy acts, that flame was kindled in their noble breasts, and could never be quenched, until such time as their own valour had equalled the fame and glory of their progenitors. So, though not in wax, yet in record of writing have I presented to the noble courages of this English Monarchy, the like images of their famous predecessors, with hope of like effect in their posterity. And here by the way if any man shall think, that an universal peace with our Christian neighbours will cut off the employment of the courageous increasing youth of this realm, he is much deceived. For there are other most convenient employments for all the superfluity of every profession in this realm. For, not to meddle with the state of Ireland, nor that of Guiana, there is under our noses the great & ample country of Virginia; the Inland whereof is found of late to be so sweet and wholesome a climate, so rich and abundant in silver mines, so apt and capable of all commodities, which Italy, Spain, and France can afford, that the Spaniards themselves in their own writings printed in Madrid 1586, and within few months afterward reprinted by me in Paris, and in a secret map of those parts made in Mexico the year before for the king of Spain, (which original with many others is in the custody of the excellent Mathematician M. Thomas Hariot) as also in their intercepted letters come unto my hand, bearing date 1595. they acknowledge the Inland to be a better and richer country than Mexico and Nueva Spania itself. And on the other side their chiefest writers, as Peter Martyr ab Angleria, and Francis Lopez de Gomara, the most learned Venetian john Baptista Ramusius, and the French Geographers, as namely, Popiliniere and the rest, acknowledge with one consent, that all that mighty tract of land from 67. degrees Northward to the latitude almost of Florida was first discovered out of England, by the commandment of king Henry the seventh, and the South part thereof before any other Christian people of late hath been planted with divers English Colonies by the royal consent of her sacred Majesty under the broad seal of England, whereof one as yet remains, for aught we know, alive in the country. Which action, if upon a good & godly peace obtained, it shall please the Almighty to stir up her majesties heart to continued with her favourable countenance (as upon the ceasing of the wars of Granada, he stirred up the spirit of Isabel Queen of Castille, to advance the enterprise of Columbus) with transporting of one or two thousand of her people, and such others as upon mine own knowledge will most willingly at their own charges become Adventurers in good numbers with their bodies and goods; she shall by God's assistance, in short space, work many great and unlooked for effects, increase her dominions, every her coffers, and reduce many pagan to the faith of Christ. The neglecting hitherto of which last point our adversaries daily in many of their books full bitterly lay unto the charge of the professors of the Gospel. No sooner should we set footing in that pleasant and good land, and erect one or two convenient Forts in the Continent, or in some Island near the main, but every step we tread would yield us new occasion of action, which I wish the Gentry of our nation rather to regard, then to follow those soft unprofitable pleasures wherein they now too much consume their time and patrimony, and hereafter will do much more, when as our neighbour wars being appeased, they are like to have less employment than now they have, unless they be occupied in this or some other the like expedition. And to this end and purpose give me leave (I beseech you) to impart this occurrent to your honourable and provident consideration: that in the year one thousand five hundred eighty and seven, when I had caused the four voyages of Ribault, Laudonniere, and Gourges to Florida, at mine own charges to be printed in Paris, which by the malice of some too much affectioned to the Spanish faction, had been above twenty years suppressed, assoon as that book came to the view of that reverend and prudent Counsellor Monsieur Harlac the lord chief justice of France, and certain other of the wisest judges, in great choler they asked, who had done such intolerable wrong to their whole kingdom, as to have concealed that worthy work so long? Protesting further, that if their Kings and the Estate had thoroughly followed that action, France had been freed of their long civil wars, and the variable humours of all sorts of people might have had very ample and manifold occasions of good and honest employment abroad in that large and fruitful Continent of the West Indies. The application of which sentence unto ourselves I here omit, hastening unto the summary recapitulation of other matters contained in this work. It may please your Honour therefore to understand, that the second part of this first Treatise containeth our ancient trade and traffic with English shipping to the islands of Sicily, Candie, and Sio, which by good warrant herein alleged, I found to have been begun in the year 1511. and to have continued until the year 1552. and somewhat longer. But shortly after (as it seemeth) it was intermitted, or rather given over (as is noted in master Gaspar Campions discreet letters to master Michael Lock and master William Winter inserted in this book) first by occasion of the Turks expelling of the four and twenty Maunese or governors of the Genovois out of the isle of Sio, and by taking of the said Island wholly into his own hand in April, 1566. sending thither Piali Bassa with fourscore galleys for that purpose; and afterward by his growing over mighty and troublesome in those Seas, by the cruel invasion of Nicosia and Famagusta, and the whole isle of Cyprus by his lieutenant General Mustapha Bassa. Which lamentable Tragedy I have here again revived, that the posterity may never forget what trust may be given to the oath of a Mahometan, when he hath advantage and is in his choler. Lastly, I have here put down at large the happy renewing and much increasing of our interrupted trade in all the Levant, accomplished by the great charges and special industry of the worshipful and worthy Citizens, Sir Edward Osborne Knight, M. Richard Staper, and M. William Hareborne, together with the league for traffic only between her Majesty and the Grand signor, with the great privileges, immunities, and favours obtained of his imperial Highness in that behalf, the admissions and residencies of our Ambassadors in his stately Porch, and the great good and Christian offices which her Sacred Majesty by her extraordinary favour in that Court hath done for the king and kingdom of Poland, and other Christian Princes: the traffic of our Nation in all the chief Havens of Africa and Egypt: the searching and haunting the very bottom of the Mediterran Sea to the ports of Tripoli and Alexandretta, of the Archipelagus, by the Turks now called The white sea, even to the walls of Constantinople: the voyages over land and by river through Aleppo, Birrha, Babylon and Balsara, and down the Persian gulf to Ormuz, and thence by the Ocean sea to Goa, and again over-land to Bisnagar, Cambaia, Orixa, Bengala, Aracan, Pegu, Malacca, Siam, the jangomes, Quicheu, and even to the Frontiers of the Empire of China: the former performed diverse times by sundry of our nation, and the last great voyage by M. Ralph Fitch, who with M. john Newberry and two other consorts departed from London with her majesties letters written effectually in their favour to the kings of Cambaia and China in the year 1583, who in the year 1591. like another Paulus Venetus returned home to the place of his departure, with ample relation of his wonderful travails, which he presented in writing to my Lord your father of honourable memory. Now here if any man shall take exception against this our new trade with Turks and misbelievers, he shall show himself a man of small experience in old and new Histories, or wilfully lead with partiality, or some worse humour. 1. King cap 5. 2. Chron. cap. 2. For who knoweth not, that king Solomon of old, entered into league upon necessity with Hiram the king of Tyrus, a gentle? Or who is ignorant that the French, the Genovois, Florentines, Raguseans, Venetians, and Polonians are at this day in league with the Grand signor, and have been these many years, and have used trade and traffic in his dominions? Who can deny that the Emperor of Christendom hath had league with the Turk, and paid him a long while a pension for a part of Hungary? And who doth not acknowledge, that either hath travailed the remote parts of the world, or read the Histories of this later age, that the Spaniards and Portugals in Barbary, in the Indies, and elsewhere, have ordinary confederacy and traffic with the Moors, and many kinds of Gentiles and pagan, and that which is more, do pay them pensions, and use them in their service and wars? Why then should that be blamed in us, which is usual and common to the most part of other Christian nations? Therefore let our neighbours, which have found most fault with this new league and traffic, thank themselves and their own foolish pride, whereby we were urged to seek further to provide vent for our natural commodities. And herein the old Greek proverb was most truly verified, That evil counsel proveth worst to the author and deviser of the same. Having thus far entreated of the chief contents of the first part of this second Volume, it remaineth that I briefly acquaint your Honour with the chief contents of the second part. It may therefore please you to understand, that herein I have likewise preserved, disposed, and set in order such Voyages, Navigations, Traficks, and Discoveries, as our Nation, and especially the worthy inhabitants of this city of London, have painfully performed to the South and Southeast parts of the world, without the Straight of Gibraltar, upon the coasts of Africa, about the Cape of Buona Sperança, to and beyond the East India. To come more near unto particulars, I have here set down the very originals and infancy of our trades to the Canarian islands, to the kingdoms of Barbary, to the mighty rivers of Senega and Gambra, to those of Madrabumba, and Sierra Leona, and the Isles of Cape Verde, with twelve sundry voyages to the sultry kingdoms of Guinea and Benin, to the Isle of San Thomés, with a late and true report of the weak estate of the Portugales in Angola, as also the whole course of the Portugal Caracks from Lisbon to the bar of Goa in India, with the disposition and quality of the climate near and under the Equinoctial line, the sundry infallible marks and tokens of approaching unto, and doubling of The Cape of good Hope, the great variation of the compass for one point and an half towards the East between the Meridian of S. Michael one of the Islands of the Azores, and the aforesaid Cape, with the return of the needle again due North at the Cape Das Agulias, and that place being passed outward bond, the swerving back again thereof towards the West, proportionally as it did before, the two ways, the one within and the other without the Isle of S. Laurence, the dangers of privy rocks and quicksands, the running seas, and the perils thereof, with the certain and undoubted signs of land. All these and other particularities are plainly and truly here delivered by one Thomas Stevens a learned Englishman, who in the year 1579 going as a passenger in the Portugal Fleet from Lisbon into India, written the same from Goa to his father in England: Whereunto I have added the memorable voyage of M. james Lancaster, who doth not only recount and confirm most of the things above mentioned, but also doth acquaint us with the state of the voyage beyond Cape Comori, and the Isle of Ceilon, with the Isles of Nicubar and Gomes Polo lying within two leagues of the rich Island Samatra, and those of Pulo Pinaom, with the main land of junçalaon and the straight of Malacca. I have likewise added a late intercepted letter of a Portugal revealing the secret and most gainful trade of Pegu, which is also confirmed by Caesar Frederick a Venetian, and M. Ralph Fitch now living here in London. And because our chief desire is to found out ample vent of our woollen clot, the natural commodity of this our Realm, the sittest places, which in all my reading and observations I found for that purpose, are the manifold Islands of japan, & the Northern parts of China, & the regions of the Tartars next adjoining (whereof I read, that the country in winter is Assifria common Flandes, that is to say, as cold as Flanders, & that the rivers be strongly over-frozen) and therefore I have here inserted two special Treatises of the said Countries, the one beginning pag. 68, the other, pag. 88: which last discourse I hold to be the most exact of those parts that is yet come to light, which was printed in Latin in Macao a city of China, in China-paper, in the year a thousand five hundred and ninety, and was intercepted in the great Carack called Madre de Dios two years after, enclosed in a case of sweet Cedar wood, and lapped up almost an hundred fold in finc calicut-cloth, as though it had been some incomparable jewel. But leaving abruptly this discourse, I think it not impertinent, before I make an end, to deliver some of the reasons, that moved me to present this part of my travails unto your Honour. The reverend antiquity in the dedication of their works made choice of such patrons, as either with their reputation and credit were able to countenance the same, or by their wisdom and understanding were able to censure and approve them, or with their ability were likely to stand them or there's in stead in the ordinary necessities and accidents of their life. Touching the first, your descent from a father, that was accounted Pater patriae, your own place and credit in execution of her majesties inward counsels and public services, added to your well discharging your foreign employment (when the greatest cause in Christendom was handled) have not only drawn men's eyes upon you, but also forcibly have moved many, and myself among the rest to have our labours protected by your authority. For the second point, when it pleased your Honour in summer was two years to have some conference with me, and to demand mine opinion touching the state of the Country of Guiana, and whether it were fit to be planted by the English: I then (to my no small joy) did admire the exact knowledge which you had got of those matters of Indian Navigations: and how careful you were, not to be overtaken with any partial affection to the Action, appeared also, by the sound arguments which you made pro & contra, of the likelihood and reason of good or ill success of the same, before the State and common wealth (wherein you have an extraordinary voice) should be farther engaged. In consideration whereof I think myself thrice happy to have these my travails censured by your Honours so well approved judgement. Touching the third and last motive I cannot but acknowledge myself much indebted for your favourable letters heretofore written in my behalf in mine honest causes. Whereunto I may add, that when this work was to pass unto the press, your Honour did not only entreat a worthy knight, a person of special experience, as in many others so in marine causes, to oversee and peruse the same, but also upon his good report with your most favourable letters did warrant, and with extraordinary commendation did approve and allow my labours, and desire to publish the same. Wherefore to conclude, seeing they take their life and light from the most cheerful and benign aspect of your favour, I think it my bound duty in all humility and with much bashfulness to recommend myself and them unto your right Honourable and favourable protection, and your Honour to the merciful tuition of the most High. From London this 24. of October. 1599 Your honours most humble to be commanded, Richard Hakluyt preacher. ¶ A Catalogue of the English Voyages made by and within the Straight of Gibraltar, to the South and Southeast quarters of the world, contained in the first part of this second volume. Voyages before the Conquest. 1 THe voyage of Helena the Empress, daughter of Coelus king of Britain, and mother of Constantine the Great, to jerusalem. An. 337. pag. 1.2 2 The voyage of Constantine the Great, Emperor and king of Britain, to Greece, Egypt, Persia, and Asia, Anno 339. pag. 2.3 3 The voyage of Pelagius Cambrensis, under Maximus king of the Britain's, into Egypt and Syria, Anno 390. pag. 4 4 The voyage of certain Englishmen sent by the French king to Constantinople, unto justinian the Emperor, about the year of our Lord 500 pag. 4 5 The memorable voyage of Sighelmus bishop of Shirburne, sent by king Alphred unto S. Thomas of India, An. 883. confirmed by two testimonies. pag. 5 6 The voyage of john Erigen, under king Alphred, to Athens, in the year of our Lord 885. pag. 5.6 7 The voyage of Andrew Whiteman, aliâs Leucander, under Canutus the Dane, to Palastina, Anno 1020. pag. 6 8 The voyage of Swanus one of the sons of Earl Godwin, unto jerusalem, Anno 1052. pag. 6 9 A voyage of three Ambassadors sent in the time of king Edward the Confessor, unto Constantinople, and from thence unto Ephesus, Anno 1056. pag. 7 10 The voyage of Alured bishop of Worcester unto jerusalem, Anno 1058. pag. 8 11 The voyage of Ingulphus, afterward Abbot of Croiland, unto jerusalem. An. 1064. pag. 8.9 Voyages since the Conquest. 12 A Voyage made by diverse of the honourable family of the Beauchamps, with Robert Curtois the son of William the Conqueror, to jerusalem, Anno 1096. pag. 10 13 The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady married unto Baldwine brother of Godfrey duke of Bovillon, toward jerusalem, An. 1097. 10.11 14 The voyage of Edgar the son of Edward, which was the son of Edmund surnamed Ironside, brother unto king Edward the Confessor (being accompanied with valiant Robert the son of Godwine) to jerusalem, Anno 1102. 11 15 The voyage of Godericus a valiant Englishman, who travailed with his ships in an expedition unto the holy land, Anno 3. Hen. 1. 12 16 The voyage of Hardine an Englishman, and one of the principal commanders of 200 sails of Christians ships, which arrived at joppa, Anno 1102 12. 13 17 A voyage by sea of Englishmen, Danes, and Flemings, who arrived at joppa in the holy land, the seventh year of Baldwine the second, king of jerusalem, and in the 8. year of Henry the first, king of England. pag. 13,14, 15 18 The voyage of Athelard of Bath to Egypt and Arabia, in the year of our Lord 1130 pag. 15. 16 19 The voyage of William Archbishop of tire to jerusalem and to the city of tire in Phoenicia, Anno 1130. 16 20 The voyage of Robert Ketenensis, under king Stephen, to Dalmatia, Greece, and Asia, Anno 1143. 16 21 A voyage of certain Englishmen under the conduct of Lewis the French king, unto the holy land, Anno 1147. 17 22 The voyage of john Lacie to jerusalem, Anno 1173 17 23 The voyage of William Mandevile Earl of Essex to jerusalem, Anno 1177. 17 24 The famous voyage of Richard the first, king of England into Asia, for the recovering of jerusalem out of the hands of the Saracens, Anno 1190. 20 25 The voyage of Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury unto Syria and Palaestina, in the year 1190. 28 26 The voyage of Richard Surnamed Canonicus, under king Richard the first, into Syria, and Palaestina, Anno 1190. 30 27 The voyage of Gulielmus Peregrinus, under king Richard the first, to Palaestina, Anno 1190. 30 28 The voyage of Hubert Walter bishop of Salisbury, under king Richard also, unto Syria, Anno 1190. 31 29 The voyage of Robert Curson a nobleman of England, and a Cardinal, under Hen. the third, to Damiata in Egypt, Anno 1218. 31. 32 30 The voyage of Rainulph Earl of Chester, of Saer Quincy Earl of Winchester, of William de Albany Earl of Arundel, etc. to the holy land, Anno 1218. 32 31 The voyage of Henry Bohun, and Saer Quincy to the holy land, in the year of our Lord, 1222. 32 32 The voyage of Rainulph Glanuile Earl of Chester to the holy land, and to Damiata in Egypt. 32 33 The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of Winchester, to jerusalem, Anno 1231. 33 34 The honourable voyage of Richard Earl of Cornwall, brother to king Hen. the third, accompanied with William Longespee Earl of Salisbury, and diverse other noblemen, into Syria, Anno 1240. 33 35 The voyage of William Longespee, or Longsword earl of Salisbury into Egypt with Lewis the French king, Anno 1248. 33 36 The voyage of prince Edward the son of king Henry the third, into Syria, An. 1270. 36 37 The voyage of Robert Turneham, under the said prince Edward, into Syria, in the year of our Lord, 1270 38.39 38 The voyage of friar Beatus Odoricus to Asia minor, Armenia, Chaldaea, Persia, India, China, and other remote parts, etc. 39.53 39 The voyage of Matthew Gurney an English knight, against the Moors of Alger, to Barbary and to Spain. 67 40 The voyage of Henry Earl of Derby, after Duke of Hereford, and lastly Henry the fourth king of England, with an army of Englishmen, to Tunis in Barbary. 69 41 The travails and memorable victories of john Hawkwood Englishman, in diverse places of Italy, in the reign of Richard the second. 70 42 The voyage of Lord john of Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, brother (by the mother) to K. Richard the second, to jerusalem, and S. Katherins mount, Anno 1394. 70 43 The voyage of Thomas Lord Mowbrey duke of Norfolk, to jerusalem, in the year of our Lord, 1399. 70 44 The voyage of the bishop of Winchester to jerusalem, Anno 1417. 71 45 A voyage intended by king Henry the fourth to the holy land, against the Saracens and Infidels, Anno 1413. 71. 72 46 A voyage made with two ships called The holy Cross, and The Matthew Gunson, to the Isles of Candia and Chio, about the year 1534. 98 47 Another voyage unto Candia and Chio made by the foresaid ship called The Matthew● Gunson, Anno 1535. 98 48 The voyage of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read to Tunis in Barbary 1538, recorded in his Epitaph. 99 49 The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger, with the Emperor Charles the fift, Anno 1541. 99 50 The voyage of M. Roger Boden●am, with the great bark Aucher, to Candia and Chio, Anno 1550. 99 51 The voyage of M. john Lok to jerusalem, Anno 1553. 101 52 The voyage of john Fox to the straight of Gibraltar, in a ship called The three halfmoons, Anno 1563. And his worthy enterprise in delivering 266 Christians from the captivity of the Turks at Alexandria, Anno 1577. 131.132 53 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of jerusalem, and Tripoli, in the year 1581. 150 54 The voyage of The Susan of London to Constantinople, wherein M. William Hareborne was sent first Ambassador unto Zuldan Murad Can the great Turk. Anno 1582. 165 55 The voyage of a ship called The jesus, to Tripoli in Barbary, Anno 1583. 184 56 The voyage of M. Henry Austel by Venice to Ragusa, and thence over-land to Constantinople: and from thence through Moldavia, Polonia, Silesia, and Germany into England, Anno 1586. 194 57 The voyage of Master Cesar Frederick into the east India, and beyond the Indies, Anno 1563. 213 58 The long, dangerous, and memorable voyage of M. Ralph Fitch merchant of London, by the way of Tripoli in Syria, to Ormuz, to Goa in the East India, to Cambaia, to the river of Ganges, to Bengala, to Bacola, to Chonderi, to Pegu, to Siam, etc. begun in the year 1583, and ended in the year 1591. 250 59 The voyage of M. john Eldred to Tripoli in Syria by sea, and from thence by land and river to Babylon, and Balsara, Anno 1583. 268 60 The voyage of M. john Euesham by sea into Egypt, Anno 1586. 281 61 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Alexandria and Cairo in Egypt, Anno 1586. 282 62 The voyage of five merchants ships of London into Turkey: and their valiant fight in their return with 11 galleys and two frigates of the king of Spain, at Pantalarea within the straits of Gibraltar, Anno 1586. 285 63 The voyage of Master William Hareborne over-land from Constantinople to London, Anno 1588. 289 64 A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21 of March, 1593., and ended the ninth of August 1595: wherein is showed the manner of delivering the second present, by M. Edward Barton her majesties ambassador, which was sent from her Majesty to Sultan Murad Can, the Emperor of Turkey. 33 The Ambassages, Letters, Privileges, Discourses, Advertisements, and other observations depending upon the Voyages contained in the first part of this second Volume. 1 A Testimony, that the Britons were in Italy and Greece, with the Cimbrians and Gauls, before the incarnation of Christ. pag. 1 2 A testimony that certain Englishmen were of the guard of the Emperor of Constantinople, in the time of john the son of Alexius Comnenus. 17 3 A great supply of money sent to the Holy land by King Henry the second. 18 4 A letter written from Manuel the Emperor of Constantinople, unto Henry the second, King of England, Ann. 1177: wherein mention is made that certain of king Henry's noblemen and subjects were present with the said Emperor in a battle against the Sultan of Iconium. 18 5 A note drawn out of a very ancient book in the custody of the right Wor. M. Thomas Tilney Esquire, touching Sir Frederick Tilney his ancestor, knighted for his valour at Acon in the Holyland, by king Richard the first. 29 6 A large contribution to the succour of the holy land made by king john king of England, Anno 1201. 30 7 The coming of Baldwin the Emperor of Constantinople into England, An. 1247. 31 8 A testimony concerning Anthony Beck bishop of Duresme, that he was elected Patriarch of jerusalem, and confirmed by Clement the 5, bishop of Rome, Anno 1305. 39 9 The coming of Lion king of Armenia into England, Anno 1●86, to make a treaty of peace between Richard the second, king of England, and the French king. 67 10 The coming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England, to desire the aid of king Henry the fourth, against the Turks. Anno 1400. 70 11 A relation of the siege and taking of the city of Rhodes, by Sultan Soliman the great Turk: Wherein honourable mention is made of divers valiant English knights, Anno 1522. 72 12 An embassage from Don Ferdinando, brother to the Emperor Charles the fift, unto King Henry the eight, craving his aid against Soliman the great Turk, An. 1527. 95 13 The antiquity of the trade of English merchants unto the remote parts of the Levant seas, Anno 1511, 1512, etc. 96 14 A letter of Henry the eight, king of England, to john the third king of Portugal, for a Portugal ship freighted at Chio, with the goods of john Gresham, William Lok, and others, and wrongfully unladen in Portugal, Anno 1531. 96 15 The manner of the entering of Soliman the great Turk, with his army, into Aleppo in Syria, as he was marching toward Persia, against the great Sophi, Anno 1553. 112 16 A note of the presents that were given at the same time in Aleppo, to the Grand Signior, and the names of the presenters. 113 17 The safe conduct granted by Sultan Soliman the great Turk, to M. Anthony jenkinson at Aleppo in Syria, Anno 1553. 114 18 A discourse of the trade to Chio written by Gaspar Campion, in the year 1569. 114 19 A letter of the said Gaspar Campion, to M. William Winter, in the year 1569. 116 20 A brief description of the Isle of Cyprus. 119 21 A report of the siege and taking of Famagusta the strongest city in all Cyprus, by Mustafa Bassa General of the great Turk's army, Anno 1571. 121 22 The renewing and great increasing of an ancient trade unto divers places in the Levant seas, and to the chiefest parts of all the great Turk's dominions, Anno 1575., 1578. 136 23 The letters of Zuldan Murad Can the great Turk, to the sacred Majesty of Queen Elizabeth, Anno 1579. 137 24 The answer of her Majesty to the foresaid letters of the great Turk, sent by M. Richard Stanley, in the Prudence of London, Anno 1579. 138 25 The charter of privileges granted to the English, and the league of the great Turk with the Queen's Majesty, for traffic only, Anno 1580. 141 26 Her majesties letter to the great Turk, promising redress for the disorders of Peter Baker of Radcliffe, committed in the Levant, Anno 1581. 145 27 The letters Patents or Privileges granted by her Majesty to Sir Edward Osborne, M. Richard Staper, and certain other merchants of London, for their trade into the dominions of the great Turk, Anno 1581. 146 28 The Passport made by the great Master of Malta unto the English men in the Bark Rainolds, Anno 1582. 154 29 The Queen's commission given to her servant M. William Hareborne, to be Her majesties Ambassador or Agent in the parts of Turkey, Anno 1582. 157 30 Her majesties letter to the great Turk, written in commendation of M. William Hareborne, when he was sent Ambassador, Anno 1582. 158 31 A letter of the Queen's Majesty to ali Bassa, the Turks high Admiral, sent by her Ambassador M. William Hareborne, and delivered unto him aboard his Galley in the Arsenal. 159 32 A brief remembrance of things to be endeavoured at Constantinople, and at other places in Turkey, touching our Clothing and Dying, and touching the ample vent of our natural commodities, etc. written by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple, Anno 1582. 160 33 Certain other most profitable and wise instructions penned by the said M. Richard Hakluyt, for a principal English Factor at Constantinople. 161 34 A letter of Mustafa Chaus to the Queen's Majesty, Anno 1583. 171 35 A letter of M. William Hareborne, to M. Harvey Millers, appointing him Consul for the English nation, in Alexandria, Cairo, & other places of Egypt, in the year of our Lord 1583. 171 36 A Commission given by M. William Hareborne the English Ambassador, to M. Richard Forster, authorizing him Consul of the English nation, in the parts of Aleppo, Damascus, Aman, Tripoli, jerusalem, etc. together with a letter of directions to the said M. Forster, Ann. 1583. pag. 172 37 A letter sent from Alger to M. William Hareborne her majesties Ambassador at Constantinople, Anno 1583. 173 38 A letter of M. Hareborne to Mustafa, challenging him for his dishonest dealing in translating three of the Grand Signors commandments. 174 39 A Passport granted to Thomas Shingleton by the king of Alger, in the year 1583. 174 40 A letter written in Spanish by Sir Edward Osborne in his majoralty, to the king of Alger, on the behalf of certain English captives, An. 1584. 175 41 Notes concerning the trades of Alger and Alexandria. 176 42 A letter of M. William Hareborne the English Ambassador, to M. Edward Bar●on, Anno 1584. 177 43 A commandment obtained of the Grand Signior by her majesties Ambassador M. William Hareborne, for the quiet passing of her subjects to and from his dominions, sent to the Viceroys of Alger, Tunis, and Tripoli in Barbary, An. 1584. 177 44 A letter of the hon. M. William Hareborne, her majesties Ambassador with the Grand Signior, to M. Tipton, appointing him Consul of the English, in Alger, Tunis, and Tripoli in Barbary, Anno 1585. 178 45 A Catalogue or register of the English ships, goods, and people wrongfully taken by the Galleys of Alger, with the names of the English captives, delivered to Hassan Bassa the Beglerbeg of Alger, etc. 179 46 A letter of M. William Hareborne her majesties Ambassador etc. to Assan Aga, Eunuch and treasurer unto Hassan Bassa king of Alger: which Assan Aga was son to Francis Rowly merchant of Bristol, and was taken in an English ship called the Swallow. 180 47 A petition exhibited to the Viceroy of the Turkish empire for reformation of sundry injuries offered our nation in Morea, as also for sundry demands needful for the establishing of the traffic in those parts. 181 48 A commandment of the Grand Signior to Patrasso in Morea, on the behalf of the English. pag. 181 49 The Grand Signors commandment to Chio on the behalf of the English merchants. 182 50 Two of his commandments sent to Baliabadram and to Egypt, for the same purpose. 182 51 A commandment of the Grand Signior to the Cadi of Alexandria, for the restoring of an English man's goods wrongfully taken by the French Consul. 183 52 Another commandment to the Bassa of Alexandria, for the very same purpose. 183 53 A commandment to the Bees and Cadies of Metelin and Rhodes, and to all the Cadies & Bees in the way to Constantinople, for the courteous and just usage of the English merchants. 183 54 A commandment sent to Aleppo concerning the goods of M. William Barret deceased. 183 55 The Queen's letters to the great Turk for the restitution of an English ship called The jesus, and of the English captives detained at Tripoli in Barbary, & for certain other English men which remained prisoners at Alger, Anno 1584. 191 56 The great Turks letters to the king of Tripoli in Barbary, commanding the restitution of an English ship called The jesus, with the men and goods etc. Anno 1584. 192 57 The letter of M. William Hareborne her majesties Ambassador to Bassa Romadan the Beglerbeg of Tripoli in Barbary, for the restoring of the said ship called The jesus, Anno 1585. pag. 193 58 The great Turks Passport of safe conduct, for Captain Austel, and jacomo Manuchio. 198 59 A Passport of the Earl of Leicester, for Thomas Forster gent. traveling to Constantinople, Anno 1586. 198 60 A description of the yearly voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahometans, Turks and Moors to Mecca in Arabia. 198 61 A letter written from the Queen's Majesty to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia, and sent by M. john Newberry, Anno 1583. 245 62 A letter written from her Majesty to the king of China, in the year of our Lord 1583. 245 63 A letter of M. john Newberry sent from Aleppo to M. Richard Hakluyt of Oxford, Ann. 1583 pag. 245 64 Another letter of the said M. Newberry written from Aleppo to M. Leonard Poote at London, Anno 1583 246 65 A second letter of the said M. Newberry, written from Babylon to the aforesaid M. Poor, Anno 1583. 247 66 M. Newberry his letter from Ormuz to M. john Eldred, and William Shales, at Balsara, Anno 1583. 248 67 His third letter written to M. Leonard Poor from Goa, in the year 1584. 248 68 A letter written from Goa by M. Ralph Fitch, to M. Leonard Poor abovesaid, Anno 1584. pag. 250 69 The report of john Huighen van Linschoten of the imprisonment of M. Newberry and M. Fitch at Goa, and of their escape from thence, which happened while himself was in Goa. 265 70 The money, weights, measures, and customs used in Babylon, Balsara, Ormuz, Goa, Cochin, and Malacca: written from Aleppo in Syria, by M. William Barret, Anno 1584. 271 71 The charge of a journey by land and river, from Aleppo in Syria to Goa in the East India. 276 72 A declaration of all the places from whence each particular commodity of the East Indies cometh. 277 73 The times or seasonable winds called Monsons', wherein the ships departed from place to place in the East Indies. 278 74 A description of the Isle of S. Helena frequented by the Portugals in their return from the East India. 280 75 A Privilege granted by Peter Prince of Moldavia, to the English merchants, Anno 1588. pag. 290 76 A brief extract specifying the certain daily payments answered quarterly in time of peace, by the Grand Signior, out of his treasury, to the officers of his Seraglio or Court, successively in degrees. pag. 290 77 The chief officers of the great Turk's Empire; the number of soldiers attending upon each of his Beglerbegs; the principal officers in his Seraglio or Court; his yearly revenues, and his allowances to foreign Ambassadors. 292,293,294 78 The letters of Sinan Bassa chief counsellor to Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signior, An. 1590., to the sacred Majesty of Elizabeth Queen of England: signifying, that upon her request, and for her sake especially he granted peace unto the king of Poland. 294 79 The second letters patents granted by the Queen's Majesty, to the right wor. company of the English merchants for the Levant, in the year of our Lord 1592. 295 80 A letter written by the most high and mighty Empress the wife of the Grand Signior Sultan Murad Can to her most sacred Majesty of England, Anno 1594. 311 A brief Catalogue of the principal English Voyages made without the Strait of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world, contained in the second part of this second volume immediately following. Wherein also mention is made of certain Sea-fights, and other memorable acts performed by the English Nation. 1 THe voyage of Macham the first discoverer of the Isle of Madera, in the year 1344. pag. 1 2 The first voyage to Barbary, Anno 1551. pag. 7.8 3 The second voyage to Barbary, Anno 1552. pag. 8.9 4 The voyage of M. Thomas Windam to Guinea and the kingdom of Benin, Anno 1553. pag. 9 5 The voyage of M. john Lok to Guinea, Anno 1554. 14 6 The first voyage of Master William Towrson merchant of London to Guinea, in the year of our Lord, 1555. 23 7 The second voyage of M. William Towrson to Guinea and the castle of Mina. An. 1556. 36 8 The third voyage of the said M. William Towrson to the coast of Guinea and the river of Se●tos, Anno 1557. 44 9 A voyage made to Guinea at the charges of Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, etc. Anno 1562. 54 10 The success of another voyage made to Guinea, at the direction of the said Sir William Gerard, and others, Anno 1564. 56 11 The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinea and to the Isles of Capo Verde, An. 1566. 57 12 The voyage and embassage of Master Edmund Hogan to the Emperor of Morocco, Anno 1577. 64 13 The voyage of Thomas Stukley into Barbary, 1578. 67 14 The voyage of Thomas Stevens about the Cape of Buona Esperanza unto Goa in the East India, Anno 1579. 99 15 The memorable voyage of M. james Lancaster about the Cape of Buona Esperanza, along the Eastern coast of Africa, beyond Cape Comori, as far as the main land of Malacca, and from thence home again, begun in the year 1591. 102 16 The voyage and embassage of Master Henry Roberts to Mulai Hamet Emperor of Morocco, Anno 1585. 117 17 The voyage made by two of sir Walter Raleghs Pinasses called The Serpent and The Mary Spark of Plymouth to the Azores: which took the governor of the Isle of S. Michael, and Pedro Sarmiento governor of the Straitss of Magellan in the year 1586. 120 18 The voyage of Sir Francis Drake to Cadiz, and the memorable exploits and services performed by him as well there as at diverse other places upon the coast of Spain and Portugal, and his taking of the great East Indian Carak called The Saint Philip, near the Isle of S. Michael, Anno 1587. 121 19 A voyage to Benin beyond the country of Guinea made by Master james Welsh, who set forth in the year 1588. 126 20 The second voyage made by M. james Welsh to Benin in Africa, An. 1590. 130 21 The voyage to Spain and Portugal written (as it is thought) by Colonel Anthony Wingfield, An. 1589. 134 22 The voyage of the Right honourable the Earl of Cumberland to the Azores, in the year 1589. 155 23 A fight performed by ten merchants ships of London against 12 Spanish galleys, in the straight of Gibraltar. An. 1590. 166 24 The valiant fight performed in the straight of Gibraltar by the Centurion of London, against five Spanish galleys, An. 1591. 168 25 A true report of the fight about the Isles of the Azores, between the Revenge one of her majesties ships, under the conduct of Sir Richard Grinuile, and an Armada of the king of Spain, An. 1591. 169 26 A voyage of certain ships of London to the coast of Spain, and the Azores, Anno. 1591. Reported by M. Robert Flick. 176 27 The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassell to the rivers of Senega and Gambra, near the coast of Guinea, Anno 1591. 188 28 The taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksilver and with the Pope's Bulls, bond for the west Indies, by M. Thomas White in the Amity of London, An. 1592. 193 29 The taking of the mighty and rich Carak called The Madre de Dios, and of the Santa Clara a Biskaine of 600 tons, as likewise the firing of another great Carak called The Santa Cruz, Anno 1592. 194 30 The firing and sinking of the stout and warlike Carak called The Cinquo Chaguas, or The five wounds, by three ships of the R. H. the Earl of Cumberland, Anno 1594. 199 The Ambassages, Letters, Privileges, Discourses, and other necessary matters of circumstance appertaining to the voyages in the second part of this second volume next ensuing. 1 A Note concerning the aid and assistance given to king john the first of Portugal, by certain English merchants, for the winning of Ceut in Barbary, Anno 1415. pag. 1, 2 2 The embassage of john the second, king of Portugal to Edward the 4. king of England, to stay john Tintam, and William Fabian Englishmen, preparing for a voyage to Guinea, Anno 1481. pag. 2. 3 A brief note concerning an ancient trade of English merchants to the Canary Isles, Anno 1526. 3 4 A description of the Canary Islands, with their strange first-fruits and commodities. 3 5 The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinea, betwixt Sierra Leona, and the furthest place of the Mina. 52 6 Certain articles of remembrance delivered to M. john Lok, touching a voyage to Guinea, Anno 1561. 52 7 A letter of M. john Lok to the worshipful company of merchants adventurers of Guinea, Anno 1561. 53 8 The relation of one William Rutter concerning a voyage set out to Guinea, Anno 1562. Described also in verse by Robert Baker. 54 9 A meeting at Sir William Gerard's house for the setting forth of a voyage to Guinea, with the Minion of the Queens, The john Baptist of London, and the Merline of M. Gorson, Anno 1564. 55 10 A relation of the success of the same voyage, taken out of a voyage of Sir john Haukins to the West Indies. 56 11 Certain reports of the mighty kingdom of China delivered by Portugals which were there imprisoned. 68 12 A discourse of the Isle of japan, and of other Isles in the East Ocean, etc. 80 13 An excellent description of the kingdom of China, and of the estate and government thereof. pag. 88 14 A brief relation of the great magnificence and rich traffic of the kingdom of Pegu, beyond the East India. 102 15 Certain remembrances of a voyage intended to Brasil, and to the river of Plate, but miserably over thrown near Rio grand in Guinea, in the year 1583. 110,111 16 The escape of the Primrose, a ship of London, from before the town of Bilbao in Biscay, and the taking of the Corregidor, Anno 1585. 112 17 The king of Spain's Commission for the general imbargment or arrest of the English etc. Anno 1585. 114 18 The Letters patents granted by her Majesty to certain noblemen and merchants of London, for a trade to Barbary, Anno 1585. 114 19 An edict from the Emperor of Ma●occo in favour of all Englishmen trading throughout his dominions, Anno 1587. 118 20 A letter of the said emperor written to the Earl of Leicester, in the year 1587. 118 21 A letter of the Queen's Majesty written to the emperor of Morocco, in the year 1587. 119 22 A patent granted to certain merchants of Exeter, and others of the West parts, and of London, for a trade to the rivers of Senega and Gambra in Guinea, Anno 1588. 123 23 A relation concerning a voyage set forth by M. john Newton, and M. john Bird, merchants of London, to the kingdom and city of Benin, written by Antony Ingram, An. 1588. 129 24 An advertisement to king Philip the 2. of Spain, from Angola, touching the state of the same country. An. 1591. 133 25 A particular note of the West Indian fleet expected to have arrived in Spain, An. 1592., with the number of ships of the same fleet that perished and suffered shipshrack etc. 175 26 A large testimony of john Huighen van Lin●choten concerning the worthy exploits achieved by the right hon. the earl of Cumberland, by Sir Martin Frobisher, Sir Richard Grinuile, and divers other English Captains, about the Isles of the Açores, and upon the coasts of Spain and Portugal, in the years 1589,1590,1591. 178 27 A relation concerning the estate of the Island and Castle of Arguin, and touching the rich and secret trade from the inland of Africa thither, written in the year 1491. 188 28 Two brief relations concerning the Cities and Provinces of Tombuto and Gago, and concerning the exceeding great riches of the said Provinces, and the conquest thereof by the king of Morocco, and of the huge mass of gold, which he yearly receiveth thence for tribute. Written Anno 1594. 192 29 A brief extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton, and others, for traffic between the river of Nonnia, and the rivers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona, on the coast of Guinea, An. 1592. 193 30 A report of the casting away of the Toby, a ship of London, near Cape Espartel on the coast of Barbary without the Straight of Gibraltar, in the year of our Lord 1593. 201 31 The letters of the Queen's Majesty sent by Laurence Aldersey unto the Emperor of Ethiopia, Anno 1597. 203 THE SECOND VOLUME OF THE principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffics, and Discoveries of the English nation, made to the South and Southeast quarters of the world, within the Strait of Gibraltar, with the Directions, Letters, Privileges, Discourses, and Observations incident to the same. That the Britons were in Italy and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gauls, before the incarnation of Christ. M. Wil Camden, pag. 33. BRitannos autem cum Cimbris & Gallis permistos fuisse in expeditionibus illis in Italiam & Graeciam videtur. Nam praeter nomen common in Britannico Triadum libro vetustissimo, Triadum liber. ubi tres maximi exercitus, qui è Britannis conscripti erant, memorantur, proditum est, exterum quendam ducem long maximum exercitum hinc contraxisse, qui, populata magna Europae part, tandem ad Graecum mare (forsitan Gallatiam innuit) confederit. Britomarum item ducem inter illos militarem, cuius meminit Florus & Appianus, Britonem fuisse nomen evincit, quod Britonem magnum significat. Nec torquebo illud Strabonis, qui Brennum natione Pra●sum fuisse scribit, ut natione Britonem faciam. The same in English. IT is not unlike that the Britons accompanied the Cimbrians and Gauls in those expeditions to Italy and Greece. For besides the common name, it is recorded in that most ancient British book called Liber Triadum, (wherein also mention is made of three huge armies that were levied out of Britain) that a certain outlandish Captain gathered from hence a mighty army; who having wasted a great part of Europe, at length took up his abode (perhaps the Author means in Gallatia) near unto the sea of Greece. Likewise, that the warlike captain Britomarus (of whom Florus and Appian do make report) was himself a Briton, his very name doth testify, which signifies A great Briton. Neither will I wrist that testimony of Strabo (who reporteth Brennus to have been a Prause by birth) that I may prove him also to have been a Briton born. ¶ The travail of Helena. HElena Flavia Augusta serenissimi Coel● Britannici Regis Haeres, & unica filia, Magni Constantini Caesaris matter, incomparabili decôre, fide, religione, bonitate, ac magnificentiâ piâ, Eusebio etiam teste, per totum resplenduit orbem: Inter omnes aetatis suae soeminas, nulla inveniebatur eà in liberalibus artibus doctior, nulla in instrumentis musicis peritior, aut in linguis nationum copiosior. Innatam habebat ingenij clari●udinem, oris facundiam, ac morum ornatissimam compositionem: Hebraicè, Graecè, & Latinè erudita. Caruerat pater alia sobole (inquit Virumnius) quae Regni solio potiretur. Illam propterea his instrui fecit per optimos preceptores, ut eò commodius Regni tractaret negotia. unde ob incredibilem eius pulchritudinem, atque alias eximias animi & corporis dotes, Constantius Chlorus Caesar illam duxit in uxorem, atque ex eà filium in Britanniâ genuit Constantinum Magnum. Sed eo tandem Eboraci defuncto, cum Annâ illâ Euangelicâ, in sanctâ viduitate perduravit ad ultimum vitae diem, tota Christianae religioni dedita. Sunt enim authores, qui narrent per istam, cessant persecutione, pacem Ecclesijs datam: Ad tantam coelestis Philosophiae cognitionem eam ferunt post agnitum evangelium pervenisse, ut olim multos ediderit libros, & carmina quaedam Graeca, quae hucúsque à Pontico superesse perhibentur. Visionibus admonita Hierosolymam petijt, & omnia salvatoris loca perlustravit. Romae tandem octogenaria foeliciter in Christo quievit .15. Kalendas Septembris, filio adhuc superstite, anno salutis humanae 337. regnant apud Britannos Octavio. Huius corpus non minimâ nunc curâ Venetijs servatur. The same in English. HElena Flavia Augusta, the heir and only daughter of Coelus sometime the most excellent king of Britain, the mother of the Emperor Constantine the great, by reason of her singular beauty, faith, religion, goodness and godly Majesty (according to the testimony of Eusebius) was famous in all the world. Among all the women of her time, there was none either in the liberal arts more learned, or in instruments of music more skilful, or in the divers languages of nations more abundant than herself. She had a natural quickness or excellency of wit, eloquence of speech, and a most notable grace in all her behaviour. She was seen in the Hebrew, Greek and Latin tougues. Her father (as Virumnius reporteth) had no other child to succeed in the kingdom after him but her, and therefore caused her to be instructed in these things by the best teachers, that thereby she might the better in time govern the Realm: so that by reason of her passing beauty, and other her excellent gifts of body and mind, Constantius Chlorus the Emperor married her, and had by her a son called Constantine the great, while he remained in Britain. Who at length deceasing at York, this Helena (no otherwise than Anna of whom mention is made in the new Testament) continued a virtuous and holy widow to the end of her life. There are some writers which do affirm, that persecution ceased, and peace was granted to the Christian Churches by her good means. After the light and knowledge of the Gospel, she grew so skilful in divinity, that she written and composed divers books, and certain Greek verses also, which (as Ponticus reporteth) are yet extant. Being warned by some visions she went to jerusalem, and visited all the places there, which Christ had frequented. She lived to the age of fourscore years, and then died at Rome the 15. day of August, in the year of our redemption 337. octavius being then king of Britain, and her son Constantine the Emperor then also living, and her body is to this day very carefully preserved at Venice. The life and travels of Constantine the great, Emperor and King of Britain. Flavius Constantinus cognomento Magnus post Genitorem Constantium Britannorum Rex, ac Romanorum Caesar Augustus, ex Britannica matre in Britannia natus, & in Britannia creatus Imperator, patriam natalem magnificè suae gloriae participem fecit. Pros●igatis Alemanis, Hispanis, & Francis, eorúmque Regibus pro spectaculo bestijs obiectis, Galliam subiectam tenuit: Tres Helenae matris awnculos Britannos, Leolinum, Traherum, & Marium, quos caeteris semper fidentiores habuerat in suis fortunis, Italis à Maxentij tyrannide foelicitèr liberatis, in Senatorum ordinem Romae promovir. Innumerae in eo (ut Eutropius habet) claruêre tam animi, quàm corporis virtutes, dum appetentissimus esset gloriae militaris, successu semper in bellis prospero. Inter literas tam Graecas quàm Latinas, à Christianissima matre Helena Christi fidem edoctus, eos honorabat praecipuè, qui in Philosophia Christiana vitam reclinassent. unde ab Oceani finibus nempe Britannis incipiens, open fretus divina, religionis curam in medijs superstitionum tenebris cepit, ab Occiduis ad Indos, innumerasad aeternae spem vitae erigens gentes. Animum divinis exercendo studijs, noctes trahebat insomnes, & quaesita scribendi diverticula per otium frequentabat: Imperium oration, ac Sanctis operationibus continendum ratus, Egregius Christianae disciplinae praeco, filios ac proceres docuit, pietatem divitijs omnibus, at que adeò ipsi anteferre totius mundi Monarchiae. Falsorum deorum everfor, Imaginum cultus per Graeciam, AEgyptum, Persiam, Asiam, & universam ditionem Romanam, repetitis abrogat legibus, iubens peredicta Christum coli, evangelium predicarisacrum, Ministris honores, & aliment● dari, atque idolorum ubíque destrui templa. Et ut fidei forma cunctis videretur, evangelium jesu Christi ante se semper ferri fecir, & Biblia sacra ad omnes provincias destinari, diademá que Monarchicum primus Britannis regibus dedit: Ecclesijs infinita praesti●it, agros, annonam, stipem egenis, aegris, viduis, ac orphanis, pro quibusque ut pater sollicitus. Eusebium, Lactantium, & similes, familiarissimos habuit, & hanc ad Deum orationem indiès ipsis in eius vita testibus fudit. unum te Deum esse novimus, unum te Regem intelligimus, appellamus adiutorem, nobis abs te victoria cecidit, ex te Aduersarium fudimus, etc. Pro delicijs habuit, ut Sextus Aurelianus tradit, literarum studia colere, bonos arts fovere, legere, scribere, meditari: composuit Graecè & Latinè multos libros & Epistolas. E vita Nicomedie discessit Senex, aetatis suae Anno 66. & Imperij 32, à Christi verò incarnatione 339. Constantinopli sepultus, Octavio in Británijs regnant. Eius vitam in quatuor libris Eusebius Caesariensis Graecè scripsit, & joannes Portesius Gallus in Latinum transtulit sermonem. ¶ The same in English. Flavius Constantine, surnamed the great, king of the Britaines after his father, and Emperor of the Romans, born in Brittany of Helena his mother, and there created Emperor, made his native country partaker of his singular glory and renown. Having conquered and put to flight the Almains, Spaniards, Frenchmen, and their Kings for a spectacle thrown out to wild beasts, he held France itself as subject unto him: and having happily delivered the Italians from the tyranny of Maxentius, he preferred three of his mother's uncles, all Britain's, namely, Leoline, Trahere, and Marius, whom in all his actions he had found more faithful unto him then any others, to be of the order of the Roman Senators. Eutropius reporteth, that he infinitely excelled in the virtues both of the mind and body also, and that having a pleasure in the practice of war, and in the just commendation of Martial prowess, he never pitched his field but his success in the battle was always victorious, His mother Helena having instructed him in the faith of Christ, although he made much of all men that were learned in the Greek and Latin tongues, yet he yielded special honour to those that spent their time in the study of Divinity, which he called Christian Philosophy: so that beginning at the furthest part of the Ocean sea, which then was taken to be his own native soil of Britain, and trusting in the assistance of God, when the darkness of superstition was most thick, than he undertook a care of Religion, stirring up innumerable nations from the West as far as India itself, to the hope of eternal life. He passed many nights without sleep, having his mind occupied in divine studies: and whensoever his laisure from greater affairs did permit him, his vacant times should be spent in the use of writing and other good exercises, assuring himself that his kingdoms and Empire were ●o be continued and strengthened to him by prayer and holy works: and oftentimes taking upon him as it were the person of a notable preacher of Christian discipline, he would teach his children and nobility, that godliness was to be preferred before riches, yea, before the Monarchy of all the world. He overthrew the false gods of the heathens, and by many laws often revived, he abrogated the worshipping of Images in all the countries of Greece, Egypt, Persia, Asia, and the whole Roman Empire, commanding Christ only by his Edicts to be worshipped, the sacred Gospel to be preached, the Ministers thereof to be honoured and relieved, and the temples of Idols every where to be destroyed. Whithersoever he went he caused the book of the Gospel of Christ to be still carried before him, that thereby it might appear to be a form of faith to all men, and to appertain generally to all nations. He was the first that appointed an Imperial Diadem, or Crown to the Kings of Britain. He was most beneficial to all Churches, bestowing upon them lands and fields, and upon the poor, sick people, widows and orphans, corn and wood, being as careful of them as if he had been their natural father. He used learned men most familiarly, as Eusebius, Lactantius and others, and they are witnesses that this was his usual prayer to God. OH Lord we know thee to be the only God, we are sure that thou art the only King, and we call upon thee as our helper: through thee we have got the victory, and by thee we have overthrown the enemy. Sextus Aurelius reporteth, that it was his greatest delight to embrace the study of learning, to favour good Arts, to read, writ and meditate, and that he composed many books and Epistles both in the Greek and Latin tongues. He died at Nicomedia, being then 66. years of age, in the 32. year of his reign, and in the 339. year after the Incarnation of Christ, and was buried at Constantinople, Octavius being then King of Britain: whose life Eusebius bishop of Caesarea hath written in Greek in 4. books, which afterwards were translated into the Latin tongue by john Por●es a Frenchman. ¶ The life and travails of Pelagius born in Wales. PElagius Cambrius ex ea Britanniae part oriun dus, famati illius Collegij Bannochorensis a Cestria non procul, praepositus erat, in quo Christianorum p●ilosophorum duo millia ac centum, ad plebis in Christo commoditatem militabant, manuum suarum laboribus, juxta Pauli doctrinam victitantes. Post quam plures exhibitos, pro Christiana Repub. labores, vir cruditione insignis, & tum Graecè, tum Latinè peritus, ut Tertullianus alter, quorundam Clericorum la cessitus iniurijs, gravatim tulit, ac tandem a fide defecit. Peragratis igitur deinceps Gallijs, in Aegyptum, & Syriam aliásque orientis Regiones demum pervenit. Vbi ex earum partium Monacho praesul ordinatus, sui nominis haeresim fabricabat: asserens hominem sine peccato nasci, ac solo volunta●is imperio sine gratia salvari posse, ut ita nefarius baptismum acfidem tolleret. Cum his & consimilibus impostric●s doctrinae foecibus in patriam suam reversus, omnem illam Regionem, juliano & Caelestino Pseudoepi●copis fautoribus, conspurcabat. Verum ante lap sum suum studia tractabat honestissima, ut post Gennadium, Bedam, & Honorium alij ferunt authores, composuítque multos libros ad Christianam utilitatem. At postquam est Hereticus publicatus, multo plures edid●t haeresi succurrentes, & ex diametro cum vera pietate pugnantes, unde erat a suis Britannis in exilium pulsus, ut in Epistola ad Martinum 5. Valdenus habet. Claruit anno post Christum incarnatum, 390. sub Maximo Britannorum Rege. ¶ The same in English. PElagius, born in that part of Britain which is called Wales, was head or governor of the famous College of Bangor, not far from Chester, wherein lived a Society of 2100. Divines, or Students of Christian philosophy, applying themselves to the profit of the Christian people, and living by the labours of their own hands, according to Paul's doctrine. He was a man excellently learned, and skilful both in the Greek and Latin tongues, and as it were another Tertullian, after his long and great travails for the good of the Christian common wealth, seeing himself abused, and injuriously dealt withal by some of the Clergy of that time, he took the matter so grievously, that at the last he relapsed from the faith. Whereupon he left Wales, and went into France, and having go through France, he went therehence into Egypt, Syria, & their Countries of the East, and being made Priest by a certain Monk of those parts, he there hatched his heresy, which according to his name was called the heresy of the Pelagians: which was, that man was born without sin, and might be saved by the power of his own will without grace, that so the miserable man might take away faith and baptism. With this and the like dregs of false doctrine, he returned again into Wales, and there by the means of the two false Prelates julian and Celestine, who favoured h●s heresy, he infected the whole Country with it. But before his fall and Apostasy from the faith, he exercised himself in the best studies, as Gennadius, Beda, Honorius, and other authors do report of him, and written many books serving not a little to Christian utility: but being once fallen into his heresy, he written many more erroneous books, than he did before honest, and sincere: whereupon, at the last his own Countrymen banished him, as Walden testifieth in his Epistle to Pope Martin the fift. He flourished in the year after the Incarnation, 390. Maximus being then King of Britain. ¶ Certain Englishmen sent to Constantinople by the French King to justinian the Emperor, about the year of Christ, 500 out of the fourth book of Procopius de Bello Gothico. BRitanniam insulam tres numerosissimae gentes incolunt: Quorum unicuique suus Rex imperat. Nominantur hae gentes Angili, Frisones, & qui eiusdem sunt cum insula cognominis Britoneses. Tanta vero hominum multitudo esse videtur, ut singulis annis inde magno numero cum uxoribus & liberis ad Francos emigtent. Illi autem in eorum terram● quae maximè deserta videtur, excipiunt. unde insulam sibi vendicare ferunt. Vtique non ita pridem, cum Francorum Rex quosdam è suis Constantinopolim ad justinianum legaret, Anglos etiam misit, ambitiosius vendicans, quasi haec insula suo subesset imperio. The same in English. THe Isle of Britain is inhabited by three most populous nations, every of which is governed by a several king. The said nations are named Angili, Frisones, and Britoneses, which last are called after the name of the Island. In this Isle there are such swarms of people, that every year they go forth in great numbers with their wives and children into France. And the Frenchmen right willingly receive them into their land, which seemeth very desolate for want of inhabitants. Whereupon it is said that the French do challenge the foresaid Island unto themselves. For not long since, when the king of the franks sent certain of his subjects ambassadors to Constantinople unto justinian the Emperor, he sent English men also, ambitiously boasting, as though the said Isle had been under his jurisdiction. A testimony of the sending of Sighelmus Bishop of Shirburne, by King Alphred, unto Saint Thomas of India in the year of our Lord 883, recorded by William of Malmesburie, in his second book and fourth Chapter de gestis regum Anglorum. ELeemosynis intentus privilegia ecclesiarum, sicut pater statuerat, roboravit; & trans mare Romam, & ad sanctum Thomam in Indiam multa munera misit. Legatus in hoc missus Sighelmus Shirburnensis Episcopus cum magna prosperitate, quod quivis hoc seculo miretur, Indiam penetravit; inde rediens exoticos splendores gemmarum, & liquores aromatum, quorum illa humus ferax est, reportavit. The same in English. KIng Alphred being addicted to giving of alms, confirmed the privileges of Churches as his father had determined; and sent also many gifts beyond the seas unto Rome, and unto S. Thomas of India. His messenger in this business was Sighelmus bishop of Schirburne; who with great prosperity (which is a matter to be wondered at in this our age) travailed through India, and returning home brought with him many strange and precious unions and costly spices, such as that country plentifully yieldeth. A second testimony of the foresaid Sighelmus his voyage unto Saint Thomas of India etc. out of William of Malmesbury his second book de gestis pontificum Anglorum, cap. de episcopis Schireburnensibus Salisburiensibus, Wiltunensibus. SIghelmus trans mare, causa eleemosynarum regis, & etiam ad Sanctum Thomam in Indiam missus, mira prosperitate, quod quivis in hoc seculo miretur, Indiam penetravit; indequè rediens exotici generis gemmas, quarum illa humus ferax est, reportavit. Nonnullae illa●um adhuc in ecclesiae monumentis visuntur. The same in English. SIghelmus being for the performance of the king's alms sent beyond the seas, and travailing unto S. Thomas of India, very prosperously (which a man would wonder at in this age) passed through the said country of India, and returning home brought with him divers strange and precious stones, such as that climate affourdeth. Many of which stones are as yet extant in the monuments of the Church. The life and travails of john Erigena. joannes Erigena Britannus natione, in Menevia urbe, seu ad fanum Davidis, & patricio genitore natus, dum Anglos Daci crudeles bellis ac rapinis molestarent, ac omnia illic essent tumultibus plena, longam ipse peregrinationem Athenas usque suscepit, annosque quamplures literis Graecis, Chaldaicis, & Arabicis insudavit; omnia illic invisit Philosophorum loca, ac studia, imo & ipsum oraculum Solis, quod Aefculapius sibi construxerat, Inueniens tandem quod longo quaesierat labour, in Italiam & Galliam est reversus ubi ob in●ignem eruditionem, Carolo Caluo, & postea Ludovico Balbo acceptus, Dionysijs Areopagitas libros de coelesti Hierarchia, ex Constantinopoli tunc missos Latino's fecit, Anno Dom. 858. Profectus postea in Britanniam, Alphredi Anglorum Regis, & suorum liberorum factus est praeceptor, atque ipso mox adhortante, inter ocia literaria è Graeco transtulit in tres linguas, scilicet Chaldaicam, Arabicam, & Latinam, Aristotelis moralia, de secretis secretorum, seu recto regimine Principum, opus certe exquisitum. In Malmsburiensi caenobio tandem, quo recreationis gratia se contulerat, interlegenduma quibusdam discipulis malevolis interimebatur, Anno Christi, 884. The same in English. IOhn Erigene a Britain, descended of honourable parents, and born in the Town of S. David in Wales, seeing the Englishmen to be oppressed with the wars and rapines of the cruel Danes, and all the land in a hurlie burlie, he in the mean time undertook a long journey, even as far as Athens, and there spent many years in the study of the Greek, Chaldie, and Arabian tongues: he there frequented all the places and schools of the Philosophers, and the oracle also of the Sun, which Aesculapius had built unto himself. And having found at length that which he had with long travel searched, he returned again into Italy, and France, where for his singular learning, he was much favoured of the two Kings Charles and jews, and in his being there, he translated into Latin the books of Dionysius Areopagita concerning the Heavenly Hierarchy, which were sent from Constantinople in the year 858. After this he came back again into his own Country, and was schoolmaster unto Alphred then King of England, and his sons: and upon his request, at his times of leisure, he translated Aristotle's Morals, of the Secrets of Secrets, or of the right government of Princes, out of Greek into these three tongues, Chaldie, Arabian, and Latin, which he did very exquisitely. At the last, being in the Abbey of Malmsburie, whither he went for his recreation, and there according to his manner disputing, and reading to the Students, some of them misliking and hating him, rose against him, and slew him in the year of Christ, 884. The travails of Andrew Whiteman aliâs Leucander, Centur. 2. ANdraeas Leucander alias Whiteman (juxta Lelandum) Monachus, & Abbas Ramesiensis Caenobij tertius fuit. Hic bonis artibus study quodam incredibili noctes atque dies invigilabat, & operae praecium ingens inde retulit. Accessit praeterea & arden's quoddam desiderium, ea proprijs & apertis oculis videndi loca, in quibus Seruator Christus redemptionis nostrae mysteria omnia consummavit, quorum prius sola nomina ex scripturarum lectione noverat: unde & sacram Hierosolymorum urbem, miraculorum, praedicationis, ac passionis eius testem invisit, atque domum rediens factus est Abbas. Claruisse fertur anno nati Seruatoris, 1020. sub Canuto Dano. The same in English. ANdrew Leucander otherwise called Whiteman (as Leland reporteth) was by profession a Monk, and the third Abbot of the Abbey of Ramsey: he was exceedingly given to the study of good arts, taking pains therein day & night, and profited greatly thereby. And amongst all other things, he had an incredible desire to see those places with his eyes, wherein Christ our Saviour performed and wrought all the mysteries of our redemption, the names of which places he only known before by the reading of the Scriptures. Whereupon he began his journey, and went to jerusalem a witness of the miracles, preaching, and passion of Christ, and being again returned into his country, he was made the aforesaid Abbot. He flourished in the year of Christ 1020. under Canutus the Dane. The voyage of Swanus one of the sons of Earl Godwin unto jerusalem, Anno Dom. 1052, recorded by William of Malmsburie lib. 2. de gestis regum Anglorum, Capite 13. SWanus perversi ingenij & infidi in regem, multoties a patre & fratre Haroldo descivit: & pirata factus, praedis maritimis virtutes maiorum polluit. Postremò pro conscientia Brunonis cognati intetempti, & (ut quidam dicunt) fratris jerosolimam abijt: indeque rediens, a Saracenis circumuentus, & ad mortem caesus est. The same in English. SWanus being of a perverse disposition, and faithless to the king, often times disagreed with his father and his brother Harold: and afterwards proving a pirate, he stained the virtues of his ancestors with his robberies upon the seas. Last of all, being guilty unto himself of the murder of his kinsman Bruno, and (as some do report) of his own brother, he travailed unto jerusalem: and in his return home, being taken by the Saracens, was beaten, and wounded unto death. A voyage of three Ambassadors, who in the time of K. Edward the Confessor, and about the year of our Lord 1056, were sent unto Constantinople, and from thence unto Ephesus, together with the occasion of their sending, etc. recorded by William of Malmesburie, lib. 2. de gestis regum Anglorum, capi●e 13. DIe sancti paschatis ad mensam apud Westmonasterium ●ssederat, diademate fastiga●us, & optimatum turma circumuallatus. Cùmque alij longam quadragesimae inediam recentibus cibis compensantes, acriter comederent, ille a terrenis revocato animo, divinum quiddam speculatus, mentes convivantium permovit ampliorem perfusus in risum: nulló quo causam lae titiae per quirere praesument, tùnc quidèm ita tacitum, donec edendi satietas obsonijs finem imposuit. Sed remotis mensis, cum in triclinio regalibus exueretur, tres optimates eum prose cuti, quorum unus erat comes Haroldus, secundus abbess, tertius episcopus, familiaritatis ausu interrogant quid riserat: mirum omnibus nec immeritò videri, quarè in tanta serenitate diei & negotij, tacentibus caeteris, scurrilem cachinnum ejecerit. Stupenda (inquit) vidi, nec ideo sine causa risi. Tum illi, ut moris est humani ingenij, sciscitari & quaerere causam ardentiùs, ut supplicibus dignantèr rem impertiatur, Ille multùm cunctatus tandem instantibus mira respondit: septem dormientes in monte Caelio requiescere iam ducentis annis in dextro iacentes later: sed tunc in hora ipsa risus sui, latus invertisse sinistrum: futurum ut septuaginta quatuor annis ita iaceant: dirum nimirum miseris mortalibus omen. Nam omnia ventura in his septuaginta quatuor annis, quae dominus circa finem mundi praedixit discipulis suis: gent●m contra gentem surrecturam, & regnum adversus regnum, terraemotus per loca, pestilentiam & famem, terrores de coelo, & signa magna, regnorum mutationes, gentilium in Christianos bella, item Christicolarum in paganos victorias. Talia mirantibus inculcans passionem septem dormientium, & habitudines corporum singulorum, quas nulla docet litera, ita promptè disseruit: ac sicum eyes quotidiano victitaret con●ubernio. His auditis, comes militem, episcopus clericum, abbess monachum, ad veritatem verborum exsculpendam, Manicheti Constantinopolitano imperitori misere, adiectis reg●s sui literis & muneribus. Eosille benignè secum habitos episcopo Ephesi destinavit, epistola pariter, quam sacram vocant, comitant: ut ostenderentur ●egatis regis Angliae septem dormientium marturiales exwiae. Factúm● est ut vaticinium regis Edwardi Graecis omnibus comprobatum, qui se a patribus accepisse iurarent, super dextrum illos latus quiescere: sed post itroitum Anglorum in speluncam, veritatem peregrinae prophetiae contubernalibus suis praedicarunt. Nec moram sestinatio malorum fecit, quin Agareni, & Arabes, & Turci; alienae scilicèt a Christo gentes, Syriam, & Lyciam, & minorem Asiam omnino, & maioris multas urbes, inter quas & Ephesum, ipsam etiam Hierosolymam depopulati, super Christianos invaderent. The same in English. Upon Easterday king Edward the Confessor being crowned with his kingly diadem, and accompanied with divers of his nobles, sat at dinner in his palace at Westminster. And when others, after their long abstinence in the Lent, refreshed themselves with dainty meats, and fed thereupon very earnestly, he lifting up his mind from earthly matters and meditating on heavenly visions (to the great admiration of those which were present) broke forth into an exceeding laughter: and no man presuming to inquire the cause of his mirth, they all kept silence till dinner was ended. But after dinner, as he was in his bedchamber putting off his solemn robes, three of his Nobles, to wit earl Harold, an Abbot, and a Bishop, being more familiar with him then the residue followed him in, and boldly asked him what was the occasion of his laughter: for it seemed very strange unto them all, what should move him at so solemn a time and assembly, while others kept silence, to laugh so excessively. I see (quoth he) admirable things, and therefore laughed I not without occasion. Then they (as it is the common guise of all men) demanded and inquired the cause more earnestly, humbly beseeching him that he would vouchsafe to impart that secret unto them. Whereupon musing a long while unto himself, at length he told them wonderful things: namely that seven Sleepers had rested in mount Caelius two hundred years, lying upon their right sides; but in the very hour of his laughter, that they turned themselves on their left sides; and that they should continued so lying for the space of 74. years after; being a dismal sign of future calamity unto mankind. For all things should come to pass within those 74. years, which, as our Saviour Christ foretold unto his disciples, were to be fulfilled about the end of the world; namely that nation should rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom, and that there should be in many places earthquakes, pestilence, and famine, terrible apparitions in the heavens, and great signs, together with alterations of kingdoms, wars of infidels against the Christians, and victories of the Christians against the infidels. And as they wondered at these relations, he declared unto them the passion of the seven Sleepers, with the proportion and shape of each of their bodies (which things no man living had as then committed unto writing) and that so plainly and distinctly, as if he had conversed a long time in their company. Hereupon the earl sent a knight, the bishop a clerk, and the abbot a monk unto Manichees the Emperor of Constantinople, with the letters and gifts of their King. Who giving them friendly entertainment, sent them over unto the bishop of Ephesus; and written his letters unto him giving him charge, that the English Ambassadors might be admitted to see the true, and material habiliments of the seven Sleepers. And it came to pass that King Edward's vision was approved by all the Greeks, who protested they were advertised by their fathers, that the foresaid seven Sleepers had always before that time rested upon their right sides; but after the Englishmen were entered into the cave, those Sleepers confirmed the truth of the outlandish prophesy, unto their countrymen. Neither were the calamities foretold, any long time delayed: for the Agarens, Arabians, Turks and other unbelieving nations invading the Christians, harried and spoilt Syria, Lycia, the lesser Asia, and many cities of Asia the greater, and amongst the rest Ephesus, yea, and jerusalem also. The voyage of Alured bishop of Worcester unto jerusalem, an. 1058. Recorded by Roger Hoveden in part priore Annalium, fol. 255. linea 15. A.D. 1058. ALuredus Wigorniensis Episcopus ecclesiam, quam in civitate Glavorna à fundamentis construxerat, in honore principis Apostolorum Petri honorificè dedicavit: & posteà regis licentia Wolstanum Wigorniensem Monachum à se ordinatum Abbatem constituit ibidem. Dein praesulatu dimisso Wiltoniensis ecclesiae, qui sibi ad regendum commissus fuerat, & Hermanno, cujus suprà mentionem fecimus, reddito, mare transijt, & per Hungariam profectus est Hierosolymam, etc. The same in English. IN the year of our Lord 1058. Alured bishop of Worcester, very solemnly dedicated a Church (which himself had founded and built in the city of Gloucester) unto the honour of S. Peter the chief Apostle: and afterward by the king's permission ordained Wolstan a Monk of Worcester of his own choice, to be Abbate in the same place. And then having left his Bishopric which was committed unto him over the Church of Wilton, and having resigned the same unto Hermannus above mentioned, passed over the seas, and travailed through Hungary unto jerusalem, etc. The voyage of Ingulphus Abbot of Croiland unto jerusalem, performed (according to Florentius Wigorniensis) in the year of our Lord, 1064, and described by the said Ingulphus himself about the conclusion of his brief History. A.D. 1064. EGo Ingulphus humilis minister Sancti Guthlaci Monasterijque sui Croilandensis, natus in Anglia, & a parentibus Anglicis, quippè urbis pulcherrimae Londoniarum, pro literis addiscendis in teneriori aetate constitutus, primum Westmonasterio, postmodum Oxoniensi study traditus eram. Cumque in Aristotele arripiendo supra multos coaetaneos meos profecissem, etiam Rhetoricam Tullij primam & secundam talo tenus induebam. Factus ergo adolescentior, fastidiens parentum meorum exiguitatem, paternos lares relinquere, & palatia regum aut principum affectans, mollibus vestiri, pomposisque lacinijs amiciri indies ardentius appetebam. Et eceè, inclytus nun● rex noster Anglie, tunc adhuc comes Normanniae Wilhelmus ad colloquium tunc regis Angliae Edwardi cognati sui, A.D. 1051. cum grandi ministrantium comitatu Londonias adventabat. Quibus citius insertus, ingerens me ubíque ad omnia emergentia negotia peragenda, cum prosperè plurima perfecissem, in brevi agnitus illustrissimo comiti & astrictissimê adamatus, cum ipso Normanniam enavigabam. Factus ibidem scriba eius, pro libito totam comitis curiam, ad nonnullorum invidiam regebam; quosque volui humiliabam, & quos volui exaltabam. Cum que iwenili calore impulsus in tam celso statu supra meos natales consistere taederem, quin semper ad altiora conscendere, instabili animo, ac nimium prurienti affectu, ad erubescentiam ambitiosus avidissimè desiderarem: A.D. 1064, According to Florentius Wigorniensis. nuntiatur per universam Normanniam plurimos archiepiscopos imperij cum nonnullis alijs terroe principibus velle pro merito animarum suarum more peregrinorum cum debita devotione Hierosolymam proficisci. De familia ergo comitis domini nostri plurimi tam milites quàm clerici, quorum primus & praecipuus ego eram, cum licentia, & domini nostri comitis benevolentia, in dictum iter nos omnes accinximus: & Alemanniam petentes, equites triginta numero & ampliùs domino Maguntino coniuncti sumus. Parati namque omnes ad viam, & cum dominis episcopis connumerati septem mislia, pertranseuntes prosperè multa terrarum spatia, tandem Constantinopolim pervenimus. Vbi Alexium Imperatorem eius adorantes Ag●osophiam vidimus, & infinita sanctuaria osculati sumus. Divertentes inde per Lyciam, in manus Arabicorum latronum incidimus; evisceratique de infinitis pecunijs, cum mortibus multorum, & maximo vitae nostrae periculo vix evadentes, tandem desideratissimam civi atem Hierosolymam leto introitu tenebamus. Ab ipso tunc patriarcha Sophronio nomine, viro veneranda canitie honestissimo ac sanctissimo, grandi cymbalorum tonitru, & luminarium immen●o fulgore suscepti, ad divinissimam ecclesiam sanctissimi sepulchri, tam Syrorum, quàm Latinorum solenni processione deducti sumus. Ibi quot preces inoravimus, quot lachrymas inflevimus, quot suspiria inspiravimus, solus eius inhabitator novit D. noster jesus Christus. Ab ipso itaque gloriosissimo sepulchro Christi ad alia sanctuaria civitatis invisenda circumducti, infinitam summam sanctarum ecclesiarum, & oratoriorum, quae Achim Soldanus dudum destruxerat, oculis lachrymosis vidimus. Et omnibus ruinis sanctisimae civitatis, tam extra, quàm intra; numerosis lachrymis intimo affectu compassi, ad quorundam restaurationem datis non paucis pecunijs, exire in patriam & sacratissimo jordane intingi, universaque Christi vestigia osculari, desiderantissima devotione suspirabamus. Sed Arabum latrunculi qui omnem viam obseruabant, longiùs a civitate evagari, sua rabiosa multitudine innumera non sinebant. Vere igitur accedente, stolus navium lanuensium in porta joppensi applicuit. In quibus, cum sua mercimonia Christiani mercatores per civitates maritimas commutassent, & sancta loca similitèr adorassent, ascendentes omnes mari nos commisimus. Et iactati fluctibus & procellis innumeris tandem Brundisium, & prospero itinere per Apuliam Romam petentes, sanctorum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli limina, & copiosissima sanctorum martyrum monumenta per omnes stationes osculati sumus. Indè archiepiscopi, ceterique principes imperij Alemanniam per dextram repetentes, nos versùs Franciam ad sinistram declinantes, cum inenarrabilibus & gratijs & osculis ab invicem discessimus. Et tandem de triginta equitibus, qui de Normannia pingues exivimus, vix viginti pauperes peregrini, & omnes pedites, macie multa attenuati, reversi sumus. The same in English. I Ingulphus an humble servant of reverend Guthlac and of his monastery of Croiland, born in England, and of English parents, at the beautiful city of London, was in my youth, for the attaining of good letters, placed first at Westminster, and afterward sent to the University of Oxford. And having excelled divers of mine equals in learning of Aristotle, I enured myself somewhat unto the first & second Rhetoric of Tully. And as I grew in age, disdaining my parents mean estate, and forsaking mine own native soil, I affected the Courts of kings and princes, and was desirous to be clad in silk, and to wear brave and costly attire. And lo, at the same time William our sovereign king now, but then Earl of Normandy, with a great troop of followers and attendants came unto London, to confer with king Edward the Counfessour his kinsman. A.D. 1051. Into whose company intruding myself, and proffering my service for the performance of any speedy or weighty affairs, in short time, after I had done many things with good success, I was known and most entirely beloved by the victorious Earl himself, and with him I sailed into Normandy. And there being made his secretary, I governed the Earls Court (albeit with the envy of some) as myself pleased, yea whom I would I abased, and preferred whom I thought good. When as therefore, being carried with a youthful heat and lusty humour, I began to be weary even of this place, wherein I was advanced so high above my parentage, and with an inconstant mind, and affection too too ambitious, most vehemently aspired at all occasions to climb higher: there went a report throughout all Normandy, that divers Archbishops of the Empire, and secular princes were desirous for their soul's health, and for devotion sake, to go on pilgrimage to jerusalem. Wherefore out of the family of our lord the Earl, sundry of us, both gentlemen and clerks (principal of whom was myself) with the licence and good will of our said lord the earl, sped us on that voyage, and travailing thirty horses of us into high Germany, we joined ourselves unto the Archbishop of Mentz. And being with the companies of the Bishops seven thousand people sufficiently provided for such an expedition, we passed prosperously through many provinces, and at length attained unto Constantinople. Where doing reverence unto the Emperor Alexius, we saw the Church of Sancta Sophia, and kissed divers sacred relics. Departing thence through Lycia, we fallen into the hands of the Arabian thieves: and after we had been rob of infinite sums of money, and had lost many of our people, hardly escaping with extreme danger of our lives, at length we joyfully entered into the most wished city of jerusalem. Where we were received by the most reverend, aged, and holy patriarch Sophronius, with great melody of cymbals and with torchlight, and were accompanied unto the most divine Church of our Saviour his sepulchre with a solemn procession aswell of Syrians as of Latins. Here, how many prayers we uttered, what abundance of tears we shed, what deep sighs we breathed forth, our Lord jesus Christ only knoweth. Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of Christ to visit other sacred monuments of the city, we see with weeping eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratory's, which Achim the soldan of Egypt had lately destroyed. And so having bewailed with sad tears, and most sorrowful and bleeding affections, all the ruins of that most holy city both within and without, and having bestowed money for the re-edifying of some, we desired with most ardent devotion to go forth into the country, to wash ourselves in the most sacred river of jordan, and to kiss all the steps of Christ. Howbeit the thievish Arabians lurking upon every way, would not suffer us to travel far from the city, by reason of their huge and furious multitudes. Wherefore about the spring there arrived at the port of joppa a fleet of ships from Genoa. In which fleet (when the Christian merchants had exchanged all their wares at the coast towns, and had likewise visited the holy places) we all of us embarked, committing ourselves to the seas: and being tossed with many storms and tempests, at length we arrived at Brundisium: and so with a prosperous journey traveling thorough Apulia towards Rome, we there visited the habitations of the holy apostles Peter and Paul, and did reverence unto divers monuments of holy martyrs in all places throughout the city. From thence the archbishops and other princes of the empire traveling towards the right hand for Alemain, and we declining towards the left hand for France, departed asunder, taking our leaves with unspeakable thanks and courtesies. And so at length, of thirty horsemen which went out of Normandy fat, jusly, and frolic, we returned thither scarce twenty poor pilgrims of us, being all footmen, and consumed with leanness to the bore bones. ¶ divers of the honourable family of the Beauchamps, with Robert courteous son of William the Conqueror, made a voyage to jerusalem 1096. Hol. pag. 22. vol. 2. POpe Vrbane calling a council at Clermont in Auvergne, exhorted the Christian princes so earnestly to make a journey into the Holy land, for the recovery thereof out of the Saracens hands, that the said great and general journey was concluded upon to be taken in hand, wherein many noble men of Christendom went under the leading of Godfrey of Bovillon & others, as in the Chronicles of France, of Germany, and of the Holy land doth more plainly appear. There went also among other divers noble men forth of this Realm of England, specially that worthily bore the surname of Beauchampe. ¶ The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady married to Balduine brother of Godfreide duke of Bovillon, toward jerusalem about 1097. And the 11. year of William Rufus King of England. THe Christian army of Godfrey of Bovillon passing the city of Iconium, alias Agogna in the country of Licaonia, and from thence by the city of Heraclia, came at length unto the city of Marasia, where they encamped, and sojourned there three whole days, because of the wife of Balduine brother german of the duke of Loraigne. Which Lady being long time vexed with a grievous malady, was in extremity, where at length paying the debt due to nature, she changed this transitory light, for life eternal; Who, in her life time, was a very worthy and virtuous Lady, born in England, and descended of most noble parentage named Gutuere; Which, according to her degree, was there most honourably interred, to the great grief of all the whole army. As reporteth William Archbishop of tire, lib. 3. cap. 17. hist. belli sacri. The same author in the 10. book & first chapter of the same history concerning the same English Lady, writeth further as followeth, Baldwine having followed the wars for a time, gave his mind to marriage, so that being in England he fallen in love with a very honourable and noble Lady named Gutuere, whom he married and carried with him in that first happy expedition, wherein he accompanied his brethren the Lords, duke Godfrey and Eustace, people very commendable in all virtues and of immortal memory. But he had hard fortune in his journey, because his foresaid wife, being wearied with a long sickness finished her life with a happy end near the city of Marasia, before the Christian army came unto Antioch, where she was honourably buried, as we have declared before. ¶ Chronicon Hierosolymitanum in lib. 3. cap. 27. maketh also mention of this English Lady, which he calleth Godwera in this manner. HAc in regione Maresch uxor Baldewini nobilissima, quam de regno angel eduxit, diutina corporis molestia aggravata, & duci Godefrido commendata, vitam ex●alauit, sepulta Catholicis obsequijs; cuius nomen erat Godwera. The same in English. IN this province of Maresch the most noble wife of Baldwine, which he carried with him out of England being visited with daily sicknesses and infirmities of body, and commended to the custody of duke Godfrey, departed out of this life, and was buried after the Christian manner. Her name was Godwera. ¶ The voyage of Edgar the son of Edward which was the son of Edmund surnamed Ironside, brother unto K. Edward the confessor, (being accompanied with valiant Robert the son of Godwin) unto jerusalem, in the year of our Lord 1102. Recorded by William of Malmesburie, lib. 3. histo. fol. 58. SVbsequenti tempore cum Roberto filio Godwini milite audacissimo Edgarus Hierosolymam pertendit. A.D. 1102. Illud fuit tempus quo Turci Baldwinum regem apud Ramas' obsederunt: qui cum obsidionis iniuriam far nequiret, per medias hostium acies effugit, solius Roberti opera liberatus praeeuntis, & evaginato gladio dex●ra levaque Turcos caedentis. Sed cum successu ipso truculentior, alacritate nimia procutreret, ensis manu excidit. Ad quem recolligendum cum se inclinasset, omnium incursu oppressus, vinculis palmas dedit. Ind Babyloniam (ut aiunt) ductus, cum Christum abnegare nollet, in medio foro ad signum positus, & sagittis terebratus, martyrium consecravit. Edgarus amisso milite regressus, multaque beneficia ab Imperatoribus Graecorum, & Alemannorum adeptus (quippè qui etiam cum retinere pro generis amplitudine tentassent) omnia pro natalis soli desiderio sprevit. Quosdam enim profectò fallie amor patriae, ut nihil eyes videatur jucundum, nisi consuetum hauserint coelum. undè Edgarus fatua cupidine illusus Angliam redijt, ubi (ut superius dixi) diverso fortunae ludicro rotatus, nunc remotus & tacitus, canos suos in agro consumit. The same in English. AFterward Edgar being son unto the nephew of Edward the confessor, travailed with Robert the son of Godwin a most valiant knight, unto jerusalem. And it was at the same time when the Turks besieged king Baldwin at Rama: who not being able to endure the strait siege, was by the help of Robert especially, going before him, and with his drawn sword making a lane, and slaying the Turks on his right hand and on his left, delivered out of that danger, and escaped through the midst of his enemy's camp. But upon his happy success being more eager and fierce, as he went forward somewhat too hastily, his sword fallen out of his hand. Which as he stooped to take up, being oppressed with the whole multitude, he was there taken and bond. From whence (as some say) being carried unto Babylon or Alcair in Egypt, when he would not renounce Christ, he was tied unto a stake in the midst of the market place, and being shot through with arrows, died a martyr. Edgar having lost his knight returned, and being honoured with many rewards both by the Greekish and by the german Emperor (who both of them would right gladly have entertained him still for his great nobility) contemned all things in respect of his native soil. For in very deed some are so inueagled with the love of their country, that nothing can seem pleasant unto them, unless they breath in the same air where they were bread. Wherefore Edgar being misled with a fond affection, returned into England; and afterward being subject unto divers changes of fortune (as we have above signified) he spendeth When the author was writing of this history. now his extreme old age in an obscure and private place of the country. ¶ Mention made of one Godericus, a valiant Englishman, who was with his ships in the voyage unto the Holy land in the second year of Baldwine King of jerusalem, in the third year of Henry the first of England. CHronicon Hierosolymitanum lib. 9 cap. 9 Verùm dehinc septem diebus evolutis rex ab Assur exiens, navem quae dicitur Buza ascendit, & cum eo Godericus pirata de regno Angliae, ac vexillo hastae praefixo & elato in aëre ad radios solis usque, japhet cum paucis navigavit, ut hoc eius signo cives Christiani recognito, fiduciam vitae regis haberent, & non facile hostium minis pavefacti, turpiter diffugium facerent, aut urbem reddere cogerentur. Sciebat enim eos multum de vita & salute eius desperare. Saraceni autem viso eius signo, & recognito, ea part que urbem navigio cingebat illi in galeis viginti & Carinis tredecim, quas vulgo appellant C●zh, occurrerunt, volentes Buzam regis coronare. Sed Dei auxilio undis maris illis exaduerso tumescentibus ac reluctantibus, Buza autem regis facili, & agili cursu inter procellas labente, ac volitante, in portu joppae delusis hostibus subitò affuit, sex ex Saracenis in arcu suo in navicula percussis, ac vulneratis. Intrans itaque civitatem dum incolumis omnium pateret oculis, revixit spiritus cunctorum gementium & de eius morte hactenus dolentium, eo quòd caput & rex Christianorum & princeps Jerusalem adhuc viws & incolumis receptus sit. The same in English. BUt seven days afterward, the King coming out of the town of Assur entered into a ship called a Buss, and one Godericke a pirate of the kingdom of England with him, and fastening his banner on the top of a spear, and holding it up aloft in the air against the beams of the Sun, sailed unto I●phet with a small company; That the Christian Citizens there seeing this his banner, might conceive hope that the King was yet living, and being not eas●ily terrified with the threats of the enemies might shamefully run away, or be constrained to yield up the city. For he known that they were very much out of hope of his life and safety. The Saracens seeing and knowing this his banner, that part of them which environed the City by water made towards him with twenty Galleys and thirteen ships, which they commonly call Cazh, seeking to enclose the King's ship. But, by Gods help the billows of the Sea swelling and raging against them, and the King's ship gliding and passing through the waves with an easy and nimble course arrived suddenly in the hatten of joppa, the enemies frustrated of their purpose; and six of the Saracens were hurt and wounded by shot out of the King's ship. So that the King entering into the City, and now appearing in safety in all their sights, the spirits of all them that mourned for him, and until then lamented as though he had been dead, revived, because that the head and King of the Christians, and prince of jerusalem was yet alive, and come again unto them in perfect health. ¶ Mention made of one Hardine of England one of the chiefest personages, and a leader among other of two hundred sail of ships of Christians that landed at joppa in the year of our Lord God 1102. CHronicon Hierosolymitanum libro 9 cap. 11. Interea dum haec obsidio ageretur 200. naves Christianorum navigio joppen appulsae sunt, ut adorarent in Jerusalem. Horum Bernardus Witrazh de terra Galatiae, Hardinus de Anglia, Otho de Rogues, Hadewerck, unus de praepotentibus Wesifalorum, primi & ductores fuisse referuntur, etc. Erat autem tertia feria julij mensis, quando hae Christianorum copiae, Deo protegente, huc navigio angustiatis & obsessis ad opem collatae sunt. Sarracenorum autem turmae, videntes quia Christianorum virtus audacter fancy ad faciem vicino sibi hospitio proximè iungebatur, media nocte o●biincumbente, amotis tentorijs amplius milliari subtractae consederunt, dum luce exorta consilium inirent, utrum Ascalonem redirent, aut cives japhet crebris assultibus vexarent. The same in English. WHile the Saracens continued their siege against joppa, two hundred sail of Christian ships arrived at joppa, that they might perform their devotions at Jerusalem. The chief men and leaders of these Christians are reported to have been: Bernard Witrazh of the land of Galatia, Hardine of England, Otho of Rogues, Haderwerck one of the chief noble men of Westphalia, etc. This Christian power through God's special provision, arrived here for the succour and relief of the distressed & besieged Christians in joppa, the third day of july, 1102. and in the second year of Baldwine king of jerusalem. Whereupon the multitude of the Saracens, seeing that the Christian power joined themselves boldly, close by them even face to face in a lodging hard by them, the very next night at midnight, removed their tents, and pitched them more than a mile off, that they might the next morning be advised whether they should return to Ascalon, or by often assaults vex the citizens of japhet. Chronicon Hierosolymitanum, eodem libro 9 cap. 12. continueth this history of these two hundredth sail of ships, and showeth how by their prowess chief, the multitude of the Saracens were in short space vanquished and overthrown: The words are these; Ab ipso verò die terriae feriae dum sic in superbia & elatione suae multitudinis immobiles Saraceni persisterent, & multis armorum terroribus Christianum populum vexarent, sexta feria appropinquance, Rex Baldwinus in tubis & cornibus a japhet egrediens, in manu robusta equitum & peditum virtutem illorum crudeli bello est aggressus, magnis hinc & hinc clamoribus intonantes. Christiani quoque qui navigio appulsi sunt horribili pariter clamore cum Rege Baldwino, & gravi strepitu vociferantes, Babylonios' vehementi pugna sunt aggressi, saevissimis atque mortiferis plagis eos affligentes, donec bello fatigati, & ultra vim non sustinentes fugam versus Ascalonem inierunt. Alij verò ab insecutoribus eripi existimantes, & mar● se credentes, intolerabili procellarum fluctuatione absorpti sunt. Et sic civitas joppes cum habitatoribus suis liberata est. Ceciderunt hac die tria millia Sarracenorum: Christianorum verò pauci perijsse inventi sunt. The same in English. YEt notwithstanding, after the said third day of july, the Saracens persisted high minded and insolent, by reason of their great multitude, and much annoyed the Christian people with their many forcible and terrible weapons; whereupon, on the sixt day of july early in the morning king Baldwine issued out of japhet, his trumpets and cornets yielding a great and loud sound, and with a very strong army as well of horsemen as footmen, who on every side making great shouts and outcries, with fierce and sharp battle set on the main power of their enemies. The Christians also who arrived in the navy, rearing great clamours and noises, with loud voices and shouting in horrible wise together, with king Baldwine assaulted likewise with strong battle the Babylonians, and afflicted them with most sore and deadly wounds, until the Saracens being wearied with fight, nor able longer to endure and hold out against the valour of the Christians, fled towards Ascalon. And other of them hoping to escape from them that pursued them, leapt into the sea, and were swallowed up in the waves thereof. And so the city of joppa with the inhabitants thereof were freed of their enemies. There were slain this day three thousand Saracens, and but a few of the Christians perished. ¶ A Fleet of Englishmen, Danes, and Flemings, arrived at joppa in the Holy land, the seventh year of Baldwine the second king of Jerusalem. Written in the beginning of the tenth book of the Chronicle of Jerusalem, in the 8. year of Henry the first of England. Cap. 1. AT the same time also in the seventh year of the reign of Baldwine the Catholic king of Jerusalem, a very great warlike Fleet of the Catholic nation of England, to the number of about seven thousand, having with them more men of war of the kingdom of Denmark, of Flanders and of Antwerp, arrived with ships which they call Busses, at the haven of the city of japhet, determining there to make their abode, until they having obtained the king's licence and safe conduct, might safely worship at Jerusalem. Of which navy the chiefest and best spoken repairing to the king, spoke to him in this manner. Christ preserve the King's life, and prospero his kingdom from day to day; We, being men and soldiers of Christian profession, have, through the help of God, sailed hither through mighty and large seas, from the far countries of England, Flanders, and Denmark, to worship at jerusalem, and to visit the sepulchre of our Lord And therefore we are assembled to entreat your clemency touching the matter, that by your favour and safe conduct we may peaceably go up to jerusalem, and worship there, and so return. Chap. 2. THe king favourably hearing their whole petition, granted unto them a strong band of men to conduct them, which brought them safely from all assaults and ambushes of the Gentiles by the known ways unto jerusalem and all other places of devotion. After that these pilgrims, & new Christian strangers were brought thither, they offering unto our Lord their vows in the temple of the holy sepulchre, returned with great joy, and without all let unto joppa; where finding the king, they vowed that they would assist him in all things, which should seem good unto him: who, greatly commending the men, and commanding them to be well entertained with hospitality, answered that he could not on the sudden answer to this point, until that after he had called his nobles together, he had consulted with my lord the Patriarch what was most meet and convenient to be done, and not to trouble in vain so willing an army. And therefore after a few days, calling unto him my lord the Patriarch, Hugh of Tabaria, Gunfride the keeper and lieutenant of the tower of David, and the other chiefestmen of war, he determined to have a meeting in the city of Rames, to consult with them what was best to be done. Chap. 3. WHo, being assembled at the day appointed, and proposing their divers opinions & judgements, at length it seemed best unto the whole company to besiege the city Sagitta, which is also called Sidon, if peradventure, through God's help, and by the strength of this new army, by land and sea it might be overcome. Whereupon all they which were there present, and required that this city should be besieged, because it was one of those cities of the Gentiles which continually rebelled, were commended, and admonished of the king every one to go home, and to furnish themselves with things necessary, and armour for this expedition. Every one of them departed home; likewise Hugh of Tabaria departed, being a chief man of war against the invasions of the enemies, which could never be wearied day nor night in the county of the pagan, in pursuing them with war and warlike stratagems all the days of his life. Immediately after this consultation the king sent ambassadors to all the multitude of the English men, requiring them not to remove their camp nor fleet from the city of japhet, but quietly to attend the kings further commandment. The same ambassadors also declared unto the whole army, that the king and all his nobility had determined to besiege and assault the city Sagitta by sea and by land, and that their help and forces would there be needful: and that for this purpose, the king and the patriarch were coming down unto the city of Acres, and that they were in building of engines, and warlike instruments, to invade the walls and inhabitants thereof: and that in the mean season they were to remain at japhet, until the king's further commandment were known. Whereupon they all agreed that it should so be done according to the king's commandment; and answered that they would attend his directions in the haven of japhet, & would in all points be obedient unto him unto the death. Chap. 4. THe king came down to Acres with the patriarch, and all his family, building, and making there by the space of forty days engines, and many kinds of warlike instruments: and appointing all things to be made perfectly ready, which seemed to be most convenient for the assaulting of the city. assoon as this purpose and intent of the king was come unto the ears of the inhabitants of Sagitta, and that an invincible power of men of war was arrived at japhet to help the king, they were greatly astonished, fearing that by this means, they should be consumed and subdued by the king by dint of sword, as other cities, to wit, Caesaria, Assur, Acres, Cayphas, and Tabaria were vanquished and subdued. And therefore laying their heads together, they promised to the king by secret mediators, a mighty mass of money of a coin called Byzantines: and that further they would yearly pay a great tribute, upon condition that ceasing to besiege and invade their city, he would spare their lives. Whereupon these businesses were handled from day to day between the king and the citizens, and they solicited the king for the ransomming both of their city and of their lives, proffering him from time to time more greater gifts. And the king for his part, being careful and perplexed for the payment of the wages which he aught unto his soldiers, hearkened wholly unto this offer of money. Howbeit because he feared the Christians, lest they should lay it to his charge as a fault, he dared not as yet meddle with the same. Chap. 5. IN the mean space Hugh of Tabaria being sent for, accompanied with the troops of two hundred horsemen and four hundred footmen, invaded the country of the Gross Carl called Suet, very rich in gold and silver most abundant in cattles frontering upon the country of the Damascenes, where he took a prey of inestimable riches and cattles, which might have sufficed him for the besiege of Sagitta, whereof he meant to impart liberally to the king, and his company. This pray being gathered out of sundry places thereabouts, and being led away as far as the city of Belinas, which they call Caesaria Philippi, the Turks which dwelled at Damascus, together with the Saracens inhabitants of the country perceiving this, flocking on all parts together by troops, pursued Hugh's company to rescue the pray, and passed forth as far as the mountains, over which Hugh's footmen did drive the prey. There began a great skirmish of both parts, the one side made resistance to keep the pray, the other endeavoured with all their might to recover it, until at length the Turks and Saracens prevailing, the prey was rescued and brought back again: which Hugh and his troops of horsemen, suddenly understanding, which were on the side of the mountains, incontinently rid back upon the spur, among the strait and craggy rocks, skirmishing with the enemies, and succouring their footmen, but as it chanced they fought unfortunately. For Hugh, being unarmed, and immediately rushing into the midst of all dangers, and after his wonted manner invading and wounding the infidels, being behind with an arrow shot through the back which pierced through his liver and breast, he gave up the ghost in the hands of his own people. Hereupon the troops of the Gentiles being returned with the recovered pray, and being divided through the secret and hard passages of the craggy hills, the soldiers brought the dead body of Hugh, which they had put in a litter, into the city of Nazareth, which is by the mount Thaber, where with great mourning and lamentation, so worthy a prince, and valiant champain was honourably and catholicly interred. The brother of the said Hugh named Gerrard, the same time lay sick of a grievous disease. Which hearing of the death of his brother, his sickness of his body increasing more vehemently through grief, he also deceased within eight days after, and was buried by his brother, after Christian manner. Chap. 6. AFter the lamentable burials of these so famous Princes, the King, taking occasion of the death of these principal men of his army, agreed, making none privy thereto, to receive the money which was offered him for his differing off the siege of the city of Sagi●ta, yet dissembling to make peace with the Saracens, but that he meant to go through with the work, that he had begun. Whereupon sending a message unto japhet, he advised the English soldiers to come down to Acres with their fleet, and to confer and consult with him touching the besieging and assaulting of the city of Sagitta, which rising immediately upon the king's commandment, and forthwith hoisting up the sails of their ships aloft with pendants and streamers of purple, and diverse other glorious colours, with their flags of scarlet colour and silk, came thither, and casting their anchors, road hard by the city. The king the next day calling unto him such as were privy & acquainted with his dealings, opened his grief unto the chief Captains of the English men and Danes, touching the slaughter of Hugh, and the death of his brother, and what great confidence he reposed in them concerning these wars: and that now therefore they being departed and dead, he must of necessity differre the besieging of Sagitta, & for this time dismiss the army assembled. This resolution of the king being spread among the people, the army was dissolved, and the Englishmen, Danes and Flemings, with sails and oars going aboard their fleet, saluted the king, and returned home unto their native countries. The travails of one Athelard an Englishman, recorded by master Bale Centur. 2. AThelardus Bathoniensis Coenobij monachus, naturalium rerum mysteria, & causas omnes, diligent●●â tam undecun que exquisitá perserutatus est, ut cum aliquibus veteris seculi philo●ophis non indignè confer●i possit. Hic olim spectatae indolis Adolescens, ut virente adhuc aetate iwenile ingenium foecundaret, atque adres magnas pararet, relicta dulci patria longin quas petijt regiones. Cum verò AEgyptum & Arabiam peragrans, plura invenisset, quae eius desiderabat animus, cum magno laborum, ac literarum lucro in Angliam tum demùm revertebatur. Claruit anno virginei partus, 1130. Henrico primo regnant. The same in English. AThelard a Monk of the Abbey of Bath was so diligent a searcher of the secrets, and causes of natural things, that he deserveth worthily to be compared with some of the ancient Philosophers. This man although young, yet being of a good wit, and being desirous to increase and enrich the same with the best things, and to prepare himself as it were for greater matters, left his Country for a time, and travailed into foreign Regions. He went through Egypt, and Arabia, and found out many things which he desired to his own private contentment, and the profit of good letters generally, and so being satisfied, returned again into his Country: he flourished in the year 1130. Henry the first being then king of England. ¶ The life and travails of one William of tire, an Englishman. Centur. 13. Hic etiam Gullielmus Tyrensis claruit sub Henrico primo. GVlielmus, Ecclesiae Dominici sepulchri Hierosolymae Regularium Canonicorum prior, natione Anglicus vir vita & moribus commendabilis, Anno Dom. 1128. postquam Tyrorum Civitas fidei Christianae restituta est a Guimundo Hierosolymorum patriarcha, eidem urbi primus Archiepiscopus praeficiebatur. Est autem Tyrus civitas antiquissima, Phoeniciae universae Metropolis, quae inter Syriae provincias, & bonorum omnium penè commoditate, & incolarum frequentia primum semper obtinuit locum: post conscripta quaedam opuscula, & Epistolas, ad Dom●num migravit, An● Christi 1130. quum duobus tantum sedisset annis, & in Tyrensi Ecclesia sepelitur. The same in English. WIlliam the Prior of the Canons Regular in the Church of jerusalem, called the Lords Sepulchre, was an Englishman born, and of a virtuous and good behaviour. After that the City of tire was restored again to the Christian faith, Guimunde the Patriarch of jerusalem made him the first Archbishop of tire, in the year 1128. Which tire is a very ancient City, the Metropolis of all Phoenicia, and hath been accounted the chiefest Province of Syria, both for fruitful commodities and multitude of inhabitants. This William having in his life written many Books and Epistles, died at last in the year 1130. having been Archbishop the space of two years, and was buried in the Church of tire. The travails of Robertus Ketenensis. RObertus Ketenensis natione & cognomine Anglus, degus●atis primum per Anglorum gymnasia humanarum artium elementis literarijs, ultramarinas statim visitare provincias in animo constituit: Peragratis ergò Gallijs, Italia, Dalmatia, & Graecia, tum demum pervenit in Asiam, ubi non parvo labour, ac vitae suae periculo inter Saracenos truculentissimum hominum genus, Arabicam linguam ad amussim didicit. In Hispaniam postea navigio traductus, circa flwium Hibetum Astrologicae artis study, cum Hermanno quodam Dalmata, magni sui itineris comite se totum dedit, Claruit sub Stephano. Claruit anno seruatoris nostri, 1143 Stephano regnant, & Pampilona● sepelitur. The same in English. THis Robert Ketenensis was called an Englishman by surname, as he was by birth: who after some time spent in the foundations of humanity, and in the elements of good Arts in the Universities of England, determined to travail to the parts beyond sea: and so travailed through France, Italy, Dalmatia, and Greece, and came at last into Asia, where he lived in great danger of his life among the cruel Saracens, but yet learned perfectly the Arabian tongue. Afterwards he returned by sea into Spain, and there about the river Iberus, gave himself wholly to the study of Astrology, with one Hermannus a Dalmatian, who had accompanied him in his long voyage. He flourished in the year 1143. Steven being then King of England, and was buried at Pampilona. A voyage of certain English men under the conduct of jews king of France unto the Holy land. TAntae expeditionis explicito apparatu uterque princeps iter arripuit, 1147. Tempore regis Steph●●i. & exercitu separtito. Imperator enim Conradus praecedebat itinere aliquot dierum, cum Italorum, Germanorum, aliarúmque gentium amplissimis copijs. Rex vero Lodovicus sequebatur Francorum, Flandrensium, Normannorum, Britonum, Anglorum, Burgundionum, Provincialium, Aquitanorum, equestri simul & pedestri agmine comitatus. Gulielmus Neobrigensis, fol. 371. The same in English. BOth the prince's provision being made for so great an expedition, they severing their armies, entered on their journey. For the Emperor Conradus went before, certain days journey, with very great power of Italians, Germane, and other countries. And king jews followed after accompanied with a band of horsemen and footmen of French men, Flemings, Normans, Britons, English men, Burgundions, men of Provence, and Gascons. The voyage of john Lacie to jerusalem. ANno Domini 1172 fundata fuit abbatia de Stanlaw per dominum johannem Lacie Constabularium Cestriae & dominum de Halton, 1173. qui obijt in Terra sancta anno sequenti: qui fuit vicessimus annus regni regis Henrici secundi. ¶ The same in English. IN the year of our Lord 1172 was founded the abbey of Stanlaw by the lord john Lacie Constable of Chester, & lord of Halton, who deceased in the Holy land the year following: which was in the twentieth year of king Henry the second. The voyage of William Mandevile to jerusalem. WIlliam Mandevile earl of Essex, with divers English lords and knights, went to the Holy land in the 24 year of Henry the second. Holinshed pag. 101. 1177. English men were the guard of the Emperors of Constantinople in the reign of john the son of Alexius Comnenus. Malmesburiensis, Curopolata and Camden, pag. 96. IAminde Anglia non minus belli gloria, quàm humanitatis cultu inter Florentissimas orbis Christiani gentes inprimis floruit. Adeo ut ad custodiam corporis Constantinopolitanorum Imperatorum evocati fuerint Angli. joannes enim Alexij Comneni filius, ut refert noster Malmesburiensis, eorum fidem suspiciens praecipue familiaritati suae applicabat, amorem eorum filio transcribens: Adeo ut iam inde longo tempore fuerint imperatorum illorum satellites, Inglini Bipenniferi Nicetae Choniatae, Barangi Curopolatae dicti. Qui ubique Imperatorem prosequebantur ferentes humetis secures quas tollebant, cum Imperator ex oratorio spectandum se exhibebat, Anglicè vitam diuturnam secures suas collidentes ut sonitum ederent, comprecabantur. The same in English. FRom this time forward the kingdom of England was reputed amongst the most flourishing estates of Christendom, no less in chivalry then humanity. So farforth that the English men were sent for to be the guarders of the people of the Emperors of Constantinople. For john the son of Alexius Comnenus, as our countryman William of Malmesburie reporteth, highly esteeming their fidelity, used them very near about him, recommending them over to his son: so that long time afterwards the guard of those Emperors were English halberdiers, called by Nicetas Choniata, Inglini Bipenniseri, and by Europolata, Barangi, which always accompanied the Emperor with their halberds on their shoulders, which they held up when the Emperor coming from his Oratory showed himself to the people; and clafhing their halberds together to make a terrible sound, they in the English tongue wished unto him long life. A great supply of money to the Holy land by Henry the 2. THe same year King Henry the second being at Waltham, assigned an aid to the maintenance of the Christian soldiers in the Holy land, That is to wit, two and forty thousand marks of silver, and five hundred marks of gold. Matth. Paris. and Holens. pag. 105. A letter written from Manuel the Emperor of Constantinople, unto Henry the second King of England, Anno Dom. 1177. wherein mention is made that certain of king Henry's Noble men and subjects were present with the said Emperor in a battle of his against the Sultan of Iconium. Recorded by Roger Hoveden, in Annalium part posteriore, in regno Hen. 2. fol. 316, & 317. EOdem anno Manuel Constantinopolitanus imperator, habito praelio campestri cum Soltano Iconij & illo devicto, in hac forma scripsit Domino regi Angliae. Manuel in Christo deo Porphyrogenitus, divinitùs coronatus, sublimis, potens, excelsus, semper Augustus, & moderator Romanorum, Comnenus, Henrico nobilissimo regi Angliae, charissimo amico suo, salutem & omne bonum. Cum imperium nostrum necessarium reputet notificare tibi, ut dilecto amico suo, de omnibus quae sibi obueniunt; ideò & de his quae nunc acciderunt ei, opportunum iudicavit declatare tuae voluntati. Igitur a principio coronationis nostrae imperium nostrum adversus dei inimicos Persas nostrum odium in cord nutrivit, dum cernetet illos in Christianos gloriari, elevarique in nomen dei, & Christianorum dominari regionibus. Quocirca & alio quidem tempore in differentèr invasit eos, & prout deus ei concessit, sic & fecit. Et quae ab ipso frequenter patrata sunt ad contritionem ipsorum & perditionem, imperium nostrum credit nobilitatem tuam non later. Quoniam autem & nunc maximum exercitum contra eos ducere proposuit, & bellum contra omnem Persidem movere, quia res cogebat. Et non ut voluit multum aliquem apparatum fecit, sicut ei visum est. Veruntamen prout tempus dabat & rerum status, potentèr eos invasit. Collegit ergo circa se imperium nostrum potentias suas: sed quia carpenta ducebat armorum, & machinarum, & aliorum instrumentorum conserentium civitatum expugnationibus, pondera portantia: idcircò nequa quam cum festinatione iter suum agere poterat. Ampliùs autem dum adhuc propriam regionem peragraret, antequam barbarorum aliquis adversus nos militaret in bellis adversarius, aegritudo dissicillima fluxus ventris invasit nos, qui diff●sus per agmina imperij nostri pertransibat, depopulando & inte●imendo multos, omni pugnatore gravior. Et hoc malum inuslescens maximè nos contrivit. Ex quo verò fines Turcorum invasimus, bella quidem primum frequentia concrepabant, & agmina Turcorum cum exercitibus imperij nostri undique dimicabant. Sed Dei gratia ex toto à nostris in fugam vertebantur barbari. Post verò ubi e● qui illic adjace● angustiae loci, quae à Persis nominatur Cibrilcimam, propinqu●uimus, tot Persarum turmae peditum & equitum, quorum pleraeque ab interioribus partibus Persidis occurrerant in adiutorium contribulium suorum, exercitui nostro superuenerunt, quot penè nostrorum excederent numerum. Exercitu ita que imperij nostri propter viae omnino angustiam & difficultatem, usque ad decem milliaria extenso; & cum neque qui praeibant possent postremos defendere, neque versa vice rursus postremi possent praeeuntes iware, non mediocritèr ab invicem hos distare accidit. Sanè primae cohortes permultùm ab acie imperij nostri divide bantur, postremarum oblitae, illas non praestolantes. Quoniam igitur Turcorum agmina ex iam factis praelijs cognoverant, non confer sibi à front nobis repugnare, loci angustiam bonum subventorem cum invenissent, posteriora statuerunt invadere agmina, quod & fecerunt. Arctissimo igitur ubique loco existent, instabant barbari undique, à dextris & â sinistris, & aliundè dimicantes, & tela super nos quasi imbres descendentia interimebant viros & equos complures. Ad haec itaque imperium nostrum ubi malum superabundabat, reputans secum oportunum iudicabat retrò expectare, atque illos qui illic erant adiware, expectando utiquè contra infinita illa Persarum agmina bellum sustinuit. Quanta quidem, dum ab his circundaretur, patraverit, non opus est ad tempus sermonibus pertexere, ab illis autem qui interfuerunt, for●itan discet de his tua nobilitas. Inter haec autem existent imperio nostro, & omne belli gravamen in tantum sustinente, postremae cohortes universae Graecorum & Latinorum, & reliquorum omnium generum conglobatae, quae iaciebantur ab inimicis tela non sustinentes, impactione utuntur, & ita violentèr ferebantur, dùm ad adiacentem ibi collem quasi ad propugnaculum f●stinarent: ●ed precede●tes impellunt nolentes. Multo autem elevato pulvere, ac perturbante oculos, & neminem permittente videre quae circa pedes erant, in praecipitium quod aderat profundissimae vallis alius super alium homines & equi sic incontinentèr porta●i corruerunt, quòd alij alios conculcantes ab invicem interemerunt non ex gregarijs tantum, sed ex clarissimis & intimis nostris consanguineis. Quis enim inhibere poterat tantae multitudinis importabilem impulsum? At verò imperium nostrum tot & tantis confertum barbaris saucians, sauciatúmque, adeò ut non modicamin eos moveret perturbationem, obstupentes perseverantiam ipsius, & non remittebatur, benè iwante deo, campum obtinuit. Neque locum illum scandere adversarios permisit, in quo dimicavit cum barbaris. Nec quidem e quum suum illorum timore incitavit, celerius aliquando ponere vestigia. Sed congregando omnia agmina sua, & de morte eripiendo ea, collocavit circa se: & sic primos artigit, & ordinatìm proficiscens ad exercitus suos accessit. Ex tunc igitur videns Soltanus, quod post tanta quae accider●nt exercitibus nostris, imperium nostrum, sicut oportunumerat, rem huiusmodi dispensavit, ut ipsum rursùm invaderet: mittens supplicavit imperio nostro, & deprecatorijs usus est sermonibus, & requisivit pacem illius, promittens omnem imperij nostri adimplere voluntatem, & seruitium suum contra omnem hominem dare, & omnes qui in regno suo tenebantur captivos absoluere, & esse ex toto voluntatis nostrae. Ibidem ergo per duos dies integros, in omni potestate morati sumus, & cognito quòd nihil poterat fieri contra civitatem Iconij, perditis testudinibus & machinis bellicis, eo quòd boves cecidissent a telis in modo plwiae iactis, qui eas trahebant: Simul autem eo quòd & universa animalia nostra irruente in illa difficillima aegritudine laborabant, suscepit Soltani depraecationem & foedera & iuramenta peracta sub vexillis nostris, & pacem suam ei dedit. Ind ingressum imperium nostrum in regionem suam regreditur, tribulationem habens non mediocrem super his quos perdidit consanguineis, maximas tamen Deo gratias agens, qui per suam bonitatem & nunc ipsum honoravit: Gratum autem habuimus, quòd quosdam nobilitatis tuae principes accidit interest nobiscum, qui narrabunt de omnibus quae acciderant, tuae voluntati seriem. Caeterùm autem, licèt contristati simus propter illos qui ceciderunt: oportunum tamen duximus, de omnibus quae acciderant, declarare tibi, ut dilecto amico nostro, & ut permultùm coniuncto imperio nostro, per puerorum nostrorum intimam consanguinitatem. Vale. Data mense Novembris, indictione tertia. The same in English. IN the year 1177, Manuel the emperor of Constantinople having fought a field with the Sultan of Iconium, and vanquished him, written unto Henry the second king of England in manner following. Manuel Comnenus in Christ the everliving God a faithful emperor, descended of the lineage of Porphyry, crowned by God's grace, high, puissant mighty, always most sovereign, and governor of the Romans; unto Henry the most famous king of England, his most dear friend, greeting and all good success. Whereas our imperial highness thinketh it expedient to advertise you our well-beloved friend of all our affairs: We thought it not amiss to signify unto your royal Majesty certain exploits at this present achieved by us. From the beginning therefore of our inauguration our imperial highness hath maintained most deadly feod and hostility against God's enemies the Persians, seeing them so to triumph over Christians, to exalt themselves against the name of God, and to usurp over Christian kingdoms. For which cause our imperial highness hath in some sort encountered them heretofore, and did as it pleased God to give us grace. And we suppose that your Majesty is not ignorant, what our imperial highness hath often performed for their ruin and subversion. For even now, being urged thereunto, we have determined to lead a mighty army against them, and to wage war against all Persia. And albeit our forces be not so great as we could wish they were, yet have we according to the time, and the present state of things, strongly invaded them. Wherefore our Majesty imperial hath gathered our armies together: but because we had in our army sundry carts laden with armour, engines, & other instruments for the assault of cities, to an exceeding weight we could not make any great speed in our journey. Moreover, while our imperial highness was yet marching in our own dominions, before any barbarous enemy had fought against us: our people were visited with the most grievous disease of the flux, which being dispersed in our troops destroyed and slay great numbers, more than the sword of the enemy would have done. Which mischief so prevailing, did wonderfully abate our forces. But after we had invaded the Turkish frontiers, we had at the first very often and hot skirmishes, and the Turks came swarming to fight against our imperial troops. Howbeit by God's assistance those miscreants were altogether scattered and put to flight by our soldiers. But as we approached unto that strait passage which is called by the Persians Cibrilcimam, so many bands of Persian footmen and horsemen (most whereof came from the innermost parts of Persia, to secure their Allies) encountered our army, as were almost superior unto us in number. Wherefore the army of our Imperial highness, by reason of the straightness and difficulty of the way, being stretched ten miles in length; and the first not being able to help the last, nor yet contrariwise the last to rescue the first, it came to pass that they were very far distant asunder. And in very deed the foremost troops were much separated from the guard of our imperial person, who forgetting their fellows behind, would not stay any whit for them. Because therefore the Turkish bands known full well by their former conflicts that it was bootless for them to assail the forefront of our battle, and perceiving the narrowness of the place to be a great advantage, they determined to set upon our rearward, and did so. Wherefore our passage being very strait, and the infidels assailing us upon the right hand and upon the left, and on all sides, and discharging their weapons as thick as hailstones against us, slay divers of our men and horses. Hereupon, the slaughter of our people still increasing our majesty imperial deemed it requisite to stay behind, and to secure our bands in the rearward, and so expecting them we sustained the fierce encounter of many thousand Persians. What exploits out Imperial person achieved in the same skirmish, I hold it needless at this time to recount: your majesty may perhaps understand more of this matter by them which were there present. Howbeit our Imperial highness being in the midst of this conflict, and enduring the fight with so great danger, all our hindermost troops, both Greeks, Latins, and other nations, retiring themselves close together, and not being able to suffer the violence of their enemy's weapons, pressed on so hard, and were carried with such main force, that hastening to ascend the next hill for their better safeguard, they urged on them which went before, whether they would or no. Whereupon, much dust being raised, which stopped our eyes and utterly deprived us of sight, and our men and horses pressing so sore one upon the neck of another, plunged themselves on the sudden into such a steep and dangerous valley, that treading one upon another, they quelled to death not only a multitude of the common soldiers, but divers most honourable personages, & some of our near kinsmen. For who could restrain the irresistible throng of so huge a multitude? Howbeit our Imperial highness being environed with such swarms of Infidels, and giving and receiving wounds (insomuch that the miscreants were greatly dismayed at our constancy) we gave not over, but by God's assistance won the field. Neither did we permit the enemy to ascend unto that place, from whence we skirmished with him. Neither yet spurred we on our horse any faster for all their assaults. But marshalling all our troops together, and delivering them out of danger, we disposed them about our Imperial person; and so we overtook the foremost, and marched in good order with our whole army. Now the Sultan perceiving that notwithstanding the great damages which we had sustained, our Imperial highness provided to give him a fresh encounter, humbly submitting himself unto us, and using submiss speeches, made suit to have peace at our hands, and promised to fulfil the pleasure of our majesty Imperial, to do us service against all comers, to release all our subjects which were captives in his realm, and to rest wholly at our command. Here therefore we remained two days with great authority; and considering that we could attempt naught against the city of Iconium, The city of Iconium intended to have been besieged. having lost all our warlike engines both for defence and for battery, for that the oxen which drawn them were slain with the enemy's weapons, falling as thick as hailstones: and also for because all our beasts in a manner were most grievously diseased; our majesty Imperial accepted of the Sultan's petition, league, and oath being made and taken under our ensigns, and granted our peace unto him. Then returned we into our own dominions, being greatly grieved for the loss of our dear kinsmen, and yielding unto God most humble thanks, who of his goodness had even now given us the victory. Certain noble men of the king of England were with the Emperor in his battle against the Sultan of Iconium. We are right glad likewise that some of your majesties princes and nobles accompanied us in this action, who are able to report unto you all things which have happened. And albeit we were exceedingly grieved for the loss of our people; yet thought it we expedient to signify unto you the success of our affairs, as unto our well-beloved friend, & one who is very nearly allied unto our highness Imperial, by reason of the consanguinity of our children. Farewell. Given in the month of November, and upon the tenth Indiction. ¶ The worthy voyage of Richard the first, K. of England into Asia, for the recovery of jerusalem out of the hands of the Saracens, drawn out of the book of Acts and Monuments of the Church of England, written by M. john Fox. KIng Richard the first of that name, for his great valour surnamed Ceur de Lion, the son of Henry the second, after the death of his father remembering the rebellions that he had undutifully raised against him, sought for absolution of his trespass, and in part of satisfaction for the same, agreed with Philip the French king to take his voyage with him for the recovery of Christ's patrimony, which they called the Holy land: whereupon the said king Richard immediately after his Coronation, to prepare himself the better towards his journey, used divers means to take up sums of money, and exacted a tenth of the whole Realm, the Christians to make threescore and ten thousand pounds, and the jews which then dwelled in the Realm threescore thousand. Having thus got sufficient money for the exploit, he sent certain Earls and Barons to Philip the French king in the time of his Parliament at S. Denis, to put him in mind of his promise made for the recovery of Christ's holy patrimony out of the Saracens hands: To whom he sent word again in the month of December, that he had bond himself by solemn oath, deposing upon the Evangelists, that he the year next following, about the time of Easler, had certainly prefixed to address himself toward that journey, requiring him likewise not to fail, but to be ready at the term above limited, appointing also the place where both the Kings should meet together. In the year therefore 1190. King Richard having committed the government of this realm in his absence to the bishop of Ely then Chancellor of England, advanced forward his journey, and came to Turon to meet with Philip the French king, & after that went to Vizeliac, where the French king & he joining together, for the more continuance of their journey, assured themselves by solemn oath, swearing fidelity one to the other: the form of whose oath was this. That either of them should defend and maintain the honour of the other, ¶ The oath of fidelity betwixt King Richard, and the French kings and bear true fidelity unto him, of life, members & worldly honour, and that neither of them should fail one the other in their affairs: but the French King should aid the King of England in defending his land and dominions, as he would himself defend his own City of Paris if it were besieged: and that Richard king of England likewise should aid the French king in defending his land and Dominions, no otherwise then he would defend his own City of Rouen if it were besieged, etc. Concerning the laws and ordinances appointed by K. Richard for his Navy, the form thereof was this. 1. That who so killed any person on shipboard, should be tied with him that was slain, The discipline and orders of the king. and thrown into the sea. 2. And if he killed him on the land, he should in like manner be tied with the party slain, and be buried with him in the earth. 3. He that shallbe convicted by lawful witness to draw out his knife or weapon to the intent to strike any man, or that hath stricken any to the drawing of blood, shall lose his hand. 4. Also he that striketh any person with his hand without effusion of blood, shall be plunged three times in the sea. 5. Item, who so speaketh any opprobrious or contumelious words in reviling or cursing one another, for so oftentimes as he hath reviled, shall pay so many ounces of silver. 6. Item, a thief or fellow that hath stolen being lawfully convicted, shall have his head shorn, and boiling pitch powered upon his head, and feathers or down strawed upon the same, whereby he may be known, and so at the first landing place they shall come to, there to be cast up. These things thus ordered, king Richard sending his Navy by the Spanish seas, and by the straits of Gibraltar, between Spain and Africa, to meet him at Marsilia, he himself went as is said to Vizeliac to the French king. Which two kings from thence went to Lions, where the bridge over the flood Rhodanus with press of people broke, and many both men and women were drowned: by occasion whereof the two kings for the cumbrance of their trains, were constrained to dissever themselves for time of their journey, appointing both to meet together in Sicily: and so Philip the French king took his way to Genua, and king Richard to Marsilia, where he remained 8. days, appointing there his Navy to meet him. From thence crossing over to Genua where the French king was, he passed forward by the coasts of Italy, and entered into Tiber not far from Rome. King Richard staying in Marsilia 8. days for his Navy which came not, he there hired 20. Galleys, and ten great barks to ship over his men, and so came to Naples, and so partly by horse and waggon, and partly by the sea, passing to Falernum, came to Calabria, where after that he had herded that his ships were arrived at Messana in Sicily, he made the more speed, and so the 23. of September entered Messana with such a noise of Trumpets and Shawms, with such a rout and show, that it was to the great wonderment and terror both of the Frenchmen, and of all other that did hear and behold the sight. To the said town of Messana the French king was come b●●or● the 16. o● the ●ame mon●●h of September, and had taken up the palace of Tancredus king of Sicily for his lodging: to whom king Richard after his arrival eftsoons resorted, and when the two kings had communed together, immediately the French king took shipping and entered the seas, thinking to sail towards the land of jerusalem: but after he was out of the haven, the wind rising contrary against him, returned him back again to Messana. Then king Richard (whose lodging was prepared in the suburbs without the City) after he had resorted again and talked with the French king, and also had sent to Tancredus king of Sicily, for deliverance of joane his sister (who had been sometimes Queen of Sicily) and had obtained her to be sent unto him, the last day of September passed over the straight deal Far, and there getting a strong hold called de la Baguare, or le Bamare, and there placing his sister with a sufficient garrison, he returned again to Messana. The 2. of October king Richard won another strong hold, called Monasterium Griffonum, situated in the midst of the straight deal Far, between Messana & Calabria, from whence the Monks being expulsed, he reposed there all his store and provision of victuals, which came from England or other places. The Citizens of Messana seeing that the king of England had won the castle and Island de la Baguare, and also the Monastery of the Griffons, and doubting lest the king would extend his power further to invade their City, & get if he could the whole Isle of Sicily, began to stir against the King's army, and to shut the Englishmen out of the gates, and kept their walls against them. The Englishmen seeing that, made to the gates, and by force would have broken them open, insomuch that the King riding amongst them with his staff, and breaking divers of their heads, could not assuage their fierceness, such was the rage of the Englishmen against the citizens of Messana. The King seeing the fury of his people to be such that he could not s●ay them, took boat, and went to the palace of king Tancred, to talk of the matter with the French king, in which mean time the matter was so taken up by the wise handling of the ancients of the city, that both parts laying down their armour, went home in peace. The fourth day of the said month of October, came to king Richard the Archbishop of Messana with two other Archbishops also with the French king, and sundry other Earls, Barons, and Bishops, to entreat of peace, who as they were together consulting, and had almost concluded upon the peace, the Citizens of Messana issuing out of the town, some went up upon the mountains, some with open force invaded the mansion or lodging of Hugh Brune an English captain. The noise whereof coming to the ears of the King, he suddenly breaking off talk with the French king and the rest, departed from them, and coming to his men, commanded them forthwith to arm themselves. Who then with certain of his soldiers making up to the top of the mountain (which seemed to pass their power to climb) there put the Citizens to ●light, chase them down the mountains, unto the very gates of the city, whom also certain of the king's servants pursued into the city, of whom five valiant soldiers & twenty of the king's servants were slain, the French King looking upon, and not once willing to rescue them, contrary to his oath, and league before made with the king of England: for the French king with his men being there present, road in the midst of them safely, and without any harm too and fro, and might well have eased the King's party, more than he, if it had so liked him. This being known to the English host how their fellows were slain, and the Frenchmen permitted in the city, and that they were excluded and the gates barred against them, being also stopped from buying of victual, & other things, they upon great indignation gathered themselves in arms, braced open the gates, and sealed the walls, and so winning the city, Messana wone by the English set up their flags with the English arms upon the walls: which when the French King did see, he was mightily offended, requiring the King of England that the Arms of France might also be set up, & joined with his: but King Richard to that would in no case agreed, notwithstanding to satisfy his mind, he was contented to take down his Arms, and to commit the custody of the city to the Hospitalaries and Templaries of jerusalem, till the time that Tancred king of Sicily and he should agreed together upon conditions. These things being done the fift and sixt day of October, it followed then upon the eight day of the same, that peace was concluded among the kings. In which peace, first king Richard● & Philip the French king renewed again their oath and league before made, concerning their mutual aid and society, during the time of that peregrination. Secondly, peace also was concluded between king Richard and Tancred king of Sicily aforesaid, with conditions, that the daughter of tancred in case king Richard should die without issue, should be married to Arthur Duke of Britain the king's Nephew and next heir to his crown, whereof a formal chart was drawn, and letters sent thereof to Pope Clement being dated the ninth of November. From this time until February the next year, these two kings kept still at Messana, either for lack of wind and weather, or for the repairing of their ships. And in the aforesaid February, in the year 1191. King Richard sent over his galleys to Naples, there to meet his mother Elinore, and Berengaria the daughter of Zanctius king of Navarre, whom he was purposed to marry, who by that time were come to Brundisium, under the conduct of Philip Earl of Flanders, and so proceeding unto Naples, they found the king's ships wherein they sailed to Messana. In this mean space, king Richard she wed himself exceeding bounteous and liberal to all men: to the French king first he gave divers ships, upon others likewise he bestowed rich rewards, and of his treasure and goods he distributed largely to his soldiers and servants about him, of whom it was reported, that he distributed more in one month, than any of his predecessors did in a whole year: by reason whereof he purchased great love and favour, which not only redounded to the advancement of his fame, but also to his singular use and profit, as the sequel afterward proved. The first day of March following, he left the city of Messana, where the French King was, and went to Cathneia, a city where Tancredus king of Sicily then lay, where he was honourably received, and there remained with king Tancredus three days and three nights. On the fourth day when he should departed, the aforesaid Tancredus offered him many rich presents in gold and silver, and precious silks, whereof king Richard would receive nothing, but one little ring for a token of his good will: for the which king Richard gave again unto him a rich sword. At length when king Richard should take his leave, king Tancred would not let him so departed, but needs would give him 4. great ships, and 15. galleys, and furthermore he himself would needs accompany him the space of two days journey, to a place called Tavernium. Then the next morning when they should take their leave, Tancredus declared unto him the message, which the French King a little before had sent unto him by the Duke of Burgundy, the contents whereof were these: That the King of England was a false Traitor, & would never keep the peace that was between them: and if the said Tancredus would war against him, or secretly by night would invade him, he with all his power would assist him, to the destruction of him and all his army. To whom Richard the King protested again, that he was no traitor, nor never had been: and as touching the peace begun betwixt them, the same should never be broken through him: neither could he believe that the French King being his good lord, and his sworn Compartner in that voyage, would utter any such words by him. Which when Tancredus herded, he bringeth forth the letters of the French King, sent to him by the Duke of Burgundy, affirming moreover, that if the Duke of Burgundy would deny the bringing of the said letters, he was ready to try it with him by any of his Dukes. King Richard receiving the letters, and musing not a little upon the same, returns again to Messana. The same day that King Richard departed, the French king came to Tavernium to speak with Tancred, and there abode with him that night, and on the morrow returned to Messana again. From that time King Richard moved in stomach against King Philip, never showed any gentle countenance of peace & amity, as he before was wont: whereat the French king greatly marveling, and inquiring earnestly what should be the cause thereof, word was sent him again by Philip earl of Flanders from king Richard, what words he had sent to the king of Sicily, and for testimony thereof the letters were showed, which he written by the duke of Burgundy to the king of Sicily: which when the French king understood, first he held his peace as guilty in his conscience, not knowing well what to answer. At length turning his tale to another matter, he began to quarrel with king Richard, pretending as though he sought causes to break with him, and to malign him: and therefore he forged (said he) these lies upon him, and all because he by that means would avoid to marry with Alise his sister, according as he had promised. Adding moreover that if he would so do, and would not marry the said Alise his sister according to his oath, he would be an enemy to him, and to his, while he lived. To this king Richard said again, that he could by no means marry that woman, forsomuch as his father had carnal copulation with her, and also had by her a son: for proof whereof he had there presently to bring forth divers & sundry witnesses to the king's face, to testify with him. In conclusion, through counsel and persuasion of divers about the French king, agreement at last was made, so that king Philip did acquit king Richard from this bond of marrying his sister, and king Richard again should be bond to pay to him every year for the space of five years, two thousand marks, with certain other conditions besides, not greatly material for this place. And thus peace being between them concluded the 28 day of the said month of March, the French king launching out of the haven of Messana, the 22 day after in the Easter week, came with his army to the siege of Achon. After the departure of the French king from Messana, king Richard with his army yet remaining behind, arrived Queen Alinor the king's mother, bringing with her Berengaria the king of Navars' daughter, to be espoused to king Richard: which being done, king Richard in April following, about the 20 day of the said month, departed from the haven of Messana with 150 great ships, and 53 great galleys well manned and appointed, and took his journey toward Achon: who being upon the Seas on Good friday about the ninth hour, rose a mighty South wind with a tempest, which dissevered and scattered all his Navy, The Navy of king Richard. some to one place, and some to another. The king with a few ships was driven to the isle of Creta, and there before the haven of Rhodes cast anchor. The ships that carried the king's sister, queen of Sicily, and Berengaria the king of Navars' daughter, with two ships were driven to the isle of Cyprus. The king making great moan for the ships of his sister, and Berengaria his wife that should be, not knowing where they were become, after the tempest was overblown, sent forth his galleys diligently to seek the rest of his Navy dispersed, but especially the ship wherein his sister was, and the maiden whom he should marry, who at length were found safe and merry at the port of Lymszem in the isle of Cyprus, notwithstanding the two other ships, which were in their company before in the same haven, were drowned with divers of the king's servants and men of worship, among whom was M. Roger, called Malus Ca●ulus, the king's Uicechancellour, who was found with the king's seal hanging about his neck. The king of Cyprus was then Isakius (called also the Emperor of the Gryffons) who took and imprisoned all English men, which by shipwreck were cast upon his land, also inveigled into his hands the goods and prizes of them which were found drowned about his coasts, neither would suffer the ships wherein the two ladies were to enter within the port. The tidings of this being brought to king Richard, he in great wrath gathering his galleys and ships together, boordeth the land of Cyprus, where he first in gentle wise signifieth to king Isakius, how he with his English men, coming as strangers to the supportation of the holy land, were by distress of weather driven upon his bounds, and therefore with all humble petition besought him in God's behalf, and for reverence of the holy cross, to let go such prisoners of his as he had in captivity, and to restore again the goods of them that were drowned, which he detained in his hands, to be employed for the behoof of their souls. And this the king once, twice, and thrice desired of the Emperor: but he proudly answering again, sent the king word, that he neither would let the captives go, nor tender the goods of them which were drowned. When king Richard herded this, how light the Emperor Isakius made of his so humble and ho●est petition, & how that nothing could be got without violent force, eftsoons giveth commandment throughout all his host to put themselves in armour and follow him, to revenge the injuries received of that proud and cruel king of Cyprus, willing them to put their trust in God, and not to misdoubt but that the Lord would stand with them, and give them the victory. The Emperor in the mean time with his people stood warding the Sea coasts, where the English men should arrive, with swords, bills, and lances, and such other weapons as they had, setting boards, stools, and chests before them as a brickwall: few of them were harnessed, and for the most part all unexpert and unskilful in the feats of war. Then king Richard with his soldiers issuing out of their ships, first set his bowemen before, who with their shot made a way for others to follow. The Englishmen thus winning the land upon them, so fiercely pressed upon the Gryffons, that after long fight and many blows, at last the Emperor was put to flight, whom king Richard valiantly pursued, and slew many, and divers he took alive, and had go near also to take the Emperor, had not the night come on and parted the battle. And thus king Richard with much spoil, and great victory, returning to the port Town of Lymszem, which the Townsmen had left for fear, found there great abundance of corn, wine, oil and victuals. The day after the victory got, joanna the King's sister, and Berengaria the maiden, entered the port and Town of Lymszem, with 50. great ships, and 14. galliots: so that all the whole Navy there meeting together, were 254. tall ships, and above threescore galliots. Then Isakius the Emperor, seeing no way for him to escape by Sea, the same night pitched his tents five miles off from the English army, swearing that the third day after, he would surely give battle to king Richard: but he preventing him before, suddenly the same morning before the day of battle should be, setteth upon the tents of the Gryffons early in the morning, they being unawares and a sleep, and made of them a great slaughter, insomuch that the Emperor was fame to run away naked, leaving his tents and pavilions to the Englishmen, full of horses and rich treasure, also with the Imperial standard, the lower part whereof with a costly streamer was covered, and wrought all with gold. King Richard returning with victory and triumph to his sister and Berengaria, shortly after in the month of May next following, and the 12. day of the said month, married the said Berengaria daughter of Zanctius, king of Navarre, in the isle of Cyprus at Lymszem. The king of Cyprus seeing himself overmatched, was driven at length to yield himself with conditions to give king Richard 20000. marks in gold for amendss of such spoils as he had got of them that were drowned, also to restore all the captives again to the king: and furthermore, he in his own person to attend upon the king to the land of jerusalem, in God's service and his, with 400. horsemen, and 500 footmen: in pledge whereof he would give to his hands his castles, and his only daughter, and would hold his kingdom of him. This done, and the Emperor swearing fidelity to king Richard before Guido king of jerusalem, and the prince of Antioch (who were come thither to king Richard a little before) peace was taken, and Isakius committed to the ward of certain keepers. Notwithstanding shortly after he breaking from his keepers, was again at defiance with the King: whereupon king Richard besetting the Island of Cyprus round about with ships and galleys, did in such sort prevail, that the subjects of the land were constrained to yield themselves to the King, and at last the daughter of the Emperor, and the Emperor himself, whom king Richard caused to be kept in fetters of gold and silver, and to be sent to the city of Tripoli. These things thus done, and all set in order touching the possession of the isle of Cyprus, The Lord Chamberlain of King Richard left governor of Cyprus. the keeping whereof he committed to Radulphe son of Godfrey Lord Chamberlain, being then the first day of june upon the fift of the said month, king Richard departed from the isle of Cyprus, with his ships and galleys toward the siege of Achon, and on the next morrow came to Tyrus, where by procurement of the French king he was restrained by the Citizens to enter. The next day after, which was the first day of june, crossing the seas, he met with a great carak fraught with soldiers and men of war to the number of a thousand and five hundred, which pretending to be Frenchmen, and setting forth their flag with the French arms, were indeed Saracens, secretly sent with wild fire and certain barrels of unknown serpents to the defence of the town of Achon, which king Richard at length perceiving, A great ship of Saracens taken by king Richard eftsoons set upon them and so vanquished them, of whom the most were drowned and some taken alive: which being once known in the city of Achon, as it was a great discomfort to them, so it was a great help to the Christians for winning the city. The next day aster which was the seventh of june, king Richard came to Achon, King Richard arrived at Achon. which at that time had been long besieged by the Christians. After whose coming it was not long, but the pagan within the city, seeing their walls to be undermined and towers overthrown, were driven by composition to escape with life and limb, to surrender the city to the two kings. Another great help to the Christians in winning the city, was this. In the said city of Achon there was a secret Christian among the Saracens, who in time of the siege thereof used at sundry times to cast over the walls into the camp of the Christians, certain bills written in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, wherein he disclosed to the Christians from time to time, the doings and counsels of the enemies, advertising them how and what way they should work, and what to beware, and always his letters began thus. In nomine Patris, & Filij, & Spiritus sancti Amen. By reason whereof the Christians were much advantaged in their proceed: but this was a great heaviness unto them, that neither he would utter his name, nor when the city was got did they ever understand who he was. To make of a long siege a short narration. Upon the twelfth day of july the year aforesaid, the Princes and Captains of the pagan, upon agreement resorted to the tent of the Templaries to common with the two kings touching peace; and giving up of their city: the form of which peace was thus. 1 That the Kings should have the city of Achon freely and fully delivered unto them, The form of peace concluded between the Kings and the Princes of Achon. with all which was therein. 2 That 500 captives of the Christians should be restored to them, which were in Achon. 3 That the holy cross should be to them rendered, and a thousand Christian captives with two hundredth horsemen, whosoever they themselves would choose out of all them which were in the power of the Saladine. 4 That they would give unto the King's two hundredth thousand Bysants, so that they themselves should remain as pledges in the King's hands, for the performance hereof, that if in forty days, the aforesaid covenauts were not accomplished, they should abide the King's mercy touching life and limb. These covenants being agreed upon, the Kings sent their soldiers and servants into the city, to take a hundredth of the richest & best of the city, to close them up in towers under strong keeping, & the residue they committed to be kept in houses and in streets, ministering unto them according to their necessities: to whom notwithstanding this they premitted, that so many of them as would be baptised and receive the faith of Christ, should be free to go whither they would: whereupon many there were of the pagan, which for fear of death pretended to be baptised, but afterward so soon as they could, revolted again to the Saladine: for the which it was afterward commauded by the Kings, that none of them should be baptised against their wills. The thirteenth day of the said month of july, King Philip of France, and king Richard, after they had obtained the possession of Achon, divided between them all things therein contained as well the people as gold and silver, with all other furniture whatsoever was remaining in the city: who in dividing the spoil, were so good carvers to themselves that the Knights and Barons had but little to their share, whereupon they began to sh●w themselves somewhat discontented, which being known of the kings, they sent them answer that their wills should be satisfied. The twentieth day of july, king Richard speaking with the French King, desired him that they two with their armies, would bind themselves by oath to remain there still in the land of jerusalem the space of 3. years, for the winning and recovering again of those countries: but he said he would swear no such oath, and so the next day after king Richard with his wife and sister entered into the city of Achon, and there placed himself in the king's palace: The French king remaining in the houses of the Templaries, where he continued till the end of that month. About the beginning of the month of August, Philip the French king after that he and King Richard had made agreement between Guido & Conradus the Marquis, about the kingdom of jerusalem, went from Achon to Tyrus, notwithstanding king Richard & all the Princes of the Christian army with great entreaty desired him to tarry, showing what a shame it were for him to come so far, and now to leave undone that for which he came, and on the 3. day of August departed from Tyrus, leaving the half part of the City of Achon, in the hands of the aforesaid Conradus Marquis. The French kings shameful return home. After his departure the pagan refused to keep their covenants made, who neither would restore the holy Cross nor the money, nor their captives, sending word to king Richard, that if he beheaded the pledges left with him at Achon, they would chop of the heads of such captives of the Christians, as were in their hands. Shortly after this the Saladine sending great gifts to king Richard, requested the time limited for beheading of the captives to be prorogued, but the king refused to take his gifts, and to grant his request, whereupon the Saladine caused all the Christian captives within his possession forthwith to be beheaded, which was the 28. of August: which albeit king Richard understood, yet would not he prevent the time before limited for the execution of his prisoners, being the 20. day of August: upon which day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens openly in the sight of the Saladines army to lose their heads: The captives of the Saracens slain by King Richard. the number of whom came to two thousand and five hundredth, save only that certain of the principal of them he reserved for purposes and considerations, especially to make exchange for the holy Cross, and certain other of the Christian captives. After this king Richard purposed to besiege the City of joppes, where by the way between Achon and joppes, near to a town called Assur, Saladine with a great multitude of his Saracens came fiercely against the king's rearward, but through God's merciful grace in the same battle, the king's warriors acquitted themselves so well, that the Saladine was put to flight, whom the Christians pursued the space of 3. miles, & he lost that same day many of his Nobles & Captains, A notable victory against the Saladine. in such sort (as it was thought) that the Saladine was not put to such confusion 40. years before, and but one Christian Captain called james Avernus in that conflict was overthrown. From thence king Richard proceeding further went to jop, and then to Ascalon, where he found first the city of joppes forsaken of the Saracens, who dared not abide the kings coming: Ascalon the Saladine threw down to the ground, & likewise forsook the whole land of Syria, through all which land the king had free passage without resistance: neither dared the Saracen● Prince encounter after that with K. Richard. King Richard in possession of Syria. Of all which his atch●uances the said K. Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England, as also to the Abbot of Clara valle in France, well hoping that he God willing should be able to make his repair again to them by Easter next. Many other famous acts were done in this voyage by these two Kings, and more should have been, had not they falling into discord dissevered themselves, by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home again within short space: who being returned again eftsoons invaded the country of Normandy, exciting also john the brother of king Richard, to take on him the kingdom of England in his brother's absence: who then made league upon the same with the French king, and did homage unto him, which was about the fourth year of king Richard. 1193. Who then being in Syria, and hearing thereof, made peace with the Turks for three years: and not long after, king Richard the next spring following returned also, King Richard returns from Palaestina. who in his return driven by distress of weather about the parts of Histria, in a town called Synaca, was there taken by Lympold, Duke of the same country, and so sold to the Emperor for sixty thousand Marks: who for no small joy thereof, writeth to Philip the French king, these letters here following. The letter of the Emperor to Philip the French king, concerning the taking of King Richard. HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator, & semper Augustus, Dilecto & speciali amico suo, Philippo illustri Francorum Regi salutem, & sincerae dilectionis affectum. Quoniam Imperatoria Celsitudo non dubitat Regalem Magnificentiam tuam latiorem effici, de universis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos, & Romanum Imper●um honoraverit & exaltaverit, nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus, quod inimicus Imperij nostri, & ●urbator Regni tui Rex Angliae, quam esset in transeundo mare ad parts suas river surus, accidit ut ventus rupta navi sua, in qua ipse erat, induceret eum in parts Histriae ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam, & Venetias. Vbi Rex, Dei permissione passus naufragium cum paucis evasit. Quidam itaque fidelis noster Comes, Maynardus de Groox●e, & populas regionis illius, audito quod in terra erat, & considerato diligentiùs, qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis proditionem & traditionem, & perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat, insecuti sunt, intendentes eum captivare. Ipso autem Rege in fugam converso, ceperunt de suis octo milites: Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiep●scopatu Salseburgensi, qui vocatur Frisorum, ubi Fridericus de Betesow, Rege cum tribus tantum versus Austriam properante, noctu sex milites de suis coepit: Dilectus autem Consanguineus noster Lympoldus Dux Austriae, obseruata strata saepè, dictum Regemiuxta Denam in villa viciniori in domo despecta captiua●●t. Cumitaque in nostra nunc habeatur Potestate, & ipse semper tua molestavit, & turbationis operam praestiterit, ea quae praemisimus, nobilitati tuae insmuare cura●imus: scientes ea dilectioni tuae beneplacita existere, animo tuo uberrimam importare laetitiam. Datum apud Ritheountum 5. Kalendas janua. King Richard being thus traitorously taken, and sold to the Emperor by the Duke of Austridge for 60000. marks, was there kept in custody a year and 3. months. In some stories it is affirmed, that King Richard returning out of Asia, came to Italy with prosperous wind, where he desired of the Pope to be absolved of an oath made against this will and could not obtain it: and so setting out from thence towards England, passing by the Country of Conradus the Marquis, whose death (he being slain a little before) was fals●y imputed by the French king to the king of England, there traitorously was taken (as is aforesaid) by Limpoldus duke of Austridge. Albeit in another story I find the matter more credibly set forth: which says thus. That king Richard slew the brother of this Limpoldus, playing with him at Chess in the French Kings Court: and Limpoldus taking his vantage, was more cruel against him and delivered him (as is said) to the Emperor. In whose custody he was detained during the time above mentioned, a year & 3. months. During which time of the king's endurance, the French king in the mean season stirred war in Normandy: and Earl john the King's brother, made stir and invaded England, but the Barons and Bishops of the land mightily withstood him. At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperor, that king Richard should be released for a hundredth and four thousand pound: of which money part should remain to the Duke of Austridge, the rest should be the Emperors. The sum of which money was here gathered and made in England of chalices, crosses, shrines, candlesticks and other Church plate, also with public contribution of Friars, Abbots, and other subjects of the Realm: whereof part was presently paid, and for the residue remaining, hostages and pledges were taken, which was about the fift year of his reign: and then it was obtained of the Pope, that Priests might celebrated with Chalices of latten and tin. At what time this aforesaid money was paid, and the hostages given for the ransom of the King, I have an old history which says, that the aforesaid Duke of Austridge was shortly after plagued by God, The just judgement of God upon the Duke of Austria. with 5. sundry plagues. First, with the burning of his chief Towns. 2 With drowning of ten thousand of his men in a flood happening no man can tell how. 3 By turning all the ears of his corn fields into worms. 4. By taking away almost all the Nobles of his land by death. 5. By breaking his own leg falling from his horse, which leg he was compelled to cut off with his own hands, and afterwards died of the same: who then at his death is reported to forgive K. Richard 50000. marks, and sent home the hostages that were with him. And further a certain book entitled Eulogium declareth, that the said Limpoldus duke of Ostrich fallen in displeasure with the bishop of Rome, and died excommunicate the next year after, Anno 1196. But thus, as you have herded, Richard the King was ransomed & delivered from the covetous captivity of the Emperor, and returning home made an end of his voyage for Asia, which was both honourable to himself and to all Christian states, but to the Saracens the enemies of Christianity, terrible and dishonourable. This history of King Richard's voyage to jerusalem is very excellently and largely written in Latin by Guilielmus Neobrigensis, and Roger Hoveden. Epitaphium Richardi primi regis Anglorum apud fontem Ebraldi. SCribitur hoc auro, rex auree, laus tua tota aurea, materiae convenient nota. Laus tua prima fuit Siculi, Cyprus altera, Dromo tertia, Caruanna quarta, suprema Civitas joppes. jope. Retrusi Siculi, Cyprus pessundata, Dromo mersus, Caruanna capta, retenta jope. Epitaphium eiusdem ubi viscera eius requiescunt. VIscera Kareolum, corpus fons servat Ebraldi, & cor Rothomagus, magne Richard, tuum. The life and travails of Baldwinus Devonius, sometime Archbishop of Canterbury. BAldwinus Devonius, tenui loco Excestriae natus, vir ore facundus, exactus Philosophus, & ad omne studiorum genus per illos dies aptissimus invenie batur. Scholarum rector primùm erat, tum postea Archidiac onus, erudition ac sapientia in omni negotio celebris: fuit praeter●à Cisterciensis Monachus, & Abbas Fordensis Coenobij, magnus suorum aestimatione, ac universae eorum societati quasi Antesignanus: fuit deinde Wigo●niensis praesul, fuit & mortuo demùm Richardo Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus, ac totius Angliae Primas. Cui muneri Baldwinus sollicitè invigilans, egregium se pastorem exhibuit, dominicum semen, quantum patiebatur eius temporis iniquitas, unique locorum spargens. Richardus Anglorum rex, acceptis tunc regui insignijs, summo study classem, ac omnia ad Hierosolymitanum bellum gerendum necessaria paravit. Secutus est illicò regem in Syriam, & Palestinam usque Baldwinus, ut esset in tam Sancto (ut ipse putabat) i●inere laborum, dolorum, ac periculorum particeps. Prefuit Cantuariensi Ecclesie ferè 6. annis, & Richardum regem in Syriam secutus, anno Salutis nostrae 1190. Tyri vitam fini●it, ubi & sepultus est. The same in English. BAldwine a Devonshire man born in Exeter of mean parentage, was a very eloquent man, an exact Philosopher, and in those days very excellent in all kind of studies. He was first of all a Schoolmaster; afterwards he become an Archdeacon, very famous for his learning & wisdom in all his doings. He was also a Cistercian Monk and Abbot of Ford Monastery, and the chief of all those that were of his order: he grew after this to be bishop of Wor●ester, and at last after the death of Archb. Richard he was promoted & made Archbishop of Canterbury, and Primate of all England. In the discharge of which place he being very vigilant, showed himself a worthy Pastor, sowing the seed of God's word in every place as far forth as the iniquity of that time permitted. In his time king Richard with all endeavour prepared a Fleet and all things necessary for waging of war against the Infidels at jerusalem, taking with him the standard and ensigns of the kingdom. This Baldwine ●ftsoones followed the king into Syria and Palestina, as one desirous to be partaker of his travails, pains, and perils in so holy a voyage. He was Archbishop of Canterbury almost six years: but having followed the king into Syria, in the year 1190● he died at Tyr●, where he was also buried. ¶ An annotation concerning the travails of the said Baldwine, taken out of Giraldus Cambrensis, in his Itinerarium Cambriae, lib. ●. Cap. 14. Fol. 229. INter primos Thomae Becketi successor hic secundus, audita salvatoris & saluti●●rae Crucis iniuria nostris (proh dolour) diebus per Saladinum irrogata, cruse ●ignatus, in eiusdem obsequ●js, tam remotis finibus quàm propinquis, praedicationis officium viril●ter assumpsit. Et postmodùm iter accipiens, nauigi●que fungens apud Marsiham, transcurso tandem pelagi profundo, in portu Tyrens●incolumis applicuit: & inde ad exercitum nostrum obsidentem pariter & obsessum Aconem transivit: ubi multos ex nostris inveniens, & ferè cunctos principum defectu, in summa desolatione iam positos, & desperatione, alios quidem longa expectatione fatigatos, alios fame & inopia graviter afflictos, quosdam verò aëris inclementia distemperatos, diem foelicitèr in terra sacra clausurus extremum, singulos pro posse vinculo charitat is amplectens, sumptibus & impensis, verbis, & vitae meritis confirmavit. The same in English. THis Baldwine being the second successor unto Thomas Becket, after he had herded the wrong which was done to our Saviour, and the sign of the Cross by Saladine the Sultan of Egypt, taking upon him the Lords Character, he courageously performed his office of preaching in the obedience thereof, as well in far distant Countries as at home. And afterwards taking his journey and embarking himself at Marseils, having at length passed the Levant sea, he arrived safely in the Haven of Tyrus, and from thence went over to Achon unto our army, besieging the Town, and yet (as it were) besieged itself: where finding many of our Countrymen, and almost all men remaining in wonderful pensiveness and despair, through the withdrawing of the Princes, some of them tired with long expectation, others grievously afflicted with hunger and poverty, and others distempered with the heat of the weather, being ready happily to end his days in the Holy land, embracing every one according to his ability in the bond of love, he aided them at his costs and charges, and strengthened them with his words and good examples of life. ¶ A note drawn out of a very ancient book remaining in the hands of the right worshipful M. Thomas Tilney Esquire, touching Sir Fredrick Tilney his ancestor, knighted at Acon in the Holy land for his valour, by K. Richard the first, as followeth. PErtinult iste liber pr●ùs Frederico Tilney de Boston, in comitatu Lincolniae militi facto apud Acon in terra judae a anno regis Richardi primi tertio. Vir erat iste magnae staturae & potens in corpore: qui cum patribus suis dormit apud Titrington juxta villam sui nominis Tilney in Mershland. Cuius altitudo in salva custodia permanet ibidem usque in hunc diem. Et post eius obitum sexdecem militibus eius nominis Tilney haereditas illa successiuè obuenit, quorum unus post alium semper habitabat apud Boston praedictum: dum fratris senioris haereditas haeredi generali devoluta est, quae nupta est johanni duci Norfolciae, Eorum miles ultimus ●uit Philippus Tilney nuper de Shelleigh in Comitatu Suffolciae, pater & genitor Thomae Tilney de Hadleigh in Comltatu praedicto Armigeri, cui modò artine● iste liber. Anno aetatis suae 64. Anno Domini 1556. ¶ The same in English. THis book pertained in times passed unto Sir Frederick Tilney of Boston in the County of Lincoln, who was knighted at Acon in the land of jury, in the third year of the reign of king Richard the first. This knight was of a tall stature, and strong of body, who rests interred with his fore fathers at Tirrington, near unto a town in Marshland called by his own name Tilney. The just height of this knight is there kept in safe custody until this very day. Also, after this man's decease, the inheritance of his lands fallen successively unto sixteen sundry knights called all by the name of Tilney, who dwelled always, one after another, at the town of Boston aforesaid, until such time as the possessions of the elder brother fallen unto an heir general, which was married unto john duke of Norfolk. The last knight of that name was sir Philip Tilney late of Shelleigh in the County of Suffolk, predecessor and father unto Thomas Tilney of Hadleigh in the County aforesaid Esquire, unto whom the said book of late appertained. In the year of his age 64. and in the year of our Lord, 1556. ¶ The travails of one Richard surnamed Canonicus. RIchardus Canonicus ad Trinitatis fanum Londini Regularis, ab ipsa pueritia, bonarum artium literas impensè amavit, excoluit, ac didicit. Qui ex r●ni●●o labour atque exercitatione longa, talis tandem evasit orator, & Poeta, quales ea aetas tarissimos mitriebat. Ob id Richardo Anglorum time Regi charus, longam cum eo peregrinationem in Palestinam ac Sytiam, dum expugnaret Turcas, suscepit. unde in Angliam tum demum reversus, omnia qu●● p●●●sens vidit in v●bibus, agris, ac mil●●um castris, fideli narratione, tam carmine quàm prosae descripsit. Neque interim omisit eiusdem Regis mores, & formam, per omnia corporis lineamenta de signare, ●●diditque praeclaro suo operi hoc aptissimum pro titulo nomem, ●●ifce●, Itinerarium Regis Richardi. Claruit anno redemptionis nostrae 1200. sub ●oanno Anglorum Reg●. The same in English. RIchard surnamed Canonicus an observant Friar of Trinity Church in London, was in great love with the studies of good Arts, and took pains in them and learned them. And at last by his continual endeavour and long exercise therein, he grew to be such an Orator and Poet, as few were in that age living, by reason whereof he grew in favour with Richard then King of England, and undertook that long voyage with him into Palestina and Syria against the Turks. From whence being returned again into England, he faithfully described both in Verse and Prose all such things as he had seen in the Cities, fields and tents of the soldiers, where he was present, and omitted not to note the behaviour, form, and proportion of body in the foresaid king, giving to his notable work this most apt name for the title● The journal of King Richard. He flourished in the year of our Redemption 1200. under john king of England. ¶ The travails of Gulielmus Peregrinus. GVlielmus Peregri●us, Poeta quidem per eam aetatem excellens, genere Anglus florebat, literarum, ut multi tunc erant, amator maximus, & qui bona tempora melioribus impenderat studijs. Hic cum ac●episset, expeditionem in Saracenos per Regem Richardum parari, accinxit se ad iter illud, non tantum ut miles, sed etiam peregrinus. Vidit ea quae in Mari Hispanico fiebant, vidit quae in Syria & Palestina commissa fuerunt, in Sultanum Babylonie Regem, ac perfidos Saracenos. Omnia haec scripsit, & vivis depinxit coloribus, ita ut quasi prae oculis, totum poneret negotium, idémque Argumentum cum Richardo Canonico non in●oeliciter, Heroico pertractavit carmine, opúsque; iam absolutum Huberto Cantuariorum Archiepiscopo, & Stephano Turnhamo Capitaneo rerum bellicarum expertissimo dedicavit, addit● hoc titulo, Odepo●icon Richardi Regis. Multáque alia edidisse Poetam talem non dubito, sed num extent illa eius scripta, mihi non constat. Hoc ramen satis constat, eum fuisse in pretio, Anno à salutisero virgins partu 1200. sub Anglorum Rege joanne. The same in English. WIlliam the Pilgrim, a very excellent Poet in those days and an Englishman born, was of great fame, being much given to good letters, (as many than were) and bestowed his good time in the best kind of studies. He understanding of the preparation of king Richard against the Saracens, prepared himself also for the same voyage, not only as a Soldier, but as a Pilgrim also. He saw those things which happened in the Spanish Seas, and which were done in Syria and Palestina, against the Sultan the king of Babylon, and the treacherous Saracens. All which things he written and expressed them as it were in lively colours, as if they had been still in doing before his eyes, and handled the same Argument in Heroical verse which the forenamed Richard Canonicus did. And having finished his work he dedicated it to Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, and to Stephen Turneham a most expert Captain of the wars, giving it this Title, The expedition of King Richard. And I doubt not but that so good a Poet as he was published many other things, but whether they be extant yea or not, I know not: but this I know, that he was a man well accounted of, and flourished in the year after the birth of Christ 1200. under king john. The large contribution to the succour of the Holy land, made by king john king of England, in the third year of his reign 1201. Matth. Paris and Holinsh. pag. 164. AT the same time al●o the kings of France and England gave large money towards the maintenance of the army which at this present went forth under the leading of the earl of Flanders and other, to war against the enemies of the Christian faith at the instance of pope Innocent. There was furthermore granted unto them the fortieth part of all the revenues belonging unto ecclesiastical people, towards the aid of the Christians then being in the Holy land: and all such aswell of the nobility, as other of the weaker sort, which had taken upon them the cross, and secretly laid it down were compelled eft 'zounds to receive it now again. The travails of Hubert Walter bishop of Sarisburie. HVbertus Walterus Sarisburiensis Episcopus, vir probus, ingenióque ac pictate clarus, inter praecipuos unus eorum erat, qui post Richardum regem expugnandorum Saracenorum gratia in Syriam proficisce bantur. Cum ex Palestina rediens, audiret in Sicilia, quod idem Richardus in inimicorum manus incidisset, omisso itinere incoepto, ad eum cursim divertebat: Quem & ille statim in Angliam misit, ut illic regij Senatus authoritate, indicto pro eius redemptione tributo pecuniam colligeret, quod & industrius fecit ac regem liberavit. Ind Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus factus, post eius mortem joanni illius fratri ac successori paria fidelitatis officia praestitit. Longa enim oration toti Anglorum nationi ●ersuasit, quod vir providus, praestans, fortis, genere nobilissimus, & imperio dignissimus eiset: quo salutatus a populo fuit, a●que in regem coronatus. Composuit quaedam opuscula, & ex immenso animi dolore demum obijsse fertur, Anno salutis humanae 1205. cum sedisset annos 11. Menses octo, & dyes sex quum vidisset ex intestinis odijs, omnia in transmarinis regionibus pessùm ire, regnant joanne. The same in English. HVbert Walter bishop of Sarisburie, a virtuous man, and famous for his good wit and piety, was one of the chiefest of them that followed king Richard into Syria going against the Saracens. As he returned from Palaestina and came in his journey into Sicilia, he there herded of the ill fortune of the king being fallen into his enemy's hands, and thereupon leaving his journey homewards, he went presently and in all haste to the place where the king was captived, whom the king immediately upon his coming sent into England, that by the authority of the council, a tribute might be collected for his redemption: which this Hubert performed with great diligence, and delivered the king. After this he was made Archbishop of Canterbury, and after the death of king Richard he showed the like duties of fidelity and trust to his brother john that succeeded him. For by a long oration he persuaded the whole nation of the English men, that he was a very circumspect man, virtuous, valiant, born of noble parentage, and most worthy of the crown. Whereupon he was so received of all the people and crowned king. He written certain books, and died at the last with very great grief of mind, in the year 1205, having been archbishop the space of 11 years 8 months and six days, by reason of the civil discords abroad, whereby all things went topsie turuy, and in the reign of king john. The travails of Robert Curson. RObertus Curson ex nobili quodam Anglorum ortus genere, disciplinis tum prophanis, tum sacris studiosus incubuit, idque (quantum ex coniecturis colligo) in celebratissima Oxonij Academia. Praestantissimis illic institutoribus usus, ex summa circa ingenuas arts industria, & assiduo literarum labour, famam sibi inter suos celeberrimam comparavit. Ampliora deinde meditatus Parisiorum Lutetiam, a●que Romam ipsam perijt, illic Theologus Doctor, hic verò Cardinalis effectus. unde uterque Matthaeus Parisius, a Westmonasterius, hoc de ipso testimonium adferunt: hic libro 2. ille 8. suo●um Chronicorum. Anno Domini 1218 (inquiunt) in captione Damiatae AEgypti urbis, sub joanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege, fuit cum Pelagio Albanensi Magister Robertus de Curson, Anglus, Clericus celebertimus, genere nobilis, ac Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis, etc, Bostonus Buriensis in suo Catalogo Cursonum aliquos libros composuisle narrat. Claruit anno superius numerato per praedictos testes in Anglia regnant Henrico tertio joannis regis filio: fuítque hic diebus Honorij tertij Romani pontificis in Angliam, Bostono teste, legatus. The same in English. RObert Curson descended of a noble family of England, used great diligence aswell in profane as in divine studies in the famous University of Oxford (as I conjecture.) He had there the best schoolmasters that were to be got, and was most industrious in the arts and continual exercises of learning: by means whereof he grew to be of great renown where he lived. Afterwards thinking of greater matters he went to Paris, and thence to Rome itself, and at Paris he proceeded doctor of Divinity, at Rome he was made cardinal: whereupon both Matthew Paris & Matthew of Westminster produce this testimony of him, the one in his second book, the other in his eight book of Chronicles. In the year of our Lord (say they) 1218, at the taking of Damiata a city of Egypt under john burn king of jerusalem, M. Robert Curson an English man, a most famous clerk of noble parentage, and cardinal of the church of Rome, was there with Pelagius Albanensis, etc. Boston of Bury in Suffolk in his catalogue reporteth, that he written divers books. He flourished in the year aforesaid by the witnesses aforesaid. Henry the third son of king john being then king of England: and by the further testimony of Boston, this Curson was legate into England in the days of Honorius the third, bishop of Rome. The voyage of Ranulph earl of Chester, of Saer Quincy earl of Winchester, William de Albany earl of Arundel, with divers other noble men to the Holy land, in the second year of K. Henry the third. Matth. Paris. Holensh. pag. 202. IN the year 1218, Ranulph earl of Chester was sent into the Holy land by king Henry the third with a goodly company of soldiers and men of war, to aid the Christians there against the Infidels, which at the same time had besieged the city of Damiata in Egypt. In which enterprise the valiancy of the same earl after his coming thither was to his great praise most apparent. There went with him in that journey Saer de Quincy earl of Winchester, William de Albany earl of Arundel, besides divers barons, as the lord Robert fitz Walter, john constable of Chester, William de Harecourt, and Oliver fitz Roy son to the king of England, and divers others. The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the Holy land. THis year, being the sixt year of Henry the third, deceased Henry de Bohun earl of Hereford, and Saer de Quincy earl of Winchester, in their journey which they made to the Holy land. Matth. Paris. Holensh. pag. 202. col● 2. The travails of Ranulph Glanuile earl of Chester. RAnulphus Glanuile Cestriae Comes, vir nobilissimi generis, & v●roque iure eruditus, in albo illust●ium virorum à me meritò ponendus venit. Ita probè omnes adolescentiae suae annos legibus tum humanis tum divinis consecravit, ut non prius in hominem per aetatem evaserit, quàm nomen decúsque ab insigni erudition sibi comparaverit. Cum profecti essent Francorum Heroes Ptolemaidem, inito cum joanne Bren●o Hierosolymorum rege concilio, Damiatam AEgypti urbem obsidendam constituebant, a●no salutis humanae 1218. Misitillùe Henricus rex, ab Honorio 3 Rom. Pontifice rogatus, cum magna armatorum manu Ranulphum, ad rem Christian am iwandam. Cuius vi●tus, Polydoro teste, in eo bello mitis omnium laudibus celebrata ●uit. Quo confecto negotio, Ranulphus in patriam reversus, scripfit, De legibus Angliae librum unum. Fertur praeterea, & alia quaedam scripsisse, sed tempus edax rerum, ea nobis abstulit. Claruit anno à Seruatoris nostri nativitate 1230 confectus senio, dum Henricus ter●ius sub Antichristi tyrannide in Anglia regnaret. The same in English. RAnulph Glanuile earl of Chester, a man of a very noble house, and learned in both the Laws, deserves of duty to be here placed by me in the catalogue of worthy and notable men. He applied so well all the years of his youth to the study of human and divine Laws, that he came not so soon to the age of a man, as he had purchased to himself by reason of his singular learning, renown and honour. When the noble men of France went to Ptolomais, upon the counsel of john burn king of jerusalem, they resolved to besiege Damiata a city of Egypt, in the year 1218. And then Henry the king upon the motion of Honorius the third, bishop of Rome, sent thither this earl Ranulph with a great power of armed soldiers, to further the enterprise of the Christians: whose valour in that war (by the testimony of Polidor Virgil) was marvelously commended of all men. After the end of which business, he being returned into his country, written a book of the laws of England. It is also reported that he written other books, but time the destroyer of many memorial, hath taken them from us. He flourished in the year after the nativity of Christ 1230, being very aged, and in the reign of K. Henry the third. The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of Winchester, to jerusalem in the year of grace 1231, and in the 15 of Henry the third. ANno gratiae 1231, mense verò julio, Petrus Wintoniensis episcopus, completo in terra sancta iam sere per quinquennium magnificè peregrinationis voto, reversus est in Angliam, Kalendis Augusti; & Wintoniam veniens, susceptus est cum processione solenni in sua ecclesia cathedrali. The same in English. IN the year of grace 1231, and in the month of july, Peter bishop of Winchester having spent almost five whole years in fulfilling his vow of pilgrimage in the Holy land with great pomp, returned into England, about the Kalends of August, and coming unto Winchester was received with solemn procession into his cathedral church. The honourable and prosperous voyage of Richard earl of Cornwall, brother to king Henry the third, accompanied with William Longespee earl of Sarisburie, and many other noble men into Syria. IN the 24 year of king Henry the third, 1240. Richard earl of Cornwall the king's brother, with a navy of ships sailed into Syria, where in the wars against the Saracens he greatly advanced the part of the Christians. There went over with him the earl of Sarisburie, William Longspee, and William Basset, john Beauchampe, Geoffrey de Lucy, john Nevel, Geoffrey Beauchampe, Peter de Brense, and William Furnivall. Simon Montfort earl of Leicester went over also the same time: but whereas the earl of Cornwall took the sea at Marseils, the earl of Leicester passed thorough Italy, and took shipping at Brindize in Apulia: and with him went these people of name, Thomas de Furnival with his brother Gerard de Furnivall, Hugh Wake, Almerike de S. Aumond, Wiscard Ledet, Punchard de Dewin, and William de Dewin that were brethren, Gerard Pesmes, Fouke de Baugie, and Peter de Chauntenay. Shortly after also john earl of Albemarle, William Fortis, and Peter de Mallow a Poictovin, men for their valiancy greatly renowned, went thither, leading with them a great number of Christian soldiers. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. Holensh. pag. 225. col. 2. The coming of the Emperor of Constantinople called Baldwine into England in the year 1247, out of Matth● Paris, & Holensh. pag. 239. vol. 2. ABout the same time, Baldwine naming himself emperor of Constantinople, came again into England, to procure some new aid of the king towards the recovery of his empire, out of the which he was expelled by the Greeks. The voyage of William ‖ Or, Longsword. Longespee Earl of Sarisburie into Asia, in the year 1248, and in the 32 year of the reign of Henry the third, king of England. LEwis the French king being recovered of his sickness which he fallen into, in the year 1234, vowed thereupon for a free will sacrifice to God, that he (if the Council of his realm would suffer him) would in his own person visit the Holy land: which matter was opened and debated in the Parliament of France held in the year 1247. Where at length it was concluded, that the king according to his vow should take his journey into Asia, and the time thereof was also prefixed, which should be after the feast of S. john Baptist the next year ensuing. At which time William Longespee a worthy warrior, with the bishop of Worcester and certain other great men in the Realm of England (moved with the example of the Frenchmen) prepared themselves likewise to the same journey. It fallen out in this enterprise, that about the beginning of October, the French king assaulted and took Damiata, being the principal fort or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt, Anno 1249. and having fortified the City with an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundy, he removed his tents from thence to go Eastward. In whose army followed William Longespee, accompanied with a piked number of English warriors retaining unto him. But such was the disdain of the Frenchmen against this William Longespee and the Englishmen that they could not abide them, but flouted them after an opprobrious manner with English tails, insomuch that the French king himself had much ado to keep peace between them. The original cause of this grudge between them began thus. There was not far from Alexandria in Egypt a strong fort or castle replenished with great Ladies and rich treasure of the Saracens: A fo●● wo● by the Englishmen. which hold it chanced the said William Longespee with his company of English soldiers to get, more by politic dexterity then by open force of arms, wherewith he & his retinue were greatly enriched. When the frenchmen had knowledge hereof (they not being made privy hereto) began to conceive an heart burning against the English soldiers, & could not speak well of them after that. It happened again not long after, that the said William had intelligence of a company of rich merchants among the Saracens going to a certain Fair about the parts of Alexandria, having their camels, asses and mules, richly laden with silks, precious jewels, spices, gold, & silver, with cart loads of other wares, beside victual and other furniture, whereof the soldiers than stood in great need: he having secret knowledge hereof, gathered all the power of Englishmen unto him that he could, and so by night falling upon the merchants, some he slay with their guides and conductor, A rich booty also got by the Englishmen. some he took, some he put to flight: the carts with the drivers, and with the oxen, camels, asses and mules, with the whole carriage and victuals he took & brought with him, losing in all the skirmish but one soldier, and eight of his servitors: of whom notwithstanding some he brought home wounded to be cured. This being known in the Camp, forth came the Frenchmen which all this while loitered in their pavilions, and meeting this carriage by the way, took all the foresaid pray whole to themselves, rating the said William and the Englishmen for adventuring and issuing out of the Camp without leave or knowledge of their General, The injury of the Frenchmen to our English. contrary to the discipline of war. William said again he had done nothing but he would answer to it, whose purpose was to have the spoil divided to the behoof of the whole army. When this would not serve, he being sore grieved in his mind so cowardly to be spoiled of that which he so adventurously had travailed for, went to the King to complain: But when no reason nor complaint would serve by reason of the proud Earl of Artoys the King's brother, which upon spite and disdain stood against him, he bidding the King farewell said he would serve him no longer: and so William de Longespee with the rest of his company breaking from the French host went to Achon. Will. Longspee justly forsakes the French king. Upon whose departure the earl of Artoys said, Now is the army of French men well rid of these tailed people, which words spoken in great despite were ill taken of many good men that herded them. But not long after, when the keeper of Cayro & Babylonia, bearing a good mind to the Christian religion, and being offended also with the soldan, promised to deliver the same to the French king, instructing him what course was best for him to take to accomplish it, the king hereupon in all haste sent for William Longespee, promising him a full redress of all his injuries before received: who at the king's request came to him again, and so joined with the French power. After this, it happened that the French king passing with his army towards Cayro aforesaid, came to the great river Nilus, on the further part whereof the Sultan had pitched himself to withstand his coming over: there was at this time a Saracen lately converted to Christ, serving the earl Robert the French kings brother, who told him of the absence of the Sultan from his tents, and of a shallow ford in the river where they might easily pass over. Whereupon the said earl Robert & the Master of the Temple with a great power, esteemed to the third part of the army issued over the river, after whom followed W Longspee with his band of English soldiers. These being joined together on the other side of the water, encountered the same day with the Saracens remaining in the tents & put them to the worst. Which victory being got, the French ●●●le surprised with pride and triumph, as though he had conquered the whole earth, would needs forward, diui●ing himself from the main host, thinking to win the spurs alone. To whom certain sage men of the Temple, giving him contrary couns●ll, advised him not to do so, but rather to return and take their whole company with them, and so should they be more sure against all deceits and dangers, which might be laid privily for them. The manner of that people (they said) they better known, and had more experience thereof then he: alleging moreover their wearied bodies, their tired horses, their famished soldiers, and the insufficiency also of their number, which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especially at this present brunt, in which the adversaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to consist either in winning all or losing all. Which when the proud earl did hear, being inflated with no less arrogancy than ignorance, with opprobrious taunts reviled them, calling them cowardly dastards, & betrayers of the whole country, objecting unto them the common report of many, which said, that the land of the holy cross might soon be won to Christendom, were it not for rebellious Templaries, with the Hospitalaries, and their followers. To these contumelious rebukes, when the master of the Temple answered again for him and his fellows, bidding him display his ensign when he would, and where he dared, they were as ready to follow him, as he to go before them. Then began William de Longespe the worthy knight to speak, desiring the earl to give ear to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those countries and people than had he, commending also their counsel to be discreet and wholesome, and so turning to the master of the Temple, began with gentle words to mitigate him likewise. The knight had not half ended his talk, when the Earl taking his words out of his mouth, began to fume and swear, crying out of those cowardly Englishmen with tails: What a pure army (said he) should we have here, if these tails and tailed people were purged from it, with other like words of villainy, and much disdain: whereunto the English knight answering again, The worthy answer of William Longspe ●o Earl Robert. well, Earl Robert (said he) wheresoever you dare set your foot, my step shall go as far as yours, and (as I believe) we go this day where you shall not dare to come near the tail of my horse, as in deed in the event it proved true: for Earl Robert would needs set forward, weening to get all the glory to himself before the coming of the host, and first invaded a little village or castle, which was not far off, called Mansor. The country Boors and pagan in the villages, seeing the Christians coming, ran out with such a main cry and shout, that it came to the Sultan's hearing, who was nearer than our men did think. In the mean time, the Christians invading and en●ring into the munition incircumspectly, were pelted and pashed with stones by them which stood above, whereby a great number of our men were lost, and the army sore maimed, and almost in despair. Then immediately upon the same, cometh the Sultan with all his main power, which seeing the Christian army to be divided, and the brother separated from the brother, had that which he long wished for, and so enclosing them round about, that none should escape, had with them a cruel fight. Then the earl began to repent him of his heady rashness, but it was too late, who then seeing William the English knight doughtily fight in the chief brunt of the enemies, cried unto him most cowardly to fly, seeing God (says he) doth fight against us: The ●owardly flight of Earl Robert. To whom the Knight answering again, God forbidden (saith he) that my father's son should run away from the face of a Saracene. The Earl then turning his horse, fled away, thinking to avoid by the swiftness of his horse, and so taking the river Thafnis, oppressed with harness, was there sunken and drowned. Thus the Earl being go, the Frenchmen began to despair and scatter. Then William de Longespe bearing all the force of the enemies, stood against them as long as he could, wounding and slaying many a Saracen, till at length his horse being killed, and his legs maimed, he could no longer stand, who yet notwithstanding as he was down, The valiant end of William Longespe. mangled their feet and legs, and did the Saracens much sorrow, till at last after many blows and wounds, being stoned of the Saracens, he yielded his life. And after the death of him, the Saracens setting upon the residue of the army, whom they had compassed on enery side, devoured and destroyed them all, insomuch that scarce one man remained alive, saving two Templaries, one Hospitaler, and one poor rascal soldier, which brought tidings, hereof to the King. And thus by the imprudent and foolish hardiness of that French Earl, the Frenchmen were discomfited, and that valiant English Knight overmatched, to the grief of all Christian people, the glory of the Saracens, and the utter destruction and ruin of the whole French army, as afterwards it appeared. ¶ The Voyage of Prince Edward the son of king Henry the third into Asia, in the year 1270. ABout the year of our Lord, 1267. Octobonus the Popes Legate being in England, prince Edward the son of king Henry, and divers other Noble men of England took upon them the cross upon S. john Baptist's day, by the said Legates hands at Northhampton, to the relief of the Holy land, and the subversion of the enemies of the cross of Christ. For which purpose, and for the better furnishing of the prince towards the journey, there was granted him a subsidy throughout all the realm, and in the month of May, in the year of our Lord 1270. he began to set forward. At Michaelmas following he with his company came to Eguemortes, which is from Marsilia eight leagues Westward, and there taking ship again (having a merry and prosperous wound) within ten days arrived at Tunez, where he was with great joy welcomed, and entertained of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assemble●, as of Philip the French King, whose father Lodovicus died a little before, of Carolus the king of Sicilia, and the two kings of Navarre and Arragon, and as this lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England, th●ther came also Henry the son of the king of Almain for his father, who at his return from the voyage was slain in a chapel at Viterbium. When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done, they answered him again, and said, the prince of this city and the province adjoining to the same hath been accustomed to pay tribute unto the king of Sicily every year: and now for that the same hath been for the space of seven years unpaied and more, therefore we thought good to make invasion upon him. But the king knowing the same tribute to be but justly demanded, hath now according ●o our own desire satisfied for the time past, and also paid his tribute before hand. Then said ●e, My Lords, what is this to the purpose? are we not here all assembled, & have taken upon us the Lord's Character to fight against the infidels & enemies of Christ? What mean you then to conclude a peace with them? God forbidden we should do so, for now the land is plain and hard, so that we may approach to the holy city jerusalem. Then said they, now have we made a league with them, neither is it lawful for us to break the same. But let us return again to Sicilia, and when the winter is past we may well take shipping to Acra. But this counsel nothing at all liked him, neither did he show himself well pleased there with: but after he had made them a princely banquet, he went into his closet or privy chamber from amongst them, neither would be partaker of any of that wicked money which they had taken. They notwithstanding continuing their purpose, at the next merry wound took shipping, and for want of ships left 200. of their men a shore, crying out, and pitioufly lamenting for the peril and hazard of death that they were in: wherewith prince Edward being somewhat moved to compassion, came back again to the land, and received and stowed them in his own ships, being the last that went aboard. Within seven days after, they arrived in the kingdom of Sicilia, over against the City Trapes, casting their anchors a league from thence within the sea, for that their ships were of great burden, and thoroughly fraught: and from the haven of the city they sent out barges and boats to receive and bring such of the Nobility to land as would, but their horses for the most part, and all their armour they kept still within board. At length towards the evening the sea began to be rough, & increased to a great tempest and a mighty: insomuch that their ships were beaten one against another's sides, and drowned there was of them at that tempest lying at anchor more than 120. with all their armour and munition, with innumerable souls besides, and that wicked money also which they had taken before, likewise perished, and was lost. But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince Edward's, who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby, for that (as it may be presupposed) he consented not to the wicked counsel of the rest. When in the morning the princes and kings came to the sea side, and see all their ships drowned, and see their men and horses in great number cast upon the land drowned, they had full heavy hearts, as well they might, for of all their ships and mariners, which were in number 1500. besides the common soldiers, there was no more saved than the mariners of one only ship, and they in this wise. There was in that ship a good & wise Matron, a Countess or an Earls wife, who perceiving the tempest to grow, & fearing herself, called to her the M. of the ship, & asked him whether in attempting to the shore it were not possible to save themselves: he answered, that to save the ship it was impossible: howbeit the men that were therein by God's help he doubted not. Then said the countess, for the ship force no whit, save the souls therein, and have to thee double the value of the ship: who immediately hoising the sails with all force, ran the ship aground so near the shore as was possible, so that with the vehemency of the weather & force he came withal, he braced the ship and saved all that was within the same, as he had showed, and said before. Then the kings and princes (altering their purpose after this so great a shipwreck) returned home again every one unto their own lands: only Edward the son of the king of England, remained behind with his men and ships, which the Lord had saved and preserved. Then prince Edward renovating his purpose, took shipping again, and within fif●eene days after Easter arrived he at Acra, The arrival of prince Edward at Acra. and went aland, taking with him a thousand of the best soldiers and most expert, and tarried there a whole month, refreshing both his men and horses, and that in this space he might learn and know the secrets of the land. After this he took with him six or seven thousand soldiers, and marched forward twenty miles from Acra, and took Nazareth, Nazareth taken by the prince. and those that he found there he slay, and afterward returned again to Acra. But their enemies following after them, thinking to have set upon them at some straight or other advantage, were espied by the prince, and returning again upon them gave a charge, and slay many of them, and the rest they put ●o flight. After this, about Midsummer, when the prince had understanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cakow which was forty miles from Acra, he marching thither, set upon them very early in the morning, and slay of them more than a thousand, A ●icto●i● against the Saracens' wherein 1000 o●●hem were sl●i●e. the rest he put to flight, and took rich spoils, marching forward till they came to a castle named Castrum peregrinorum, situate upon the sea coast, and tarried there that night, and the next day they returned again toward Acra. In the mean season the king of jerusalem sent unto the noble men of Cyprus, desiring them to come with speed to aid the Christians, but they would not come, saying they would keep their own land, and go no further. Then prince Edward sent unto them, The princes of Cyprus acknowledge obedience to the kings of England. desiring that at hi●●equest they would come and join in aid with him: who immediately thereupon came unto him with great preparation & furniture for the wars, saying, that at his commandment they were bond to do no less, for that his predecessors were sometimes the governors of that their land, and that they aught always to show their fidelity to the kings of England. Then the Christians being herewith animated, made a third voyage or road● and came as far as the fort called Vincula sancti Petri, and to S. Georgius, and when they had slain certain there, not finding any to make resistance against them, they retired again from whence they came: when thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies, and that they began to stand in doubt of him, they devised among themselves how by some policy they might cirumvent him, and betray him. Whereupon the prince and admiral of joppa sent unto him, feigning himself under great deceit willing to become a Christian, and that he would draw with him a great number besides, so that they might be honourably entertained and used of the Christians. This talk pleased the prince well, and persuaded him to finish the thing he had so well begun by writing again, who also by the same messenger sent and written back unto him divers times about the s●me matter, whereby no mistrust should spring. This messenger (saith mine author) was one ex caute nutritis, one of the stony hearted, that neither feared God nor dreaded death. The fift time when this messenger came, and was of the prince's s●ruants searched according to the manner and custom what weapon and armour he had about him, as also his purse, that not so much as a knife could be seen about him, he was had up into the prince's chamber, and after his reverence done, he pulled out certain letters, which he delivered the prince from his lord, as he had done others before. This was about eight days after Whitsuntide, upon a Tuesday, somewhat before night, at which time the prince was laid upon his bed bore headed, in his jerkin, for the great heat and intemperature of the weather. When the prince had read the letters, it appeared by them, that upon the Saturday next following, his lord would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised. The report of these news by the prince to the standers by, liked them well, who drawn somewhat back to consult thereof amongst themselves. In the mean time, the m●ssenger kneeling, and making his obeisance to the prince (questioning further with him) put his hand to his belt, as though he would have pulled out s●me secret letters, and suddenly he pulled out an envenomed knife, thinking to have strooken the prince into the belly therewith as he lay: but the price lifting up his hand to defend the blow, was stricken a great wound into the arm, and being abou● to fetch another stroke at him, the prince again with his foot took him such a blow, Prince ●dw●●d ●ra●●●o●sly wounded. that he field him to the ground: with that the prince gate him by the hand, and with such violence wrasted the knife from him, that he hurt himself therewith on the forehead, and immediately thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and slay him. The prince's servants being in the next chamber not far off, hearing the bussing, came with great haste running in, and finding the messenger lying dead in the floor, one of them took up a stool, and beaten out his brains: whereat the prince was wroth for that he struck a dead man, and one that was killed before. But the rumour of this accident, as it was strange, so it went soon throughout all the Court, and from thence among the common people, for which they were very heavy, and greatly discouraged. To him came also the Captain of the Temple, and brought him a costly and precious drink against poison, lest the venom of the knife should penetrate the lively blood, and in blaming wise said unto him: did I not tell your Grace before of the deceit and subtlety of this people? Notwithstanding, said he, let your Grace take a good heart, you shall not die of this wound, my life for yours. But strait way the Surgeons and Physicians were sent for, and the prince was dressed, and within few days after, the wound began to putrify, and the flesh to look dead and black: whereupon they that were about the prince began to mutter among themselves, and were very sad and heavy. Which thing he himself perceiving, said unto them: why mutter you thus among yourselves? what see you in me, can I not be healed? tell me the truth, be you not afraid. Whereupon one said unto him, and it like your Grace you may be healed, we mistrust not, but yet it will be very painful for you to suffer. May suffering (said he again) restore health? yea saith the other, on pain of losing my head. Then said the prince, I commit myself unto you, do with me what you think good. Then said one of the Physicians, is there any of your Nobles in whom your Grace reposeth special trust? to whom the prince answered Yea, naming certain of the Noble men that stood about him. Then said the Physician to the two, whom the prince first named, the Lord Edmund, This lord Edmund was the prince his brother. and the lord john Voisie, And do you also faithfully love your Lord and Prince? Who answered both, Yea undoubtedly. Then saith he, take you away this gentlewoman and lady (meaning his wife) and let her not see her lord and husband, till such time as I will you thereunto. Whereupon they took her from the prince's presence, crying out, and wring her hands. Then said they unto her, Be you contented good Lady & Madame, it is better that one woman should weep a little while, then that all the realm of England should weep a great season. Then on the morrow they cut out all the dead and invenimed flesh out of the prince's arm, and threw it from them, and said unto him: how cheereth your Grace, we promise' you within these fifteen days you shall show yourself abroad (if God permit) upon your horseback, whole and well as ever you were. And according to the promise he made the prince, it came to pass, to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subjects. When the great soldan herded hereof, and that the prince was yet alive, he could scarcely believe the same, and sending unto him three of his Nobles and Princes, excused himself by them, calling his god to witness that the same was done neither by him nor his consent. Which princes and messengers standing aloof off from the king's son, worshipping him, fallen flat upon the ground: you (said the prince) do reverence me, but yet you love me not. But they understood him not, because he spoke in English unto them, speaking by an Interpreter: nevertheless he honourably entertained them, and sent them away in peace. Thus when prince Edward had been eighteen months in Acra, he took shipping about the Assumption of our Lady, as we call it, returning homeward, and after seven weeks he arrived in Sicilia at Trapes, and from thence travailed thorough the mids of Apulia, till he came to Rome, where he was of the Pope honourably entertained. From thence he came into France, whose fame and noble prowess was there much bruited among the common people, and envied of the Nobility, especially of the earl of Chalons, who thought to have entrapped him and his company, as may appear in the story: but Prince Edward continued forth his journey to Paris, and was there of the French king honourably entertained: and after certain days he went thence into Gascoine, where he tarried till that he herded of the death of the king his father, at which time he came home, and was crowned king of England, in the year of our Lord 1274. The travail of Robert Turneham. RObertus Turneham Franciscanus, Theologiae professor insignis, Lynnae celebri Irenorum ad ripas Isidis emporio, collegio suorum fratrum magnificè praefuit. Edwardus Princeps, cognomento Longus, Henrici textij filius, bellicam expeditionem contra Saracenos Assyriam incolentes, anno Dom. 1268. parabat. Ad quam profectionem quaesitus quoque Orator vehemens, qui plebis in causa religionis animos excitaret, Turnehamus principi visus vel dignissimus est, qui munus hoc obiret. Sic tanquam signifer constitutus Assyrios unà cum Anglico exercitu pe●ijt, ac suum non sine laud praestitit officium. Claruit anno salutiferi partus, 1280, varia componens, sub eodem Edwardo eius nominis primo post Conquestum. The fame in English. RObert Turneham Franciscan, a notable professor of Divinity, was with great dignity Prior of the College of his Order in the famous Mart town of Linne, situate upon the river of Isis in Norfolk. Prince Edward surnamed the Long, the son of Henry the third, prepared his warlike voyage against the Saracens dwelling in Syria, in the year of our Lord, 1268. For the which expedition some earnest preacher was sought to stir up the people's minds in the cause of religion. And this Turneham seemed to the Prince most worthy to perform that office: so that he being appointed as it were a standard bearer, went into Syria with the English army, and performed his duty with good commendation. He flourished in the year of Christ 1280, setting forth divers works under the same king Edward the first of that name after the Conquest. Anthony Beck bishop of Durisme was elected Patriarch of Jerusalem, and confirmed by Clement the fift bishop of Rome: in the 34 year of Edward the first, Lelandus. Antonius' Beckus episcopus Dunelmensis fult, regnant Edwardo eius appellationis ab adventu Gulielmi magni in Angliam primo. Electus est in patriarcham Hierosolomitanum anno Christi 1305, 1305. & a Clement quinto Rom. pontifice confirmatus. Splendidus erat supra quâm decebat episcopum. Construxit castrum Achelandae, quatuor passuum millibus a Dunelmo in ripa Vnduglessi flwioli. Else shamum etiam vicinum Grencuico, ac Somaridunum castellum Lindianae provinciae, a dificijs illustria reddidit. Deinde & palatium Londini erexit, quod nunc Edwardi principis est. Tandem ex splendore nimio, & potentia conflavit sibi apud nobilitatem ingentem invidiam, quam vivens nunquam extinguere potuit. Sed de Antonio, & eius scriptis fusiùs in opere, cuius titulus de pontificibus Britannicis, dicemus. Obijt Antonius anno a nato in salutem nostram Christo, 1310, Edwardo secundo regnant. The same in English. ANthony Beck was bishop of Durisine in the time of the reign of Edward the first of that name after the invasion of William the great into England. This Anthony was elected patriarch of jerusalem in the year of our Lord God 1305, and was confirmed by Clement the fift, pope of Rome. He was of greater magnificence then for the calling of a bishop. He founded also the castle of Acheland four miles from Durisme, on the shore of a pretty river called Vnduglesme. He much beautified with new buildings Eltham manor being near unto Greenwich, and the castle Somaridune in the county of Lindsey. And lastly, he built new out of the ground the palace of London, which now is in the possession of prince Edward. Insomuch, that at length, through his over great magnificence and power he procured to himself great envy among the nobility, which he could not assuage during the rest of his life. But of this Anthony & of his writings we will speak more at large in our book entitled of the Britain bishops. This Anthony finished his life in the year of our Lord God 1310, and in the reign of king Edward the second. Incipit Itinerarium fratris Odorici fratrum minorum de mirabilibus Orientalium Tartarorum. LIcet multa & varia de ritibus & conditionibus huius mundi enarrentur a multis, ego tamen frater Odoricus de foro julij de portu Vahonis, volens ad partes infidelium transfretare, magna & mira vidi & audivi, quae possum veracitèr enarrare. Primò transiens Mare Maius me de Pera juxta Constantinopolim transtuli Trapesundam, quae antiquitus Pontus vocabatur: Haec terra benè situata est, sicut scala quaedam Perfarum & Medorum, & eorum qui sunt ultra mare. In hac terra vidi mirabile quod mihi placuit, scilicèt hominem ducentem secum plusquam 4000 perdicum. Homo autem per terram gradiebatur, perdices vero volabant per aëra, quas ipse ad quoddam castrum dictum Zavena duxit, distans à Trapesunda per tres dieras: Hae perdices illius conditionis erant, cùm homo ille quiescere voluit, omnes se aptabant circa ipsum, more pullorum gallinarum, & per illum modum duxit eas ufque ad Trapesundam, & usque ad palatium imperatoris, qui de illis sumpsit quot voluit, & residuas vir ille ad locum unde venerat, adduxit. In hac civitate requiescit corpus Athanasijs supra portam civitatis. Vltra transivi usque in Armeniam maiorem, Armenia maior. ad quandam civitatem quae vocatur Azaron, quae erat multùm opulenta antiquitùs, sed Tartari eam pro magna part destruxerunt: In ea erat abundantia pani, & carnium, & aliorum omnium victualium preterquam vini & fructuum. Haec civitas est multum frigida, & de illa dicitur quòd altius situatur quàm aliqua alia in hoc mundo: haec optimas habet aquas, nam venae illarum aquarum oriri videntur & scaturire à flumine magno Euphrate quod per unam dietá ab civitate distat: haec civitas via media eundi Taurisium. Vltra progressus sum ad quendam montem dictum Sobissacalo. In illa contrata est mons ille supra quem requiescit arca No; in quem libenter ascendissem, si societas mea me praestolare voluisset: A gente ramen illius contratae dicitur quòd nullus unquam illum montem ascendere potuic, quia ut dicitur, hoe Deo altissimo non placet. Vltra veni Tauris civitatem magnam & regalem, Tauris civitas Persi●. quae antiquitùs Susis dicta est. Haec civitas melior pro mercenarijs reputatur, quàm aliqua quae sit in mundo, nam nihil comestibile, nec aliquid quod ad mercimonium pertinet, reperitur, quod illic in bona copia non habetur. Haec civitas multum benè situatur: Nam ad eam quasi totus mundus pro mercimonijs confluere potest: De hac dicunt Christiani qui ibi sunt, quòd credunt Imperatorem plus de ea accipere, quàm Regem Franciae de toto regno suo: juxta illam civitatem est mons salinus praebens sal civitati, & de illo sale unusquisque tantum accipit, quantum vult, nihil soluendo alicui. In hac civitate multi Christiani de omni natione commorantur, quibus Saraceni in omnibús dominantur. Vltra ivi per decem dietas ad civitatem dictam Soldania, Suleania. in qua imperator Persatum tempore aestivo commoratur; In hyeme autem vadit ad civitatem aliam sitam supra mare vocatam Baltuc: Praedicta autem civitas magna est, & frigida, in se habens bonas aquas, ad quam multa mercimonia portantur. Vltra cum quadam societate Caravanorum ivi versus Indiam superiorem, ad quam dum transissem per multas dietas perveni ad civitatem trium Magorum quae vocatur Cassan, Vel Cas●ibin. quae regia civitas est & nobilis, nisi quod Tartari eam in magna part destruxerunt: haec abundat part, vino, & alijs bonis multis. Ab hac civitate usque jerusalem quo Magi iverunt miraculosè, sunt L. dietae & multa mirabilia sunt in hac civitate quae pertranseo. Indè recessi ad quandam civitatem vocatam Gest à qua distat mare arenosum per unam dietam, Gest. quod mirè est mirabile & periculosum: In hac civitate est abundantia omnium victualium, & ficuum porissimè, & vuarum siccarum & viridium, plus ut credo quàm in alia part mundi. Haec est tertia civitas melior quam Rex Persarum habet in toto regno suo: De illa dicunt Saraceni, quod in ea nullus Christianus ultra annum vivere unquam potest. Vltra per multas dietas ivi ad quandam civitatem dictam Comum quae maxima civitas antiquittis crat, Como. cuius ambitus erat ferè L. miliaria, quae magna damna intulit Romanis antiquis temporibus. In ea sunt palatia integra non habitata, tamen multis victualibus abundat. Vltra per multas terras transiens, perveni ad terram job nomine Hus quae omnium victualium plenissima est, & pulcherrimè situata; juxta eam sunt montes in quibus sunt pascua multa pro animalibus: Ibi manna in magna copia reperitur. Ibi habentur quatuor perdices pro minori, quàm pro uno grosso: In ea sunt pulcherrimi senes, ubi homines nent & filant, & faeminae non: haec terta correspondet Chaldeae versus transmontana. De moribus Chaldaeorum, & de India. INdè ivi in Chaldaeam quae est regnum magnum, & transivi juxta turrim Babel: Haec regio suam liguam propriam habet, & ibi sunt homines formosi, & foeminae turpes: & homines illius regionis vadunt compti crinibus, & ornati, ut hic mulieres, & portant super capita sua fasciola aurea cum gemmis, & margaritis; mulieres verò solum unam vilem camisiam attingentem usque ad genu●, habentem manicas longas & largas, quae usque ad terram protenduntur: Et vadunt discalciatae portantes Serablans usque ad terram. Triceas non portant, sed capilli earum circumquaque disperguntur: & alia multa & mirabilia sunt ibidem. Indè veni in Indiam quae infra tetram est, quam Tartari multum destruxerunt; & in ea ut plurimum homities tantum dactilos comedunt, quarum xlij. librae habentur pro minori quam pro uno grosso. Vltra transiul per multas dietas ad mare oceanum, & prima terra, ad quam applicui, vocatur Ormes, Ormus. quae est optimè murata, & multa mercimonia & divitiae in ea sunt; in ea tantus calor est, quod virilia hominum excunt corpus, & descendunt usque ad mediam tibiarum: ideò homines illius terrae volentes vivere, faciunt unctionem, & ungunt illa, & sic uncta in quibusdam facculis ponunt circa se cingentes, & aliter morerentur: In hac terra homines utuntur navigio quae vocatur Iase, surum sparto. Ego autem ascendi in unum illorum in quo nullum ferrum potui reperire, & in viginti octo dietis perveni ad civitatem Thana, Thana. in qua pro fide Christi quatuor de frarribus nostris martyrizati sunt. Haec terra est optimè situata, & in ea abundantia panis & vini, & aliorum victualium. Haec terra antiquitùs fuit valdè magna, & fuit regis Pori, qui cum rege Alexandro praelium magnum commisit. Huius terrae populus Idolatrat, adorans ignem, serpentes, & arbores: Et istam terram regunt Saraceni, qui violenter eam acceperunt, & subiacent imp●rio regis Daldili. Ibi sunt diversa genera bestiarum, leones nigri in maxima quantitate: Sunt & ibi simiae, gatimaymones, & noctuae magnae sicut hic habentur columbae; ibi mures magni sunt, sicut sunt hic scepi, & ideò canes capiunt ibi mures, quia murelegi non valent. Ad haec, In illa terra quilibet homo habetante domum suam unum pedem fasciculorum, ita magnum sicut esset una columna, & pes ille non desiccatur, dummodò adhibeatur sibi aqua. Multae novitates sunt ibi, quas pulcherrimum esset audire. De martyrio fratrum. MArtyrium autem quatuor fratrum nostrorum in illa civitate Thana fuit per istum modum; dum praedicti fratres fuerant in Ormes, fecerunt pactum cum una navi, ut navigarent usque Polumbrum, & violentèr deportati sunt usque Thanam ubi sunt 15. domus Christianorum, qui Nestoriani sunt & Schismatici, & cùm illie essent, hospitati sunt in domo cuiusdam illorum; contigit dum ibi manerent litem or●ri inter virum domus, & uxorem eius, quam serò vir fortitèr verberavit, quae suo Kadi. 1. Episcopo conquesta est; à qua interrogavit Kadi, utrum hoc probari posset? quae dixit, quòd sic; quia 4. Franchi. 1. viri religiosi erant in domo hoc videntes, ipsos interrogate, qui dicent vobis veritatem: Muliere autem sic dicente, Ecce unus de Alexandria presens rogavit Kadi ut mitteret pro eis, dicens eos esse homines maximae scientiae & scripturas benè scire, & ideò dixit bonum esse cum illis de fide disputare: Qui misit pro illis, & adducti sunt isti quatuor, quorum nomina sunt frater de Tolentino de Marchia, frater jacobus de Milan, frater Demetrius Laicus, Petrus de Senis. Dimisso autem fratre Petro, ut res suas custo diret, ad Kadi perrexerunt, qui coepit cum illis de fide nostra disputare; dicens Christum tantùm hominem esse & non Deum. E contrà frater Thomas rationibus & exemplis Christum verum Deum & hominem esse evidenter oftendit, & in tantum confudit Kadi, & infideles qui cum eo tenuerunt, quòd non habuerunt quid rationabiliter contradicere: Tunc videns Kadi se sic confusum, incepit clamare sic; Et quid dicis de Machometo? Respondit frater Thomas: Si tibi probavimus Christum vetum Deum & hominem esse, qui legem posuit inter homines, et Machometus è contrario venit, & legem contrariam docuit, si sapiens sis optimè scire poteris, quid de eo dicendum sit. Iterum Kadi & alij Saraceni clamabant, Et tu quid iterum de Machometo dicis? Tunc frater T. respondit: vos omnes videre poteltis, quid dico de eo. Tum ex quo vultis quòd planè locquar de eo, dico, quòd Machometus vester filius perditionis est, & in inferno cum Diabolo patre suo. Et non solùm ipse, sed omnes ibi erunt qui tenent legem hanc, quia ipsa tota pestifera est, & falsa, & contra Deum, & contra salutem animae. Hoc audientes Saraceni, coeperunt clamare, moriatur, moriaturille, qui sic contra Prophetam locutus est. Tunc acceperunt fratres & in sole urente stare permiserunt, ut ex calore solis adusti, dira morte interirent. Tantus enim est calor solis ibi, quòd si homo in eo per spacium unius missae persisteret, moreretur: fratres tamen illi sani & hilares à tertia usque ad nonam laudantes & glorificantes dominum in ardore solis permanserunt, quod videntes Saraceni stupefacti ad fratres venerunt, & dixerunt, volumusignem accendere copiosum, & in illum vos proijcere, & si fides vestra sit ut dicitis, ignis non poterit vos comburere: si autem vos combusserit, patebit quòd fides vestranulla sit. Responderunt fratres; parati sumus pro fide nostra ignem, carcerem, & vincula, & omnium tormentorum genera tolerate: veruntamen scire debetis, quòd si ignis potestatem habeat comburendi nos hoc non erit propter fidem nostram, sed propter peccatá nostra: fides enim nostra perfectissima & verissima est, & non est alia in mundo in qua animae hominum possunt saluae fieri. Dum autem ordinaretor quòd fiatres cóburerentur, rumor insonuit per toram civitatem, de qua omnes senes, & iwenes, viri & multeres, qui ire poterant, accurrerunt ad illud spectaculum intuendum. Fratres autem ducti fuerunt ad plateam civitatis, ubi accensus est ignis copiosus, in quem frater Thomas voluit se proijcere, sed quidam Saracenus cepit eum per caputium, & retraxit, dicens; Non vadas tu cum fissenex, quia carmen aliquod vel experimentum habere posses super te, quare te ignis non posset laedere, sed alium ire in ignem permitias. Tunc 4 Saraceni sumentes fratrem jacobum, eum in ignem proijcere volebant; quibus ille, permittatis me, quia libenter pro fide mea ignem intrabo: Cui Saraceni non adquiescentes eum violentèr in ignem proiecerunt: ignis autem ita accensus erat, quòd nullus eum videre poterat, vocem tamen eius audierunt, invocantem semper nomen virginis gloriosae; Igne autem totalitèr consumpto sterit frater jacobus super prunas illaesus, & letus, manibus in modum crucis elevatis, in coelum respiciens, & Deum laudans & glorificans, qui sic declara●et fidem suam: nihil autem in eo nec pam●us, nec capillus laesus per ignem inventus est; Quod videns populus unanimitèr conclamare coepit, sancti sunt, sancti sunt, vefas est offendere eos, modò videmus quia fides eorum bona & sancta est. Tunc clamare coepit Kadi: sanctus non est ille, quia combustus non est, quia tunica quam portat est de lana terrae Habraae, & ideò nudus exspolietur, & in ignem proijciatum, & videbitur si comburetur vel non. Tunc Saraceni pessimi ad praeceptum Kadi ignem in duplomagis quàm pritis accenderunt, & fratrem jacobum nudantes, corpus suum abluerunt, & oleo abundantissimè unxerunt, insuper & olcum maximum in stivem lignorum ex quibus ignis lieret, suderunt, & igne accenso fratrem in ipsum proiecerunt. Frater autem Thomas, & frater Demetrius extra populum in loco separato flexis genibus orantes cum lach: ym●s devotioni se dederunt. Frater autem jacobus iterum ignem exivit illaesus sicut prius fecerat: quod videns omnis populus clamare coepit, peccatum est, peccatum est, offendere eos, quià sancti sunt. Hoc autem tantum miraculum videns Melich. i. potestas civitatis, vocavit ad se fratrem jacobum, & fecit eum ponere indumenta sua, & dixit, videre fratres, Itecum gratia Die, quia, nullum malum patiemini a nobis, modò benè videmus vos sauctos esse, & fidem vestram bonam ac veram esse; & ideo consulimus vobis, ut de ista terra exeatis, quiàm ciuùs po●eritis, quia Kadi pro p●●le suo vobis nocere curabit, quia sic confudistis eum: Hora autem tunc erat quasi completorij, & dixerunt illi de populo, artoniti, admirati, & stupesacti, tot & tonta mirabilia vidimus ab istis hominibus, quod neseimus quid tenere & observare debemus. Melich verò fecit duci illos tres sratres ultra unum parvum brachium maris in quendam Burgum modicum ab illa civitate distantem: ad quem etiam illein cuius iam domo suerant hospitati associavit eos, ubi in domo cuiusdam idolatri recepti sunt. Dùm haec agerentur, Kadi ivit ad Melich, dicens quid facimus? Lex Machometi destructa est, veruntamen hoc scire debes, quod Machomet precepit in suo Alcorano, quod si quis unum Christianum interficeret, tantum mereretur, ac si in Mecha ad ipsum peregrinaretur. Est enim Alkoranus lex Sara cenorum sicut evangelium, Mecha verò est locus ubi jacet Machomer. Quem locum ita visitant Saraceni, sicut Christiani sepulchrum Christi. Tunc Melich respondet, vade & fac sicut vis: quo dicto sta●m Kadi accepit quatuor homines armatos utirent, & illos fratres interficerent, qui cùm aquam transijssent, facta est nox, & illo sero eos non invenerunt, statim Melich omnes Christianos in civitate capi fecit, & incarceiavit, media autem nocte fratres surrexerunt dicere matutinum, quos illi Saraceni qui nussi fuerant, invenerunt, & extra burgum, sub quadam arbore adduxerunt, dixerunt eis, Sciatis fratres nos mandatum habere a Kadi & Melich interficere vos, quod tamen faciemus inviti, quia vos estis boni homines & sancti, sed non audemus aliter facere; quia si jussa sua non perficeremus, & nos cum liberis nostris & uxoribus moreremur. Tunc fratres responderunt, vos qui hûc venistis, & tale mandatum recepistis, ut per mortem temporalem vitam aeternam adipiscamur, quod vobis iniunctum est perficite; quia pro amore domini nostri jesu Christi, qui pro nobis crucifigi & mori dignatusest, & pro fide nostra, parati sumus omnia tormenta, & eriam mortem libenter sustinere. Christianus autem qui fratres comitabatur, multum cum illis quatuor armatis altercatus est dicens, quod si gladium haberet, vel eos à nece tam sanctorum hominum impediret, vel ipse cum eis interfectus esset. Tunc armati fecerunt fratres se exspoliare, & frater Thomas primus iunctis manibus in modum crucis genu slectens capitis abscissionè suscepit: Fratrem verò jacobum unus percussit in capite, & eum usque ad oculos scidit, & alio ictu totum caput abscidit. Frater autem Demetrius primò percussus est cum gladio in pectore, & secundò caput suum abscissum est: Statim ut fratres suum martyrium compleverunt, a●r ita lucidus effectus est, quod omnes admirati sunt, & luna maximam claritatem ostendit. Statim quasi subito tanta tonitrua, & fulgura, & coruscationes, & obscuritas fiebant, quòd omnes mori crediderunt: Navis etiam illa quae illos debuerat deportasse submersa est cum omnibus quae in se habuit, ita quod nunquam de illa posteà aliquid scitum est. Facto mane misit Kadi pro rebus fratrum praedictorum nostrorum, & tunc inventus est frater Petrus de Senis quartus socius fratrum praedictorum, quem ad Kadi duxerunt: Cui Kadi, & alij Saraceni maxima promittentes persuaserunt quòd fidem suam renueret, & legem machometi confiteretur, & teneret. Frater autem Petrus de illis ●ruffabat, eos multum deridendo, quem de mane usque ad meridiem diversis paenarum ac tormentorum generibus aflixerunt ipso semper constantissimè in fide, & in Dei laudibus persistente, & fidem illorum Machometi deridente & destruente. Videntes autem Saraceni eum non posse a suo proposito evelli, eum super quandam arborem suspenderunt, in qua de nona usque ad noctem viws & illaesus pependitae nocte verò ipsum de arbore sumpserunt, & videntes illum laetum, viwm, & illaesum per medium suum corpus diviserunt, mane autem facto nihil de corpore eius inventum est; uni tamen personae fide dignae revelatum est, quod Deus corpus eius occultaverat reuelandūm certo tempore, quandò Deo placuerit Sanctorum corpora manifestare. Vt autem Deus ostenderet animas suorum martyrum iam in coelis consistere, & congaudere cum Deo & Angelis & alijs Sanctis eius, die sequenti post martyrium fiatrum praedictorum Melich dormitioni se dedit, & ecce aparuerunt sibi isti fratres gloriosi, & sicut Sol, lucidi, singulos enses tenentes in manibus, & supra eum eos sic vibrantes, quod ut si eum perfodere ac dividere vellent: qui excitatus horribilitèr exclamavit, sic, quòd totam familiam terruit: quae sibi accurrens quae siuir, quid sibi esset? quibus ille, Illi Raban Franchi quos interfici iussi, venerunt huc ad me cum ensibus, volentes me interficere. Et statim Melich misit pro Kadi, referens sibi visionem, & petens consilium, & consolationem, quia timuit per eos finaliter interire. Tunc Kadi sibi consuluit, ut illis maximas elecinosynas faceret, si de manibus interfectorum evadere vellet. Tunc misit pro Christianis quos in carcere intrudi praeceperat: A quibus cum ad eum venissent indulgentiam petijt profacto suo, dicens se esse amodò socium eorum, & confratrem: Praecepit autem & legem statuit, quòd pro tempore suo, si quis aliquem Christianun offenderet, statim moreretur, & sic omnes illaesos, & indemnes a bire permisit. Pro illis autem quatuor fratribus intersectis quatuor mosquetas (i) Ecclesias aedificari fecit, quas per Sacerdotes Saracenorum inhabitari fecit. Audiens autem imperator Dodsi islos tres fratres talem sententiam subijsse, misit pro Melich, ut vinctus ad eum duceretur, A quo cùm adductus esser, quaesivit imperator, quare ita crudelitèr illos fratres iusserat intersici, respondit, quia subvertere volebant legem nostram, & malum & blasphemiam de propheta nostro dicebant: & imperator ad eum; O crudelissime canis, cùm videres quod Deus omnipotens bis ab igne eos liberaverit, quo modo ausus fuisti illis mortem inferre tam crudelem. Et edicta sententia, ipsum Melich cum tota sua familia per medium scindi fecit, sicut ipse talem mortem tratri inflixerat. Kadi verò audiens, de terra illa, & etiam de imperatoris illius dominio clàm sugit, & sic evasit. De miraculis quatuor fratrum occisorum. ESt autem consuetudo in terra illa, quòd corpora mortua non traduntur sepulturae, sed in campis dimittuntur, & ex calore Solis citò resoluuntur, & sic consumuntur: Corpora autem trium fratrum predictorum per 14. dies illic in feruore Solis iacuerunt, & ita recentia & ●edolentia inventa fuerunt sicut illa die quandò martirizati erant: quod videntes Christiani qui in illa terra habitabant, praedicta corpora ceperunt, & honorificè sepelierunt. Ego autem Odoricus audiens factum & martyrium illorum fratrum, ivi illuc, & corpora eorum effodi, & ossa omnio inecum accepi, & in pulchris to wallijs colligavi, & in Indiam superiorem ad unum locum fratrum nostrorum ea deportavi, habens mecum socium, & unum famulum. Cum autem essemus in via, hospitabamus in domo cuiusdam hospitarij & ipsa ossa capiti meo supposui, & dormivi: Et dùm dormirem domus illa à Saracenis subitò accendebatur, ut me cum domo comburerent. Domo autem sic accensa, socius meus & famulus de domo exierunt, & me solum cum ossibus dimiserunt, qui videns ignem supra me, ossa accepi & cum illis in angulos domus recollegi. Tres autem anguli domus statim combusti fuerunt, angulo in quo steti cum ossibus saluo remanente: Supra me autem ignis se tenuit in modum aentis lucidi, nec descendit quamdivibi persistebam; quàm citò autem cum ossibus exivi, statim tota pars illa sicut aliae priores igne consumpta est, & multa alia loca circumadiac entia combusta sunt. Aliud miraculum contigit, me cum ossibus per mare proficiente ad ciuitaté Polumbrun ubi piper nascitur abundantèr, quia nobis ventus totaliter defecit: qua propter venerunt Idolatrae adorantes Deos suos pro vento prospero, quem tamen non obtinuerunt: Tunc Saraceni suas invocationes, & adorationes laboriose sec erunt, sed nihil profecerunt; Et praeceptum est mihi & socio meo utorationes funderemus Deo nostro: Et dixit rector navis in Armenico mihi, quod alij non intelligerent: quòd nisi possemus ventum prosperum à Deo nostro impetrare, nos cum ossibus in mare proijcerent: Tunc ego & socius fecimus orationes, voventes multas missas de beata virgine celebrate, sic quòd ventum placeret sibi nobis impetrare. Cum auten tempus transiret, & venrus non veniret, accepi unum de ossibus, & dedi famulo, ut ad caput navis irer, & clàm in mare proijceret: quo proiecto statim affuit ventus prosper qui nunquam nobis defecit, usquequò pervenimus ad portum, meritis istorum martyrum cum salute. Deinde ascendimus aliam nauem ut in Indiam superiorem iremus; Et venimus ad quandam civitatem vocatam Carchan in qua sunt duo loca fratrum nostrorum, & ibi reponere istas reliquias volebamus. In navi autem illa erant plus 700. mercatores & alij: Nunc illi Idolatrae istam consuetudinem habebant, quòd semper ante quàm ad portum applicuerint, totam navem perquirerent, si isti aliqua ossa mortuorum animalium invenirent, qui reperta statim in mare proijcerent, & per hoc bonum portum attingere, & mortis periculum cuadere crederent. Cùm autem frequentèr perquirerent, & illa ossa frequenter tangerent, semper oculi delusi fuerunt, sic quòd illa non perpenderunt; & sic ad locum fratrum deportavimus cum omni reverentia, ubi in pace requiescunt; ubi etiam inter idolatras Deus continuè miracula operatur. Cum enim aliquo morbo gravantur, in terra illa ubi fratres passi sunt ipsi vadunt, & de terra ubi corpora sanguinolenta iacuerunt sumunt quam abluunt, & ablutionem bibunt, & sic ab infirmitatibus suis liberantur. Quo modo habetur Piper, & ubi nascitur. VT autem videatur quo modo habetur piper, sciendum quòd in quodam imperio ad quod applicui, nomine Malaba●. Minibar, nascitur, & in nulla part mundi tantum, quantum ibi; Nemus enim in quo nascitur, con●inet octodecim dietas, & in ipso nemore sunt duae civitates una nomine Flandrina, alia nomine Cyncilim: In Flandrina habitant judei aliqui & aliqui Christiani, inter quos est bellum frequenter, sed Christiani vincunt judaeos semper: In isto nemore habetur piper per istum modum. Nam primò nascitur in folijs olerum, que juxta magnas arbores p●antantur, sicut nos ponimus vites; & producunt fructum, sicut racemi nostri producunt vuas; sed quandò maturescunt sunt viridis coloris, & sic vindemiantur ut inter nos vindemiantur vuae, & ponuntur grana ad solem ut desiccentur: que desiccata reponuntur in vasis terreis, & sic fit piper, & custoditur. In isto autem nemore sunt flumina multa in quibus sunt Crocodili multi, & multi alij serpentes sunt in illo nemore, quos homines per stupam & paleas comburunt, & sic ad colligendum piper securè accedunt. A capite illius nemoris versus meridiem est civitas Polumbrum in qua maxima mercimonia cuiuscunque generis reperiuntur. Polumbrum ci●itas. Omnes autem de terra illa bovem viwm sicut Deum suum adorant, quem 6. annis faciunt laborare, & in septimo faciunt ipsum quiescere ab omni opere; Adoratio bovis. ponentes ipsum in loco solemni, & communi, & dicentes ipsum esse animal sanctum. Hunc autem ritum observant: quolibet mane accipiunt duas pelues de auro, vel de argento, & unam submittunt urinae bo●is, & aliam stercori, de urina lavant sibi faciem & oculos, & omnes 5. sensus: de stercore verò ponunt in utróque oculo, posteà liniunt summitates genarum, & tertiò pectus, & ex tunc dicunt se sanctificatos pro toto die illo: & sicut facit populus, ita etiam facit rex & regina. Isti etiam aliud idolum mortuum adorant, quod in medietate una superior est homo, & in alia est bos, & illud idolum dat eye responsa, & aliquotièns pro stipendio petit sanguinem, 40. virginum: & ideò homines illius regionis ita vovent filias suas & filios, sicut Christiani aliqui alicui religioni, vel sancto in coelis. Et per istum modum immolant filios & filias, & multi homines per istum ritum moriuntur ante idolum illud, & multa alia abominabilia facit populus iste bestialis, & multa mirabilia vidi inter eos quae nolui hic inserere. Aliam consuerudinem vilissimam habet gens illa: Nam quando homo moritur, comburunt ipsum mortuum, Combastio mortuotum. & si uxorem habet, ipsam comburunt vivam, quia dicunt quòd ipsa ibit in aratura, & cultura cum viro suo in alio mundo: Si autem uxor illa habeat liberos ex viro suo, potest manere cum eye si velit sine verecundia & improperio, communiter tamen omnes praeeligunt comburi cum marito; si autem uxor praemoriatur viro, lex illa non obligat virum, sed potest aliam uxorem ducere. Aliam consuetudinem habet gens illa, quòd foemine ibibibunt vinum, & homines non: foeminae etiam faciunt sibi radi cilia, & super cilia, & barbam, & homines non: & sic de multis alijs vilibus contra naturam sexus eorum. Ab isto regno ivi decem dietas ad aliud regnum dictum Mobar, Mobat regnum vel Maliapor. quod habet in se multas civitates, & in illo requiescitin una ecclesia corpus beati Thomae Apostoli, & est ecclesia illa plena idolis, & in circuitu ecclesiae simul Canonici viwnt in 15. domibus Nestoriani, id est, mali Christiani, & schismatici. De quodam idolo mirabili, & de quibusdam ritibus eorum. IN hoc regno est unum Idolum mirabile, quod omnes Indi reverentur: & est statura hominis ita magni, sicut noster Christophorus depictus, & est totum de auro purissimo & splendidissimo, & circa collum habet unam chordulam sericam cum lapidibus pretiosissimis, quorum aliquis valet plus quàm unum regnum: Domus idoli est tota de auro, scilicet in recto, & pavimento, & superficie parietum interius & exterius. Ad illud idolum peregrinantur Indi, sicut nos ad S. Petrum: Alij veniunt cum chorda ad collum, alij cum manibus retrò ligatis, alij cum cultello in brachio vel tibia defixo, & si post peregrinationè fiat brachium marcidum, illum reputant sanctum, & benè cum Deo suo. juxta ecclesiam illius idoli est lacus unus manufactus, & manifestus, in quem peregrini proijciunt aurum & argentum, & lapides pretiosos in honorem Idoli, & ad aedificationem ecclesiae suae, & ideò quando aliquid debet ornari, vel reparari, vadunt homines ad hunc lacum, & proiecta extrahunt: die aurem annua constructionis illius idoli, ●ex & regina cum toto populo & omnibus peregrinis accedunt, & ponunt illud idolum in uno curru pretiosissimo ipsum de ecclesia educentes cum Canticis, & omni genere musicorum, & multae virgines antecedunt ipsum binae & binae, processionaliter combinatae modulantes: Peregrini etiam multi ponunt se sub curru, ut transeat Deus supra eos; & omnes super quos currus transit, Crudelissima Sutanae tyrannis, & ca●nificina. comminuit, & per medium scindit, & interficit, & per hoc reputant se mori pro deo suo sanctè & securè: & in omni anno hoc modo moriuntur in via sub idolo plusquam 500 homines, quorum corpora comburuntur, & cineres sicut reliquiae custodiuntur, quia sic pro Deo suo moriuntur. Alium ritum habent, quando aliquis homo offert se mori pro deo suo, conveniunt omnes amici eius & parentes cum histrionibus multis, facientes sibi festum magnum, & post festum appendunt collo eius 5 cultellos acutissimos ducentes cum ante idolum, quò cum pervenerit, sumit unum ex cultellis, & clamat alta voce, pro deo meo incido mihi de carne mea, & frustum incisum proijcit in faciem idoli: ultima verò incisione per quam seipsum interficit, dicit, me mori pro deo meo permitto, quo mortuo corpus eius comburitur, & sanctum fore ab omnibus creditur. Rex illius regionis est ditissimus in auro & argento, & gemmis pretiosis; ibi etiam sunt margaritae pulchriores de mundo. Indè transiens ivi per mare occanum versus meridiem per 50 dietas ad unam terram vocatam Lammori, in qua ex immensitate caloris, tam viri quam foeminae omnes incedunt nudi in toto corpore: Qui videntes me vestitum, deridebant me, dicentes Deum, Adam & Euam fecisse nudos. In illa regionè omnes mulieres sunt communes, ita quòd nullus potest dicere, haec est uxor mea, & cùm mulier aliqua parit filium vel filiam dat cui vult de hijs qui concubuerunt: Tota etiam terra illius regionis habetur in communi, Platonica x●●oriae. ita quòd non meum & tuum in diuisione terrarum, domos tamen habent speciales: Carnes human quando homo est pinguis ita benè comeduntur, sicut inter nos bovinae: & licet gens sit pestifera, tamen terra optima est, & abundat in omnibus bonis, carnibus, bladis, riso, auro, argento, & liguis Aloe, cansari, & multis alijs. Mercatores autem cum accedunt ad hanc regionem ducunt secum homines pingues vendentes illos genti illius regionis, sicut nos vendimus porcos, qui statim occidunt eos & comedunt. In hac insula versus meridiem est aliud regnum vocatum Symolcra, Simol●ra vel Samo●ra. in quo tam viri quam mulieres signant se ferro calido in facie, in 12. partibus, Et hij semper bellant cum hominibus nudis in alia regione. Vltra transivi ad aliam insulam quae vocatur java cuius ambitus per mare est trium millium milliarium, I●u●. & rex illius insulae habet sub se 7. reges coronatos, & haec insula optimè inhabitatur, & melior secunda de mundo reputatur. In ea nascuntur in copia garyophylli, cubibez, & nuces muscate: & breviter omnes species ibi sunt, & maxima abundantia amnium victualium praeterquam vini. Rex illius terrae habet palatium nobilissimum inter omnia quae vidi altissimè stat, & gradus & scalas habet altissimos, quorum semper unus gradus est aureus, alius argenteus; Pavimentum verò unum laterem habet de auro, alium de argento. Parietes verò omnes interius sunt laminati laminis aureis, in quibus sculpti sunt Equites de auro habentes circa caput circulum aureum plenum lapidibus pretiosis: Tectum est de auro puro. Cum isto rege ille magnus Canis de Katay frequenter fuit in bello: Quem tamen semper ille Rex vicit & superau●t. De arboribus dantibus farinam, & mel, & venenum. IVxta istam Insulam est alia contrata vocata Panten, vel alio nomine Tathalamasim, Vel Malasmi. & Rex illius contratae multas insulas habet sub se. In illa terra sunt arbotes dantes farinam, & mel, & vinum, & etiam venenum periculosius quod sit in mundo, quia contra illud non est remedium, nisi unum solum, & est illud. Si aliquis illud venenum sumpsislet, si velit liberari, sumat stercus hominis & cum aqua temperet, & in bona quantitate bibat, & slatim fugat venenum faciens exire per inferiores partes. Farinam aurem faciunt arbores hoc modo, sunt magnae & bassae, & quandò inciduntur cum securi propè terram, exit de stipite liquor quidam sicut gummae, quem accipiunt homines & ponunt in sacculis de folijs factis, & per quindecim dies in sole dimittunt, & in fiery decimi quinti diei ex isto liquore desiccato fit farina, quam primò ponunt in aqua maris, posteà lavant eam cum aqua dulci, & fit pasta valdè bona & odorifera, de qua faciunt cibos vel panes sicut placet eis. De quibus panibus ego comedi, & est panis exterius pulcher, sed interius aliquantulum niger. In hac contrata est mare mortuum quod semper currit versus meridiem, Mare quod semper currit versus meridiem. in quod sihomo ceciderit, nun quam posteà comparet. In contrata illa inveniuntur Cannae longissimae plures passus habentes quàm 60. & sunt magnae ut arbores. Aliae etiam Cannae sunt ibi quae vocantur Cassan quae per terram diriguntur ut gramen, & in quolibet no do earum ramuli producuntur qui etiam prolongantur super terram per unum miliare ferè: in hijs Cannis reperiuntur lapides, quorum si quis unum super se portaverit, non poterit incidi aliquo ferro, & ideò communiter homines illius contratae portant illos lapides super: Multi etiam faciunt pueros suos dum sunt parvi incidi in uno brachio, & in vulnere ponunt unum de illis lapidibus, & faciunt vulnus recludere se per unum puluereni de quodam pisce, cuius nomen ignoro, qui pulvis statim vulnus consolidat & sanat: & virtute illorum lapidum communitèr isti homines triumphant in bellis, & in mari, nec possent isti homines ledi per aliqua arma ferrea: unum tamen remedium est, quòd adversarij illius gentis scientes virtutem lapidum, provident sibi propugnacula ferrea contra spicula illorum, & arma venenata de veneno arborum, & in manu portant palos ligneos acutissimos & ita duros in extremitate sicut esset ferrum: Similitèr sagittant cum sagittis sine ferro, & sic confundunt aliquos & perforant inermes ex lapidum securitate. De istis etiam Cannis Cassan faciunt sibi vela pro suis navibus & domunculas paruas, & multa sibi necessaria. Vela ex ●●ndinibus facta. Ind recessi permultas dietas ad aliud regnum vocatum Campa, Campa. pulcherrimum, & opulentissimum in omnibus victualibus. Cuius rex quando fui ibi tot habuit uxores, & alias mulieres, quòd de illis 300. filios & filias habuit. Iste rex habet decies millesies & quatuor elephantum domesticorum, quos ita facit custodiri sicut inter nos custodiunt boves, vel greges in pascuis. De multitudine Piscium, qui se proijciunt in aridam. IN hac contrata unum mirabile valdè reperitur, quòd unaquaeque generatio piscium in mari ad istam contratam venit in tanta quantitate, quòd per magnum spatium maris nil videtur nisi dorsa piscium, & super aridam se proijciunt quando propè ripam sunt, & permittunt homines per tres dics venire, & de il●is sumere quantum placuerint, & tunc redeunt ad mare: Post illam speciem per illum modum venit alia species, & offert se, & sic de omnibus speciebus, semel tamen tantum hoc faciunt in anno. Et quaesivi à gente illa quomodo & qualiter hoc possit fieri? responderunt quòd hoc modo pisces per naturam docentur venire, & imperatorem suum revereri. Ibi etiam sunt testitudines ita magne sicut est unus furnus, Testudines magnae. & multa alia vidi que incredibilia forent, nisi homo illa vidisset. In illa etiam contrata homo mortuus comburitur, & uxor viva cùm eo, sicut superius de alia contrata dictum est, quia dicunt homines illi quòd illa vadit ad alium mundum ad morandum cum eo, ne ibi aliam uxorem accipiat. Vltra transivi per mare Oceanum versus meridiem, & transivi per multas contratas & insulas, quarum una vocatur Moumoran, Mo●moran. & habet in circuitu 2000 milliaria, in qua homines portant facies caninas & mulieres similitèr, & unum bovem adorant pro Deo suo, & ideò quilibet unum boven aureum vel argenteum in fronte portat: Homines illius contratae & mulieres vadunt totaliter nudi, nisi quòd unum pannum lineum portant ante verenda sua. Homines illius regionis sunt maximi & fortissimi, & quia vadunt nudi, quando debent bellare, portant unum scutum de serro, quod cooperit eosà capite usque ad pedes, & si contingat eo● aliquem de adversarijs capere in bello qui pecunia non possit redimi, statim comedunt eum; si autem possit se redimere pecunia, illum abire permittunt: Rex eorum portat 300. margaritas ad collum suum maximas & pulcherrimas, & 300. orationes omni die dicit Deo suo: Hic etiam portat in digito suo unum lapidem longitudinis unius spansae, & dum habet illum videtur ab alijs quasi una flamma ignis, & ideò nullus audet sibi appropinquare, & dicitur quòd non est lapis in mundo pretiosior illo. Magnus autem imperator Tartarorum de Katai, nunquam vi, nec pecunia, nec ingenio illum obtinere potuit, cùm tamen circa hoc laboraverit. De Insula Ceilan, & de monte ubi Adam planxit Abel filium suum. Ceilan in●ula. TRansini per aliam insulam vocatam Ceilan, quae habet in ambitu plusquam duo millia milliaria, in qua sunt serpentes quasi infiniti, & maxima multitudo leonum, ursarum, & omnium animalium rapacium, & siluestrium, & potissimè elephantum. In illa contrata est mons maximus, in quo dicunt gentes illius regionis quòd Adam planxit Abel filium suum 500 annis. In medio illius montis est planici●● pulcherrima, in qua est lacus parvus multum habens de aqua, & homines illi dicunt aquam illam fuisse de lachrymis Adae & Euae, sed probavi hoc salsum esse, quia vidi aquam in lacu scaturire: haec aqua plena est hirudinibus & sanguisugis, & lapidibus pretiosis; istos lapides rex non accipit sibi, sed semel vel bis in anno permittit pauperes sub aqua ire pro lapidibus, & omnes quot possunt colligere illis concedit, ut orent pro anima sua. Vt autem possint sub aqua ire accipiunt lymones, & cum illis ungunt se valdè benè, & sic nudos se in aquam submergunt, & sanguisugae illis nocere non pussunt. Ab isto lacu aqua exit & currit usque ad mare, & in transitu quandò retrahit se, fodiuntur Rubiae, & adamantes, & margaritae, & aliae gemmae pretiosae: undè opinio est quod rexille magis abundat lapidibus pre●iosis, quàm aliquis in mundo. In contrata illa sunt quasi omnia genera animalium & avium; & dixerunt mihi gentes illae, quòd animalia illa nullum forensem invadunt, nec offendunt, sed tantum homines illius regionis. Vidi in illa insula aves ita m●gnas sicut sunt hic anseres, habentes duo capita, & alia mirabilia quae non scribo. Vltra versus meridiem transivi, & applicui ad insulam quandam quae vocatur Bodin, Bodin Insula. quod idem est quod immundum in lingua nostra. In ea mo●ātu● pessimi hómines, qui comedunt carnes crudas, & omnem immunditiam faciunt quae quasi excogitari non poterit; nam pater comedit filium, & filius patrem, & maritus uxorem, & è contra●io, & hoc per hunc modum: si pater alicuius infirmetur, filius vadit ad Astrologum sacerdotem, sez. rogans eum quòd consulat Deum suum, si pater de tali infirmitate evadet, vel non. Tunc ambo vadunt ad idolum aureum, vel argenteum, facientes orationes in hac forma. Domme, tu es Deus noster, te adoramus, & rogamus ut nobis respondeas, debetnè talis à tali infirmitate mori vel liberari? Tunc Demon respondet, & si dicat, vivet, filius vadit & ministrat illi usque ad plenam convalescentiae: Si autem dicat, morietur, Sacerdos ibit ad cum, & unum pannum super os eius ponet, & suffocabit eum, & ipsum mort●um incidet in frusta, & invitabuntur omnes amici, & parentes eius ad comedendum eum cum ca●ticis, & omni laetitia, ossa tamen eius honorificè sepelient. Cùm autem ego eos de tali ritu reprehendi, quaerens causam: Respondit unus mihi, hoc ●acimus ne vermes carnes eius comedant, tunc eius anima magnam poenam sustineret, nec poteram evellere eos ab isto errore: & multe aliae novitates sunt ibi, quas non crederent, nisi qui viderent. Ego autem coram Deo nihil hîc refero, nisi illud de quo cer●us sum sicut homo certificari poterit. De ista insula inquisivi à multis expertis, qui omnes uno ore responderunt mihi, dicentes, quod ista India 4400. insulas continet sub se, sive in se, in qua etiam sunt 64. reges coronati, & etiam dicunt quod maior pars illius insulae benè inhabitatur. Et hîc istius Indiae facio finem. De India superiori, & de Provincia Manci. INprimis refero, quòd cum transirem per mare Oceanum per multas dietas versus Orientem, perveni ad illam magnam provinciam Manci, que India vocatur à Latinis. De ista India superiori inquisivi à Christianis, Saracenis, idolatris, & omnibus, qui officiales sunt domini Canis magni, qui omnes uno ore responderunt, quòd haec provincia Manci habet plusquam 2000 magnarum civitatum, & in ipsa est maxima copia omnium victualium, puta, panis, vini, risi, carnium, piscium, etc. Omnes homines istius provinciae sunt artifices & mercatores, qui pro quacunque penuria, dum modo proprijs manibus iware se possent per labores, nun quam ab aliquo eleemo●ynā peterent. Viri istius provinciae sunt satis formosi, sed pallidi, & rasas & paruas barbas habentes; foemine verò sunt pulcherrime inter omnes de mundo. Prima civitas ad quam veni de ista India vocatur Ceuskalon, & distat à mari per unam dietam, positáque est super flumen, Vel Ce●scala. cuius aqua propè mare cui contignatur, ascendit super terram per 12. dietas. Totus populus illius Indiae idolatrat. Ista autem civitas tantum navigium habet, quod incredibile soret nisi videnti. In hac civitate vidi quod 300. librae de bono & recenti zinzibero habentur pro minori quàm pro uno grosso: Ibi sunt anseres grossiores & pulchriores, & maius forum de illis, quàm sit in mundo, ut credo, & sunt albissimi sicut lac, Hi sunt alcatra●●i vel onocratoli. & habent unum os super caput quantitatis ovi, & habet colorem sanguineum, sub gula habent unam pellem pendentem semipedalem: Pinguissimi sunt, & optimi fori: & ita est de anatibus, & gallinis, quae magnae sunt valdè in illa terra plusquam duae de nostris. Ibi sunt serpentes maximi, & capiuntur & à gente illa comeduntur: unde qui faceret festum solemn, & non daret serpentes, nihil reputaret se facere: brevitèr in hac civitate sunt omnia victualia in maxima abundantia. Indè transivi per civitates multas, & veni ad civitatem nomine Kaitan, Vel Za●●on. in qua fratres Mino●es habent duo loca, ad quae portavi de ossibus fratrum nostrorum pro fide Christi interfectorum, de quibus supra. In hac est copia omnium victualium pro levissimo foro, haec civitas ita magna est, sicut bis Bovonia, & in ea multa monasteria religiosorum, qui omnes idolis serviunt. In uno autem istorum monasteriorum ego fui, & dictum est mihi quòd inerant 3000. religiosorum habentium 11000. idolorum, & unumillorum, quod quasi parvum inter cetera mihi videbatur, est ita magnum sicut Christophorus noster. Isti religiosi omni die pascunt Deos suos, unde semel ivi ad videndum comestionem illam, & vidi quòd illa que detulerunt sibi comestibilia sunt, & calidissima, & multum fumigantia, ita quòd fumus ascendit ad idola, & dixerunt Deos illo fumo recreari. Totum autem cibum illi reportaverunt & comederunt, & sic de fumo tantum Deos suos paverunt. De Civitate Fuko. VLtra versus Orientem veni ad civitatem que vocatur Fuko, cuius circuitus continet 30. milliaria, Vel Foquien. in qua sunt Galli maximi & pulcherrimi, & gallinae omnes ita albae sicut nix, lanani solum pro pennis habentes sicut pecudes. Haec civitas pulcherrima est, & sita supra maro. Vltra ivi per 18. dietas, & pertransij multas terras & civitates, & in transitu veni ad quendam montem magnum, & vidi quòd in uno latere montis omnia animalia erant nigra ut carbo, & homines & mulieres diversum modum vivendi habent: ab alio autem latere omnia animalia erant alba sicut nix, & homines totaliter diverse ab alijs vixerunt. Ibi omnes foeminae quae sunt desponfatae portant in signum quòd habent maritos unum magnum barile de cornu in capite. Ind transivi per 18. dietas alias, & veni ad quoddam magnum flumen, Magnum flumen & intravi civitatem unam, quae transuer sum illius fluminis habet pontem maximum, & hospi●abar in domo unius hospitarij, qui volens mihi complacere, dixit mihi: si vel●s videre piscari, veni mecum; & duxit me super pontem, & vidi in brachijs suis me●gos ligatos super perticas, ad quorum gulam ubi ille ligavit unum filum, ne illi capientes pisces, comederent eos: Postea in brachio uno posuit 3. cistas magnas, & tunc dissoluit mergos de perticis, qui statim in aquam intraverunt, & pisces ceperunt, & cistas illas repleverunt in parva hora, quibus repletis vit ille dissoluit fila à collis eorum, & ipsi reintrantes flumen se de piscibus recreaverunt, & recrea●i ad perticas redierunt, & se ligari sicut priùs permiserunt: Ego autem de illis piscibus comedi, & optimi mihi videbantur. Ind transiens per multas dietas veni ad unam civitatem quae vocatur Alias Cansai, vel Qui●●ai. Kanasia, quae sonat in lingua nostra civitas coeli: Nunquam ita magnam civitatem vidi, Circuitus enim eius continet 100 milliaria, nec in ea vidi spatium quin benè inhabitatetur; Imò vidi multas domus habentes 10. vel 12. solaria unum supra aliud: haec habet subu●bia maxima continentia maiorem populum quàm ipsa civitas contineat. 12. portas habet principales, & in via de qualibet illarum portarum ad 8. milliaria sunt civitates fortè maiores ut aestimo, quàm est civitas Venetiarum, & Milan. Haec civitas sita est in aquis quae semper stant, & nec fluunt, nec refluunt, vallum tamen habet propter ventum sicut civitas Venetiarum. In ea sunt plus decem mill & 2. pontium, quorum multos numeravi & transivi, & in quolibet ponte stant custodes civitatis continuè custodientes civitatem pro magno Cane imperatore Catai. unum manda●um dicunt gentes illius civitatis a domino se recepisse. Nam quilibet ignis soluit unum balis, i 5. cartas bombicis, qui unum florenun cum dimidio valent, & 10. vel 12. supellectiles facient unum ignem, & sic pro uno igne soluent. Isti ignes sunt benè 85. Thuman, cum alijs 4. Saracenorum quae faciunt 89. Thuma verò unum decem milia ignium facit, reliqui autem de populo civitatis sunt alij Christiani, alij mercatores, & ●lij transeuntes per terram, undè maximè fui miratus quo modo tot corpora hominum poterant simul habitare: In ea est maxima copia victualium, s●z. panis & vini, & carnium de porco praecipuè cum alijs necessarijs. De monasterio ubi sunt multa animalia diversa in quodam monte. INilla civitate 4 fratres nostri converterant unum potentem ad fidem Christi, in cuius hospitio continuè habitabam, dum fui ibi, qui semèl dixit mihi, Ara, i. pater, vis tu venire & videre civitatem istam; & dixi quòd sic, & ascendimus unam barcham, & ivimus ad unum monasterium maximum, de quo vocavit unum religiosum sibi notum, & dixit sibi de me. Iste Raban Francus, i. religiosus venit de indè ubi sol occidit, & nunc vadit Cambaleth, ut deprecetur vitam pro magno Cane, & ideò ostendas sibi aliquid, quòd si revertatur ad contratas suas possit referre quòd tale quid nowm vidi in Canasia civitate: tunc sumpsit ille religiosus duos mastellos magnos repletos reliquijs quae supererant de mensa, & duxit me ad unam perclusam paruam, quam aperuit cum clave, & aparuit viridarium gratiosum & magnum in quod intravimus, & in illo viridario stat unus monticulus sicut unum campanile, repletus amoenis herbis & arboribus, & dum staremus ibi, ipse sumpsit cymbalum, & incoepit percutere ipsum sicut percutitur quandò monachi intrant refectorium, ad cuius sonitum multa animalia diversa descenderunt de monte illo, aliqua ut simiae, aliqua ut Cati, Maymones, & aliqua faciem hominis habentia, & dum sic sta●em congregaverunt se circa ipsum, 4000 de illis animalibus, & se in ordinibus collocaverunt, coram quibus posuit paropfidem & dabat eye comedere, & cum comedissent iterum cymbalum percussit, & omnia ad loca propria redierunt. Tunc admiratus inquisivi quae essent animalia ista? Et respondit mihi quod sunt animae nobilium virorum, quas nos hîc pascimus amore Dei, qui regit orbem, & sicut unus homo fuit nobilis, Pythagorica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ita anima eius post mortem in corpus nobilis animalis intrat. Animae verò simplicium & rusticorum, corpora vilium animalium intrant. In coepi istam abusionem improbare, ●ed nihil valuitsibi, non enim poterat credere, quòd aliqua anima posset sine corpore manere. Indè transivi ad quandam civitatem nomine Chilenfo, Chilen●o. cuius muri per 40. milliaria circuerunt. In ista civitate sunt 360. pontes lapidei pulchriores quàm unquam viderim, & benè inhabitatur, & navigium maximum habet, & copiam omnium victualium, & aliorum bonorum. Ind ivi ad quoddam flumen dictum Thalay, Thalay. quod ubi est strictius habet in latitudine 7. milliaria, & illud flumen per medium terrae Pygmaeorum transit, quorum civitas vocatur Kakam, Kakam. quae de pulchrioribus civitatibus mundi est. Isti Pigmaei habent longitudinem trium spansarum mearum, & faciunt maiora & meliora goton, & bombicinan quàm aliqui homines in mundo. Indè per illud flumen transiens, veni ad unam civitatem janzu, in qua est unus locus fratrum nostrorum, & sunt in ea tres ecclesiae Nestorianorun: haec civitas nobilis est, & magna, habens in se 48. Thuman ignium, & in ea omnia victualia, & animalia in magna copia, de quo Christiani viwnt: Dominus istius civitaris solum de sale habet in redditibus 50. Thuman Balisi, & valet balisus unum florenun cum dimidio: Ita quòd unum Thuman facit 15. millia florenorum, unam tamen gratiam facit dominus populo, quia dimittit ei, ne sit caristi● in eo, 200. Thuman. Habet hec civitas consuetudinem, quòd quando unus vult facere conuivium amicis suis, ad hoc sunt hospitia deputata, & ubi ille circuit per hospites, dicens sibi tales amicos meos habebis, quos festabis nomine meo, & tantum in festo volo expendere, & per illum modum meliùs convivant amici in pluribus hospitijs quàm facerent in uno. Per 10. milliaria ab ista civitate in capite fluminis Thalay est una civitas vocata Montu, Montu. quae maius navigium habet, quàm viderim in toto mundo; Et omnes naves ibi sunt albae sicut nix, & in ipsis sunt hospitia, & multa alia quae nullus homo crederet nisi viderentur. De civitate Cambaleth. INdè transivi per 8. dietas per multas terras & civitates, & venitandèm per aquam dulcem ad quandam civitatem nomine Leneyn, quae est posita super flumen vocatum Caramoran, Caramoran. quod per medium Catai transit, & magnum damnum sibi infert, quando erumpit. Indè transiens per flumen versus Orientem per multas dietas & civitates, veni ad unam civitatem nomine Sumaco●o, quae maiorem copiam habet de serico, quàm aliqua civitas in mundo; Quando enim est maior ca●istia Serici, ibi 40. librae habentur pro minori quàm pro 8. grossis. In ea est copia omnium mercimoniorum, & omnium victuallum, panis, vini, carnium, piscium, & omnium specierum electarum. Ind transivi versus Orientem per multas civitates, & veni ad illam nobilem, & nom●natam Cambaleth quae est civitas multum antiqua, Cambale●. & est in provincia Catai, & eam ceperunt Tartari: Et juxta eam ad dimidium miliare aliam civitatem fecerunt, quae vocatur Caido & haec 12. portas habet, & semper inter unam & aliam sunt duo miliaria, & medium inter illas civitates benè inhabitatur, ita quòd faciunt quasi unam civitatem; Et ambitus istarum duarum civitatum est plusquàm 40. milliaria. Mandeuil cap. 33. In hac civitate magnus imperator Canis habet sedem suam principalem, & suum magnum palatium, cuius muri benè 4. milliatia continent; & infra illud palatium sunt multa alia palatia dominorum de famil●a ●ua. In palatio etiam illo est unus mons pulcherrimus consi●us arboribus, propter quod mons viridis nominatur, & in monte palatium amoenissimum in quo communitèr Canis residet: A lat●re autem montis est unus lacus magnus, supra quem pons pulcherrimus est factus, & in illo lacu est magna copia anserum & anatum, & omnium avium aquaticarum; & in silva montis copia omnium avium & ferarum siluestrium, & ideò quandò dominus Canis vult venari non oportet eum exire palatium suum. Pala●ium verò principale, in quo sedes sua est, est magnum valdè, & habet interius 14. columnas aureas, & omnes muri eius cooperti sunt pellibus rubeis quae dicuntur nobil●ores pelles de mundo: Et in medio palatij est una pigna altitudinis duorum passuum, que tota est de uno lapide pretioso nomine merdochas; & est tota circumligata auro, & in quolibet angulo eius est unus serpens de auro qui verber●t os fortissimè: Habet etiam hec pigna retia de margaritis, & per istam pignam defertur pot●s per meatus & conductus qui in curia regis habetur; & juxta eam pendent multa vasa aur●a cum quibus volentes bibere possunt. In hoc autem palatio sunt multi pavones de auro; & cùm aliquis Tartarus facit festum domino suo, tunc quando convivantes collidunt manus suas pre gaudio & laeticia, pa●ones emittunt alas suas, & expandunt caudas, & videntur tripudiare; Et hoc credo factum arte Magica, vel aliqua cautela subterranea. De gloria magni Canis. QVando autem magnus ille Imperator Canis in sede sua imperial residet, tunc a sinistro latere sedet Regina, & per unum gradum inferius duo mulieres quas ipse tenet pro se, quando non potest ad Reginam accedere: In in●imo autem gradu resident omnes dominae de sua parentela. Omnes autem mulieres nuptae portant supra caput suum unum pedem hominis, longitudinis unius brachij cum dimidio; & subterillum pedem sunt pen gruis, & totus ille pes ornatur maximis margaritis. A latere verò dextro ipsius Canis residet filius eius primogenitus, regnaturus post ipsum, & inferius ipso omnes qui sunt de sanguine regio: Ibi etiam sunt 4. scriptores scribentes omnia verba quae dicit rex; Ante cuius conspectum sunt Barones sui, & multi alij nobiles cum sua gente maxima, quorum nullus audet loqui nisi à domino licentia petatur exceptis fatuis & histrionibus, qui suum dominum consolari habent; Illi etiam nihil audent facere, nisi secundum quod Dominus volverit eis legem imponere. Ante portam palatij sunt Barones custodientes, nè aliquis limen portae tangat. Cùm autem ille Canis volverit facere conuivium, habet secum 14000. Barones portantes circulos, & coronulas in capite, & domino suo seruientes; Et quilibet portar unam vestem de auro & margaritis tot quot valent plus quàm decies millies florenorum. Curia eius optime ordinatur per denarios, centenarios, & millenarios, & talitèr quòd quilibet in suo ordine peragit officium sibi deputatum, nec aliquis defectus reperitur. Ego frater Odoricus fui ibi per tres annos, & multotiens in istis festis suis fui, quià nos fratres minores in sua curia habemus locum nobis deputatum, & oportet nos sempèr ire, & dare sibi nostram benedictionem: Et inquisivi ab illis de curia, de numero illorum qui sunt in curia domini, & responderunt mihi quòd de histrionibus sunt bene 18. Thuman; Custodes autem canum & bestiarum, & avium sunt 15. Thuman; Medici verò pro corpore Regis sunt 400. Christiani autem 8. & unus Saracenus. Et ego quando fui ibi, hij omnes omma necessaria tam ad victum, quam ad vest●tum habebant de curia domini Canis. Quando autem vult equitare de una terra ad aliam, habet 4. exercitus equitum, & unus per unam dietam ipsum antecedit, secundus aliam, & tertius similitèr, & quartus; ita quòd semper ipse se tenet in medio in modum crucis; & ita omnes exercitus habent omnes dietas suas ordinatas, quòd inveniunt omnia victualia parata sine defectu. Illémet autem dominus Canis per illum modum vadit; Sedet in curru cùm duabus rotis in quo facta est pulcherrima sella tota de lignis Aloe, & auro ornata, & margaritis maximis, & lapidibus pretiosis; & 4. elephants benè ordinati ducunt istum currum, quos precedunt 4. equi altissimi optimè cooperti. juxta currum à lateribu, sunt 4. Barones tenentes currum, nè aliquis appropinquet domino suo. Supra currum sedent duo Gerfalcones albissimi, & dum videt aves quos vult capere, dimirtit Falcones volare, & capiunt eas; Et sic habet solatium suum equitando, & per iactum unius lapidis nullus audet appropinquare currui nisi populus assignatus: unde incredibile esset homini qui non vidisset de numero gentis suae, & reginae, & primogeniti sui. Iste dominus Canis imperium suum divisit in 12. partes, & una haber sub se 200. magnarum civitatum: undè ita latum & longum est suum imperium, quòd ad quamcunque partem iret, satis haberes facere in sex mensibus, exceptis insulis, quae sunt bene 5000. De hospitijs paratis per totum imperium pro transeuntibus. ISte dominus, ut transeuntes habeant omnia necessaria sua per totum ●uum imperium, fecit hospitia praeparati ubique per vias; in quibus sunt omnia parata quae ad victualia pertinent: Cum autem aliqua novitas oritur in imperio suo, tunc si dislat, ambassiatores super equos vel dromedarios festinant, & cùm lassantur in cursu, pulsant cornu, & proximum hospitium parat unum similitèr equum, qui quando alius venit fessus accipit literam, & currit ad hospitium, & sic per hospitia, & per diversos cursores rumor per 30. dietas, uno die naturali venit ad imperarorem; & ideò nihil ponderis potest fieri in imperio suo, quin statim scitur ab eo. Cum autem ipse Canis vult ire venatum; istum modum habet. Extra Cambaleth ad 20. dietas, est una foresta quae 6. dietas continet in ambitu; in qua sunt tot gene●a animalium & a●ium quòd mirabile est dicere: Ad illud nemus vadit in fine trium annorum vel quatuor cum tota gente, cum qua ipsum circuit, & canes intrare permittit, qui animalia, scilicet leones, ceruos, & alia animalia reducunt ad unam planitiem pulcherrimam in medio nemoris, quia ex clamoribus canum maximè tremunt omnes bestiae syluae. Tunc accedit magnus Canis super tres elephants & 5. sagittas mittit in totain multitudinem animalium, & post ipsum omnes Barones, & post ipsos alij de familia sua emittunt sagittas suas; & omnes sagittae sunt signatae certis signis & diversis: Tunc vadit ad animalia interfecta, dimittens viva nemus reintrare ut aliâs habeat ex eis venationem suam, & quilibet illud animal habebit in cuius corpore invenit sagittam suam quam iaciebat. De quatuor festis quae tenet in anno Canis in curia. QVatuor magna festa in anno facit Dominus Canis, scilicet festum nativitatis, festum circumcisionis, coronationis, & desponsationis suae; & ad ista festa convocat omnes Barones, & histriones, & omnes de parentela sua. Tunc domino Cane in suo throno sedente, accedunt Barones cum circulis & coronis in capite, vestiti vario modo, quia aliqui de viridi, scilicet primi, secundi de sanguineo, & tertij de croceo, & tenent in manibus unam tabulam eburneam de dentibus Elephantum, & cinguntur cingulis aureis uno semisse latis, & stant pedibus silentium tenentes. Circa illos stant histriones cum suis instrumentis: In uno autem angulo cuiusdam magni palatij resident Philosophi omnes ad certas horas, & puncta attendentes; & cùm devenitur ad punctum & horam petitam à philosopho, unus preco clamat valentèr. Inclinetis vos omnes imperatori vestro: tunc omnes Barones cadunt ad terram; & iterum clamat, Surgite omnes, & illi statim surgunt. Iterum Philosophi ad aliud punctum attendunt, & cùm petuentum fuerit, iterum praeco clamat; ponite digitum in aurem, & statim dicit, extrahite ipsum; iterùm ad aliud punctum clamat, Buratate farinam: & multa alia faciunt, quae omnia dicunt certam significationem habere, quae scribere nolui, nec curavi, quia vana sunt & risu digna. Cùm autem perventum fuerit ad horam histrionum, tunc Philosophi dicunt, facite sestum domino, & omnes pulsant instrumenta sua, & faciunt maximum sonitum; & statim alius clamat; Taceant omnes, & omnes tacent: Tunc accedunt histrionatrices ante dominum dulcitèr modulantes, quod mihi plus placuit. Tunc veniunt leones, & faciunt reverentiam domino Cani; Et tunc histriones faciunt ciphos aureos plenos vino volare per aërem, & ad ora hominum se applicare ut bibant. Haec & multa alia mirabilia in curia illius Canis vidi, quae nullus crederet nisi videret; & ideò dimitto ea. De alio mirabili audivi à fide dignis, quòd in uno regno istius Canis in quo sunt montes Kapsei (& dicitur illud regnum Kalor) nascuntur pepones maximi, qui quando sunt maturi aperiuntur, & intùs invenitur una bestiola similis uni agnello: sicut audivi quòd in mari Hybernico stant arbores supra ripam maris & portant fructum sicut essent cucurbitae, quae certo tempore cadunt in a quam & fiunt aves vocatae Bernakles, & illud est verum. De diversis Provincijs & civitatibus. DE isto imperio Katay recessi post tres annos, & transivi 50. dietas versus Occidentem; & tandem veni ad terram Pretegoani, cuius civitas principalis Kosan vocatur, quae multas habet sub se civitates. Vltra per multas dietas ivi, & perveni ad unam provinciam vocatam Kasan; Casan. & haec est secunda melior provincia mundi, ut dicitur, & est optimè habitata: Sic quod quando exitur à porta unius civitatis, videntur portae alterius civitatis, sicut egomet vidi de multis. Latitudo Provinciae est 50. dietarum, & longitudo plusquam 60. In ea est maxima copia omnium victualium, & maximè castaneorum; & haec est una de 12. provincijs magni Canis. Vltra veni ad unum regnum vocatum Tibek quod est subiectum Cani, Tibec regio aliā● Tebet Guillielmo de Rubricis. in quo est maior copia panis & vini, quam sit in toto mundo ut credo. Gens illius terrae moratur communiter in tentorijs factis ex seltris nigris: Principalis civitas sua murata est pulcherrimè ex lapidibus albissimis, & nigerrimis interescalariter dispositis & curiosè compositis, & omnes viae eius optimè pavatae. In ista contrata nullus audet effundere sanguinem hominis, nec alicuius animalis, ob reverentiam unius Idoli. In ista civitate moratur Abassi 1 Papa eorum, qui est caput & princeps omnium Idolatiarum; quibus dat & distribuit beneficia secundum morem eorum; sicut noster Papa Romanus est caput omnium Christianorum. Foeminae in hoc regno portant plusquam centum tricas, & habent duos dentes in ore ita longos sicut apri. Quando etiam pater alicuius moritur, tunc filius convocat omnes sacerdotes & histriones, & dicit se velle patrem suum honorare, & facit eum ad campum duci sequentibus parentibus omnibus, amicis, & vicinis, ubi sacerdotes cum magna solemnitate amputant caput suum, dantes illud filio suo, & tunc totum corpus in frusta concidunt, & ibi dimittunt, cum orationibus cum eoredeuntes; Tunc veniunt vultures, de monte assuefacti ad huiusmodi, & carnes omnes asportant: Et ex tunc currit fama de eo quòd sanctus est, quia angeli domini ipsum portant in paradisum: Eadem historia de codem populo apud Guiltelmun de Rubricis. Et iste est maximus honor, quem reputat filius posse fieri patrisuo mortuo: Tunc filius sumit caput patris, & coquit ipsum, & comedit, de testa eius faciens ●iphum in quo ipse cum omnibus de domo & cognatione eius bibunt cum solemnitate & laetitia in memoriam patris comesti. Et multa vilia & abominabilia facit gens illa quae non scribo, quia non valent, nec homines crederent nisi viderent. De divite qui pascitur à 50. Virginibus. DVm fui in provicia Manzi t●ansiui juxta palatium unius hominis popularis, qui habuit 50. domicellas virgines sibi continuè minist●antes, in omnibus pascentes eum sicut avis aviculas, & habet semper 5. fercula triplicata; & quando pascunt eum, continuè cantant dulcissimè: Iste habet in redditibus Tagarisrisi 30. Thuman, quorum quodlibet decies millies facit: unum autem Tagar pondus est asini. Palatium suum duo milliaria tenet in ambitu; cuius pavimentum semper unum laterem habet aureum, alium argenteum: juxta ambitum istius palatij est unus monticulus artificialis de auro & argento, super quo stant Monasteria, & campanilia, & alia delectabilia pro solatio illius popularis; Et dictum fuit mihi, quòd quatuor tales homines sunt in regno illo. Nobilitas virorum est longos habere ungues in digitis, Mulierum par●i pedes. praecipuè pollicis quibus circueunt sibi manus: Nobilitas autem & pulchritudo mulierum est paruos habere pedes: Et ideò matres quandò siliae suae sunt tenellae ligant pedes earum, & non dimitrunt crescere. Vltra transiens versus meridiem applicui ad quandam contratam, quae vocatur Milestorite, Milestorite. quae pulchra est valdè & fertilis; Et in ista contrata erat●nus vocatus Senex de monte, qui inter duos montesfecerat sibi unum murum circume untem istos montes. Infra istum murum erant fontes pulcherrimi de mundo; Et juxta fontes erant pulcherrimae virgines in maximo numero, & equi pulcherrimi, & omne illud quod ad suavitatem, & delectationem corporis fieri poterit, & ideò illum locum vocant homines illius contratae Paradisum. Iste Senex cùm viderit aliquen iwenem formosum & robustum, posuit eum in illo paradiso; Per quosdam autem conductus descendere facit vinum & lac abundantèr. Iste Senex cùm volverit se vindicare, vel interficere regem aliquem vel Baronem, dicit illi qui praeerat illi paradiso ut aliquem de notis illius regis, vel Baronis introduceret in paradisum illum, & illum delicijs frui permitteret, & tunc daret sibi potionem vuam, quae ipsum sopiebat in tantum, quòd insensibilem redderet, & ipsum sic dormientem faceret extra paradisum deportari: qui excitatus & se extra paradisum conspiciens, in tanta tristitia positus foret, quòd nesciret quid faceret: Tunc ad illum senem iret, rogans eum, ut iterùm in paradisum introduceretur; qui sibi dicit, tu illie introduci non poteris, nisi talem vel talem interficias; & sive interfeceris, sive non, reponam te in paradiso, & ibidem poteris semper manere; Tunc ille sic faceret, & omnes seni odiosos interficeret; Etideò omnes reges orientales illum senem timuerunt, & sibi tributum magnum dederunt. De morte Senis de monte. cum autem Tartari magnam partem mundi cepissent, venerunt ad istum Senem, & dominium illius Paradisi ab co abstulerunt, qui multos sicarios de Paradiso illo emisit, & nobiliores Tartarorum interfici fecit. Tartari autem hoc videntes civitatem, in qua erat senex obsederunt, eum ceperunt, & pessima morte interfecerunt. Hanc gratiam habent fratres ibidem, quòd citissimè per virtutem nominis Christi jesu, & in virtute illius sanguinis pretiosi, quem effudit in cruce pro salute generis humani, daemonia ab obsessis corporibus expellunt; Et quia multi ibidem sunt obsessi, ducuntur per decem dietas ad fratres ligati, qui liberati statim credunt in Christum, qui liberavit eos habentes ipsum pro Deo suo, & baptizati sunt, & idola sua, & pecorum suorum statim dant fratribus, quae sunt communitèr de fel●ro, & de crinibus mulierum: & fratres ignem in communi loco faciunt ad quem populus confluit, ut videat Deos vicinorum suorum comburi, & fratres coram populo Idola in ignem proijciunt; Et prima vice de igne exierunt; Tunc fratres ignem cum aqua benedicta consperserunt, & iterùm Idola in ignem proiecerunt, & demones in effigie fumi nigerrimi fugerunt, & Idola remanserunt, & combusta sunt. Posteà auditur clamor per aenrem talis, vide, vide, quo modo de habitatione mea expulsus sum. Et per istum modum fratres maximam multitudinem baptizant, qui citò recidiuant ad idola pecorum: qui fratres continuò quasi stent cum illis, & illos informent. Aliud terribile fuit quod ego vidi ibi. Nam cùm irem per unam vallem, quae sita est juxta flwium deliciarum, multa corpora mortua vidi, & in illa valle audivi sonos musicos dulces & diversos, & maximè de cytharis, undè multum timui. Haec vallis habet longitudinem septem, vel octo milliarium ad plus, in quam si quis intrat, moritur, & nunquam viws potest transire per medium illius vallis, & ideò omnes de contrata declinant à latere: Et tentatus eram intrare, & videre, quid hoc esset. Tandem orans & Deo me recommendans, & cruce signans, in nomine jesu intravi, & vidi tot corpora mortua ibi, quòd nullus crederet nisi videret. In liac valle ab uno eius latere, in uno saxo unam faciem hominis vidi, quae ita terribilitèr me respexit, quòd omninò credidi ibi fuisse mortuus: Sed semper hoc verbum (verbum caro factum est & habitavit in nobis) protuli, & cruce me signavi, nec propiùs quàm per 7. passus, vel 8. accedere capiti ausus fui: jui autem fugiens ad aliud caput vallis, & super unum monticulum arenosum ascendi, in quo undique circumspiciens nihil vidi nisi cytharas illas, quas per se (ut mihi videbatur) pulsari & resonare mirabiliter audivi. Cùm verò ●ui in cacumine montis, inveni ibi argentum in maxima quantitate, quasi fuissent squamae piscium. Congregans autem inde in gremio meo pro mirabili ostendendo, sed ductus conscientia, in terram proieci, nihil mecum reseruans, & sic per gratiam dei liber exivi. Cùm autem homines illius contratae seiverunt me viwm exisse, reverebantur me multum, dicentes me baptizatum & sanctum; & corpora illa fuisse daemonum infernalium qui pulsant cytharas ut homines alliciant intrate, & interficiant. Haec de visis certudinalitèr ego frater Odoricus hîc inscripsi; & multa mirabilia omisi ponete, quia homines non credidissent nisi vidissent. De honore & reverentia factis Domino Cani. unum tantùm referam de magno Cane quod vidi. Consuetudo est in partibus illis quòd quando predictus dominus per aliquam contratam transit, homines ante ostia sua accendunt ignem & apponunt aromata, ac faciunt fumum, ut dominus transiens suavem sentiat odorem, & multi obuiam sibi vadunt. Dum autem semel veniret in Cambeleth, & fama undique diwlgaretur de suo adventu, unus noster Episcopus, & aliqui nostri minores fratres & ego ivimus obuiàm sibi benè per duas dietas: Et dum appropinquaremus ad eum, posuimus crucem super lignum, & ego habebam mecum in manu thuribulum, & incepimus cantare alta voce dicentes: Veni creator spiritus: Et dum sic cantaremus audivit voces nostras, fecitque nos vocari, ac jussit nos ad eum accedere; cùm ut suprà dictum est, nullus audeat appropinquare currui suo ad iactum lapidis, nisi vocatus, exceptis illis qui currum custodiunt. Et dum ivissemus ad eum, ipse deposuit galerum suum, sive capellum inestimabilis quasi valoris, & fecit reverentiam Cruci; & statim incensum posui in thuribulo; Episcopus noster accepit thuribulum, & thurificavit eum; ac sibi praedictus Episcopus dedit benedictionem suam. Accedentes verò ad praedictum dominum, sempèr sibi aliquid off●rendum deferunt; secum illam antiquam legem obseruantes; Non apparebis in conspectu meo vacuus; Idcircò portavimus nobiscum poma, & ea sibi super unum incisorium reverentèr obtulimus; & ipse duo accepit, & deuno aliquantulum comedit: Et tunc fecit nobis signum quòd recederemus, ne equi venientes in aliquo nos offenderent; statimque ab eo discessunus, atque divertimus, & ●uimus ad aliquos Barones per fratres nostri ordinis ad fidem conversos, qui in exercitu eius erant, & cis obtulimus de pomis praedictis, qui cum maximo gaudio ipsa accipientes ita videbantur laetari, acsi praebuissemus eye familiaritèr magnum munus. Haec predicta frater Guilelmus de Solangna in scriptis redegit, sicùt praedictus frater Odoricus ore tenus exexprimebat. Anno Domini 1330. mense Maij in loco Sancti Antoniuses de Milan; Nec curavit de latino difficili, & stilo ornato; Sed sicut ipse narrabat ad hoc ut homines facilius intelligerent quae dicuntur. Ego frater Odoricus de Foro julij de quadam terra quae dicitur Portus Vahonis de ordine minorum testificor, & testimonium perhibeo reverendo patri Guidoto ministro provinciae Sancti Antoniuses in Marchia Trivisana, cùm ab eo fuerim per obedientiam requisitus, quòd haec omnia quae superiùs scripta sunt, aut proprijs oculis ego vidi, aut a fide dignis audi●: Communis etiam locutio illarum terrarum illa quae nec vidi restatur esse; Multa etiam alia ego dimisissem, nisi illa proprijs oculis conspexissem. Ego autem de die in diem me propono contratas seu terras accedere, in quibus mori, & vivere me dispono, si placuerit Deo meo. De morte fratris Odorici. ANno igitur Domini 1331. disponente se praedicto fratre Odorico ad perficiendum iter suae peregrinationis, prout ment conceperat, & etiam ut via & labor esset sibi magis ad meritum, decrevit primò praesentiam adire Domini & patris omnium summi Pontificis Domini joannis Papae 22. cuius benedictione obedlentiaque recepta cum societate fratrum secum ire volentium ad partes infidelium se transferret: Cúmque sic eundo versus summum Pontisicem, non multum distaret à civitate Pisana, in quadam via occurrit sibi quidam senex in habitu peregrini eum salutans ex nomine, ave (inquiens) frater Odorice: Et cùm frater quaereret quo modo ipsius haberet noticiam? Respondit, Dum eras in India novi te, tuúmque novi sanctum propositum; Sed & tu modò ad conventum undè venisti revertere, quia die sequenti decimo ex hoc mundo migrabis. Verbis igitut senis attonitus & stupesactus, praesertim cùm Senex ille statim post dictum ab eius aspectu disparuit; reverti decrevit; Et reversus est in bona prosperitate nullam sentiens gravedinem corporis, seu aliquam infirmitatem; Cúmque esset in conventu suo V●inensi. N. in provincia Paduana decimo die, prout facta sibi fuit revelatio, accepta communione, ipsóque ad Deum disponente, etiam corpore existens incolumis in Domino foelicitèr requievit: Cuius sacer obitus Domino summo Pontifici praefato sub manu Notarij publici transmittitur; qui sic seribit. Anno Domini 1331. decima quarta die mensis januarij obijt in Christo Beatus Odoricus ordinis fratrum Minorum, cuius precibus omnipotens Deus multa, & varia miracula demonstravit; quae ego Guetelus notarius communis Vtini, filius domini Damiani de portu Gruario, de mandato & voluntate nobilis viri Domini Conradi de Buardigio Castaldionis, & consilij Vtini, scripsi, sicut potui, bona fide, & fratribus Minoribus exemplum dedi; sed non de omnibus, quià sunt innumerabilia, & mihi difficilia ad scribendum. ¶ Here beginneth the journal of friar Odoricus, one of the order of the Minorites, concerning strange things which he saw among the Tartars of the East. ALbeit many and sundry things are reported by divers authors concerning the fashions and conditions of this world: notwithstanding I friar Odoricus of Friuli, de portu Vahonis being desirous to travel unto the foreign and remote nations of infidels, saw and herded great and miraculous things, which I am able truly to avouch. First of all therefore sailing from Pera by Constantinople, Pera. I arrived at Trapesunda. Trapesunda. This place is right commodiously situate, as being an haven for the Persians and Medes, and other countries beyond the sea. In this land I beheld with great delight a very strange spectacle, namely a certain man leading about him more than four thousand partridges. The man himself walked upon the ground, and the partridges flew in the air, which he led unto a certain castle called Zavena, being three days journey distant from Trapesunda. The said partridges were so tame, that when the man was desirous to lie down and rest, they would all come flocking about him like chickens. And so he led them unto Trapesunda, and unto the palace of the Emperor, who took as many of them as he pleased, and the rest the said man carried unto the place from whence he came. In this city lieth the body of Athanasius, upon the gate of the city. And then I passed on further unto Armenia maior, to a certain city called Azaron, The city of Azaron in Armenia maior. which had been very rich in old time, but now the Tartars have almost laid it waste. In the said city there was abundance of bread and flesh, and of all other victuals except wine and fruits. This city also is very cold, and is reported to be higher situated, than any other city in the world. It hath most wholesome and sweet waters about it: for the veins of the said waters seem to spring and flow from the mighty river of Euphrates, which is but a days journey from the said city. Also, the said city stands directly in the way to Tauris. And I passed on unto a certain mountain called Sobissacalo. Sobissacalo. In the foresaid country there is the very same mountain whereupon the Ark of Noah rested: unto the which I would willingly have ascended, if my company would have stayed for me. Howbeit the people of that country report, that no man could ever ascend the said mountain, because (say they) it pleaseth not the highest God. And I travailed on further unto Tauris that great and royal city, Tauris a city of Persia. which was in old time called Susis. This city is accounted for traffic of merchandise the chief city of the world: for there is no kind of victuals, nor any thing else belonging unto merchandise, which is not to be had there in great abundance. This city stands very commodiously: for unto it all the nations of the whole world in a manner may resort for traffic. Concerning the said city, the Christians in those parts are of opinion, that the Persian Emperor receives more tribute out of it, than the King of France out of all his dominions. Near unto the said city there is a salt-hill yielding salt unto the city: and of that salt each man may take what pleaseth him, not paying aught to any man therefore. In this city many Christians of all nations do inhabit, over whom the Saracens bear rule in all things. Then I travailed on further unto a city called Or, Sultania. Soldania, wherein the Persian Emperor lieth all Summer time: but in winter he takes his progress unto another city standing upon the Sea called The Caspian sea. Baku. Also the foresaid city is very great and cold, having good and wholesome waters therein, unto the which also store of merchandise is brought. Moreover I traveled with a certain company of Caravans toward upper India: and in the way, after many days journey, I came unto the city of the the three wisemen called Or, Cassibin. Cassan, which is a noble and renowned city, saving that the Tartars have destroyed a great part thereof: and it aboundeth with bread, wine, and many other commodities. From this city unto jerusalem (whither the three foresaid wisemen were miraculously led) it is fifty days journey. There be many wonders in this city also, which, for brevities sake, I omit. From thence I departed unto a certain city called Geste. Geste, whence the Sea of Sand is distant, one days journey, which is a most wonderful and dangerous thing. In this city there is abundance of all kinds of victuals, and especially of figs, reisins, and grapes; more (as I suppose) then in any part of the whole world besides. This is one of the three principal cities in all the Persian Empire. Of this city the Saracens report, that no Christian can by any means live therein above a year. Then passing many days journey on forward, I came unto a certain city called Como. Comum, which was an huge and mighty city in old time, containing well nigh fifty miles in circuit, and hath done in times past great damage unto the Romans. In it there are stately palaces altogether destitute of inhabitants, notwithstanding it aboundeth with great store of victuals. From hence traveling through many countries, at length I came unto the land of job named Hus, which is full of all kind of victuals, and very pleasantly situated. Thereabouts are certain mountains having good pastures for cattle upon them. Here also Manna is found in great abundance. Four partridges are here sold for less than a groat. In this country there are most comely old men. Here also the men spin and carded, and not the women. This land bordereth upon the North part of Chaldea. Of the manners of the Chaldaeans, and of India. The tower of Babel. FRom thence I traveled into Chaldea, which is a great kingdom, and I passed by the tower of Babel. This region hath a language peculiar unto itself, and there are beautiful men, and deformed women. The men of the same country use to have their hair kempt, and trimmed like unto our women: and they wear golden turbans upon their heads richly set with pearl, and precious stones. The women are clad in a course smock only reaching to their knees, and having long sleeves hanging down to the ground. And they got barefooted, wearing breeches which reach to the ground also. They wear no attire upon their heads, but their hair hangs disheaveled about their ●●res: and there be many other strange things al●o. From thence I came into the lower India, which the Tartars overran and wasted. And in this country the people eat dates for the most part, whereof 42. li. are there sold for less than a groat. I passed further also many days journey unto then Ocean sea, and the first land where I arrived, is called Ormus. Ormes, being well fortified, and having great store of merchandise and treasure therein. Such and so extreme is the heat in that country, that the privities of men come out of their bodies and hung down even unto their mid-legs. And therefore the inhabitants of the same place, to preserve their own lives, do make a certain ointment, and anointing their privy members therewith, do lap them up in certain bags fastened unto their bodies, for otherwise they must needs die. Here also they use a kind of Bark or ship called jase being compact together only with hemp. And I went on board into one of them, wherein I could not find any iron at all, and in the space of 28. days I arrived at the city of Thana, Thana, whereof Frederick C●sar maketh m●ntion. wherein four of our Friars where martyred for the faith of Christ. This country is well situate, having abundance of bread and wine, and of other victuals therein. This kingdom in old time was very large and under the dominion of king Porus, who fought a great battle with Alexander the great. The people of this country are idolaters worshipping fire, serpents and trees. And over all this land the Saracens do bear rule, who took it by main force, and they themselves are in subjection unto king Daldilus. There be divers kinds of beasts, as namely black lions in great abundance, and apes also, and monkeys, and bats as big as our doves. Also there are mice as big as our country dogs, and therefore they are hunted with dogs, because cats are not able to encounter them. Moreover, in the same country every man hath a bundle of great boughs standing in a waterpot before his door, which bundle is as great as a pillar, and it will not whither, so long as water is applied thereunto: with many other novelties and strange things, the relation whereof would breed great delight. How pepper is had: and where it groweth. Moreover, that it may be manifest how pepper is had, it is to be understood that it groweth in a certain kingdom whereat I myself arrived, being called Malabar. Minibar, and it is not so plentiful in any other part of the world as it is there. For the wood wherein it grows conceineth in circuit 18. days journey. And in the said wood or forest there are two cities, one called Or, Alandrina. Flandrina, and the other Cyncilim. In Flandrina both jews and Christians do inhabit, between whom there is often contention and war: howbeit the Christians overcome the jews at all times. In the foresaid wood pepper is had after this manner: first it groweth in leaves like unto potherbs, which they plant near unto great trees as we do our vines, and they bring forth pepper in clusters, as our vines do yield grapes, but being ripe, they are of a green colour, and are gathered as we gather grapes, and then the grains are laid in the Sun to be dried, and being dried are put into earthen vessels: and thus is pepper made and kept. Now, in the same wood there be many rivers, wherein are great store of Crocodiles, and of other serpents, which the inhabitants thereabouts do burn up with straw and with other dry fuel, and so they go to gather their pepper without danger. At the South end of the said forest stands the city of Polumbrum, Polumbrum. which aboundeth with merchandise of all kinds. All the inhabitants of that country do worship a living over, as their god, whom they put to labour for six years, and in the seventh year they 'cause him to rest from all his work, placing him in a solemn and public place, and calling him an holy beast. Moreover they use this foolish ceremony; Every morning they take two basons, either of silver, or of gold, and with one they receive the urine of the ore, and with the other his dung. With the urine they wash their face, their eyes, and all their five senses. Of the dung they put into both their eyes, than they anoint the balls of their checks therewith. and thirdly their breast: and then th●y say that they are sanctified for all that day; And as the people do, even so do their King and Queen. This people worshippeth also a dead idol, which, from the navel upward, resembleth a man, and from the navel downward an ox. The very same Idol delivers oracles unto them, and sometimes requireth the blood of forty virgins for his hire. And therefore the men of that region do consecrated their daughters and their sons unto their idols, even as Christians do their children unto some Religion or Saint in heaven. Likewise they sacrifice their sons and their daughters, and so, much people is put to death before the said Idol by reason of that accursed ceremony. Also, many other heinous and abominable villainies doth that brutish beastly people commit: and I saw many more strange things among them which I mean not here to insert. Another most vile custom the foresaid nation doth re●aine: The burning of their dead. for when any man dieth they burn his dead corpse to ashes: and if his wife surviveth him, her they burn quick, because (say they) she shall accompany her husband in his tilth and husbandry, when he is come into a new world. Howbeit the said wife having children by her husband, may if she will, remain still alive with them, without shame or reproach: notwithstanding, for the most part, they all of them make choice to be burned with their husbands. Now, albeit the wife dieth before her husband, that law bindeth not the husband to any such inconvenience, but he may marry another wife also. Likewise, the said nation hath another strange custom, in that their women drink wine, but their men do not. Also the women have the lids & brows of their eyes & beards shaven, but the men have not: with many other base & filthy fashions which the said women do use contrary to the nature of their ●exe. From that kingdom I travailed 10. days journey unto another kingdom called Mobar, which containeth many cities. Mobar, or Maliapor. Within a certain church of the same country, the body of S. Thomas the Apostle is interred, the very same church being full of idols: and in 15. houses round about the said Church, there devil certain priests who are Nestorians, that is to say, false, and bad Christians, and schismatics. Of a strange and uncouth idol: and of certain customs and ceremonies. IN the said kingdom of Mobar there is a wonderful strange idol, being made after the shape and resemblance of a man, as big as the image of our Christopher, & consisting all of most pure and glittering gold. And about the neck thereof hangs a silk ribbon, full of most rich & precious stones, some one of which is of more value than a whole kingdom. The house of this idol is all of beaten gold, namely the roof, the pavement, and the sieling of the brickwall within and without. Unto this idol the Indians go on pilgrimage, as we do unto S. Peter. Some go with halters about their necks, some with their hands bond behind them, some other with knives sticking on their arms or legs: and if after their peregrination, the flesh of their wounded arm festereth or corrupteth, they esteem that limb to be holy, & think that their God is well pleased with them. Near unto the temple of that idol is a lake made by the hands of men in an open & common place, whereinto the pilgrims cast gold, silver, & precious stones, for the honour of the idol and the repairing of his temple. And therefore when any thing is to be adorned or mended, they go unto this lake taking up the treasure which was cast in. Moreover at every yearly feast of the making or repairing of the said idol, the king and queen, with the whole multitude of the people, & all the pilgrims assemble themselves, & placing the said idol in a most stately & rich chariot, they carry him out of their temple with songs, & with all kind of musical harmony, & a great company of virgins go procession-wise two and two in a rank singing before him. Many pilgrims also put themselves under the chariot wheels, to the end that their false god may go over them: and all they over whom the chariot runneth, are crushed in pieces, & divided asunder in the midst, and slain right out. Yea, & in doing this, they think themselves to die most holily & securely, in the service of their god. And by this means every year, there die under the said filthy idol, more than 500 people, whose carcases are burned, and their ashes are kept for relics, because they died in that sort for their god. Moreover they have another detestable ceremony. For when any man offers to die in the service of his false god, his parents, & all his friends assemble themselves together with a consort of musicians, making him a great & solemn feast: which feast being ended, they hung 5. sharp knives about his neck carrying him before the idol, & so soon as he is come thither, he taketh one of his knives crying with a loud voice, For the worship of my god do I cut this my flesh, and then he casts the morsel which is cut, at the face of his id●l: but at the very last wound wherewith he murdereth himself, he utterth these words: Now do I yield myself to death in the behalf of my god, and being dead, his body is burned, & is esteemed by all men to be holy. The king of the said region is most rich in gold, silver, and precious stones, & there be the fairest unions in all the world. traveling from thence by the Ocean sea 50. days journey southward, I came unto a certain land named Lammori, where, Perhaps he means Comori. in regard of extreme heat, the people both men and women go starknaked from top to toe: who seeing me appareled scoffed at me, saying, that God made Adam & Eve naked. In this country all women are common, so that no man can say, this my wife. Also when any of the said women beareth a son or a daughter, she bestows it upon any one that hath lie● with her, whom she pleaseth. Likewise all the land of that region is possessed in common, so that there is not mine & thy, or any propriety of possession in the division of lands: howbeit every man hath is own house peculiar unto himself. Man's flesh, if it be fat, is eaten as ordinarily there, as beef in our country. And albeit the people are most lewd, yet the country is exceeding good, abounding with all commodities, as flesh, corn, rise, silver, gold, wood of aloes, Campheir, and many other things. merchants coming unto this region for traffic do usually bring with them fat men, selling them unto the inhabitants as we sell hogs, who immediately kill & eat them. In this island towards the south, there is another kingdom called Simoltra, Sumatra. where both men and women mark themselves with redhot iron in 12. sundry spots of their faces: and this nation is at continual war with certain naked people in another region. Then I traveled further unto another island called java, java. the compass whereof by sea is 3000. miles. The king of this Island hath 7. other crowned kings under his jurisdiction. The said Island is thoroughly inhabited, & is thought to be one of the principal islands of the whole world. In the same Island there groweth great plenty of cloves, cu●ibez, and nutmegs, and in a word all kinds of spices are there to be had, and great abundance of all victuals except wine. The king of the said land of java hath a most brave and sumptuous palace, the most loftily built, that ever I see any, & it hath most high greeses & stairss to ascend up to the rooms therein contained, one stair being of silver, & another of gold, throughout the whole building. Also the lower rooms were paved all over with one square plate of silver, & another of gold. All the walls upon the inner side were seeled over with plates of beaten gold, whereupon were engraven the pictures of knights, having about their temples, each of them a wreath of gold, adorned with precious stones. The roof of the palace was of pure gold. With this king of java the great Can of Catay hath had many conflicts in war: whom notwithstanding the said king hath always overcome & vanquished. Of certain trees yielding meal, honey, and poison. Near unto the said Island is another country called Panten, or Tathalamasin. And the king of the same country hath many islands under his dominion. In this land there are trees yielding meal, honey, & wine, & the most deadly poison in all the whole world: for against it there is but one only remedy: & that is this: if any man hath taken of that poison, & would be delivered from the danger thereof, let him temper the dung of a man in water, & so drink a good quantity thereof, & it expels the poison immediately, making it to avoid at the fundament. Meal is produced out of the said trees after this manner. They be mighty huge trees, and when they are cut with an axe by the ground, there issueth out of the stock a certain liquor like unto gum, which they take and put into bags made of leaves, laying them for 15 days together abroad in the sun, & at the end of those 15 days, when the said liquor is thoroughly parched, it becometh meal. Then they step it first in sea water, washing it afterward with fresh water, and so it is made very good & savoury paste, whereof they make either meat or bread, as they think good. Of which bread I myself did eat, & it is fairer without & somewhat brown within. By this country is the sea called Mare mortuum, which runneth continually Southward, A sea running still Southward. into the which whosoever falls is never seen after. In this country also are found canes for an incredible length, namely of 60 paces high or more, & they are as big as trees. Other canes there be also called Cassan, which overspread the earth like grass, & out of every knot of them spring forth certain branches, which are continued upon the ground almost for the space of a mile. In the said canes there are found certain stones, one of which stones, whosoever carrieth about with him, cannot be wounded with any iron: & therefore the men of that country for the most part, carry such stones with them, whithersoever they go. Many also 'cause one of the arms of their children, while they are young, to be lanced, putting one of the said stones into the wound, healing also, and closing up the said wound with the powder of a certain fish (the name whereof I do dot know) which powder doth immediately consolidate and cure the said wound. And by the virtue of these stones, the people aforesaid do for the most part triumph both on sea and land. Howbeit there is one kind of stratagem, which the enemies of this nation, knowing the virtue of the said stones, do practice against them: namely, they provide themselves armour of iron or steel against their arrows, & weapons also poisoned with the poison of trees, & they carry in their hands wooden stakes most sharp & hard-pointed, as if they were iron: likewise they shoot arrows without iron heads, and so they confounded & slay some of their unarmed foes trusting too securely unto the virtue of their stones. Sails made of reeds. Also of the foresaid canes called Cassan they make sails for their ships, and little houses, and many other necessaries. From thence after many days travel, I arrived at another kingdom called Campa, Campa. a most beautiful and rich country, & abounding with all kind of victuals: the king whereof, at my being there, had so many wives & concubines, that he had 300 sons & daughters by them. This king hath 10004 tame Elephants, which are kept even as we keep droves of oxen, or flocks of sheep in pasture. Of the abundance of fish, which cast themselves upon the shore. IN this country there is one strange thing to be observed, that every several kind of fish in those seas come swimming towards the said country in such abundance, that, for a great distance into the sea, nothing can be seen by the backs of fish: which, casting themselves upon the shore when they come near unto it, do suffer men, for the space of 3. days, to come & to take as many of them as they please, & then they return again unto the sea. After that kind of fish comes another kind, offering itself after the same manner, and so in like sort all other kinds whatsoever: notwithstanding they do this but once in a year. And I demanded of the inhabitants there, how, or by what means this strange accident could come to pass? They answered, that fish were taught, even by nature, to come & to do homage unto their Emperor. Tortoises. There be Tortoises also as big as an oven. Many other things I see which are incredible, unless a man should see them with his own eyes. In this country also dead men are burned, & their wives are burned alive with them, as in the city of Polumbrum above mentioned: for the men of that country say that she goeth to accompany him in another world, that he should take none other wife in marriage. Moreover I traveled on further by the ocean-sea towards the south, & passed through many countries and islands, whereof one is called Moumoran, Moumoran. & it containeth in compass two. M. miles, wherein men & women have dogs faces, and worship an ox for their god: and therefore every one of them carry the image of an ox of gold or silver upon their foreheads. The men and the women of this country go all naked, saving that they hung a linen clot before their privities. The men of the said country are very tall and mighty, and by reason that they go naked, when they are to make battle, they carry iron or steele-targets before them, which do cover and defend their bodies from top to toe: and whomsoever of their foes they take in battle not being able to ransom himself for money, they presently devour him: but if he be able to redeem himself for money, they let him go free. Their king weareth about his neck 300. great and most beautiful unions, and says every day 300. prayers unto his god. He weareth upon his finger also a stone of a span long, which seemeth to be a flame of fire, and therefore when he weareth it, no man dare once approach unto him: and they say that there is not any stone in the whole world of more value than it. Neither could at any time the great Tartarian Emperor of Katay either by force, money, or poli●ie obtain it at his hands: notwithstanding that he hath done the vemost of his endeavour for this purpose. Of the island of Sylan: and of the mountain where Adam mourned for his son Abel. I Passed also by another island called Sylan, which containeth in compass above two. M. miles: wherein are an infinite number of serpent's, & great store of lions, bears, & all kinds of ravening & wild beasts, and especially of elephants. In the said country there is an huge mountain, whereupon the inhabitants of that region do report that Adam mourned for his son Abel the space of 500 years. In the midst of this mountain there is a most beautiful plain, wherein is a little lake containing great plenty of water, which water that inhabitants report to have proceeded from the tears of Adam & Eve: howbeit I proved that to be false, because I see the water flow in the lake. This water is full of hors-leeches, & bloodsuckers, & of precious stones also: which precious stones the king taketh not unto his own use, bu● once or twice every year he permitteth certain poor people to dive under the water for the said stones, & all that they can get he bestoweth upon them, to the end they may pray for his soul. But that they may with less danger dive under the water, they take lemons which they pil, anointing themselves thoroughly with the juice thereof, & so they may dive naked under the water, the hors-le●ches not being able to hurt them. From this lake the water runneth ●u●n unto the sea, and at a low ebb the inhabitants dig rubies, diamonds, pearls, & other precious stones out of the shore: whereupon it is thought, that the king of this island hath greater abundance of precious stones, than any other monarch in the whole earth besides. In the said country there be all kinds of beasts and fowls: & the people told me, that those beasts would not invade nor hurt any stranger, but only the natural inhabitants. I see in this island fouls as big as our country geese, having two heads, and other miraculous things, which I will not here writ off. traveling on further toward the south, I arrived at a certain island called Bodin, Or, Dadin. which signifieth in our language unclean. In this island there do inhabit most wicked people, who devour & eat raw flesh committing all kinds of uncleanness & abominations in such sort, as it is incredible. For the father eateth his son, & the son his father, the husband his own wife, & the wife her husband: and that after this manner. If any man's father be sick, the son strait goes unto the soothsaying or prognosticating priest, r●questing him to demand of his god, whether his father shall recover of that infirmity or no? Then both of them go unto an idol of gold or of silver, making their prayers unto it in manner following: Lord, thou art our god, & thee we do adore, beseeching thee to resolve us, whether such a man must die, or recover of such an infirmity or no? Then the devil answereth out of the foresaid idol: if he says (he shall live) then returns his son and ministereth things necessary unto him, till he hath attained unto his former health: but if he says (he shall die) then goes the priest unto him, & putting a clot into his mouth doth strangle him therewith: which being done, he cuts his dead body into morsels, & all his friends and kinsfolks are invited unto the eating thereof, with music and all kind of mirth: howbeit his bones are solemnly buried. And when I found fault with that custom demanding a reason thereof, one of them gave me this answer: this we do, lest the worms should eat his flesh, for then his soul should suffer great torments, neither could I by any means remove them from that error. Many other novelties and strange things there be in this country, which no man would credit, unless he see them with his own eyes. Howbeit, I (before almighty God) do here make relation of nothing but of that only, whereof I am as sure, as a man may be sure. Concerning the foresaid islands I enquired of divers wel-experienced people, who all of them, as it were with one consent, answered me saying, That this India contained 4400. islands under it, or within it: in which islands there are sixty and four crowned kings: and they say moreover, that the greater part of those islands are well inhabited. And here I conclude concerning that part of India. Of the upper India: and of the province of Mancy. Or, China. FIrst of all therefore, having traveled many days journey upon the Ocean-sea toward the East, at length I arrived at a certain great province called Mancy, being in Latin named India. Concerning this India I enquired of Christians, of Saracens, & of Idolaters, and of all such as bore any office under the great Can. Who all of them with one consent answered, that this province of Mancy hath more than 2000 great cities within the precincts thereof, & that if aboundeth with all plenty of victuals, as namely with bread, wine, rise, flesh, and fish. All the men of this province be artificers & merchants, who, though they be in never so extreme penury, so long as they can help themselves by the labour of their hands, will never beg alms of any man. The men of this province are of a fair and comely parsonage, but somewhat pale, having their heads shaven but a little: but the women are the most beautiful under the sun. The first city of the said India which I came unto, is called Ceuskalon, Or, Ceuskal●. which being a days journey distant from the sea, stands upon a river, the water whereof, near unto the mouth, where it exonerateth itself into the sea, doth overflow the land for the space of 12. days journey. All the inhabitants of this India are worshippers of idols. The foresaid city of Ceuskalon hath such an huge navy belonging thereunto, that no man whould believe it unless he should see it. In this city I see 300. li. of good & new ginger sold for less than a groat. There are the greatest, and the fairest grief, & most plenty of them to be sold in all the whole world, He means pelicans, which the Spaniards call Alcat●tarzi. as I suppose: they are as white as milk, and have a bone upon the crown of their heads as big as an egg, being of the colour of blood: under their throat they have a skin or bag hanging down half a foot. They are exceeding fat & well sold. Also they have ducks and hens in that country, one as big as two of ours. There be monstrous great serpents likewise, which are taken by the inhabitants & eaten: whereupon a solemn feast among them without serpents is naught set by: and to be brief, in this city there are all kinds of victuals in great abundance. From thence I passed by many cities, & at length I came unto a city named Caitan, Or, Z●iton. wherein the friars Minorites have two places of abode, unto the which I transported the bones of the dead friars, which suffered martyrdom for the faith of Christ, as it is above mentioned. In this city there is abundance of all kind of victuals very cheap. The said city is as big as two of Bononia, & in it are many monasteries of religious people, all which do worship idols. I myself was in one of those Monasteries, & it was told me, that there were in it iii M. religious men, having xi. M. idols: and one of the said idols which seemed unto me but little in regard of the rest, was as big as our Christopher. These religious men every day do feed their idol-gods: whereupon at a certain time I went to behold the banquet: and indeed those things which they brought unto them were good to eat, & fuming hot, insomuch that the steam of the smoke thereof ascended up unto their idols, & they said that their gods were refreshed with the smoke: howbeit, all the meat they conveyed away, eating it up their own selves, and so they fed their dumb gods with the smoke only. Of the city Fuco. traveling more eastward, I came unto a city named Fuco, which containeth 30. miles in circuit, wherein be exceeding great & fair cocks, and all their hens are as white as the very snow, having will in stead of feathers, like unto sheep. It is a most stately & beautiful city & standeth upon the sea. Then I went 18. days journey on further, & passed by many provinces & cities, and in the way I went over a certain great mountain, upon the one side whereof I beheld all living creatures to be as black as a coal, & the men and women on that side differed somewhat in manner of living from others: howbeit, on the other side of the said hill every living thing was snow-white, & the inhabitants in their manner of living, were altogether unlike unto others. There, all married women carry in token that they have husbands, a great trunk of horn upon their heads. From thence I travailed 18. days journey further, and came unto a certain great river, A great river. and entered also into a city, whereunto belongeth a mighty bridge to pass the said river. And mine host with whom I sojourned, being desirous to show me some sport, said unto me: Sir, if you will see any fish taken, go with me. Then he led me unto the foresaid bridge, carrying in his arms with him certain dive-doppers or water-foules, Fowls catching fish. bond unto a company of poles, and about every one of their necks he tied a thread, lest they should eat the fish as fast as they took them: and he carried 3. great baskets with him also: then loosed he the dive-doppers from the poles, which presently went into the water, & within less than the space of one hour, caught as many fish as filled the 3. baskets: which being full, mine host untied the threads from about their necks, and entering the second time into the river they fed themselves with fish, and being satisfied they returned and suffered themselves to be bond unto the said poles as they were before. And when I did eat of those fish, me thought they were exceeding good. Travailing thence many days journeys, at length I arrived at another city called Or Cansai, or Q●inzai. Canasia, which signifieth in our language, the city of heaven. Never in all my life did I see so great a city: for it containeth in circuit an hundredth miles: neither saw I any plot thereof, which was not thoroughly inhabited: yea, I saw many houses of ten or twelve stories high one above another. It hath mighty large suburbs containing more people than the city itself. Also it hath twelve principal gates: and about the distance of eight miles, in the high way unto ●uery one of the said gates standeth a city as big by estimation as Venice, and Milan. The foresaid city of Canasia is situated in waters or marshes, which always stand still neither ebbing nor flowing: howbeit it hath a defence for the wind like unto Venice. In this city there are more than 10002. bridges, many whereof I numbered and passed over them: The Italian copy in Ramusius, hath 11000. bridges. and upon every of those bridges stand certain watchmen of the city, keeping continual watch and ward about the said city, for the great Can the Emperor of Catay. The people of this country say, that they have one duty enjoined unto them by their lord: for every fire payeth one Balis in regard of tribute: and a Balis is five papers or pieces of silk, which are worth one florens and an half of our coin. Ten or twelve households are accounted for one fire, and so pay tribute but for one fire only. All those tributary fire's amount unto the number of 85. Thuman, with other four Thuman of the Saracens, which make 89. in all; And one Thuman consists of 10000 fires. The residue of the people of the city are some of them Christians, some merchants, and some traveilers through the country: whereupon I marveled much how such an in infinite number of people could inhabit and live together. There is great abundance of victuals in this city, as namely of bread and wine, and especially of hogs-flesh, with other necessaries. Of a Monastery where many strange beasts of divers kinds do live upon an hill. IN the foresaid city four of our friars had converted a mighty and rich man unto the faith of Christ, at whose house I continually abode, for so long time as I remained in the city. Who upon a certain time said unto me: Ara, that is to say, Father, will you go and behold the city? And I said, yea. Then embarked we ourselves, and directed our course unto a certain great Monastery: where being arrived, he called a religious person with whom he was acquainted, saying unto him concerning me: this Raban Francus, that is to say, this religious Frenchman cometh from the Western parts of the world, and is now going to the city of Cambaleth to pray for the life of the great Can, and therefore you must show him some rare thing, that when he returns into his own country, he may say, this strange sight or novelty have I se●ne in the city of Canasia. Then the said religious man took two great baskets full of broken relics which remained of the table, and led me unto a little walled park, the door whereof he unlocked with his key, and there appeared unto us a pleasant fair green plot, into the which we entered. In the said green stands a little mount in form of a steeple, replenished with fragrant herbs, and fine shady trees. And while we stood there, he took a cymbal or bell, and rang therewith, as they use to ring to dinner or bevoir in cloisters, at the sound whereof many creatures of divers kinds came down from the mount, some like apes, some like cats, some like monkeys; and some having faces like men. And while I stood beholding of them, they gathered themselves together about him, to the number of 4200. of those creatures, putting themselves in good order, before whom he set a platter, and gave them the said fragments to eat. And when they had eaten he rang upon his cymbal the second time, and they all returned unto their former places. Then, wondering greatly at the matter, I demanded what kind of creatures those might be? They are (quoth he) the souls of noble men which we do here feed, for the love of God who governeth the world: and as a man was honourable or noble in this life, so his soul after death, entereth into the body of some excellent beast or other, but the souls of simple and rustical people do possess the bodies of more vile and brutish creaures. Then I began to refute that foul error: howbeit my speech did nothing at all prevail with him: for he could not be persuaded that any soul might remain without a body. From thence I departed unto a certain city named Chilenfo, Chilenfo. the walls whereof contained 40. miles in circuit. In this city there are 360. bridges of stone, the fairest that ever I see: and it is well inhabited, having a great navy belonging thereunto, & abounding with all kinds of victuals and other commodities. And thence I went unto a certain river called Thalay, Thalay. which, where it is most narrow, is 7. miles broad: and it runneth through the midst of the land of Pygmaei, whose chief city is called Cakam, Cakam. and is one of the goodliest cities in the world. These Pigmaeans are three of my spans high, and they make larger and better clot of cotton and silk, than any other nation under the sun. And coasting along by the said river, I came unto a certain city named janzu, janzu. in which city there is one receptacle for the Friars of our order, and there be also three Churches of the Nestorlans. This janzu is a noble and great city, containing 48 Thuman of tributary fires, and in it are all kinds of victuals, and great plenty of such beasts, oules and fish, as Christians do usually live upon. The lord of the same city hath in yearly revenues for salt only, fifty Thuman of Balis, and one balis is worth a florens and a half of our coin: insomuch that one Thuman of balis amounteth unto the value of fifteen thousand florins. Howbeit the said lord favoureth his people in one respect, for sometimes he forgiveth them freely two hundred Thuman, lest there should be any scarcity or dearth among them. There is a custom in this city, that when any man is determined to banquet his friends, going about unto certain taverns or cooks houses appointed for the same purpose, he saith unto every particular host, you shall have such, and such of my friends, whom you must entertain in my name, and so much I will bestow upon the banquet. And by that means his friends are better feasted at diverse places, than they should have been at one. Ten miles from the said city, about the head of the foresaid river of Thalay, there is a certain other city called Montu, which hath the greatest navy that I see in the whole world. All their ships are as white as snow, and they have banqueting houses in them, and many other rare things also, which no man would believe, unless he had seen them with his own eyes. Of the city of Cambaleth. Traveiling eight days journey further by divers territories and cities, at length I came by fresh water unto a certain city named Lencyn, standing upon the river of Karamoro●. Karavoran, which runneth through the midst of Cataie, and doth great harm in the country when it overfloweth the banks, or breaketh forth of the channel. From thence passing along the river Eastward, after many days travel, and the sight of divers cities, I arrived at a city called Sumacoto. Sumakoto, which aboundeth more with silk then any other city in the world: for when there is great scarcity of silk, forty pound is sold for less than eight groats. In this city there is abundance of all merchandise, and of all kinds of victuals also, as of bread, wine, flesh, fish, with all choice and delicate spices. Then traveling on still towards the East by many cities, I came unto the noble and renowned city of Cambaleth, which is of great antiquity, being situate in the province of Cataie. This city the Tartars took, and near unto it within the space of half a mile, they built another city called Caido. The city of Caido hath twelve gates, being each of them two miles distant from another. Also the space lying in the midst between the two foresaid cities is very well and thoroughly inhabited, so that they make as it were but one city between them both. The whole compass or circuit of both cities together, is 40. miles. In this city the great emperor Cancrone hath his principal seat, and his Imperial palace, the walls of which palace contain four miles in circuit: and n●ere unto this his palace are many other palaces and houses of his nobles which belong unto his court. Within the precincts of the said palace Imperial, there is a most beautiful mount, set and replenished with trees, for which cause it is called the Green mount, having a most royal and sumptuous palace standing thereupon, in which, for the most part, the great Can is resident. Upon the one side of the said mount there is a great lake, whereupon a most stately bridge is built, in which lake is great abundance of gee●e, ducks, and all kinds of water fowls: and in the wood growing upon the mount there is great store of all birds, and wild beasts. And therefore when the great Can will solace himself with hunting or hawking, he needs not so much as once to step forth of his palace. Moreover, the principal palace, wherein he maketh his abode, is very large, having within it 14 pillars of gold, and all the walls thereof are hanged with read skins, which are said to be the most costly skins in all the world. In the midst of the palace stands a cistern of two yards high, which consists of a pre●ious stone called Merdochas, and is wreathed about with gold, & at each corner thereof is the golden image of a serpent, as it were, furiously shaking and casting forth his head. This cistern also hath a kind of network of pearl wrought about it. Likewise by the said cistern there is drink conveyed thorough certain pipes and conducts, such as useth to be drunk in the emperor's court, upon the which also there hung many vessels of gold, wherein, whosoever will may drink of the said liquor. In the foresaid pala●e there are many peacocks of gold●: & when any Bohemian-tartar maketh a banquet unto his lord, if the guests chance to clap their hands for joy and mirth, the ●ayd golden peacocks also will spread abroad their wings, and lift up their trains, ferming as if they danced; and this I suppose to be done by art magic or by some secret engine under the ground. Of the glory and magnificence of the great Can. Moreover, when the great emperor Cancrone sitteth in his imperial throne of estate, on his left hand sitteth his queen or empress, and upon another inferior seat there sit two other women, which are to accompany the emperor, when his spouse is absent, but in the lowest place of all, there sit all the ladies of his kindred. All the married women wear upon their heads a kind of ornament in shape like unto a man's foot, of a cubit and a half in length, and the lower part of the said foot is adorned with crane's feathers, and is all over thick set with great and orient pearls. Upon the right hand of the great Can sitteth his first begotten son and heir apparent unto his empire, and under him sit all the nobles of the blood royal. There be also four Secretaries, which put all things in writing that the emperor speaketh. In whose presence likewise stand his Barons and divers others of his nobility, with great trains of followers after them, of whom none dare speak so much as one word, unless they have obtained licence of the emperor so to do, except his jesters and stage-plays, who are appointed of purpose to solace their lord. Neither yet dare they attempt to do aught, but only according to the pleasure of their emperor, and as he enjoineth them by law. About the palace gate stand certain Barons to keep all men from treading upon the threshold of the said gate. When it pleaseth the great Can to solemnize a feast, he hath about him 14000. Barons, carrying wreaths & little crowns upon their heads, and giving attendance upon their lord, and every one of them weareth a garment of gold and precious stones, which is worth ten thousand Florins. His court is kept in very good order, by governors of ten, governors of hundred, and governors of thousand, insomuch that every one in his place performeth his duty committed unto him, neither is there any detect to be found. I friar Odoricus was there present in person for the space of three years, and was often at the said banquets; for we friars Minorities have a place of abode appointed out for us in the emperor's court, and are enjoined to go and to bestow our blessing upon him. And I inquired of certain Courtiers concerning the number of people pertaining to the emperor's court? And they answered me, that of stage-players, musicians, and such like, there were eighteen Thuman at the lest, and that the keepers of dogs, beasts and fowls were fifteen Thuman, and the physicians for the emperors body were four hundred; the Christians also were eight in number, together with one Saracen. At my being there, all the foresaid number of people had all kind of necessaries both for apparel and victuals out of the emperor's court. Moreover, when he will make his progress from one country to another, he hath four troops of horsemen, one being appointed to go a days journey before, and another to come a days journey after him, the third to march on his right hand, and the fourth on his left, in the manner of a cross, he himself being in the midst, and so every particular troop have their daily journeys limited unto them, to the end they may provide sufficient victuals without defect. Now the great Can himself is carried in manner following: he rideth in a chariot with two wheels, upon which a majestical throne is built of the wood of Aloe, being adorned with gold and great pearls, and precious stones, and four elephants bravely furnished do draw the said chariot, before which elephants four great horses richly trapped and covered do lead the way. Hard by the chariot on both sides thereof, are four Barons laying hold and attending thereupon, to keep all people from approaching near unto their emperor. Upon the chariot also two milk-white jerfalcons do sit● and seeing any game which he would take, he letteth them fly, and so the● take it, and after this manner doth he solace himself as he rideth. Moreover, no man dare come within a stones cast of the chariot, but such as are appointed. The number of his own followers, of his wives attendants; and of the train of his first begotten son and heir apparent, would seem incredible unto any man, unless he had seen it with his own eyes. The foresaid great Can hath divided his Empire into twelve parts or Provinces, and one of the said provinces hath two thousand great cities within the precincts thereof. Whereupon his empire is of that length and breadth, that unto whatsoever part thereof he intends his journey, he hath space enough for six months continual progress, except his Islands which are at the lest 5000. Of certain Inns or hospitals appointed for travailers throughout the whole empire. THe foresay● Emperor (to the end that travailers may have all things necessary throughout his whole empire) hath caused certain Inns to be provided in sundry places upon the high ways, where all things pertaining unto victuals are in a continual readiness. And when any alteration or news happen in any part o● his Empire, if he chance to be far absent from that part, his ambassadors upon horses or dromedaries ride post unto him, and when themselves and their beasts are weary, they blow their horn, at the noise whereof, the next Inn likewise provideth a horse and a man, who takes the letter of him that is weary, and runneth unto another Inn: and so by divers Inns, and divers posts, the report, which ordinarily could scarce come in 30. days, is in one natural day brought unto the emperor: and therefore no matter of any moment can be done in his empire, but straightway he hath intelligence thereof. Moreover, when the great Can himself will go on hunting, he useth this custom. Some twenty days journey from the city of Kambaleth there is a forest containing six days journey in circuit, in which forest there are so many kinds of beasts and birds, as it is incredible to report. Unto this forest, at the end of every third or fourth year, himself with his whole train resorteth, and they all of them together environ the said forest, sending dogs into the same, which by hunting do bring forth the beasts: namely, lions and stags, and other creatures, unto a most beautiful plain in the midst of the forest, because all the beasts of the forest do tremble, especially at the cry of hounds. Then cometh the great Can himself, being carried upon three elephants, and shooteth five arrows into the whole herd of beasts, and after him all his Barons, and after them the rest of his courtiers and family do all in like manner discharge their arrows also, and every man's arrow hath a sundry mark. Then they all go unto the beasts which are slain (suffering the living beasts to return into the wood that they may have more sport with them another time) and every man enjoyeth that beast as his own, wherein he finds his arrow sticking. Of the four feasts which the great Can solemnizeth every year in his Court. Four great feasts in a year doth the emperor Can celebrated: namely, the feast of his birth, the feast of his circumcision, the feast of his coronation, and the feast of his marriage. And unto these feasts he inviteth all his Barons, his stage-players, and all such as are of his kindred. Then the great Can sitting in his throne, all his Barons present themselves before him, with wreaths and crowns upon their heads, being diversly attired, for some of them are in green, namely, the principal: the second are in read, and the third in yellow, and they hold each man in his hand a little ivory table of elephants tooth, and they are gird with golden girdles of half a foot broad, and they stand upon their feet keeping silence. About them stand the stage-players or musicians with their instruments. And in one of the corners of a certain great palace, all the Philosophers or Magicians remain f●r certain hours, and do attend upon points or characters: and when the point and hour which the said Philosophers expected for, is come, a certain crier crieth out with a loud voice, saying, Incline or bow yourselves before your Emperor: with that all the Barons fall flat upon the earth. Then he crieth out again; Arise all, and immediately they all arise. Likewise the Philosophers attend upon a point or character the second time, and when it is fulfilled, the crier crieth out amain; Put your fingers in your ears: and forthwith again he saith; Pluck them out. Again, at the third point he crieth, Bolt this meal. Many other circumstances also do they perform, all which they say have some certain signification: howbeit, neither would I writ them, nor give any heed unto them, because they are vain and ridiculous. And when the musicians hour is come, than the Philosophers say, Solemnize a feast unto your Lord: with that all of them sound their instruments, making a great and a melodious noise. And immediately another crieth, Peace, peace, and they are all whist. Then come the women-musicians and sing sweetly before the Emperor, which music was more delightful unto me. After them come in the lions and do their obeisance unto the great Can. Then the jugglers 'cause golden cups full of wine to fly up and down in the air, and to apply themselves unto men's mouths that they may drink of them. These and many other strange things I saw in the court of the great Can, which no man would believe unless he had seen them with his own eyes, and therefore I omit to speak of them. I was informed also by certain credible people, of another miraculous thing, namely, that in a certain kingdom of the said Can, wherein stand the mountains called Kapsei (the kingdoms name is Kalor) there grow great Gourds or Pompious, A lamb in a gourd. which being ripe, do open at the tops, and within them is found a little beast like unto a young lamb, even as I myself have herded reported, that there stand certain trees upon the s●ore of the Irish sea, bearing fruit like unto a gourd, which, at a certain time of the year do fall into the water, and become birds called Bernacles, and this is most true. Of divers provinces and cities. ANd after three years I departed out of the empire of Cataie, travailing fifty days journey towards the West. His return Westward. And at length I came unto the empire of Pretegoani, whose principal city is Kosan, which hath many other cities under it. From thence passing many days travel, I came unto a province called Casan, Casan. which is for good commodities, one of the only provinces under the Sun, and is very well inhabited, insomuch that when we departed out of the gates of one city we may behold the gates of another city, as I myself see in divers of them. The breadth of the said province is fifty days journey, & the length above sixty. In it there is great plenty of all victuals, and especially of chestnuts, and it is one of the twelve provinces of the great Can. Going on further, I came unto a certain kingdom called ‖ Or Thebet. Tebek, which is in subjection unto the great Can also, wherein I think there is more plenty of bread & wine then in any other part of the world besides. The people of the said country do, for the most part, inhabit in tents made of black felt. Their principal city is environed with fair and beautiful walls, being built of most white and black stones, which are disposed checkerwise one by another, and curiously compiled together: likewise all the high ways in this country are exce●dingly well paved. In the said country none dare shed the blood of a man, or of any beast, for the reverence of a certain idol. In the foresaid city their Abassi, that is to say, their Pope is resident, being the head and prince of all idolaters (upon whom he bestoweth and distributeth gifts after his manner) even as our pope of Rome accounts himself to be the head of all Christians. The women of this country wear above an hundredth tricks and trifles about them, and they have two teeth in their mouths as long as the tusks of a boar. When any man's father deceaseth among them, his son assembleth together all the priests and musicians that he can get, saying that he is determined to honour his father: then causeth he him to be carried into the field (all his kinssolks, friends, and neighbours accompanying him in the said action) where the priests with great solemnity cut off the father's head, giving it unto his son, which being done, they divide the whole body into morsels, and so leave it behind them, returning home with prayers in the company of the said son. So soon as they are departed, certain vultures, which are accustomed to such banquets, come flying from the mountains, and carry away all the said morsels of flesh: and from thenceforth a fame is spread abroad, that the said party deceased was holy, because the angels of God carried him into paradise. And this is the greatest and highest honour, that the son can devise to perform unto his deceased father. Then the said son taketh his father's head, seething it and eating the flesh thereof, The same story concerning the very same people is in William de R●br●cis. but of the skull he makes a drinking cup, wherein himself with all his family and kindred do drink with great solemnity and mirth, in the remembrance of his dead and devoured father. Many other v●le and abominable things doth the said nation commit, which I mean not to writ, because men neither can nor will believe, except they should have the sigh● of them. Of a certain rich man, who is fed and nourished by fifty virgins. WHile I was in the province of Mancy, I passed by the palace of a certain famous man, which hath fifty virgin damosels continually attending upon him, feeding him every meal, as a bird feeds her young one's. Also he hath sundry kinds of meat served in at his table, and three dishes of each kind: and when the said virgins feed him, they sing most sweetly. This man hath in yearly revenues thirty thuman of tagars of rise, every of which thuman yieldeth ten thousand tagars, and one tagar is the burden of an ass. His palace is two miles in circuit, the pavement whereof is one plate of gold, and another of silver. Near unto the brickwall of the said palace there is a mount artificially wrought with gold and silver, whereupon stand turrets and steeples and other delectable things for the solace and recreation of the foresaid great man. And it was told me that there were four such men in the said kingdom. It is accounted a great grace for the men of that country to have long nails upon their fingers, Long nails. and especially upon their thumbs, which nails they may fold about their hands: but the grace and beauty of their women is to have small and slender feet; and therefore the mothers when their daughters are young, do bind up their feet, that they may not grow great. traveling on further towards the South. I arrived at a certain country called Melistorte, Melistorte. which is a very pleasant and fertile place. And in this country there was a certain aged man called Senex de monte, who round about two mountains had built a brickwall to enclose the said mountains. Within this brickwall there were the fairest and most crystal fountains in the whole world: and about the said fountains there were most beautiful virgins in great number, and goodly horses also, and in a word, every thing that could be devised for bodily solace and delight, and therefore the inhabitants of the country call the same place by the name of Paradise. The said old Senex, when he see any proper and valiant young man, he would admit him into his paradise. Moreover by certain conducts he makes wine and milk to flow abundantly. This Senex, when he hath a mind to revenge himself or to slay any king or baron, commands him that is governor of the said paradise, to bring thereunto some of the acquaintance of the said king or baron, permitting him a while to take his pleasure therein, and then to give him a certain potion being of force to cast him into such a slumber as should make him quite void of all sense, and so being in a profound sleep to convey him out of his paradise: who being awaked, & seeing himself thrust out of the paradise would become so sorrowful, that he could not in the world devise what to do, or whither to turn him. Then would he go unto the foresaid old man, beseeching him that he might be admitted again into his paradise: who says unto him, You cannot be admitted thither, unless you will slay such or such a man for my sake, and if you will give the attempt only, whether you kill him or not, I will place you again in paradise, that there you may remain always: then would the party without fail put the same in execution, endeavouring to murder all those against whom the said old man had conceived any hatred. And therefore all the kings of the east stood in awe of the said old man, and gave unto him great tribute. Of the death of Senex de monte. ANd when the Tartars had subdued a great part of the world, they came unto the said old man, and took from him the custody of his paradise: who being incensed thereat, sent abroad divers desperate and resolute people out of his forenamed paradise, and caused many of the Tartarian nobles to be slain. The Tartars seeing this, went and besieged the city wherein the said old man was, took him, and put him to a most cruel and ignominious death. The friars in that place have this special gift and prerogative: namely, that by the virtue of the name of Christ jesus, and in the virtue of his precious blood, which he shed upon the cross for the salvation of mankind, they do cast forth devils out of them that are possessed. And because there are many possessed men in those parts, they are bond and brought ten days journey unto the said friars, who being dispossessed of the unclean spirits, do presently believe in Christ who delivered them, accounting him for their God, and being baptized in his name, and also delivering immediately unto the friars all their idols, and the idols of their cattle, which are commonly made of felt or of women's hair: then the said friars kindle a fire in a public place (whereunto the people resort, that they may see the false gods of their neighbours burned) and cast the said idols thereinto: howbeit at the first those idols came out of the fire again. Then the friars sprinkled the said fire with holy water, casting the idols into it the second time, and with that the devils fled in the likeness of black smoke, and the idols still remained till they were consumed unto ashes. Afterwards, this noise & out cry was herded in the air: Behold and see how I am expelled out of my habitation. And by these means the friars do baptizm great multitudes, who presently revolt again unto their idols: insomuch that the said friars must eft 'zounds, as it were, under prop them, and inform them anew. There was another terrible thing which I see there: for passing by a certain valley, which is situate beside a pleasant river, I see many dead bodies, and in the said valley also I herded divers sweet sounds and harmonies of music, especially the noise of citherns, whereat I was greatly amazed. This valley containeth in length seven or eight miles at the lest, into the which whosoever entereth, dieth presently, and can by no means pass alive thorough the midst thereof: for which cause all the inhabitants thereabouts decline unto the one side. Moreover, I was tempted to go in, and to see what it was. At length, making my prayers, and recommending myself to God in the name of jesus, I entered, and see such swarms of dead bodies there, as no man would believe unless he were an eye witness thereof. At the one side of the foresaid valley upon a certain stone, I see the visage of a man, which beheld me with such a terrible aspect, that I thought verily I should have died in the same place. But always this sentence, the word become flesh, and dwelled amongst us, I ceased not to pronounce, signing myself with the sign of the cross, and nearer than seven or eight pases I dared not approach unto the said head: but I departed & fled unto another place in the said valley, ascending up into a little sandy mountain, where looking round about, I see nothing but the said citherns, which me thought I herded miraculously sounding and playing by themselves without the help of musicians. And being upon the top of the mountain, I found silver there like the scales of fish in great abundance: and I gathered some part thereof into my bosom to show for a wonder, but my conscience rebuking me, I cast it upon the earth, reserving no whit at all unto myself, and so, by God's grace I departed without danger. And when the men of the country known that I was returned out of the valley alive, they reverenced me much, saying that I was baptized and holy, and that the foresaid bodies were men subject unto the devils infernal, who used to play upon citherns, to the end they might allure people to enter, and so murder them. Thus much concerning those things which I beheld most certainly with mine eyes, I friar Odoricus have here written: many strange things also I have of purpose omitted, because men will not believe them unless they should see them. Of the honour and reverence done unto the great Can. I Will report one thing more, which I see, concerning the great Can. It is an usual custom in those parts, that when the foresaid Can traveleth thorough any country, his subjects kindle fires before their doors, casting spices thereinto to make a perfume, that their lord passing by may smell the sweet and delectable odours thereof, and much people come forth to meet him. And upon a certain time when he was coming towards Cambaleth, the fame of his approach being published, a bishop of ours with certain of our minorite friars and myself, went two days journey to meet him: and being come nigh unto him, we put a cross upon wood, I myself having a censer in my hand, and began to sing with a loud voice: Veni creator spiritus. And as we were singing on this wise, he caused us to be called, commanding us to come unto him: notwithstanding (as it is above mentioned) that no man dare approach within a stones cast of his chariot, unless he be called, but such only as keep his chariot. And when we came near unto him, he veiled his hat or bonnet being of an inestimable price, doing reverence unto the cross. And immediately I put incense into the censer, and our bishop taking the censer perfumed him, and gave him his benediction. Moreover, they that come before the said Can do always bring some oblation to present unto him, observing the ancient law: Thou shalt not appear in my presence with an empty hand. And for that cause we carried apples with us, and offered them in a platter with reverence unto him: and taking out two of them he did eat some part of one. And then he signified unto us, that we should go apart, lest the horses coming on might in aught offend us. With that we departed from him, and turned aside, going unto certain of his barons, which had been converted to the faith by certain friars of our order, being at the same time in his army: and we offered unto them of the foresaid apples, who received them at our hands with great joy, seeming unto us to be as glad, as if we had given them some great gift. All the premises above written friar William de Solanga hath put down in writing even as the foresaid friar Odoricus uttered them by word of mouth, in the year of our Lord 1330, in the month of May, and in the place of S. Anthony of Milan. Neither did he regard to writ them in difficult Latin or in an eloquent stile, but even as Odoricus himself rehearsed them, to the end that men might the more easily understand the things reported. I friar Odoricus of Friuli, of a certain territory called Portus Vahonis, and of the order of the minorites, do testify and bear witness unto the reverend father Guidotus minister of the province of S. Anthony, in the marquisate of Treviso (being by him required upon mine obedience so to do) that all the premises above written, either I see with mine own eyes, or herded the same reported by credible and substantial people. The common report also of the countries where I was, testifieth those things, which I see, to be true. Many other things I have omitted, because I beheld them not with mine own eyes. Howbeit from day to day I purpose with myself to travel countries or lands, in which action I dispose myself to die or to live, as it shall please my God. Of the death of friar Odoricus. IN the year therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresaid friar Odoricus preparing himself for the performance of his intended journey, that his travel and labour might be to greater purpose, he determined to present himself unto pope john the two and twentieth, whose benediction and obedience being received, he, with a certain number of friars willing to bear him company, might convey himself unto all the countries of infidels. And as he was traveling towards the pope, and not far distant from the city of Pisa, there meets him by the way a certain old man, in the habit and attire of a pilgrim, saluting him by name, and saying: All hail friar Odoricus. And when the friar demanded how he had knowledge of him: he answered: Whilst you were in India I known you full well, yea, and I known your holy purpose also: but see that you return immediately unto the coven from whence you came, for ten days hence you shall departed out of this present world. Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these words (especially the old man vanishing out of his sight, presently after he had spoken them) he determined to return. And so he returned in perfect health, feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body. And being in his roven at Vdene in the province of Milan, the tenth day after the foresaid vision, having received the Communion, and preparing himself unto God, yea, being strong and sound of body, he happily rested in the Lord: whose sacred departure was signified unto the Pope aforesaid, under the hand of the public notary in these words following. In the year of our Lord 1331, the 14. day of januarie, Beatus Odoricus a Friar minorite deceased in Christ, at whose prayers God showed many and sundry miracles, which I Guetelus public notary of Vtina, son of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro, at the commandment and direction of the honourable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion, and one of the Council of Vtina, have written as faithfully as I could, and have delivered a copy thereof unto the friars minorites: howbeit not of all, because they are innumerable, and too difficult for me to writ. The voyage of Matthew Gourney, a most valiant English Knight, against the Moors of Algiers in Barbary and Spain. M. Camden pag. 159. NEctacendum Matthaeum Gourney in oppido quodam, vulgarilingua Stoke under Hamden in comitatu Somersetensi appellato, sepultum es●e, virum bellico sissimum regnant Edwardo tertio: qui 96. aetatis anno diem obivit, cum (ut ex inscriptione videre licuit) obsidioni d'Algizer contra Saracenos, praelijs Benamazin, Sclusensi, Cressiaco, Ingenos, Pictaviensi, & Nazarano in Hispania dimicasset. The same in English. IT is by no means to be passed over in silence, that Matthew Gourney, being a most valiant warrior in the reign of Edward the third, In the reign of Edward the third. lieth buried at a certain town, in the county of Somerset, commonly called Stoke under Hamden: who deceased in the 96. year of his age; and that (as it is manifest by the inscription of his monument) after he had valiantly behaved himself at the siege of Algizer against the Saracens, and at the battles of Benamazin, of Sluice, of Cressie, of Ingenos, of Poictou, and of Nazaran in Spain. The coming of Lion King of Armenia into England, in the year 1386, and in the ninth year of Richard the second, in trust to find some means of peace or good agreement between the King of England and the French king. john froissart lib. 3. cap. 56. THus in abiding for the Duke of Berrie, and for the ●●●stable, who were behind, than king Lion of Armenia, who was in Fran●●, and had assigned him by the king, six thousand franks by the year to maintain his estate, took upon him for a good intent to go into England to speak with the king there and his Council, to see if he might find any matter of peace to be had, between the two Realms, England and France: And so he departed from his lodging of Saint Albeyne beside Saint Denice, alonely with his own company, and with no great apparel. So he road to Boloine, and there he took a ship, and so sailed forth till he came to Dover; and there he found the Earl of Cambridge, and the Earl of Buckingham, and more than a hundredth men of arms, and a two thousand Archers, who lay there to keep that passage, for the brute ran, that the Frenchmen should land there or at Sandwich, and the king lay at London, and part of his Council with him, and daily herded tidings from all the Ports of England. When the king of Armenia was arrived at Dover, he had there good cheer, because he was a stranger, and so he came to the king's Uncles there, who sweetly received him, and at a time convenient, they demanded of him from whence he came and whither he would. The king answered and said, that in trust of goodness he was come thither to see the king of England, and his Council, to treat of peace between England and France, for he said that he thought the war was not meet: for he said, by reason of war between these two Realms, which hath endured so long, the Saracens, jews & Turks are waxed proud, for there is none that make them any war, and by occasion thereof I have lost my land and Realm, and am not like to recover them again without there were firm peace in all Christendom: & I would gladly show the matter that toucheth all Christendom to the king of England, and to his Council, as I have done to the French king. Then the king's Uncles demanded of him if the French king sent him thither or no; he answered and said, no: there is no man that sent me, but I am come hither by mine own motion to see if the king of England & his Council would any thing lean to any treaty of peace, than was he demanded where the French king was, he answered I believe he be at Sluice, I saw not him sithence I took my leave of him at Senlize. Then he was demanded, how he could make any treaty of peace, and had no charge so to do, and Sir, if ye be conveyed to the King our Nephew and to his Counsel, and the French king in the mean season enter with his puissance into England; ye may hap thereby to receive great blame, and your person to be in great jeopardy with them of the Country. Then the King answered and said, I am in surety of the French king, for I have sent to him, desiring him till I return again, not to remove from Sluice, and I repute him so noble and so well advised, that he will grant my desire, and that he will not enter into the sea, till I come again to him. Wherefore, sirs, I pray you in the instance of love and peace, to convey me to speak with the King, for I desire greatly to see him: or else ye that be his Uncles, if you have authority, to give me answer to all my demands. Then the Earl of Buckingham said, sir king of Armenia, we be ordained here to keep and defend this passage, and the frontiers of England, by the King and his Counsel, and we have no charge to meddle any further with the business of the Realm, without we be otherwise commanded by the King. But sith you be come for a good in●ent into this Country, you be right welcome; but sir, as for any firm answer you can have none of us, for as now we be no● of the Council, but we shall convey you to the king without peril or danger. The king thanked them, and said: I desire nothing else but to see the king and to speak with him. How the King of Armenia returned out of England, and of the answer that was made to him. WHen the king of Armenia was refreshed at Dover a day, and had spoken with the king's Uncles at good leisure, than he departed towards London, with a good conduct that the Lords appointed to him, for fear of any recounters: so long he road that he came to London, and in his riding through London he was well regarded, because he was a stranger, and he had good cheer made him, and so was brought to the king, who lay at the Royal at the Queen's wardrobe, and his Council were in London at their lodgings: The Londoners were sore fortefying of their city. When the coming of the king of Armenia was known, the king's Council drawn to the King to hear what tidings the King brought in that troublous season: When the king of Armenia was come into the king's presence, he made his salutation and then began his process to the states, how he was come out of France principally to see the king of England whom he had never seen before, & said, how he was right joyous to be in his presence, trusting that some goodness might come thereby. And there he showed by his words, that to withstand the great pestilence that was likely to be in England; therefore he was come of his own goodwill to do good therein if he might, not sent from the French king, willing to set some accord and peace between the two Realms England and France. Many fair pleasant words the king of Armenia spoke to the king of England, and to his Counsel, than he was shortly answered thus: Sir king, you be welcome into this Realm, for the king our Sovereign lord, and all we are glad to see you here, but sir, we say that the king hath not here all his Council, but shortly they shall be here, and then you shall be answered. The king of Armenia was content therewith, and so returned to his lodging. Within four days after the king was counseled (and I think he had sent to his Uncles to know their intents, but they were not present at the answer giving) to go to the palace at Westminster and his Council with him, such as were about him, and to sand for the king of Armenia to come thither. And when he was come into the presence of the king of England and his Council, the king sat down, and the king of Armenia by him, and then the Prelates and other of his Council. There the king of Armenia rehearsed again his requests that he made, and also showed wisely how all Christendom was sore decayed and feeblished by occasion of the wars between England and France. And how that all the knights and Squires of both Realms intended nothing else, but always to be on the one part or of the other: whereby the Empire of Constantinople leeseth, and is like to lose; for before this war the Knights and Squires were wont to adventure themselves. And also the king of Armenia showed that by occasion of this war he had lost his Realm of Armenia, therefore he desired for God's sake that there might be some treaty of peace had between the two Realms England and France. To these words answered the Archbishop of Canterbury, for he had charge so to do; And he said, Sir king of Armenia, it is not the manner nor never was seen between two such enemies as the king of England and the French king, that the king my Sovereign lord should be required of peace, and he to enter his land with a puissant army, wherefore sir, we say to you, that if it please you, you may return to the French king, and 'cause him and all his puissance to return back into their own countries. And when every man be at home, then if it please you you may return again hither, and then we shall gladly intend to your treaty. This was all the answer the king of Armenia could get there, and so he dined with the king of England, and had as great honour as could be devised, and the king offered him many great gifts of gold and silver, but he would take none though he had need thereof, but alonely a ring to the value of a hundredth franks. After dinner he took his leave and returned unto his lodging, and the next day departed, and was two days at Dover, and there he took his leave of such lords as were there, and so took the sea in a passager, and arrived at Calais and from thence went to Sluice, and there he spoke with the French king and with his Uncles, and showed them how he had been in England, and what answer he had: the French king and his Uncles took no regard of his saying, but sent him back again into France, for their full intention was to enter into England as soon as they might have wind and weather, and the Duke of Berrie and the Constable came to them: The wind was sore contrary to them, for therewith they could never enter into England but the wind was good to go into Scotland. The voyage of Henry Earl of Derbie, after Duke of Hereford, and lastly Henry the fourth king of England, to Tunis in Barbary, with an army of Englishmen written by Polidore Virgil. pag. 1389. FRranci interim per inducias nacti ocium, ac simul Genuensium precibus defatigari, bellum in Afros, qui omnem oram insulasque Italiae latrocinijs infestas reddebant, suscipiunt. Richardus quoque rex Angliae rogatus auxilium, mittit Henricum comitem Derbiensem cum electa Anglicae pubis manu ad id bellum faciendum. Igitur Franci Anglique viribus & animis consociatis in African traijciunt, qui ubi littus attigere, eatenùs à Barbaris descensione prohibiti sunt, quoad Anglorum sagittariorum virtute factum est, ut aditus pateret: in terram egressi recta Tunetam urbem regiam petunt, ac obsident. Barbari timore affecti de pace ad eos legatos mit●unt, quam nostris dare placuit, ut soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae, Galliaeque ora manus abstinerent. Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses, quàm eo itum erat, domum repedia●um est. The same in English. THe French in the mean season having got some leisure by means of their truce, and being solicited and urged by the entreaties of the Genuois, undertook to wage war against the Moors, who rob and spoiled all the coasts of Italy, and of the Islands adjacent. Likewise Richard the second, king of England, being sued unto for aid, sent Henry the Earl of Derbie with a choice army of English soldiers unto the same warfare. Wherefore the English and French, with forces and minds united, sailed over into Africa, who when they approached unto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing, until such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers. Thus having landed their forces, they forthwith marched unto the royal city of Tunis, and besieged it. Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed, sent Ambassadors unto our Christian Chieftains to treat of peace, which our men granted unto them, upon condition that they should pay a certain sum of money, and that they should from thenceforth abstain from piracies upon all the coasts of Italy and France. And so having dispatched their business, within a few months after their departure they returned home. This History is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following, pag. 473. IN the thirteenth year of the reign of king Richard the second, the Christians took in hand a journey against the Saracens of Barbary through suit of the Genovois, so that there went a great number of Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen of France and England, the Duke of Bourbon being their General. Out of England there went john de Beaufort bastard son to the Duke of Lancaster (as Froysard hath noted) also Sir john russel, Sir john Butler, Sir john Harecourt and others. They set forward in the latter end of the thirteenth year of the King's reign, and came to Genoa, where they remained not very long, but that the galleys and other vessels of the Genovois were ready to pass them over into Barbary. And so about midsummer in the beginning of the fourteenth year of this kings reign the whole army being embarked, sailed forth to the coast of Barbary, where near to the city of Africa they landed: at which instant the English archers (as the Chronicles of Genoa writ) stood all the company in good stead with their long bows, The Chronicles of Genoa. beating back the enemies from the shore, which came down to resist their landing. After they had got to land, they environed the city of Africa (called by the Moors Mahdia) with a strong siege: but at length, constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding air in that hot country, breeding in the army sundry diseases, they fallen to a composition upon certain articles to be performed in the behalf of the Saracens: and so 61 days after their arrival there they took the seas again, and returned home, as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed. Where, by Polydore Virgil it may seem, that the lord Henry of Lancaster earl of Derby should be general of the English men, that (as before you herded) went into Barbary with the French men and Genovois. The memorable victories in divers parts of Italy of john Hawkwood English man in the reign of Richard the second, briefly recorded by M. Camden. pag. 339. AD alteram ripam flwij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham, locus natalis, ut accepi, joannis Hawkwoodi (Itali Aucuthum cortup●èvocant) quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt, ut Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equ●stri statue & tumuli honore in eximiae fortitudinis, fideique testimonium ornavit. Res ●ius gestas Itali pleno ore praedicant; & Paulus iovius in elogijs celebrat: sat mihi sit julij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere. Hawkwoode Anglorum decus, & decus addite genti Italicae, Italico praesidiúmque solo, Vt tumuli quondam F●orentia, sic simulachri Virtutem iovius donat honore tuam. William Thomas in his History of the common wealths of Italy, maketh honourable mention of him twice, to wit, in the common wealth of Florentia and Ferr●ra. The voyage of the Lord john of Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, brother by the mother's side to King Richard the second, to jerusalem and Saint Katherins mount. 1394. Froyslare. THe Lord john of Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, was as then on his way to jerusalem, and to Saint Katherins mount, and purposed to return by the Realm of Hungary. For as he passed through France (where he had great cheer of the king, and of his brother and uncles) he herded how the king of Hungary and the great Turk should have battle together: therefore he thought surely to be at that journey. The voyage of Thomas lord Mowbray duke of Norfolk to jerusalem, in the year of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed, pag. 1233. THomas lord Mowbray, second son of Elizabeth Segrave and john lord Mowbray her husband, was advanced to the dukedom of Norfolk in the 21. year of the reign of Richard the 2. Shortly after which, he was appealed by Henry earl of Bullingbroke of treason, and carried to the castle of Windsor, where he was strongly & safely guarded, having a time of combat granted to determine the cause between the two dukes, the 16. day of September, in the 22. of the said king. being the year of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordered, that this duke of Norfolk was banished for ever: whereupon taking his journey to jerusalem, he died at Venice in his return from the said city of jerusalem, in the first year of king Henry the 4. about the year of our redemption, 1399. The coming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England, to desire the aid of Henry the 4. against the Turks, 1400. Thomas Walsingham SVb eodem tempore Imperator Constantinopolitanus venit in Angliam, postulaturus subsidium contra Turcas. Cui occurrit rex cum apparatu nobili ad le Blackheath, die sancti Thomae Apostoli, suscepítque, prout decuit, tantum Heroem, duxí●que; Londonias & per multos dies exhibuit gloriose, pro expen●i● hospi●ij su●●oluens, & eum respiciens tanto falligio donarivis. Et paulò post: His auditis rumoribus, Imperator laetior recessit ab Anglis, honoratus à rege donarijs preciosis. The same in English. ABout the same time the emperor of Constantinople came into England, to seek aid against the Turks: whom the king accompanied with his nobility, met withal upon Black-heath upon the day of saint Thomas the Apostle, and received him as beseemed so great a prince, and brought him to London, and royally entertained him for a long season, defraying the charges of his diet, and giving him many honourable presents. And a little afterward: Upon the hearing of these news, the emperor departed with great joy out of England, whom the king honoured with many precious gifts. The Voyage of the bishop of Winchester to jerusalem, in the six year of the reign of Henry the fift, which was the year of our Lord, 1417. Thomas Walsing. VLtimo die mensis Octobris, episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense, peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electionem summi pontificis celebratam, ubi tantum valuit elus facunda persuasio, v● & excitaret dominos Cardinals ad concordiam, & ad electionem summi pontificis se ocy●s praepararent. The same in English. THe last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Council of Constance, which after the choosing of the Pope determined to take his journey to jerusalem: where his eloquent persuasion so much prevailed, that he both persuaded my lords the Cardinals to unity and concord, and also moved them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope. A preparation of a voyage of King Henry the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the year 1413, being the last year of his reign: wherein he was prevented by death: written by Walsingham, Fabian, Polydore Virgile, and Holenshed. IN this fourteenth and last year of king Henry's reign a council was held in the White friets in London, at the which among other things, order was taken for ships and galleys to be builded and made ready, Orders taken for building of ships and galleys. and all other things necessary to be provided for a voyage, which he meant to make into the Holy land, there to recover the city of jerusalem from the infidels: for it grieved him to consider the great malice of Christian princes, that were bend upon a mischievous purpose to destroy one another, to the peril of their own souls, rather than to make war against the enemies of the Christian faith, as in conscience, it seemed to him, they were bond. We find, sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle, that he was taken with his last sickness, while he was making his prayers at Saint Edward's shrine, there as it were, to take his leave, and so to proceed forth on his journey. He was so suddenly and grievously taken, that such as were about him feared lest he would have died presently: wherefore to relieve him, if it were possible, they bore him into a chamber that was next at hand, belonging to the Abbot of Westminster, where they laid him on a pallet before the fire, and used all remedies to revive him. At length he recovered his speech, and perceiving himself in a strange place which he known not, he willed to know if the chamber had any particular name, whereunto answer was made, that it was called jerusalem. Then said the king, Lands be given to the father of heaven: for now I know that I shall die here in this chamber, according to the prophesy of me declared, that I should departed this life in jerusalem. Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following: POst haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse entiquius, quàm ad officium iusti●iae, quae ad hominum vellitatem per●inet, omne suum studium confer, protinùs omisso civili bello, quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari, de republica Anglica benè; gubernanda, de bello in hosts communes sumendo, de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat, classemque iam parabat, cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit: subito enim morbo tentatus, nulla medicina sublevari potuit. Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium, annum agens quadragesimum sextum, qui fuit annus salutis humanae 1413. The same in English. AFterward, King Henry calling to mind, that nothing aught to be more highly esteemed by any man, then to do the utmost of his endeavour for the performance of justice, which tendeth to the good and benefit of mankind; altogether abandoning civil war (wherewith he was ashamed to see, how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied) cutered into a more derye consideration of well governing his Realm of England, of waging war against the common enemy, and of recovering, in process of time, the city of jerusalem, yea, and was providing a navy for the same purpose, whenas in the very midst of this his hero●call action and enterprise, he was surprised with death: for falling into a sudden disease, he could not be cured by any kind of physic. He deceased at Westminster in the 46 year of his age, which was in the year of our Lord, 1413. A brief relation of the siege and taking of the City of Rhodes, by Sultan Soliman the great Turk, translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reverend Lord Thomas Dockwray, great Prior of the order of jerusalem in England, in the year, 1524. WIlling faithfully to writ and reduce in verity historical, the great siege, cruel oppugnation, and piteous taking of the noble and renowned city of Rhodes, the key of Christendom, the hope of many poor Christian men, withheld in Turkey to save and keep them in their faith: the rest and yearly solace of noble pilgrims of the holy supulchre of jesus Christ and other holy places: the refuge and refreshing of all Christian people: having course of merchandise in the parties of Levant, I promise' to all estates that shall see this present book, that I have left nothing for fear of any person, nor preferred it for favour. And first I shall show the occasions that moved this cruel bloodshedder, enemy of our holy Christian faith, Sultan Soliman, now being great Turk, to come with a great host by sea and by land, to besiege and assail the space of six months, night and day, the noble and mighty city of Rhodes, The year of the incarnation of our Lord jesus Christ, 1522. The occasions why the great Turk came to besiege the City of Rhodes. THe first and principal cause was that he did consider and saw by experience, that there was none other Town nor place in Levant that warred against him nor kept him in doubt, but this poor rock of Rhodes. And hearing the continual complaints of his subjects aswell of Syria, as of Turkey, for the damages and prizes daily done of their bodies and goods by Christian men of war received into Rhodes: And also of the ships and galleys of the religion, he took conclusion in himself, that if he might put the said Town in his power and subjection, that then he should be peaceable lord of all the parties of Levant, and that his subjects should complain no more to him. The second, that he might follow the doings of his noble predecessors, and show himself very heir of the mighty and victorious lord Sultan Selim his father, willing to put in execution the enterprise by him left the year one thousand five hundred twenty and one. The which Selim the great Turk put in all readiness his army to the number of three hundredth sails purposing for to sand them against Rhodes, if mortality had not happened in his ho●t, and he afterward by the will of our lord was surprised and taken with death: wherefore he being in the latter end of his days, (as some Turks and false christian men that were at this siege showed me) did charge by his testament, or caused to charge his son now being great Turk, that after his death he should make his two first enterprises, the one against Bellegrado in Hungary, and the other against Rhodes, for to get him honour, and to set his Countries and subjects in rest and surety. The which fatherly motion easily entered into him and was imprinted in the heart and young will of the said Solyman his son, the which soon after the death of his father put in effect the first enterprise, and raised an huge host both by water and by land, and went himself in person against Bellegrado, The taking of Belgrade. a right strong place in Hungary. And after that he had besieged it the space of two months or thereabouts, for fault of ordinance and victuals, it was yielded to him by composition the eight day of September, in the year of our lord, one thousand five hundred twenty and one. The said Solyman having this victory, being swollen and raised in pride and vainglory, turned his heart against Rhodes. Nevertheless, he not ignorant of the strength of it, and considering the qualities of the people that were within it, of whom he should be well received as his predecessors had been aforetimes, doubted much, and known not how to furnish his enterprise. For his captains and Bassa's turned him from it as much as they might by many reasons, they knowing the force of it, save only Mustofa Bassa his brother in law, the which counseled and put him in mind to go thither. Finally, he purposed entirely to have it by treason or by force. And also for the same cause and purpose, his father in his days had sent a jew physician into Rhodes as a spy, Foreign physicians become spies oftentimes. to have the better knowledge of it: the said Solyman was informed that he was there yet, wherefore he sent him word that he should abide there still for the same cause. And gave in charge to one of the chief men in Sio, to sand unto the said jew all things needful to maintain him. And the same jew written to him of Sio, under privy words, all that was done in Rhodes to give knowledge thereof to the great Turk: and the better to hide his treason, the said jew made himself to be baptized. And to be the more named to be expert in Physic, he did some fair cures to such as were diseased, whereby he began to be well trusted, and came in favour with many substantial folks of the town. Among all other things whereof he advertised the great Turk, one was of a brickwall that was taken down for to be new builded at the bulwark of Auvergne, certifying him that if he came hastily with his host, he might easily and at unawares surprise the town in such estate as it was at that time. Many other advertisements and warnings he showed the Turk, which shall be declared hereafter. But beside his advertisement, the said great Turk stirred and provoked by a false traitor, A Portugal traitor. a Portugal knight of ours, that time chancellor of the said holy Religion, a man of great authority, dignity, and understanding, and one of the principal lords of the counsel of the same, named Sir Andrew de meral, by little and little was moved and kindled to the said enterprise of treason, whereof was no marvel, for it was a great hope and comfort to have such a person for him, that known all the estate and rule of the religion and of the town. And for to declare the occasions of the cursed and unhappy will of the said traitor that had been occasion of so great loss and damage, and shall be more at the length, if the divine power set not to his hand. And here it is manifestly to be understood of all men, that after the death of the noble and right prudent lord, Fabrice of Cacetto, great master of Rhodes, the said Sir Andrew inflamed with ambition and covetousness to be great master, and seeing himself deceived of his hope, by the election made the two and twentieth day of january, of the right reverend and illustrate lord, Philip de Villiers Lisleadam, Philip de Villiers great master. before him: from that time he took so great envy and desperation, enmity and evil will, not only against the said lord, but against all the holy religion, that he set all his study and purpose, to betray and cell his religion and the city of Rhodes to the cursed misbelievers, forgetting the great honours and goodness that he hath had of the religion, and hoped to receive, with many other particular pleasures that the said lord master had done to him. But the devil, unkindness, and wickedness had so blinded the eyes of his thought, that he in no wise could refrain him, but at every purpose that was spoken afore him, he was short and might not dissemble. And one day among other he said before many knights, that he would that his soul were at the devil, and that Rhodes and the religion were lost. And many other foolish and dishonest purposes and words he uttered, whereat none took heed, nor thought that he had the courage to do that thing that he hath done. Howbeit, obstinate as judas, he put in execution his cursed will: for soon after that the tidings of the election was sent Westward to the said noble lord, the said de meral did sand a Turk prisoner of his to Constantinople, under shadow to fetch his ransom. By whom he advertised the great Turk and his counsel, of the manner and degree of Rhodes, and in what state and condition the town was in of all manner of things at that time, and what might happen of it, provoking and stirring him to come with a great host to besiege the town. And after the coming of the said reverend lord great master, he gave other advise to the great Turk, showing him that he could never have better time to come, seeing that the great master was new come, and part of the brickwall taken down, and that all Rhodes was in trouble by occasion of some Italian knights, rebels against the lord great master: of the which rebellion he was causer, the better to bring his cursed mind to pass: and also gave the said great Turk knowledge that all Christian princes were busy, warring each upon other, and that he should not doubt but if the rebellion lasted among them, the town should be his without fail, as it is seen by experience. And for lack of succours of every part, and especially of such as might easily have helped us being our neighbours, with their galleys and men of war, wherefore it is now in the hands of the enemies of the christian faith. The which monitions and reasons of the false traitor being understood and pondered by the great Turk and his counsel, it was considered of them not to lose so good occasion and time. Wherefore he made most extreme diligence to rig and apparel many ships & vessels of divers sorts, as galliass, galleys, pallandres, fust●s, and brigantines, to the number of 350. sails and more. When the prisoner that the said de meral did sand into Turkey had done his commission, he returned into Rhodes, whereof every man had marvel. And many folks deemed ●uil of his coming again, as of a thing unaccustomed, but none dared say any thing, seeing the said the meral of so great authority and dignity, and he cherished the said prisoner more than he was wont ●o do. Therefore belike he had well done his message, and had brought good tidings to the damnable and shameful mind of ●he said traitor the meral. How the great Turk caused the passages to be kept, that none should bear tidings of his host to Rhodes. THe great Turk intending with great diligence to make ready his host both by sea and by land, the better to come to his purpose, and to take the town unwarily as he was advertised, thought to keep his doings as secret as he might, and commanded that none of his subjects should go to Rhodes for any manner of thing. And likewise he took all the barks and brigantines out of the havens and ports in those coasts, because they should give no knowledge of his army. And also he made the passages by land to be kept, that none should pass. Howbeit, so great apparel of an army could not be long kept close: for the spies which the lord great master had sent into Turkey, brought tidings to the castle of saint Peter, and to Rhodes, of all that was said and done in Turkey. Nevertheless, the said lord gave no great credence to all that was brought and told, because that many years before, the predecessors of the great Turk had made great armies: and always it was said that they went to Rhodes, the which came to none effect. And it was held for a mock and a byword in many places, that the Turk would go to besiege Rhodes. And for this reason doubt was had of this last army, and some thought that it should have go into Cyprus or to Cataro, a land of the lordship of Venice. Howbeit the great master not willing to be taken unwarily, but the mean while as careful and diligent for the wealth of his town, & his people, understanding these tidings of the Turks army, did all his diligence to repair and strengthen the town. Among all other things to build up, and raise the bulwark of Auvergne, and to cleanse and make deeper the ditches. And the more to 'cause the workmen to haste them in their business, they said lord oversaw them twice or thrice every day. How the lord great master counseled with the lords for provision for the town. THen the said reverend lord thought to furnish and store the town with more victuals for the sustenance thereof, and for the same many times he spoke with the lords that had the handling and rule of the treasury, and of the expenses thereof in his absence, and since his coming: That is to wit, with the great Commander Gabriel de pommerolles, lieutenant of the said lord: The Turcoplier Sir john Bourgh of the English nation: Sir joh. Bourgh the English Turcoplier. and the chancellor Sir Andrew de Meral, of whom is spoken afore, and of his untruth against his religion. The which three lords said, that he should take no thought for it, for the town was well stored with victuals for a great while, and that there was wheat enough till new came in: Notwithstanding it were good to have more, or the siege were laid afore the town, and therefore it were behoveful to sand for wheat and other necessaries into the West for succours of the town, and at that time to purvey for every thing. Of the provision for victuals and ordinance of war. AS touching the store and ordinance of war, the said lords affirmed that there was enough for a year and more, whereof the contrary was found, for it failed a month or the city was yielded. It is of truth that there was great store, and to have lasted longer than it did. But it was needful to spend largely at the first coming of the enemies to keep them from coming near, and from bringing earth to the ditches sides as they did. And moreover you are to consider the great number of them, and their power that was spread round about the town, giving us so many assaults and skirmishes in so many places as they did, and by the space of sire whole months day and night assailing us, that much ordinance and store was wasted to withstand them in all points. And if it failed, it was no marvel. Howbeit the noble lord great master provided speedily for it, and sent Brigantines to Lango, to the castle of saint Peter, and to the castles of his isle Feraclous and Lyndo, for to bring powder and saltpetre to strength the town, but it sufficed not. And for to speak of the purveyance of victuals, it was advised by the lord great master and his three lords, that it was time to sand some ships for wheat to places thereabouts, before the Turks host were come thither. And for this purpose was appointed a ship named the Gallienge, whose captain height Brambois, otherwise called Wolf, of the Almain nation, an expert man of the sea, the which made so good diligence, that within a month he performed his voyage, and brought good store of wheat from Naples and Romania, which did us great comfort. How a Brigantine was sent to Candie for wine, and of divers ships that came to help the town. AFter this, a motion was made to make provision of wine for the town, for the men of Candie dared not sail for to bring wine to Rhodes as they were wont to do for fear of the Turks host: and also they of the town would sand no ship into Candie, fearing to be taken and enclosed with the said host by the way. Howbeit some merchants of the town were willing to have adventured themselves in a good ship of the religion, named the Mary, for to have laden her with wine in Candie. But they could not agreed with the three lords of the treasure, and their let was but for a little thing: and all the cause came of the said traitor the meral, feigning the wealth of the treasure; for he intended another thing, and broke this good and profitable enterprise and will of the said merchants, seeing that it was hurtful to the Turk, whose part the said traitor held in his devilish heart: that notwithstanding, the reverend lord great master, that in all things from the beginning to the end, hath always showed his good will, and with all diligence and right that might be requisite to a sovereign captain and head of war, found other expedience, and sent a Brigantine into Candie, in the which he sent a brother sergeant named Anthony of Bosus, a well sprighted man and wise, that by his wisdom wrought so well, that within a small time he brought fifteen vessels called Gripe's, laden ●i●h wine, and with them men of war the which came under shadow of those wines, because the governors of Candie dared let none of their men go to the succour of Rhodes for fear of the Turk. And beside those fifteen Gripe's came a good ship whose captain and owner was a rich young gentleman Venetian, Messire john Antonio de Bonaldi, which of his good will came with his ship laden with 700. butts of wine to secure the town with his person and folks, whose good and lowable will I leave to the consideration of the readers of this present book. For he being purposed to have had his wines to Constantinople, or he was informed of the business of Rhodes, and was in the port du Castle in Candie, would not bear his victuals to the enemies of the faith, but came out and returned his way toward Rhodes, forgetting all particular profit and advantage. He being arrived at Rhodes, dispatched and sold his wine, which was a great increase and comfort for the town. And when he had so done, he presented his person, his ship, and his folk, to the reverend great master, the which retained him, and set him in wages of the Religion. And burning the siege, the said captain behaved him worthily in his person, and put himself in such places as worthy men aught to be, spending his goods largely without demanding any payment or recompense for his doing, of the Religion. How the corn was shorn down half ripe and brought into the town for fear of the Turks host. DUring these things, the reverend lord great master careful and busy to have every thing necessary, as men and other strenghts, sent vessels called brigantines, for to 'cause the wafters of the sea to come into Rhodes for the keeping and fortifying of the town, the which at the first sending came and presented their people and ships to the service of the religion. After that the said lord caused to shear down the Rye of his isle, and caused it to be brought into the town, which was done in April: Harnessed in April and May. and then in May in some places, he made to shear the wheat half ripe, howbeit the most part was left in the fields, because the Turks host was come out of the straits of Constantinople. And doubting that any number of ships should come before to take the people of the said Isle unawares, the said lord made them to leave shering of wheat, and caused the people of the furthest part of the Isle to come into the town. While that the great master provided for all things after the course of time and tidings that he had, there arrived a Carak of Genoa laden with spicery from Alexandria, the which passed before the port of Rhodes the eight day of April, and rid at anchor at the Fosse, 7. or 8. miles from the town, for to know and hear tidings of the Turkish host. Then the lord willing to furnish him with people as most behoveful for the town, sent a knight of Provence named sir Anastase de sancta Camilla, commander de la Tronquiere to the captain of the Carak, praying him to come into the haven with his ship for the defence of the town, proffering him what he would, assuring him his ship. The captain excused him, saying, that the merchandise was not his own, but belonged to divers merchants to whom he must yield account. Howbeit at the last after many words and promises to him made, he came into the haven, the which captain was named messire Domingo de Fournati, and he in his person behaved him valiantly in the time of the said siege. How the great master caused general musters to be made, and sent a vessel to the Turks navy, of whom he received a letter. AFter the month of April the lord master seeing that the Turks hos●e drawn near, and that he had the most part of the wafters within the town, he caused general musters of men of arms to be made. And began at the knights, the which upon holy Rood day in May made their musters before the Commissioners ordained by the said lord in places deputed to each of them called Aulberge. The which Commissioners made report to the lords that they had found the knights in good order of harness & other things necessary for war, & their array fair & proper, with crosses on them. When the muster of the knights was done, the lord master thought to make the musters of them of the town, and strangers together: but his wisdom perceived that harm should come thereby, rather than good, doubting that the number of people should not be so great as he would, or needed to have, whereof the great Turk might have knowledge by goers and comers into Rhodes, and therefore he caused them of the town to make their musters several by bands and companies, and the strangers also by themselves, to the end that the number should not be known, notwithstanding that there was good quantity of good men and well willing to defend themselves. And the more to hearten and give them courage and good will, some knights of the Cross, decked their men with colours and devices, and took with them men of the town and strangers, and with great noise of trumpets and timbrels, they made many musters, as envying each other which should keep best array and order, and have the fairest company. It was a great pleasure to see them all so well agreed, and so well willing. The number of the men of the town amounted and were esteemed, three or four thousand, beside men of the villages, that might be 1500. or 2000 The eight day of the same month, the Turks hearing of those tiding, made a fire for a token in a place called le Fisco, in the main land right against Rhodes. And certain days afore they had made another, that is to wee●, when the ship of a knight named Menetow went thither, and had with him the clerk of the galleys named jaques truchman, the which under shadow to speak with him, was withheld of the Turks. For the great Turk had commanded to take him or some other man of the Rhodes to have perfect knowledge in what estate the town was then in every thing. And they of the town weening that the second fire was for to deliver jaques, the reverend lord great master sent one of his galliass, whose patron was call●d messire Boniface of Provence, to know the cause thereof. And when he arrived at the said place of le Fisco, he demanded of the Turks wherefore they had made the token of fire. And they said that it was because their lord had sent a letter to the great master, but as yet it was not come, and desired him to tarry till it where brought. The patron as wary & wise in the business of the sea, thought in himself that the Turks made such prolonging to some evil intent, or to surprise his vessel being alone, wherefore he bade them give him the letter speedily, or else he would go his way, and neither tarry for letter nor other thing: and told them of the evil and dishonest deed that they had done the days afore, to withhold the clerk under their words and fateconduct: and therewith he turned his galliasse to have go away. The Turks seeing that, gave him the letter, the which he took, and when he was arrived at Rhodes, he presented it to the lord great master, which assembled the lords of his counsel, and made it to be read: The tenor whereof was such as followeth. The copy of the letter that the great Turk sent to the lord great master, and to the people of the Rhodes. SVltan Solyman Bassa by the grace of God, right mighty emperor of Constantinople, and of himself holding both the lands of Persia, Arabia, Syria, Mecha, and jerusalem; of Asia, Europe, Egypt, and of all the Sea, lord and possessor: To the reverend father lord Philip, great master of Rhodes, to his counsellors, and to all the other citizens great and small, greeting. Sending convenient and worthy salutations to your reverences, we give you to weet, that we have received your letters sent unto our imperial majesty by George your servant, the tenor whereof we do well understand; and for this occasion we sand unto you this our present commandment, to the end that we will that you know surely how by our sentence we will have that Isle of Rhodes for many damages and evil deeds which we have, and hear from day to day of the said place done to us and our subjects, and you with your good will shall hold it of us & do us ob●●sance, and give the city to mine imperial majesty. And we swear by God that made heaven and earth, and by 26000. of our prophets, and by the 4. Misaf● that fallen from the skies, and by our first prophet Mahomet, that if you do us homage, and yield you wi●h good will upon these oaths, all you that will abide in the said place, great and small, shall not need to fear peril nor damage of mine imperial majesty, neither you, your goods, nor your men: and who so will go to any other place with his goods and haushold, may so do, and who so will devil and inhabit in any other places under mine Imperial majesty, may r●maine where they like best, without fear of any person. And if there be any of the principals and worthy men among you that is so disposed, we shall give him wages and provision greater than he hath had. And if any of you will abide in the said isle, ye may so do after your ancient usages and customs, and much better. And therefore if that ye will accept these our oaths and entreatings, sand unto us a man with your l●tters to mine Imperial majesty, or else know ye that we will come upon you with all provisions of war, and thereof shall come as it pleaseth God. And this we do, to the end that you may know, and that you may not say, but we have given you warning. And if you do not thus with your good will, we shall vault and undermine your foundations in such manner, that they shallbe torn upside down, and shall make you slaves, and 'cause you to die, by the grace of God, as we have done many, and hereof have you no doubt. Written in our court at Constantinople the first day of the month of june. How the Turks came to land in the Isle of Lango, and were driven to their ships again by the Prior of S. Giles. WHen the lord great master and his counsel had herded the tenor of the letter, they would give none answer to the great Turk, but that he should be received with good strokes of artillery. So that to a foolish demand behoved none answer. And it was very like that he would have nothing. For six days after, that was the 14. day of the said month of june, the Brigantines that went toward Sio to know of the said army, came again and said, that of a truth the said army was coming, and that nigh to Lango an Isle of the religion, an 100 mile from Rhodes, they had scene and told 30. sails that were most part galleys and fustes: the which vessels set men on land in the isle of Lango. Then the prior of S. Giles, Missire pre john de Bidoux commander of the said place, tarried not long from horseback with his knights and people of the isle, and he met so well with the Turks, that he drove them to their ships, and slay a certain number of them: and of the side of Pre john some were hurt; and his horse was slain. When the enemies were entered into their galleys, they went to a place called castle judeo on the main land, between the said isle of Lango and the castle of S. Peter. How part of the navy and army of the great Turk came before the city of Rhodes. THe 18. day of the said month of june, these 30. galleys went from the said place, and passed by the Cape of Crion, entering the gulf of Epimes beside Rhodes, and were discovered from the shade of the hill of Salaco, a castle in the isle of Rhodes. On the morrow they came out of the gulf by plain day, and sailing along by the coasts, they entered into a haven on main land called Maifata, where they abode three days. Then they went from thence, and returned to the gulf of Epimes, where they abode two days and two nights. The 24 day of the same month they issued out of Epimes, and traversing the channel, they came to the isle of Rhodes in a place before a castle called Faves, and they went to land, and they went to land, and burned a great field of corn the same day, which was the feast of S. john Baptist our patron. The guard of a castle named Absito in the isle of Rhodes discovered and sp●ed the great hos●e, and in great haste brought word to the lord master, and said that the said host, that was in so great number of sails that they might not be numbered, was entered into the gulf of Epimes. The 30 sails that lay in the isle arose in the night, and went to the said host in the gulf. The 26 day of june the said great host arose and w●nt out of Epimes an hour after the sun rising, & traversing the channel, they came to a place called the Fosse, eight miles from the town. And the 30 first sails turned back toward the cape of S. Martin and other places to watch for ships of Christian men, if any passed by to Rhodes. The great host abode still till no one or one of the clock, and then arose, not all, but about 80 or 100 ships, as galleys, galliass, and fusts: and passed one after another before the town and haven of Rhodes three miles off, and came to shore in a place nigh to land, called Perambolin, six miles from the town. In the which place the said host abode from that time to the end of that unhappy siege. The number and names of the vessels that came to besiege Rhodes. THe number of the ships were these: 30 galliass, 103 galleys, aswell bastards as subtle mahonnets, 15 taffours, 20 fusts, 64 great ships, six or seven galleons, & 30 galleres, beside the navy that waited for Christian men, if any came to secure us. These were the vessels that came at the first to lay the siege. And sith that the said host came out of Perambolin, there came from Syria 20 other sails, aswell galleys as fusts. And many other ships came sigh, and joined with the said army in the time of the said siege. And it was said that there were 400 sails and more. The same day that part of the host came to the said place, the reverend lord great master ordained a great brigandine to sand into the West, to certify our holy father the pope, and the Christian princes how the Turks army was afore Rhodes. And in the said vessel he sent two knights, one a French man named Sir claud dansoyville, called Villiers, and Sir Joys de Sidonia a Spaniard: and they went to the pope and to the emperor. After the coming of the Turks navy into the said place, it was 14 or 15 days or they set any ordinance on land, great or small, or any quantity of men came on shore, whereof we marveled. And it was told us by some that came out of the camp, and also by the spies that the lord great master had sent abroad arrayed as Turks, that they abode the commandment of their great lord, until the host by land were come into the camp. Howbeit there came some number for to view the town, but they went privily, for the ordinance of the town shot without cease. All this while the galleys and galliass went and came to land, bringing victual and people. At the which ships passing nigh the town, were shot many strokes with bombards, which made some slaughter of our enemies: and when the most part of them was past, they began to set ordinance on the land with great diligence. Then the lord great master departed from his palace, and lodged him nigh a church called The victory, because that place was most to be doubted: and also that at the other siege the great business and assault was there. How the lord great master made his petition before the image of S. john, and offered him the keys of the town. THe day before were made many predications and sermons, and the last was in the church of S. john Baptist. When the sermon was done, a pontifical Mass was celebrated with all solemnities, and all the relics taken down, and the lord great master and all his knights with great devotions and reverence herded it. And when the Mass was ended, the lord great master made a piteous oration or prayer before Saint john Baptist his protector: and above all other words, which were too long to tell, he besought him meekly that it would please him to take the keys of that miserable city. The which keys he presented and laid upon the altar before the image, beseeching S. john to take the keeping and protection thereof, and of all the religion, as by his grace he had given to him unworthy, the governing unto that day: and by his holy grace to defend them from the great power of the enemies that had besieged them. How the women slaves would have set fire in the town. THe eight day of july it was known that the Turkish women being slaves and servants in many houses of the town, had appointed to set fire in their master's houses at the first assault that should be made, to the end that the men should leave their posterns & defences to go and save their houses and goods. And it was found that a woman of Marchopora being a slave, was first mover thereof, the which was taken and put to execution. The same day some of our men went out for to skirmish with the Turks, and many of them were slain with shot of our artillery, and of our men but one. How the Turks laid their artillery about the town, and of the manner and quantity of their pieces and gunshot. THe 18. day of july, for the beginning and first day they set up a mantellet, under the which they put three or four mean pieces, as sacres; wherewith they shot against the posterns of England and Provence. But the mantellet was soon broken and cast down, and their pieces destroyed with the shot of the brickwall, and they that shot them were most part slain. As this first mantellet was broken, by the great and innumerable people that they had they set all their ordinance on land, and carried it to the places where it should be bend, or nigh thereby. And the 29. day of the same month, they set up two other mantellets. One beside a church of sane Cosme and Damian, and another toward the West. And from these mantellets they shot great pieces, as Culuerings, double guns, and great bombards against the walls of England and Spain, to the which mantellets the ordinance of the town gave many great strokes, and often broke them. And the more to grieve the town and to fear us, they set up many other mantellets in divers places, almost round about the town, and they were reckoned four score: the which number was well lessened by the great quantity of strokes of artillery shot out of the town from many places. The artillery of the Turks was such as followeth. FIrst there were six great guns, cannons perriers of brass, that shot a stone of three foot and a half: also there were 15. pieces of iron that shot stones of five or six spans about. Also there were 14. great bombards that shot stones of eleven spans about. Also there were twelve basilisks, whereof they shot but with 8. that is to weet, four shot against the posterns of England and Spain, and two against the gate of Italy: the other two shot sometime against Saint Nicholas tower. Also there were 15. double guns casting bullets as basilisks. The mean shot, as sacres and pasuolans, were in great number. The handgunshot was innumerable and incredible. Also there were twelve potgunnes of brass that shot upward, where of eight were set behind the church of S. Cosme and Damian, and two at saint john de la Fon●aine toward the port of Italy, and the other two afore the gate of Auvergne, the which were shot night and day: and there were three sorts of them, whereof the greatest were of six or seven spans about. And the said stones were cast into the town to make murder of people, which is a thing very inhuman and fearful, which manner of shooting is little used amongst christian men. Howbeit by evident miracle, thanked be God, the said pieces did no great harm, and slay not passed 24. or 25. people, and the most part women and children, and they began to shoot with the said pieces from the 19 day of the ●ame month, unto the end of August, & it was accounted that they shot 2000 times, more or less. Then the enemies were warned by the jew that written letters to them of all that was done and said in the town, that the said potgunnes did no harm: wherefore they were angry, for they thought that they had slain the third part of our people: and they were counseled by him to leave that shooting, for it was but time lost, and powder wasted, and then they shot no more with them. It is of a truth that they shot with the said potgunnes 12. or 15. times with bullets of brass or copper, full of wild fire, and when they were in the air, they flamed forth, and in falling on the ground, they broke, and the fire came out and did some harm. But at the last we known the malice thereof, and the people was wary from coming near to them, and therefore they did hurt no more folk. How the captain Gabriel Martiningo came to the succour of Rhodes, and all the slaves were in danger to be slain. THe 24. day of the same month a brigantine arrived that was sent afore into Candie, wherein came a worthy captain named Gabriel Martiningo with two other captains. And there went to receive him messieur prou john prior of S. Giles, and the prior of Navarre. Then after his honourable receiving as to him well appertained, they brought him before the lord great master, that lovingly received him, and he was gladly seen and welcomed of the people, as a man that was named very wise and ingenious in feats of war. Then came a Spaniard renegado from the host, that gave us warning of all that was done in the field, and of the approaching by the trenches that our enemies made. And in likewise there arose a great noise in the town, that the slaves Turks that wrought for us in the diches had slain their keepers, and would have fled, which was not so. Nevertheless, the rumour was great, and they rang alarm: wherefore the said slaves coming to prison, as it was ordained in all the alarms, were met of the people, which in great anger put them to death: so that there were slain an hundred & more the same day. And if the lord great master had not commanded that none should hurt them, they had been all slain, and there were fifteen hundredth of them: which slaves did great service in time of the siege: for they laboured daily to make our defences, and to cast earth out of the ditches, and in all works they were necessary at our needs. How the great Turk arrived in person before Rhodes. THe 25 day of the said month many of our men went out for to skinnish in the field and made great murder of Turks, and in likewise did our artillery. And it is to be noted that the 28 day of the same month the great Turk in person passed le Fisco a haven in the main land with a galley and a fust, and arrived about noon, where his army lay, the which day may be called unhappy for Rhodes. For his coming, his presence and continual abiding in the field is and hath been cause of the victory that he hath had. When the galley that he came in was arrived, all the other ships of the host hanged banners aloft in their tops and on their sail yerdes. Soon after that the Turk was arrived, he went to land, and mounted on his horse, and r●de to his pavilion which was in a high place called Megalandra, four or five miles fro the town out of the danger of the gun shot. And on the morrow, as it was reported to us, he came to a Church nigh the town called Saint Steven, for to view the Town and fortresses, whereas they had set up mantellets for to lay their ordinance. THe last day of july, one of our brigandines went out with a good company of men arrayed as Turks, and some of them could speak Turkish, and went by night to land through the Turks host, and demanded if there were any that would pass over into Turkey, that they should haste them to come. The Turks weening that they had been of Turkey, there entered a 12. people, the which were carried to Rhodes, by whom we known what they did in the camp. The first day of August the Captain Gabriel Martiningo was made knight of the order of the religion by the lord great Master, and was made the first ancient of the Italian nation, of the first baliage or priory that should be vacant. And in the mean season the religion should give him twelve hundred ducats for pension every year, and the same day he was received to the Council in the room of a bailiff. The fift day of the said month our master gunner was slain with a gun, which was great loss for us at that time. The 15. day of the said month was known and taken for a traitor, Messire john Baptista, the physician aforesaid, which confessed his evil and devilish doings, and had his head stricken of. Of the marvelous mounts that the Turks made afore the town, and how the captains were ordered in the trenches. AFter the coming of the great Turk, the enemies began to shoot with ordinance of another sort than they did before, and specially with harquebusses and handguns, and also to make their trenches and approaches. And also they did more diligence than afore, to bring the earth nigh the town with spades and pickares. And it is to weet, that they moved the earth from half a mile off, and there were shot out of the town innumerable strokes with ordinance against the said earth, and innumerable quantity of people hide behind the said earth, were slain. Nevertheless they never left ●●rking till they had brought it to the brims of the ditches: and when it was there, they rai●e● it higher and higher in strengthening it behind. And in conclusion the said earth was higher than the walls of the town by 10. or 12. foot, and it seemed a hill. And it was against the gate of Auvergne and Spain, and beaten our men that were at the gates & bulwarks, in such wise, that none dared be seen till certain defelices and repairs were made of planks and boards to cover our people and keep them from the shot. And at the gate of Italy was made such another heap, and in none other part. When the trenches were thus made to the ditches, the enemies made holes in the walls of the ditch outward: wherethorow they shot infinitely with handgunnes at our men aswell on the walls as on the bulwarks, and slay many of them. Then the bashas and captains entered into the trenches, each to his place after their order and dignity: that is to wit, Mustafa Ba●sha as chief captain entered the trench direct to the bulwark of England with his people & captains under him. Pery basha went to the trenches against the gate of Italy with his folks and captains under him. Aemek basha was in the trenches of Auvergne and Spain with the Aga of the janizaires and the Beglarby of Romany with him. The Beglarby of Anatolia was in the trenches of Provence. Allibey was with his company against the gardens of saint Anthony on the North side, and divers other captains with him, and set his ordinance against the brickwall of the gate of Almain, which was but weak, and set up seven mantellets by the mills toward the West: and by the space of eight or nine days they beaten upon the same brickwall; which put us in great fear, if they had continued. Howbeit the noble lord great master forthwith caused repairs to be made within, and planks & tables to be set to fortify the said weak brickwall: and abode there from the morning till night, to 'cause it to be the more hasted. The artillery of the gate of Almain, and the Massif of the gate of the camp and of the palais beaten so sore and so often upon the said mantellets that it wearied the enemies to make and repair them so often: and they took up the pieces, and bore them away. And also they could not well beaten the said brickwall because the brims of the ditch without were almost as high as the brickwall that they beaten. But or they bore the artillery away, they beaten the steeple of S. john's church so, that the most part was broken and cast down. The foresaid mantellets were appointed to beaten S. Nicholas tower, and by the space of ten or twelve days they shot sore against it: but they had so sharp and vigorous answer, that there was not one mantellet that abode whole an hour. The captain of the said tower and his folk did such diligence and business in shooting off their pieces, that the enemies cursed set up no more mantellets by day, nor shoot no more but only by night, while the Moon did shine, which is a thing worthy of memory, of marvel, and of praise. At the last when they had beaten against the said tower a certain time, seeing that it furthered nothing, they took their ordinance from thence, and bore it where they thought best. During the shot in the said place, the other captains were not idle nor in a sleep, but without cease night and day they beaten the brickwall of England and Spain, and set fourteen mantellets against it, shooting great bombards, whereof some of the stones were five or six spans about, and some other of nine or ten: and within a month and less they cast down the brickwall almost even smooth with the Barbican. And when the said brickwall was so beaten, they set to beaten the bulwark of Spain for to raise the defences: and in their trenches they set three great bombards, which shot stones of eleven spans in compass, and with the said pieces they beaten the said bulwark and brickwall in such wise, that they made great bracks, and the stones and earth that fallen, served the enemies for ladders, so that they might come upon the plain ground. In like sort they raised the defences from the height of the bulwark at the postern of Provence, and sit three great pieces on the brim of the ditch, which shot stones of eleven spans against the brickwall, and within a while they made a breach as at the postern of Spain. The artillery of the town did shoot without cease against the mantellets, and broke many of them, but they made other as it is said in the nights. For they had al● things that belonged to them, & needed. And out of the postern of England was shot a gun that broke down one of the said mantellets, and hit upon one of the pieces, and slay four or five men, and bore away both the legs of the master of the ordinance, which died soon after: whereof the great Turk was very ill content, and said that he had rather have lost one of his bashas or captains then the said master. Also it is to known that there were three or four mantellets addressed against the plain ground of Italy, and by continual beating of shot that they made, there was also a breach, and by the earth and stones that were fallen, they might come up to it. Of the politic repairs and defences that the ingenious captain Gabriel Martiningo made within the town against the breaches in the walls. THe captain Gabriel Martiningo, prompt, diligent, and expert to give remedies to the needful places, forthwith caused to make the traverses upon the brickwall whereas the breach was, with good repairs, and guns small and great which were set in the said traverses, the which shot not only at the breaches but to the trenches, and made great murder of enemies aswell at the assaults that they made as otherwhiles. And beside the traverses, the said captain planted small artillery, as harquebusses, and handgunnes upon certain houses within the town, that stood open against the breach, with good repairs: and from that place great slaughter of Turks was made at the assaults. Also it is of truth that beside the said mantellets that shot against the brickwall of England and Spain with great bombards, were two mantellets in an high place ●oward the way to the gardin of Maupas, in the which were certain double guns, as basilisas with hollow stones and wild fire in them, which shot against the brickwall into the town at all adventures for to make murder of people: howbeit, thanked be God, they did no great harm but to the houses. After these great & terrible beat, and that the enemies had way to mount upon the town walls, and come to hand with us by traversing of their trenches to the fallen earth within the breach more surely, and without hurt of our gunshot, shooting thorough holes that they made in the walls of the ditch without, they cast up much stone and earth, because it should cover them from the shot of the bulwark of Auvergne. And also they shot fervently against the bulwark of Spain, for to raise the defences, of the which at the last they raised the most part, reserving only a few gunner's below in the mine of the said bulwark, which little or nothing damaged them. And this is touching the gunshot, whereof I say not the third part, because it is a thing incredible to them that have not seen it. For some days they shot with those great bombards that were on the brim of the ditch, and from the mantellets bend against the brickwall of England and Spain 20 or 30 times and more. And I believe verily that since the creation of the world such artillery, and so great quantity was never bend and laid before any town as hath been against Rhodes at this siege. Wherefore it is no marvel if the walls be and have been beaten down, and if there be breaches and cliffs in many places. Of the mines that the Turks made: and how they overthrew part of the bulwark of England. ANd because, as it is said before, that the greatest hope that the enemies had to get the town of Rhodes, was by mining, therefore now after that I have spoken of the gunshot and beat, I shall show of the mines that the Turks made, the which were in so great quantity, and in so many places, that I believe the third part of the town was mined: and it is found by account made, that there were about 60 mines, howbeit, thanked be God, many of them came not to effect, by occasion of the countermines that they within made, and also trenches that the right prudent lord the great master caused to be made deep within the ditches, unto two or three foot of water. The which trenches and certain pits that he had caused in the said ditches to be wrought, or the host arrived, served right well since: for night and day there were men in them to watch and harken when the enemies mined, for to meet them, and cut their way, as was done many times. And for to speak of the mines that had effect, and damaged us, it is to wit, that the fourth day of September, about four hours after noon, the enemies put fire in two mines, one was between the postern of Spain and Auvergne, which did no hurt but to the Barbican. The other was at the bulwark of England, which was so fell and strong, that it caused most part of the town to shake, and cast down a great part of the said bulwark at the spring of the day: and by the earth and stones that fallen into the ditches, the enemies came upon the bulwark with their banners, and fought sore and mightily with our men, not with hands, but with shot of handgunnes. The lord great master that was come 15 days or more with his succours to the said bulwark, went with his company to help them that fought. After that they had fought the space of two or three hours, the enemies repelled and driven back by our men from the said bulwark, and beaten with ordinance on every side, withdrew them with their loss, fhame, and damage. And this was the first victory that our lord gave us, and there abode of our enemies a thousand and more. A thousand & more Turks slain before the English bulwark. When this assault was done, they made another at the breach in the brickwall of Spain, and mounted upon it, but the ordinance of the traverses of the walls and of the houses made so fair a riddance, that they were very willing to withdraw themselves: for at the retreat, and also at their coming the said ordinance of the bulwark did them great damage, albeit that they had made some repair of earth. Of our men died that day 25 or thereabouts, aswell knights as other. And the same day in the morning departed out of this world Gabriel de Pomerolles' lieutenant to the lord master, which on a certain day before fell from the brickwall as he went to see the trenches in the ditches, and hurt his breast, and for fault of good attendance he fallen into a fever, whereof he died. How the Turks assailed the bulwark of England, and how they were driven away. THe ninth day of the said month, at seven in the morning the enemies put fire in two mines; one at the postern of Provence, which had none effect: the other was at the bulwark of England, wh●ch felled another piece nigh to that that was cast down atorr. And the said mine was as fierce as the other, or more, for it seemed that all the bulwark went down, and almost all they that were in it ran away. And when the s●anderd of the religion came into the said bulwark, the enemies were at the breach ready to have entered: but whe● they see the said standard, as people lost and overcome, they went down again. Then the artillery of the bulwark of Quosquino, and of other places, found them well enough, and slay many of them. Howbeit, their captains made them to return with great strokes of sword and other weapons, and to remount upon the earth fallen from the said bulwark, and pight seven banners nigh to our repair. Then our men fought with morispikes and fired spears against them the space of three whole hours, till at the last they being well beaten with great ordinance and small on every side, withdrew themselves. And of their banners our men gate one, for it was not possible to get any more: for assoon as any of our men went up on our repairs, he was slain with small guns of the trenches, and holes made in the walls of our ditches. And there was slain of our enemies that day at the assault 2000 of mean men, and three people of estate, which lay dead along in the ditch, with fair and rich harness. And it was reported to us from the camp, they were three saniacbeiss, that is to say, great sencshalles or stuarde. And of Christian men of our part abode about thirty people. And this was the second victory given to us the grace divine. How Sir john Bourgh Turcoplier of England was slain at an assault of the English bulwark. THe 17 day of the same month, about midday, the enemy came again to give another assault to the said bulwark, at the same place aforesaid, without setting of fire in mines, and brought five banners with them, nigh to the repairs. Then was there strong figging on both parts, and there were got two of their banners, of the which sir Christopher Valdenare, that time Castelaine of Rhodes, gate one: the other was in the hands of sir john Bourgh Turcoplier of England, chief captain of the succours of the said postern of England a valiant m●n a hardy: and in holding of it he was slain with the stroke of a handgunne, which was great damage. The said banner was recovered by one of our men. And after long fight on both sides, the enemies seeing that they go: nothing but stripes, returned into their trenches. At the said fray the lord prior of S. Giles pre john was hurt thorough the neck with a handgun, and was in great danger of death, but he escaped and was made whole. The same day, and the same hour of the said assault, the enemies mounted to the breach in the brickwall of Spain, and came to the repairs to the hands of our men, and fought a great while: but the great quantity of artillery that was shot so busily and so sharply from our traverses on each side, and out of the bulwarks of Auvergne and Spain, skirmished them so well, that there abode as many at that assault as at the other of England, well near to the number of 5000. And they withdrew themselves with their great loss and confusion, which was the third time that they were chased and overcome: thanked be our Lord, which gave us the force and power so to do, for they were by estimation a hundred against one. Also the 22 day of the same month of September they fired a mine between Italy and Provence, which did no harm. Of the terrible mine at the postern of Auvergne. ANd the 23 day of the same month they fired two mines, one at the postern of Spain, and the other by the bulwark of Auvergne, the which mine by Auvergne was so terrible, that it made all the town to shake, and made the brickwall to open from above to beneath unto the plain ground: howbeit, it fallen not, for the mine had vent or breath in two places, by one of the countermines, and by a rock under the Barbican, the which did cleave, and by that cloven the fury and might of the mine had issue. And if the said two vents had not been, the brickwall had been turned upside down. And for truth, as it was reported to us out of the camp, the enemies had great hope in the said mine, thinking that the brickwall should have been overthrown, and then they might have entered into the town at their pleasures: but when they see the contrary, they were very ill pleased. And the captains determined to give assault at four places at once, to make us the more ado, and to have an entrance into the town by one of the four. And the said day and night they ceased not to shoot artillery: and there came in hope of the mine threescore thousand men and more into the trenches. How the bulwark of Spain was lost, and won again. THe 24 day of the same month, a little before day, they gave assault at the breach of Spain, to the bulwark of England, to the postern of Provence, and at the plain ground of Italy, all at one hour & one time. The first that mounted to the breach of Spain, was the Aga of the janissaries, a valiant man, and of great courage with his company, and bore three score or three score and ten banners and signs, and pight them in the earth of the breach, and then fought with our men, and mounted on our repairs, making other manner of fray and more rigorous than the other that were passed, and the said skirmish lasted about six hours. And forthwith, as the assault was given, a great sort of Turks entered into the bulwark of Spain, and set up eight or nine signs or banners upon it, and drove our men out, I can not tell how, unwares or otherwise. And they were lords of it three hours and more. Howbeit there were of our men beneath in the mine of the said bulwark, the which bulwark so lost, gave us evil hope. But incontinently the lord great master being at the defence of the postern of England, having knowledge of the said loss, and that there was great fight and resistance on both sides at the breach of Spain, marched thither with the banner of the crucifix, leaving the charge of the said bulwark in the hands of the bailiff de la Moree messieur Merry Combant. And the lord mounted on the brickwall of Spain, whereas then began a great skirmish, and every man laid his hands to work, as well to put the enemies out of the breach, as to recover the bulwark that was lost. And the said lord sent a company of men into the bulwark by the gate of the mine, or by the Barbican, the which entered at the said gate, and went up, where they found but few Turks. For the artillery of the postern of England, right against the bulwark of Spain, had so well met and scattered them, that within a while our men had slain all them that were left. And thus the said bulwark was got and recovered again, and with all diligence were made new repairs and strengths to the said place. And in like sort, the enemies were put from the breech, and few of them escaped, and all their banners and signs were left with us. Surely it may be said, that after the grace of God (the traverses of Spain and Auvergne, and the small artillery set on the houses right against the said breaches, as it is said, with the coming and presence of the lord great master) hath given us this days victory. As touching the murder of the people, done by the artillery of the bulwarks of England and Spain, the quantity was such that a man could not perceive nor see any ground of the ditches. And the stench of the mastiffs carrions was so grienous, that we might not suffer it seven or eight days after. And at the last, they that might save themselves did so, and withdrew themselves to the trenches: and the reverend lord great master abode victorious of the said place, and in like sort of the other three assaults, the which were but little less than that of Spain, for they fought long. But in conclusion, the enemies beaten on all sides, and in so many sorts, with artillery were put back, and vanquished, that there died that day at all the four places fifteen or sixteen thousand. And the slaughter was so great at the plain Italy, of the cursed enemies, that the sea was made red with their blood. And on our side also died to the number of an hundred men or more. And of men if dignity in the town, having charge, died Sir Francis de Frenolz commander of Romania, which Sir Francis was chief captain of the great ship of Rhodes, and he was slain at the plain of Italy, wounded with two strokes of harquebusses: it was great damage of his death, for he was a worthy man, perfect, and full of virtues. There died also messieur Nastasy de sancta Camilla aforenamed, having two hundred men under him of the lord great masters succours. There died also divers other worthy men that day, and many were maimed. Among all other that lost any member, messieur john de le Touse called Pradines, being at the said bulwark, with a stroke of artillery had his arm smitten away, in great danger to have lost his life; howbeit by the help of God he died not. In like sort the same day was hurt Sir William Weston abovesaid, Sir Will. Weston captain of the English postern hurt. captain of the postern of England, and had one of his fingers strike away with an harquebus: which knight behaved himself right worthily at all the assaults. Of the Turks part, of great men, were two principal captains slain under the Aga of the janissaries, and another captain that was come out of Surey to the camp certain days before, with six hundred Mamelukes, and two or three thousand Moors. And of them that were hurt of great men the Beglarby of Anatolia had a stroke with an arrow as he was in the trench of Provence. And many other were wounded, whose names be not rehearsed here, because of shortness. How the great Turk for anger that he could not get the town, would have put his chief captain to death, and how they made ●1 mines under the bulwark of England. DUring this assault, the great Turks was by his pavilion in a place that he had caused to be made, and see all the business, and ●ow his people were so sharply put back, and the victory lost on his side, & was very sore displeased, and half in despair: and he sent for Mustafa Bassa with whom he was angry, and ●hid him bitterly, saying that he had caused him to come thither, and had made him to believe that ●e should take the town in fifteen days, or a month at the furthest, and he had been there already three months with his army, and yet they had done nothing. And after these words he was purposed to put him to death in the camp ● but the other Bassa's showed him that he aught not to do justice in the land of his enemices, for it would comfort them and give the● courage. Whereby he did moderate his anger, and left him for that time, and thought to sand him to Cairo, lest the people there would rebel, by occasion of the captain of Cairo which died a few days before. Howbeit he departed not so suddenly, and or he went he thought to assay if he might do some thing for to please the Turk, aswell for his honour as for to save his person, and was marvelous diligent to make mines at the bulwark of England for to overthrow it. And by account were made 11 mines aswell to the said bulwark as elsewhere, beside them spoken of before, and that they had fired. But the most part of the said mines came to no proof though they put fire in them, and many were met with countermines, and broken by our men by the good diligence and solicitude of sir Gabriel Du-chef steward of the hous● of the lord great master, which had the charge of the said countermines at the same bulwark. In the which business he behaved himself well and worthily, and spared not his goods to cause the people to work and travel, but spent thereof largely. How the Turks were minded to have go their way, and of the traitors within the town, and of many great assaults. THe Turks seeing that by mining they were nothing furthered, nor might not come to their intentions, and having but small store of gunpowder, were in deliberation and mind to have raised the siege, and go their way. And in deed some of them bore their carriages toward the ships: and also certain number of people went out of the trenches with their standards strait to the ships. And it was written unto us from the camp how the janissaries and other of the host would fight no more: and that they were almost all of one opinion for to go away, save some of the captains of the foresaid Mustafa basha or Acmek basha. And in the mean season the false traitors that were in the town written letters to the camp, giving them knowledge of all that was said and done among us. And also an Albanese fled to the enemy's camp, and warned them not to go, for the gunshot was nigh wasted, and that the most part of the knights and people should be there's shortly. In like sort than written the abovesaid chancellor Sir Andrew de meral, whose treason as then was not known: but when it cometh to the effect of his treason, I shall show the knowledge that he gave to the enemies at divers times. When the bassas and captains of the host understood the said warnings, they all purposed for to tarry, and caused those tidings of the town to be known over all the army. And began again to shoot artillery faster than ever they did, for new shot was come into the camp. Then Mustafa basha being in despair that he could do nothing by mines, by gunshot, nor by assaults, he being-ready to departed for to go into Surey by the great Turk's commandment, before his departing he thought once again to assay his adventure, and made three assaults three days together. The first was on a Saturday the fourth day of October an hour before night. The other on Sunday in the morning. And the third on Monday after dinner. And the said three assaults were made to the bulwark of England. And it was assailed but with stones and bags full of artificial fire. And at these three assaults many of our men were hurt with the said ●ire, and with the slones that came as thick as rain or hail. But in the end the enemies got nothing but strokes, and returned into their trenches evil contented, and murmuring, and swore by their Mahomet that Mustafa basha should not make them to mount any more to the said bulwark. And that it was great folly for them to 'cause them to be slain at the will and fantasy of one man. These words said in Greek by some of the enemies were herded of our men as they went down from the bulwark. And because (as it is said) that the enemies at the assaults that were made, came up by the earth and stones that fallen from the breaches, some of our men advised to cleanse the barbican, and take the earth out of the ditch, to the end that the enemies should not easily come upon the brickwall. And in effect weening that it were well and behoveful to be done, by great diligence night and day by mines they voided the barbican, and the most part of the earth that lay in the ditch was brought into the town, she which was hurtful afterward, and was cause that the enemies got the foot of the brickwall. Notwithstanding, they had it but scarcely. But this cleansing furthered the time, and caused them to get it sooner than they should have done if the earth had lain still: but their final intent was to raise the defence of the bulwarks, and then pass at their pleasure, and enter into the barbican, as they have done: for the enemies seeing that the barbican was cleansed, thought to get into it by trenches, and so they did, howbeit they were certain days letted by our handgun shot. The enemies seeing that they might not come near it, covered their trenches with tables to save themselves: and then they made a mine whereby they might go to the barbican. So by these two means, afterward they were repaired with earth and with a certain brickwall that they made for to eschew the shot of the bulwarks of Auvergne and Spain: and in the mine they found but two gunner's, which they slay by force of men. By this manner they being covered on all parts and without any danger, passed thorough and leapt into the barbican, and got the foot of the brickwall; which was the 17 day of October, an unhappy day for the poor town, and occasion of the ruin thereof, and winning of the same. At this point they slept not, but lightly and with great delight they began to pick and hue the brickwall. And weening to make remedy therefore, and to find means to drive them from the said barbican with engines of fire and barrels of gunpowder, we slay many of them, but it availed nothing: for the quantity and multitude of people that traveled there was so great, that they cared not for loss of them. And if we had had mean now within the town, there might have been remedy to have raised them from thence: but considering that our force and total hope was in people, we left to do many things that might have been done, and that should have been good then and other tones also, for fault of men of war. At the last it was pondered by Sir Gabriel Martiningo, that there was no remedy but to hue the brickwall for to meet them, and beaten them with ordinance and with engines of fire to burn and undo them. Then our men began to hue the brickwall, and made some holes to shoot at the enemies that slept not, but did as we did, and shot at us, and indeed they slay & hurt many of our men. Then Sir Gabriel Martiningo ordained to make repairs within the town at the front where they did cut the brickwall, to the end that after the walls were cut, the enemies should know with whom to meet. The traverses were made on each side with good artillery great and small: and the said traverses and repairs were of the length that the enemies had cut the brickwall, and began at the massife of Spain made by the reverend lord great master Merry d'Amboise, & ended at the church of S. Saluador. The which traverses and repairs the vulgar people call the Mandra, that is to say, the field. The mean time that the repairs and traverses were made with all diligence, Sir Gabriel Martiningo never ceased going to every place to purvey for all things: and he being on the bulwark of Spain to ordain all things that were needful, there came a stroke of a handgun from the trenches that smote out his eye, and put him in danger of his life, but thanked be God, he recovered his health within a month and a half. His hurt came ill to pass, for the need that we had of him that time in all things, and specially to the repairs of the breaches. Nevertheless the lord priour of S. Giles (not ignorant in all such things) with other men expert in war, attended to the said repairs and traverses, there and elswere. The enemies on the other side night and day without rest (for the great number of labourers that they had hourly and newly ready) hewed and undermined the said brickwall. And the 20 day of October they put fire in the undermines, weening to have cast down the brickwall, but they could not: then they would have pulled it down with great ropes and anchors, but the artillery of the bulwark of Auvergne broke their ropes, and sent them away lightly. At the last they made a mine under the said brickwall and breach: and the 26 day of the same month they did put fire to the same mine, weening to have overthrown the brickwall, which it did not, but raised it, and made it to fall almost strait upright, which was more disadvantage to the enemies than profit. Then they shot artillery at it, which in few days beaten it down, and they had opening and way to come into the Town. Nevertheless it was not necessary for them as then to enter: for the artillery of our repairs beaten them in the forepart, and the artillery lying at the two mills at the postern of Quosquino, and in that of England, whereas was a basilisk that bear right upon the breach with other pieces: and therefore the enemies sought other means, and began to raise the earth between our two walls, drawing toward the bulwark of England on the one side, and toward Auvergne on the other side, and would have cut the brickwall further than our traverses were for to come in unbeaten of our artillery. Then were the repairs enlarged and made greater with the brickwall that was cut, of the height of twelve, & 16 foot in breadth: and so the enemies might go no further forward, but shot great artillery against our repairs, for to break and cast them down, and also they made trenches for to come right to the breach, and unto the repairs: and certainly we looked day by day, and hour by hour for to have some assault. The reverend lord great master, the which, as it is said, had left the bulwark of England the day that the great assault was made, and since that time he moved not from thence while they hewed the brickwall, & where as the breach was, because that they were most dangerous & most unquiet places. And continually the said lord kept him behind the said repairs with his knights and men of succours, intentively ready and prepared to live and die, and to receive his enemies as they aught to be received. And he abode three or four days at the said breach, continuing since it was made, unto the end, fight with his enemies every day in great peril of his body: for oftentimes he put himself further in the press than needed for the danger of his person, but he did it for to hearten and strengthen the courage of his people, being so well willing to defend and die for the faith. How the enemies assailed the posterns of Provence and Italy, and how they were driven away. BY the will of our Lord, the enemies always in fear and dread, would give none assault, but continually shot against our repairs, and made trenches for to pass forward into the town: by the which trenches they shot infinitely with harquebusses and handgunnes, and slay many of our folk, and specially of them that wrought and made the repairs that were broken and crazed. And they put us in such extremity, that we had almost no more slaves nor other labouring people for to repair that which they broke night and day, which was a great hindrance for us, and the beginning of our perdition. And if we had much to do in that place, there was not less at the gate of Provence, and at the plain of Italy: for daily they were doing either with assault or skirmish, and most at the plain of Italy. Howbeit by the help of our Lord with the good conducting of the captain of succours of the same place, the prior of Naua●re, that was prompt and incentive, and could well encourage his men, the enemies had always the worst, and were driven from the said plain, and from the breach of Provence. How the treason of Sir Andrew de meral was known, and of the marvelous assaults that the Turks made. Upon these terms and assaults, the treason of the chancellor Sir Andrew de meral, of whom I spoke before, was perceived: for a servant of his, named Blasie, was found shooting a quarrel of a crossbow with a letter, whereof he was accused to the lord great master, which commanded to take him and examine him by justice, and he confessed the shot of that letter & of other before, at the commandment of his master: and said that he had great acquaintance with the Turks bassas, and that it was not long since he had written a letter to them, warning them that they should not go, for gunshot began to fail, and the men were wasted by slaying and hurting at the assaults in great quantity: and if they abode still and gave no more assaults, at the last the town should be there's. And divers other things the servant said of his master, of the which I have spoken part before at the beginning, and of the warning that he gave to the great Turk for to come. But to return to the plain of Italy. After many battles and assaults done in the said place, by continual shot of seventeen great guns that beaten the said plain, the repairs and traverses were almost broken and lost. And by trenches the enemies were come joining to the breach, and never ceased to grace the earth and scrape the earth to 'cause the repairs & traverses to fall: and at the last the most part fallen down, & our men were constrained to leave the said plain, save a ca●●ell that was toward the sea, as it were the third part thereof. Certain days afore the enemies came to the foot of the plain, and did cut it, and razed the earth, & at the last they passed thorough unto the town brickwall: and anon began to hue and cut as they did at that of Spain. The lord great master seeing that, anon cast down a part of the church of our Lady de la Victoria, and of an other church of S. Panthalion. And within they began to make the repairs and traverses as at the place of Spain, whereto was made extreme diligence, but not such as the lord would, and as was needful, because there were no labourers for to help. After that the enemies had won the most part of the bulwark of England & the plain of Italy, they purposed to make assault to the said plain, and to the breach of Spain, and to enter into our repairs to win them for to make an end of us. And for ever to affeeble the repairs and for to abash us, the 28 day of November all along the day and night they ceased not to shoot great artillery, both from the brims of the ditches with those great pieces, casting stones of nine & eleven foot about, and from the mantellets without. And as it was reckoned, they shot the same day and night 150 times or more against our repairs and traverses of the brickwall. And in the morning the 29 day of the same month, the vigil of S. Andrew at the spring of the day, the enemies went thorough the breach with their banners, and entered into the repairs with greater number of people than they did at the great battle in September, hardily and furiously for to fight with us. But at their coming in, the artillery of the traverses, and the handgunnes, and the gunshot of the mills found them so well and so sharply, that he that came in, was anon dispatched and overthrown, and there abode above 2000 of the Turks slain. The other that came after seeing their fellows so evil welcomed, as people that were astonished and lost, they turned again to their trenches: at whom the artillery of the mills shot victoriously, and hasled them to go apace: and by report from the camp there died six thousand or more that day; the which day might be called very happy, and well fortunate for us, thanked be God, for there was none that thought to escape that day, but to have died all, and lost the ●owne: howbeit, the pleasure of our Lord was by evident miracle to have it otherwise, and the enemies were chased and overcome. And it is to be noted, that then same day the rain was so great and so strong, that it made the earth to sink a great deal that they had cast into the ditches, for to cover them from the shot of Auvergne. And the said earth being so sunken, the artillery of the said bulwark (unwares to them) smote them going and coming, and made great murder of the said dogs. The said day also the enemies came to the plain of Italy for to assault it; but when they understood that their fellows had been put back so rudely, and with so great slaughter, they were afraid, and so they returned again to their trenches. How the Turks got the plain ground of Spain. ANd that done, Acmek Bassa seeing their business every day go from worse to worse, and that at the assaults were but loss of people, without doing of any good, and that there was no man that willingly would go to it any more, he intended to give no more assaults, but to follow his trenches, and by them enter covertly without loss of a man from the breach to the other end of the town. Semblably he intended for to win the plain earth beside Spain: the which to get, he came at pleasure to the foot of the brickwall, & began to beaten down the plain ground, and to give many skirmishes and conflicts to our folk that kept it. And there were slain many good men. And at the last, for default of more help and of gunshot, it was left and given up of our men, and so lost. That done, the enemies came thither as in other places. And this is the third place where they came near to the foot of the brickwall. And whoso well considered in what estate the poor town was at that time, seeing their enemies have so great advantage, might well say, and judge, that at length it should be taken, and a lost town. How a Genovois came to the gate of the town for to speak for a treaty, and deliverance of the same. A Few days after the said journey a Christian man that was in the camp, the which by his speech was a Genovois or Siotis, came to the gate of Auvergne, and demanded to parley, and after that he was demanded what he would have, he said that he had marvel of us why we would not yield ourselves, seeing the piteous estate the town was in: and he as a Christian man counseled us to yield ourselves with some agreement: and that if we would look thereto, that some should be found expedient to do somewhat for our safeguard. And it is very like that he said not such words, nor spoke so farforth in the matter, without commission from some of the chief of the camp or of the great Turk himself. To the which Siotis was answered, that he should go away with an evil hap, and that it needed not to speak of appointment: and that though the enemies had great advantage, there was yet enough wherewith to receive and feast them, if they made any assault. These words herded, he went away: and two days after he came again, and demanded to speak with a merchant Genovois of the town, named Matthew de Vra, and he was answered that he which he demanded, was sick, and might not come, but that he should deliver the letter, and it should be given to him. The said Siotis said nay, and that he would give it himself, and speak with him: and said that he had also a letter of the Grand signor, for the lord master. Upon this he was bidden to go his way: and to set him packing, they shot after him a piece of artillery. The next day after Ballantis Albanese that was fled thorough the breach of Spain to the camp, came from the said Genovois proposing such words, or like as the other had said, saying likewise that the Grand signor had sent a letter to the lord master. To whom no words were spoken, nor answer made, for the lord great master as wise and prudent considering that a town that will hear entreatings is half lost, defended upon the pain of death sith that Siotis had spoken these two times, that none should be so hardy to speak nor answer them of the camp, without his knowledge & commandment: but seeing they were such ambassadors, they reported the words of the said Albanese, or ever the said lord had knowledge of the words of the Siotis. The which words spread thorough the town put many folk in thought, and would have undone that that the Siotis said: the which is no manuel whereas is much people, for with good will and most often they regard sooner to save the lives of them and their children, than they do to the honour of the residue. Howbeit not one dared speak a word openly of that business, but all secretly: and some came and spoke to certain lords of the great cross for to speak to the lord great master. And in effect some lords spoke thereof to him, persuading him that it should be good to think thereon, seeing that the town went to loss. To whom the said lord showed many things for his honour and the Religion: and that no such things aught to be done or thought for any thing in the world, but rather he and they to die. The lords hearing this answer, went their ways, and then returned again to the said lord, advising him more to think well on all things, and to the salvation of his town and of his religion. And they said moreover, that they doubted that the people would rather have a peace then to die themselves, their wives and children. The lord seeing that such words were as things enforced, as who should say, if thou do it not, we shall do it as wise men and prudent, willing to make remedies of needful things by counsel, called the lords of his Council for to have advise in these doings, and other. And when they were assembled, the lord proposed the words that were to him denounced, and said: With these terms and words came two or three merchants and citizens of the town that knocked at the door of the Council, and presented a supplication to the great master, and lords of the Council, whereby they required and besought meekly the said reverend lord to have respect to them and their poor households, and to make some appointment with the great Turk, seeing that the said matter was already forward in purpose, that he would do it; and that it would please him to consider the piteous & sorrowful estate that the town was in; & that there was no remedy to save it: and at the least way, if the lord would not make appointment, to give them leave (of his goodness) to have their wives and their children out of the Rhodes to save them, for they would not have them slain nor made slaves to the enemies. And the conclusion was, that if the said lord would not purvey therefore, they would purvey for it themselves. And there was written in the said request the names of eight or ten of the richest of the town. Which words of the said supplication being herded, the said lord and his council were abashed and ill content as reason would, seeing that it was but a course game, and thought on many things to make answer to the said citizens, for to content and appease them: and also to see if they should intent to the appointment, as they required, and after as the Genovoys had reported: and the better to make the said answer, and to know more plainly in what estate the town was in all things: that is to wit, first of gunpowder, and then of men of war, and of the katteries. Also were demanded and asked the lord of S. Giles pre john, which had the charge of the gunpowder, and then the captain Sir Gabriel Martiningo, for being over their men of war (as it is said) as to him that known the truth; if the town might hold or not, or there were any means to save it. The said lord of S. Giles arose, saying and affirming upon his honour and his conscience that almost all the slaves and labourers were dead and hurt, and that scantly there were folk enough to remove a piece of artillery from one place to another, and that it was unpossible without folk any more to make or set up the repairs the which every day were broken and crushed by the great, furious, and continual shot of the enemy's artillery. As for gunpowder the said lord said, that all that was for store in the town, was spent long agone, and that which was newly brought, was not to serve & furnish two assaults. And he seeing the great advantage of the enemies being so far within the town, without power to put or chase them away, for default of men, was of the opinion that the town would be lost, and that there was no means to save it. The words of the said lord finished, the captain Gabriel Martiningo for his discharge said and declared to the reverend lord and them of the Council, that seeing and considering the great beat of the shot that the town had suffered, and after seeing the entering which the enemies had so large, and that they were within the town by their trenches both endlong and overthwart; seeing also that in two other places they were at the foot of the brickwall, and that the most part of our knights and men of war and other were slain and hurt, and the gunpowder wasted, and that it was unpossible for them to resist their enemies any more, that without doubt the town was lost if there came no succours for to help and resist the siege. The which opinions and reasons of these two worthy men and expert in such feats, understood and pondered by the lord great master and the lords of the Council, they were most part advised for to accept and take treaty if it were offered, for the safeguard of the common people, and of the holy relics of the church, as part of the holy cross, the holy throne, the hand of S. john, and part of his head, and divers other relics. Howbeit the lord great master to whom the business belonged very near, and that took it most heavily, and was more sorrowful than any of the other, as reason required, was always steadfast in his first purpose, rather willing to die then to consent to such a thing, and said again to the lords of the Council: Advise you, and think well on every thing, and of the end that may happen, and he proposed to them two points: that is to wit, Whether it is better for us to die all, or to save the people and the holy relics. The which two points and doubts were long time disputed, and there were divers opinions: nevertheless, at the last they said all, that howbeit that it were well and safely done to die for the faith, and most honour for us, notwithstanding seeing and considering that there is no remedy to resist against our enemies, and means to save the town; and on the other part, that the great Turk would not oppress us to forsake our faith, but only would have the town, it were much better then, and tending to greater wealth to save all the jewels above said, that should be defiled and lost if they came in the hands of the enemies of the faith. And also to keep so much small people, as women and children, that they would torment and cut some in pieces, other take, and perforce 'cause them to forsake their faith, with innumerable violences, and shameful sins that should be committed and done, if the town were put to the sword, as was done at Modon, and lately at Bellegrado. Whereby they did conclude, that it were better, and more agreeable to God, for to take the treaty, if it were proffered, then for to die as people desperate, and without hope. How the great Turk sent two of his men to the town, to have it by entreating. And how the lord great master sent two knights to him, to know his assurance. Upon these consultations and words almighty God that saveth them which trust in him, and that would not that so many evils and cruelties should come to the poor city & inhabitants of it, and also that the great Turk might not arise in over great pride and vain glory, put him in mind to seek to have the said town by treaty, which he aught not to have done for his honour, nor by reason, for the town was in a manner his. And in like sort he aught not to have let us go as he did, seeing that we were his mortal enemies ever, and shall be still in the time coming, considering the great slaughter of his people that we have made in this siege. Howbeit, the eternal goodness hath blinded him, and hath pleased that these things should be thus, for some cause unknown of us. And for conclusion, the great Turk sent to have a communication and parley in following the words of the Genoveses aforesaid. Then was a sign set upon the church of the abbey without the town, to the which was made answer with another at the miles of Quosquino. And forthwith came two Turks to speak with them of the town. Then the lord great master sent the Prior of S. Giles pre john, and the captain Gabriel Martiningo to know the cause of their coming. And when they came to them, without holding of long speech, the two Turks delivered them a letter for to bear to the lord great master from the great Turk, and then returned safely into their tents. When the two lords had received it, they bore & presented it to the reverend lord great master, which caused it to be read. By the which the great Turk demanded of the lord great master to yield the town to him, and in so doing he was content to let him go & all his knights, and all the other people of what condition soever they were, with all their goods & jewels safe without fear of any harm or displeasure of his folks. And also he swore and promised on his faith so to do. The said letter was sealed with his signet that he useth, that is as it were gilded. And he said afterward, that if the lord great master would not accept the said treaty, that none of the city, of what estate soever he were, should think to escape, but that they all unto the cats should pass by the edge of the sword, and that they should sand him an answer forthwith, either yea or nay. After the sight of the contents of the said letter of so great weight, and the time so short for to give so great an answer, and with demand, the said lord great master and all the lords of the Council were in great thought, howbeit they determined to give an answer, seeing the estate of the town so ill that it could be no worse. Hearing the report and opinions a day or two before of the two lords ordained to view the defects of the town, saying that the town was lost without remedy: considering also that the principals of the town would have appointment. And in likewise, at the other counsel all the lords had already willed and declared, that it were better to save the town for respect of the poor people, then to put it all whole to the fury of the enemies, whereupon they agreed and concluded to take the foresaid treaty. After the conclusion taken, answer was made readily for a good respect; that is to weet, to take the Turk at his word, to the end that he should not repent him of it, nor change his opinion. For every hour his people wan and entered further and further into the town. And for to go unto the great Turk were ordained these two knights, sir Passin afore named, and he bore the token of the White cross: and another of the town named Robert de Perruse● judge Ordinary. When these two ambassadors had made them ready, they went out at the gate of Quosquino, and went to the tent of Acmek bassa, captain general. And because it was late, and that they might not go that day to the great Turk, on the next day in the morning the foresaid captain Acmek led and conveyed our said ambassadors to the great Turk's pavilion, that they might have the more knowledge plainly, and for to hear his will as touching the words which were reported to the reverend lord great master, and after, the contents of his letter and writings. When the said two ambassadors were departed out of the town, there did enter two men of authority of the camp; one was nephew or kinsman of the said Acmek, the other was the great Turk's truchman, which the lord master caused to be well received, and they were lodged nigh the said gate of Quosquino. And then truce was taken for 3. days, and the enemies came to our repairs, and spoke with our folk and drank one with another. How the ambassadors of Rhodes spoke with the great Turk, and what answer they had. WHen our ambassadors had made reverence to the great Turk, they said that the lord great master of Rhodes had sent them to his Imperial majesty to know what he requested, and desired that they might talk together, and how the great master had received his letter. The great Turk answered them by his truchman, that of demanding to speak together, nor writing of letter to the great master he known nothing. Howbeit, sith the great master had sent to him for to know his will, he bade say to them that the great master should yield him the town. And in so doing he promised by his faith for to let him go with all his knights, and all other that would go with their goods, without receiving any displeasure of his people of the camp. And if he accepted not the said treaty, to certify him that he would never departed from Rhodes till he had taken it, and that all his might of Turkey should die there, rather than he would fail of it, and that there should neither great nor little escape, but unto the cats they should be all cut in pieces, and said that within 3. days they should give him an answer, for he would not that his people should lose time, and that during the said truce they should make no repairs nor defences within the town. When the great Turk had ended his words, our ambassadors took their leave of him, and returned to the town, and there was given to each of them a rich garment of branched velvet, with clot of gold of the Turkish fashion. Then Acmek bassa took sir Passin, and led him to his pavilion, and entreating him right well, caused him to abide all that day and night: and in eating and drinking they had many discourses of things done at the siege, questioning each with other. And among all other things our ambassador demanded of Acmek, and prayed him to tell for truth how many men died of the camp while the siege was laid. The said Bassa swore upon his faith and certified, that there were dead of the camp of violent death, that is to say, of gunshot and other ways, 64000. men or more, beside them that died of sickness, which were about 40. or 50. thousand. 64000. Turk● slain at the siege of Rhodes. How one of the ambassadors made answer of his message, and how the Commons would not agreed to yield the town. Return we now to our purpose and to the answer that our ambassadors brought to the lord great master. The said Robert Perruse made the answer, and told what the great Turk had said, certifying that he would have an answer quickly either yea or nay. The which answer after the demand of the great Turk hath been purposed and concluded by the whole counsel, and his offer & treaty accepted, howbeit the said ambassadors had it not to do so soon nor the first time that they went for good reasons, but yet they would not defer it, for fear lest he should repent him. And upon these determinations that they would have sent the said Peruse to bear the answer, came some of the common people of the town to the lord great master, that was with the lords of the counsel, and said that they were advertised of the appointment that he had made with the great Turk, and that he would yield the town with covenants by him taken, which they supposed aught not to be done without calling of them. And because they were not called to it, they said that they would not agreed thereto, and that it were better for them to die, for the great Turk by some way would put them all to death, as was done in Bellegrado in Hungary. How the lord great master sent two ambassadors for the Commons to the great Turk. WHen the reverend lord great master had herded their words, he said graciously to them, that as touching the acceptation of the great Turks offer, it was needful so to do in the degree that the town was, and the causes wherefore he had done it the counsel had seen and discussed, and that it was a thing that might not, nor aught not to be said nor published in common, for reporting of it to the enemies by traitors, but be kept still and secret. And moreover, that it was concluded to make an answer shortly, for to take the great Turk at his word, lest he repent him. For if they had been called, or the answer had been given, it had been overlong business, and in the mean time the Turk might have changed his mind, and that that he had done and concluded with the great Turk, the lords of the counsel had well regarded and considered in all things, and for their profit and advantage, as much or more as for that of the Religion. And that they would sand to the great Turk again other ambassadors, the better to know his will, and to be surer of his promise. Then the lord great master ordained two other ambassadors for to go to the great Turk, which were two Spaniards, the one named sir Raimon Market, and the other messire Lopez, at whose issuing entered Sir Passin the first ambassador, and the other two went to the tent of Acmek bassa, for to lead them to the great Turk. And when they were within the Turks pavilion, and had done him reverence as appertained, our ambassadors said that the great master had herded and seen his demand to yield the town. And for that it is a thing of great weight, and that he had to do and say with many men of divers nations, and because the time of answer was so short, he might not do that that he demanded so soon. Howbeit he would speak with his people, and then he would give him an answer. How the Turk began the assault, and how the Commons agreed to yield the town. WHen the great Turk herded the answer of our ambassadors, he said nothing, but commanded his Bassa's that they should begin the battle again to the town, the which was done, and then the truce was broken, and the shot of the enemies was sharper than it was afore. And on the other side nothing, or very little for fault of powder: for that that there was left, was kept for some great assault or need. Howbeit the said Amek Bassa kept one of the ambassadors, and messire Lopez only entered. The great master seeing the war begun, and the shot thicker than it was afore, and the enemies entered hourly by their trenches further into the town, called them that before had said to him, that they would not the town should be yielded, but had rather for to die. And therefore the said lord said that he was content for to die with them, and that they should dispose them to defend themselves well, or to do their endeavour better than they had done in times past. And to the end that each one of them should have knowledge of his will (for as then he spoke but to four or five of them that gain said him) he made a cry through all the town, that all they that were held to be at the posterns or gates should give attendance, and not to come away day nor night on pain of death: for afore, the Rhodians came but little there. And that the other that were not of the posterns, or that were of his succours, should go to the breach of Spain where the said lord was continually, and not to go away day nor night on the abovesaid pain. The said cry made, each one were obedient for a day or twain, howbeit a young Rhodian left his postern and went to his house, which on the next day was hanged for breaking of the lords commandment. Notwithstanding that, by little and little the people annoyed them, and their hearts failed, and left the posterns and breaches: in such wise, that the enemies might come in without finding great resistance, but of a few that the lord master caused to abide there (that is to weet) knights of his succours. And in the night he sought out more people for to keep the watch at the said breach, and paid to them as much as they would. The said lord seeing himself thus abandoned and left of his people, he sent to ask them again wherefore they did not their endeavour, and why they came not to day, as they said before. Which made answer that they saw and known well that the town was lost for certain reasons that were told them: by occasion whereof they had gainsaid the ordinance of the said lord, and said that they had been wrong informed of divers things: and on the other side, that they feared that the Turk would not hold his word. But sithence they saw that there was none other remedy but to abide the adventure and fortune, they said that they put all to the said lord to do what he thought good, and that he would see what were best for them. And required the lord to do them so much favour as to let them choose one or two among them for to go to the great Turk with his ambassadors for to have surety of him. The which was granted, and two ordinary ambassadors were choose for them; one Nicholas Vergotie, and the other Piero of saint Cretice, and the foresaid Passin should return with them for to make the said answer. Then the great master or they departed (prolonging the time as much as he might) advised to sand a letter to the great Turk, the which his grandfather had written or caused to be written. In the which letter he gave his malediction or curse to his children and successors, if they enterprised to besiege Rhodes. The said Robert Perruse bore the said letter, and as he was accustomed, he went to Acmek Bassa for to 'cause him to have audience, and to present the said letter. And the Bassa said he would see the letter: for it is the guise in the great Turk's court, that none may speak to him nor give him a letter, but he be advertised first what shall be said, or what shall be written. When the Bassa had seen the words written in the said letter, he broke it and cast it on the ground, and did tread upon it, saying many injurious and villainous words to the said judge. And bade him return apace to his great master, and bid him to think on his business, and to make answer to the great lord (as he had sent and commanded) or else it should not be long or he saw his dolorous and woeful end. And that same day were taken two men of ours that bore earth toward the bulwark of England. Of whom the said Acmek caused an officer to cut off their noses, fingers and ears, and gave them a letter to bear to the lord great master, wherein were great words and threatenings. After the said Perruse was returned, messire Passin was sent again to the said Bassa, for to know of him if the great Turk would be content, with any sum of money for his costs and expenses, that he had made for his army. The which answered that such words or offers of silver were not to be said nor presented to the great lord on pain of life, and that he set more by honour then by silver. And therefore he bade him return and say to the great master that he should make answer to the great lord after his demand, to yield or not yield the town. The said Passin made relation of the words of the Bassa to the great master: the which for the great sorrow that he had deferred always, see himself in such piteous estate. Notwithstanding, the said lord putting all to the will of our lord, & considering that there was no remedy to do otherwise, nor to resist any more his enemies: and being constrained on all sides to make the appointment, with great heaviness, inestimable dolours and bewailing, at the last gave his voice to yield the town (with the treatise or offers to him presented) which was the 20. day of December, the year of our lord a thousand five hundredth and two and twenty. An answer to such as will make question for the deliverance of the city of Rhodes. ANd if by any it were demanded wherefore the said lord great master hath yielded the town to the great Turk, requesting it with treaty and covenants, which was a sign that he feared and would no more fight, but go his way. To this I answer: Notwithstanding that the great Turk was advertised by some traitors, and by other that fled into the camp, that the powder almost failed, and that there were but few men of war within the town, yet he believed not, nor gave credence of all that was reported to him, but thought verily that we had enough for a great while, and considered that he must tarry till they were wasted and spent, where to behoved time. And seeing all his estate entered into strange places, and into the lands of his enemies, and had been there already six months, (and not without great danger of his own person) thinking on the other side, that taking the town by assault, he should loose many of his folk; and yet when he had overcome and won the town, they should fall each upon other in departing of the booty or pillage, doubting finally the hazard of war. For these reasons and other that may be alleged, the great Turk had much rather to have the town by composition and treaty, than otherwise. And it sufficed him to drive his old enemies out of the countries of Levant, and set the subjects of his countries in rest and surety. And we of the town that known our weakness, & that we might do no more, it seemed better to save so much small people, than we and they to fall into the fury of our enemies, for otherwise could we not have done, but tempt God, and died as in despair. How the city of Rhodes was yielded to the great Turk, and of the evil behaviour of certain Turks. BUt to return to our principal: After that the reverend great master had given his voice to the yielding of the town, he sent the said Passin again for to bear it to the great Turk. And with him went the two men that were choose of the Commons, and they went all three together to the tent of Acmek Bassa. To whom the said Passin first made this piteous answer and conclusion to yield the town. Notwithstanding, he said the people had ordained two men among them for to go to the great Turk, to speak of their particular doings, and to have some surety of their people, wives, and children, to the end that it were not done to them, as to those of Bellegrado. The said Acmek led the three ambassadors toward the great Turk. And when they were entered into the pavilion, the said messire Passin made the report of his ambassade to the said lord, and said that the great master yielded him the town under the promise made by his Imperial majesty, with the treaty promised. Of the which promise he held him sure and certain, and that he would do no less: howbeit, the people had required him to give them licence to go to his majesty for to ask some request of him. Then the two citizens besought the great Turk that he would for surety remove his camp from the town, to the end that they should have no manner of harm to their bodies nor goods, and that they that would go, should go, and that they that would abide still, might be well entreated. The great Turk answered by his interpreter to messire Passin, that he accepted the town, and promised again upon his faith, and on his honour to the lord great master, that he would perform that he had promised, and sent to him by the same Passin that he should not doubt of the contrary: and if he had not ships enough for to carry his people and their goods, that he would let them have of his, and that he would deliver the artillery that was wont to be in the ships of the Religion. And as touching the request of the people, he said that he would remove the camp, and that they that would abide, might abide, and they should be well entreated, and should pay no tribute in five years, and their children should not be touched, and who so would go within the said space of five years, they should go in good time. These words ended, our ambassadors took leave of him, & when they were departed, they spoke again with the said Acmek Bassa for to have a letter of the contents of the promise of the said lord. And by his commandment the said letter was made, where by he promised to let go the great master with all his knights, strangers and men of the town that would go with their goods, without having displeasure of any of his people of the camp, or by the ways. When the letter was made, it was delivered to messire Passin. And as touching withdrawing of the camp, the said Bassa promised again that he would do it, since the great lord would so: howbeit he removed but from the trenches, and some of his people went a little way off. And the said Bassa demanded in the Turks behalf, that they should sand to him in hostage four and twenty knights, whereof two should be of the great Cross, and two and twenty citizens. And the said lord should sand only a captain with three or four hundred janissaries, for to keep the town when the camp were withdrawn. And so it was done; and beside this he gave twelve days respite to the lord great master, to prepare him and departed out of Rhodes. And in conclusion all this done, our ambassadors returned and made the report to the reverend great master of all that they had done and practised with the great Turk, and the said Bassa, and gave him the letter for to go surely. Then the great master with his counsel ordained the four and twenty people, and other of the town. When they were ready, they went to the camp, where they were well entreated four days. During this time, Ferra Bassa passed from the main land to the camp, with four and twenty or five and twenty thousand janissaries, which by the commandment of the great Turk was go upon the borders of the countries of the Sophy. For the Turk seeing the people of the camp discouraged and willing no more to go to the assaults, sent to the said Bassa to come to Rhodes with his people, which would have withstood us sore, as fresh men. And it was the work of God and a wonderful miracle, that they came after that the appointment was made: for if they had come afore, it is to be supposed that the deed had go otherwise, and there had been many strokes given: but I believe that the end should have been piteous for us, but God would not that the Turk should have victory upon us as he might have had, seeing the great advantage that he had in all things, but he blinded him and would not that he should know his might. And on the other part it may be said and marveled how it was possible always to have overcome our enemies in all assaults & skirmishes, and at the end to lose the town, it was the will of God that so hath pleased for some cause to us unknown. It is to be thought, that lack of men and gunshot, and the enemies so far within the town, and ready to enter at other places, with the treasons, have caused the town to be lost. Two or three days after the coming of the said Bassa, his janissaries and other of the camp entered into the Town, which was on Christmas day, within the time given to us, and then the Turks word was broken, if it were his will or not, I cannot tell. Nevertheless there was no sword drawn, and in that respect promise was kept. But they made pillage, and entered by force into the houses of the castle, and took all that they might and would. After that they had ransacked the houses, they entered into the churches, and peeled all that they found, and broke the images. And there was no crucifix, nor figure of our lady, nor of other saints, that were left whole. Then with great inhumanity they went into the hospital of poor and sick folk, called the Fermorie, and took all the silver vessel that the sick folk were served with, and raised them out of their beds, and drove them away, some with great strokes and staves, and some were cast down from the galleries. When these hounds had done that act, they went to the church of saint john and took down the tombs of the great masters, and sought if there were any treasure hide in them, and they forced certain women and maidens. And all they that were christened and had been Turks afore, were they men, women or children, and children that the said men had made christians, they led into Turkey, which thing is of greater importance than any of the other. The morrow after Christmas day, the reverend lord great master went to the great Turk's pavilion for to visit him, and to be better assured of his promise, the which lord he made to be well & graciously received. And he signified unto him by his interpreter, that the case so happened to him was a thing usual and common; as to lose towns and lordships, and that he should not take overmuch thought for it: and as for his promise, he bade that he should not doubt in any thing, and that he should not fear any displeasure to his person, and that he should go with his people without fear. With these words the said lord thanked him, and took his leave and departed. FINIS. ¶ Envoy of the Translator. Go little book, and woeful Tragedy, Of the Rhodian fearful oppugnation, To all estates complaining ruthfully Of thy estate, and sudden transmutation: Excusing me if in thy translation Aught be amiss in language or in work, I me submit with their supportation, To be correct, that am so small a clerk. An embassage from Don Ferdinando, brother to the emperor Charles the 5. unto king Henry the 8. in the year 1527. desiring his aid against Solyman the great Turk. Holinshed. pag. 894. ON the 14. day of March, 1527. were conveyed from London to Greenwich by the earl of Rutland and others, the lord Gabriel de Salamanca, earl of Ottonburge, john Burgrave of Syluerberge, and john Faber a famous clerk, after bishop of Vien, as ambassadors from Don Ferdinando, brother to Charles the emperor, newly elect king of Hungary and Beam, after the death of his brother in law king jews, which was slain by Solyman the Turk the last Summer. This company was welcomed of the high officers, and after brought into the king's presence, all the nobility being present; and there after great reverence made, M. Faber made a notable oration, taking his ground out of the Gospel, Exijt seminator seminare semen suum: and of that he declared how Christ and his disciples went forth to sow, and how their seed was good that fell into the good ground, and brought forth good fruit, which was the Christian faith. And then he declared how contrary to that sowing, Mahomet had sown seed, which brought forth evillfruit. He also showed from the beginning, how the Turks have increased in power, what realms they had conquered, what people they had subdued even to that day. He declared further what acts the great Turk then living had done; and in especial, he noted the getting of Belgrade and of the Rhodes, and the slaying of the king of Hungary, to the great rebuke (as he said) of all the kings christened. He set forth also what power the Turk had, what diversities of companies, what captains he had, so that he thought, that without a marvelous great number of people, he could not be overthrown. Wherefore be most humbly besought the king as S. George's knight, and defender of the faith, to assist the king his master in that godly war and virtuous purpose. To this oration the king by the mouth of Sir Thomas Moor answered; that much he lamented the loss that happened in Hungary, He means the Emperor & the French king. and if it were not for the wars which were between the two great pruices, he thought that the Turk would not have enterprised that act: wherefore he with all his study would take pain, first, to set an unity and peace throughout all Christendom, and after that, both with money and men he would be ready to help toward that glorious war, as much as any other prince in Christendom. After this done, the ambassadors were well cherished, and divers times resorted to the court, and had great cheer and good rewards, and so the third day of May next following, they took their leave & departed homeward. The antiquity of the trade with English ships into the Levant. IN the years of our Lord, 1511. 1512. etc. till the year 1534. divers tall ships of London, namely, The Christopher Campion, wherein was Factor on● R●ger Whitcome; the Mary George, wherein was Factor William Gresham; the great Mary Grace, the Owner whereof, was William Gunson, and the master one john Hely; the Trinity Fitz-williams, whereof was master Laurence Arkey; the Matthew of London, whereof was master William Capling, with certain other ships of Southampton and Bristol, had an ordinary and usual trade to Sicilia, Candie, Chio, and some while to Cyprus, as also to Tripoli and Barutti in Syria. The commodities which they carried thither were fine Kerseys of divers colours, course Kerseys, white Western dozen, Cottons, certain clotheses called Statutes, and others called Cardinal-whites, and Calueskins which were well sold in Sicily, etc. The commodities which they returned back were Silks, Chamlets, Rhubarb, Malinesies, Muskadels and other wines, sweet oils, cotton wool, Turkey carpets, Galls, Pepper, cinnamon, and some other spices, etc. Besides, the natural inhabitants of the foresaid places, they had, even in those days, traffic with jews, Turks, and other foreigners. Neither did our merchants only employ their own English shipping before mentioned, but sundry strangers also: as namely, Candiots, Raguseans, Sicilians, Genovezes, Venetian galliass, Spanish and Portugal ships. All which particulars do most evidently appear out of certain ancient Ligier books of the R. W. Sir William Lock Mercer of London, of Sir William Bowyer Alderman of London, of master john Gresham, and of others; which I Richard Hakluyt have diligently perused and copied out. And here for authorities sake I do annex, as a thing not impertinent to this purpose, a letter of king Henry the eight, unto Don john the third, king of Portugal. A letter of the king of England Henry the eight, to john king of Portugal, for a Portugal ship with the goods of john Gresham and Wil Lock with others, unladen in Portugal from Chio. SErenissimo Principi, domino joanni Dei gratia Regi Portugallie● & Algarbiorum citra & ultra mare in Africa, ac domino Guineae, & conquistae, navigationis, & commercij AEthiopiae, Arabiae, Persiae, atque Indiae, etc. Fratri, & amico nostro charissimo. Henricus Dei gratia, Rex Angliae & Franciae, fidei desensor, ac dominus Hiberniae, Serenissimo Principi; domino joanni eadem gratia Regi Portugallie, & Algarbiorun citra & ultra mare in Africa, ac domino Guinee, & conquistae navigationis, & commercij AEthiopiae, Arabiae, Persiae, atque Indiae, etc. Fratri, & amico nostro charissimo, salutem. Tanto libentiùs, promptiúsque iustas omnes causas vestre Serenitati commendandas suscipimus, quanto apertiori indiès nostrorum, qui in eiusdem vestre Serenitatis regno ac ditione negociantur, subditorum testimonio cognoscimus, ipsam ex optimi principis officio ita accuratè, exactéque ius suum cuíque praebere, ut ad eam nemo justitiae consequendae gratia frustrà unquam confugiar. Cúm itaque dilectus ac fidelis subditus noster joannes Gresham mercator Londoniensis nuper nobis humiliter exposuerit, quod quidam Willielmus Heith ipsius Factor, & negotiorum gestor navim quandam Portugallensem, cui nomen erat Sancto Antonio, praeerátque Diego Peres Portugallensis superioribus mensibus in Candia conduxerit, cum navisque praefecto convenerit, utin insulam Chium ad quas dam diversi generis merces onerandas primo navigaret, in Candiámque mox aliarum mescium osserandarum gratia rediret, omnes quidein in hoc nostrum regnum postmodùm advecturus ad valorem circiter duodecim millium ducatorum, quemadmodum expactionis, conventionis que instrumento apertius constat, accidit, ut praefatus Diego vestrae Serenitatis subditus, dictis susceptis mercibus, & iam in itinere parùm fidelitèr, & long praeter initas conventiones, gravissimo certe nostrorum subditorum detrimento, ubi in Portugalliae portum divertisset, sententia huc navigandi mutata, in eodem portu commoretur, nostrorúmque etiam subditorum merces detineat: quam iniuriam (quum subditis nostris in vestrae Serenitatis regno, & ab eius subdito illata sit) exaequitate, ac justitia ab ipsa corrigi, emendaríque confidimus, nostro quoque potissimùm intuitu, qui vestrae Serenitaris ipsiúsque subditorum causas, mercésque, si quando in hoc nostrum regnum appulerint, semper commendatissimas habemus, id quod superiori anno testatisumus: proin de ipsam vehementerrogamus, ut johannem Ratliffe praesentium latorem, & dicti johannis Gresham nowm constiturum procuratorem, huius rei causa istuc venientem, velit in suis agendis, in dictisque bonis recuperandis, impunéque asportandis remittendisque vectigalibus (quod nos in vestros subditos fecimus) quum per navis prefectum fraud, ac dolo istuc merces fuerint advectae, nisi istic vendantur, ac toto denique exaequitate conficiendo negotio, sic commendatum suscipere, sicque ad suos, quos opus fore intellexerit magistratus missis literis rem omnem iware, & expedire, ut perspiciamus ex hac nostra commendatione fuisse nostrorum subditotum iuri, & indemnitati quàm maximè consultum. Quod nobis gratissimum est futurum, & in re consimili, aut graviori vestra Serenitas nos sibi gratificandi cupidissimos experietur, que foeliciter valeat. Ex Regia nostra de Waltham, Die 15. Octobr. 1531. The same in English. TO the high and mighty prince, john by the grace of God, king of Portugal, and of Algarue on this side and beyond the sea in Africa, lord of Ghinea, and of the conquest, navigation, and traffic of AEthiopia, Arabia, Persia, India, etc. our mostdeere and well-beloved brother. Henry by the grace of God, king of England and of France, defender of the faith, and lord of Ireland: to john by the same grace, king of Portugal and Algarue, on this side and beyond the sea in Africa, and lord of Ghinea, and of the conquest, navigation, and traffic of Aethiopia, Arabia, Persia, India, etc. our most dear and well-beloved brother, sendeth greeting. So much the more willingly and readily we undertake the recommending of all just causes unto your highness, because by the daily testimony of our subjects which traffic in your kingdoms and dominions, we are informed, that according to the duty of a most worthy prince, so carefully and exactly you minister justice unto every man, that all men most willingly repair unto your highness, with full trust to obtain the same. Whereas therefore our well-beloved and trusty subject john Gresham merchant of London, of late in humble manner hath signified unto us, that one William Heith his Factor and Agent, certain months ago had hired in Candie a certain Portugal ship called Santo Antonio, (the patron whereof is Diego Perez) and covenanted with the patron of the said ship, that he should first sail to the Isle of Sio, to take in merchandise of sundry sorts, & then eftsoons return to Candie, to be freighted with other goods, all which he was to bring into our kingdom of England, to the value of 12000 ducats, as by their bills of covenant & agreement more plainly appeareth: it so fell out, that the aforesaid Diego your highness subject having received the said goods, very treacherously & much contrary to his covenant, to the exceeding great loss of our subjects, putting in by the way into an haven of Portugal, & altering his purpose of coming into England, he remains still in that haven, & likewise detaineth our subjects goods. Which injury (seeing it is done in your highness kingdom) we hope your Highness will see reform according to equity & right, the rather at our request, which always have had a special care of the causes & goods of your Highness, & of your subjects whensoever they come into our kingdom, whereof we made proof the last year. Wherefore we instantly request your Highness, that you would so receive john Ratcliff the bearer of these present letters, & the new appointed agent of john Gresham, which cunnteth into your dominions about this business, being thus commended unto you in this business, & recovering & freely bringing home of the said goods, & in remitting of the customs, unless they were sold there (the like whereof we did towards your subjects) seeing by the fraud & deceit of the patron of the ship, the wares were brought thither, & finally in dispatching the whole matter, according to justice, & so further the same by directing your highness letters to your officers whom it may concern, that we may perceive, that our subjects right and liberty hath especially been maintained upon this our commendation. Which we will take in most thankful part, and your highness shall found us in the like or a greater matter most ready to gratify you, whom we wish most hearty well to far. From out Court at Waltham the 15. of October 1531. A voyage made with the ships called the Holy Cross, and the Matthew Gonson, to the Isles of Candia and Chio, about the year 1534, according to a relation made to Master Richard Hackluit, by john Williamson, Cooper and citizen of London, who lived in the year 1592., and went as cooper in the Matthew Gonson the next voyage after. The Holy Cross and the Matthew Gonson departed for Turkey. THe ships called the Holy Cross, and the Matthew Gonson, made a voyage to the Islands of Candia and Chio in Turkey, about the year 1534. And in the Matthew went as Captain M. Richard Gonson, son of old Master William Gonson, paymaster of the king's navy. In this first voyage went William Holstocke (who afterwards was controuler of her majesties Navy, lately deceased) as page to M. Richard Gonson aforesaid, which M. Gonson died in Chio in this his first voyage. The ship called the Holy Cross was a short ship, and of burden 160 tons. And having been a full year at the sea in performance of this voyage, with great danger she returned home, where, upon her arrival at Blackwall, in the river of Thames, her wine and oil cask was found so weak, that they were not able to hoist them out of the ship, but were constrained to draw them as they lay, and put their wine and oil into new vessels, and so to unlade the ship. Their chief freight, was very excellent Muscatels and read malmsey, the like whereof were seldom seen before in England. They brought home also good quantity of sweet oils, cotton wools, Turkey Carpets, Galls, Cinnamon, and some other spices. The said ship called the Holy Cross was so shaken in this voyage, and so weakened, that she was laid up in the dock, and never made voyage after. Another voyage to the Isles of Candia and Chio made by the ship the Matthew Gonson, about the year 1535, according to the relation of john Williamson, than Cooper in the same ship, made to M. Richard Hackluit in the year 1592. The Matthew Gonson goeth into Turkey. THe good ship called the Matthew Gonson, of burden 300 tons, whereof was owner old M. William Gonson, paymaster of the king's Navy, made her voyage in the year 1535. In this ship went as Captain Richard Gray, who long after died in Russia. Master William Holftocke afterward controuler of the Queen's Navy went then as purser in the same voyage. The Master was one john Pichet, servant to old M. William Gonson, james Rumnie was Master's mate. The master cooper was john Williamson citizen of London, living in the year 1592., and dwelling in Sant Dunston's parish in the East. The M. Gunner was john Godfrey of Bristol. In this ship were 6 gunner's and 4 trumpeters, all which four trumpeters at our return homewards went on land at Messina in the Island of Sicilia, as our ship road there at anchor, & got them into the Galleys that lay near unto us, & in them went to Rome. The whole number of our company in this ship were about 100 men, we were also furnished with a great boat, which was able to carry 10 tons of water, which at our return homewards we towed all the way from Chio until we came through the strait of Gibaltar into the main Ocean. We had also a great long boat and a skiff. We were out upon this voyage eleven months, yet in all this time there died of sickness but one man, whose name was George Forrest, being servant to our Carpenter called Thomas Plummer. In a great lygier book of one William Eyms, servant unto Sir William Bowyer● Alderman of London, bearing date the 15 of November 1533, and continued until the 4 of july 1544. I found that he the said William Eyms was factor in Chio, not only for his Master, but also for the duke of Norfolk's grace, & for many other worshipful merchants of London, among whom I found the accounts of these especially, to wit, of his said Master, sir William Bowyer, of William & Nicholas Wilford Merchant-taylors' of London, of Thomas Curtis pewterer, of john Starky Merter, of William Ostrige Merchant, & of Richard Field Draper. And further I found in the said ligier book, a note of the said Eyms, of all such goods as he left in the hands of Robert Buy in Chio, who become his Master's factor in his room, and another like note of particulars of goods that he left in the hands of Oliver Lesson, servant to William and Nicholas Wilford. And for proof of the continuance of this trade until the end of the year 1552. I found annexed unto the former note of the goods left with Robert Buy in Chio, a letter being dated the 27 of November 1552 in London. The Epitaph of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read in the south I'll of Saint Peter's Church in the city of Norwich, which was knighted by Charles the fift at the winning of Tunis in the year of our Lord 1538. HEre under lieth the corpses of Peter Read Esquire, who hath worthily served, not only his Prince and Country, but also the Emperor Charles the fift, both at his conquest of B●rbarie, and at his siege at Tunis, as also in other places. Who had given him by the said Emperor for his valiant deeds the order of Barbary. Who died the 29 day of December, in the year of our Lord God 1566. The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with Charles the fift 1541, drawn out of his book De Republica Anglorum instauranda. THomas Chalonerus patria Londinensis, study Cantabrigensis, educatione aulicus, religione pius, veréque Christianus fuit. Itaque cum invenilem aetatem● mentemque suam humanioribus studijs roborasset, Domino Henrico Knevetto à potentissimo rege Henrico eius nominis octavo ad Carolum quintum imperatorem transmis●o legato, unà cum illo profectus est, tanquam familiaris amicus, veleidem à confilijs. Quo quidem tempore Carolo quinto navali certamine à Genua & Corsica in Algyram in Africa contra Turcas classem soluente ac hostiliter proficiscente, ornatissimo illo Knevetto legato regis, Thoma Chalonero, Henrico Knolleo, & Henrico Isamo, illustribus viris eundem in illa expeditione suapte sponte sequentibus, pariterque militantibus, mirifice vitam suam Chalonerus tutatus est. Nam triremi illa, in qua fuerat, vel scopulis allisa, vel gravissimis procellis conquassata, naufragus cum se diù natatu defendisset, deficientibus viribus, brachijs manibusque languidis ac quasi eneruatis, prehensa dentibus cum maxima difficultate rudenti, quae ex altera triremi iam propinqua tum fuerat eiecta, non sine dentium aliquorum iactura ac fractura seize tandem recuperavit, ac domum integer relapsus est. The same in English. THomas Chaloner was by birth a Londiner, by study a Cantabrigian, by education a Courtier, by religion a devout and true Christian. Therefore after he had confirmed his youth and mind in the studies of good learning, when Sir Henry Knevet was sent ambassador from the mighty Prince Henry the 8. to the Emperor Charles the fift, he went with him as his familiar friend, or as one of his Council. At which time the said Charles the 5. passing over from Genoa and Corsica to Alger in Africa in warlike sort, with a mighty army by sea, that honourable Knevet the king's ambassador, Thomas Chaloner, Henry Knolles, and Henry Isham, right worthy people, of their own accord accompanied him in that expedition, & served him in that war, wherein Thomas Chaloner escaped most wonderfully with his life. For the galley wherein he was, being either dashed against the rocks, or shaken with mighty storms, and so cast away, after he had saved himself a long while by swimming, when his strength failed him, his arms & hands being faint and weary, with great difficulty laying hold with his teeth on a cable, which was cast out of the next galley, not without breaking and loss of certain of his teeth, at length recovered himself, and returned home into his country in safety. The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham with the great Bark Aucher to Candia and Chio, in the year 1550. IN the year 1550. the 13 of November I Roger Bodenham Captain of the Bark Aucher entered the said ship at Gravesend, for my voyage to the islands of Candia and Chio in the Levant. The master of my ship was one William Sherwood. From thence we departed to ●ilbery hope, and there remained with contrary winds until the 6. of january 1551. The 6 of januarie, The Bark Aucher goeth for Levant. the M. came to Tilbery, and I had provided a skilful pilot to carry me over the lands end, whose name was M. Wood, and with all speed I vailed down that night 10 miles to take the tide in the morning, which happily I did, and that night came to Dover, and there came to an anchor, and there remained until tuesday, meeting with the worthy knight sir Anthony Aucher owner of the said ship. The 11 day we arrived in Plymouth, and the 13 in the morning we set forward on our voyage with a prosperous wind, and the 16 we had sight of Cape Finister on the coast of Spain. The 30 we arrived at Cades, and there discharged certain merchandise, and took others aboard. The 20 of February we departed from Cades, & passed the straits of Gibraltar that night, and the 25 we came to the isle of Mallorca, Mallorca. and stayed there five days with contrary winds. The first of March, we had sight of Sardenna, and the fift of the said months' we arrived at Messina in Sicilia, Messina. and there discharged much goods, and remained there until good Friday in Le●t. The chief merchant that laded the said Bark Aucher was a merchant stranger called Anselm Saluago, and because the time was then very dangerous, and no going into Levant, especially to Chio, without a safe conduct from the Turk, the said Anselm promised the owner Sir Anthony Aucher, that we should receive the same at Messina. But I was posted from thence to Candia, and there I was answered that I should sand to Chio, and there I should have my safe conduct. I was forced to sand one, and he had his answer that the Turk would give none, willing me to look what was best for me to do, which was no small trouble to me, considering I was bond to deliver the goods that were in the ship at Chio, or sand them at mine adventure. The merchants without care of the loss of the ship would have compelled me to go, or sand their goods at mine adventure, the which I denied, and said plainly I would not go, because the Turks galleys were come forth to go against Malta, The Turk prepareth an army to besiege Malta. but by the French kings means, he was persuaded to leave Malta, and to go to Tripoli in Barbary, which by the French he won. In this time there were in Candia certain Turks vessels called Skyrasas, which had brought wheat thither to cell, and were ready to departed for Turkey. And they departed in the morning be times, carrying news that I would not go forth: the same night I prepared beforehand what I thought good, without making any man privy, until I saw time. Then I had no small business to 'cause my mariners to venture with the ship in such a manifest danger. Nevertheless I won them to go all with me, except three which I set on land, and with all diligence I was ready to set forth about eight of the clock at night, being a fair moon shine night, & went out. Then my 3 mariners made such requests unto the rest of my men to come aboard, as I was constrained to take them in. And so with good wound we put into the Archipelago, & being among the islands the wind scanted, & I was forced to anchor at an Island called Micone, The Bark Aucher at Micone. where I tarried 10 or 12 days, having a greek Pilot to carry the ship to Chio. In this mean season, there came many small botes with mysson sails to go for Chio, with diverse goods to cell, & the Pilot requested me that I would let them go in my company, to which I yielded. After the said days expired, I weighed & set sail for the Island of Chio, with which place I fell in the after noon, whereupon I cast to seaward again to come with the Island in the morning betimes. The foresaid small vessels which came in my company, departed from me to win the shore, to get in the night, but upon a sudden they espied 3 foystes of Turks coming upon them to spoil them. My Pilot, having a son in one of those small vessels, entreted me to cast about towards them, which at his request I did, and being some thing far from them, I caused my Gunner to shoot a demy-coluering at a foist that was ready to enter one of the botes. This was so happy a shot, that it made the Turk to fall a stern of the boat and to leave him, by the which means he escaped. Then they all came to me, and requested that they might hung at my stern until day light, by which time I came before the Mole of Chio, and sent my boat on land to the merchants of that place to sand for their goods out of hand, or else I would return back with all to Candia, & they should fetch their goods there. But in fine, what by persuasion of my merchants English men, & those of Chio, I was entreated to come into the harbour, and had a safe assurance for 20 days against the Turks army, The town of Chio is bond in 12000 ducats for the fafegard of the Bark Aucher. with a bond of the city in the sum of 12000 ducats. So I made hast & sold such goods as I had to Turks that came thither, & put all in order, with as much speed as I could, fearing the coming of the Turks navy, of the which, the chief of the city known right well. So upon the sudden they called me of great friendship, & in secret told me, I had no way to save myself but to be go, for said they, we be not able to defend you, that are not able to help ourselves, for the Turk where he cometh, taketh what he will, & leaveth what he list, but the chief of the Turks set order that none shall do any harm to the people or to their goods. This was such news to me, that indeed I was at my wit's end, & was brought into many imaginations how to do, for that the wind was contrary. In fine, I determined to go forth. But the merchants English men and other regarding more their gains then the ship, hindered me very much in my purpose of going forth, and made the mariners to come to me to demand their wages to be paid them out of hand, and to have a time to employ the same there. But God provided so for me, that I paid them their money that night, and then charged them, that if they would not l●t the ship forth, I would make them to answer the same in England, with danger of their heads. The company do murmur against their Captain. Many were married in England and had somewhat to lose, those did stick to me. I had twelve gunner's: the Master gunner who was a mad brained fellow, and the owner's servant had a parliament between themselves, and he upon the same came up to me with his sword drawn, swearing that he had promised the owner Sir Anthony Aucher, to live and die in the said ship against all that should offer any harm to the ship, and that he would fight with the whole army of the Turks, and never yield: with this fellow I had much to doe● but at the last I made him confess his fault and follow mine advise. Thus with much labour I got out of the Mole of Chio, into the sea by warping forth, with the help of Genoveses botes, and a French boat that was in the Mole, and being out God sent me a special gale of wind to go my way. Then I caused a piece to be shot off for some of my men that were yet in the town, & with much a do they came aboard, and then I set sail a little before one of the clock, and I made all the sail I could, and about half an hour past two of the clock there came seven galleys into Chio to stay the ship: The Turks Galleys come to seek the Bark A●cher and the admiral of them was in a great rage because she was go. Whereupon they put some of the best in prison, and took all the men of the three ships which I left in the port, and put them into the Galleys. They would have followed after me, but that the towns men found means they did not. The next day came thither a hundred more of Galleys, and there tarried for their whole company, which being together were about two hundred & 50 sail, taking their voyage for to surprise the Island of Malta. The next day after I departed, I had the sight of Candia, but I was two days after or ever I could get in, where I thought myself out of their danger. There I continued until the Turks army was past, who came within the sight of the town. There was preparation made as though the Turks had come thither. There be in that Island of Candia many banished men, that live continually in the mountains, they came down to serve, to the number of four or five thousand, Five thousand banished men in Candia. they are good archers, every one with his bow and arrows, a sword and a dagger, with long hair, and boots that reach up to their groin, and a shirt of male, hanging the one half before, and the other half behind, these were sent away again assoon as the army was passed. They would drink wine out of all measure. Then the army being past, I laded my ship with wines and other things: and so after I had that which I left in Chio, I departed for Messina. In the way I found about Zante, certain Galliots of Turks, laying aboard of certain vessels of Venice laden with Muscatels: I rescued them, and had but a barrel of wine for my powder and shot: and within a few days after I came to Messina. I had in my ship a Spanish pilot called Noblezia, which I took in at Cades at my coming forth: he went with me all this voyage into the Levant without wages, of good will that he bore me and the ship, he stood me in good steed until I came back again to Cades, and then I needed no Pilot. And so from thence I came to London with the ship and goods in safety, God be praised. And all those Mariners that were in my said ship, which were, besides boys, threescore and ten, for the most part were within five or six years after, able to take charge, and did. Richard chancellor, Master Richard Chancellor who first discovered Russia, was with me in that voyage, and Matthew Baker, Master Matthew Baker. who afterward become the Queen's majesties chief shipwright. The voyage of M. john Lock to jerusalem. IN my voyage to jerusalem, I embarked myself the 26 of March 1553 in the good ship called the Matthew Gonson, which was bond for Livorno, or Legorne and Candia. It fallen out that we touched in the beginning of April next ensuing at Cades in Andalozia, where the Spaniards, according to their accustomed manner with all ships of extraordinary goodness and burden, picked a quarrel against the company, meaning to have forfeited, or at the lest to have arrested the said ship. And they grew so malicious in their wrongful purpose, that I being utterly out of hope of any speedy release, to the end that my intention should not be overthrown, was enforced to take this course following. Notwithstanding this hard beginning, it fallen out so luckily, that I found in the road a great ship called the Cavalla of Venice, wherein after agreement made with the patron, I shipped myself the 24. of May in the said year 1553, and the 25 by reason of the wind blowing hard and contrary, we were not able to enter the straits of Gibraltar, but were put to the coast of Barbary, where we ankered in the main sea 2. leagues from shore, and continued so until two hours before sun set, and then we weighed again, and turned our course towards the Straitss, where we entered the 26 day aforesaid, the wind being very calm, but the current of the straitss very favourable. The same day the wind began to rise somewhat, and blew a furthering gale, and so continued at Northwest until we arrived at Legorne the third of june. And from thence riding over land unto Venice, I prepared for my voyage to jerusalem in the Pilgrims ship. I john Locke, accompanied with Master Anthony Rastwold, with divers other, Hollanders, Zelanders, Almains and French pilgrims entered the good ship called Fila Cavena of Venice, The ship Fila Cavena departeth for jerusalem. the 16 of july 1553. and the 17 in the morning we weighed our anchor and sailed towards the coast of Istria, to the port of Rovigno, Rovignio a port in Istria. and the said day there came aboard of our ship the Percevena of the ship named Tamisari, for to receive the rest of all the pilgrims money, which was in all after the rate of 55. Crowns for every man for that voyage, after the rate of five shillings starling to the crown: This done, he returned to Venice. The 19 day we took fresh victuals aboard, and with the boat that brought the fresh provision we went on land to the Town, and went to see the Church of Sancta Eufemia, Sancta Eufemia. where we saw the body of the said Saint. The 20 day we departed from Rovignio, and about noon we had sight of Monte de Ancona, Monte de Ancona. and the hills of Dalmatia, or else of Sclavonia both at one time, and by report they are 100 miles distant from each other, and more. The 21 we sailed still in sight of Dalmatia, and a little before noon, we had sight of a rock in the midst of the sea, called in Italian, il Pomo, Il pomo. it appeareth a far off to be in shape like a sugarloafe. Also we saw another rock about two mile's compass called Sant Andrea: Saint Andrea. on this rock is only one Monastery of Friars: we sailed between them both, and left S. Andrea on the left hand of us, and we had also kenning of another Island called Lissa, Lissa an Island. all on the left hand, these three islands lie East and West in the sea, and at sun setting we had passed them. Il pomo is distant from Saint Andrea 18 miles, and S. Andrea from Lissa 10 miles, and Lissa from another Island called Lezina, Lezina Island. which standeth between the main of Dalmatia and Lissa, ten miles. This Island is inh●bited, and hath great plenty of wine and fruits, and here against we were be calmed. Catza. The 22 we had sight of another small Island called Catza, which is desolate and on the left hand, and on the right hand, a very dangerous Island called Pelagosa, Pelagosa. this is also desolate, and lieth in the midst of the sea between both the manes: it is very dangerous and low land, and it hath a long ledge of rocks lying out six miles in to the sea, so that many ships by night are cast away upon them. There is between Catza and Pelagosa 30 miles, and these two islands are distant from Venice 400 miles. There is also about twelve miles eastward, a great Island called Augusta, Augusta. about 14 miles in length, somewhat hilly, but well inhabited, and fruitful of vines, corn and other fruit, this also we left on the left hand: & we have hitherto kept our course from Rovignio East southeast. This Island is under the Signiory or government of Ragusa, it is distant from Ragusa 50 miles, and there is by that Island a greater, named Meleda, Meleda. which is also under the government of Ragusa, it is about 30 miles in length, and inhabited, and hath good ports, it lieth by East from Augusta, and over against this Island lieth a hill called Monte S. Angelo, Monte Sant Angelo. upon the coast of Puglia in Italy, and we had sight of both lands at one time. The 23 we sailed all the day long by the bowline alongst the coast of Ragusa, and towards night we were within 7 or 8 miles of Ragusa, that we might see the white walls, but because it was night, we cast about to the sea, minding at the second watch, to bear in again to Ragusa, for to know the news of the Turks army, but the wind blew so hard and contrary, that we could not. This city of Ragusa payeth tribute to the Turk yearly fourteen thousand Sechinos, Ragusa pa●eth 14000. Sechinos to the Turk yearly. and every Sechino is of venetian money eight livers and two soldes, besides other presents which they give to the Turks Bassas when they come thither. The Venetians have a rock or nag within a mile of the said town, for the which the Raguseos would give them much money, but they do keep it more for the name sake, then for profit. This rock lieth on the Southside of the town, and is called Il cromo, Il Cromo. there is nothing on it but only a Monastery called Sant jeronimo. The main of the Turks country is bordering on it within one mile, for the which cause they are in great subjection. This night we were put back by contrary winds, and ankered at Melleda. The 24 being at an anchor under Melleda, we would have go on land, but the wind came so fair that we presently set sail and went our course, and left on the right hand of us the forenamed Island, and on the left hand between us and the main the Island of Zupanna, Zupanna. and within a mile of that under the main by East, another Island called Isola de Mezo. Isola de Mezo. This Island hath two Monasteries in it, one called Santa Maria de Bizo, and the other Saint Nicholo. Also there is a third rock with a Friary called Sant Andrea: Saint Andrea. these islands are from the main but two miles, and the channel between Melleda and Zupanna is but four or five miles over by guess, but very deep, for we had at an anchor forty fathoms. The two islands of Zupanna and Mezo are well inhabited, and very fair buildings, but nothing plenty save wine only. This night toward sun set it waxed calm, and we sailed little or nothing. The 24 we were past Ragusa 14 miles, and there we met with two Venetian ships, which came from Cyprus, we thought they would have spoken with us, for we were desirous to talk with them, to know the news of the Turks army, and to have sent some letters by them to Venice. About noon, we had scant sight of castle novo, Castle novo. which Castle a few years past the Turk took from the Emperor, in which fight were slain three hundred Spanish soldiers, besides the rest which were taken prisoners, and made galley slaves. This Castle is hard at the mouth of a channel called Boca de Cataro. Boca de Cataro. The Uenetians have a hold within the channel called Cataro, The town Cataro. this channel goeth up to Budoa, Budoa. and further up into the country. About sunneset we were over against the hills of Antiveri in Sclavonia, in the which hills the Uenetians have a town called Antiveri, Antiveri. and the Turks have another against it called Marchevettis, Marchevetti. the which two towns continually skirmish together with much slaughter. At the end of these hills endeth the Country of Sclavonia, and Albania beginneth. The end of Sclavonia and the beginning of Albania. These hills are thirty miles distant from Ragusa. The 27 we kept our course towards Puglia, and left Albania on the left hand. The 28. we had sight of both the manes, but we were nearer the coast of Puglia, Puglia. for fear of Foystes. It is between Cape Chimaera in Albania and Cape otranto in Puglia 60 miles. Cape Chimaera. Cape Otranto. Puglia is a plain low land, and Chimaera in Albania is very high land, so that it is seen the further. Thus sailing our course along the coast of Puglia, we see diverse white Towers, which serve for sea-marks. About three of the clock in the after noon, we had sight of a rock called Il fano, Il fano. 48 miles from Corfu, and by sun set we discovered Corfu. Corfu. Thus we kept on our course with a prosperous wind, and made our way after twelve mile every hour. Most part of this way we were accompanied with certain fish called in the Italian tongue Palomide, Palomide. it is a fish three quarters of a yard in length, in colour, eating, and making like a Makarell, somewhat big and thick in body, and the tail forked like a half moon, for the which cause it is said that the Turk will not suffer them to be taken in all his dominions. The 29 in the morning we were in sight of an Island, which we left on our left hand called Cephalonia, Cephalonia. it is under the Uenetians and well inhabited, with a fair town strongly situated on a hill, of the which hill the Island beareth her name, it hath also a very strong fortress or Castle, and plenty of corn and wine, their language is Greek, it is distant from the main of Morea, Morea. thirty miles, it is in compass 80 miles. One hour within night we sailed by the town standing on the South cape of Cephalonia, whereby we might perceive their lights. There come oftentimes into the creeks and rivers, the Turks foystes and galleys where at their arrival, the Country people do signify unto their neighbours by so many lights, as there are foists or galleys in the Island, and thus they do from one to another the whole Island over. About three of the clock in the afternoon the wind scanted, and we minded to have go to Zante, Zante. but we could not for that night. This Island of Zante is distant from Cephalonia, 12 or 14 miles, but the town of Cephalonia, from the town of Zante, is distant forty miles. This night we went but little forward. The 30 day we remained still turning up and down because the wind was contrary, and towards night the wind mended, so that we entered the channel between Cephalonia, & Zante, the which channel is about eight or ten miles over, and these two bear East and by South, and West and by North from the other. The town of Zante lieth within a point of the land, where we came to an anchors at nine of the clock at night. The 31 about six of the clock in the morning, I with five Hollanders went on land, john Locke, and five Hollanders go on land. and hosted at the house of Pedro de Venetia. After breakfast we went to see the town, and passing along we went into some of the Greek churches, wherein we saw their Altars, Images, and other ornaments. This done, we went to a Monastery of Friars called Sancta Maria de la Croce, Santa Maria de la Croce. these are western Christians, for the Greeks have nothing to do with them, nor they with the Greeks, for they differ very much in religion. There are but 2. Friars in this Friary. In this Monastery we see the tomb that M. T. Cicero, The tomb of M. T. Cicero. was buried in, with Terentia Antonia, his wife. This tomb was found about six years since, when the Monastery was built, there was in time past a street where the tomb stood. At the finding of the tomb there was also found a yard under ground, a square stone some what longer than broad, upon which stone was found a writing of two several hands writing, the one as it seemed, for himself, and the other for his wife, and under the same stone was found a glass somewhat proportioned like an urinal, but that it was eight square and very thick, wherein were the ashes of the head and right arm of Mar. T. Cicero, for as stories make mention he was beheaded as I remember at Capua, for insurrection. And his wife having got his head and right arm, (which was brought to Rome to the Emperor) went from Rome, and came to Zante, and there buried his head and arm, and written upon his tomb this style M. T. Cicero. * Hey, Aue. Have. Then folfoweth in other letters, Et tu Terentia Antonia, which difference of letters declare that they were not written both at one time. The tomb is long and narrow, The description of the tomb. and deep, walled on every side like a grave, in the bottom whereof was found the said stone with the writing on it, & the said glass of ashes, and also another little glass of the same proportion, wherein, as they say, are the tears of his friends, that in those days they did use to gather and bury with them, as they did use in Italy and Spain to tear their hair, to bury with their friends. In the said tomb were a few bones. After dinner we rested until it drawn towards evening by reason of the heat. And about four of the clock we walked to another Friary a mile out of the town called Saint Elia, these are white Friars, Saint Elia, bist one Friar. there were two, but one is dead, not six days since. This Friary hath a garden very pleasant, and well furnished with Oranges, Lemons, pomegranates, and divers other good fruits. The way to it is somewhat ragged, up hill and down, and very stony, and in winter very dirty. It standeth very pleasantly in a cleft between two hills, with a good prospect. From thence we ascended the hill to the Castle, which is situated on the very top of a hill. The description of the Castle of Zante. This Castle is very strong, in compass a large mile and a half, which being victualled, (as it is never unfurnished) and manned with men of trust, it may defend itself against any Prince's power. This Castle taketh the just compass of the hill, and no other hill near it, it is so steep down, and so high and ragged, that it will ●yre any man or ever he be half way up. Very nature hath fortified the walls and hulwarkes: It is by nature four square, and it commands the town and port. The Uenetians have always their Podesta, or Governor, with his two counsellors resident therein. The town is well inhabited, & hath great quantity of householders. The Island by report is threescore and ten miles about, it is able to make twenty thousand fight men. They say they have always five or six hundred horsemen ready at an hours warning. They say the Turk hath assayed it with 100 Galleys, The Turk hath attempted the Island of Zante. but he could never bring his purpose to pass. It is strange to me how they should maintain so many men in this Island, for their best sustenance ●● wine, and the rest but miserable. The first of August we were warned aboard by the patron, and towards evening we set sail, and had sight of a Castle called Torneste, The Castle of Torneste. which is the Turks, and is ten miles from Zante, it did belong to the Uenetians, but they have now lost it, it standeth also on a hill on the sea side in Morea. All that night we bore into the sea, because we had news at Zante of twelve of the Turks galleys, Twelve turks galleys at Modon, and Coron, and Candia. that came from Rhodes, which were about Modon, Coron, and Candia, for which cause we kept at the sea. The second of August we had no sight of land, but kept our course, and about the third watch the wind scanted, so that we bore with the shore, and had sight of Modon and Coron. Modon. Coron. The third we had sight of Cavo Mattapan, Cavo Mattapan. and all that day by reason of contrary winds, which blew somewhat hard, we lay a hull until morning. The fourth we were still under the said Cape, and so continued that day, and towards night there grew a contention in the ship amongst the Hollanders, and it had like to have been a great inconvenience, for we had all our weapons, yea even our knives taken from us that night. The fift, we sailed by the Bowline, and out of the top we had sight of the Island of Candia, Candia. and towards noon we might see it plain, and towards night the wind waxed calm. The sixt toward the break of day we see two small islands called Gozi, Gozi. and towards noon we were between them: the one of these islands is fifteen miles about, and the other 10 miles. In those islands are nourished store of cattle for butter and cheese. There are to the number of fifty or sixty inhabitants, which are Greeks, and they live chief on milk and cheese. The Island of Candia is 700 miles about, Candia. it is in length, from Cape Spada, to Cape Solomon, 300 miles, it is as they say, able to make one hundred thousand fight men. We sailed between the Gozi, Cape Spada. C. Solomon. and Candia, and they are distant from Candia 5 or 6 miles. The Candiots are strong men, and very good archers, and shoot near the mark. This Island is from Zante 300 miles. The seventh we sailed all along the said Island with little wind and unstable, and the eight day towards night we drawn to the East end of the Island. The 9 and 10 we sailed along with a prosperous wind and see no land. The 11 in the morning, we had sight of the Island of Cyprus, and towards noon we were thwart the Cape called Ponta Malota, Ponta, Malota. and about four of the clock we were as far as Baffo, Baffo .. and about sun set we passed Cavo Bianco, Cavo Bianco. and towards nine of the clock at night we doubled Cavo de le garte, and ankered afore Limisso, but the wound blew so hard, that we could not come near the town, Cavo de la garte. neither dared any man go on land. The town is from Cavo de le garte twelve miles distant. The 12. of August in the morning we went on land to Limisso: Limisso. this town is ruinated and nothing in it worth writing, save only in the mids of the town there hath been a fortress, which is now decayed, and the walls part overthrown, which a Turkish Rover with certain galleys did destroy about 10. or 12. years past. This day walking to see the town, we chanced to see in the market place, a great quantity of a certain vermin called in the Italian tongue Cavalette. Cavalette, in a certain vernime in the Island of Cyprus. It is as I can learn, both in shape and bigness like a grasshopper, for I can judge but little difference. Of these many years they have had such quantity that they destroy all their corn. They are so plagued with them, that almost every year they do well nigh lose half their corn, whether it be the nature of the country, or the plague of God, that let them judge that best can define. But that there may no default be laid to their negligence for the destruction of them, they have throughout the whole land a constituted order, that every Farmor or husbandman (which are even as slaves bought and sold to their lord) shall every year pay according to his territory, a measure full of the seed or eggs of these forenamed Cavalette, the which they are bond to bring to the market, and present to the officer appointed for the same, the which officer taketh of them very strait measure, and writeth the names of the presenters, and putteth the said eggs or seed, into a house appointed for the same, and having the housefull, they beat them to ponder, and cast them into the sea, and by this palicie they do as much as in them lieth for the destruction of them. This vermin breeds or engendereth at the time of corn being ripe, and the corn being had away, in the clods of the same ground do the husbandmen found the nests, or, as I may rather term them, cases of the eggs of the same vermin. Their nests are much like to the ke●es of a hazelnut tree, when they be dried, and of the same length, but somewhat bigger, which case being broken you shall see the eggs lie much like unto ants eggs, but somewhat lesser. Thus much I have written at this time, because I had no more time of knowledge, but I trust at my return to note more of this island, with the commodities of the same at large. The 13. day we went in the morning to the Greeks church, The pilgrims going to the Greek churches. to see the order of their ceremonies, & of their communion, of the which to declare the whole order with the number of their ceremonious cross, it were to long. Wherefore lest I should offend any man, I leave it unwritten: but only that I noted well, that in all their Communion or service, not one did ever kneel, nor yet in any of their Churches could I ever see any graven images, but painted or portrayed. Al●o they have store of lamps alight, almost for every image one. Their women are always separated from the men● and generally they are in the lower end of the Church. This night we went aboard the ship, although the wound were contrary, we did it because the patron should not found any lack of vs● as sometimes he did: when as tarrying upon his own business, he would colour it with the delay of the pilgrims. The 14. day in the morning we set sail, and lost sight of the Island of Cyprus, and the 15. day we were likewise at Sea, and saw no land: and the 16. day towards night, we looked for land, but we saw none. But because we supposed ourselves to be near our port, we took in all our sails except only the foresail and the missen, and so we remained all that night. The 17. day in the morning, we were by report of the Mariners, some six miles from jaffa, but it proved contrary. But because we would be sure, we came to an anchor seven mile● from the shore, and sent the skiff with the Pilot and the master gunner, to learn the coast, but they returned, not having seen tree nor house, nor spoken with any man. But when they came to the sea side again, they went up a little hill standing hard by the brink, whereon as they thought they saw the hill of jerusalem, by the which the Pilot known (after his judgement) that we were past our port. And so this place where we road was, as the mariners said, about 50. mile from jaffa. This coast all alongst is very low, plain, white, sandy, and desert, for which cause it hath few marks or none, so that we road here as it were in a gulf between two Capes. The 18. day we abode still at anchor, looking for a gale to return back, but it was contrary: A great currant. and the 19 we set sail, but the currant having more force than the wind, we were driven back, insomuch, that the ship being under sail, we cast the sounding lead, & (notwithstanding the wound) it remained before the shippe● there we had muddy ground at fifteen fathom. The same day about 4. of the clock, we set sail again, and sailed West alongst the coast with a fresh side-wind. It chanced by fortune that the ships Cat leapt into the Sea, which being down, A Cat fallen into the sea and recou●red. kept herself very valiantly above water, notwithstanding the great waves, still swimming, the which the master knowing, he caused the skiff with half a dozen men to go towards her and fetch her again, when she was almost half a mile from the ship, and all this while the ship lay on sta●es. I hardly believe they would have made such haste and means if one of the company had been in the like peril. They made the more haste because it was the patron's cat. This I ha●e written only to note the estimation that cats are in, among the Italians, for generally they esteem their cats, as in England we esteem a good Spaniel. The same night about ten of the clock the wind calmed, and because none of the ship knew where we were, we let fall an anchor about 6 mile from the place we were at before, and there we had muddy ground at twelve fathom. The 20 it was still calm, and the current so strong still one way, that we were not able to stem the stream: moreover we known not where we were, whereupon doubting whither we were passed, or short of our port, the Master, Pilot, and other Officers of the ship entered into counsel what was best to do, whereupon they agreed to send the boat on land again, to seek some man to speak with all, but they returned as wi●e as they went. Then we set sail again and sounded every mile or half mile, and found still one depth, so we not knowing where we were, came again to an anchor, seven or eight miles by West from the place we were at. Thus still doubting where we were, the bo●e went on land again, and brought news that we were short 80 miles of the place, whereas we thought we had been overshot by east fifty miles. Thus in these doubts we lost four days, and never a man in the ship able to tell where we were, notwithstanding there were diverse in the ship that had been there before. Then said the Pilot, They met with two Moors on land. that at his coming to the shore, by chance he see two wayfaring men, which were moors, and he cried to them in Turkish, insomuch that the Moors, partly for fear, and partly for lack of understanding, (seeing them to be Christians) began to fly, yet in the end with much a do, they stayed to speak with them, which men when they came together, were not able to understand each other, but our men made to them the sign of the Cross on the sand, to give them to understand that they were of the ship that brought the pilgrims. Then the Moors knowing (as all the country else doth) that it was the use of Christians to go to jerusalem, showed them to be yet by west of jaffa. Thus we remained all that night at anchor, and the farther west that we sailed, the less water we had. The 21 we set sail again, and kept our course North-east, but because we would not go along the shore by night, we came to an anchor in four and twenty fathom water. Then the next morning being the 22 we set sail again, and kept our course as before, and about three of the clock in the afternoon we had sight of the two towers of jaffa, The two towers of jaffa. and about five of the clock, we were with a rock, called in the Italian tongue, Scolio di Santo Petro, Scolio di Santo Petro. on the which rock they say he fished, when Christ bid him cast his net on the right side, and caught so many fish. This rock is now almost worn away. It is from jaffa two or three mile: here before the two towers we came to an anchor. Then the pilgrims after supper, in salutation of the holy land, sang to the praise of God, Te Deum laudamus, with Magnificat, and Benedictus, but in the ship was a Friar of Santo Francisco, who for anger because he was not called and warned, would not sing with us, so that he stood so much upon his dignity, that he forgot his simplicity, and neglected his devotion to the holy land for that time, saying that first they aught to have called him year they did begin, because he was a Friar, and had been there, and knew the orders. A messenger departeth for jerusalem. The 23 we sent the boat on land with a messenger to the Padre Guardian of jerusalem. This day it was notified unto me by one of the ship that had been a slave in Turkey, that no man might wear green in this land, because their prophet Mahomet went in green. Mahomet is clothed in green. This came to my knowledge by reason of the Scrivanello, who had a green cap, which was forbidden him to wear on the land. The 24. 25. and 26 we tarried in the ship still looking for the coming of the Padre guardian, and the 26 at night we had a storm which lasted all the next day. The Guardian of jerusalem cometh to jaffa, with the Cady and Subassi. The 27 in the morning, came the Cadi, the Subassi, & the Meniwe, with the Padre guardian, but they could not come at us by reason of the stormy weather: in the afternoon we assayed to sand the boat on land, but the weather would not suffer us. Then again toward night the boat went a shore, but it returned not that night. The same day in the afternoon we saw in the element, a cloud with a long tail, like unto the tail of a serpent, which cloud is called in Italian Cion, A cloud called of the Italians Cion most dangerous. the tail of this cloud did hung as it were into the sea: and we did see the water under the said cloud ascend, as it were like a smoke or mist, the which this Cion drawn up to it. The Mariners reported to us that it had this property, that if it should happen to have lighted on any part of the ship, that it would rend and wretch sails, mast, shrouds and ship and all in manner like a with: on the land, trees, houses, or whatsoever else it lighteth on, it would rend and wretch. These mariners did use a certain conjuration to break the said tail, A conjuration. or cut it in two, which as they say doth prevail. They did take a black hafted knife, and with the edge of the same did cross the said tail as if they would cut it in twain, saying these words, Hold thou Cion, eat this, and then they stuck the knife on the ship side with the edge towards the said cloud, and I see it therewith vanish in less than one quarter of an hour. But whether it was then consumed, or whether by virtue of the Enchantment it did vanish I know it, but it was go. Hereof let them judge that know more than I This afternoon we had no wind, but the Sea very stormy, insomuch that neither chest, pot, nor any thing else could stand in the ship, and we were driven to keep our meat in one hand, and the pot in the other, and so sit down upon the hatches to eat, for stand we could not, for that the Seas in the very port at an anchor went so high as if we had been in the bay of Portugal with stormy weather. The reason is, as the Mariners said to me, because that there meet all the waves from all places of the Straitss of Gibraltar, and there break, and that in most calms there go greatest seas, whether the wind blow or not. The 28. the weather growing somewhat calm, we went on land and rested ourselves for that day, and the next day we set forward toward the city of jerusalem. What I did, and what places of devotion I visited in jerusalem, and other parts of the Holy land, from this my departure from jaffa, until my return to the said port, may briefly be seen in my Testimonial, under the hand & seal of the vicar general of Mount Zion, which for the contentment of the Reader I thought good here to interlace. universis & singulis presents litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino nostro jesu Christo. A●●estamur vobis ac alijs quibuscunque, qualiter honorabilis vir johannes Lok civis Londoniensis, filius honorabilis viri Guilhelmi Lok equitis aura●i, ad sacratissima terrae sanctae loca personaliter se contulit, sanctissimum Domini nostri jesu Christi sepluchrum, e quo die tertia gloriosus à mortuis resurrexit, sacratissimum Caluariae montem, in quo pro nobis omnibus cruci affixus mori dignatus est, Zion etiam montem ubi coenam illam mirificam cum discipulis suis fecit, & ubi spiritus sanctus in die sancto Pentecostes in discipulos eosdem in linguis igneis descendit, Olivetique montem ubi mirabiliter coelos ascendit, intermerate virgins Marry Mausoleum in josaphat vallis medio si●um, Bethaniam quoque, Bethlehem civitatem David in qua de purissima virgine Maria natus est, ibique inter animalia reclinatus, pluraque loca alia tam in Jerusalem civitate sancta terre judee, quàm extra, à modernis peregrinis visitari solita, devotissimè visitavit, par●terque; adoravit. In quorum fidem, ego frater Antonius de Bergamo ordinis fratrum minorum regularis obseruantie, provincy divi Anthonij Sacri conventus montis Zion vicarius (licet indignus) necnon aliorum locorum terre Sanctae, apostolica authoritate comissarius & rector, has Sigillo maiori nostri officij nostraque subscriptione muniri volui. Datum Hierosolymis apud sacratissimum domini coenaculum in sepè memorato monte Zion, Anno Domini millesimo quinge●tesimo, quinquagesimo tertio, die vero sexto mensis Septembris. Frater Antonius qui supra. THe 15. of September being come from our pilgrimage, The pilgrims return from jerusalem. we went aboard our ship, and set sail, and kept our course West toward the Island of Cyprus, but all that night it was calm, and the 16. the wind freshed, and we passed by Mount Carmel. Mount Carmel. The 17. the wind was very scant, yet we kept the sea, and towards night we had a guste of rain whereby we were constrained to strike our sails, but it was not very stormy, nor lasted very long. The 18. 19● 20. and 21. we kept still the sea and see no land because we had very little wind, and that not very favourable. The 22. at noon the Boatswain sent some of the Mariners into the boat, (which we toed asterne from jaffa) for certain necessaries belonging to the ship, wherein the Mariners found a certain fish in proportion like a Dace, about 6. inches long (yet the Mariners said they had seen the like a foot long and more) the which fish had on every side a wing, and toward the tail two other lesser as it were fins, on either side one, but in proportion they were wings and of a good length. These wings grow out between the gillss and the carcase of the same fish. They are called in the Italian tongue Pesce columbini, Pesce columbini. for in deed, the wings being spread it is like to a flying dove, they say it will fly far, and very high. So it seemeth that being weary of her flight, she fallen into the boat, and not being able to rise again died there. The 23. 24. and 25. we sailed our direct course with a small gale of wind, and this day we had sight of the Island of Cyprus. The first land that we discovered was a headland called Cavo de la Griega, Cavo de la Griega. and about midnight we ankered by North of the Cape. This cape is a high hi●, long and square, and on the East corner it hath a high cop, that appeareth unto those at the sea, like a white cloud, for toward the sea it is white, and it lieth into the sea Southwest. This coast of Cyprus i● high declining toward the sea, but it hath no cliffs. Salini. The 26. we set sail again, and toward noon we came into the port of Salini, where we went on land and lodged that night at a town one mile from thence called Arnacho di Salini, Arnacho di Salini. this is but a village called in Italian, Casalia. Casalia. This is distant from ●affa 250. Italian miles. The 27. we rested, and the 28. we hired horses to ride from Arnacho to Selina, which is a good mile. The salt pit is very near two miles in compose, very plain● and level, into the which they let run at the time of rain a quantity of water coming from the mountains, which water is let in until the pit be full to a certain mark, which when it is full, the rest is conveyed by a trench into the sea. This water is let run in about October, or sooner or later, as the time of the year doth afford. There they let it remain until the end of july or the midst of August, out of which pits at that time, in stead of water that they let in they gather very fair white salt, without any further art or labour, for it is only done by the great heat of the sun. This the Uenetians have, and do maintain to the use of S. Mark, and the Venetian ships that come to this Island are bond to cast out their ballast, and to lad with salt for Venice. Also there may none in all the Island buy salt but of these men, who maintain these pits for S. Mark. This place is watched by night with 6. horsemen to the end it be not stolen by night. Six horsemen to watch the salt pit. Also under the Uenetians dominions no town may spend any salt, but they must buy it of Saint Mark, neither may any man buy any salt at one town to carry to another, but every one must buy his salt in the town where he dwelleth. Neither may any man in Venice buy more salt than he spendeth in the city, for if he be known to carry but one ounce out of the city and be accused, he loses an ear. The most part of all the salt they have in Venice cometh from these Saline●, and they have it so plentiful, that they are not able, never a year to gather the one half, for they only gather In july, August, and September, and not fully these three months. Yet notwithstanding the abundance that the ships carry away yearly, there remain heaps like hills, some heaps able to lad nine or ten ships, and there are heaps of two years gathering, some of three and some of nine or ten years making, to the value of a great sum of gold, and when the ships do lad, they never take it by measure, but when they come at Venice they measure it. This salt as it lieth in the pit is like so much ice, and it is six inches thick: they dig it with axes, and 'cause their slaves to carry it to the heaps. This night at midnight we road to Famagusta, which is eight leagues from Selina, which is 24 English miles. The 29 about two hours before day, we alighted at Fa●agusta, Fa●agusta. and after we were refreshed we went to see the town. This is a very fair strong bold, and the strongest and greatest in the Island. The walls are fair and new, and strongly rampired with four principal bulwarks, and between them currions, responding one to another, these walls did the Uenetians make. They have also on the haven side of it a Castle, and the haven is chained, the city hath only two gates, to say, one for the land and another for the sea, they have in the town continually, be it peace or wars, 800 soldiers, and forty and six gunner's, besides Captains, petty Captains, Governor and General. The land gate hath always fifty soldiers, pikes and gunner's with their har●es, watching there at night and day. At the sea gate five and twenty, upon the walls every night do watch fifteen men in watch houses, for every watch house five men, and in the market place 30 soldiers continually. There may no soldier serve there above 5. years, neither will they without friendship suffer them to departed afore 5. years be expired, and there may serve of all nations except Greeks. They have every pay, which is 45. days, 15 Mozenigos, Mozenigo. which is 15 shillings sterling. Their horsemen have only ●ixe soldes Venetian a day, Sold of Venice. and provender for their horses, but they have also certain land therewith to blow and sow for the maintenance of their horses, but truly I marvel how they live being so hardly fed, for all the summer they feed only upon chopped straw and barley, for hay they have none, and yet they be fair, fat and serviceable. The Uenetians sand every two years new rulers, which they call Castellani. Castellani. The town hath allowed it also two galleys continually armed and furnished. Saint Katheren● The 30 in the morning we rid to a chapel, where they say Saint Katherine was born. This Chapel is in old Famagusta, Chapel ●● old Famagusta. the which was destroyed by Englishmen, and is clean overthrown to the ground, to this day desolate and not inhabited by any person, it was of a great circuit, and there be to this day mountains of fair, great, and strong buildings, and not only there, but also in many places of the Island. Moreover when they dig, plough, or trench they find sometimes old ancient coins, divers coins under ground. some of gold, some of silver, and some of copper, yea and many tombs and vaults with sepulchres in them. This old Famagusta is from the other, four miles, and standeth on a hill, but the new town on a plain. Thence we returned to new Famagusta again to dinner, and toward evening we went about the town, and in the great Church we saw the tomb of king laque, which was the last king of Cyprus, and was buried in the year of Christ one thousand four hundred seventy & three, and had to wife one of the daughters of Venice, of the house of Cornari, the which family at this day hath great revenues in this Island, Cornari, a family of Venice married to king jaques. and by means of that marriage, the Venetians challenge the kingdom of Cyprus. The first of October in the morning, we went to see the relief of the watches. That done, we went to one of the Greeks Churches to see a pot or jar of stone, which is said to be one of the seven jars of water, the which the Lord God at the marriage converted into wine. It i● a pot of earth very fair, white enameled, and fairly wrought upon with drawn work, and hath on either side of it, instead of handles, cares made in form as the Painters make angels wings, it was about an elle high, and small at the bottom, with a long neck and correspondent in circuit to the bottom, the belly very great and round, it holdeth full twelve gallons, and hath a tap-hole to draw wine out thereat, the jar is very ancient, but whether it be one of them or not, I know not. The air of Famagusta is very unwholesome, as they say, by reason of certain marish ground adjoining unto it. They have also a certain yearly sickness reigning in the same town, above all the rest of the Island: yet nevertheless, they have it in other towns, but not so much. It is a certain redness and pain of the eyes, the which if it be not quickly helped, it taketh away their sight, so that yearly almost in that town, they have about twenty that loose their sight, either of one eye or both, and it cometh for the most part in this month of October, and the last month: for I have met divers times three and four at once in companies, both men and women. Their living is better cheap in Famagusta then in avy other place of the Island, Not vitalles must be sold our of the city of Famagusta. because there may no kind of provision within their liberty be sold out of the City. The second of October we returned to Arnacho, where we rested until the sixt day. Great ruins in Cyprus. This town is a pretty village, there are thereby toward the Sea side divers monuments, that there hath been great overthrow of buildings, for to this day there is no year when they find not, digging under ground, either coins, caves, and sepulchers of antiquities, as we walking, did see many, so that in effect, all alongst the Sea coast, throughout the whole Island, there is much ruin and overthrow of buildings: Cyprus 36. years disinhabited for lack of water. for as they say, it was disinhabited six and thirty years before Saint Helen's time for lack of water. And since that time it hath been ruinated and overthrown by Richard the first of that name, king of England, which he did in revenge of his sister's ravishment coming to jerusalem, Cypr. ruinated by Rich. the 1. the which enforcement was done to her by the king of Famagusta. The sixt day we rid to Nicosia, Nicosia. which is from Arnacho seven Cyprus miles, which are one and twenty Italian miles. This is the ancientest city of the Island, and i● walled about, but it is not strong neither of walls nor situation: It is by report three Cyprus miles about, it is not thoroughly inhabited, but hath many great gardens in it, and also very many Date trees, and plenty of Pomegranates and other fruits. There devil all the Gentility of the Island, and there hath every Cavalier or Conte of the Island an habitation. There is in this city one fountain rent by saint Mark, A fountain that watereth all the gardens in the city. which is bond every eight days once, to water all the gardens in the town, and the keeper of this fountain hath for every tree a Bizantin, A Bizantin is 6. d. sterling. which is twelve soldes Venice, and six pennies sterling. He that hath that to farm, with a fair and profitable garden thereto belonging, payeth every year to saint Mark, fifteen hundred crowns. The streets of the city are not paved, which maketh it with the quantity of the gardens, to seem but a rural habitation. But there be many fair buildings in the City, there be also Monasteries both of Franks & Greeks. The Cathedral church is called Santa Sophia, S. Sophia is a Cathedral church of Nicosia. in the which there is an old tomb of jaspis stone, all of one piece, made in form of a carriage coffer, twelve spans long, six spans broad, and seven spans high, which they say was found under ground. It is as fair a stone as ever I have seen. The seventh day we rid to a Greek Friary half a mile without the town. It is a very pleasant place, and the Friars feasted us according to their ability. These Friars are such as have been Priests, and their wives dying they must become Friars of this place, and never after eat flesh, for if they do, they are deprived from saying mass: neither, after they have taken upon them this order, may they marry again, but they may keep a single woman. These Greekish Friars are very continent and chaste, and surely I have seldom seen (which I have well noted) any of them fat. The 8. day we returned to Arnacho, and rested there. The 9 after midnight my company rid to the hill called Monte de la Croce (but I not disposed would not go) which hill is from Arnacho 15. Monte de la Croce. Italian miles. Upon the said hill is a certain cross, which is, they say, a holy Crosse. This Cross in times past did by their report of the Island, hung in the air, but by a certain earthquake, the cross and the chapel it hung in, were overthrown, so that never since it would hung again in the air. But it is now covered with silver, and hath 3. drops of our lords blood on it (as they ●ay) and there is in the midst o● the great cross, a little cross made of the cross of Christ, but it is closed in the silver, you must (if you will) believe it is so, for see it you cannot. This cross hangs now by both ends in the brickwall, that you may swing it up and down, in token that it did once hung in the air. This was told me by my fellow pilgrims, for I saw it not. The 10. at night we went aboard by warning of the patron: and the 11. in the morning we set sail, and crept along the shore, but at night we ankered by reason of contrary winds. Limis●o. The 12. we set sail toward Limisso, which is from Salines 50. miles, and there we went on land that night. The 13. and 14. we remained still on land, and the 15. the patron sent for us; but by reason that one of our company was not well, we went not presently, but we were forced afterward to hire a boat, and to overtake the ship ten miles into the sea. At this Limisso all the Venetian ships lad wine for their provision, and some for to cell, and also vinegar. They lad also great store of Carrobi: for all the country there about adjoining, and all the mountains are full of Carrobi trees, Carrobi. they lad also cotton wool there. In the said town we did see a certain foul of the land (whereof there are many in this Island) named in the Italian tongue Vulture. Vulture. It is a fowl that is as big as a Swan, and it liveth upon carrion. The skin is full of soft down, like to a fine fur, which they use to occupy when they have evil stomachs, and it maketh good digestion. This bird (as they say) will eat as much at one meal as shall serve him forty days after, and within the compass of that time careth for no more meat. The country people, when they have any dead beast, they carry it into the mountains, or where they suppose the said Uultures to haunt, they seeing the carrion do immediately greedily seize upon it, and do so engraffed their talents, that they cannot speedily rise again, by reason whereof the people come and k●ll them: sometimes they kill them with dogs, and sometimes with such weapons as they have. This foul is very great and hardy, much like an Eagle in the feathers of her wings and back, ●ut under her great feathers she is only down, her neck also long and full of down. She hath on the neck bone, between the neck and the shoulders, a heap of feathers like a Tassel, her thighs unto her knees are covered with down, her legs strong and great, and dareth with h●r talents assault a man. They have also in this Island a certain small bird, much like unto a Wagtail in feathers and making, these are so extreme fat that you can perceive nothing else in all their bodies: these birds are now in season. Great plenty of very fat birds. They take great quanti●ie of them, and they use to pickle them with vinegar and salt, and to put them in pots and sand th●m to Venice and other places of Italy for presents of great estimation. They say they sand almost 1200. jars or pots to Venice, besides those which are consumed in the Island, which are a great number. These are so plentiful that when there is no shipping, you may buy them for 10. Carchies, which come are 4. to a Vene●i●● Soldo, which is penny farthing the dozen, and when there is store of shipping, 2. pennies the dozen, after that rate of their money. They of the limits of Famagusta do keep the statutes of the Frenchmen which sometimes did rule there. The Famagustans observe the French statutes. And the people of Nicosia observe the order of the Genoveses, who sometimes also did rule them. All this day we lay in the sea with little wound. The 16. we met a Venetian ship, and they willing to speak with us, and we with them, made towards each other, but by reason of the evil stirrage of the other ship, we had almost boarded each other to our great danger. Toward night we ankered under Cavo Bianco, Cavo Bianco. but because the wind grew fair, we set sail again presently. The 17.18.19. and 20. we were at sea with calm summer weather, and the 20. we had some rain, and see another Cion in the element. Another Cion. This day also we saw, and spoke with a Venetian ship called el Bonna, A ship called el Bonna. bond for Cyprus. The 21. we sailed with a reasonable gale, and see no land until the 4. of November. This day we had rain, thunder, lightning, and much wound and stormy weather, A great tempest. but God be praised we escaped all dangers. The 4. of November, we had first sight of the Island of Candia, and we fallen with the Islands called Gozi, by South of Candia. Candia, Go●i. This day departed this present life, one of our company named Anthony Gelber of Prussia, Antony Gelber d●parteth this life. who only took his surfeit of Cyprus wine. This night we determined to ride a try, because the wound was contrary, and the weather troublesome. The 5. we had very rough stormy weather. This day was the said Anthony Gelber sowed in a Chavina filled with stones and thrown into the sea. By reason of the freshness of the wound we would have made toward the shore, but the wound put us to the sea, where we endured a great storm and a troublesome night. The 6.7. and 8. we were continually at the sea, & this day at noon the wound came fair, whereby we recovered the way which we had lost, and sailed out of sight of Candia. The 9 we sailed all day with a prosperous wound after 14. mile a● hour: and the 10. in the morning, we had sight of Cavo Matapan, and by noon of Cavo Gallo, Cavo Matapan. Cavo Gallo. in Morea, with which land we made by reason of contrary wound, like wise we had sight of Modon, Modon. under the which place we ankered. This Modon is a strong town, and built in the sea, and joineth on the North side to the land. It hath a little castle built into the sea, with a peer for little ships and galleys to harbour in. It hath on the South side of the channel, the Island of Sapientia, Sapientia. with other little Islands all disinhabited. The channel lieth South-west and North-east between the Islands and Morea, which is firm land. This Modon was built by the Venetians, but as some say it was taken from them by force of the Turk, and others say by composition: in like case Coron, Coron. Napolis de Roman●a. and Napolis de Romania, which is also in Morea. This night the Flemish pilgrims being drunk would have slain the patron because he ankered here. The 11. day we set sail again, and as we passed by Modon, we saluted them with ordinance, for they that pass by this place, must salute with ordinance, (if they have) or else by striking their top sails, for if they do not, the town will shoot at them. This day toward 2. of the clock we passed by the Island of Prodeno, Prodeno. which is but little, and desert, under the Turk. About 2. hours before night, we had sight of the Islands of Zante and Cephalonia, Z●n●e and Cephalonia. which are from Modon one hundredth miles. The 12. day in the morning, with the wound at West, we doubled between Castle Torneste, Castle Torneste under the Turk. and the Island of Zante. This castle is on the firm land under the Turk. This night we ankred afore the town of Zante, where we that might went on land, and rested there the 13. 14. and 15. at night we were war●ed aboard by the patron. This night the ship took in victuals and other necessaries. The 16. in the morning we set sail with a prosperous wound, and the 17. we had sight of Cavo de santa Maria in Albania, Cavo S. Maria on the coast of Albania. on our right hand, and Corfu on the left hand. This night we ankered before the castles of Corfu, Cor●u Island. and went on land and refreshed ourselves. The 18. by means of a friend we were licensed to enter the castle or fortress of Corfu, The description of the ●or●e of Cor●u. which is not only of situation the strongest I have seen, but also of edification. It hath for the Inner ward two strong castles situated on the top of two high crags of a rock, a bow shoot distant the one from the other: the rock is unassaultable, for the second ward it hath strong walls, with rampires and trenches, made as well as any art can devise. For the third ward and uttermost, it hath very strong walls with rampires of the rock itself cut out by force, and trenched about with the Sea. The bulwarks of the uttermost ward are not yet finished, which are in number but two: there are continually in the castle seven hundred soldiers. Also it hath continually four wards, to wit, for the land entry one, for the sea entry another, and two other wards. Artillery and other munition of defence always ready planted it hath sufficient, besides the store remaining in their storehouses. The Venetians hold this for the k●y of all their dominions, and for strength it may be no less. This Island is very fruitful and plentiful of wine and corn very good, and olives great store. The Island of Co●●u is very plentiful. This Island is parted from Albania ●ith a channel, in some places eight and ten, and in other but three miles. Albania is under the Turk, but i● it are many Christians. All the horsemen of Corfu are Albaneses; the Island is not above 80. or 90. miles in compass. The 19.20. and 21. we remained in the town of Corfu. The 22. day we went aboard and set sail, the wound being very calm we toed the ship all that day, and toward Sun set, the castle sent a Fragatta unto us, to give us warning of three Foists coming after us, for whose coming we prepared and watched all night, but they c●me not. The 23. day in the morning being calm, we toed out of the Straight, until we came to the old town, whereof there is nothing standing but the walls. There is also a new Church of the Greeks called Santa Maria di Cassopo, and the towns name is called Cassopo. C●ssopo. It is a good port. About noon we passed the Straight, and ●rew toward the end of the Island, having almost no wound. This night after supper, by reason of a certain Hollander that was drunk, there arose in the ship such a troublesome disturbance, that all the s●ip was in an uproar with weapons, A dangerous 〈◊〉 in the ship. and had it not been rather by God's help, and the wisdom and patience of the patron, more than by our procurement, there had been that night a great slaughter. But as God would, there was no hurt, but only the beginner was put under hatches, and with the fall h●rt his face very sore. All this night the wound blew at Southeast, and sent us forward. The 24. in the morning we found ourselves before an Island called Saseno, Saseno. which is in the entry to Valona, Valona. and the wound prosperous. The 25. day we were before the hills of Antiveri, and about sun set we passed Ragusa, and three hours within night we ankered within Meleda, Meleda. having Sclavonia or Dalmatia ●n the right hand of us, and the wind Southwest. The 26 in the morning we set sail, and passed the channel between Sclavonia and Meleda, which may be eight mile over at the most. This Island is under the Raguses. At after noon with a hard gale at west and by north we entered the channel between the Island Curzola and the hills of Dalmatia, Curzola a fruitful Island. in the which channel be many rocks, and the channel not past 3 miles over, and we ankered before the town of Curzola. This is a pretty ●owne walled about and built upon the sea side, having on the top of a round hill a fair Church. This Island is under the Venetians, there grow very good vines, also that part toward Dalmatia is well peopled and husbanded, especially for wines. In the said Island we met with the Venetian army, to wit, ten galleys, and three foys●es. All that night we remained there. In the Island of Lesina, are taken store of Sardinas. The 27 we set sail and passed along the Island, and towards afternoon we passed in before the Island of Augusta, and about sun set before the town of Lesina, whereas I am informed by the Italians, they take all the Sardinas that they spend in Italy. This day we had a prosperous wind at Southeast. The Island of Lesina is under the Uenetians, a very fruitful Island adjoining to the main of Dalmatia, we left it on our right hand, and passed along. The gulf of Que●n●ro. The 28 in the morning we were in the Gulf of Quernero, and about two hours after noon we were before the cape of Istria, and at sun set we were at anchor afore Rovignio whi●h is also in Istria and under the Uenetians, Rovignio. where all ships Venetian and others are bond by order from Venice to take in their Pilots to go for Venice. All the summer the Pilots lie at Rovignio, and in winter at Parenzo, which is from Rovignio 18 miles by West. Parenzo. The 29 we set sail and went as far as Parenzo, and ankered there that day, and went no further. S. Nicolo an Island. The 30 in the morning we rowed to Sant Nicolo a little Island hard by uninhabited, but only it hath a Monastery, & is full of Olive trees, after mass we returned and went aboard. This day the patron hired a Bark to embark the pilgrims for Venice, but they departed not. In the afternoon we went to see the town of Parenzo, it is a pretty handsome town, under the Uenetians. After supper we embarked ourselves again, and that night we sailed towards Venice. Caorle standing at the e●●ry of the marshes of Venice. The first of December we passed a town of the Uenetians, standing on the entry to the Palude or marshes of Venice: which town is called Caorle, and by contrary winds we were driven thither to take port. This is 60 miles from Parenzo, and forty from Venice, there we remained that night. The second two hours before day, with the wind at Southeast, we sailed towards Venice, Our arrival at Venice. where we arrived (God be praised) at two of the clock after dinner, and landed about four, we were kept so long from landing, because we dared not land until we had presented to the Providor de la Sanita, our letter of health. The manner of the entering of Soliman the great Turk, with his army into Aleppo in Syria, marching towards Persia against the Great Sophy, the fourth day of November, 1553, noted by Master Anthony jenkinson, present at that time. THere marched before the Grand signor, otherwise called the Great Turk, 6000 Esperes, otherwise called light horsemen very brave, clothed all in scarlet. After, marched 10000 men, called Nortans, which be tributaries to the Great Turk, clothed all in yellow velvet, and hats of the same, of the Tartary fashion, two foot long, with a great role of the same colour about their foreheads, richly decked, with their bows in their hands, of the Turkish fashion. After them marched four Captains, men of arms, called in Turkish Saniaques, clothed all four in crimson velvet, every one having under his banner twelve thousand men of arms well armed with their morrions upon their heads, marching in good order, with a short weapon by their sides, called in their language, Simiterro. After came 16000 jonizaries, called the slaves of the Grand signor, all a foot, every o●e having his harquebus, who be his guard, all clothed in violet silk, and appareled upon their heads with a strange form, called Cuocullucia, fashioned in this sort: the entering in of the forehead is like a skull made of white velvet, & hath a train hanging down behind, in manner of a French hood, of the same colour, and upon the forepart of the said skull, just in the mids of his forehead there is standing bolt upright like a trunk of a foot long of silver, garnished most richly with Goldsmith's work, and precious stones, and in the top of the said ●runke a great bu●h of feathers, which waveth up and down most bravely when he marcheth. After this, there came 1000 pages of honour, all clothed in clot of gold, the half of them carrying harquebusses, and the other half Turkish bows, with their trusses of arrows, marching in good order. Then came three men of arms well armed, and upon their harness coats of the Turks fashion, of Libard skins, and murrions upon their heads, their spears charged, and at the end of their staff hard by the head of the spear, a horse tail died in a bloody colour, which is their ensign: they be the challengers for the Turks own person. After them came seven pages of honour in clot of silver, upon seven white horses, which horses were covered with clot of silver, all embroidered and garnished with precious stones, emerauds, diamonds, and rubies most richly. After them also came six more pages of honour, clothed in clot of gold, every one having ●is bow in his hand, and his fawchine of the Turks fashion by his side. Immediately after them came the great Turk himself with great pomp & magnificence, using in his countenance and gesture a wonderful majesty, having only on each side of his person one page clothed with clot of gold: he himself was mounted upon a goodly white horse, adorned with a rob of clot of gold, embroidered most richly with the most precious stones, and upon his head a goodly white tuck, containing in length by estimation fift●●ne yards, which was of silk and linen woven together, resembling something Calicut clot, but is much more fine and rich, and in the top of his crown, a little pinnach of white Ostrich feathers, and his horse most richly appareled in all points correspondent to the same. After him followed six goodly young ladies, mounted upon fine white hackneis, clothed in clot of silver, w●i●h were of the fashion of men's garments, embroidered very richly with pearl and precious stones, and had upon their heads caps of Goldsmith's work, having great flackets of hair, hanging out on each side, died as read as blood, and the nails of their fingers died of the same colour, every of them having two eunuchs on each side, and little bows in their hands, after an Antic fashion. After marched the great Bassa chief conductor of the whole army, clothed with a rob of Dollymant crimson, and upon the same another short garment very rich, and about him fifty janissaries afoot, of his own guard, all clothed in crimson velvet, being armed as the great Turks own janissaries. Then after ensued three other Bassa's, with slaves about them, being afoot, to the number of three thousand men. After came a company of horsemen very brave, and in all points well armed, to the number of four thousand. All this aforesaid army, most pompous to behold, which was in number four score and eight thousand men, encamped about the city of Aleppo, and the Grand signor himself was lodged within the town, in a goodly castle, situated upon a high mountain: at the foot whereof runneth a goodly river, which is a branch of that famous river Euphrates. The rest of his army passed over the mountains of Armenia called now the mountains of Camarie, which are four days journey from Aleppo, appointed there to tarry the coming of the Grand signor, with the rest of his army, intending to march into Persia, to give battle to the great Sophy. So the whole army of the Grand signor, containing as well those that went by the mountains, as also those that came to Aleppo in company with him, with horsemen & footmen, and the conductors of the camels and victuals, were the number of 300000. men. The camels which carried munition and victuals for the said army, were in number 200000. A note of the presents that were given at the same time in Aleppo, to the grand signor, and the names of the presenters. FIrst the Bassa of Aleppo, which is as a Uiceroy, presented 100 garments of clot of gold, and 25. horses. The Bassa of Damascus, presented 100 garments of clot of gold, and twenty horses, with divers sorts of comfits, in great quantity. The Bassa of Aman presented 100 garments of clot of gold, 20. horses, and a cup of gold, with two thousand ducats. The Saniaque of Tripoli presented sir camels, charged all with silks, 20. horses, and a little clock of gold, garnished with precious stones, esteemed worth two hundred ducats. The Consul of the company of the Venetians in ●●ipolis, came to kiss the grand Signiors hand, and presented him a great basin of gold, and therein 4000 ducats Venetians. The safeconduct or privilege given by Sultan Solyman the great Turk, to master Anthony jenkinson at Aleppo in Syria, in the year 1553. SVltan Solyman, etc. to all Uiceroy●s, Saniaques, Cadies, and other our justicers, Officers, and subjects of Tripoli in Syria, Constantinople, Alexandria in Egypt, and of all other towns and cities under our dominion and jurisdiction: We will and commanded you, that when you shall see Anthony jenkinson, bearer of these present letters, merchant of London in England, or his factor, or any other bearing the said letter for him, arrive in our ports and havens, with his ship or ships, or other vessels whatsoever, that you suffer him to lad or unlade his merchandise wheresoever it shall seem good unto him, traffiking for himself in all our countries and dominions, without hindering or any way disturbing of him, his ship, his people or merchandise, and without enforcing him to pay any other custom or toll whatsoever, in any sort, or to any people whatsoever they be, save only our ordinary duties contained in our custom houses, which when he hath paid, we will that he be frank and free, as well for himself as for his people, merchandise, ship or ships, and all other vessels whatsoever: and in so doing that he may traffic, bargain, cell and buy, lad and unlade, in all our foresaid Countries, lands and dominions, in like sort, and with the like liberties and privileges, as the Frenchmen and Venetians use, and enjoy, and more if it be possible, without the hindrance or impeachment of any man. And furthermore, we charge and command all Uiceroyes, and Consuls of the French nation, and of the Venetians, and all other Consuls resident in our Countries, in what port or province soever they be, not to constrain, or cause to constrain by them, or the said Ministers and Officers whatsoever they be, the said Anthony jenkinson, or his factor, or his servants, or deputies, or his merchandise, to pay any kind of consullage, or other right whatsoever, or to intermeddle or hinder his affairs, and not to molest nor trouble him any manner of way, because our will and pleasure is, that he shall not pay in all our Countries, any other ●hen our ordinary custom. And in case any man hinder and impeach him, above, and besides these our present letters, we charge you most expressly to defend and assist him against the said Consuls, and if they will not obey our present commandment, that you advertise us thereof, that we may take such order for the same, that others may take example thereby. Moreover, we command all our Captains of our Galleys, and their Lieutenant's, be they Foists or other Uessels, that when they shall find the said jenkinson, or his factor, his ship or ships, with his servants and merchandise, that they hurt him not neither in body nor goods, but that rather they assist and defend him against all such as seek to do him wrong, and that they aid and help him with victuals, according to his want, and that whosoever shall see these presents, obey the same, as th●y will avoid the penalty in doing the contrary. Made in Aleppo of Syria, the year 961. of our holy prophet Mahomet, and in the year of jesus, 1553. signed with the sceptre and signet of the grand signor, with his own proper hand. A discourse of the trade to Chio, in the year 1569. made by Gaspar Campion, unto master Michael Lock, and unto master William Winter, as by his letters unto them both shall appear. Written the 14. of February. 1569. Worshipful Sir, etc. As these days passed I spoke unto you about the procurement of a safe conduct from the great Turk, for a trade to Chio: The way and manner how it may be obtained with great ease shall plainly appear unto you in the lines following. Sir, you shall understand that the Island of Chio in time past hath been a Signiory or lordship of itself, and did belong unto the Genoese. There were 24. of them that governed the island which were called Mauneses. But in continuance of time the Turk waxed so strong and mighty, that they, considering they were not able to keep it, unless they should become his tributaries, because the Island had no corn, nor any kind of victuals to sustain themselves, but only that which must of necessity come out of the Turks domi●ions, and the said island being enclosed with the Turks round about, and but 12. miles from the Turks Continent, therefore the said Genoese did compound and agreed to be the Turk's tributaries, and to pay him 14000. thousand ducats yearly. Always provided, that they should keep their laws both spiritual and temporal, as they did when the Island was in their own hands. Thus he granted them their privilege, which they enjoyed for many years, so that all strangers, and also many English men did trade thither of long continuance, and went and came in safety. In this mean time, the prince Pedro Doria (being a Genovois) become a captain to serve the Emp●rour with 30 or 40 galleys against the Turk. The Prince Pedro Do●●a is capt●i●e of 40 galleys redwithe Emperor. And since that time divers other captains belonging to Genoa have been in the service of king Philip against the Turk. Moreover, whensoever the Turk made out any army, he perceived that no na●ion did him more hurt then those Genovois, who were his tributaries. Likewise at the Turks siege of Malta, before which place he lay a great while, with loss of his men, and also of his galleys, he found ●one so troublesome unto his force, as one juanette Doria a Genovois, Iuan●●●e Do●i●● and divers others of the Island of Chio, who were his tributaries. At which sight, he took such displeasure against them of Chio, that he sent c●rtaine of his galleys to the Island, for to s●ise upon all the goods of the 24 Maunese, The Maunese put out of the Island of Chio ●y the Turk●. and to turn them with their wives and children out of the Island, but they would let none other departed, because the Island should not be vnpeopled● So that now the Turk hath sent one of his chief men to rule there: whereby now it will be more easy for us to obtain our safeconduct then ever it was before. For if the townsmen of Chio did know that we would trade thither (as we did in times past) they themselves, and also the customer (for the Turk in all his dominions doth rend his customs) would be the chiefest procurer of this our safeconduct for his own gain: which is no small matter: for we can pay no less than ten in the hundred throughout the Turks whole dominion. The ●●s●o●●●horowe ●● all Tu●kie is ●en in e●ery h●●dreth. Insomuch, that if one of our ships should go thither, it would be for the customers profit 4000 ducats at lest, whereas if we should not trade thither, he should loose so much. Also the burgesses, and the common people would be very glad of our trade there, for the Communality do get more by our countrymen th●n they do by any other nation whatsoever: English men do buy more commodities of Chio then any other nation. for we do use to buy many of their silk quilts, and of their Scamato and Dimite, that the poor people make in that town, more than any other nation, so that we would not so gladly trade, but the people of the country would betwise so willing. Wherefore they themselves would be a means unto their governor, by their petition to bring this trade to pass: giving him to understand that of all nations in the world we do him least hurt, and that we may do his country great good in consuming those commodities which his country people make. Furthermore, it were far more requisite that we should carry our own commodities, then to suffer a stranger to carry them thither, for that we can afford them better cheap than a stranger ca●. I writ not this by hear say of other men, but of mine own experience, for I have traded in the country above this 30 years, and have been married in the town of Chio full 24 years, so that you may assure yourself that I will writ nothing but truth. Now I will declare unto you the wares and commodities that are in the countries near abont Chio. Great store of sundry commodities to be had in Chio. There are very good galls, the best sort whereof are sold in England five shillings dearer than any other country galls. There is also cotton wool, tanned hides, hides in the hair, wax, chamlets, mocayares, grograms, silk of divers countries, cordovan skins tanned white, to be made black, of them great quantity, and also course wool to make beds. The natural commodities growing in the Island it self are silk raw, and mastic. Of these commodities ●here are laden yearly ten or twelve great ships of Genoa, besides five or six that do belong to the town of Chio, which ships are fraughted for Genoa, Messina, and Ancona. And now that the Maunese and the chief merchants of Genoa are banished, the trade is clean lost, by reason whereof merchandise must now of necessity be better cheap than they have been in times past. But yet when all those ships did trade to the country, & also our ships, we never had less than three kintals of galls for a carsie, and in England we sold them for 35 and 36 shillings the hundred. And whereas now they are brought by the Venetians, they cell them unto us for three pound ten shillings, and four pound the hundred. Also we had three kintals of cott●n wool for a carsie, and sold the wool in England for 50 shillings or 3 pound at the most, whereas now the Italians cell the same to us for 4 pound 10 shillings and 5 pound the hundred. In like manner chamlets, whereas we had three pieces, and of the best sort two and a half for a carsie, and could not cell them above 20 shillings and 22 shillings the piece, they cell them for 30 and 35 shillings the piece. Also grograms, where we had of the best, two pieces and a half for a carsie, they cell them for four shillings and four shillings and six pennies the yard. Carpets the smaller sort which serve for cupboards, we had three for a carsie: whereas we at the most could not cell them but for 20 shillings the piece, they cell them for 35 shillings the piece. And so all other commodities that the Uenetians do bring, they cell them to us for the third part more gains than we ourselves in those days that we traded in those parts. Likewise the barrels of oil that they bring from Candia, we never could cell them above four nobles the barrel, where they cell them always for 50 shillings & 3 pound the barrel. What great pity is this, that we should loose so good a trade, and may have it in our own hands, and be better welcome to that country than the Uenetians. Moreover, the Uenetians come very little to Chio, for their most trade is into Alexandria. And for to assure you that we had these commodities in barter of our carsies, look into your father's books, and the books of Sir john Gresham, and his brethren, and you shall find what I have said to be true. divers places where we may have sweet oils for our clothing far cheaper than on't of Spain. Also you know, that we are forced to seek oils out of Spain, and that for these many years they have been sold for 25 pound and 30 pound the tun: whereas, if we can obtain the foresaid safeconduct from the Turk, there are divers places in his dominions, where we may lad 500 tons, at 5 pound sterling the tun. The places are Modon, and Coron, which are but twelve miles distant the one from the other, and do stand in our way to Chio, as you may plainly see by the Card. Also these are places where we may utter our own commodities, and not only these two places, but many others, where we may have oils, and be better used than we are in Spain, where we pay very dear, and also are very evil entreated many ways, as to you is not unknown. So that by these means (if the merchants will) we may be eased, and have such a trade as the like is not in Christendom. Now, as for getting the safeconduct, if I were but able to spend one hundred pounds by the year, I would be bond to loose it, if that I did not obtain the foresaid safeconduct. For I know that if the inhabitants of Chio did but think that we would trade thither again, they at their own cost would procure to us a safeconduct, without any penny of charges to the merchants. So that if the merchants will but bear my charges to solicit the cause, I will undertake it myself. Wherefore I pray you speak to M. Winter and the other merchants, that this matter may take effect. And let me have your answer herein assoon as conveniently you may, for that the time of the year draweth nigh that this business must be done. Thus I commit you to God, and rest always yours to command. Yours as your servant Gaspar Campion. To the worshipful M. William Winter. IT may please your worship to understand, that as concerning the voyage to Chio, what great profit would be got, both for merchants, and also for owners of ships (as it was well known in those days when the Matthew Gonson, the Trinity Fitzwilliams, and the Saviour of Bristol, with divers other ships which traded thither yearly, and made their voyage in ten or twelve months, and the longest in a year) M. Francis Lambert, M. john Brooke, and M. Draver can truly inform you hereof at large. And by reason that we have not traded into those parts these many years, and the Turk is grown mighty, whereby our ships do not trade as they were wont, I find that the Uenetians do bring those commodities hither, and do cell them for double the value that we ourselves were accustomed to fetch them. Wherefore, as I am informed by the above named men, that there is none so fit to furnish this voyage as yourself: my request is that there may be a ship of convenient burden prepared for this voyage, and then I will satisfy you at large what is to be done therein. And because the Turk, as I said before, is waxed strong, and hath put out the Christian rulers, and placed his own subjects, we may doubt whether we may so peacealy trade thither as we were wont: therefore I dare undertake to obtain a safeconduct, if my charges may be born to go and come. Of the way how this may be done, M. Locke can satisfy you at large. Moreover, I can inform you more of the trade of that country, than any other, for that I have been in those parts these thirty years, and have been married in the very town of Chio full four and twenty years. Gaspar Campion married in Chio 24 years. Furthermore, when one of our ships cometh thither, they bring at the lest six or eight thousand carsies, so that the custom thereof is profitable for the prince, and the return of them is profitable to the common people: for in barter of our wares, we took the commodities which the poor of that town made in their houses: so that one of our ships brought the prince and country more gains than six ships of other nations. The want of this our trade thither was the only cause why the Christian rulers were displaced: for when they paid not their yearly tribute, they were put out by force. Touching the ship that must go, she must observe this order, she must be a ship of countenance, and she must not touch in any part of Spain, for the times are dangerous, nor take in any lading there: but she must lad in England, either goods of our own, or else of strangers, and go to Genoa or Legorno, where we may be well entreated, and from thence she must make her money to buy wines, by exchange to Candia, for there both custom & exchange are reasonable: and not do as the Math. Gonson & other ships did in time past, who made sale of their wares at Messina for the lading of their wines, and paid for turning their white money into gold after four and five in the hundredth, and also did hazard the loss of ship and goods by carrying away their money. Thus by the aforesaid course we shall trade quietly, and not be subject to these dangers. Also from Legorno to Castilia de la mar, Store of hoops laden at Castilia de la mare for Candia. which is but 16 miles from Naples, and the ready way to Candia, you may lad hoops, which will cost carolins of Naples 27 and a half the thousand, which is ducats two and a half of Spain. And in Candia for every thousand of hoops you shall have a but of Malmsey clear of all charges. Insomuch that a ship of the burden of the Matthew Gonson will carry four hundredth thousand hoops, so that one thousand ducats will lad her, and this is an usual trade to Candia, as M. Michael Locke can testify. Furthermore, it is not unknown to you, that the oils which we do spend in England for our clot, are brought out of Spain, and that very dear, and in England we cannot cell them under 28 pound and 30 pound the tun: I say we may have good oil, and better cheap in divers places within the straits. Wherefore if you think good to take this voyage in hand, I will inform you more particularly when you please. In the mean time I rest your worships to command. Yours at your pleasure jasper Campion. The true report of the siege and taking of Famagusta, of the antic writers called Tamassus, a city in Cyprus 1571. In the which the whole order of all the skirmishes, batteries, mines, and assaults given to the said fortress, may plainly appear. Englished out of Italian by William Malim. To the right honourable and his singular good Lord, and only Patron the Earl of Leicester, Baron of Denbigh, Knight of the honourable order of the Garter, one of the Queen's Majesties most honourable privy Council etc. William Malim wisheth long health with increase of honour. IT hath been a natural instinct (right honourable and mine especial good lord) engraffed in noble personages hearts, much approved and confirmed also by custom, for them to seek from time to time, by some means in their life, by the which they after their death might deliver over their name to their posterity: lest otherwise with their body, their fame also altogether might perchance be buried. Upon the which consideration we read many notable and famous things to have been erected in time passed of noble personages (having had wealth at will) in such sort, that not only certain ruins of the same sumptuous works builded so many hundred years past, do still remain, but also the most part of those princes, the authors of them, do continually by them devil in our memories. As the Pyramids made at Memphis, or near the famous river of Nilus, by the great expenses of the kings of Egypt: the tower called Pharia, made in the Island of Pharos by king Ptolomee: the walls of Babylon, made or at the lest re-edified by queen Semiramis: Diana's church at Ephesus builded by all the noble people of Asia: Mausolus' tomb or sepulchre, made by his wife queen of Caria: Colossus Solis placed at Rhodes, I remember not by what Princes charge, but made by the hands of Cares Lindius scholar to Lysippus: and the image of jupiter, made of Ivory by the hands of the skilful workman Phydias. The which monuments made of barbarous and heathen Princes to redeem themselves from oblivion deserved both for the magnificence, and perfect workmanship of the same, to be accounted in those days as the seven wonders of the world. Since the which time, an easier, readier, and lighter way, being also of more continuance than the former, hath been found out, namely, Letters, which were first invented by the Caldies' and Egyptians, as we read, and augmented since by others, to our great benefit, and now last of all (no long time passed) the same to have been committed to Printers presses, to the greatest perfection of the same: men being first enforced to writ their acts and monuments in beasts skins dried, in barks of trees, or otherwise perchance as unreadily. By the which benefit of letters (now reduced into print) we see how easy a thing it is, and hath been for noble people, to live forever by the help of learned men. For the memory of those two worthy and valiant captains Scipio and Hannibal had been long before this present quite forgotten, except Titus Liui●s, or ●ome such learned Historiographer had written of them in time. And Alexander Magnus himself that great conqueror had nothing been spoken of, had not Q. Curtius, or some other like by his learned stile revived the remembrance of him, and called back again his doings to his posterity. For the which cause we see commonly in all ages learned men to be much made of by noble personages, as that rare pattern of learning Aristotle to have been greatly honoured of that former renowned Monarch Alexander: who affirmed openly, that he was more bond to his Master Aristotle, then to king Philip his father, because the one had well framed his mind, the other only his body. Many other like examples I could allege at this present, if I known not unto whom I now written, or in what: for your honour being skilful in histories, and so familiarly acquainted with the matter itself, that is in still entertaining learned men with all courtesy, I should seem to light a candle at noon tide, to put you in remembrance of the one, or to exhort you to do the other, daily being accustomed to perform the same. Crassus saith in Tully's first book, De Oratore: that a Lawyer's house is the oracle of the whole city. But I can justly witness, that for these five years last passed, since my return from my travel beyond the seas, that your lodging in the Court (where I through your undeserved goodness to my great comfort do daily frequent) hath been a continual receptacle or harbour for all learned men coming from both the eyes of the realm, Cambridge, and Oxford (of the which University your lordship is chancellor) to their great satisfaction of mind, and ready dispatch of their suits. Especially for Preachers and Ministers of true religion: of the which you have been from time to time not only a great favourer, but an earnest furtherer, and protector: so that these two nurseries of learning (in one of the which I have before this spent part of my time, that I may speak boldly what I think) should wrong your honour greatly, and much forget themselves, if by all means possible they should not hereafter (as at this present to their small powers many well learned gentlemen of them do) labour and travel in showing of themselves thankful, to reverence and honour your lordship, and honest their own names: whose studies certainly would suddenly decay and fall flat, if they were not held up by such noble props, and had not some sure ankerholds in their distress to lean unto. How ready daily your travel is, and hath long been besides to benefit all other people, in whom any spark of virtue or honesty remains, I need not labour to express, the world knowing already the same. But whosoever they be, that in all their life time have an especial care by all means to profit as many as they be able, and hurt none, do not only a laudable act, but lead a perfect and very godly life. Whereupon Strabo affirmeth this most truly to be spoken of them: Mortales tum demum Deum imitari, cum benefici fuerint. That is, Mortal men then specially to follow the nature of God, when they are beneficial and bountiful to others. Great commendation undoubtedly it bringeth to any noble parsonage, that as the Moon, that light and brightness which she receiveth of the Sun, is wont presently to spread abroad upon the face of the earth, to the refreshing and comforting of all inferior and natural things bearing life: so for him, to bestow all that favour and credit, which he hath got at the prince's hands, to the help and relief of the worthy and needy. Great is the force (my right honourable lord) of true virtue, which causeth men, as Tully writeth in his book De Amicitia, to be loved & honoured often of those people, which never see them. Whereof I never had better proof (I take God & mine one conscience to witness, the which I declared also to certain of my friends assoon as I returned) then at my last being at Constantinople, in the year of our Lord 1564, Master Malim at Constantinople 1564. whereas I often resorting (as occasion served) to the right honourable Christian ambassadors, while I made my abode there (namely unto Monsieur Antonio Petrimol, lieger there for the French king, Sig. M. Victor Bragadino, for the signory of Venice, Sig. Lorenzo Giustiniano, for the state of Scio, or Chios, and Sig. Albertacio delli Alberti, for the duke of Florence) herded them often report and speak very honourably of your lordship, partly for your other good inclinations of nature, but especially for your liberality, & courteous entreating of divers of their friends & countrymen, which upon sundry occasions had been here in this our realm. So that to conclude, all men justly favour your honourable dealings and deserts: and I for my part have reverenced and honoured the same evermore both here at home, and elsewhere abroad, wishing often to have had some just occasion to pay part of that in good will, which my slender ability will never suffer me fully to discharge. For unto whom should I sooner present anything any way, especially concerning matters done abroad, then unto your lordship, by whom I was much cherished abroad in my travel, and maintained since my return here at home? For the which cause I have enterprised (hoping greatly of your lordship's favour herein) to cloth and set forth a few Italian news in our English attire, being first moved thereunto by the right worshipful M. D. Wilson Master of her Majesties' Requests, your honou●s a●●ured trusty friend, a great & painful furtherer of learning, whom I, and many other for divers respects aught to reverence: who remembering that I had been at Cyprus, was willing that my pen should travel about the Christian and Turkish affairs, which there lately have happened: persuading himself, that somewhat thereby I might benefit this our native country. Against whose reasonable motion I could not greatly wrestle, hazarding rather my slender skill in attempting and performing this his requested task, than he through my refusal should seem to want any jot of my good will. In offering up the which news, although I shall present no new thing to your honour, because you are so well acquainted with the Italian copy, as I know: yet I trust your lordship will not mislike, that the same which is both pleasant to read, and so necessary to be known for divers of our captains and other our countrymen, which are ignorant in the Italian tongue, may thus now show itself abroad, covered under the wing of your lordship's protection. Certainly it moveth me much to remember the loss of those three notable islands, to the great discomfort of all Christendom, to those hellish Turks, horseleeches of Christian blood: namely Rhodes besieged on S. john Baptist's day, Rhodes lost. and taken on john's day the Evangelist, being the 27 of December 1522. Scio or Chios being lost since my being there, Scio lost. taken of Piali Bassa with 80 galleys, the 17 of April 1566. And now last of all not only Famagusta the chief hold & fortress in Cyprus Cyprus lost. to have been lost of the Venetians the 15 of August last past 1571 (the chief governors & captains of them being hewn in sunder by the commandment of that tyrant Mustafa Bassa) but all the whole Island also to be conquered by those cruel Turks, ancient professed enemies to all Christian religion. In the which evil success (coming to us as I take it for our offences) as I lament the general loss: so I am surely pensive to understand by this too true a report of the vile death of two particular noble gentlemen of Venice, Sig. M. Lorenzo Tiepolo, and Sig. M. Giovanni Antonio Querint: of both the which I in my travail was very courteously used, the former of them being then (as now also he was in this overthrow) governor of Baffo in Cyprus, the other captain of one of the castles at Corcyra in Greece, now called Corfu. But things past are past amendment, and they could never die more honourably, then in the defence of their country. Besides that the late blows, which the Turks have received since this their fury, in token of God's wrath against them, do much comfort every Christian heart. Moreover, this uniform preparation which is certainly concluded, and forthwith looked for, by very many Christian Princes (would God by all generally) against these barbarous Mahometists: whose cruelty and beastly behaviour I partly know, and am able to judge of having been in Turkey amongst them more than eight months together. Whose unfaithfulness also and breach of promise, as the Venetians manly courage in defence of themselves, and their fortress, your honour may easily read in this short treatise and small handful of leaves, I having set down also a short description of the Island of Cyprus, for the better understanding of the whole matter. The which I not only most humbly beseech your honour now favourably to accept as an earnest penny of more to come, and of my present good will: but with your accustomed goodness towards me, to defend the same against such people, whose tongues too readily roll sometime against other men's painful travels, persuading themselves to purchase the sooner some credit of learning with the ruder sort, by controlling and overdaintie sifting of other men's laboured tasks. For I know in all ages to be found as well Basilisks as Elephants. Thus nothing doubting of your ready aid herein, as I assuredly trust of your honours favourable acceptation of this my poor present, wishing long life with the increase of God's holy spirit to your lordship and to all your most honourable family (unto whom I have wholly dedicated myself by mine own choice and election for ever) I, craving pardon for my former boldness, most humbly thus take my leave. From Lambhith the 23 of March. Ann. 1572. Your honours most humble and faithful servant for ever, William Malim. A brief description of the Island of Cyprus: by the which not only the Venetians title why they have so long enjoyed it, but also the Turks, whereby now he claimeth it, may plainly appear. THe Island of Cyprus is environed with divers seas: for Westward it is washed with the sea called Pamphilium: Southward, with the sea AEgyptium: on the East part, with the sea Syrium: and Northward, with the sea called Cilicium. The which Island in time past had divers names: called once Acamantis, as Sabellicus witnesseth. Philonides maketh mention, that it was called sometime Cerasis. Xenogoras writeth, that is was named Aspelia, Amathusa, & Macaria. There were in times past fifteen cities or famous towns in it, but now very few, amongst the which Famagusta is the chiefest & strongest, situated by the sea side. There is also Nicosia, which was wont, by the traffic of Merchants, to be very wealth: besides the city of Baffo, Arnica, Saline, Limisso, Melipotamo, & Episcopia. Timosthenes affirmeth, that this Island is in compass 429 miles: and Arthemidorus writeth the length of the same to be 162 miles, measuring of it from the East to the West, betwixt two promontories named Dinaretta and Acamanta. This Island is thought to be very rich, abundant of Wine, Oil, Grain, Pitch, Rozin, Alum, Salt, and of divers precious stones, pleasant, profitable, and necessary for man's use, and much frequented of Merchants of Syria, unto the which it lieth very near. It hath been, as Pliny writeth, joined sometime with Syria, as Sicilia hath been also with Italy. It was a long time subject unto the Romans, after to the Persians, and to the Sultan of Egypt. The selfsame Island was sometime also English, being conquered by king Richard the first, in his voyage to Jerusalem in the year of our Lord 1192. Who (as Polydore writeth in his fourteenth book of our English history) being prohibited by the Cypriottes from arrival there, invaded and conquered the same soon after by force: and having left behind him sufficient garrisons to keep the same, departed from thence to Ptolemayda: who afterward exchanged the same with Guy of Lusignan, that was the last christened king of Jerusalem, for the same kingdom. For the which cause the kings of England were long time after called kings of Jerusalem. And last of all, the Venetians have enjoyed it of late a long time, in this order following. In the year of our Lord 1470, john king of the said Island, ●onne to janus of Lusignan, had by Helen his wife, which was of the Imperial house of Paleologus, one daughter only called Charlotta, and a bastard called james: the which james was afterward consecrated Bishop of Nicosia. This Charlotta was married first to the king of Portugal, of whom he had no issue, so that he being dead, Jews Duke of Savoy (to whom she was the second time married) son to jews the second of that name (unto whom the said Island by the right of this his wife Charlotta did appertain) had the possession of the same. james the bastard assoon as his father was dead, of a Bishop become a soldier, and with an army wan the Island, making it his own by force. This Duke of Savoy hearing these news, with a number of well appointed soldiers, arrived shortly after in Cyprus, and recovering again the Island, compelled the bastard to fly forthwith over to the Sultan of Egypt. Who making himself his subject, in time so wrought and tempered the matter, that the Sultan in person at his request passed over into Cyprus, besieged Duke jews in the castle of Nicosia, and at length compelled him to departed, leaving his kingdom. So that this Bishop become again King of this Island: who shortly after cleaving to the Venetians having made a league of friendship with them, married by their consent one Catherina the daughter of Marco Cornaro, which Catherine the Senate of Venice adopted unto them soon after as their daughter. This Bishop not long after sickened, and died, leaving this his wife with child, who lived not long after his father's death. By the which means the Venetians making themselves the next heirs to Catherina by the law of adoption, took unto them the possession of this kingdom, and have kept and enjoyed the same almost this hundred years. Now this great Turk called Sultan Selim in the right of the Sultan of Egypt, whom his grandfather (called also Sultan Selim) conquered, pretendeth a right title unto it, and now, as you may understand by reading of this short Treatise, hath by conquest obtained the same. Whom I pray the everliving God, if it be his holy will, shortly to root out from thence. To the Reader. I Am not ignorant (gentle Reader) how hard a matter it is for any one man to writ that, which should please and satisfy all people, we being commonly of so divers opinions and contrary judgements: again Tully affirmeth it to be a very difficult thing, to find out any matter which in his own kind may be in all respects perfect. Wherefore I trust by your own judgement I aught of reason to be the sooner pardoned (my translation being precisely tied to mine authors meaning) if any thing herein besides be thought to be wanting: I have learned by the way how cumbrous a thing it is to turn the selfsame matter out of the Italian language into our country speech. But who so doth what he possibly can is bond to no more. And I now at the request of others (who put me in mind, that I was not only born unto myself) have accomplished that in the end, which I promised and was required. With what pain and diligence, I refer me to them which are skilful in the Italian tongue, or may the better judge, if it please them to try the same, casting aside this exampler. I speak it not arrogantly, I take God to witness: but men's painful travels aught not lightly to be condemned: nor surely at any time are wont to be of the learned, or discreet. By whose gentle acceptation if these my present doings be now supported, I will persuade myself that I have reaped sufficient fruit of my travel. Unto whom with all my heart I wish prosperous success in all their affairs. Ann. Dom. 1572. W. M. In Turchas precatio. sum Deus, succurre tuis, miseresce tuorum, Et subeat gentis te nova cura tuae. Quem das tantorum fi●em, Rex magne, laborum? In nos vibrabit tela quoúsque Satan? Antè Rhodum, mox inde Chium, nunc denique Cyprian, Turcharum cepit sanguinolenta manus. Mustafa foedifragus parts grassatur in omnes, Et Veneta Cypriam strage cruentat humum. Nec finem imponit sceleri, mollitùe furorem, Nec nisi potato sanguine pastus abit. Qualis, quae nunquam nisi plena tuménsque cruore Sanguisuga obsessam mittit hirudo cutem. Torturam sequitur tortura, cruorque cruorem, Et caedem admissam caedis alîus amor. Saevit inops animi, nec vel se temperate ipse, Vel manus indomitum nostra domare potest. At tu, magne Pater, tumidum disperde Tyrannum, Nec sine mactare semper ovile tuum. Exulet hoc monstrum, ne sanguine terra redundet. Excutiántque nowm Cypria regna jugum. Et quòd Christicolae foedus pepigere Monarchae, Id faustum nobis omnibus esse velis. Tupugna illorum pugnas, & bella secundes, Captiuósque tibi subde per arma Scythas. Sic tua per totum fundetur gloria mundum, unus sic Christus fiet, & una fides. Gulielmus Malim. The true report of all the success of Famagusta, made by the Earl Nestor Martiningo, unto the renowned Prince the Duke of Venice. THe sixteenth day of February, * In Italy and other places the date of the year of the Lord is always changed the first of january, or on New years day, and from that day reckoned upon: although we here in England, especially the temporal lawyers ●or certain ca●ses are not wont to al●er the same until the Annunciation of our Lady. 1571, the fleet which had brought the aid unto Famagusta, departed from thence, whereas were found in all the army, but four thousand footmen, eight hundred of them choose soldiers, and three thousand (accounting the Citizens and other of the Uillages) the rest two hundred in number were soldiers of Albania. A●ter the arrival of the which succour, the fortification of the City went more diligently forward of all hands, than it did before, the whole garrison, the Graecian Citizens inhabiting the Town, the Governors and Captains not withdrawing themselves from any kind of labour, for the better encouragement and good example of others, both night and day searching the watch, to the intent with more careful heed taking they might beware of their enemies, against whom they made no sally out of the City to skirmish but very seldom, especially to understand when they might learn the intent of the enemies. Whilst we made this diligent provision within the City, the Turks without made no less preparation of all things necessary, fit to batter the fortress withal, as in bringing out of Caramania and Syria with all speed by the Sea, many woollpacks, a gr●at quantity of wood and timber, divers pieces of artillery, engines, and other things expedient for their purpose. At the beginning of April Halli Bassa landed there with fourscore galleys or thereabouts in his company, who brought thither that, which of our enemies was desired, who soon a●ter departing from thence, and leaving behind him thirty galleys, which continually transported soldiers, munition, fresh victuals, and other necessaries, besides a great number of Carumusalini he vessels like unto the French Gabards, sailing daily upon the river of Bourdeaux, which sail with a mizzen or triangle sail. Caramusalins, or Brigandines, great Hulks called * Maone be vessels like unto the great hulks, which come hither from Denmark, some of the which carry 7 o● 8 hundred tons a piece, flat and broad, which sail some of them with seven misens' a piece. Maones, and large broad vessels termed of them * Palandrie be great flat vessels made like Feriboats to transport horse. Nicosia, otherwise called Licosia. Sig. Braga●ino was Pro●editore, that is, Governor, and Sig. Baglione General of the Christian army. Palandrie, which continually passed to and fro between Cyprus and Syria, and other places thereabouts, which they did with great speed, standing in fear of the Christian army. And about the midst of the same month the Turks caused to be brought out of the City of Nicosia, which they had won a little before, fifteen pieces of artillery, and raising their army from whence they were before, making ditches and trenches necessary, encamped themselves in gardens, and toward the West part of Famagusta near a place called Precipola. The five and twentieth day of the same month they raised up mounts to plant their artillery upon, and caused trenches to be made for harquebuzers, one very nigh another, approaching still very near the City, in such order, as was almost impossible to stay the same, forty thousand of their Pioners continually labouring there the most part of all the night. The intent of the enemy being then known, and in what part of the City he minded most to plant his battery, we took diligent heed on the other part, to repair and fortify all places necessary within. For the which cause we placed a great watch in that way, which was covered with a counterscharfe, and in the sallies of their privy Posterns, for the defence of the said counterscharfe, there were new flankers made, also Traverses called Butterisses made upon the Curtain, with one trench of Tur●es two foot high and broad, the which was made on that side of the brickwall of the City, which was already battered with the shot of the Turks, with certain loop holes for our Harquebuzers, by the which they defended the counterscharfe. Two noble personages Bragadino and Baglione personally took this charge on them, by the which means the Christian affairs passed in very good order. All the bread for our Soldiers was made in one storehouse, of the which the noble gentleman Lorenzo Tiepolo captain of * Baffo of the ancient writers named Paphos, in the which City there was a sumptuous Church dedicated to Venus. Baffo had charge, who refused no pain, where he thought his travel might prevail. In the castle was placed that famous gentleman Andrea Bragadino, who with a diligent guard had charge on that part of the castle principally, next unto the sea side, trimming and digging out new flankers for the better defence of the * Arsenal in Constantinople and Venice is the place for munition and artillery to lie in. Arsenal. A valiant knight named Foito was appointed Master of the Ordinance, who was slain within few days after in a skirmish, whose garrison the noble Bragadino Proveditore before named presently delivered over to me. Three other captains were appointed over the wildfire with twenty footmen for every one of them, choose out of the army, to use and execute the same as occasion should serve. The best pieces of Ordinance were brought forth unto that side of the Town, where the battery was looked for to be made: and they made prsuyfences to cover the better their cannon shot withal. There was no want in the Christians to annoyed their enemies in issuing often out of every side against them, aswell to hinder their determinations, as to hurt them otherwise at divers times. They also rendered to us the like. For three hundred of the inhabitants of Famagusta one time issuing out of the city, armed only with their swords and targets, with so many Italian Harquebuzers also in their company, received great damage, because the trenches of the enemies were made about so thick, although at the same present we compelled them to fly, and slay also many of them: yet they increased to such number, that they killed presently thirty, and hurt there threescore of our company. For the which cause order was taken, that our men should no more come forth of their hold, committing themselves to manifest peril to bid their enemies the base. The Turks in process of time by little and little with their trenches, came at length to the top of the counterscharfe, and having furnished their forts the nineteenth day of May, began their battery with ten forts, having threescore and fourteen pieces of great artillery within their custody, amongst the which there were four Basilisks (for so they term them) of an immeasurable greatness, and began to batter from the gate Limisso unto the Arsenal, and laid five batteries against the town, the one against the great high Turret of the Arsenal, which was battered with five pieces of Ordinance mounted upon that fort of the rock, the other against the Curtain itself of the Arsenal, battered by one fort with eleven pieces: another against the Keep of Andruzzi with two commanders, or cavaliers, which were above with one fort of eleven other pieces: another battery against the Turret of S. Nappa, the which was battered with four Basilisks. The gate of Limisso, which had one high commander or cavalier alone, and a Brey and Curtain without was battered by the forts with three and thirty pieces of artillery, whereas Mustafa himself General of the Turks army took the charge in person. At the first they seemed not to care much to spoil the walls, but shot still into the city, and against our Ordinance, which greatly galied them. Whereupon they, who were within the city, aswell our soldiers, as the Grecians, assoon as the battery began, withdrawing themselves, came and dwelled by the walls of the city, whereas they continued from that time to the end of the siege. The noble Bragadino lodged in the Keep of Andruzzi, Baglioni in that ward of S. Nappa. The honourable Tiepolo in that which was called Campo Santo. Wherefore they being present at all that was done, both encouraged, and punished the soldiers according to their deserts. The right worshipful Luigi Martiningo was appointed chief over the Ordinance, who answering all men's expectation of him, with great courage divided the charge thereof unto si●e other inferior captains, who took order and care for that company, and for the provision of things necessary for the gunner's: one company of the Grecians being appointed to every gate of the City for to attend upon the service of the artillery. The valiant captain Francisco Bagone warded at the Keep, and at the great Commander of the Arsenal. Captain Pietro Conte attended upon the Curtain, at the Commander of the Volti, and at the Keep of Campo Santo. I for m● part attended upon the Commander of Campo Santo, and upon the Commander of Andruzzi, and of the Curtain, unto the Turret of Santa Nappa. The Earl Hercole Martiningo attended upon the Commander of Santa Nappa, and to the whole Curtain, unto the gate of Limisso. Horatio Captain of Veletri attended upon the Brey and Curtain, toward the Bulwark. Upon the high Commander of Limisso, which was more troubled than all the rest, attended the Captain Roberto Maluezzi. At the same time, when the battery began (by the commission of the honourable Bragadino) victuals were appointed, and given to all the soldiers, aswell Grecians, as Italians, and Gunners: namely Wine, Pottage, Cheese, and Bacon: all the which things were brought to the walls as need did require in very good order, so that no soldier there spent any more in bread then two souses a day. Two Venetian sonses or Soldi amount but to one penny English. They were paid at the end of every thirty days with the great travel of that right worshipful Venetian gentleman M. Giovanni Antonio Querini, who besides this his ordinary charge was found present in all weighty and dangerous affairs to the great encouragement of our soldiers. And we made a counter battery against our enemies for ten days space, with so great rage, that we choked and destroyed fifteen of their best pieces, also we killed and dispatched of them about thirty thousand at that season, so that they were disappointed at that time of their battery in that place, and were greatly dismayed. But we foreseeing that we had no great store of powder left, there was made a restraint, and such order taken, that thirty piecies should not shoot off but thirty shot a piece every day, and that in the presence of the Captains, who were still present, because the Soldiers and Gunners should not shoot off in vain. The nine and twentieth day of May there came towards us from Candia a Fregat or Pinnace, ●he which giving us great hope and lightning of aid, increased marvelously every man's courage. The Turks with great travel and slaughter of both sides, had won at the last the counterscharfe from us, with great resistance and mortality on both parts. Whereupon they began on the other side of the fift battery to fill up the ditch, with the earth that they threw down, which was taken near the brickwall of the counterscharfe. But all that earth and falling down of the brickwall made by the shot of their artillery, was carried away of us within the city, all our company labouring continually aswell by night as day, until our enemies had made certain loopholes in the brickwall, thorough the which they flancking and scouring all the ditch with their harquebussie, stopped our former course of carrying, or going that way any more, without certain and express danger. But M. Giovanni Marmori, a fortifier, had devised a certain kind of joined boards, the which being carried of the soldiers, defended them from the shot of the Harquebuzers, so that some other quantity of earth, but no great store, was carried also away: in the which place this foresaid fortifier was slain, who had done especial good service in all our necessary affairs. And our enemies having cast so much earth into the ditch, as filled it up again, and made it a firm way to the brickwall of the counterscharfe, and casting before them the earth by little and little, they made one traverse even unto the brickwall on two sides in all their batteries, the which they made thick and strong with woolpacks, and other faggots, to assure themselves the better of our flankers. When they had once possessed the ditch, that they could not be hurt of us but by chance, they began forthwith to cast and dig out undermines to undermine the Brey, the Turret of Santa Nappa, the Commander of Andruzzi, the Keep of Campo Santo, the Curtain, and the Turrion of the Arsenal: so that being able no longer to serve our turn and enjoy those few flankers, we threw down wildfire into our enemy's camp, the which annoyed them very sore, because it fired their woolpacks, & also their faggots. And for the better encouragement of the soldiers, the right honourable Bragadino gave to every soldier one ducat, the which could gain or recover any of the former woolpackes, making countermines in all places. To the which charge Maggio the fortifier knight was appointed, who in all our business served with such diligence and courage, as he was able, or was requisite. But the countermines met not, saving those of the Commander of S. Nappa, of Andruzzi, and that of Campo Santo, because they were open, and our men sallied out often both by day and night into the ditch to perceive better the way of the mines, and to fire the faggots and wool. Nor we ceased at any time through the unspeakable travel of the Lord Baglione (who had the oversight of all these matters) to trouble our enemy's intents, by all manner of wit and policy, dividing the companies for the batteries, joining and planting in all places a garrison of the * Albannis soldiers, soldiers of Albania, otherwise called Epi●us, who commonly serve the Venetians both on horseback and foot, very skilful & painful. Albanois soldiers, who aswell on foot as on horseback, showed always notable courage and manhood. The first assault. THe one and twentieth day of june they put fire to the mine of the Turret of the Arsenal, where as Giambelat Bey took charge, who with great ruin rend in sunder a most great and thick brickwall, and so opened the same, that he threw down more then half thereof, breaking also one part of the vaimure, made before to uphold the assault. And suddenly a great number of the Turks skipping upon the ruins thereof, displayed their Ensigns, even to the top of the same. Captain Pietro Conte with his company was in that ward, the which was much shaken and terrified by that sudden ruin. I with my company came first thither, so that they shortly took the repulse, and although they refreshed themselves with new supplies five or six times, yet they failed of their purpose. Of this noble & painful Venetian gentleman M. Gio. Antonio Querini (who was afterwards hewn in sunder by the commandment of Mustafa) I was entertained very courteously in my travel at Corcyra, now called Cor●u, he being then t●e●e Mag. Castellano or Captain of one of the castles. There fought personally the Lord Baglione: Bragadino and Querini being armed stood not far off to refresh and comfort our Soldiers, and the Captain of the Castle with the Ordinance, that was planted upon the Butteries, destroyed many of our enemies, when they gave the assault, the which endured five hours together: so that of Turks were slain very many, and of our side between them that were slain and hurt one hundred: most part of the which number were cast away by a mischance of our wildfire, the which being unadvisedly and negligently handled, burned up many of our own company. There died at that present the Earl Gio. Francisco Goro, the Captain Barnardino Agubio: and by the throwing of stones Her●ole Malaresta, Captain Pietro Cont●, with other Captains and Standard bearers, were very sore hurt. The night following arrived in Cyprus a Pinnace from Candia, which bringing news of most certain aid, greatly increased both the mirth and courage of us all, so that we made soon after, with the help of the Captain Marco Crivellatore, and Maggio the knight, certain retreats flanked to all the places beaten down, and whereas they suspected that the enemy had digged up any mines, with Dogsheads, Chests, Tikes, and Sacks stuffed full of moist earth (the Grecians with all speed having already brought almost all that which they had) because they having dispatched their Canueis about necessary uses, In extremities men have no regard to spare trifles. they brought their hangings, cortaines, carpets, even to their very sheets, to make and stuff up their foresaid sacks, a very good and ready way to make up again their vaimures, the which were thrown down with the fury of the artillery, Provident & careful governors or magistrates seldom sleep all the night at an● time, much l●sse in dangerous seasons. which never s●inted, so that we made up again still that in the night, the which was thrown down and broken in the day, sleeping very seldom: all the soldiers standing always upon the walls, visited continually of the Governors of the City, which slept at no time, but in the extreme heat of the day, having no other time to take their rest, because the enemy was at hand, giving us continually alarms, not suffering us long to breath. The second assault. THe nine and twentieth day of the same month they set the mine made towards the Brey on fire, the which mine was digged in stone, which broke and cloven all things in pieces, and caused great ruin, making an easy way for the enemy to assault us, who with an outrageous fury ca●● to the top, whereas Mustafa their General was altogether present, which assault was received, and stayed at the beginning of the Earl Hercole Martiningo with his garrison, A small thing at the beginning, or in due ti●e done, helpeth much. and so were repulsed by our company, who fought without any advantage of covert, the vaimure-being thrown down by the mine. There were slain of our company Captain Meani the Sergeant Mayor of our army, Captain Celio de Fuochi, Captain Erasmo da Fermo: and Captain Soldatello, Antonio d'Ascoli, Captain Gio. d'Istria, Standard bearers, with many other officers, were sore wounded, there died also 30 other of our common soldiers. At the Arsenal they were beaten back with greater damage of our enemies, and small hurt to us. Five only of our part being ●laine there, whereas Captain Giacomo de Fabriano also was killed, and I was wounded in my left leg with an harquebus shot. The which assault continued six hours, the Bishop of Limisso standing up there, encouraging the Soldiers. Where also were found present stout women, That certain women inhabating this Island be ●iragos, or mankind, I see ●ufficient trial at my last being there, in a city called Saline. who came thither with weapons, stones, and water, to help the Soldiers. Our enemy's understanding how great hindrance they had received at these two assaults, changed their minds, and began again with greater fury than ever they had before accustomed to lay battery to all places, and into our retreats, so that they labouring more speedily than ever they did, made seven other forts more, under the castle, and taking away the artillery from them which were farther off, planting of it somewhat nearer, to the number of fourscore, they battered the hold with so great rage, that on the eighth day of july, with the same night also were numbered five thousand Canon shot, and after that sort they overthrew to the ground the vaimures, that scarcely with great travel and pain we could repair them again, because our men that laboured about them were continually slain by their Ordinance, and by reason of the endless tempest of the shot of their Harquebuzers. And our men began to decrease. For the Turks caused us to retire from our Breyes, by the violence of their artillery and mining, It is accounted a good warlike shilt, to leave that to our enemies with hindrance, which we can not any longer keep, and use to our own commodity. in such sort, that there being no more standing left for our Soldiers, because we making our vaimures more thick, our standing began to wax narrower, the which presently we of necessity enlarged with boards as a scaffold to the vaimure, whereby we might have more elbow room to fight. Captain Maggio also made one mine under the said Brey, to the intent, that we being not able any longer to keep it, the same might be left to our enemies to their great hindrance. The third assault. TO the said Brey the ninth day of july they gave the third assault, to the Turrion of Santa Nappa, to that of Andruzzi, to the Curtain, to the Keep of the Arsenal: the which assault having continued more than six hours, they were beaten back in four places, but we left the Brey to their great loss, and ours also: because we being assaulted, our company being not able to manage their Pikes in good order, by reason of the narrowness of the standing where they were, being willing to retire in that order, as the L. Baglione had prescribed unto them, and could not, cast themselves at the last into a confuse order, and retired, they being mingled amongst the Turks: so that fire being given to our mine, the same (with a terrible sight to behold) slay presently of our enemies more than one thousand, and above one hundred of us. There was slain Roberto Maluezzi, and Captain Marchetto de Fermo was grievously wounded. At the assault of the Arsenal was slain Captain David Noce master of the Camp, & I myself was hurt by the racing of a Cannon shot. This assault continued five hours, and the Citizens of Famagusta showed great courage in every place, with their women also, and young striplings. The Brey was so defaced by reason of this mine set on fire, that no body any more attempted to recover the same: because there was no apt place remaining to stay upon. The left flancker only remained still, whereas another mine was made. The gate of Limisso was over against this foresaid Brey, and somewhat lower, which was always open, having made to the same a portal, with a Percollois annexed to it, the which Percollois by the cutting of a small cord, was a present defence to the gate, and our Soldiers gave their attendance by that gate to bring in the battered earth, which fallen in the ditches from the rampaire: and when they see that their enemies in four days came not thither, they began to entrench above the Brey, and by the flankers above they suffered no person to pass out of the gate, the which thing brought great suspicion unto our enemies, because they were often times assailed of our company. The fourth assault. WHerefore they came the fourteenth day of july to assault the gate of Limisso, The forwardness of the captain at dangerous times not only much comforteth the common soldier, but also increaseth greatly his credit & commendation with all men. and laying their battery to all other places, they came and planted their Ensigns even before the gate, whereas the L. Baglione, and Sig. Luigi were in readiness, who had taken upon them to defend that gate of the City. Who assoon as they had encouraged their Soldiers, sallying swiftly forth, killed, and put to flight the greater part of them, and at the last giving fire to the mine of the flancker slay four hundred Turks, and Sig. Baglione at the same time won an Ensign of our enemies, wrasting it violently out of one of the Ensign bearers hands. The day following they gave fire to the mine of the Corcaine, the which thing not falling out greatly to their purpose, they followed not their prepared assault. Wherefore they began to fortify, and advance higher their traverses in the ditches, for their better assurance against they should give the assault: and they had emptied and carried away all the earth near unto the counterskarfe, where they lodged in their pavilions, so that we could not descry them. They shot seven pieces of artillery upon the brickwall of the counterscharfe so covertly, that they were not seen: too from the Brey of the Turrion of Santa Nappa, one from Andruzzi, and two other all along the battery of the Curtain. And they came with certain boards covered with raw and green hives, under which they brought their men to dig in the vaimures, we being nothing behind or forgetful to cast wildfire amongst them, and sometime to issue forth of our sallies called Posterns, to offend their Pioners, although to our great hindrance. And we still repaired the vaimures by all means possible, with Buff skins, being moist and wet, throwing in also earth, shreds, and cotton with water, being well bond together with cords: all the women of Famagusta gathering themselves together into companies in every street (being guided of one of their Monks called Caloiero) reforted daily to a certain place appointed, to labour, gathering and providing for the soldiers, stones and water, the which was kept for all assaults in half butts to quench the fire, which the Turks threw amongst them. Having had no great success in taking of the gate, they found out a new way, never herded of before, in gathering together a great quantity of certain wood called Teglia, Teglia in Latin called Teda is a certanie wood which burneth easily, and savoureth unpleasantly, of the which there is great store in Sicilia: sometime it is used for a torch. which easily burned, and smelled very evil, the which they throwing before the former gate of the City, and faggots fastened to the same, with certain beams be smeered with Pitch, kindled suddenly so great a fire, as was not possible for us to quench the same, although we threw upon it whole Butts of water, which were thrown down from an high Commander, which Butts presently broke in sunder. This fire continued four days, wherefore we were enforced by reason of the extreme heat and s●inch, to withdraw ourselves further inward, and they descending towards their lowe● flankers, began other mines, so that the gate was shut up, because it could be no longer kept open, and suddenly (a thing marvelous to be spoken) the standing of the Brey being repaired, Not necessary thing to be done was jest unattempted on either part. and made up again, they planted one piece over against the gate, the which of us with stones, earth and other things, was suddenly buried up. By this time we were driven to an exigent, all our provision within the City stooping very low, saving only hope, the noble courage of the Governors and Captains, and the stout readiness of the Soldiers: Man's courage often abateth, but hope seldom forsaketh. our wine, and flesh as well powdered as unpowdered was spent, nor there was any Cheese to be got, but upon an unreasonable price, our company having eaten up their Horses, Asses, and Cats, for lack of other victuals: Saguntina ●ames. there was nothing left to be eaten, but a small quantity of Bread, and Beans, and we drank water and Vinegar together, whereof was not much left. When that we perceived that our enemies had digged and cast up three mines in the Commander of the gate, they labouring in all places more diligently than ever they did before, bringing into the ditch, over against the battery of the Curtain, a hill of earth, as high as the brickwall: and already they came to the brickwall above the Counterscharfe over against the Turrion of the Arsenal, and had made one Commander complete, fenced with shares, like unto plough shares, in proportion and height correspondent to ours. Within the City were remaining but five hundredth Italian Soldiers, who were not hurt, yet very faint and weary by their long watching and pains in fight in those fervent and burning heats, In july the heat is so extreme in this Island, that the inhabitants thereof are not wont to travel, but by night only. A letter or supplication exhibited by the Cypriottes unto Sig. Bragadino. which are in those parts. And the greater and better part also of the Grecians were by this time slain, whenas the chief of those Citizens remaining did fully resolve themselves (the which was about the twentieth day of july) to present a supplication in writing to that noble gentleman Bragadino Proveditore, desiring and beseeching him, that seeing their City and Fortress was thus battered and brought to extremity, without ●ufficient aid to defend the same, without substance or sustenance, having no hope of succour, or any new supply, they having spent and consumed not only their goods, but also their lives for the defence of them, and in testifying of their dutiful service towards the noble and royal state of the signory of Venice, that it might now please him, and the rest of the honourable Governors, that were present, and put in trust, having a careful eye unto some honourable conditions, to have now at the last a respect to the credit and honour of their long traveled wives, and the safeguard of their poor children, which otherwise were shortly very like to be a pray to their bloudthirsting and ravening enemies. To the which letter or supplication speedy answer was made by the forenamed honourable Bragadino, The answer of the former letter. comforting them, that they should by no means abate their courage, and that shortly he looked for secure from the signory, diminishing as much as he might, the fear which they had conceived in their hearts, dispatching and sending away suddenly from Cyprus into Candia, a Pinnace to certify the duke and governors there, in what extremity they were. The Turks by this time had ended their mines, and set them on fire, the 29. of july: in the which space our men, according as they were wont to do, renewed and made up again the vaimures ruined before by the Ordinance, and having no other stuff left to advance them with, made sacks of Kersie, unto the which the noble Tiepolo diligently looked. The three mines of the Commander did great damage to us, It standeth with reason, in hope of saving the greater, to let the lesser go. having thrown down the greater part of the earth, whereas the governor Randacchi was slain. The mine of the Arsenal overthrew all the rest of the Turrion, having smoldered and choked one whole garrison of our soldiers, the two flankers only still remaining. The fift Assault. THe enemies traveled much to become masters of those foresaid flankers, and to sally forth by the other batteries, and this assault lasted from three of the clock in the after noon until night, where, and at what time were slain very many of our enemies. In this assault Sig. Giacomo Strambali, amongst the rest, showed much worthiness, as he had done before in other conflicts. The sixt and last assault. THe next morning following, at the break of the day, they assailed all places, the which assault continued more than six hours, with very little hurt on our side, because our enemies fought more coldly than they were wont to do, annoying of us continually on the Sea side with their Galleys, shooting in all their assaults and batteries continually Cannon shot in all parts of the City, as near as they might. After we had defended and repulsed this assault, Necessity often times presseth us in the ●nd to that, which ●ur will continually spurneth against. and perceived things brought to a narrower strait than they were wont to be at, we having left in all the whole City but seven barrels of powder, the governors of the City fully determined to yield up themselves and the City, with honourable conditions. Wherefore the first of August in the after noon, they took a truce, one being come for that purpose from Mustafa the General, with whom they concluded the next morning following to give two hostages a piece, until such time as both armies were agreed. For our hostages (by the appointment of the right honourable Bragadino) were sent forth the earl Hercole Martinengo, and signor Matteo Colsi a Citizen of Famagusta, and from our enemies came into the City the Lieutenant of Mustafa, and the Aga of the Giannizzers, Giannezer● ●e the guard of the great Turk, i● that Aga de Giannizet● is the captain of the Turks guard. the which were met, even unto the gate of the City, of Signior Baglione with two hundredth harquebusers: ours also were met in like manner with great pomp with horsemen and harquebusers, with the son also of Mustafa in person, who made very much of them. The Lord Baglione imparld with these hostages, which were then come for that purpose of the articles of peace, requiring by them of their General, their li●es, armour, and goods, fi●e pieces of Ordinance, three of the best horses, and safe passage from thence unto Candia accompanied with their Galleys, and last of all, that the Grecians inhabiting the Island, might devil there still quietly, and enjoy peaceably their own goods and possessions, living still Christians hereafter, as they had done before. All the which requests and articles were agreed upon, Just Turkish dealing, to speak and not to mean: suddenly to promise', and never to perform the same. granted, and subscribed unto by the hand of Mustafa. Forthwith were sent Galleys, and other vessels into the haven, so that our soldiers immediately began to embark themselves, of the which the greater part were already go aboard, the Nobility and our chief Captains also being likewise very desirous to departed. The 15. of August in the morning, the worthy Bragadino sent me with a letter unto Mustafa, by the which he signified, that the same night he would come unto him to deliver up the keys of the City, and that he would leave in the hold the honourable gentleman Tiepolo, praying him therefore, that whilst he should have just cause thus to be abroad, that there might be no harm done at home, and in the City. The Turks from our truce taking until that time, practised with us all familiarly, and without any suspicion of sinister or double dealing, they having showed us much courtesy both in word and deed. Mustafa himself by word of mouth presently answered me to this letter, in this sort, that I should return, and make relation to this noble man Bragadino, who had sent me, that he should come over to him at his own pleasure, for he was very desirous both to see and know him, for his great worthiness and prowess, that he had tried to be in him, and in the other of his Captains and Soldiers, of whose manhood and courage he would honourably report, where soever he came, as occasion should serve thereunto: and to conclude, that he should nothing doubt of any thing: because in no manner of condition he would suffer any violence to be done to those, which remained behind within the City. So I speedily returning, made true report of the same: and towards night about four of the clock, the right honourable Bragadino accompanied with the L. Baglione, with signor Aluigi Martinengo, with the right worshipful signor Gio. Antonio Querini, with the right worshipful signor Andrea Bragadino, with the knight of Haste, with the captain Carlo Ragonasco, with captain Francisco Straco, with captain Hector of Brescia, with captain Girolomo di Sacile, and with other gentlemen and fifty soldiers, the Governors and Noble men with their sword, and the soldiers with their harquebusses came forth of their hold, and went unto the pavilion of Mustafa, of whom, all they at the beginning were courteously received, and caused to sit down by him, he reasoning and discoursing with them of divers things, a certain time, and drawing them from one matter to another, at the last upon a sudden picked a quarrel unto them, especially burdening that noble Bragadino with an untruth, laying to his charge that he had caused certain of his slaves in the time that the truce continued between them, to be put to death. The which thing was most false. So that he being angry therewith, suddenly slept forth, and commanded them to be bond. Thus they being unarmed (not suffered at that time to enter into his pavilion, with their former weapons) and bond, were led one by one into the market place, before his pavilion, being presently cut and hewn in sunder in his presence, and last of all from that worthy and noble Bragadino (who being bond as the rest, and being commanded twice or thrice to stretch forth his neck, as though he should have been beheaded, the which most boldly he did without any spark of fear) his ears were cut off, and causing him to be stretched out most vilely upon the ground, The property of true fortitude is, not to be broken with sudden terrors. Mustafa, cousin germane to the thief, which hung on the left side of our Saviour at his Passion. Mustafa talked with him, and blasphemed the holy name of our Saviour, demanding him, where is now thy Christ, that he helpeth thee not? To all the which no answer at all was given of that honourable gentleman. The earl Hercole Martinengo, which was sent for one of the hostages, who was also bond, was hidden by one of Mustafas' eunuchs until such time as his fury was past, afterward his life being granted him, he was made the eunuchs slave. Three Grecians which were under his pavilion were left untouched. All the soldiers which were found in the camp, and all sorts of Christians to the number of three hundred, were suddenly slain, they nothing mistrusting any such treason, or tyranny. The Christian soldiers which were embarked a little before, were linked and fettered with iron chains, made slaves, all things being taken from them, and stripped into their shirts. The second day after this murder was committed, which was the 17. of August, Mustafa entered the first time into the City, and caused the valiant and wise governor Tiepolo to be hanged, who remained behind, waiting the return of signor Bragadino. I being in the city at that present, when other of my countrymen were thus miserably slain and made slaves, hide myself in certain of the Grecians house's the space of five days, and they not being able to keep me in covert any longer for fear of the great penalty, which was proclaimed against such transgressors and concealers, I offered, and gave myself slave to one Sangiaccho del by'r, promising him five hundred * Zechini, be certain pieces of fine gold coined in Venice, every one of the which is in value six shillings eight pennies of our money, & somewhat better: & equal altogether to a Turkish By●altom. Zechins, for my ransom, with whom I remained in the Campe. The Friday following (being the Turks sabbath day) this worthy and patient gentleman Bragadino was led still in the presence of that unfaithful tyrant Mustafa, to the batteries made unto the City, whereas he being compelled to carry two baskets of earth, the one upon his back, the other in his hand slave-like, to every sundry battery, being enforced also to kiss the ground as often as he passed by him, was afterward brought unto the sea side, where he being placed in a chair to lean and stay upon, was winched up in that chair, and fastened unto the maineyard of a galley, and hoist up with a crane, to show him to all the Christian soldiers and slaves (which were in the haven already shipped) he being afterward let down, and brought to the market place, the torments took of his clotheses from him, and tacked him unto the pillory, whereas he was most cruelly flaied quick; with so great constancy and faith on his part, that he never lost or abated any jot of his steadfast courage, His death answerable to his former life being so far from any fainting, that he at that present with most stout heart reproached them, and spoke much shame of his most traitorous dealing in breaking of his faithful promise. At the last without any kind of alteration of his constancy, he recommending his soul unto almighty God, gave up the ghost. When he had thus ended his life (thanks be to God) his skin being taken and filled with straw, was commanded forthwith to be hanged upon the bowsprit of a * A Foist is as it were a Brigandine, being somewhat larger than half a galley, much used of the Turkish Cursaros, or as we call them Pirates of Rovers. Foist, and to be carried alongst the coast of Syria by the sea side, that all the port towns might see, and understand who he was. This is now so much as I am able to declare to your highness by that I saw myself, and can remember whilst that I was in the Fortress: that also which by true relation of others I could understand, and saw also myself in the camp, whilst I was slave, I will likewise briefly utter unto you. The enemy's army was in number two hundred thousand people of all sor●es and qualities. Of soldiers which took pay there were 80. thousand, besides the which number, there were 14. thousand of Giannizzers taken out from all the holds of Syria, Caramania, Anatolia, and part of them also which came from the * The gate of the great Tu●ke, is as much to say, as Constantinople: the which they call in the Turkish language S●anb●ll. Gli Venturierida spada, are a kind of venturing soldiers, who commonly are wont to ●olow the army in hope of the spoil. Aleppo, a ●amous riue●●● near unto Antiochia, otherwise called in Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the city of the Sun. gate of the great Turk. The ventures with the sword were 60. thousand in number. The reason, why there were so many of this sort, was because Mustafa had dispersed a rumour through the Turks dominion, that Famagusta was much more wealth and rich, than the city of Nicosia was: so for that cause, and by the commodious and easy passage from Syria over into Cyprus, these ventures w●re easily induced to come thither. In 75. days (all the which time the battery still continued) 140. thousand i●on pellets were shot of, numbered, and seen. The chief personages which were in their army near unto Mustafa, were these following: the Bassa of Aleppo, the Bassa of Anatolia, Musafer Bassa of Nicosia, the Bassa of Caramania, the Aga of the Giannizzers, Giambelat * Bey in the Turkish language, signifieth knight with us. Bey, the Sangiaccho of Tripoli, the * Begliarbei signifieth lord Admiral. Begliarbei of Greece, the Bassa of Scivassi and of Marasco, Ferca Framburaro, the * Sangiaccho, is that person with the Turks, that governeth a province or country. God suffereth much to be done to his servants, but never forsaketh them. Necessity often times sharpeneth men's wits, & causeth boldness. Sangiaccho of Antipo, Soliman Bey, three Sangiacchoes of Arabia, Mustafa Bey general of the Uenturers, Fergat governor of Malathia, the Framburaro of Diverie, the Sangiaccho of Arabia and other Sangiacchoes of lesser credit, with the number of fourscore thousand people besides, as by the muster made by his Commission might well appear. The Framburaro which was at Rhodes, was appointed and left governor at Famagusta, and the report was that there should be left in all the Island of Cyprus, twenty thousand people, with two thousand horses, many of the which I see, being very lean and evil appointed for service. It seemeth also a thing not impertinent to the matter, to signify to you, how I, by the especial grace of God, was delivered out of their cruel hands, I having paid within two & forty days (all the which time I was slave) five hundred Zechins for my ransom to him, whose prisoner I was, by the means of the Consul for the French merchants, a ligier then at Tripoli, who a little before came from Tripoli in Syria unto Cyprus, into the Turks camp. Yet for all that I had paid this sum of money to him, he would not so set me at liberty, but fed me up still with fair words, and promised me that he would first bring me unto his government, which abutted upon a piece of the famous river of Euphrates, and afterward dismiss me. The which malice and falsehood of his I perceiving, determined with myself to give him the slip, and to flee: so I waiting my time; and repairing often to the City, at length met with a small Fisher boat, of the which a poor Graecian was Owner and master, with whom in one night with two only dares and a small sail made of two shirts, I passed over from Cyprus unto Tripoli, being a very great danger of drowning, whereas I remained in covert in the house of certain Christians, until the five and twenty of September, at what time I departed from thence in a little French ship called Santa Victor, which came into these parts, and as we road, we touched at a part of Cyprus Westward, called Capo delle Garte, where as I came on land, and talking with certain of the inhabitants of the Uillages, who were then by chance a Hawking, demanded of them, how they were entreated of the Turks, and after what sort the Island was tilled: to the which they answered, that they could not possibly be in worse pickle than they were at that present, not enjoying that quietly which was their own, being made villains and slaves, and almost always carrying away the Bastonadoes, The nature of every commodity is sooner understood by lacking, then by continual enjoying of the same. so that now (they said) they known by trial too perfectly the pleasant and peaceable government of the Christians, wishing and praying God that they might shortly return. And concerning the tillage of the Island they made answer moreover, that no part of it was ploughed or laboured, saving only that mountain which was towards the West, and that because they were little troubled with the cruelty of the Turks, but as for the plain and East part of the Island, there was small seed sown therein, but become in a manner desert, there being left but few inhabitants, and less store of cattle there. Afterwards we departing from thence arrived in * Candia, of the old writers called Creta in latin, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek, because it had once a 100 Cities in it, now there remaining but only 4. thus commonly named, Candia, la Cania, Re●ima, and Scythia. Candia. I for my part being clothed in sackcloth, whereas soon after by the great courtesy of the right honourable signor Latino Orsino, I was new appareled accordingly, friendly welcomed, and my necessity relieved. From whence I shortly after sailing in a Cypriottes' ship (thanks be to almighty God) arrived in this City in health, and ●m safely come home now at the honourable feet of your highness. The Captains of the Christians slain in Famagusta. THe lord Estor Baglione. The lord Aluigi Martinengo. The lord Federico Baglione. The knight of Asta Uicegovernor. The captain David Noce Master of the Campe. The captain Meani of Perugia Sergeant Mayor. The earl Sigismond of Casoldo. The earl Francisco of Lobi of Cremona. The captain Francisco Troncavilla. The captain Hannibal Adamo of Fermo. The captain Scipio of the city of Castello. The captain Charles Ragonasco of Cremona. The captain Francisco Siraco. The captain Roberto Maluezzo. The captain Caesar of Aduersa. The captain Bernardin of Agubio. The captain Francisco Bugon of Verona. The captain james of Fabiano, The captain Sebastian deal Sole of Florence. The captain Hector of Brescia, the successor to the captain Caesar of Aduersa. The captain Flaminio of Florence, successor unto Sebastian deal Sole. The captain Erasmus of Fermo, successor to the captain of Cernole. The captain Bartholomew of Cernole. The captain john Battista of Rivarole. The captain john Francisco of Venice. The names of Christians made slaves. THe Earl Herocles Martinengo, with julius Caesar Ghelfo a Soldier of Bressa. The earl Nestor Martinengo, which fled. The captain Marco Crivellatore. The lord Herocles Malatesta. The captain Peter Conte of Montalberto. The captain Horatio of Veletri. The captain Aluigi Pezano. The Conte james of Corbara. The captain john of Istria. The captain Soldatelli of Agubio. The captain john of Ascoli. The captain Antony of the same town. The captain Sebastian of the same town. The captain Salgano of the city of Castello. The captain Marcheso of Fermo. The captain john Antonio of Piacenza. The captain Carletto Naldo. The captain Lorenzo Fornaretti. The captain Bernardo of Brescia. The captain Barnardino Coco. The captain Simon Bagnese, successor to the captain David Noce. The captain Tiberio Ceruto, successor unto Conte Sigismond. The captain joseph of Lanciano, successor unto captain Francisco Troncavilla. The captain Morgante, successor to captain Hannibal. The Lieutenant, successor unto the captain Scipio. The standardbearer, successor to captain Roberto. The captain Ottavio of Rimini, successor to the captain Francisco Bugon. The captain Mario de Fabiano, successor to captain jacomo. The captain Francisco of Venice, successor unto captain Antonio. The captain Matteo of Capua. The captain john Maria of Verona. The captain Mancino. The Fortifiers. john Marmori, slain. The knight Maggio, slave. Turkish Captains at Famagusta. MVstafa General. The Bassa of Aleppo. The Bassa of Anatolia, slain. Musafer Bassa of Nicosia. The Bassa of Caramania. The Aga of the Giannizers. Giambelat Bey. The Sangiaccho of Tripoli, slain. The Begliarbei of Greece. The Bassa of Scivassi and Marasco. Ferca Framburaro. The Sangiaccho of Antipo, slain. Soliman Bey, slain. Three Sangiacchoes of Arabia, slain. Mustafa Bey, General of the Venturers, slain. Fergat, ruler of Malathia, slain. The Framburaro of Diverie, slain. The worthy enterprise of john Fox an English man in delivering 266. Christians out of the captivity of the Turks at Alexandria, the 3. of januarie 1577. AMong our merchants here in England it is a common voyage to traffic into Spain: john Fox taken 1563. whereunto a ship, being called The three half Moons, manned with 38. men, and well fenced with munitions, the better to encounter their enemies withal, and having wound & tide, set from Portsmouth, 1563. and bended her journey toward Seville a city in Spain, intending there to traffic with them. And falling near the Straitss, they perceived themselves to be beset round with eight galleys of the Turks, in such wise, that there was no way for them to fly or escape away, but that either they must yield or else be sunk. Which the owner perceiving, manfully encouraged his company, exhorting them valiantly to show their manhood, showing them that God was their God, and not their enemies, requesting them also not to faint in seeing such a heap of their enemies ready to devour them; putting them in mind also, that if it were God's pleasure to give them into their enemy's hands, it was not they that aught to show one displeasant look or countenance there against; but to take it patiently, & not to prescribe a day and time for their deliverance, as the citizens of Bethulia did, but to put themselves under his mercy. And again, if it were his mind and good will to show his mighty power by them, if their enemies were ten times so many, they were not able to stand in their hands; putting them likewise in mind of the old and ancient worthiness of their countrymen, who in the hardest extremities have always most prevailed and go away conquerors, yea, and where it hath been almost impossible. Such (quoth he) hath been the valiantness of our countrymen, and such hath been the mighty power of our God. With other like encouragements, exhorting them to behave themselves manfully, they fallen all on their knees making their prayers briefly unto God: who being all risen up again perceived their enemies by their signs and defiances bend to the spoil, whose mercy was nothing else but cruelty, whereupon every man took him to his weapon. Then stood up one Grove the master, being a comely man, with his sword and target, holding them up in defiance against his enemies. So likewise stood up the Owner, the Master's mate, Boatswain, Purser, and every man well appointed. Now likewise sounded up the drums, trumpets and flutes, which would have encouraged any man, had he never so little heart or courage in him. Then taketh him to his charge john Fox the gunner in the disposing of his pieces in order to the best effect, and sending his bullets towards the Turks, who likewise bestowed their pieces thrice as fast toward the Christians. But shortly they drawn near, so that the bowmen fell to their charge in sending forth their arrows so thick amongst the Galleys, & also in doubling their shot so sore upon the galleys, that there were twice so many of the Turks slain, as the number of the Christians were in all. But the Turks discharged twice as fast against the Christians, & so long, that the ship was very sore strike & bruised under water. Which the Turks perceiving, made the more haste to come aboard the Ship: which ere they could do, many a Turk bought it dearly with the loss of their lives. Yet was all in vain, and boarded they were, where they found so hot a skirmish, that it had been better they had not meddled with the feast. For the Englishmen showed themselves men in deed, in working manfully with their brown bills and halbardes: where the owner, master, boatswain, and their company stood to it so lustily, that the Turks were half dismayed. But chief the boatswain showed himself valiant above the rest: The valour & death of their Boatswain. for he fared amongst the Turks like a wood Lion: for there was none of them that either could or dared stand in his face, till at the last there came a shot from the Turks, which broke his whistle asunder, and smote him on the breast, so that he fallen down, bidding them farewell, & to be of good comfort, encouraging them likewise to win praise by death, rather than to live captives in misery and shame. Which they hearing, in deed intended to have done, as it appeared by their skirmish: but the press and store of the Turks was so great, that they were not able long to endure, but were so overpressed, that they could not wield their weapons: by reason whereof, they must needs be taken, which none of them intended to have been, but rather to have died: except only the master's mate, who shrunk from the skirmish, like a notable coward, esteeming neither the valour of his name, nor accounting of the present example of his fellows, nor having respect to the miseries, whereunto he should be put. But in fine, so it was, that the Turks were victors, whereof they had no great cause to rejoice, or triumph. Then would it have grieved any hard heart to see these Infidels so violently entreating the Christians, not having any respect of their manhood which they had tasted of, nor yet respecting their own state, how they might have met with such a booty, as might have given them the overthrow: but no remorse hereof, or any thing else doth bridle their fierce and tiramious dealing, but that the Christians must needs to the galleys, to serve in new offices: and they were no sooner in them, but their garments were pulled over their ears, and torn from their backs, and they set to the oars. I will make no mention of their miseries, being now under their enemies raging stripes. I think there is no man will judge their fare good, or their bodies unloden of stripes, and not pestered with too much heat, and also with too much cold: but I will go to my purpose, which is, to show the end of those, being in mere misery, which continually do call on God with a steadfast hope that he will deliver them, and with a sure faith that he can do it. Nigh to the city of Alexandria, being a haven town, and under the dominion of the Turks, there is a road, being made very fensible with strong walls, whereinto the Turks do customably bring their galleys on shore every year, in the winter season, and there do trim them, and lay them up against the spring time. In which road there is a prison, wherein the captives & such prisoners as serve in the galleys, are put for all that time, until the seas be calm and passable for the galleys, every prisoner being most grievously laden with irons on their legs, to their great pain, and sore disabling of them to any labour taking. Into which prison were these Christians put, The Englishmen carried prisoners unto an Haven near Alexandria. and fast warded all the Winter season. But ere it was long, the Master and the Owner, by means of friends, were redeemed: the rest abiding still by the misery, while that they were all (through reason of their ill usage and worse fare, miserably starved) saving one john Fox, who (as some men can abide harder and more misery, than other some can, so can some likewise make more shift, and work more devices to help their state and living, than other some can do) being somewhat skilful in the craft of a Barbour, by reason thereof made great shift in helping his fare now and then with a good meal●. Insomuch, till at the last, God sent him favour in the sight of the keeper of the prison, so that he had leave to go in and out to the road, at his pleasure, paying a certain stipend unto the keeper, and wearing a lock about his leg: which liberty likewise, six more had upon like sufferance: who by reason of their long imprisonment, not being feared or suspected to start aside, or that they would work the Turks any mischief, had liberty to go in and out at the said road, in such manner, as this john Fox did, with irons on their legs, and to return again at night. In the year of our Lord 1577. in the Winter season, the galleys happily coming to their accustomed harborough, and being discharged of all their masts, sails, and other such furnitures, as unto galleys do appertain, and all the Masters and mariners of them being then nested in their own homes: there remained in the prison of the said road two hundred threescore and eight Christian prisoners, who had been taken by the Turks force, and were of sixteen sundry nations. Among which there were three Englishmen, whereof one was named john Fox of Woodbridge in Suffolk, the other William Wickney of Portsmouth, in the County of Southampton, and the third Robert Moor of Harwich in the County of Essex. Which john Fox having been thirteen or fourteen years under their gentle entreatance, and being too too weary thereof, minding his escape, weighed with himself by what means it might be brought to pass: and continually pondering with himself thereof, took a good heart unto him, in hope that God would not be not always scourging his children, and never ceased to pray him to further his pretended enterprise, if that it should redound to his glory. Not far from the road, and somewhat from thence, at one side of the City, there was a certain victualling house, which one Peter unticaro had hired, paying also a certain fee unto the keeper of the road. This Peter unticaro was a Spaniard born, and a Christian, and had been prisoner about thirty years, and never practised any means to escape, but kept himself quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracy: until that now this john Fox using much thither, they broke one to another their minds, concerning the restrain● of their liberty and imprisonment. So that this john Fox at length opening unto this unticaro the devise which he would feign put in practice, made privy one more to this their intent. Which three debated of this matter at such times as they could compass to meet together: insomuch, that at seven weeks end they had sufficiently concluded how the matter should be, if it pleased God to farther them thereto: who making five more privy to this their devise, whom they thought they might safely trust, determined in three nights after to accomplish their deliberate purpose. Whereupon the same john Fox, and Peter unticaro, and the other six appointed to meet all together in the prison the next day, being the last day of December: The last of December. where this john Fox certified the rest of the prisoners, what their inten● and devise was, and how and when they minded to bring their purpose to pass: who thereunto persuaded them without much a do to further their devise. Which the same john Fox seeing delivered unto them a sort of files, which he had gathered together for this purpose, by the meaves of Peter unticaro, charging them that every man should be ready discharged of his irons by eight of the clock on the next day at night. On the next day at night, this said john Fox, and his six other companions, Ianuari●. being all come to the house of Peter unticaro, passing the time away in mieth for fear of suspect, till the night came on, so that it was time for them to put in practise their devise, sent Peter unticaro to the master of the road, in the name of one of the Masters of the city, with whom this keeper was acquainted, and at whose request he also would come at the first: who desired him to take the pains to meet him there, promising him, that he would bring him back again. The keeper agreed to go with him, willing the warders not to bar the gate, saying, that he would not stay long, but would come again with all speed. In the mean season, the other seven had provided them of such weapons, as they could get in that house: and john Fox took him to an old rusty sword shoulder-blade, without either hilt or pommel, which he made to serve his turn, in bending the hand end of the sword, in steed of a pommel, and the other had got such spits and glaives as they found in the house. The keeper now being come unto the house, and perceiving no light, nor hearing any noise, straightway suspected the matter: and returning backward, john Fox standing behind the corner of the house, stepped forth unto him: who perceiving it to be john Fox, said, OH Fox, what have I deserved of thee, that thou shouldst seek my death? Thou villain (quoth Fox) hast been a bloodsucker of many a Christians blood, and now thou shalt know what thou hast deserved at my hands: wherewith he lift up his bright shining sword of ten years rust, and struck him so main a blow, as there withal his head clave a sunder, so that he fallen stark dead to the ground. Whereupon Peter unticaro went in, and certified the rest how the case stood with the keeper: who came presently forth, and some with their spits ran him through, and the other with their glaives hewed him in sunder, cut off his head, and mangled him so, that no man should discern what he was. Then marched they toward the road, whereinto they entered softly, where were six warders, whom one of them asked, saying, who was there? quoth Fox & his company, all friends. Which when they were all within, proved contrary: for, quoth Fox, my masters, here is not to every man a man, wherefore look you play your parts. Who so behaved themselves in deed, that they had dispatched these six quickly. Then john Fox intending not to be barred of his enterprise, and minding to work surely in that which he went about, barred the gate surely, and planted a Canon against i●. Then entered they into the Gailers lodge, where they found the keys of the fortress & prison by his bed side, and there had they all better weapons. In this chamber was a chest, wherein was a rich treasure, and all in ducats, which this Peter unticaro, & two more, opening, stuffed themselves so full as they could, between their shirts and their skin: which john Fox would not once touch, and said, that it was his and their liberty which he sought for, to the honour of his God, & not to make a mar●e of the wicked treasure of the Infidels. Yet did these words si●ke nothing into their stomachs, they did it for a good intent: so did Saul save the fattest Oxen, to offer unto the Lord, and they to serve their own turn. But neither did Saul scape the wrath of God therefore, neither had these that thing which they desired so, and did thirst after. Such is God's justice. He that they put their trust in, to deliver them from the tyrannous hands of their enemies, he (I say) could supply their want of necessaries. Now these ●ight being armed with such weapons as they thought well of, thinking themselves sufficient champions to encounter a stranger enemy, and coming unto the prison, Fox opened the gates and doors thereof, and called forth all the prisoners, whom he set, some to ramming up the gate, some to the dressing up of a certain galley, which was the best in all the road, and was called the captain of Alexandria, whereinto some carried masts, sails, oars, and other such furniture as doth belong unto a galley. At the prison were certain warders, whom john Fox and his company slew: in the kill of whom, there were eight more of the Turks, which perceived them, and got them to the top of the prison: unto whom john Fox, and his company, were feign to come by ladders, where they found a hot skirmish. For some of them were there slain, some wounded, and some but scared, and not hurt. As john Fox was thrice shot through his apparel, and not hurt, Peter unticaro, and the other two, that had armed them with the ducats, were slain, as not able to wield themselves, being so pestered with the weight and uneasy carrying of the wicked and profane treasure: and also diverse Christians were aswell hurt about that skirmish, as Turks slain. Among the Turks was one thrust thorough, who (let us not say that it was ill fortune) fallen off from the top of the prison brickwall, and made such a lowing, that the inhabitants thereabouts (as here and there scattering stood a house or two) came and dawed him, so that they understood the case, how that the prisoners were paying their ransoms: wherewith they raised both Alexandria which lay on the west side of the road, and a Castle which was at the City's end, next to the road, and also an other Fortress which lay on the Northside of the road: so that now they had no way to escape, but one, which by man's reason (the two holds lying so upon the mouth of the road) might seem impossible to be a way for them. So was the read sea impossible for the Israelites to pass through, the hills and rocks lay so on the one side, and their enemies compassed them on the other. So was it impossible, that the walls of jericho should fall down, being neither undermined, nor yet rammed at with engines, nor yet any man's wisdom, policy, or help set or put thereunto. Such impossibilities can our God make possible. He that held the lions jaws from renting Daniel asunder, yea, or yet from once touching him to his hurt: can not he hold the roaring canons of this hellish force? He that kept the fires rage in the hot burning Oven, from the three children, that praised his name, can not he keep the fires flaming blasles from among his elect? Now is the road fraught with lusty soldiers, labourers, and mariners, who are feign to stand to their tackling, in setting to every man his hand, some to the carrying in of victuals, some munitions, some oars, and some one thing, some another, but most are keeping their enemy from the brickwall of the road. But to be short, there was no time misspent, no man idle, nor any man's labour ill bestowed, or in vain. So that in short time, this galley was ready trimmed up. Whereinto every man leapt in all haste, hoyssing up the sails lustily, yielding themselves to his mercy and grace, in whose hands are both wind and weather. Now is this galley on float, and out of the safety of the road: now have the two Castles full power upon the galley, now is there no remedy but to sink: how can it be avoided? The canons let fly from both sides, and the galley is even in the midst, and between them both. What man can devise to save it? there is no man, but would think it must needs be sunk. There was not one of them that feared the shot, which went thundering round about their ears, nor yet were once scared or touched, with five & forty shot, which came from the Castles. Here did God hold forth his buckler, he shieldeth now this galley, and hath tried their faith to the uttermost. Now cometh his special help: yea, even when man thinks them past all help, then cometh he himself down from heaven with his mighty power, then is his present remedy most ready priest. For they sail away, being not once touched with the glance of a shot, and are quickly out of the Turkish canons reach. Then might they see them coming down by heaps to the water side, in companies like unto swarms of bees, making show to come after them with galleys, in bustling themselves to dress up the galleys, which would be a swift piece of work for them to do, for that they had neither oars, masts, sails, gables, nor any thing else ready in any galley. But yet they are carrying them into them, some into one galley, and some into another, so that, being such a confusion amongst them, without any certain guide, it were a thing impossible to overtake them: beside that, there was no man that would take charge of a galley, the weather was so rough, and there was such an amazedness amongst them. And verily I think their God was amazed thereat: it could not be but he must blush for shame, he can speak never a word for dullness, much less can he help them in such an extremity. Well, howsoever it is, he is very much to blame, to suffer them to receive such a gibe. But howsoever their God behaved himself, our God showed himself a God indeed, and that he was the only living God: for the seas were swift under his faithful, which made the enemies aghast to behold them, a skilfuller Pilot leads them, and their mariners bestir them lustily: but the Turks had neither mariners, Pilot, nor any skilful Master, that was in a readiness at this pinch. When the Christians were safe out of the enemy's coast, john Fox called to them all, willing them to be thankful unto almighty God for their delivery, and most humbly to fall down upon their knees, beseeching him to aid them unto their friend's land, and not to bring them into an other danger, sirh he had most mightily delivered them from so great a thraldom and bondage. Thus when every man had made his petition, they fallen strait way to their labour with the ears, in helping one another, when they were wearied, and with great labour stewing to come to some Christian land, as near as they could guess by the stars. But the winds were so divers, one while driving them this way, another while that way, that they were now in a new maze, thinking that God had forsaken them, and left them to a greater danger. And forasmuch as there were no victuals now left in the galley, it might have been a cause to them (if they had been the Israelites) to have murmured against their God: but they known how that their God, who had delivered them out of Egypt, was such a loving and merciful God, as that he would not suffer them to be conformded, in whom he had wrought so great a wonder: but what calamity soever they sustained, they known it was but for their further trial, and also (in putting them in mind of their farther misery) to 'cause them not to triumph and glory in themselves therefore. Having (I say) no victuals in the galley, it might seem that one misery continually fell upon an others neck: but to be brief, the famine grew to be so great, that in 28 days, wherein they were on the sea, Extremity of famine. there died eight people, to the astonishment of all the rest. So it fallen out, that upon the 29 day, after they set from Alexandria, they fallen on the Isle of Candie, and landed at Gallipoli, where they were made much of by the Abbot and Monks there, who caused them to stay there, while they were well refreshed and eased. They kept there the sword, wherewith john Fox had killed the keeper, john Fox his sword kept as a monument in Gallipoli. esteeming it as a most precious jewel, and hung it up for a monument. When they thought good, having leave to departed from thence, they sailed along the coast, till they arrived at Tarento, where they sold their galley, and divided it, every man having a part thereof. The Turks receiving so shameful a foil at their hand, pursued the Christians, and scoured the seas, where they could imagine that they had bend their course. And the Christians had departed from thence on the one day in the morning, and seven galleys of the Turks came thither that night, as it was certified by those who followed Fox, and his company, fearing lest they should have been met with. And then they came a foot to Naples, where they departed a sunder, every man taking him to his next way home. From whence john Fox took his journey unto Rome, where he was well entertained of an Englishman, who presented his worthy deed unto the Pope, who rewarded him liberally, and gave him his letters unto the king of Spain, where he was very well entertained of him there, who for this his most worthy enterprise gave him in fee twenty pennies a day. From whence, being desirous to come into his own country, he came thither at such time as he conveniently could, which was in the year of our Lord God, 1579. Who being come into England, went unto the Court, and showed all his travel unto the Council: who considering of the state of this man, in that he had spent and lost a great part of his youth in thraldom and bondage, extended to him their liberality, to help to maintain him now in age, to their right honour, and to the encouragement of all true hearted Christians. The copy of the certificate for john Fox, and his company, made by the Prior, and the brethren of Gallipoli, where they first landed. WE the Prior, and Fathers of the Covent of the Amerciates, of the city of Gallipoli, of the order of Preachers do testify, that upon the 29 of january last passed, 1577, there came in to the said city a certain galley from Alexandria, taken from the Turks, with two hundredth fifty and eight Christians, whereof was principal Master john Fox, an Englishman, a gunner, and one of the chiefest that did accomplish that great work, whereby so many Christians have recovered their liberties. In token and remembrance whereof, upon our earnest request to the same john Fox, he hath left here an old sword, wherewith he slew the keeper of the prison: which sword we do as a monument and memorial of so worthy a deed, hung up in the chief place of our Covent house. And for because all things aforesaid, are such as we will testify to be true, as they are orderly passed, and have therefore good credit, that so much as is above expressed is true, and for the more faith thereof, we the Prior, and Father's aforesaid, have ratified and subscribed these presents. Given in Gallipoly, the third of February 1577. I friar Vincent Barba, Prior of the same place, confirm the premises, as they are above written. I friar Albert Damaro, of Gallipoly, Subprior, confirm as much. I friar Anthony Celleler of Gallipoly, confirm as aforesaid. I friar Bartholomew of Gallipoly, confirm as above said. I friar Francis of Gallipoly, confirm as much. The Bishop of Rome his letters in the behalf of john Fox. BE it known unto all men, to whom this writing shall come, that the bringer hereof john Fox Englishman, a Gunner, after he had served captive in the Turks galleys, by the space of fourteen years, at length, through God his help, taking good opportunity, the third of januarie last passed, slay the keeper of the prison, (whom he first stroke on the face) together with four and twenty other Turks, by the assistance of his fellow prisoners: and with 266. Christians (of whose liberty he was the author) launched from Alexandria, and from thence arrived first at Gallipoly in Candie, and afterwards at Tarento in Apulia: the written testimony and credit of which things, as also of others, the same john Fox hath in public tables from Naples. Upon Easter eve he came to Rome, and is now determined to take his journey to the Spanish Court, hoping there to obtain some relief toward his living: wherefore the poor distressed man humbly beseecheth, and we in his behalf do in the bowels of Christ, desire you, that taking compassion of his former captivity, and present penury, you do not only suffer him freely to pass throughout all your cities and towns, but also secure him with your charitable alms, the reward whereof you shall hereafter most assuredly receive, which we hope you will afford to him, whom with tender affection of pity we commend unto you. At Rome, the 20 of April 1577. Thomas Grolos Englishman Bishop of Astraphen. Richard Silleum Prior Angliae. Andrea's Ludovicus Register to our Sovereign Lord the Pope, which for the greater credit of the premises, have set my seal to these presents. At Rome, the day and year above written. Mauricius Clement the governor and keeper of the English Hospital in the city. The King of Spain his letters to the Lieutenant, for the placing of john Fox in the office of a Gunner. TO the illustrious Prince, Vespasian Gonsaga Colonna, our Lieutenant and Captain General of our Realm of Valentia. Having consideration, that john Fox Englishman hath served us, and was one of the most principal, which took away from the Turks a certain galley, which they have brought to Tarento, wherein were two hundred, fifty, and eight Christian captives: we licence him to practise, and give him the office of a Gunner, and have ordained, that he go to our said Realm, there to serve in the said office in the Galleys, which by our commandment are lately made. And we do command, that you cause to be paid to him eight ducats pay a month, for the time that he shall serve in the said Galleys as a Gunner, or till we can otherwise provide for him, the said eight ducats monthly of the money which is already of our provision, present and to come, and to have regard of those which come with him. From Escurial the tenth of August, 1577. I the King. ivan del Gado. And under that a confirmation of the Council. The renewing and increasing of an ancient and commodious trade unto diverse places in the Levant seas, and to the chiefest parts of all the great Turk's dominions, by the means of the Right worsh, citizen's Sir Edward Osburne Alderman, and M. Richard Staper merchant of London. THis trade into the Levant (as is before mentioned, page 96 of this present volume, whereunto I refer the Reader) was very usual and much frequented from the year of our Lord 1511, till the year 1534, and afterward also, though not so commonly, until the year 1550, when as the bark Aucher under the conduct of M. Roger Bodenham made a prosperous voyage unto Sicilia, Candia, Sio, and other places within the Levant. Since which time the foresaid trade (notwithstanding the Grand Signior's ample privilege granted to M. Anthony jenkenson 1553, and the strong and weighty reasons of Gaspar Campion for that purpose) was utterly discontinued, and in manner quite forgotten, as if it had never been, for the space of 20 years and more. Howbeit the discreet and worthy citizens Sir Edward Osborne and M. Richard Staper seriously considering what benefit might grow to the common wealth by renewing of the foresaid discontinued trade, to the enlarging of her majesties customs, the furthering of navigation, the venting of diverse general commodities of this Realm, and the enriching of the city of London, determined to use some effectual means for the re-establishing and augmenting thereof. Wherefore about the year 1575. the foresaid R. W. merchants at their charges and expenses sent john Wight and joseph Clements by the way of Poland to Constantinople, The voyage of john Wight and joseph Clements to Constantinople. where the said joseph remained 18 months to procure a safe conduct from the grand signor, for M. William Harborne, than factor for Sir Edward Osborne, to have free access into his highness dominions, and obtained the same. Which business after two years chargeable travel and suit being accomplished, the said M. Harborne the first of july 1578 departed from London by the sea to Hamburgh, The first voyage of M. William Harborne to Constantinople. and thence accompanied with joseph Clements his guide and a servant, he travailed to Leopolis in Poland, and then appareling himself, his guide, and his servant after the Turkish fashion (having first obtained the king of Poland his safe conduct to pass at Camienijecz the frontier town of his dominions next unto Turkey) by good means he obtained favour of one Acmet Chaus the Turks ambassador then in Poland, and ready to return to Constantinople, to be received into his company and carovan. And so the fourth of September 1578 he departed with the said Acmet from Leopolis in Poland, and traveling through Moldavia, Valachia, Bulgaria, and Romania, gratifying the Voiavodes with certain courtesies, he arrived at Constantinople the 28 of October next ensuing. Where he behaved himself so wisely and discreetly, that within few months after he obtained not only the great Turks large and ample privilege for himself, and the two worshipful people aforesaid, but also procured his honourable and friendly letters unto her Majesty in manner following. The letters sent from the Imperial Musulmanlike highness of Zuldan Murad Can, to the sacred regal Majesty of Elizabeth Queen of England, the fifteenth of March 1579, containing the grant of the first privileges. IN greatness and glory most renowned Elizabeth, most sacred Queen, and noble prince of the most mighty worshippers of jesus, most wise governor of the causes and affairs of the people and family of Nazareth, cloud of most pleasant rain, and sweetest fountain of nobleness and virtue, lady & heir of the perpetual happiness & glory of the noble Realm of England (whom all sorts seek unto and submit themselves) we wish most prosperous success and happy ends to all your actions, and do offer unto you such pleasures and courtesies as are worthy of our mutual and eternal familiarity: thus ending (as best beseemeth us) our former salutations. In most friendly manner we give you to understand, that a certain man hath come unto us in the name of your most excellent Regal Majesty, commending unto us from you all kindness, courtesy and friendly offices on your part, and did humbly require that our Imperial highness would vouchsafe to give leave and liberty to him and unto ‖ These two were Sir Edward Osborne And M. Richard Staper. two other merchants of your kingdom, to resort hither and return again, and that by way of traffic they might be suffered to trade hither with their goods and merchandizes to our Imperial dominions, and in like sort to make their return. Our stately Court and Country hath been ever open for the access both of our enemies and friends. But because we are informed that your most excellent Regal Majesty doth abound with good will, humanity, & all kind of loving affection towards us, so much the rather shall the same our Country be always open to such of your subjects, as by way of merchandise shall trade hither: and we will never fail to aid & succour any of them that are or shall be willing to esteem of our friendship, favour, & assistance: but will reckon it some part of our duty to gratify them by all good means. And forasmuch as our Imperial highness is given to understand that your most excellent Regal Majesty doth excel in bounty & courtesy, we therefore have sent out our Imperial commandment to all our kings, judges, and travelers by sea, to all our Captains and voluntary seafaring men, all condemned people, and officers of Ports and customs, straight charging and commanding them, that such foresaid people as shall resort hither by sea from the Realm of England, either with great or small vessels to trade by way of merchandise, may lawfully come to our imperial Dominions, and freely return home again, and that no man shall dare to molest or trouble them. And if in like sort they shall come into our dominions by land, either on foot or on horseback, no man shall at any time withstand or hinder them: but as our familiars and confederates, the French, Venetians, Polonians, and the ‖ You calleth the german emperor but king of Germany. king of Germany, with divers other our neighbours about us, have liberty to come hither, & to return again into their own countries, in like sort the merchants of your most excellent Regal majesties kingdom shall have safe conduct and leave to repair hither to our Imperial dominions, and so to return again into their own Country: straight charging that they be suffered to use and trade all kind of merchandise as any other Christians do, without ●et or disturbance of any. Therefore when these our Imperial letters shall be brought to your most excellent Regal Majesty, it shall be meet, according to our benevolence, humanity, and familiarity towards your most excellent Majesty, that you likewise bethink yourself of your like benevolence, humanity and friendship towards us, to open the gate thereof unto us, and to nourish by all good means this kindness and friendship: The Turk demandeth like privileges for his subjects in the Queen's dominions. and that like liberty may be granted by your Highness to our subjects and merchants to come with their merchandizes to your dominions, either by sea with their ships, or by la●d with their wagons or horses, and to return home again: and that your most excellent Regal Majesty do always declare your humanity, good will, and friendship towards us, and always keep open the door thereof unto us. Given at our city of Constantinople the fifteenth day of March, and in the year of our most holy Prophet Mahomet ‖ With us the year 1579. 987. The answer of her Majesty to the aforesaid Letters of the Great Turk, sent the 25 of October 1579, in the Prudence of London by Master Richard Stanley. ELIZABETHA Dei ter maximi, & unici coeli terraeque Conditoris gratia, Angliae, Franciae & Hiberniae regina, fidei Christianae contra omnes omnium inter Christianos degentium, & Christi nomen falsò profitentium Idololatrias invictissima & potentissima Desensatrix, augustissimo, invictissimoque principi Sultan Murad Can, Turcici regni dominatori potentissimo, Imperijque orientis Monarchae supra omnes soli & supremo, salutem, & multos cum ●erum optimarum affluentia foelices, & fortunatos annos. Augustissime & invictissime Caesar, accepimus invictissimae Caesareae vestrae celsitudinis literas, die decimoquinto Martij currentis anni ad nos scriptas Constantinopoli, ex quibus intelligimus quàm benignè quàmque clementer, literae supplices quae Caesareae vestrae celsitudini a quodam subdito nostro Gudielmo Hareborno in Imperiali Celsitudinis vestrae civitate Constantinopoli commorante offerebantur, literae profectionis pro se & socijs eius duobus hominibus mercatoribus subditis nostris cum mercibus suis ad terras ditionesque Imperio vestro subiectas tam per mare quàm per terras, indeque reversionis venie potestatisque humillimam complexae petitionem, ab invictissima vestra Caesarea celsitudine, acceptae fuerunt. Neque id solùm, sed quàm mira cum facilitate, dignaque augustissma Caesarea clementia, quod erat in dictis literis supplicibus positum, ei socijsque suis donatum & concessum fuit, pro ea, uti videtur, solùm opinion, quam de nobis, & nostra amicitia vestra celsitudo concepit. Quod singular beneficium in dictos subditos nostros collatum tam gratè tamque benevolè accepimus (maximas celsitudini vestrae propterea & agentes, & habentes gratias) nullo ut unquam patiemur tempore, pro facultatum nostrarum ratione, proque ea quam nobis insevit ter maximus mundi monarcha Deus (per quem & cuius auspicijs regnamus) naturae bonitate, qua remotissimas nos esse voluit, & abhorrentes ab ingratitudinis omni vel minima suspitione, docuitque nullorum unquam ut principum, ullis in nos meritis nos sineremus vinci, aut superari, ut apud ingratam principem tantum beneficium deposuisse, se vestra Celsitudo existimer. Proptereaque animum nostrum inpraesentiarum vestrae celsitudini emetimur, benè sentiendo & praedicando, quantopere nos obstrictas beneficij huius in subditos nostros collati putemus memoriâ sempiternâ: long uberiorem, & ampliorem gratitudinis erga vestram celsitudinem nostrae testificationem daturae, cum tempora incident ut possimus, & à nobis desiderabitur. Quoniam autem quae nostris paucis subditis, eaque suis ipsorum precibus, sine ulla intercessione nostra concessa donatio est, in aequè libera potestate sita est ad omnes ter●as ditionesque Imperio vestro subiectas, cum mercibus suis tam per mare quàm per terras eundi & redeundi, atque invictissime Caesareae vestrae celsitudinis confoederatis, Gallis, Polonis, Venetis, atque adeo regis Romanorum subditis largita unquam aut donata suit, celsitudinem vestram rogamus ne tam singularis beneficentiae laus in tam angustis terminis duotum aut trium hominum concludatur, sed ad universos subditos nostros diffusa, propagatáque, celsitudinis vestrae beneficium eò reddat augustius; quò eiusdem donatio latiùs patebit, & ad plures pertinebit. Cuius tam singularis in nos beneficij meritum, eò erit celsitudini vestrae minus poenitendum, quò sunt merces illae, quibus regna nostra abundant, & aliorum principum ditiones egent, tam humanis usibus commodae tamque necessary, nulla gens ut sit, quae eye career queat, proptereaque longissimis, difficillimisque itineribus conquisitis non vehementer gaudeat. Cariùs autem distrahunt alijs, quo ex labour suo quísque victum & quaestum quaeritat, adeo ut in earum acquisitione utilitas, in emptione autem ab alijs onus sit. Vtilitas celsitudinis vestrae subditis augebitur liberá hac paucorum nostrorum hominum ad terras vestras profectione: onus minuetur, profectionis quorumcúnque subditorum nostrorum donatione. Accedet praeterea quae à nobis in celsitudinis vestrae subditos proficiscetur, par, equáque mercium exercendarum libertas, quoties & quando volverint ad regna dominiáque nostra mercaturae gratia accedere. Quam celsitudini vestrae pollicemur tam amplam latéque patentem fore, quám est ulla â confoederatorum vestrorum ullis principibus antedictis, regibus videlicet Romanorum, Gallorum, Polonorum, ac republica Veneta, celsitudinis vestrae subditis ullo unquam tempore concessa & donata. Qua in re si honestae petitioni nostrae invictissima Caesarea vestra celsitudo dignabitur auscultare, faciétque ut acceptis nostris literis intelligamus gratum nè habitura sit quod ab ea contendimus & rogamus, ea proposita praestitáque securitate, quae subditos nostros quoscúnque ad dominia sua, terra, maríque proficiscentes, indéque revertentes tutos & securos reddat ab omni quorumcúnque subditorum suorum iniuria, efficiemus, ut quae Deus oped. max. in regna dominiáque nostra contulit commoda (quae tam singularia sunt, omnium ut principum animos pelliccant ad amicitiam, summeque necessitudinis coniunctionem nobiscum contrabendam, stabiliendámque quo liberius tantis summi Dei beneficijs fruantur, quibus career nequeunt) nostri subditi ad regna dominiáque Celsitudinis vestrae advehant tam affluenter támque cumulate, ut utríque incommodo praedicto necessitatis & oneris plenissimè succurratur. Facit praetereá singularis ista Celsitudinis vestre in nos Gentémque nostram summae benevolentiae significatio ac fides, ut eandem, in causam quorundam subditorum nostrorum, qui captivi triremibus vestris detinentur, interpellemus, rogemúsque, ut quoniam nullo in celsitudinem vestram peccato suo, siuè arma in eam ●erendo, siuè iniquiùs praeter fas & ius gentium se gerendo in suos subditos, in hanc calamitatem inciderint, soluti vinculis, & libertate donati, nobis pro sua fide & obsequio inseruientes, causam uberiorem praebeant vestrae Celsitudinis in nos humanitatem praedicandi: & Deum illum, qui solus, & supra omnia & omnes est acertimus idolatriae vindicator, suíque honoris contra Gentium & aliorum falsos Deos zealots, precabimur, ut vestram invictissimam Caesaream Celsitudinem omni beatitate eorum donorum fortunet, que sola & summè iure merito habentur desideratissima. Darae è Regia nostra Grenovici, prope civitattem nostram Londinum, quintodecimo Mensis Octobris, Anno jesu Christi salvatoris nostri 1579, Regni verò nostri vicesimo primo. The same in English. ELizabeth by the grace of the most mighty God, and only Creator of heaven and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queen, the most invincible and most mighty defender of the Christian faith against all kind of idolatries, of all that live among the Christians, and falsely profess the Name of Christ, unto the most Imperial and most invincible prince, Zuldan Murad Can, the most mighty ruler of the kingdom of Turkey, sole and above all, and most sovereign Monarch of the East Empire, greeting, and many happy and fortunate years, with abundance of the best things. Most Imperial and most invincible Emperor, we have received the letters of your mighty highness written to us from Constantinople the fifteenth day of March this present year, whereby we understand how graciously, and how favourably the humble petitions of one William Hareborne a subject of ours, resident in the Imperial city of your highness presented unto your Majesty for the obtaining of access for him and two other merchants more of his company our subjects also, to come with merchandises both by sea and land, to the countries and territories subject to your government, and from thence again to return home with good leave and liberty, were accepted of your most invincible Imperial highness, and not that only, but with an extraordinary speed and worthy your Imperial grace, that which was craved by petition was granted to him, and his company in regard only (as it seemeth) of that opinion which your highness conceived of us and our amity: which singular benefit done to our aforesaid subjects, we take so thankfully, and in so good part (yielding for the same our greatest thanks to your highness) that we will never give occasion to your said highness (according as time, and the respect of our affairs will permit) once to think so great a pleasure bestowed upon an ungrateful Prince. For the Almighty God, by whom, and by whose grace we reign, hath planted in us this goodness of nature, that we de●est and abhor the lest suspicion of ingratitude, and hath taught us not to suffer ourselves to be overmatched with the good demerits of other Princes. And therefore at this time we do extend our good mind unto your highness, by well conceiving, and publishing also abroad, how much we repute ourself bond in an everlasting remembrance for this good pleasure to our Subjects, meaning to yield a much more large and plentiful testification of our thankfulness, when time convenient shall fall out, and the same shall be looked for at our hands. But whereas that grant which was given to a few of our Subjects, and at their only request without any intercession of ours, standeth in as free a liberty of coming and going to and from all the lands and kingdoms subject to your Majesty; both by land & sea with merchandises, as ever was granted to any of your Imperial highness confederates, as namely to the French, the Polonians, the Venetians, as also to the subjects of the king of the Romans, we desire of your highness that the commendation of such singular courtesy may not be so narrowly restrained to two or three men only, but may be enlarged to all our subjects in general, that thereby your highness goodness may appear the more notable, by reason of the granting of the same to a greater number of people. The bestowing of which so singular a benefit your highness shall so much the less repent you of, by how much the more fit and necessary for the use of man those commodities are, wherewith our kingdoms do abound, and the kingdoms of other princes do want, so that there is no nation that can be without them; but are glad to come by them, although by very long and difficult travels: and when they have them, they cell them much dearer to others, because every man seeketh to make profit by his labour: so that in the getting of them there is profit, but in the buying of them from others there is loss. But this profit will be increased to the subjects of your highness by this free access of a few of our subjects to your dominions, as also the loss and burden willbe eased, by the permission of general access to all our people. And furthermore we will grant as equal and as free a liberty to the subjects of your highness with us for the use of traffic, when they will, end as often as they will, to come, and go to and from us and our kingdoms. Which liberty we promise' to your highness shallbe as ample, and as large as any was ever given or granted to your subjects by the aforesaid princes your confederates, as namely the king of the Romans, of France, of Poland, and the common wealth of Venice. In which matter, if your most invincible Imperial highness shall vouchsafe to incline to our reasonable request, and shall give order upon these our letters, that we may have knowledge how the same is accepted of you, and whether it willbe granted, with sufficient security for our subjects to go, and return safe and secure from all violences and injuries of your people, we on the other side will give order, that those commodities which Almighty God hath bestowed upon our kingdoms (which are in deed so excellent, that by reason of them all princes are drawn to enter, and confirm leagues of amity and good neighbourhood with us, by that means to enjoy these so great blessings of God, which we have, and they can in no case want) our subjects shall bring them so abundantly and plentifully to the kingdoms and dominions of your highness, that both the former inconveniences of necessity, and loss, shall most sufficiently be taken away. Moreover the signification and assurance of your highness great affection to us and our nation, doth 'cause us also to entreat and use mediation on the behalf of certain of our subjects, who are detained as slaves and captives in your Galleys, for whom we crave, that forasmuch as they are fallen into that misery, not by any offence of there's, by bearing of arms against your highness, or in behaving of themselves contrary to honesty, and to the law of nations, they may be delivered from their bondage, and restored to liberty, for their service towards us, according to their duty: which thing shall yield much more abundant cause to us of commending your clemency, and of beseeching that God (who only is above all things, and all men, and is a most severe revenger of all idolatry, and is ielons of his honour against the false gods of the nations) to adorn your most invincible Imperial highness with all the blessings of those gifts, which only and deservedly are accounted most worthy of ask. Given at our palace of Greenwich, near to our City of London, the five and twentieth day of October, in the year of jesus Christ our Saviour one thousand, five hundredth, seventy and nine, and of our reign the one and twentieth. The charter of the privileges granted to the English, & the league of the great Turk with the Queen's Majesty in respect of traffic, dated in june 1580. IM●●ensa & maxima ex potestate potentissimi, terribilibúsque verbis & nunquam finienda innumerabiliue clementia & ineffabili auxilio sanctissimi & pura ment colendissimi tremendissimique universitatum creatoris, princeps temporum presentium, unicus modernae etatis monarcha, totius orbis terrarum potentibus sceptra dividere potens, clementiae, gratiaeque divinae umbra, regnorum provinciarumue, & urbium civitatumue distributor permultarum: Nos sacratissimus Caesar Muzulmanicus, Mecchae, id est domus divinae, Medinae, gloriosissimae & beatissimae jerusalem, Aegypti fertilissimae, jemen & Zovan, Eden & Canan, Sami paciferae & Hebe's, jabza & Pazra, Zeruzub & Halepiae, Caramariae & Diabekiruan & Dulkadiriae, Babyloniae, & totius ●riplicis Arabiae, Euzorum & Georgianorum, Cypri divitis, & regnorum Asiae, Ozakior, Camporum Maris albi & nigri, Graeciae & Mesopotamiaes, Africa & Gole●ae, Algeris & Tripoli occidentalis, selectissimeque Europae, Budae, & Temeswar, & regnorum transalpinorum, & his similium permultorum princeps Caesarué sacerrimus, potentissimus Murad Cancrone, filius principis Zelim Cancrone, qui fuit Zoleiman Cancrone, qui fuit Zelim Cancrone, qui fuit Paiezid Can, qui fuit Mehemed Cancrone, etc. Nos princeps potentissimus Murad Cancrone hoc in signum nostrae Caesareae amicitiae significamus manifestamus, quòd in temporibus modernis Regina Angliae, Franciae & Hiberniae Elizabetha in Christianitate honoratissima Regina (cuius mercatorum exitus sit foelicissimus) ad nostram excelsam, & justitiae plenam, fulgidissimamue portam, quae omnibus principibus mundi est refugium & requies, peregregium Gulielmum Harebornum literas misit suas, quibus sua maiestas significavit, quod tempore praeterito quidam subditi sui venissent ad nostram portam excelsam, & suam obedientiam erga eam demonstravissent, & ob eam causam illis quoque ad nostras ditiones mercandi gratia venire & redire poscerent, venia & potestas fuisse● data: & quòd in locis & hospitijs eorum per mare & terram nemo auderet impedire & illis damnum facere, mandatum Cesareum fuisset datum: & quòd hanc nostram gratiam, quam paucis hominibus suae maiestatis demonstravissemus, universis suis subditis concederemus, peteb●●. Quare, quemadmodum cum serenissimis benevolentiam & obedientiam, seruitiáue sua demonstrantibus erga nostram portam excelsam regibus & principibus confoederatis (ut sunt rex Gallorum, Foedus Turci● Imperatoris cum Regina ●aitum. Veneti, & rex Polonorum, & caeteri) pacem & foedus sanctissimum pepigimus: sic etiam cum praefata Regina amicitiam custodiendam, pacem & foedus coniunximus. Illius igitur homines, & universi mercatores, sine aliquo impedimento cum suis mercibus & oneribus cunctis ad nostras ditiones Caesareas pacificè & securè veniant, & suam exerceant mercaturam, maneantin suis statibus, & secundum suos mores negocientur. Et adhaec, sua maiestas significabat ex hominibus suis aliquos iamdudum captos fuisse, & in captivitate detineri, & quò● hi dimitterentur petebat, & quòd sicut alijs principibus nobiscum confoederatis privilegia & mandata Caesarea super foedus sanctissimum dedissemus, sic praefatae quoque Reginae privilegium & mandata Caesarea ut daremus, nostrae Caesareae celsitudini placeret. Quare secundùm nostram benevolentiam & gratiam innatam, optata sue maiestatis apud nos grata fuere: Et hoc nostrum privilegium iustitijs plenum dedimus maiestati suae: Et Beglerbegis, Zanziacbegis famulis nostris, & Kazijs, id est, judicibus, & omnibus teloniatoribus omnium locorum, portuum, & vadorum firmiter mandamus, ut donec ex part prefatae reginae foedus, & pax, & eorum conditiones articulíque (ut convenit) cu●todiuntur & seruantur, nostrae quóque Caesareae celsitudinis mandata sunt: 1 Vt praefatae Regine homines, & subditi eius quibusuis rebus & mercibus, Art●culi ●uiu● privilegij. oneribus & suppellectilibus per mare in magnis & parvis navibus, per terram autem homines cum oneribus & pecoribus, securè & pacificè ad nostras ditiones Caesareas veniant, & nemo illis noceat, sed securè & sine aliquo impedimento negocientur, & in suis statibus & conditionibus permaneant. 2 Item, si praesatis homines & mercatores in suis rectis vijs & negociationibus aliquo modo caperentur, sine aliqua tergiversatione dimittantur, liberentúrque. 3 Item, si naves eorum ad aliquos portus & loca venire volverint, pacificè omni in tempore, & sine impedimento veniant, & discedant in sua loca. 4 Item, si in tempestatibus maris naves eorum essent in periculo & auxilio opus esset illis, naves nostrae Caesareae celsitudinis, earúmque homines, & aliorum naves hominésque statim auxilium & opem ferant illis, mandamus. 5 Item, si edulia suis pecunijs emere volverint, nemo resistat illis, sed sine impedimento edulia emant. 6 Item, si infortunium maris naves eorum in terram proiecerit, Begi & judices, & ceteri nostri subditi sint auxilio illis, merces & res eorum que remanserint iterum reddantur illis, & nemo impediat illos. 7 Item, si prefatae reginae homines, eorum interprete, & mercatores, sive per terram, sive per mare mercandi gratiâ ad nostras ditiones venire velint, legitimo telonio, & vectigali reddito, pacificè vagentur, capitanei & reges maris & navium, & aliud genus hominum per mare vagantium in personis, & rebus eorum, pecoribúsque, ne noceant illis. 8 Item, si aliquis ex Anglis debitor, aut ere alieno esset obstrictus, inveniríque non possit, ratione debitorum alterius nullus nisi esset fideiussor capiatur aut impediatur. 9 Item, si Anglus testamentum fecerit, & sua bona cuicúnque legaverit, illi dentur bona illius, & si sine testamento moreretur, consul eorum cuicúnque sociorum mortui hominis dixerit debere dari, illi dentur bona mortui hominis. 10 Item, si Angli, & ad Angliam pertinentium locorum mercatores & interprete, in vendendis & emendis mercibus fideiussionibus & rebus aliquid negocij habuerint, ad judicem veniant, & in librum inscribi faciant negotium, & si volverint, literas quóque accepiant à judice, propterea quòd si aliquid inciderit, videant librum & literas, & secundùm tenorem eorum perficiantur negocia eorum suspecta: si autem néque in librum inscriberentur, néque literas haberent, judex falsa testimonia non admittat, sed secundùm justitiam legem administrans non sinat illos impediri. 11 Item, si aliquis diceret, quod isti Christiani nostrae fidei Muzulmanicae maledixerint, & eam vituperijs affecerint, in hoc negotio etiam & alijs, testes falsi minimè admittantur. 12 Item, si aliquis eorum aliquod facinus patraret, & fugiens non possit inveniri, nullus nisi esset fideiussor pro alterius facto retineatur. 13 Item, si aliquod mancipium Anglicum inveniretur, & consul eorum peteret illud, examinetur diligenter mancipium, & si inventum fuerit Anglicum, accipiatur, & reddatur Anglis. 14 Item, si aliquis ex Anglis huc venerit habitandi aut mercandi gratiâ sive sit uxoratus, sive sit sine uxore, non soluat censum. 15 Item, si in Alexandria, in Damascus, in Samia, in Tunis, in Tripoli occidentali, in Aegypti portubus & in alijs omnibus locis, ubicúnque volverint facere Consules, faciant: Et iterum si volverint eos mutare, & in loco priorum consulum alios locare, liberè faciant, & nemo illis resistat. 16 Item, si illorum interpres in arduis negotijs occupatus abesset, donec veniret interpres, expectetur, & interim nemo illos impediat. 17 Item, si Angli inter se aliquam litem haberent & vellent ad suos consules ire, nemo resistat illis, sed liberè veniant ad Consules suos, ut secundùm mores eorum finiatur lis orta. 18 Item, si post tempus aut datum huius privilegij, piratae, a●t alij aliqui liberi gubernatores navium per mare vagantes, aliquem ex Anglis ceperint, & trans mare vel cis mare venderint, secundùm justitiam examinetur: & si Anglus inventus fuerit, & religionem Muzulmanicam assumpserit, liberè dimittatur: si autem adhuc esset Christianus, Anglis reddatur, & emptores suam pecuniam ab illo petant, à quo emerant. 19 Item, si nostrae Caesareae Celsitudinis naves armatae exiverint ad mare, & ibi invenerint naves Anglicas merces portantes, nemo impediat illas, imò amicè tractentur, & nullum damnum faciant illis: Quemadmodum Gallis, Venetis, & caeteris nobiscum confoederatis regibus, & principibus privilegium, & articulos privilegijs dedimus, & concessimus, simili modo his quòque Anglis privilegium & articulos privilegijs dedimus & concessimus, & contra legem divinam, & hoc privilegium, nemo unquam aliquid audeat facere. 20 Item, si naves magnae, & paruae in itinere & loco ubi stant detinebuntur, nemo illos audeat impedire, sed po●ius auxilio sint illis. 21 Item, si latrones & fures vi raperent naves illorum, naviúmque merces, magna diligentia quaerantur latrones & fures, & severissimè puniantur. 22 Ad extremum, Beglerbegij, & Zanziacbegi, Capitanei nostri, Mancipia, & per mare navigantes servi Capitaneorum, & judices, & Teloniatores, & Gubernatores navium Reiz dicti, & liberi Reiz, omnes isti praefati, secundùm tenorem huius privilegij, tenorémue articulorum eius, omnia facere teneantur, & debeant. Et donec hoe in privilegio descriptum foedus, & pax illius Maiestatis ex part sanctè seruabitur, & custodietur, ex part etiam nostra Caesarea custodiri, & observari mandamus. Datum constantinopoli, anno nostri prophetae Sanctissimi 988, in principio mensis Junii, anno autem jesu 1580. The interpretation of the letters, or privilege of the most mighty and Musumanlike Emperor Zuldan Murad Can, granted at the request of Elizabeth by the grace of the most mighty God, and only Creator of heaven and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queen, confirming a peace and league betwixt both the said Princes and their subjects. WE most sacred Musulmanlike Emperor, by the infinite and exceeding great power, by the everlasting and wonderful clemency, & by the unspeakable help of the most mighty & most holy God, creator of all things, to be worshipped and feared with all pureness of mind, and reverence of speech, The prince of these present times, the only Monarch of this age, able to give sceptres to the potentates of the whole world, the shadow of the divine mercy and grace, the distributer of many kingdoms, provinces, towns and cities, Prince, and most sacred Emperor of Mecca, that is to say, of God's house, of Medina, of the most glorious and blessed jerusalem, of the most fertile Egypt, jemen and jovan, Eden and Canaan, of Samos the peaceable, and of Hebe's, of jabza, and Pazra, of Zeruzub and Halepia, of Caramaria and Diabekiruan, of Dulkadiria, of Babylon, and of all the three Arabia's, of the Euzians and Georgians, of Cyprus the rich, and of the kingdoms of Asia, of Ozakior, of the tracts of the white and black Sea, of Grecia and Mesopotamia, of Africa and Goleta, of Alger, and of Tripoli in the West, of the most choice and principal Europe, of Buda and Temeswar, and of the kingdoms beyond the Alpes, and many others such like, most mighty Murad Can, the son of the Emperor Zelim Can, which was the son of Zoleiman Can, which was the son of Zelim Can, which was the son of Paiizid Can, which was the son of Mehemed Can, etc. We most mighty prince Murad Can, in token of our Imperial friendship, do signify and declare, that now of late Elizabeth Queen of England, France and Ireland, the most honourable Queen of Christendom (to whose merchants we wish happy success) sent her letters by her worthy servant William Hareborne unto our stately and most magnificent Porch replenished with justice, which is a refuge and Sanctuary to all the princes of the world, by which letters her Majesty signified, that whereas heretofore certain of her subjects had repaired to our said stately porch, and had showed their obedience to the same, and for that cause had desired that leave and liberty might also be granted unto them, to come and go for traffics sake too and from our dominions, and that our Imperial commandment might be given, that no man should presume to hurt of hinder them, in any of their abodes or passages by sea or land, and whereas she requested that we would grant to all her subjects in general, this our favour, which before we had extended only to a few of her people: therefore as we have entered into amity, and most holy league with the most excellent kings and princes our confederates, showing their devotion, and obedience or services towards our stately Porch (as namely the French king, the Venetians, the king of Polonia and others) so also we have contracted an inviolable amity, peace and league with the aforesaid Queen. Therefore we give licence to all her people, and merchants, peaceably and safely to come unto our Imperial dominions, with all their merchandise and goods without any impeachment, to exercise their traffic, to use their own customs, and to bu● and cell according to the fashions of their own country. And further her Majesty signified unto us, that certain of her people had heretofore been taken prisoners, and were detained in captivity, and required that they might be set at liberty, and that as we had granted unto other Princes our confederates, privileges, and Imperial decrees, concerning our most inviolable league with them, so it would please our Imperial Majesty to grant and confirm the like privileges, and princely decrees to the aforesaid Queen. Wherefore according to our humanity and gracious engraffed disposition, the requests of her Majesty were accepted of us, and we have granted unto her Majesty this privilege of ours agreeable to reason & equity. And we straight command all our Beglerbegs, and Zanziacbegs our servants, and our Reyz, that is to say, our judges, and all our customers in all places, havens and passages, that as long as this league and amity with the conditions, and articles thereof, are kept and observed on the behalf of the aforesaid Queen, 1 Our Imperial commandment and pleasure is, that the people and subjects of the same Queen, may safely and securely come to our princely dominions, with their goods and merchandise, and lading, and other commodities by sea, in great and small vessels, and by land with their carriages and cattles, and that no man shall hurt them, but they may buy and cell without any hindrance, and observe the customs and orders of their own country. 2 Item, if the aforesaid people and merchants shallbe at any time in the course of their journeys and dealings by any means taken, they shall be delivered and enlarged, without any excuse or cavillation. 3 Item, if their ships purpose to arrive in any of our ports and havens, it shallbe lawful for them so to do in peace, and from thence again to departed, without any let or impediment. 4 Item, if it shall happen that any of their ships in tempestuous weather shall be in danger of loss and perishing, and thereupon shall stand in need of our help, we will, and command that our men and ships be ready to help and secure them. 5 Item, if they shallbe willing to buy any victuals for their money, no person shall withslande them, but they shall buy the same without any disturbance to the contrary. 6 Item, if by any casualty their ships shall be driven on shore in peril of shipwreck, our Begs and judges, and other our Subjects shall secure them, and such wares, and goods of there's as shall be recovered from the loss, shall be restored to them, and no man shall wrong them. 7 Item, if the people of the aforesaid Queen, their interpreters and merchants, shall for traffic sake, either by land or Sea repair to our dominions paying our lawful toll and custom, they shall have quiet passage, and none of our Captains or governors of the Sea, and ships, nor any kind of people, shall either in their bodies, or in their goods and cattles, any way molest them. 8 Item, if any Englishman shall grow in debt, and so own money to any other man, and thereupon doth absent himself that he can not be found, let no man be arrested or apprehended for any other man's debt, except he be the surety. 9 Item, if any Englishman shall make his will and testament, to whom soever by the same he shall give his goods, the party shall have them accordingly, and if he die intestate, he to whom the Consul or governor of the society shall say the goods of the dead are to be given, he shall have the same. 10 Item, if the Englishmen or the merchants and interpreters of any places under the jurisdiction of England shall happen in the buying and selling of wares, by promises or otherwise to come in controversy, let them go to the judge, and 'cause the matter to be entered into a book, and if they will, let them also take letters of the judge testifying the same, that men may see the book and letters, whatsoever thing shall happen, and that according to the tenor thereof the matter in controversy and in doubt may be ended: but if such things be neither entered in book, nor yet the people have taken letters of the judge, yet he shall admit no false witness, but shall execute the Law according to justice, and shall not suffer them to be abused. 11 Item, if any man shall say, that these being Christians have spoken any thing to the derogation of our holy faith and religion, and have slandered the same, in this matter as in all others, let no false witnesses in any case be admitted. 12 Item, if any one of them shall commit any great crime, and flying thereupon cannot be found, let no man be arrested, or detained for another man's fact, except he be his surety. 13 Item, if any slave shall be found to be an Englishman, and their Consul or governor shall sue for his liberty, let the same slave be diligently examined, and if he be found indeed to be English, let him be discharged and restored to the Englishmen. 14 Item, if any Englishman shall come hither either to dwell or traffic, whether he be married or unmarried, he shall pay no poll or head money. 15 Item, if either in Alexandria, Damascus, Samos, Tunis, Tripoli in the west, the port towns of Egypt, or in any other places, they purpose to choose to themselves Consuls or governors, let them do so, and if they will altar them at any time, and in the room of the former Consuls place others, let them do so also, and no man shall restrain them. 16 Item, if their interpreter shallbe at any time absent, being occupied in other serious matters, let the thing then in question be stayed and differred e●● his coming, and in the mean time no man shall trouble them. 17 Item, if any variance or controversy shall arise among the Englishmen, and thereupon they shall appeal to their Consuls or governors, let no man molest them, ●ut let them freely do so, that the controversy begun may be finished according to their own customs. 18 Item, if after the time and date of this priuilege● any pirates or other free governors of ships trading the Sea shall take any Englishman, and shall make sale of him, either beyond the S●a, or on this side of the Sea, the matter shallbe examined according to justice, and if the party shallbe found to be English, and shall receive the holy religion, then let him freely be discharged, but if he will still remain a Christian, let him then be restored to the Englishmen, and the buyers shall demand their money again of them who sold the man. 19 Item, if the ships of war of our Imperial highness shall at any time go forth to Sea, and shall find any English ships laden with merchandise, no man shall hinder th●m, but rather shall use them friendly, and do them no wrong, even as we have given and granted articles, and privileges to the French, Venetians, and other Kings and princes our confederates, so also we have given the like to the English: and contrary to this our divine law and privilege, let no man presume to do any thing. 20 Item, if either their great or small ships shall in the course of their voyage, or in any place to which they come, be stayed or arrested, let no man continued the same arrest, but rather help and assist them. 21 Item, if any thieves and robbers shall by force take away any of their ships, and merchandise, let the same thieves and robbers be sought, and searched for with all diligence, and let them be punished most severely. 22 Last of all the Beglerbegs, and Zanziacbegs, our Captains, our slaves and servants of Captains using the sea, and our judges, customers and governors of ships called Reiz and free Re●z, all these, according to the tenor of this privilege and articles, shallbe bond to do accordingly: and, as long as the Queen of England on her part shall duly keep and observe this league and holy peace, expressed in this privilege, we also for our Imperial part, do charge and command the same so long to be straight kept and observed. Given at Constantinople, in the 988. year of our most holy prophet, in the beginning of the month of june, And in the year of JESUS 1580. Her majesties letter to the Turk or Grand signor 1581. promising redress of the disorders of Peter Baker of Ratcliff, committed in the Levant. ELizabeth by the divine grace of the eternal God, of England, France and Ireland most sacred Queen, and of the most Christian faith, against all the profaners of his most holy Name the zealous and mighty def●ndour● etc. To the most renowned and Imperious Caesar, Sultan Murad Can, Emperor of all the dominions of Turkey, and of all the East Monarchy chief above all others whosoever, most fortunate years with the success of all ●rue happiness. As with very great desire we wish and embrace the love and amity of foreign Princes, and in the same by all good duties and means we se●ke to be confirmed: so to us there may be nothing more grievous and disliking, then that any thing should happen through the default of our Subjects, which any way might bring our faith and fidelity into suspicion: Although we are not ignorant how many good princes by the like misadventure be abused, where the doings of the Subjects are imputed to the want of good government. But such matters of importance and so well approved we may not omit: such is to us the sacred estimation of our honour, and of our Christian profession, as we would the same should appear aswell in the concluding of our promises and agreements, as in the faithful performing of the same. The matter which by these our letters we specially behold, is a most injurious and grievous wrong which of late came unto our understanding, that should be done unto certain of your subjects by certain of our Subjects, as yet not apprehended: This was Bake of Ratci●ste, who with the bark called the Roe, rob certain Grecians in the L●uant. but with all severity upon their apprehension they are to be awarded for the same. And as the deed in itself is most wicked, so is it much more intolerable, by how much it doth infringe the credit of our faith, violate the force of our authority, and impeach the estimation of our word faithfully given unto your Imperial dignity. In which so great a disorder if we should not manifest our hatred towards so wicked and evil disposed people, we might not only most justly be reproved in the judgement of all such as truly favour justice, but also of all Princes the patrons of right and equity, might no less be condemned. That therefore considered, which of our parts is ordained in this cause which may be to the good liking of your highness, we are most especially to request of your Imperial Majesty, that through the default and disorder of a sort of evil and wicked disposed people, you will not withdraw your gracious favour from us, neither to hinder the traffic of our Subjects, which by virtue of your highness sufferance, and power of your licence are permitted to trade into your dominions & countries, or that either in their people or goods they be prejudiced in their traveling by land or by water, promising unto your greatness most faithfully, that the goods whereof your subjects by great wrong and violence have been spoiled, shall wholly again be restored, if either by the lives or possessions of the robbers it may any way be brought to pass: And that hereafter (as now being taught by this evil example) we will have special care that none under the title of our authority shall be suffered to commit any the like wrongs or injuries. Neither they which have committed these evil parts had any power under your highness safeconduct granted unto our subjects, but from some other safeconduct, whether it were true or feigned, we know not, or whether they bought it of any person within t●e government of Marseils: but under the colour thereof they have done that, which the truth of our dealing doth utterly abhor. Notwithstanding howsoever it be, we will surely measure their evil proceed with most sharp and just correction, and that it shall repent them of the impeachment of our honours, as also it shallbe an example of our indignation, that others may dread at all times to commit the like offence. Wherefore that our amity might be continued, as if this unfortunate hap had never chanced, and that the singular affection of our Subjects towards your Imperial Majesty vowed, and daily more and more desired, might be conserved and defended, we thereunto do make our humble suit unto your greatness: And for so great goodness towards us and our people granted, do most humbly pray unto the Almighty creator of heaven and earth, ever to maintain and keep your most renowned Majesty in all happiness and prosperity. Dated at our palace of Greenwich the 26. of june, Anno 1581. The letters patents, or privileges granted by her Majesty to Sir Edward Osborne, Master Richard Staper, and certain other Merchants of London for their trade into the dominions of the great Turk, in the year 1581. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. To all our Officers, ministers, and Subjects, and to all other people as well within this our Realm of England, as else where under our obeisance, jurisdiction, or otherwise, unto whom these our letters shall be seen, showed or read, greeting. Where our well-beloved Subjects Edward Osborne Alderman of our City of London, and Richard Staper of our said City Merchant, have by great adventure and industry, with their great costs and charges, by the space of sundry late years, travailed, and caused travail to be taken, as well by secret and good means, as by dangerous ways and passages both by land and Sea, to find out and set open a trade of Merchandise and traffic into the Lands, Islands, dominions, and territories of the great Turk, commonly called the Grand signor, not heretofore in the memory of any man now living known to be commonly used and frequented by way of merchandise, by an● the Merchants or any Subjects of us, or our progenitors; and also have by their like good means and industry, and great charges procured of the said Grand signor (in our name,) amity, safety, and freedom, for trade and traffic of Merchandise to be used, and continued by our Subjects within his said Dominions, whereby there is good and apparent hope and likelihood both that many good offices may be done for the peace of Christendom, and relief of many Christians that be or may happen to be in thraldom or necessity under the said Grand signor, his vassals or Subjects, and also good and profitable vent and utterance may be had of the commodities of our Realm, and sundry other great benefits to the advancement of our honour, and dignity Royal, the increase of the revenues of our Crown, and general wealth of our Realm: Know you, that hereupon we greatly tendering the wealth of our people, and the encouragement of our Subjects in their good enterprises for the advancement of the Common weal, have of our special grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, given and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant unto our said trusty, and well-beloved Subjects Edward Osborne, and unto Thomas Smith of London Esquire, Richard Staper, and William Garret of London Merchants, their executors, and administrators, and to the executors and administrators of them, and of every of them, that they, and every of them, and such other person and people Englishmen born, not exceeding the number of twelve, as they the said Edward, and Richard shall appoint, nominate, or admit to be partners, adventurers, or doers with them the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, in their society by themselves, their servants, factors or deputies, and to such others as shall be nominated according to the tenor of these our letters Patents, shall and may during the term of seven years from the date of these Patents, freely trade, traffic, and use feats of Merchandise into, and from the dominions of the said Grand signor, and every of them, in such order, and manner, form, liberties and condition to all intents and purposes as shallbe between them limited and agreed, and not otherwise, without any molestation, impeachment, or disturbance, any Law, statute, usage, diversity of religion or faith, or other cause or matter whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. And that it shallbe lawful to the said Edward and Richard their executors and administrators, (during the said term) to appoint or admit to be partners and adventurers with them the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, such people not exceeding the number of twelve (as afore is said) to traffic and use the said trade & feat of merchandise according to our said grant. And that all and every such person and people, as shall hereafter fortune to be appointed or admitted as partners in the said trade or traffic according to these our letters patents, shall and may from the time of such appointment or admittance, have and enjoy the freedom and liberty of the said trade and traffic, during the residue of the said term of seven years, according to such limitation and agreement as is aforesaid, and that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, their executors and administrators, servants, factors and deputies, and all such as shall be so appointed, nominated or admitted, to be partners or adventurers in the said trade, or so many of them as can and will, to assemble themselves for or about any the matters, causes, affairs or business of the said trade in any place or places for the same convenient, from time to time during the said term of 7. years. within our dominions or elsewhere, and to make, ordain, and constitute reasonable laws and ordinances, for the good government of the said Company, and for the better advancement and continuance of the said trade and traffic, not being contrary or repugnant to the laws, estatutes or customs of our Realm, and the same laws or ordinances so made to put in use, and execute accordingly, and at their pleasures to revoke the same laws and ordinances, or any of them, as occasion shall require. And in consideration that the said Edward Osborne hath been the principal setter forth and doer in the opening, & putting in ure of the said trade, we do therefore especially ordain, constitute, and provide by these patents, that the said Edward Osborne shall be governor of all such as by virtue of these our letters patents, shall be partners, adventurers, or trafiquers in the said trade, during the said term of seven years, if he so long live: And that if the said Edward shall happen to decease during the said term, the said Richard Staper then living, than the said Richard Staper shall likewise be governor during the residue of the said term (if he so long live) and that if the said Edward and Richard shall both happen to decease during the said term, than the partners or adventurers for the time being, or the greatest part of them, shall from time to time as necessity shall require, choose and elect a governor of the said Company. Provided always, that if there shall happen any great or urgent occasion to remove or displace any person that shall be governor of the said fellowship, that then it shall, and may be lawful for us, our heirs and successors, to remove, and displace every such governor, and to place another of the said fellowship in the same office, during such time as such person should have enjoyed the same, according to this our grant, if there had been no cause to the contrary. And we further for us, our heirs, and successors, of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, do grant to the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, their executors and administrators, that nothing shall be done to be of force or validity touching the said trade or traffic, or the exercise thereof, without or against the consent of the said Edward, during such time as he shall be Go●ernour as afore is said. And after that time without the consent of the Governor for the time being, and the more part of the said Company. And further, we of our more ample and abundant grace, mere motion and certain knowledge, have granted, and by these patents for us, our heirs and successors, do grant to the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, their executors and administrators, that they, the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and Willam, their executors and administrators, and the said person and people, by them the said Edward and Richard to be nominated, or appointed as afore is said, together, with such two other people, as we our heirs or successors from time to time during the said term shall nominate, shall have the whole trade and traffic, and the whole entire only liberty, use and privilege of trading, and trafiquing, and using feat of merchandise, into, and from the said dominions of the said Grand signor, and every of them. And when there shall be no such people so nominated or appointed by us, our heirs or successors, that then the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, their executors and administrators, and such people by them so to be appointed, shall have the said whole trade and traffic, and the whole entire, and only liberty, use, and privilege of trading and trafiquing aforesaid. And that they the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, their executors & administrators, and also all such as shall so be nominated or appointed to be partners or adventurers in the said trade, according to such agreement as is abovesaid, and every of them, their servants, factors and deputies, shall have full and free authority, liberty, faculty, licence and power to trade and traffic into and from all and every the said dominions of the said Grand signor, and into, and from all places where, by occasion of the said trade, they shall happen to arrive or come, whether they be Christians, Turks, Gentiles or other, and into, and from all Seas, rivers, ports, regions, territories, dominions, coasts and places with their ships, barks, pin●esses and other vessels, and with such mariners and men, as they will lead with them or sand for the said trade, as they shall think good at their own proper cost and expenses, any law, statute, usage, or matter whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. And that it shallbe lawful for the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, and to the people aforesaid, and to and for the mariners and seamen to be used and employed in the said trade and voyage to set and place in the tops of their ships and others vessels the arms of England with the read cross over the same, as heretofore they have used the read cross, any matter or thing to the contrary notwithstanding. And we of our further royal favour, and of our especial grace, certain knowledge and mere motion have granted, and by these presents do grant to the said Edward Osb●rne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, their executors and administrators by these presents, that the said lands, territories, and dominions of the said Grand signor, or any of them, shall not be visited, frequented, nor haunted by way of merchandise by any other our subjects during the said term, contrary to the true meaning of these patents. And by virtue of our high prerogative royal (which we will not have argued or brought in question) we straight charge and command, and prohibit for us, our heirs, and successors, all our subjects (of what degree or quality soever they be) that none of them directly, or indirectly, do visit, haunt, frequent or trade, traffic, or adventure by way of merchandise into, or from any of the Dominions of the said Grand signor, or other places abovesaid by water or by land (other than the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, their executors or administrators, or such as shallbe admitted, and nominated as is aforesaid) without express licence, agreement, and consent of the said Governor, and company or the more part of them, whereof the said Governor always to be one, upon pain of our high indignation, and of forfei●nre and loss, as well of the ship and ships, with the furniture thereof, as also of the goods, merchandises, and things whatsoever they be of those our Subjects which shall attempt, or presume to sail, traffic, or adventure, to or from any the dominions, or places abovesaid, contrary to the prohibition aforesaid: the one half of the same forfeiture to be to the use of us, our heirs & successors, and the other half to the use of the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, and the said company, and further to suffer imprisonment during our pleasure, and such other punishment as to us, for so high contempt, shall seem meet and convenient. And further of our grace special, certain knowledge, and mere motion we have condescended and granted, and by these patents for us our heirs and successors, do condescend and grant to the said Edward, Thomas, Richard & William, their executors and administrators, that we our heirs & successors during the said term, will not grant liberty, licence or power to any person or people whatsoever, contrary to the tenor of these our letters patents, to sail, pass, trade, or traffic into or from the said dominions of the said Grand signor or any of them, without the consent of the said Edward, Thomas, Richard & William, and such as shallbe named or appointed as afore is said, or the most of them. And that if at any time hereafter during the said term, the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, or the survivors of them, shall admit or nominate any of our subjects to be partners & adventurers in the said trade to the number of 12. or under as afore is said, that then we our heirs and successors at the instance and petition of the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, or the survivors of them in our Chancery to be made, and upon the sight of these presents, will grant and make to the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, or to the survivors of them, and to such people as so shall be nominated or appointed by their special names, surnames, & additions as is aforesaid, new letters patents under the great seal of England in due form of law with like agreement, clauses, prohibitions, provisoes and articles (mutatis mutandis) as in these our letters patents are contained, for, and during the residue of the said term of seven years then remaining unexpired. And that the sight of these presents shallbe sufficient warrant to the Lord Chancellor, or Lord keeper of the great seal for the time being, for the making, sealing and passing of such new letters patents, without further writ or warrant for the same to be required, had, or obtained. And the said Edward Osburne, Thomas Smith, and Richard Staper, and William Garret and such others as shallbe so nominated and appointed, as is aforesaid, to be of their trade or company, shall yearly during 6. of the last years of the said 7. years, lad out of this our Realm, and bring home y●erely, for, and in the fear and trade of merchandizing aforesaid, so much goods and merchandises, as the custom, and subsidy innards and outwards, shall amount in the whole to the sum of 500 li. yearly. So that the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret and the said people so to be nominated as is aforesaid, or any of them, or their ship or ships be not barred, slayed, restrained or let by any reasonable occasion from the said trade or traffic, and so that the said ship or ships do not perish by any misfortune, or be spoiled by the way in their voyage. And further, the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, and such others as shall be appointed as aforesaid to be of their said trade or Company, shall give notice unto the Lord Admiral of England, or to some of the principal officers of the Admiralty for the time being, of such ship or ships as they shall set forth in the same voyage, and of the number of Mariners appointed to go in the same ship or ships, by the space of fifteen days before the setting or going forth of the same ship or ships. And also the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper and William Garret, and such other as shall be by them the said Edward and Richard, nominated to be of the said trade, shall and will at the setting forth of their ship, or ships, for the same voyage, permit and suffer the Master of the Ordinance of us, our heirs and successors, or some others, our or their principal officers of the Ordinance, to take a view of the number and quantity of such Ordinance, powder, and munition, as shall be carried in the said ship, or ships, and shall also at the return of the same ship, or ships, suffer a view to be taken, and upon request made, make an account to the said officers of our Ordinance, of the expenses, and wastes of the said Ordinance, powder, and munition, so to be carried in the same ship, or ships. Provided always, that if any of the said trade or Company, or their servants, factors, or sailors, in any ship by them laden, shall commit any piracy or outrage upon the seas, and that, if the said Company or society shall not, or do not, within reasonable time, after complaint made, or notice given to the said Company, or to any of them, either satisfy or recompense the parties that so shall fortune to be rob, or spoilt by any of the said Company, or sailors, in the said ships, or else shall not do their endeavour to the uttermost of their reasonable power, to have the parties so offending punished for the same their offences, that then, and from thenceforth, these present letters patents shall be utterly void, cease, and determine. Provided likewise, that if it shall hereafter appear unto us, our heirs, or successors, that this grant, or the continuance thereof in the whole, or in any part thereof, shall not be profitable to us, our heirs, our successors, or to this our Realm, that then, and fromthencefoorth, upon, and after one full years warning, to be given unto the said Company, or to the Governor thereof, by us, our heirs, or successors, this present grant shall cease, be void, and determine, to all intents, constructions, and purposes. Provided also, that we, our heirs and successors, from time to time, during the said 7. years, may lawfully nominate, appoint, and authorize two people, being fit men, to be of the said company, and for want or lack of them, two others to be adventurers in the said trade, for such stock and sum of money, as they shall put in, so that the said people to be nominated, or authorised, shall be contributory to all charges of the said trade & adventure indifferently, according to their stocks: and as other adventurers of the said trade shall do for their stocks, and so that likewise they do observe the orders of the said Company, allowable by this our grant, and that such people so to be appointed by us, our heirs or successors, shall, and may, with the said Company, and fellowship, use the trade and feat of merchandise aforesaid, and all the liberties and privileges herein before granted, according to the meaning of these our letters patents, any thing in these our letters patents contained to the contrary notwithstanding. And further of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we have condescended and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, do condescend, and grant to the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, their executors, and administrators, that if at the end of the said term of seven years, it shall seem meet, and convenient unto the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, or the survivor of them, that this present grant shall be continued: and if that also it shall appear unto us, our heirs, or successors, that the continuance thereof shall not be prejudicial, or hurtful to this our Realm, that then we, our heirs, or successors, at the instance and petition of the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, or the survivor of them, to be made to us, our heirs, or successors, will grant and make to the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, or the survivor of them, and to such other people, as so shall be by the said Edward and Richard nominated and appointed, new letters patents, under the great seal of England, in due form of law, with like covenants, grants, clauses, and articles, as in these presents are contained, or with addition of other necessary articles, or change of these in some part, for and during the full term of seven years then next following. Willing, and straight commanding, and charging all and singular our Admirals, Uiceadmirals, justices, Majors, Sheriffs, Escheaters, Constables, Bailiffs, and all and singular our other officers, ministers, liege men, and subjects whatsoever, to be aiding, favouring, helping, and assisting unto the said Governor, and company, and their successors, and to their Deputies, officers, servants, assigns, and ministers, and every of them, in executing, and enjoying the premises, as well on land as on sea, from time to time, and at all times when you, or any of you, shall be thereunto required, any statute, act, ordinance, proviso, proclamation, or restraint heretofore had, made, set forth, ordained, or provided, or any other matter, cause or thing to the contrary, in any wise notwithstanding. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patents, witness ourself, at Westminster, the 1●. day of September, in the 23. year of our reign. The first voyage or journey, made by Master Laurence Aldersey, Merchant of London, to the Cities of jerusalem, and Tripoli, etc. In the year 1581. Penned and set down by himself. I Departed from London the first day of April, in the year of our Lord 1581., passing through the Nether-land and up the river Rhine by Colen, and other cities of Germany. And upon Thursday, the third day of May, I came to Augusta, where I delivered the letter I had to Master jenise, and Master Castler, whom I found very willing to pleasure me, in any thing that I could or would reasonably demand. He first furnished me with a horse to Venice, for my money, and then took me with him a walking, to show me the City, for that I had a day to ●ary there, for him that was to be my guide. He showed me first the Statehouse, which is very fair, and beautiful: then he brought me to the finest garden, and orchard, The description of Augusta in Germany, that ever I saw in my life: for there was in it a place for Canary birds, as large as a fair Chamber, trimmed with wire both above and beneath, with fine little branches of trees, for them to sit in, which was full of those Canary birds. There was such an other for Turtle dooves: also there were two pigeon houses joining to them, having in them store of Turtle dooves, and pigeons. In the same garden also were six or seven fishponds, all railed about, and full of very good fish. Also, seven or eight fine fountains, or water springs, of divers fashions: as for fruit, there wanted none of all sorts, as Oranges, figs, raisins, walnuts, grapes, besides apples, pears, fillbirds, small nuts, and such other fruit, as we have in England. Then did he bring me to the water tower of the same City, that by a sleight and devise hath the water brought up as high, as any Church in the town, and to tell you the strange devices of all, it passeth my capacity. Then he brought me to another fair garden, called the Shooter's hose, where are butts for the long bow, the cross bow, the stone bow, the long piece, and for divers other exercises more. After this, we walked about the walls of the City, where is a great, broad, and deep ditch, upon one side of the town, so full of fish, as ever I saw any pond in my life, and it is reserved only for the States of the City. And upon the other side of the City is also a deep place all green, wherein Dear are kept, and when it pleaseth the States to hunt for their pleasure, thither they resort, and have their courses with grayhounds, which art kept for that purpose. Venice. The fift of May, I departed from Augusta towards Venice, and came thither upon Whitsunday, the thirteenth of the same month. It is needless to speak of the height of the mountains that I passed over, and of the danger thereof, it is so well known already to the world: the height of them is marvelous, and I was the space of six days in passing them. I came to Venice at the time of a Fair, which lasted fourteen days, wherein I saw very many, and fair shows of wares. I came thither too short for the first passage, which went away from Venice about the seventh or eight of May, and with them about three score pilgrims, which ship was cast away at a town called Estria, two miles from Venice, and all the men in her, saving thirty, or thereabouts, lost. Within eight days after fell Corpus Christi day, which was a day amongst them of procession, in which was showed the plate and treasure of Venice, which is esteemed to be worth two million of pounds, but I do not account it worth half a quarter of that money, except there be more than I saw. To speak of the sumptuousness of the Copes, and Uestments of the Church, I leave, but the truth is, they be very sumptuous, many of them set all over with pearl, and made of clot of gold. And for the jesuits, I think there be as many at Venice, as there be in Colen. The number of jews is there thought to be 1000, The number of ●●wes in V●nice. who devil in a certain place of ●he City, and have also a place, to which they resort to pray, which is called the jews Synagogue. They all, and their offspring use to wear read caps, (for so they are commanded) because they may thereby be known from other men. For my further knowledge of these people, I went into their Synagogue upon a Saturday, which is their Sabbath day: and I found them in their service or prayers, very devout: they receive the five books of Moses, and honour them by carrying them about their Church, as the Papists do their cross. Their Synagogue is in form round, and the people sit round about it, and in the midst, there is a place for him that readeth to the rest: as for their apparel, all of them wear a large white lawn over their garments, which reacheth from their head, down to the ground. The Psalms they sing as we do, having no image, nor using any manner of idolatry: their error is, that they believe not in Christ, nor yet receive the New Testament. This City of Venice is very fair, and greatly to be commended, wherein is good order for all things: and also it is very strong and populous: it standeth upon the main Sea, and hath many Islands about it, that belong to it. To tell you of the duke of Venice, and of the Seignory: there is one choose that ever beareth the name of a duke, but in truth he is but servant to the Signiory, for of himself he can do little: it is no otherwise with him, then with a Priest that is at Mass upon a festival day, which putting on his golden garment, seemeth to be a great man, but if any man come unto him, and crave some friendship at his hands, he will say, you must go to the Masters of the Parish, for I can not pleasure you, otherwise then by preferring of your suit: and so it is with the duke of Venice, if any man having a suit, come to him, and make his complaint, and deliver his supplication, it is not in him to help him, but he will tell him, You must come this day, or that day, and then I will prefer your suit to the Signiory, and do you the best friendship that I may. Furthermore, if any man bring a letter unto him, he may not open it, but in the presence of the Signiory, and they are to see it first, which being read, perhaps they will deliver it to him, perhaps not. Of the Seignory there be about three hundredth, and about forty of the privy Counsel of Venice, who usually are arrayed in gowns of crimson Satin, or crimson Damask, when they sit in Counsel. In the City of Venice, no man may wear a weapon, except he be a soldier for the Signiory, or a scholar of Milan, or a gentleman of great countenance, and yet he may not do that without licence. As for the women of Venice, The excess of the women of Venice they be rather monsters, than women. Every Shoemakers or tailors wife will have a gown of silk, and one to carry up her train, wearing their shoes very near half a yard high from the ground: if a stranger meet one of them, he will surely think by the state that she goeth with, that he meeteth a Lady. I departed from this City of Venice, upon Midsummer day, being the four and twentieth of june, and thinking that the ship would the next day departed, I stayed, and lay a shippeboord all night, and we were made believe from time to time, that we should this day, and that day departed, but we carried still, till the fourteenth of july, and then with scant wind we set sail, His embarking at Venice for jerusalem. and sailed that day and that night, not above fifty Italian miles: and upon the sixteen day at night, the wind turned flat contrary, so that the Master knew not what to do: and about the fift hour of the night, which we reckon to be about one of the clock after midnight, the Pilot descried a sail, and at last perceived it to be a Galley of the Turks, whereupon we were in great fear. The Master being a wise fellow, and a good sailor, began to devise how to escape the danger, and to lose little of our way: and while both he, and all of us were in our dumps, God sent us a merry gale of wind, that we ran threescore and ten leagues before it was twelve a clock the next day, and in six days after we were seven leagues past Zante. And upon Monday morning, being the three and twenty of the same month, we came in the sight of Candia which day the wind came contrary, with great blasts, and storms, until the eight and twenty of the same month: in which time, the Mariners cried out upon me, because I was an Englishman, & said, I was no good Christian, and wished that I were in the midst of the Sea, saying, that they, and the ship, were the worse for me. I answered, truly it may well be, for I think myself the worst creature in the world, and consider you yourselves also, as I do myself, and then use your discretion. The Friar preached, and the sermon being done, I was demanded whether I did understand him: I answered, yea, and told the Friar himself, thus you said in your sermon, that we were not all good Christians, or else it were not possible for us to have such weather: to which I answered, be you well assured, that we are not indeed all good Christians, for there are in the ship some that hold very unchristian opinions: so for that time I satisfied him, although (they said) that I would not see, when they said the procession, and honoured their images, and prayed to our Lady, and S. Mark. There was also a Gentleman, an Italian, which was a passenger in the ship, and he told me what they said of me, because I would not sing, Salue Regina, and ave Maria, as they did: I told them, that they that prayed to so many, or sought help of any other, then of God the Father, or of jesus Christ his only son, go a wrong way to work, and rob God of his honour, and wrought their own destructions. All this was told the Friars, but I herded nothing of it in three days after: and then at evening prayer, they sent the purser about with the image of our Lady to every one to kiss, & I perceiving it went another way from him, and would not see it: yet at last he fetched his course about, so that he came to me, & offered it to me as he did to others, but I refused it: whereupon there was a great stir: the patron and all the friars were told of it, and every one said I was a Lutheran, and so called me: but two of the friars that were of greatest authority, seemed to bear me better good will then the rest, and traveled to the patron in my behalf, and made all well again. Cyprus. The second day of August we arrived in Cyprus, at a town called Missagh: Missagh. the people there be very rude, and like beasts, and no better, they eat their meat sitting upon the ground, with their legs a cross like tailors, their beds for the most part be hard stones, but yet some of them have fair mattraces to lie upon. Upon thursday the eight of August we came to joppa in a small bark, joppa. which we hired betwixt Missagh and Selina, and could not be suffered to come on land till noon the next day, and then we were permitted by the great Bassa, The Bassa of joppa. who sat upon the top of a hill to see us sent away. Being come on land, we might not enter into any house for victuals, but were to content ourselves with our own provision, and that which we bought to carry with us was taken from us. I had a pair of stirrups, which I bought at Venice to serve me in my journey, and trying to make them fit for me, when the Bassa see me up before the rest of the company, he sent one to dismount me, and to strike me, whereupon I turned me to the Bassa, and made a long leg, saying, Grand mercy signor: and after a while we were horsed upon little asses, and sent away, with about fifty light horsemen to be our conduct through the wilderness, called Deserta foelix, who made us good sport by the way with their pikes, guns, and falchions. Rama. That day being S. Laurence day, we came to Rama, which is ten Italian miles from joppa, and there we stayed that night, and paid to the captain of the castle, every man a chekin, which is seven shillings and two pennies sterling. So then we had a new guard of soldiers, and left the other. The house we lodged in at Rama had a door so low to enter into, that I was feign to creep in, as it were upon my knees, & within it are three rooms to lodge travelers that come that way: there are no beds, except a man buy a mat, and lay it on the ground, that is all the provision, without stools or benches to sit upon. Our victuals were brought us out of the town, as hens, eggs, bread, great store of fruit, as pomegranates, figs, grapes, oranges, and such like, and drink we drew out of the well. The town itself is so ruinated, that I take it rather to be a heap of stones than a town. Then the next morning we thought to have go away, but we could not be permitted that day, so we stayed there till two of the clock the next morning, and then with a fresh guard of soldiers we departed toward jerusalem. We had not rid five English miles, but we were encountered with a great number of the Arabians, Troops of thievish Arabians. who stayed us, and would not suffer us to pass till they had somewhat, so it cost us for all our guard above twenty shillings a man betwixt joppa and jerusalem. These Arabians troubled us oftentimes. Our Truchman that paid the money for us was stricken down, and had his head broken because he would not give them as much as they asked: and they that should have rescued both him and us, stood still, and dared do nothing, which was to our cost. ●is arrival in the sight of jerusalem. Being come within sight of jerusalem, the manner is to kneel down, and give God thanks, that it hath pleased him to bring us to that holy place where he himself had been: and there we leave our horses, and go on foot to the town, and being come to the gates, there they took our names, and our father's names, and so we were permitted to go to our lodgings. The governor of the house met us a mile out of the town, and very courteously bade us all welcome, and brought us to the monastery. The gates of the city are all covered with iron, the entrance into the house of the Christians is a very low & narrow door, barred or plated with iron, and then come we into a very dark entry: the place is a monastery: there we lay, & dieted of free cost, we fared reasonable well, the bread and wine was excellent good, the chambers clean, & all the meat well served in, with clean linen. We lay at the monastery two days, friday and saturday, and then we went to Bethlem with two or three of the friars of the house with us: in the way thither we see many monuments, The monuments in and about jerusalem as: The mountain where the Angel took up Abacuch by the hair, and brought him to Daniel in the Lion's den. The fountain of the prophet jeremy. The place where the wise men met that went to Bethlem to worship Christ, where is a fountain of stone. Being come to Bethlem we saw the place where Christ was born, which is now a chapel with two altars, whereupon they say mass: the place is built with grey marble, and hath been beautiful, but now it is partly decayed. Near thereto is the sepulchre of the innocents slain by Herod, the sepulchers of Paul, of Jerome, and of Eusebius. Also a little from this monastery is a place under the ground, where the virgin Mary abode with Christ when Herod sought him to destroy him. We stayed at Bethlem that night, and the next day we went from thence to the mountains of judea, which are about eight miles from jerusalem, where are the ruins of an old monastery. In the mid way from the monastery to jerusalem is the place where john Baptist was born, being now an old monastery, and cattle kept in it. Also a mile from jerusalem is a place called Inuentio sanctae crucis, where the wood was found that made the cross. In the city of jerusalem we see the hall where Pilate sat in judgement when Christ was condemned, the stairs whereof are at Rome, as they told us. A little from thence is the house where the virgin Mary was born. There is also the piscina or fishpoole where the sick folks were healed, which is by the walls of jerusalem. But the pool is now dry. The mount of Caluaria is a great church, and within the door thereof, which is little, and barred with iron, and five great holes in it to look in, like the holes of tavern doors in London, they sit that are appointed to receive our money with a carpet under them upon a bank of stone, & their legs a cross like tailors: having paid our money, we are permitted to go into the church: right against the church door is the grave where Christ was buried, with a great long stone of white marble over it, and railed about, the outside of the sepulchre is very foul, by means that every man scrapes his name and mark upon it, and is ill kept. Within the sepulchre is a partition, & in the further part thereof is a place like an altar, where they say mass, and at the door thereof is the stone whereupon the Angel sat when he said to Marie, He is risen, which stone was also rolled to the door of the sepulchre. The altar stone within the sepulchre is of white marble, the place able to contain but four people, right over the sepulchre is a devise or lantern for light, and over that a great lover, such as are in England in ancient houses. There is also the chapel of the sepulchre, and in the mids thereof is a canopy as it were of a bed, with a great sort of Ostrich eggs hanging at it, with tassels of silk and lamps. Behind the sepulchre is a little chapel for the Chaldeans and Syrians. Upon the right hand coming into the church is the tomb of Baldwine king of France, and of his son: and in the same place the tomb of Melchisedech. There is a chapel also in the same church erected to S. Helen, S. Helen's chapel. through which we go up to the place where Christ was crucified: the stairs are fifty steps high, there are two altars in it: before the high altar is the place where the cross stood, the hole whereof is trimmed about with silver, and the depth of it is half a man's arm deep: the rent also of the mountain is there to be seen in the crevice, wherein a man may put his arm. Upon the other side of the mount of calvary is the place where Abraham would have sacrificed his son. Where also is a chapel, and the place paved with stones of divers colours. There is also the house of Annas the high Priest, and the Olive tree whereunto Christ was bond when he was whipped. Also the house of Caiphas, and by it the prison where Christ was kept, which is but the room of one man, and hath no light but the opening of the door. Without jerusalem in the valley of josaphat is a church under the ground, like to the shrouds in Paul's, where the sepulchre of the virgin Mary is: the stairs be very broad, and upon the stairs going down are two sepulchers: upon the left hand lieth josaphat, and upon the right hand lieth joachim and Anna, the father and mother of the virgin Mary. Going out of the valley of josaphat we came to mount Olivet, where Christ prayed unto his father before his death: and there is to be seen (as they told me) the water & blood that fallen from the eyes of Christ. A little higher upon the same mount is the place where the Apostles ●ept, and watched not. At the foot of the mount is the place where Christ was imprisoned. Upon the mountain also is the place where Christ stood when he wept over jerusalem, and where he ascended into heaven. His departure from jerusalem. Now having seen all these monuments, I with my company set from jerusalem, the 20 day of August, and came again to joppa the 22 of the same month, where we took shipping presently for Tripoli, and in four days we came to Mecina the place where the ships lie that come for Tripoli. Tripoli in Syria. The city of Tripoli is a mile and a half within the land, so that no ship can come further than Mecina: so that night I came thither, where I lay nine days for passage, and at last we embarked ourselves in a good ship of Venice called the new Nave Ragasona. We entered the ship the second of September, the fourth we set sail, the seventh we came to Selina, which is 140 miles from Tripoli: there we stayed four days to take in more lading, in which mean time I fallen sick of an ague, but recovered again, I praise God. Selina. Selina is a ruinated city, and was destroyed by the Turk ten years past: there are in it now but seventeen people, women and children. A little from this city of Selina is a salt piece of ground, where the water groweth salt that raineth upon it. Missagh a town in Cyprus. Thursday the 21 of September, we came to Missagh, & there we stayed eight days for our lading: the 18 of September before we came to Missagh, and within ten miles of the town, as we lay at an anchor, because the wind was contrary, there came a great boatfull of men to board us, they made an excuse to seek for four men which (they said) our ship had taken from there's about Tripoli, but our captain would not suffer any of them to come in to us. The next morning they came to us again with a great galley, manned with 500 men at the lest, whereupon our captain sent the boat to them with twelve men to know their pleasure: they said they sought for 4 men, and therefore would talk with our master: so than the masters mate was sent them, and him they kept, and went their way: the next morning they came again with him, & with three other galleys, and then would needs speak with our captain, who went to them in a gown of crimson damask, and other very brave apparel, and five or six other gentlemen richly appareled also. They having the Turks safe conduct, showed it to the captain of the galleys, and laid it upon his head, charging him to obey it: so with much ado, and with the gift of 100 pieces of gold we were quit of them, and had our man again. That day as aforesaid, we came to Missagh, and there stayed eight days, and at last departed towards Candie, Candie. with a scant wind. The 11 day of October we were boarded with four galleys, manned with 1200 men, which also made a sleeveless arrant, and troubled us very much, but our captains passport, and the gift of 100 chekins discharged all. Zante. The 27 of October we passed by Zante with a merry wind, the 29 by Corsu, and the third of November we arrived at Istria, Istria. and there we left our great ship, and took small boats to bring us to Venice. The 9 of November I arrived again at Venice in good health, where I stayed nine days, and the 25 of the same month I came to Augusta, and stayed there but one day. The 27 of November I set towards Nuremberg where I came the 29, and there stayed till the 9 of December, and was very well entertained of the English merchants there: and the governors of the town sent me and my company sixteen gallons of excellent good wine. From thence I went to Frankford, from Frankford to Collen, from Collen to Arnam, from Arnam to Vtreight, from Vtreight to Dort, from Dort to Antwerp, from Antwerp to Flushing, from Flushing to London, where I arrived upon Twelve eve in safety, and gave thanks to God, having finished my journey to jerusalem and home again, in the space of nine months and five days. The passport made by the great Master of Malta unto the Englishmen in the bark Raynolds. 1582. FRere Hugo de Loubeux Verdala, Dei gratia sacrae domus hospitalis sancti joannis Hierosolymitani magister humilis, pauperumque; jesu Christi custos, universis & singulis principibus ecclesiasticis & secularibus, archiepiscopis, episcopis, ducibus, marchionibus, baronibus, nobilibus, capitaneis, vicedomini●, praefectis, castellanis, admiralijs, & quibuscunqueve triremium vel aliorum navigiorum patronis, ac civitatum rectoribus, potestatibus ac magistratibus, caeterisqueve officialibus, & quibuscunque personis cuiuluis dignitatis, gracus, status & conditionis fuerint, ubilibet locorum & terrarum constitutis, salutem. Notum facimus & in verbo veritatis attestamur, come nelmese di Maggio prossime passato le nostre galere vennero dal viaggio di Barberia, done havendo mandato per soccorrere a un ga●onetto de Christiani che havea dato traverso in quelle parti, essendo arrivati sopra questa isola alla part de ponente trovarono una nave Inglesa, sopra cargo de essa il magnifico Giouann● Keale, & David Filly patrono, volendo la reconoscere che nave fossae, han visto, che se metteva in ordine per defendersi, dubitando che debt nostre galere fossero de inimici: & per che un marinaro rivoltose contra la volonta de dettis magnifico Giovani Keale & David Filly, habbi tirato un tiro di artiglieria verso una de debt galere, & che non se amangnana la vela de la Maiestra secondo la volonta de dettis magnifico Giovanni Keale & David Filly patrono, furimensata detta nave nel present general porto de Malta, secondo l'ordine del venerando Generale de debt galere, & essendo qua, monsignor Inquisitore ha' impedita quella per con●o del sancto officio, & sidiede part alla santita di nostro signor Gregorio papa xiij. Ala fin fu licenciata per andarsene alsuo viaggio. Han donque humilment supplicato dettis magnifico Giovanni Keale & David Filly per nome & part delli magnifici Edwardo Osborn senatore & Richardo Staper merchanti Inglesi della nobile citta di Londra, & anco di Thomaso Wilkinson scrivano, piloti, nocheri, & marinari, gli volessimo dare le nostre lettere patente & saluo condutto, accioche potranno andare & ritornare quando gli parera commodo con alcuna roba & mercantia a loro benuista: si come noi, essendo cosa giusta & che retorner a commoda a nostra relligione & a questi forrestiers, per tenor de lipresenti se gli habiamo concesse con le conditione però infra scritte. videlicet: Che ogni volta i dettis mercadanti con supradetta nave oh con altra non porteranno mercantie de contrabando, & i constara per fede authentica & con lettere patente de sanita, poteran liberalment victualiar se de tutte le victuarie necessary, & praticare in questa isola & dominij, & pois partir seen & seguire suo viaggio per dove volessero in levante o altrove, come tu●ti altri vaselli & specialment de Francesi & altri nationi, & di vendere & comprare qual si voglia mercantia a loro benuista. Item, che potera portare poluere de canone & de archibuso, salnitro, carboni di petra rosetta, platine de rame, staguo, acciale, ferro, carisee common, tela grossa bianca per far tend de galere, ball de ferro de calibro, petre de molino fine, arbore & antenne de galere, bastardi & alteri. Et in conclusione● havenda visto che loro per il tempo che restarano qua, siportorno da fideli & Catholici Christiani, & che sua sanctita habbia trovato bono il saluo condutto del gran Turko a loro concesso, per il timor della armata Tu●kesca & di altri vaselli de mimici, inherendo alla volonta di sua sanctitá & massime per che havera de andare & passare per diversi lochi & tanto lontani come Ingilterra, Flandra, & tutti parti di ponente, & in altrove, a noi ha' parso farle le present nostre lettere patente come fidele conversatore nostro, accio piu securament & sensa obstaculo possa andare & ritornare quando livre parera con detta nave oh con alire, a loro bennista. Per tanto donque tutti & ciascun di voi sudettis affectuosament pregamo, che per qual si voglia de vostra iurisditione, alla quale detto magnifico Giovani Keale & David Filly a nome quo supra con la nave & marinari de dettis loro principali o altricaschera, navigare, passare, & venire sicurament, alla libera, sensa alcuno disturbo o altro impedimento livre lasciate, & facciate lasciare stare, & passare, tornare, & quando livre parera partire, talment che per amore & contemplatione nostra il detto magnifico Giovanni Keale a nome quo supra con le nave, marinari, & mercantia non habbi difficulta, fastidio & ritentione alcuna, anzi se gli dia ogni agint● & favore, cosa degnadi voi, giusta, & a noi gratissima, de recompensaruila con uguale & maggior seruitio, quando dall' occasione ne saremo rechiesti. Et finalment commandammo a tutti & qual si voglia relligiosi & frati de nostra relligione di qual si voglia conditione grado & stato che siano, & a tutti ricevitori & procuratori nostri in tutti & qual si voglia priorati nostri deputati & deputandi in vertu di santa obedientia, & atutti nostri vassalli & alla giurisditione di nostra relligione soggetti, che in tale & per tale tenghino & reputino il detto magnifico Giovanni Keale a nome ut supra, nave, marinari, & mercantia, sensa permittere, che nel detto suo viaggio, oh in alcun altro luogo sia molestato, oh in qual si voglia manera impedito, anzi tutte lecose sue & negotij loro sian da voi ag●outati & continuament favoriti. In cuius rei testimonium B●lla nostra magistralis in cera nigra praesentibus est impressa. Datae Melitae in conventu nostro die duodecimo Mensis julij. 1582. The same in English. Friar Hugo of Loubeux Verdala, by the grace of God, master of the holy house, the hospital of S. john at jerusalem, and an humble keeper of the poor of jesus Christ, to all & every prince ecclesiastical & secular, archbishops, bishops, Dukes, Marquesses, Barons, Captains, Uicelords, Majors, Castellanes, Admirals, and whatsoever patrons of Galleys, or other greater ships, and governors of cities, potentates and magistrates, and other officers and people whatsoever, of what dignity, degree, state and condition soever they be, dwelling in all places and lands, greeting. We make it known, and in the word of truth do witness, that in the month of May last past, our galleys came on the voyage from Barbary, where having commandment to secure a little ship of the Christians which was driven over into that part, being arrived upon this Island on the West part they found one English ship under the charge of the worshipful john Keel, and David Filly master: and our men willing to know what ship it was, they seemed to put themselves in order for their defence, doubting that the said our galleys were of the enemies, & therefore one mariner attempted contrary to the will of the worshipful john Keel, and David Filly master, and had shot off a piece of artillery against one of the said galleys, and because she would not strike amain her sail, according to the will of the said worshipful john Keel and David Filly master, the said ship was brought back again unto the present port of Malta, according to the order of the reverend general of the said galleys: and in being there, master Inquisitor stayed it by authority of the holy office, and in that behalf by the holiness of our Lord pope Gregory the thirteenth, in the end was licensed to departed on her voyage. They therefore the said worshipful john Keel and David Filly, in the name and behalf of the worshipful master Eward Osborne Alderman, and Richard Staper, English merchants of the noble city of London, have humbly besought together with Thomas Wilkinson the purser, pilots, master and mariners that we would give our letters patents, and safe conducts, that they might go and return, when they shall see opportunity, with their goods and merchandizes at their pleasure: whereupon the thing seeming unto us just, and that it might be for the profit of our religion, and of these strangers, by the tenor of these presents we have granted the same to them: yet, with the conditions here under written. viz. That every time the said merchants of the said ship, or with any other, shall not bring such merchandise as is forbidden, and that by sufficient proof and letters testimonial it appeareth that they are free from the infections of the plague, they may victual themselves with all necessary victuals, and traffic with us, and in this Island and dominion, and afterward may departed and follow their voyage whither they will into the Levant or else where, as all other vessels, and especially of France and other nations do, and cell and buy whatsoever merchandise they shall think good. Item, that they may bring powder for cannon and harquebus, saltpetre, coal of Newcastle, plates of latin, tin, steel, iron, common kerseys white, course canvas to make sail for the galleys, balies of iron for shot, fine millstones, trees & masts for galleys, little and others, and in conclusion, having seen that they for the time of their abode here, did behave themselves like faithful and catholic Christians, & that his holiness hath allowed the safeconduct of the great Turk to them granted for fear of the Turkish army, and other vessels of the enemy, submitting ourselves to the pleasures of his holiness, and especially because our people have occasion to pass by divers places so far off, as England, Flanders, and all parts Westwards, and in other places, we have vouchsafed to make these our letters patents, as our faithful assistant, so as more surely, and without let they may go and return when they shall think good, with the said ship or with others at their pleasure. We therefore pray all and every of your subjects effectually that by what part soever of your jurisdiction, unto the which the said worshipful john Keel and David Filly by name abovesaid, with the ship and mariners of the said principal place or other, shall have access, sail, & pass, and come safely with liberty without any disturbance or other impediment, that you give leave, and cause leave to be given that they may pass, stay and return, and when they please, departed, in such sort, that for our love & contentation the said worshipful john Keel, with the ship and mariners have no let, hindrance, or retention, also that you give all help and favour, a thing worthy of your justice, and to us most acceptable, to be recompensed with equal and greater service, when upon occasion it shallbe required. And finally, we command all, and whatsoever religious people, and brothers of our religion, of whatsoever condition, degree, and state they be, and all other receivers and procurators, in all and whatsoever our priories deputed, and to be deputed by virtue of the holy obedience, and all our people, and all that are subject to the jurisdiction of our religion, that in, and by the same they hold, and repute the said worshipful john Keel in the name as abovesaid, the ship, mariners, and merchandise, without let in the same their voyage, or in any other place, that they be not molested, nor in any wise hindered, but that in all their causes and business they be of you holpen● and furthered continually. In witness whereof, our seal of government is impressed to these presents in black wax. Given at Malta in our Convent, the twelfth of the month of july, in the year 1582. The Queen's Commission under her great seal, to her servant master William Hareborne, to be her majesties Ambassador or Agent, in the parts of Turkey. 1582. ELIZABETHA, Dei optimi Maximi, conditoris, & rectoris unici clementia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, verae fidei contra Idololatras falsò Christi nomen profitentes invicta & potentissima propugnatrix, universis, & singulis praesentes has literas visuris, & inspecturis, salutem, Cùm augustissimus, & invictissimus princeps, Zuldan Murad Can, Turcici regni Dominator potentissimus, imperiíque Orientis Monarcha, ●oedus, amicitiámque nobiscum percusserit, iuraverítque, (quam nos perpetuis futuris temporibus, quantum in nobis erit, inviolatè servare destinamus) ad eámque magis orn●ndam, illustrandámque concesserit idem augustissimus Imperator subditis nostris lib●ram suas merces excercendi rationem in omnibus Musulmanici imperij sui partibus, cum ●am ampla privilegiorum concessione, quàm alijs bonis principibus, socijs, & foederatis nostris largitus est, quorum privilegiorum donationem nos gratam, acceptámque habentes, pari cum animi gratitudine colere certum habemus, deliberatúmque, nihil in votis habentes potiùs, quàm bonorum erga nos principum animos beneveloes honoratissima ment fovere, promereríque: Sciatis, nos de singulari erga nos, obsequiúmque nostrum, fide, obseruantia, prudentia, & dexteri●ate multùm nobis chari Guilielmi Hareborne, è custodibus corporis nostri unius, plurimùm conf●dentes, eum Oratorem, Nuntium, Procuratorem, & Agentem nostrum certum & indubitatum ordinamus, facimus, & con●tituimus, per praesentes: dantes ei, & concedentes potestatem, & authoritatem, nomine nostro, & pro nobis praedictum amicitiae foedus confirmandi, privilegiorum concessionem in manus suas capiendi, ratámque habendi, omnibus & singulis subditis nostris, Musulmanicis oris te●rísque negotiantibus, pro Maiestatis nostrae authoritate praecipiendi, mandandíque, ut sint in suis commercijs, quamdiu, quotiésque cum Mansulman●c●s versantur, dictorum privilegiorum praescripto obtemperantes in omnibus, ac per omnia, ad obsequia tanta ami●ltia digna se componentes, a● in delinquentes in soedus nostrum justitiam exequatur. Potestatem, & authoritatem e● damus in omnes, & singulos subditos nostros in quibuscunque & locis, & partibus Musulmanici Imperij dominationi subiectis negotiantes, constituendi emporiorum suorum sedes in quibus volverit portubus, & civitatibus, in alijs uctandi, in constitutis autem emporiorum sedibus, consuls curandi, leges praeceptionésque ferendi, condendíque, quarum ex praescripto dicti nostri subditi, & eorum quilibet seize publicè, & privatim gerant, eorum violatores corrigendi, castigandíque, omnia denique & singula faciendi, perimplendíque, quae ad dictorum subditorum nostrorum honestam gubernationem, & commercij exercendi in illis partibus rationem pertinent: promi●tentes bona fide, & in verbo Regio, nos ratum, gratum, & firmum habitutas, quaecunque dictus Orator, & Agens noster, à legibus nostris non abhorrentia in praemissis aut praemissorum aliquo fecerit. In cuius rei testimonium, has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes, & sigilli nostri impressione iussimus muniri. Datum è castro nostro Windesoriae, 20. die Mensis Novembris, Anno jesu Christi 1582. regni verò nostri, vicesimo quarto. The same in English. ELizabeth, by the clemency of the most good and most great God, the only creator and governor of all things, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, invincible, and most mighty defender of the true faith, against all Idolaters falsely professing the name of Christ, to all and singular persons● to whose sight and view these our present letters may come, greeting. Whereas the most renowned, and most invincible Prince Zuldan Murad Can, the most mighty governor of the kingdom of Turkey, and Monarch of the East Empire, hath entered into league and friendship with us, (which we for our part, as much as lieth in us, do purpose solemnly, and inviolably to keep in all times to come) and whereas for the better countenancing and authorizing of the same, the foresaid renowned Emperor hath granted unto our subjects free liberty of traffic, in all the parts of his sacred Empire, with as ample and large a grant of privileges, as is given to other good Princes our neighbours and confederates, the grant of which privileges, we taking very thankfully, and acceptably, are certainly, and thoroughly determined to keep and maintain, with the like goodness and courtesy of mind, desiring nothing more, then with an honourable respect to nourish, and deserve the benevolent affections of good Princes toward us: Know you, that we thinking well, and having good confidence in the singular trustiness, obedience, wisdom, and disposition of our well-beloved servant William Harebo●ne, one of the esquires of our body, towards us, and our service, do by these presents, make, ordain and constitute him our true and undoubted Orator, Messenger, deputy, and Agent. Giving and granting unto him power and authority, in our name, and for us, to confirm the foresaid league of friendship, to take into his hands, and to ratify the grant of the privileges, and to command, and enjoin by the authority of our Majesty, all and singular our Subjects trading and dealing in any of the coasts and kingdoms of that Empire, that as long as they remain in traffic with his subjects, they be obedient to the prescription and order of the foresaid privileges, applying themselves in all things, and through all things, to such duties and services as appertain to so great a league and friendship, and the offenders against this our league to receive justice, and punishment accordingly. We further give unto him power and authority over all and singular our Subjects, dealing, and using traffic in any place or part whatsoever, subject to the government of that Empire, to appoint the places of their traffics, in what Haven or City it shall please him, and to prohibit them from all other places, and wheresoever their traffics are appointed to be kept, there to make and created Consuls or Governors, to enact laws and statutes, by the virtue and tenor whereof all our foresaid subjects, and every one of them, shall both publicly and privately use and behave themselves, to correct and punish the breakers of those laws: and last of all, to do and fulfil all and singular things whatsoever, which shall seem requisite and convenient for the honest and orderly government of our said subjects, and of the manner of their traffic in those parts. Promising assuredly, and in the word of a Prince, that whatsoever shall be done of our said Orator and Agent, in all, or in any of the pr●misses, not repugnant and contrary to our laws, shall be accepted, ratified, and confirmed by us. In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made patents, and our seal thereunto to be appensed. Given at our Castle of Windsor, the 20. day of November, in the year of Christ 1582, and of our reign the 24. The Queen's Letter to the great Turk 1582. written in commendation of Master Hareborne, when he was sent Ambassador. ELIZABETH etc. Augustissimo invictissimóque principi, etc. Cùm ad postulatum nostrum Caesarea vestra Maiestas, anno salvatoris nostri jesu 1580. pacis foedus nobiscum pepigerit, coniunctum cum liberalissima privilegiorum quorundam concessione, quorum beneficio subditi nostri cum omni securitate tutissimè libertiméque ad universas & singulas Musulmanici imperij vestri parts terra maríque proficisci, iniísque commercij exercendi gratia, negotiari, habitare, manner, exindéque ire & redire cum volent queant, ab ijs qui sub Caesarea vestra Maiestate in magistratu sunt ubique locorum protegendi defendendíque sine ulla vel corporum, vel bonorum laesione: nos tantae concessionis beneficium gratum acceptúmque habentes, quantum in nobis est, approbamus confirmamúsque: pollicentes in verbo regio, quod nos eandem pacem sine ulla violatione sartam tectámque conseruabimus: faciemúsque ut subditi nostri privilegiorum sibi indultorum concessione ita utantur, ut Caesaream vestram Maiestatem magnificentissimae suae liberalitatis nunquam poenitere queat. Quoniam autem concessionis huius virtus in usu potiùs quàm verbis, Maiestatis utriúsque nostrum sententiâ, ponenda videtur, voluimus hunc mandatarium virum Guilielmum Hareborne, ex satellitibus quibus ad corporis nostri tutelam utimur unum, virum compluribus virtutibus ornatum, ad Caesaream vestram Maiestatem ablegare, qui tum nomine nostro vobis gratias ageret, tum ut eius opera uteremur ad eam subditorum nostrorum mercimoniorum rationem stabiliendam, tam in Imperiali vestra civitate Constantinopoli, quàm alijs imperij vestri Musulmanici locis, quae ex praescripto privilegiorum, Caesareae vestrae Maiestatis benignitate, conceditur, & ex usu subditorum utriúsque nostrum erit. Ad quam rem quoniam opus illi erit Caesareae vestrae Maiestatis authoritate, summa contentione ab eadem rogamus, velit id agere apud omnes qui sub se in magistratu sunt, ut quibuceunque poterunt melioribus modis huic nostro mandatario in Cesareae vestrae Maiestatis placito exequendo, adiutores sint & esse velint. Ei enim hanc curam demandavimus, in qua quàm fidem suam sit honestè liberaturus erga Maiestatem utriusque nostrum neutiquam dubitamus: cui etiam, ut in omnibus sint obtemperantes nostri subditi, quantum Caesareae vestrae Maiestatis concessio patitur, volumus. Praeterea, cum praeclarus vir Mustafa sacrae Caesareae vestrae Maiestatis Musulmannorum interpres egregiam navarit operam ut hoc inter nos foedus fieret, Mustasa interp●es. rogamus summoperè ut in nostram gratiam eum in Mustafara carum ordinem Caesarea vestra Maiestas recipere dignetur. Si in his al●sque omnibus honestis causis hic noster agens ●ubd●tíque nostri Imperatoriae vestrae sublimitatis a quanimitatem sen●erint, florebit inter has gentes nobile commercium, & nos omnibus, officijs ●uic vestre Maiestatis favori & benevolentiae (si ulla ratione rebus vestris commodare poterimus) respondere libentissimè semper paratae erimus. Deus optimus maximus mundi opifex, etc. The same in English. ELizabeth by the grace of the most mighty God and only creator of heaven and earth, of England, France, and Ireland Queen, the most invincible and most mighty defender of the Christian faith against all kind of idolatries of all that live among the Christians and falsely profess the name of Christ, unto the most Imperial and most invincible prince, Sultan Murad Can, the most mighty ruler of the kingdom of Turkey, sole above all, and most sovereign Monarch of the East Empire, greeting. Whereas at our request your Imperial Majesty in the year of our Saviour jesus 1580. hath entered into a league of peace with us, whereunto was united a most large & bountiful grant of certain privileges, by benefit whereof our subjects may with all security most safely and freely travel by Sea and land into all and singular parts of your Musulmanlike Empire, and in the same exercising the trade of merchandise, may traffic, devil, remain, departed from thence, and return thither at their pleasure, and in all places be maintained and defended from all damage of bodies and goods, by such as are in authority under your Imperial Majesty: we thankfully and gratefully receiving the benefit of so great a privilege, as much as in us lieth do approve and confirm the same, promising in the word of a Prince, that we will keep the said league perfect and inviolable, and will 'cause our subjects so to use the grant of the privileges given unto them, as your Imperial majesty shall never have occasion to repent you of your most princely liberality. And because the force of this grant, in the judgement of both our majesties, seemeth rather to consist in the use thereof, then in the words, we thought good to sand unto your Imperial Majesty this our ambassador William Hareborne, M. Wil Hareborne sent ambassador to the Turk. one of the esquires of our body, which both on our behalf should yield thanks unto your majesty, and also that we might use his good endeavour for the establishing of such order in our subjects trade of merchandise, as well in your Imperial city of Constantinople, as in other places of your Musulmanlike Empire, as according to the prescript of the privileges is granted by your princely majesties goodness, and shall be for the benefit of both our subjects. For performance whereof, because he standeth in need of your Imperial majesties authorities we earnestly beseech the same, that you would 'cause all those which be in authority under your Highness, by all their best means to aid and assist this our Ambassador in executing this your Imperial majesties pleasure, for unto him we have committed this charge: wherein how honestly he will discharge his credit toward both our Majesties, I no whit stand in doubt: to whom also our pleasure is, that all our subjects shall be obedient, as far as the grant of your Imperial majesty doth permit. Moreover, whereas that worthy parsonage Mustafa, A request for the preferring of Mustafa Beg. your Imperial majesties Interpreter, hath taken special pains for the procuring of this league between us, we earnestly beseech you that for our sakes your Imperial Majesty would vouchsafe to advance him unto the degree of the M●stafaraks or chief pensioners. If in these and in all other honest causes, our aforesaid Agent and our subjects shall find your Imperial Highness' favour, a noble traffic will flourish between these nations, and we (if by any way we may stand your State in stead) will always most willingly be ready to requited this your majesties favour and good will with all kind of good offices. Almighty God the maker of the world preserve and keep your Imperial Majesty, etc. A Letter of the Queen's Majesty to ali Bassa the Turks high Admiral, sent by her ambassador M. William Hareborne, and delivered unto him aboard his galley in the Arsenal. ELIZABETHA, etc. Illustrissimo viro ali Bassa, magni Musulmanici Caesaris Admiralio, salutem & successus fortunatos, Non ignotum esse Excellentiae vestrae arbitramur, privilegia quae dam à potentissimo Caesare Musulmanico domino vestro clementissimo subditis nostris Anglicis concessa es●e, ut illis liceat in omnibus imperij Musulmanici provincijs tutò & securè manere ac negotiari: non aliter quàm hoc ipsum Francis, Polonis, Venetis, Germanis antea indultum est. Qua ex causa nos Gulielmum Hareborne nobis dilectum, è corporis custodibus unum, ac multis nominibus ornatum ad inclytam Constantinopolis civitatem pro agente misimus: qui ex privilegiorum praedictorum praescripto nostras & subditorum nostro●um res in illis locis constituere●. Facere igitur non potuimus, quin Excellentiae vest●ae Guilielmum hunc, pro ea qua apud magnum Caesarem polles authoritate, commendaremus: petentes summopere ut tutò in mari sine Classiariorum vestrorum violentia, & securè in portibus absque ministrorum rapinis & ●ni●ria, tam ipse quàm omnes Angli subditi nostri possint versari: uti pro tenore literarum patentium à magno Caesare concessarum illis licere ex illarum conspectione perspicuum esse potest. Gratis●imum ergo nobis excellentia vestra fecerit, si portuum omnium, aliorúmque locorum, qui vestrae iurisdictioni parent, custodibus, item classium & navium praefectis omnibus mandare velit, ut Guilielmus iste, aliíque Angli subditi nostri cum in illorum erunt potestate, amicè & humaniter tractarentur. Quemadmodum nos viciss●m ●i●nes magni Caesaris subditos omni humanitatis genere tractabunus, si in Oceani maria, aliáue loca venerint, quae nostro parent imperio. Postremo excellentiam vestram pro eo quem in nostros extendet favore ijs omnibus officijs prosequemur, quae à gratissima principe in optime de se merontes debent proficisci. Benè & foeliciter valeas. Datum è castro nostro Windesorij die vicessimo mensis Novembris, Anno jesu Christi salvatoris nostri 1582. Regni verò nostri vicessimo quarto. A brief Remembrance of things to be endeavoured at Constantinople, and in other places in Turkey, touching our Clothing and our Dying, and things that be incident to the same, and touching ample vent of our natural commodities, & of the labour of our poor people withal, and of the general enriching of this Realm: drawn by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple, and given to a friend that was sent into Turkey 1582. 1 A Nile wherewith we colour Blue to be brought into this realm by seed or root. 2 And the Art of compounding of the same. 3 And also all other herbs used in dying in like manner to be brought in. 4 And all Trees, whose Leaves, Seeds, or Barks, or Wood do serve to that use, to be brought into this realm by Seed or Root. 5 All little Plants and Busks serving to that use to be brought in. 6 To learn to know all earths and minerals foreign used in dying, and th●ir natural places, for possible the like may here be found upon sight. 7 Also with the materials used in dying, to bring in the excellency of the art of dying. 8 To procure from Muhaisira a city in Egypt to Constantinople, the seed of Sesamum the herb, and the same into this realm, Common trade is between Alexandria and Constantinople, and therefore you may easily procure the seeds. Of this seed much oil is made, and many mills set on work about the same in the said Muhaisira, and if this seed may prospero in England, infinite benefit to our Clothing trade may rise by the same. This city is situate upon Nilus the river, and thence this is brought to Venice and to divers other Cities of Italy, and to Antwerp. 9 To note all kinds of clothing in Turkey, and all degrees of their labour in the same. 10 To endeavour rather the vent of Kerseys, then of other Clotheses as a thing more beneficial to our people. 11 To endeavour the sale of such our clotheses as he coloured with our own natural colours as much as you can, rather than such as be coloured with foreign colours. 12 To seek out a vent for our Bonettos, a cap made for Barbary, for that the poor people may reap great profit by the trade. 13 To endeavour vent of knit Stocks made of Norwich yarn, & of other yarn, which brought to great trade, may turn our poor people to great benefit, besides the vent of the substance, of our colours, and of our divers labour. 14 To endeavour a vent of our Saffron for the benefit of our poor people: for a large vent found, it setteth many on work. Remembrances for master S. to give him the better occasion to inform himself of some things in England, and after of some other things in Turkey, to the great profit of the Common weal of this Country. Written by the foresaid master Richard Hakluyt, for a principal English Factor at Constantinople 1582. SInce all men confess (that be not barbarously bread) that men are born as well to seek the common commodity of their Country, as their own private benefit, it may seem folly to persuade that point, for each man means so to do. But wherein men should seek the common commodity, and what way, and by what mean that is to be brought about, is the point or sum of the matter, since every good man is ready to employ his labour. This is to be done by an infinite sort of mèanes, as the number of things be infinite that may be done for common benefit of the Realm. And as the chief things so to be done be divers, so are they to be done by divers men, as they be by wit and manner of education more fit, or less fit, for this and for that. And for that of many things that tend to the common benefit of the State, some tend more, and some less, I find that no one thing, after our other, is greater than Clothing, and the things incident to the same. And understanding that you are of right good capacity, and become a Factor at Constantinople, and in other parts i● Turkey, I find no man fit of all the English Factors there, than you. And therefore I am so bold to put you in mind, and to tell you wherein with some endeavour you may chance to do your Country much good, and give an infinite sort of the poor people occasion to pray for you here throughout the Realm: this that I mean is in matter of Cloth, etc. 1 FIrst, you cannot deny but that this Reality yieldeth the most five Wool, the most soft, the most strong Wool, the most durable in Cloth, and most apt of nature of all other to receive Die, and that no Island or any one kingdom so small doth yield so great abundance of the same: and that no Wool is less subject to moths, or to fretting in press, than this, as the old Parliament robes of Kings, & of many noble Peers to be showed may plainly testify. 2 There is no commodity of this Realm that may set so many poor subjects on work, as this doth, that doth bring in so much treasure, and so much ●nrich the merchant, and so much employ the Navy of this Realm, as this commodity of our Wool doth. Ample and full Uent of this noble and rich commodity is it that the common weal of this realm doth require. Spain now aboundeth with Wools, and the same are Clothed. Turkey hath Wools, and so have divers provinces of Christendom and of heathenness, and clot is made of the s●me in divers places. 1 But if England have the most fine, and the most excellent Wools of the world in all respects (as it cannot be denied, but it hath) 2 If there may be added to the same, excellent artificial, and true making, and excellent dying, 3 Then no doubt but that we shall have vent for our Clotheses, although the rest of the world did abound much more with Wool than it doth, and although their workmanship and their dying were in degree equal with ours of England, unless the labour of our people employed that way, and the materials used in dying should be the cause of the contrary by dearth. But if Foreign nations turn their Wools, inferior to ours, into truer and more excellent made clot, and shall die the same in truer, surer, and more excellent and more delectable colours, then shall they cell and make ample vent of their Clotheses, when the English clot of better wool shall rest unsold, to the spoil of the Merchant, of the Clothier, and of the breeder of the wool, and to the turning to bag and wallet of the infinite number of the poor people employed in clothing in several degrees of labour here in England. Which things weighed, I am to tell you what things I wish you in this Realm, and after in Turkey, to endeavour from time to time, as your laisure may permit the same. Before you go out of the Realm, that you learn: 1 TO know wool, all kind of clotheses made in this realm, and all other employments of wool, home or foreign, be the same in Felt cloaks, felt hats, in the read knit cap for Barbary, called Bonettos rugios colorados, or whatsoever, etc. All the deceits in Clothmaking; as the sorting together of Wools of several natures, some of nature to shrink, some to hold out, which causeth clothed to cockle and lie uneven. The evil sorting of thread of good or bad wool, some tootoo hard spun, some tootoo soft spun delivered to be woven. The faults in Weaving. The faults in Walking, Rowing, and Burling, and in Racking the Clotheses above measure upon the Teintors': all which faults may be learned of honest men, which faults are to be known to the merchant, to be shunned and not to be used. 2 Then to learn of the Dyer's to discern all kind of colours; as which be good and sure, and which will not hold: which be fair, which not; which colours by the dearth of the substances be dear, and which by reason of the cheapness of the Materials with which they be died, be cheap colours. 3 Then to take the names of all the materials and substances used in this City or in the realm, in dying of clot or silk. To learn to know them, as which be good, which bad. And what colours they die. And what prices they be of. And of them which be the Naturals of this Realm, and in what part of the Realm they are to be had. And of all the foreign materials used in dying to know the very natural places of them, and the plenty or the starcenesse of each of them. These things superficially learned in the realm before you go, you are the sitter in foreign parts to serve your Country, for by this means you have an entry into the thing that I wish you to travel in. What you shall do in Turkey, besides the business of your Factorship. 1 FOrasmuch as it is reported that the Woollen clotheses died in Turkey be most excellently died, you shall sand home into this realm certain Mowsters or pieces of Show to be brought to the Diershall, there to be showed, partly to remove out of their heads, the too too great opinion they have conceived of their own cunning, and partly to move them for shame to endeavour to learn more knowledge to the honour of their country of England, and to the universal benefit of the realm. 2 You shall devise to amend the Dying of England, by carrying hence an apt young man brought up in the Art, or by bringing one or other from thence of skill, or rather to devise to bring one for Silks, and another for Wool and for Woollen clot, and if you cannot work this by ordinary means, then to work it by some great Bassas mean, or if your own credit there be not sufficient by mean of your small abode in those parties, to work it by the help of the French ambassador there resident, for which purpose you may insinuate yourself into his acquaintance, and otherwise to leave no mean unsought that tendeth to this end, wherein you are to do as circumstances may permit. 3 Then to learn to know all the materials and substances that the Turks use in dying, be they of Herbs, simple or compound, be they Plants, Barks, Wood, Berries, Seeds, Grains, or Mineral matter, or what else soever. But before all other, such things as yield those famous colours that carry such special report of excellency, that our merchants may bring them to this realm by ordinary trade, as a right mean for the better vent of our clotheses. 4 To know the use of those, and where the natural place of them and of each of them is, I mean the place where each of them groweth or is bread. 5 And in any wise, if Anile that coloureth blue be a natural commodity of these parts, and if it be compounded of an herb, to sand the same into this realm by seed or by root in barrel of earth, with all the whole order of sowing, setting, planting, replanting, and with the compounding of the same, that it may become a natural commodity in this realm as Wood is, to this end that the high price of foreign Wood (which devoureth yearly great treasure) may be brought down. So shall the merchant buy his clot less dear, and so he shallbe able to occupy with less stock, be able to afford clot cheaper, make more ample vent, and also become a greater gainer himself, and all this to the benefit of this realm. 6 To do the like with herb & plant, or tree that in dying is of any excellent use, as to sand the same by seed, berry, root, etc: for by such means Saffron was brought first into this realm, which hath set many poor on work, and brought great wealth into this realm. Thus may Sumack, the plane wherewith the most excellent blacks be died in Spain, be brought out of Spain, and out of the islands of the same, if it will grow in this more cold climate. For thus was Woad brought into this realm, and came to good perfection, to the great loss of the French our old enemies. And it doth marvelously import this realm to make natural in this realm such things as be special in the dying of our clotheses. And to speak of such things as colour blew, they are of greatest use, and are grounds of the most excellent colours, and therefore of all other to be brought into this realm, be it Anile or any other material of that quality. 7 And because yellows and greene's are colours of small prices in this realm, by reason that Old and Greenweed wherewith they be died be natural here, and in great plenty, therefore to bring our clotheses so died to common sale in Turkey were to the great benefit of the merchant, and other poor subjects of this realm, for in sale of such our own natural colours we consume not our treasure in foreign colours, and yet we cell our own trifles dearly perhaps. 8 The wools being natural, and excellent colours for dying becoming by this means here also natural, in all the art of Clothing then we want but one only special thing. For in this so temperate a climate our people may labour the year throughout, whereas in some regions of the world they cannot work for extreme heat, as in some other regions they cannot work for extreme cold a good part of the year. And the people of this realm by the great and bless●d abundance of victual are cheaply fed, and therefore may afford their labour cheap. And where the Clothiers in Flanders by the flatness of their rivers cannot make Walkmilles for their clotheses, but are forced to thicken and dress all their clotheses by the foot and by the labour of men, whereby their clotheses are raised to an higher price, we of England have in all Shires store of mills upon falling rivers. And these rivers being in temperate zones are not dried up in Summer with drought and heat as the rivers be in Spain and in hotter regions, nor frozen up in Winter as all the rivers be in all the North regions of the world: so as our mills may go and work at all times, and dress clotheses cheaply. Then we have also for scouring our clotheses earths and clays, as Walkers clay, and the clay of Oborne little inferior to Soap in scouring and in thicking. Then also have we some reasonable store of Alum and Copporas here made for dying, and are like to have increase of the same. Then we have many good waters apt for dying, and people to spin and to do the rest of all the labours we want not. So as there wanteth, if colours might be brought in and made natural, but only Oil: Supply of the want of oil. the want whereof if any man could devise to supply at the full with any thing that might become natural in this realm, he whatsoever he were that could bring it about, might deserve immortal fame in this our Common wealth, and such a devise was offered to the Parliament and refused, becaused they denied to endow him with a certain liberty, some others having obtained the same before, that practised to work that effect by Radish seed, which only made a trial of small quantity, and that went no further, to make that Oil in plenty: and now he that offered this devise was a merchant, and is ●ead, and withal the devise is dead with him. It is written by one that written of Africa, Leo Asricam●● lib. 8. that in Egyptin a city called Muhaisira there be many mills employed in making of Oil of the seed of an herb called Sesanium. Pena and lobel, Physicians, writ in our time, that this herb is a codded herb full of oily seed, and that there is plenty of this seed brought out of Egypt to divers Cities in Italy. If this herb will prospero in this realm, our merchants may easily bring of it, etc. 9 Having herein thus troubled you by raising to your mind the consideration of certain things, it shall not be impertinent to tell you that it shall not be amiss that you note all the order of the degrees of labour used in Turkey, in the art of Clothing, and to see if any way they excel in that profession our people of these parts, and to bring notice of the same into this realm. 10 And if you shall find that they make any clot of any kind not made in this realm, that is there of great use, then to bring of the same into this realm some Mowsters, that our people may fall into the trade, and prepare the same for Turkey: for the more kinds of clot we can devise to make, the more ample vent of our commodity we shall have, and the more sale of the labour of our poor subjects that else for lack of labour become idle and burdenous to the common weal, and hurtful to many: and in England we are in our clothing trade to frame ourselves according to the desires of foreign nations, be it that they desire thick or thin, broad or narrow, long or short, white or black. 11 But with this proviso always, that our clot pass out with as much labour of our people as may be, wherein great consideration aught to be had: for (if vent might so admit it) as it were the greatest madness in the world for us to vent our wool not clothed, so were it madness to vent our wool in part or in the whole turned into broad clot, if we might vent the same in Rersies: for there is great difference in profit to our people between the clothing of a sack of wool in the one, and the like sack of wool in the other, of which I with the merchant of England to have as great care as he may for the universal benefit of the poor: and the turning of a sack of wool into Bonnets is better than both etc. And also not to carry out of the realm any clot white, but died if it may be, that the subjects of this realm may ●ake as much benefit as is possible, and rather to seek the vent of the clotheses died with the natural colours of England, than such as be died with foreign colours. 12 And if of necessity we must be forced to receive certain colours from foreign parts, for that this climate will not breed them, I wish that our merchants procure Anile and such other things to be planted in like climates where now it grows, in divers other places, that this realm may have that brought in for as base prices as is possible, and that falling out with one place we may receive the same from another, and not buy the same at the second or the third hand etc. For if a commodity that is to be had of mere necessity, be in one hand, it is dearly purchased. 1 How many several colours be died is to be learned of our Dyer's before you departed. 2 Then how many of those colours England doth die of her own natural home materials and substances, and how many not. 3 Then to bring into this realm herbs and plants to become natural in cursoiles, that may die the rest of the colours, that presently of our own things here growing we can not yet die, and this from all foreign places. 4 There is a wood called Logwood or Palo Campechio, it is cheap and yieldeth a glorious blue, but our workmen can not make it sure. This wood you must take with you, and see whether the Silk dyer's or Wool dyer's in Turkey can do it, with this one you may enrich yourself very much, and therefore it is to be endeavoured earnestly by you. It may bring down the price of Woad and of Anile. Other some things to be remembered. If you can find out at Tripoli in Syria or elsewhere a vent for the Caps called in Barbary, Bonettos colorados rugios, which is a read Scottish cap as it were without brims, you should do your country much good: for as a sack of wool turned into fine Devonshire kerseys doth set many more people on work then a sack spun for broad clot in a grosser thread, so a sack of wool turned into those Bonnets doth set many more poor people on work, than a sack turned into ●ersies, by reason of the knitting. And therefore if you can endeavour that, you work great effect. And no doubt that a marvellous vent may be found out of them into Africa by the way of Alexandria, and by Alcayer Southeast and South-west thence. 2 And by the ●ent of our knit bose of Woollen yarn, Woorsted yarn, and of Linen thread, great benefit to our people may arise, and a great value in fine Kerseys and in those knit wares may be couched in a small room in the ship. And for these things our people are grown apt, and by endeavour may be drawn to great trade. 3 Saffron the best of the universal world groweth in this realm, and for as much as it is a thing that requireth much labour in divers sorts, and setteth the people on work so plentifully, I wish you to see whether you can find out ample vent for the same, since it is go out of great use in those parts. It is a spice that is cordial, and may be used in meats, and that is excellent in dying of yellow silks. This commodity of Saffron groweth fifty miles from Tripoli in Syria, on an high hill called in those parts Garian, so as there you may learn at that port of Tripoli the value of the pound, the goodness of it, and the places of the vent. But it is said that from that hill there passeth yearly of that commodity fifteen moiles laden, and that those regions notwithstanding lack sufficiency of that commodity. But if a vent might be found, men would in Essex about Saffronwalden and in Cambridge shire revive the trade for the benefit of the setting of the poor on work. So would they do in Hereford shire by Wales, where the best of all England is, in which place the soil yields the wild Saffron commonly, which showeth the natural inclination of the same soil to the bearing of the right Saffron, if the soil be manured and that way employed. Leo Africanus lib 4. 4 There is a walled town not far from Barbary, called Hubbed, toward the South from the famous town Telensin, about six miles: the inhabitants of which town in effect be all Diers. And it is said that there about they have plenty of Anile, & that they occupy that, and also that they use there in their die, of the Saffron aforesaid. The truth whereof, in the Southerly ports of the Mediteran sea, is easily learned in your passage to Tripoli, This may be learned at Alget. or in return from thence homeward you may understand it. It is reported at Saffron walden that a Pilgrim purposing to do good to his country, stolen an head of Saffron, and hide the same in his Palmer's staff, which he had made hollow before of purpose, and so he brought this root into this realm, with venture of his life: for if he had been taken, by the law of the country from whence it came, he had died for the fart. If the like love in this our age were in our people that now become great travelers, many knowledges, and many trades, and many herbs and plants might be brought into this realm that might do the realm good. And the Romans having that care, brought from all coasts of the world into Italy all arts and sciences, and all kinds of beasts and fowls, and all herbs, trees, busks and plants that might yield profit or pleasure to their country of Italy. And if this care had not been heretofore in our ancestors, than had our life been savage now, for than we had not had Wheat nor Rye, Pease nor Beans, Barley nor Oats, Pear nor Apple, vine nor many other profitable and pleasant plants, Bull nor Cow, Sheep nor Swine, Horse nor Mare, Cock nor Hen, nor a number of other things that we enjoy, without which our life were to be said barbarous: for these things and a thousand that we use more the first inhabitors of this Island found not here. And in time of memory things have been brought in that were not here before, as the Damask rose by Doctor Linaker king Henry the seventh and king Henry the eights Physician, the Turkey cocks and hens about fifty years past, the Artichowe in time of king Henry the eight, and of later time was procured out of Italy the Musk rose plant, the plum called the Perdigwena, and two kinds more by the Lord Cromwell after his cravell, and the Abricot by a French Priest one Wolf Gardiner to king Henry the eight: and now within these four years there have been brought into England from Vienna in Austria divers kinds of flowers called Tulipas, and those and other procured thither a little before from Constantinople by an excellent man called M. Carolus Clusius. And it is said that since we traded to Zante that the plant that beareth the Coren is also brought into this realm from thence; and although it bring not fruit to perfection, yet it may serve for pleasure and for some use, like as our vines do, which we cannot well spare, although the climate so cold will not permit us to have good wines of them. And many other things have been brought in, that have degenerated by reason of the cold climate, some other things brought in have by negligence been lost. The Archboshop of Canterbury Edmund grindal, after he returned out of Germany, brought into this realm the plant of Tamariske from thence, and this plant he hath so increased that there be here thousand of them: and many people have received great health by this plant: and if of things brought in such care were had, then could not the first labour be lost. The seed of Tobacco hath been brought hither out of the West Indies, it groweth here, and with the herb many have been eased of the remnes, etc. Each one of a great number of things were worthy of a journey to be made into Spain, Italy, Barbary, Egypt, Zante, Constantinople, the West Indies, and to divers other places nearer and further off then any of these, yet forasmuch as the poor are not able, and for that the rich settled at home in quiet will not, therefore we are to make suit to such as repair to foreign kingdoms, for other businesses, to have some care herein, and to set before their eyes the examples of these good men, and to endeavour to do for their parts the like, as their special businesses may permit the same. Thus giving you occasion by way of a little rememembrance, to have a desire to do your country good, you shall, if you have any inclination to such good, do more good to the poor ready to starve for relief, than ever any subject did in this realm by building of Almshouses, and by giving of lands and goods to the relief of the poor. Thus may you help to drive idleness the mother of most mischiefs out of the realm, and win you perpetual fame, and the prayer of the poor, which is more worth than all the gold of Peru and of all the West Indies. The voyage of the Susan of London to Constantinople, wherein the worshipful M. William Harborne was sent first Ambassador unto Sultan Murad Can, the great Turk, with whom he continued as her majesties Ligier almost six years. THe 14 of November 1582, we departed from Blackewall, bond for the City of Constantinople, in the tall ship called the Susan of London: the Master whereof was Richard Parsons, a very excellent and skilful man in his faculty. But by occasion of contrary weather we spent two months before we could recover the Rows in the Isle of Wight. Where the 14 of january january the fourteenth. following we took in the worshipful M. William Hareborne her majesties Ambassador to the Turk, and his company, and sailed thence to Yarmouth in the foresaid Isle of Wight. The 19 we put from Wight. The 26 we did see Cavo de Sant Vincente. C. Vincente. The same day we were thwart of Cavo Santa Maria. C. Santa Maria. The 27 we passed by Tariffa, Tariffa. and Gibraltar. The 28 in the morning we passed by Velez Malaga: Velez Malaga. and that night were thwart of Cavo de Gates. C. de Gates The 29● at night we had sight of Cavo de Palos. C. de Palos. The 30 in the morning we did see the high land of Denia, Denia. in the kingdom of Valentia, and that night we had sight of the Island Formentera. Formentera. The 31 in the morning appeared the Island of Cabrera. Cabrera. The first of February we put into a Port in Mallorca, February the first. Mallorca. called Porto de Sant Pedro: The ships men go on land at Porto de Sant Pedro. where they would have evil entreated us for coming into the Harbour: we thought we might have been as bold there as in other places of Christendom. but it proved far otherwise. The first man we met on land was a simple Shepherd, of whom we demanded whether we might have a sheep or such like to refresh ourselves, who told us yea. And by such conference had with him, at the last he came aboard once or twice, and had the best cheer that we could make him: and our Ambassador himself talked with him, and still he made us fair promises, but nothing at all meant to perform the same, as the end showed. In the mean time came in a ship of Marseils, the Master whereof did know our Ambassador very well, with whom our Ambassador had conference, and with his Merchants also. They came from Alger in Barbary, which is under the government of the Great Turk. They did present our Ambassador with an Ape, The Ambassador betrayed. wherefore he made very much of them, and had them often aboard. By them I suppose, he was bewrayed of his purpose as touching his message, but yet still we had fair words of the Shepherd aforesaid, and others. So that upon their words, our Purser and another man went to a Town which was three or four miles from the port, and there were well entertained, and had of the people very fair speeches, and such small things as could be got upon the sudden, and so returned to the ship that day. Then we were emboldened, and thought all had been well, according to their talk. The next day, being the sixth day of February, February the sixth. two of our Gentlemen, with one of our Merchants, and the Purser, and one of the ambassadors men went to the Town aforesaid, thinking to do as the Purser and the other had done before, but it proved contrary: for at their coming thither they had fair words a while, and had bread and wine, and such necessaries for their money, until such time as they were beset with men, and the Maiorcans never showed in their countenance any such matter, but as the manner of all the people in the dominions of Spain is, for the most part to be treacherous to us, if they think they have any advantage. For upon the sudden they laid hands on them, and put them in hold, as sure as might be in such a simple Town. The English men are surprised. Then were they well guarded with men both day and night, and still deluded with fair words, & they said to our men it was for no hurt, but that the Viceroy of the Island would come aboard to see the ship. But they presently sent the Purser to the Town of Maiorca, where he was examined by the Viceroy very straight, what their ship and captain were, and what voyage they intended, but he confessed nothing at all. In the mean time they in the Town were likewise straight examined by a Priest and other officers upon their oaths: who for their oaths sake declared the whole estate of their voyage. The ambassadors man was a French man, and therefore was suffered to go to the ship on a message, but he could tell the Ambassador none other news, but that the Viceroy would come aboard the ship, and that our men should come with him, but they had another meaning. For the Marseilian Merchants were stayed in like manner in the Town, only to make a better show unto us. But in the mean time, being there three of four days, there came men unto us every day, more or less, but one day especially there came two men on horseback, whom we took to be officers, being lusly men, and very well horsed. These men desired to speak with our Captain (for all things that passed there were done in the name of our Captain john Gray) for it was said by us there, that he was Captain of one of her majesties ships: wherefore all things passed in his name: and the Ambassador not seen in any thing but rather concealed, and yet did all, because of his tongue and good inditing in that language. For he himself went on land clothed in Velvet, and talked with these men, and with him ten or twelve lusly fellows well weaponed, each one having a Boatespeare or a Caliver, the Captain john Gray being one of them, and our boat lying by very warily kept and ready. For than we began to suspect, because the place was more frequented with men than it was wont. The Spaniards come to the sea side to speak with the captain. The men on horseback were in doubt to come near, because he came so well weaponed. But they bade him welcome, and gave him great salutations in words as their manner is: and demanded why he came so strong, for they said he needed not to fear any man in the Island. Answer was made, that it was the manner of English Captains to go with their guard in strange places. Then they told our Ambassador (thinking him to be the Captain) that they were sent from the Viceroy to know what they did lack, for they promised him beef or mutton, or any thing that was in the Island to be had, but their purpose was to have got more of our men if they could, and they said that we should have our men again the next day: with such pretty delusions they fed us still. Then our Ambassador did writ a letter to the Viceroy in her majesties name, and in our Captain john Gray's name, and not in his own, and sent it by them, desiring him to sand his men, and not to trouble him in his voyage, for he had given him no such cause, nor any of his. So these men departed with great courtesy in words on both parts. And in all this time we did see men on horseback and on foot in the woods and trees more than they were accustomed to be, but we could perceive nothing thereby. The next day, or the second, came either four or six of the best of them as we thought (the Viceroy excepted) and very many men besides in the fields, both on foot and on horse, but came not near the water side. And those in like order desired to speak with the Captain, The Spaniards come a game to purse. and that when he came on land the trumpets might sound: but then the Ambassador, whom they thought to be Captain, would not go, nor suffer the trumpets to be sounded, for that he thought it was a trap to take himself, and more of his company. But did sand one of the principal of the Merchants to talk with them. And the Captain john Gray went also with him, not being known of the Spaniards, for he went as a soldier. Thus they received of those men the like words as they had of the other before mentioned, who said we should have our men again, for they meant us no hurt. Then our Ambassador did writ another letter, The Ambassador writeth to the Viceroy. and sent it by them to the Viceroy, in like order as he did before, but he received no answer of any of them. In all this time they had privily gathered together the principal men of the Island, and had laboured day and night to bring down ordinance, not making any show of their treachery towards us. But the same night following, we see very many lights pass in the woods among the trees. And in the morning when the watch was broken up, being Saturday the ninth of February, The ninth of February. at fair day light, one of our men looked forth, and see standing on land the carriage of a piece: then was one commanded to go into the top, and there he did deserie two or three pieces, and also many men on the shore, with divers weapons that they brought. Then they suddenly took four or five brass pieces, and placed them on either side of the harbour where we should go out, and hide them with stones and bushes that we should not see them. Now I think the harbour not to be above the eight part of a mile over. Thus perceiving their meaning which was most plain; we agreed to take up our anchor and go out, and leave our men there, having none other way to take. Then our Ambassador entreated the Master of the Marseilian, his friend, to go on land with his boat, and to know the truth: who satisfied his request. And at his return he told us that it was very true, that they would lay hold of us if they could. Then we weighed our anchors: but having little wind, we towed the ship forward with the boat. The Viceroy himself was at the water side with more than five hundred men on both sides of the harbour as we thought. And when we came out with our ship as far as their ordinance, our Ambassador and the Captain being in their armour, the Master commanding of the company, and trimming of the sails, The ship Susan prepareth to defend herself. the Pilot standing on the poop, attending to his charge, with other very well furnished, and every man in order about their business very ready, they on land on the contrary part having a very fair piece mounted on the North side openly in all our sights, as the ship passed by, they traversed that piece right with the main mast or after-quarter of the ship, and a Gunner standing by, with a lintstorke in his hand, about fourteen or fifteen foot long, being (as we thought) ready to give fire. Our whole noise of trumpets were sounding on the poop with drum and flute, and a Minion of brass on the summer deck, with two or three other pieces, always by our Gunners traversed mouth to mouth with there's on land, still looking when they on land should shoot, for to answer them again. The Pilot standing on the poop, seeing this readiness, and the ship going very softly, because of the calmness of the wind, he called to them on the South side, where the Viceroy was, and said unto him: Have you wars with us: If you have, it is more than we know; but by your provision it seemeth so: if you have, shoot in God's name, and spare not, but they held all fast and shot not. Then the Viceroy himself held up a paper, and said he had a letter for our Captain, and desired us to stay for it. Then we answered and said we would not, but willed him to sand it by the Marseilians boat, and our men also. All this while, our trumpets, drum and flute sounded, and so we passed out in the face of them all. When they perceived that they could lay no hold on us, they presently sent to the Town for our men, whom within less than three hours after they sent aboard with the said letter, The effect of the Viceroy's letter in the Captain of the Susan. wherein he desired our Captain and his company not to take it in ill part, for he meant them no harm, but would have seen our ship. His letter did import these and such like fair speeches: for it altogether contained courteous salutations, saying that he might boldly come into any port within his Island, and that he and his would show him what friendship they might: and that the injury that was offered was done at the request of the Shepherds and poor people of the country, for the more safeguard of their flocks, and because it was not a thing usual to have any such ship to come into that port, with many other deceitful words in the said letter. Then our Ambassador written unto him another letter to answer that, The e●●ect of the Ambassadors answer. and gave him thanks for his men that he had sent him, and also for his good will, and sent him a present. This done, we shot off half a dozen pieces, hoist our sails, and departed on our voyage. Then ●he Purser and the rest of our men that had been in hold, told us that they did see the Captain, and other gentlemen of the Island, having their buskins and slockings torn from their legs, with labouring in the bushes day and night to make that sudden provision. The 12 of February we see an Island of Africa side called Galata, Galata. where they use to drag out of the Sea much Coral, and we see likewise Sardinia, which is an Island subject to Spain. The 13 in the morning we were hard by Sardinia. Sardinia. The 15 we did see an Island near Sicilia, and an Island on Africa side called Cysimbre. Favagniana. Cisimbri. The same day likewise we see an Island called Pantalaria, Pantalaria. and that night we were thwart the middle of Sicilia. Sicilia. The 16 at night we were as far as Capo Pas●aro, C. Passaro. which is the Southeast part of Sicilia. The 24 we were put into a port called Porto de Conte, in an Island called Cephalonia: Po●to de Cont● in Cephalonia. it is an out Island in the dominions of Grecia, and now at this present governed by the Signory of Venice, as the rest of Grecia is under the Turk, for the most part. The 27 we came from thence, and that day arrived at Zante which is also in Grecia; Zante. for at this present we entered the parts of Grecia. The second of March we came from Zante; and the s●me day were thwart of an Island called Prodeno: Prodeno. and the 4 we were thwart of an Island called Sapientia. Sapientia. There standeth a fair Town and a Castle on the main over against it, called Modon. Modon. The same day by reason of contrary winds we put back again to Prodeno, because we could not fetch Sapientia. The ninth we came from thence, and were as far as Sapientia again. The tenth we were as far shot as Cavo Matapan; C. Ma●apan. and that day we entered the Archipelago, and passed thorough between Cerigo and Cavo Malio. Cerigo. C. Malio. This Cerigo is an Island where one Menelaus did sometimes reign, Menelaus. from whom was stolen by Paris fair Helena, and carried to Troy, as ancient Records do declare. The same day we had sight of a little Island called Bellapola, ●ellapola. and did likewise see both the Milos, Both Milo●. being islands in the Archipelago. The 11 in the morning we were hard by an Island called Falconara, F●lc●nara. and the Island of Antemila. Ant●mil●. The 12 in the morning we were between Fermenia and Zea, Fermeni●. Z●●. bring both islands. That night we were between Negroponte and Andri, Negroponte. Andri. being likewise islands. The 13 in the morning we were hard by Psara and Sarafo, Psa●a. Sarafo. being islands nine or ten miles from Chio, and could not fetch Chio. So we put room with a port in Metelin called Sigra, Sigra● port in Metelin. and about nine of the clock at night we ankered there. The 15 we came from thence, the sixteenth we put into Porto Delfi●. Porto Delfin. This port is 9 English miles to the Northward of the City of Chio, The city of Chio. (and it may be twelve of their miles) this night we stayed in the said port, being in the Island of Chio. Then went our Merchant and one or two with him to the City of Chio. And when the By, A By. who is the governor of the Island (and is in their language a Duke) had communed with the Merchant, and those that were with him, and understood of our arrival within his dominion, the day following he armed his galleys, and came to welcome our Ambassador, accompanied with the Ermine, Ermine. or Customer. that is, the King's Customer, and also the French Consul, with divers of the chief of the City, and offered him as much friendship as he could or would desire: for he did offer to attend upon us, and tow us if need were to the Castles. The 21 we departed from thence, and that day passed by port Sigra again. This Island of Metelin is part of Asia, and is near to Anatolia. The 22 we passed by a head land called Baberno, Baberno. and is also in Asia. And that day at night we passed by the Isle of Tenedo, Tenedo. part of Asia, and by another Island called Maure. Maure. And the same day we passed thorough the straits of Galipoli, Gal●poli. and by the Castles, and also by the Town of Galipoli itself, which standeth in Europa. And that night we were in sight of Marmora which is near Anatolia, Marmora. and part of Asia. The 23 in the morning we were thwart of Araclia, Ara●●ia. and that night we ankered in Silauria. Silauria. The 24 in the morning the Merchant and the Pilot were set on land to go to the City about the ambassadors business, but there they could not land because we had the wind fair. That place of some is called Ponte grand, Ponte grand. and is four and twenty miles on this side of Constantinople, and because of the wind, they followed in the skiff until they came to a place called Ponte picola, Ponte picola. and there is a little bridge, it standeth eight Turkish miles from Constantinople, there the Merchant and the Pilot landed. At this bridge is an house of the great Turks with a fair Garden belonging unto it, near the which is a point called Ponta S. Stephano, Ponte S. Stephano. and there the ship ankered that day. The 26 day the ship came to ●●e seven Towers, and the 27 we came nearer. The 29 there came three galleys to bring us up further: and when the ship came against the great Turk's palace, The arrival of the Susan at Constantinople. we shot off all our ordinance to the number of four and thirty pieces. Then landed our Ambassador, and then we discharged four and twenty pieces, who was received with more than fifty or threescore men on horseback. The ninth of April he presented the great Bassa with si●e clotheses, The Ambassador giveth a present to the great Bas●a. four cans of silver double gilt, and one piece of fine holland, and to three other Bassas, that is to say, the second Bassa, which is a gelded man, and his name is Mahomet Bassa, to the third who married the great Turk's sister, and to the fourth whom they call Abraham Bassa, to every one of these he gave four clotheses. Now, before the great Bassa, A man half naked goeth before the great Bas●a. and Abraham Bassa, at their return from the Court (and as we think at other times, but at that time for a certain) there came a man in manner of a fool, who gave a great shout three or four times, crying very hollowly, the place rebounded with the sound, and this man, say they, is a prophet of Mahomet, his arms and legs naked, on his feet he did wear wooden pattens of two sorts, in his hand, a flag, or streamer set on a short spear painted, he carried a mat and bottles, and other trumpery at his back, and sometimes under his arm, on his head he had a cap of white Camels hair, flat like an helmet, written about with letters, and about his head a linen roll. Other servingmen there were with the said Bassas, with read attire on their heads, much like French hoods, but the long flap somewhat smaller towards the end, with scuffes or plates of metal, like unto the chape of an ancient arming sword, standing on their foreheads like other janissaries. These Bassas entertained us as followeth: The ambassadors entertainment with the Bassas. First, they brought us into a hall, there to stand on one side, and our Ambassador and gentlemen on the other side, who sat them down on a bench covered with carpets, the Ambassador in the midst; on his left hand sat our gentlemen, and on his right hand the Turks, next to the door where their master goeth in and out: the common sort of Turks stayed in the Court yard, not suffered to come near us. When our Ambassador had satin half an hour, the Bassas (who sat by themselves in an inner small room) sent for him; to whom the Ambassador and his gentlemen went: they all kissed his hand, and presently returned (the Ambassador only excepted, who stayed there, and a Turks chaus with him) with the Ambassador and his gentlemen went in also so many of our men as there were presents to carry in, but these neither kissed his hand nor tarried. After this I went to visit the church of Santa Sophia, Santa Sophia. which was the chief church when it was the Christians, and now is the chief see and church of primacy of this Turk present: before I entered I was willed to put off my shoes, to the end I should not profane their church, A description of their church I being a Christian. The pillars on both sides of the church are very costly and rich, their Pulpits seemly and handsome, two are common to preach in, the third reserved only for their paschal. The ground is covered with Mats, and the walls hanged with Tapestry. They have also Lamps in their churches, one in the middle of the church of exceeding greatness, and another in another part of the church of clean gold, or double gilded, full as big as a barrel. Round about the church there is a gallery builded upon rich and stately pillars. That day I was in both the chapels, in one of the which lieth the Turks father, and five of his sons in tombs right costly, with their turbents very white and clean, shifted (as they say) every Friday, they be not on their heads, but stand on moulds made for that purpose. At the ends, over, and about their tombs are belts, like girdles, beset with jewels. In the other chapel are four other of his sons, and one daughter, in like order. In the first chapel is a thing four foot high, covered with green, beset with mother of pearl very richly. This is a relic of Mahomet, and standeth on the left side of the head of the great Turk's tomb. These chapels have their floors covered, and their walls hanged with tapistry of great price, I could value the covering and hangings of one of the chapels, at no less than five hundred pounds, besides their lamps hanging richly gilded. These chapels have their roofs curiously wrought with rich stone, and gilded. And there lie the books of their Laws for every man to read. The 11 day of April the ship came to the Key of the Custom house. The ship cometh to the custom house. The 16 the Ambassador and we his men went to the Captain Bassa, who is Admiral of the seas, his name is Vchali, The Ambassador presenteth the Admiral Vchali. he would not receive us into his house, but into his galley, to deliver our present, which was as followeth: Four pieces of clot, and two silver pots gilded & graven. The poop or stern of his galley was gilded both within and without, and under his feet, and where he sat was all covered with very rich Tapestry. Our Ambassador and his gentlemen kissed his hand, and then the gentlemen were commanded out, and our Ambassador sat down by him on his left hand, and the chaus stood before him. Our men might walk in the galley fore and after, some of us carried, and some went out again. The Susan goeth from the Custom house. The galley had seven pieces of brass in her prow, small and great, she had thirty banks or oars on either side, and at every bank or oar seven men to row. The 18 day the ship went from the Key. And 21 the Admiral took his leave of the great Turk, The Admiral departeth to the sea. being bond to the Sea with six and thirty galleys, very fairly beautified with gilding and painting, and beset with flags and streamers, all the which galleys discharged their ordinance: and we for his farewell gave him one and twenty pieces. Then he went to his house with his galleys, and the 22 he went to the Sea, and the Castle that standeth in the water gave him fourteen or sixteen pieces: and when he came against the Turks Seraglio he shot off all his calivers and his great pieces, and so he went his way. The 24 our Ambassador went to the Court, The Ambassadors repair to the great Turk court. whose entertainment with the order thereof followeth. When we came first on ●and there was way made for us by two or three Bassas and divers chauses on horseback with their men on foot, to accompany our Ambassador to the Court. Also they brought horses for him and his gentlemen for to ride, which were very richly furnished: and by the way there me● with us other chauses to accompany us to the Court. When we came there we passed thorough two gates, at the second gate there stood very many men with horses attending on their masters. When we came within that gate we were within a very fair Court yard, in compass twice so big as Paul's Churchyard. On the right hand of the said Court was a fair gallery like an Alley, and within it were placed rails and such other provision. On the left side was the like, half the Court over: it was divided into two parts, the innermost fairer than the other. The other part of that side is the place where the Council do usually sit, and at the inner end of that is a fair place to sit in, much like unto that place in Paul's Churchyard, where the Mayor and his brethren use to sit, thither was our Ambassador brought, and set in that place. Within that said place is another like open room, where he did eat. assoon as we came in, we were placed in the innermost alley of the second room, on the left side of the Court, which was spread with carpets on the ground fourscore or fourscore and ten foot long, The entertainment at dinner of the ambassadors men. with an hundred and fifty several dishes set thereon, that is to say, Mutton boiled and roasted, Rice diversly dressed, Fritters of the finest fashion, and dishes daintily dight with pretty pap, with infinite others, I know not how to express them. We had also roasted Hens with sundry sorts of fowls to me unknown. The gentlemen and we sat down on the ground, for it is their manner so to feed. There were also greeks and others set to furnish out the room. Our drink was made with Rose water and Sugar and spices brewed together. Those that did serve us with it had a great bag tied over their shoulders, with a broad belt like an arming belt full of plates of copper and gilt, with part of the said bag under his arm, and the mouth in his hand: then he had a devise to let it out when he would into cups, when we called for drink. The Ambassador when he had eaten, passed by us, with the chauses aforesaid, and sat him down in an inner room. This place where he sat was against the gate where we came in, and hard by the Council chamber end, somewhat on the left side of the Court, this was at the East end of the Court, for we came in at the West. All this time our presents stood by us until we had dined, and dinner once ended, this was their order of taking up the dishes. Certain were called in, like those of the Black guard in the Court of England, the Turks call them Moglans. These came in like rude and ravening Mastiffs, without order or fashion, and made clea●e riddance: for he whose hungry eye one dish could not fill turned two, one into the other, and thus even on the sudden was made a clean riddance of all. Then came certain chauses and brought our gentlemen to sit with the Ambassador. Immediately came officers & appointed janisers to bear from us our presents, who carried them on the right side of the Court, and set them hard by the door of the Privy chamber, as we call it: there all things stood for the space of an hour. Thus the Ambassador and his gentlemen sat still, and to the Southward of them was a door whereas the great Turk himself went in and out at, and on the South side of that door sat on a bench all his chief lords and gentlemen, and on the North side of the West gate stood his guard, in number as I guess them a thousand men. These men have on their heads round caps of metal like skulls, but sharp in the top, in this they have a bunch of Ostrich feathers, as big as a brush, with the corner or edge forward: at the lower end of these feathers was there a smaller feather, like those that are commonly worn here. Some of his guard had small staves, & most of them were weaponed with bows and arrows. Here they waited● during our abode at the Court, to guard their Lord After the Ambassador with his gentlemen had satin an hour and more, there came three or four chauses, and brought them into the great Turk's presence. At the Privy chamber door two noble men took the Ambassador by each arm one, and put their fingers within his sleeves, and so brought him to the great Turk where he sumptuously sat alone. He kissed his hand and stood by until all the gentlemen were brought before him in like manner, one by one, and led backwards again his face towards the Turk; for they might neither tarry nor turn their backs, and in like manner returned the Ambassador. The salutation that the Noble men did● was taking them by the hands. All this time they trod on clot of gold, most of the Noble men that sat on the South side of the Privy chamber sat likewise on clot of gold. Many officers or janissaries there were with staves, who kept very good order, for no Turk whatsoever might go any further than they willed him. At our Ambassadors entering they followed that bore his presents, The Turk is presented with a rich present. to say, twelve fine broad clotheses, two pieces of fine holland, ten pi●ces of plate double gilt, one case of candle sticks, the case whereof was very large, and three foot high and more, two very great cans or pots, and one lesser, one basin and ewer, two poppiniayes of silver, the one with two heads: they were to drink in: two bottles with chains, three fair mastiffs in coats of red clot, three spaniels, two bloodhounds, one common hunting hound, two greyhounds, two little dogs in coats of silk: one clock valued at five hundred pounds sterling: over it was a forest with trees of silver, among the which were dear chased with dogs, and men on horseback following, men drawing of water, others carrying mine oar on barrows: on the top of the clock stood a castle, and on the castle a mill. All these were of silver. And the clock was round beset with jewels. All the time that we stayed at the Council chamber door they were telling or weighing of money to sand into Persia for his Soldiers pay. There were carried out an hundred and three and thirty bags, and in every bag, as it was told us, one thousand ducats, which amounteth to three hundred and thirty thousand *, and in sterling English money to fourscore and nineteen thousand pounds. The Captain of the guard in the mean time went to the great Turk, and returned again, than they of the Court made obeisance to him, bowing down their heads, and their hands on their breasts, and he in like order resaluted them: he was in clot of silver, he went and came with two or three with him and no more. Then we went out at the first gate, and there we were commanded to stay until the Captain of the guard was passed by and all his guard with him, part before him and part behind him, some on horseback and som● on foot, but the most part on foot carrying on their shoulders the money before mentioned, and so we passed home. There was in the Court during our abode there, for the most part a fool resembling the first, but not naked as was the other at the Bassas: but he turned him continually, & cried Hough very hollowly. The third of May I see the Turk go to the church: he had more than two hundred and fifty horses before and behind him, but most before him. There were many empty horses that came in no order. Many of his Nobility were in clot of gold, but himself in white satin. There did ride behind him six or seven youches, one or two whereof carried water for him to drink as they said. There were many of his guard running before him and behind him, and when he alighted, they cried Hough very hollowly, as the aforesaid fools. A letter of Mustapha Chaus to the Queen's most excellent Majesty. SErenissima, prudentissima, & sacra Regia Maiestas, domina mihi semper clementissima, meorum fidelium officiorum promptam paratissimámque commendationem. Generosus & virtuosus Gulielmus Hareborne legatus vestrae sacrae Maiestatis venit ad portam excelsissimam potentissimi & invictissimi, & semper Augustissimi Caesaris Sultan Murad Can, cui Deus omnipotens benedicat. Et quanto honore, quanta dignitate, quantáque humanitate aliorum confoederatorum legati accipiuntur, praefatus quoque legatus vester tanta reverentia, tantáque amplitudine acceptus & collocatus est in porta excelsissima. Et posthac subditi & homines vestrae sacrae Maiestatis ad ditiones omnes Caesareas venire, & sua negocia tractare, & ad suam patriam redire sine impedimento, ut in literis excelsissimi, potentissimi, & invictissimi, & semper Augustissimi Caesaris ad vestram sacram Regiam Maiestatem datis facile patet, tranquillè & pacificè possunt. Ego autem imprimis diligentem operam & fidele studium & nunc eodem confirmando navaui, & in futurum quoque usque in ultimum vitae spiritum in negotijs potentissimi & invictissimi Caesaris, & vestrae sacrae Regiae Maiestatis egregiam navabo operam. Quod Deus omnipotens ad emolumentum & utilitatem utriúsque Reipublicae secunder. Amen. Sacram Regiam Maiestatem foelicissim è valere exopto. Datum Constantinopoli anno 1583, die octavo Maij. A letter of the English Ambassador to M. Harvey Millers, appointing him Consul for the English nation in Alexandria, Cairo, and other places of Egypt. Having to appoint our Consul in Cayro, Alexandria, Egypt, and other parts adjacent, for the safe protection of body and goods of her majesties subjects; being well persuaded of your sufficient ability; in her majesties name I do elect and make choice of you, good friend Harvey Millers, to execute the same worshipful office, as shall be required for her majesties better service, the commodity of her subjects, and my contentation: having and enjoying for merit of your travel in the premises the like remuneration incident to the rest of ours in such office in other parts of this Empire. Requiring you (all other affairs set aside) to repair thither with expedition, and attend upon this your charge, which the Almighty grant you well to accomplish. For the due execution whereof, we herewith sand you the Grand Signiors Patent of privilege with ours, and what else is needful therefore, in so ample manner, as any other Consul whosoever doth or may enjoy the same. In aid whereof, according to my bound duty to her Majesty our most gracious Mistress, I will be ready always to employ myself to the general benefit of her majesties subjects, for your maintenance in all just causes incident to the same. And thus eftsoons requiring and commanding you as abovesaid, to perform my request, I bid you most hearty well to far, and desire God to bless you. From my mansion Rapamat nigh Pera this 25 of April 1583. Commission given by M. William Hareborne the English Ambassador, to Richard Forster, authorising him Consul of the English nation in the parts of Aleppo, Damascus, Aman, Tripoli, jerusalem, etc. I William Harborne, her majesties Ambassador, Ligier with the Grand signor, for the affairs of the Levant do in her majesties name confirm and appoint Richard Forster Gentleman, my Deputy and Consul in the parts of Aleppo, Damascus, Aman, Tripoli, jerusalem, and all other ports whatsoever in the provinces of Syria, Palestina, and jury, to execute the office of Consul over all our Nation her majesties subjects, of what estate or quality soever: giving him hereby full power to defend, protect, and maintain all such her majesties subjects as to him shall be obedient, in all honest and just causes whatsoever: and in like case no less power to imprison, punish, and correct any and all such as he shall find disobedient to him in the like causes, even in such order as I myself might do by virtue of her majesties Commission given me the 26 of November 1582, the copy whereof I have annexed to this present under her majesties Seal delivered me to that use. Straight charging and commanding all her majesties subjects in those parts, as they will avoid her highness displeasure and their own harms, to honour his authority, and have due respect unto the same, aiding and assisting him there with their people and goods in any cause requisite to her majesties good service, and commodity of her dominions. In witness whereof I have confirmed and sealed these presents at Rapamat my mansion house by Pera over against Constantinople, the 20 of june 1583. A letter of directions of the English Ambassador to M. Richard Forster, appointed the first English Consul at Tripoli in Syria. COusin Forster, these few words are for your remembrance when it shall please the Almighty to sand you safe arrival in Tripoli of Syria. When it shall please God to sand you thither, you are to certify our Nation at Tripoli of the certain day of your landing, to the end they both may have their house in a readiness, and also meet you personally at your entrance to accompany you, being yourself appareled in the best manner. The next, second, or third day, after your coming, give it out that you be crazed and not well disposed, by means of your travel at Sea, during which time, you and those there are most wisely to determine in what manner you are to present yourself to the Beglerbi, Cadi, and other officers: who every of them are to be presented according to the order accustomed of others formerly in like office: which after the note of john Blank, late Uice-consull of Tripoli for the French, delivered you herewith, is very much: and therefore, if thereof you can save any thing, I pray you do it, as I doubt not but you will. They are to give you there also another janissary according as the French hath; whose outward proceed you are to imitate and follow, in such sort as you be not his inferior, according as those of our Nation heretofore with him resident can inform you. Touching your demeanour after your placing, you are wisely to proceed considering both French and Venetian will have an envious eye on you: whom if they perceive wise and well advised, they will fear to offer you any injury. But if they shall perceive any insufficiency in you, they will not omit any occasion to harm you. They are subtle, malicious, and dissembling people, wherefore you must always have their doings for suspected, and warily walk in all your actions: wherein if you call for God's divine assistance, as doth become ●uery faithful good Christian, the same shall in such sort direct you as he shall be glorified, yourself preserved, your doings blessed, and your enemies confounded. Which if contrariwise you omit and forget, your enemy's malice shallbe satisfied with your confusion, which God defend, and for his mercy's sake keep you. Touching any outlopers of our nation, which may happen to come thither to traffic, you are not to suffer, but to imprison the chief officers, and suffer the rest not to traffic at any time, and together enter in such bonds as you think meet, that both they shall not deal in the Grand Signiors dominions, and also not harm, during their voyage, and his subjects ships, vessels, or whatsoever other, but quietly departed out of the same country without any harm doing. And touching those there for the company, you are to defend them according to your privilege & such commandments as you have had hence, in the best order you may. In all and every your actions, at any hand, beware of rashness and anger, after both which repentance followeth. Touching your dealings in their affairs of merchandise, you are not to deal otherwise then in secret and counsel. You are carefully to foresee the charge of the house, that the same may be in all honest measure to the companies profit and your own health through moderation in diet, and at the best hand, and in due time to provide things needful, to save what may be: for he that buyeth every thing when he needeth it, harmeth his own house, and helpeth the retailer. So as it is, in mine opinion, wisdom to foresee the buying of all things in their native soil, in due time, and at the first hand every year, as you are to sand the company the particular accounts of the same expenses. Touching yourself, you are to cause to be employed fifty or threescore ducats, videlicet, twenty in Soap, and the rest in Spices, whereof the most part to be Pepper, whereof we spend very much. The Spices are to be provided by our friend William Barrat, and the Soap buy you at your first arrival, for that this ship lading the same commodity will 'cause it to amount in price. From our mansion Rapamat, the fift of September 1583. A letter to the right honourable William Hareborne her majesties Ambassador with the Grand signor from Alger. RIght honourable, we have received your honours letters dated in Constantinople the 5 of November, and accordingly delivered that enclosed to the king of this place, requiring of him, according as you did command us in her majesties name, that he would vouchsafe to give order to all his Captains & Rays that none of them should meddle with our English ships coming or going to or from these parts, for that they have order not to pass by the Christian coast, but upon the coast of Barbary, and showing him of the charter given by the Grand signor, requiring him in like case that for the better fulfilling of the amity, friendship and holy league between the Grand signor and her Majesty, he would give us five or six safeconducts for our ships, that meeting with any of his galleys or galliots, they might not meddle with them neither shoot at them: who made me answer he would neither give me any safe conduct nor commission to his men of war not to meddle with them, for that he trusted to take some of them this year, and made good account thereof. In like manner I spoke to the chief of the janisers and the Levents, who made me answer, the best hope they had this year was to take some of them, and although they have the Grand Signiors commandment we care not therefore: for we will by policy, or one means or other provoke them to shoot some ordinance, which if they do but one piece, the peace is broken, and they be good prizes. And some of them say further, we care not for their safeconduct, for if they show it us, we will convey it away, we are sure the dogs cannot be believed against us. The premises considered, your honour is with all speed to procure the Grand signor his favourable letters directed to Hazan, the Cady, Captains, janisers, & Levents, & another like to Romadan Bassa, king of Tripoli, commanding them in no manner whatsoever to deal with our English ships bond into those parts or returning thence with their commodities, although they should shoot one at another: for when our ships shall meet them, for that, as your honour is advertised, the galleys of Carthagena, Florence, Sicilia and Malta have made a league to take all our ships coming in or going out of the Grand Signiors dominions, therefore if they meet with any of these galleys of Alger or Tripoli, thinking they be of them, and not knowing them a far off, they may shoot at them, which if therefore they should make them prizes, were against God's laws, the Grand signor his league, all reason and conscience, considering that all the world doth know that merchants ships laden with merchandise do not seek to fight with men of war, but contrariwise to defend themselves from them, when they would do them harm. Wherefore i● your honour do not get out two letters of the Grand signor as aforesaid, & sand them hither with all speed by some one of your gentlemen accompanied with a chaus of the Court, or some other of the Grand Signiors servants, it is impossible that our English ships can escape freely from these or the Christians: for either they must of force go on the Christian coast, and so fall into their hands, or else on this coast, and fall into the kings of this town, or Tripoli, their hands, which if they should, will never be recovered. And if your honour cannot obtain this thing, I beseech your honour in the behalf of all the English merchants (who sent me hither to follow such order as your honour should give me) to certify her Majesty, to the end that they may be commanded to leave off traffic, and not to loose their goods, and her poor subjects the Mariners. And thus humbly taking my leave, I desist from troubling your honour. From Algiers the tenth of February 1583. A letter of M. Harborne to Mustapha, challenging him for his dishonest dealing in translating of three of the Grand signor his commandments. DOmine Mustapha, nescimus quid sibi velit, cum nobis mandataad finem utilem concessa perperàm reddas, quae male scripta, plus damni, quam utilitatis adferant: quemadmodum constat ex tribus receptis mandatis, in quibus summum aut principale de est aut aufertur. In posterum noli itanobiscum agere. Ita enim ludibrio erimus omnibus in nostrum & tuum dedecus. Cum nos multarum actionum spem Turcicè scriptarum in tua prudentia reponimus, ita providere debes, ut non eveniant huius modi m●la. Quocirca deinceps cum mandatum aut scriptum aliquod accipias, verbum ad verbum convertatur in Latinum sermonem, ne damnum insequatur. Nosti multos habere nos inimicos conatibus nostris invidentes, quorum malitiae vestrae est prudentiae adversari. Hi nostri, Secretarius & minimus interpres ex nostra part dicent in tribus illis receptis mandatis errata. Vt deinceps similes errores non eveniant precamur. Ista emendes, & caetera Serenissimae regiae Maiestatis negocia, uti decet vestrae conditionis hominem, meliùs cures. Nam unicuique suo officio strenue est laborandum ut debito tramite omnia succedant: quod spero te facturum. Bene vale. The Passport in Italian granted to Thomas Shingleton Englishman, by the king of Algiers. 1583. NOi Assan Bassa Vicere & lochotenente e capitan dellae iurisditicne de Algiers doniamo e concediamo libero saluo condutto a Thomas Shingleron mercadante, i possi con suo vassello e marinari de che natione se siano, emercadantia di qualsi voglia natione, andare & venire, e negotiare, e contrattare liberament in questa citta de Algiers & altri lochi de la nostra iurisditione cosi di ponente comi di Levante: & cosi anchora commandiamo all capitan di mare di Algiers & d●altri lochi de nostra iurisditione, Raise de Vasselli & capitanis de Levante, & altri capitanis di vasselli tanto grossi common picholi, si commanda a qual si voglia, che trovando il sopradetto Thomas Shingleton Inglese nell● mari di Genua, Francia, Napoli, Calabria, e Sardigna con suo vassello e mercantia, & homini de che nationi si siano, non gli debba molestare, nepiggliare, ne toccare cosa de nessuna manera tanto di denare, common di qualsi voglia al●ra robba, sotto la pena e disgratia di perdir la vita & lar●bba: Et per quanto havete a caro la gràtia del Gran Signior nostro patron Soltan Murates Ottomano, lo lasciarete andare per suo camino senza dargli nessuno impedimento. Dato in Algieri in nostro reggio Palazzo, sigillato del nostro reggio sigillo, e sermato della gran ferma, & scritto del nostro reggio Secretario, il di 23 de jenaro, 1583. The same in English. WE Assan basha Uiceroy and lieutenant, and captain of the jurisdiction of Algiers, give and grant free safeconduct to Thomas Shingleton merchant, that with his ship and mariners, of what nation so ever they be, & with his merchandise of what country soever, he may go and come, and trade & traffic freely in this city of Algiers, and other places of our jurisdiction, as well of the West as of the East. And in like sort we further command the captain of the sea of Algiers, and other places of our jurisdiction, the Reiz of vessels & captains of the Levant, & other captains of vessels aswell great as small, whosoever they be, we do command them, that finding the foresaid Thomas Shingleton Englishman in the seas of Genua, France, Naples, Calabria, and Sardinia, with his ship and merchandise, and men of what nation soever they be, that they molest them not, neither take nor touch any kind of thing of there's, neither money nor any other kind of goods, under pain and peril of losing of their lives and goods: and as you make account of the favour of the Grand Signior our lord Sultan Murates Hottoman, so see you let him pass on his way without any manner of impediment. Dated at Alger in our kingly palace, signed with our princely Signet, and sealed with our great seal, and written by our Secretary of estate, the 23. of januarie, 1583. A letter written in Spanish by Sir Edward Osborne, to the king of Alger, the 20. of july, 1584. in the behalf of certain English captives there detained. MVy alto y poderoso Rey, Sea seruida vostra alteza. Como la muy alta y potentissima magestad del Gran Senor tiene hecho articulos de privilegios con la Serenissima Magestad de nuestra Reyna d'Inglatierra, para los vassallos della poder librement your y boluer, y tratar por mar y tierra en los dominios de su potentissima Magestad, Como a la clara paresee por los dichos articulos, de che embiamos el tractado all Senor ivan Tipton nuestro commissario, parale muestrar a vostra Alteza. Contra el tenor de los quales articulos por dos galeras de su ciudad de Alger hasido hechado all fondo en la mar un des nuestros navios que venia de Patras, que es en la Morea, cargado de corintes y otras mercaderias, que allá se compraron, y las mas de la gente del lafoy matadoes y abogadoes en la mar, y el resto estan detenidospor esclavos: cosa muy contraria a los dichos articulos y privilegios. Que es occasion, que por esto supplicamos a vostra Alteza muy humilment, que, pues que la potentissima magestad del Gran Sennor es seruida nos favorescer por los dichos articulos, tambien sea seruida vostra Alteza assistirnos en elloes, otorg andonos por vostra autoridad su aiuda y favour, segun que esperamos para que puedan estar libres, y boluer para aca aquelloes pobres hombres ansi hechor esclavos, common dicho es. Y ansi mismo, que mand vostra Alteza dare orden a los capitanes, maestres y gente de las galeras, que nos dexen de aqui adelante hazer nuestro trafico conseys naos cada anno para Turquia a los dominios deal gran Sennor a paz y asaluo, por not contrariar a los dichos nuestros privilegios, Llevando cada una de nuestras dichas naos por se conoscer un salno condutto de su alta & potentissima magestad. Y con esta vostra tan senallada merced y favour que en esso reciberemos, quedaremos nosotros congrandissima obligation a vostra Alteza de seruirla por ello, segun que el dicho Sennor ivan Tipton, a quien nos reportamos de todo lo demas, mejor informera vostra Alteza: Cuya serenissima persona y estado supplicamos y pidimos a Dios omnipotent prosper y accrescente con toda felicitad y honra. De la ciudad de Londres a los veynte dias de julio del mill y quinientoes y ochenta y quatro annos. Albina seruitio de vuestra Alteza per y en number de todos les tratantes en Turquia, Io el Mayor de Londres, Edward Osborne The same in English. RIght high and mighty king, May it please your highness to understand, that the most high and most mighty majesty of the Grand Signior hath confirmed certain articles of privileges with the most excellent majesty of our Queen of England, that her subjects may freely go and come, and traffic by sea and land in the dominions of his most mighty majesty, as appeareth more at large by the said articles, whereof we have sent the copy unto M. joh. Tipton our Commissary, to show the same unto your highness. Against the tenor of which articles, one of our ships which came from Patras which is in Morea, laden with corants and other merchandizes which were bought in those parts, was sunk by 2. galleys of your city of Alger, An English ship sunk by two galleys of Alger. and the greatest number of the men thereof were slain and drowned in the sea, the residue being detained as slaves: An act very contrary to the meaning of the aforesaid articles and privileges: which is the occasion that by these presents we beseech your highness very humbly, that since it hath pleased the most mighty majesty of the Grand Signior to favour us with the said privileges, it would please your Highness in like manner to assist us in the same, granting us by your authority, your aid and favour, according as our hope is, that these poor men so detained in captivity, as is aforesaid, may be set at liberty, & return into their country. And likewise that your highness would sand to give order to the captains, masters and people of your galleys, that from henceforth they would suffer us to use our traffic with six ships yearly into Turkey unto the dominions of the Grand Signior in peace and safety, that they do not withstand those our said privileges, every one of our foresaid ships carrying with them a passport of his most high and most mighty majesty to be known by. And for that your so singular favour and courtesy which in so doing we shall receive, we on our part with all bound duty unto your highness, will seek to honour you in that behalf, according as the said master john Tipton (to whom we refer ourselves touching all other circumstances) shall more at large inform your highness, whose most excellent person and estate, we pray and beseech almighty God to prospero and increase with all felicity and honour. From the City of London, the 20. of july, 1584. At the service of your highness, for and in the name of our whole company trading into Turkey, I Mayor of London, Edward Osburne. Notes concerning the trade of Alger. The money of Alger. THe money that is coined in Alger is a piece of gold called Asiano, & Doublaes', and two Doublaes' make an Asiano, but the Doubla is most used, for all things be sold by Doublaes', which Doubla is fifty of their Asper's there. The Asper there is not so good by half & more, as that in Constantinople: for the Chekin of gold of the Turks made at Constantinople is at Alger worth an 150. Asper's, and at Constantinople it is but 66. Asper's. The pistolet and royals of plate are most current there. The said pistolet goeth for 130. Asper's there: & the piece of 4. royals goeth for 40. Asper's, but oftentimes is sold for more, as men need them to carry up into Turkey. Their Asianos and Doublaes' are pieces of course gold, worth here but 40. s. the ounce, so the same is currant in no place of Turkey out of the kingdom of Alger, neither the Asper's, for that they be less than others be, for they coin them in Alger. The custom. The custom to the king is inward 10. per centum, to the Turk, to be paid of the commodity itself, or as it shall be rated. There is another custom to the Ermine, of one & an half per centum, which is to the justice of the Christians: the goods for this custom are rated as they are for the king's custom. Having paid custom innards, you pay none outwards for any commodity that you do lad, more than a reward to the gate keepers. The weights. The weight there is called a Cantare for fine wares, as metals refined, and spices, etc. which is here 120. li. subtle. metal not refined, as lead, iron, and such gross wares, are sold by a great Cantare, which is half as big again: so it is 180. li. subtle of ours here. The measure. The measure of corn is by a measure called a Curtia, which is about 4. bushels of our measure, and corn is plentiful there and good cheap, except when there happeneth a very dry year. The surest lodging for a Christian there is in a jews house: for if he have any hurt, the jew and his goods shall make it good, so the jew taketh great care of the Christian and his goods that lieth in his house, The surest lodging for a christian. for fear of punishment. An Englishman called Thomas Williams, which is M. john Tiptons' man, lieth about trade of merchandise in the street called The Soca of the jews. Notes concerning the trade in Alexandria. ALexandria in Egypt is a free port, and when a man cometh within the castles, presently the Ermyn sends aboard to have one come and speak with him, to know what goods are aboard: and then he will set guards aboard the ship to see all the goods discharged. And then from the Ermine you go to the This is another officer. Buy, only for that he will inquire news of you, and so from thence to the Consul's house where you lie. The Uenetians have a Consul themselves. But all other nations go to the French nations Consul, who will give you a chamber for yourselves apart, if you will so have it. The customs inward of all commodities are ten in the hundred, & the custom is paid in wares also that you buy: Other small customs you pay besides, which may be at two in the hundred: and for ●onsullage you pay two in the hundred. for the same wares in barter you pay also ten in the hundred, at the lading of the wares. But if you cell for money, you pay no more custom but the ten aforesaid, and one and a half in the hundred, which is for the custom of the goods you lad for the said money, for more custom you pay not. But for all the money you bring thither, you pay nothing for the custom of the same. And if you cell your wares for money, and with the same money buy wares, you pay but two in the hundred for the custom thereof. And if you steal any custom, if it be taken, you pay double custom for that you steal. The weight of Alexandria is called Pois Forforeine, which is a kintal in that place, which maketh at Marseils 109. li. of Marseils weight, at 15 ounces the pound, which is 103. li. of 16. ounces to the li. There is another weight called Pois Gerrin, which is 150. li. of Marseils weight, by which are sold all things to eat: but spice is sold by the former weight. From Alexandria to Cairo is three days journey, Cairo three days journey from Alexandria by land. but you must take a janissarie with you: & to go up thither by water it is 8. days journey. Royals of Spain are currant money there, and are the best money you can carry. And 4. royals are worth 13. Medins, and 2. Medins, are 3. Asper's. Pistolets and crowns of France and Dollars will go, but of all Royals are best. Rice is not permitted to go out of the land, but is kept for a victual. But with a present to the Buy and Ermine some may pass. All sorts of spices be garbled after the bargain is made, and they be moors which you deal withal, which be good people and not ill disposed. And after you be searched & have leave to pass, you must presently departed out of the port, and if you do not, they will search you again. And you must departed in the day, for in the night the castles will not suffer you to departed. The duty to the Consul is 2. in the hundred, for his aid, and meat and drink and all. And the port of Alexandria is good when one is within it with good anchors and cables. Silver is better currant than gold in Alexandria, but both are good. Commonly the Caravans come thither in October from Mecca to Cairo, and from thence to Alexandria, where the merchants be that buy the spices, and therefore the spices are brought most to Alexandria, where each Christian nation remains at the Consul's houses. Yet oftentimes the christians go up to Cairo to buy drugs & other commodities there, as they see cause. And the commodities there vendible are all sorts of kerseys, but the most part blewes, and of clotheses all colours except mingled colours and blacks. Pepper is usually sold for 24. ducats the quintal, Ginger for 14. ducats. You must take canvas to make bags to put your commodity in from Alexandria, for there is none. There is also fine flax, and good store of Buff hides. A letter of the English ambassador to M. Edward Barton. MAster Barton I sand you 3. commandments in Turkish, with a copy thereof in English, to the end our ships might not come in danger of breach of league, if they should shoot at the galleys of those of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli in the West: which after you have showed the Bassas, receive again into your hands, and see them registered, and then deliver one of them to our friend M. Tipton, & the like you are to do with the privilege which you carry with you, and see them jointly registered in the Cadies' book, delivering the copy of the said privilege sealed by the Cadi, also to the said our friend M. Tipton, taking a note of his hand for the receipt thereof, and for delivery at all times to us or our assigns. And require them in her majesties and the grand Signors name, that they will have our ships passing too and fro under licence and safeconduct for recommended in friendly manner. Touching your proceed in Tripoli with Romadan, as I have not received any advise thereof, since your departure, so must I leave you to God and my former direction. The ship patronised of Hassan Rays, which you written to be ours, proved to be a Catalonian. As for ours, by report of that Hassan and other jews in his ship, it was affirmed to be sold to the Mal●eses, which with the rest you are to receive there. And having ended these affairs and registered our privilege, and these three commandments, in Tripoli, Tunis, and Alger, I pray you make speedy return, and for that which may be recovered, make over the same either to Richard Rowed for Patrasso in Morea, or otherwise hither to john Bate in the surest manner you may, if the registering of that your privilege and these commandments will not suffer you in person to return with the same. From my Mansion Rapamat in Pera this 24. of june 1584. The commandment obtained of the Grand signor by her majesties ambassador M. Will. Hareborne, for the quiet passing of her subjects to and from his dominions, sent in An. 1584. to the Viceroys of Algiers, Tunis & Tripoli in Barbary. To our Beglerbeg of Algiers. WE certify thee by this our commandment, that the right honourable Will. Hareborne ambassador to the Queen's majesty of England hath signified unto us, that the ships of that country in their coming and returning to and from our Empire, on the one part of the Seas have the Spaniards, Florentines, Sicilians and Maltese, on the other part our countries committed to your charge: which above said Christians will not quietly suffer their egress and regress, into, and out of our dominions, but do take and make the men captives, and forfeit the ships and goods, as the last year the Maltese did one, which they took at Gerbi, and to that end do continually lie in wait for them to their destruction, whereupon they are constrained to stand to their defence at any such time as they might meet with them. Wherefore considering by this means they must stand upon their guard, when they shall see any galley afar off, whereby if meeting with any of your galleys and not knowing them, in their defence they do shoot at them, and yet after when they do certainly know them, do not shoot any more, but require to pass peaceably on their voyage, which you would deny, saying, the peace is broken because you have shot at us, and so make prize of them contrary to our privileges, and against reason: for the preventing of which inconvenience the said ambassador hath required this our commandment. We therefore command thee, that upon sight hereof thou do not permit any such matter in any sort whatsoever, but suffer the said Englishmen to pass in peace according to the tenor of our commandment given, without any disturbance or let by any means upon the way, although that meeting with thy galleys, and not knowing them afar off, they taking them for enemies should shoot at them, yet shall you not suffer them to hurt them therefore, but quietly to pass. Wherefore look thou that they may have right, according to our privilege given them, & finding any that absenteth himself, & will not obey this our commandment, presently certify us to our porch, that we may give order for his punishment, and with reverence give faithful credit to this our commandment, which having read, thou shalt again return it unto them that present it. From our palace in Constantinople, t●e 1. of june 1584. A letter of the honourable M. Wil Hareborne her majesties ambass. with the grand signor to M. Tipton, appointing him Consul of the English in Algiers, Tunis, & Tripoli of Barbary. MAster Tipton, I have received among others, yours of the 10. of November 1584. by Soliman Sorda, certifying the receipt of mine of the 24. of june 1584. with the 3. commandments, which not being registered, let it now be done. Where you writ the force of the privilege to be broken by our ships in shooting, & therefore be lawfully taken, you are deceived, for of those taken in them, hath the grand signor now delivered us free, Wil Moor, and Rob. Rawlings, & further promised the rest in like case, wheresoever they be, & that hereafter no violence shallbe showed, considering ours be merchants ships which go peaceably in their voyage, & were ignorant of the orders of Algiers, neither known afar off whether they were friends or the Christians galleys in league against us, of whom they most doubted, who not suffering our ships to come into these parts, will make prize of the goods & captive the men, so as they are not to let them come nigh them: & since ours have not done contrary to the articles of the same privilege, wherein is no order for Algiers prescribed us, as both by the original now sent us, & also by the copy now sent you from London you may perceive, they according to right are as abovesaid to be set free, and their goods restored, which if it be not there accomplished as the grand signor hath now commanded & most faithfully premised, neither yet in case of their denial, those offenders punished here, and our injuries redressed, we are to demand our Congee, & command our merchants her majesties subjects, to end their traffic here, which in our country commodities is proved & found by the grand signor to be so beneficial to his countries as we are assured so well thereof, as also for the honour which his ancestors never had of friendship with so mighty a prince as is her majesty, he will not but maintain the faith promised her, & the intercourse in due force. And where you say that the grand Signior his letters, in the behalf of the French, were no more accepted there, then of a mean man, nor took no place, that is not material to us, our letters are after another sort much more effectual. For our case & there's be found far different, in that they be not only now out of favour with him, but also the commodities which they bring hither, as sugar, paper, bracelets, ropes of baste almonds, etc. all which may be here welspared, & we contrarily so well esteemed, as he never denied us any thing since our coming demanded, which neither their ambassador, nor the Venetian could have here, & therefore we rest persuaded, knowing the wisdom of the Beglerbeg, who is advised by his friends from hence, of this our credit with his master, he will so respect his commandments, as to accomplish the tenor thereof according to our desire. And where you say that the janizers rule all there, I know right well that if things be not done as the grand signor commands, his lieutenant must answer it. And therefore I am fully persuaded if he do what he may they dare not resist him, for if they should, those rebels should not be unpunished of the grand signor. And though they speak their pleasures among themselves there, yet they be not so brutish, but they well consider that their master the grand signor may not be gainsaid or mocked of any. For upon his word dependeth the life or death ●uē of the chiefest, as I have seen since my coming hither. So whatsoever these janissaries say, they will be better advised in their deeds then to withstand their Uiceroy, if he himself will use his lawful power, which if he do not, he cannot purge himself here of their evil proceed against the grand Signiors friends: for the feet may not rule the body, but contrariwise, the head, the feet, and all the rest of the members. And for that neither for fear, affection or otherwise you omit as a faithful true subject to her majesty to do your duty, I do by my warrant going herewith charge you, & in her majesties name, to the uttermost to use your good and faithful endeavour, as becometh a true subject, & in all things that may concern her majesties good service, assisting the Chaus with the rest of our messengers in counsel, travel, & what else shall be thought requisite for your good discharge of your duty. And to the end you may boldly proceed herein as also for the good opinion sir Edward Osborne & the company have of you, and I no less persuaded of your wisdom, upright dealing, & good experience in those parts, do sand you herewith the grand Signiors & our patents for exercising the office of Consul there, in Tripoli & Tunis: by virtue of which authority you may without fear proceed as the office doth challenge in defence of our privilege, to redress all injuries offered our nation. Which if you cannot get reform there of the Beglerbies' upon your complaint, I thereof advertised, shall do it here, and to the uttermost maintain you in all rightful causes whatsoever, doubt you not. And hereafter according to your advise, I will and do give our ships order not to fight with any galleys of Alger, but to hoist out their skiff and and go aboard to show them their safeconduct, & to present the captain with a garment, & you there in such like case are to take order that they do not forcibly take any thing from them. Nothing doubting but the Uiceroy (whose friendship in her majesties behalf I desire) will not only perform the same your just request, & according to right, restore to liberty our men since the privilege taken, but also 'cause those that took & sunk our ships to answer the value, which I have set down truly, and rather with the lest in the Inventory translated into Turkish, The Inventory of our ships and goods sunk and taken by the galleys of Alger. whereof the enclosed is the copy in English, which I sand to the end you may be the better informed of my demand by this our Chaus Mahomet, with whom in all things you are to confer of matters expedient, for the honour of her majesties country, & the commodity, and liberty of poor captives, which if the Uiceroy do well consider, according to his wisdom, as the grand signor doth thereof, he shall well perceive it not only a great honour to his master as aforesaid, to continued this amity with her majesty, but chief to the whole estate of his kingdom exceeding profitable, which by this means shall be abundantly served with the chiefest commodities they want, with many other things of more importance to the grand signor his contentation, not herein to be mentioned. For I know the Uiceroies' experienced wisdom can well consider thereof, in such sort as he will not deny to accomplish his master's commandment, & our earnest request in so small a matter as this we require, whereof I expect no refusal: for thereby he shall increase his honour with the grand signor, be in credit with her majesty, be voided of trouble which hereafter by future suit against him may happen, and his galleys free of such doubtful issue as doth chance, fight with our ships. Which, as it is well known to all the world, have so great hearts as never cowardly to yield to their enemies. And that therefore in that respect (after the proverb, like esteem of their like) they are the more of such a valiant prince as is their Uiceroy and his courageous soldiers to be in all friendship cherished and better esteemed. If the captain Bassa had been returned from Capha, I would in like manner have procured his letters, which for that he is not, I doubt nothing but that the grand Signiors will suffice. Thus commending yourself and these proceed to the almighty his merciful direction, I did you most hearty well to far. From my mansion Rapamat nigh Pera, this 30, of March 1585. Series vel registrum valoris navium, bonorum, & hominum per triremes Argerienses ereptorum, una cum captivorum hominum nominibus, Beglerbego Argeriensi Hassano. 1 SAlomon de Plymouth habuit 36. homines, onerata cum sale, onere trecentorum doliorum, valour Florenorum 5600. 2 Elizabetha de Garnesey cum decem hominibus Anglis, reliquis Britonibus, valour Florenorum 2000 3 Maria Martin de London onere centum & triginta doliorum, rectore Thoma More cum triginta quinque hominibus, revertens de Patrasso cum mandato Caesareo, valour Florenorum 1400. 4 Elizabeth Stokes de London, rectore David Filly de London, Patrassum veniens cum mandato Caesareo: huius praecipuus valour eratin talleris numeratis, quos habuit Richardus Gibben, qu● adduxit etiam Serenissimae Regineae maiestatis literas Caesari & oratori. Valour reliquus in mercibus una cum superiori in talleris effecit Florenorum 21500. 5 Nicolaus de London, rectore Thoma Forster, onerata cum vuis siecis, valour Florenorum 4800. In tempore Romadan Beglerbegi Argirae spoliatae & ereptae naves, merces, & homines. 1 IVdith de London, rectore jacobo Bear, cum hominibus 24. valour Florenorum 3100. 2 jesus de London, rectore Andraea Dier, cum 21. hominibus. Valorem ●uius & 14. homines, reliquis mortuis, reddidit Romadan Bassa Tripolitanus Secretario legati, Edwardo Barton, valour Florenorum 9000. Nomina hominum mancipatorum & viventium tunc temporis, quando Caesar illustrissimus, & dominus Orator Chauseum Mahumetem miserunt Algiram. 1 Ante foedus initum in nave Peter de Bristol. John Winter. Robert Barton. 2 In nave Swallow de London. Rich. Crawford. Anthony Eluers. Wil Rainolds. Post foedus initum in nave Britona. James Young. 1 In nave Rabnet de Hampton. Thomas Lisney. 2 In nave Solomon. John Tracie. Wil Griffith. Wil Cock. 1 In nave Elizabeth. john Woodward, Giles Naper, Leonard james, Oliver Dallimore, and Richard Maunsell. 2 In nave Maria Martin. Thomas Moor, Wil White, Wil Palmer, Nich. Long, Peter March, Rich. Haslewood, Wil duly, Wil Cowel, john Frank, Henry Parker, john Cavendish, Moses Robinson, james Sotherich, Henry Howel, Nich. Smith, Henry Ragster, Rich. Davison, Rich. Palmer. 3 In nave Elizabeth Stokes. David Filly, Walter Street, Laurence Wilkins, Morgan davis, john Quinte, Ambrose Harison, john Peterson, Tristram Uois, Roger Rib. 4 In nave Nicholas, Thomas Forster rector navis & eius nautae. To Assan Aga, Eunuch & Treasurer to Hassan Bassa king of Alger, which Assan Aga was the son of Fran. Rowlie of Bristol merchant, taken in the Swallow. I Received your letters of Will. Hamor gentleman my servant very thankfully, aswell for the fervent faith that by his report I hear you have in our lord jesus Christ, by whose only merits and bloodshedding, you together with us and all other good Christians so truly believing, shallbe saved, as also for your faithful obedience like a true subject to her Majesty, naturally loving your country & countrymen, declared in your favourable furtherance of the said Wil Hamore, procuring their redemption. Of which your good & virtuous actions, as I rejoice to understand, so will I impart the same to your singular commendation, both to our mistress her Majesty, & her most honourable counsellors the nobility of England, to whom assure yourself the report shallbe very welcome. And now this second time I am enforced by duty to God & her majesty, as also by the small regard your master had of the Grand Signors former commandments, to complain unto him, though not so vehemently as I had occasion by his most unworthy answer. But I hope, & the rather by your means, he will not contrary this second commandment, threatening him, not observing the same, loss of office & life. The due execution whereof by your virtuous & careful industry procured, will manifest to all the world, especially to her majesty, & me her ambassador, your true christian mind & English heart, intentively bend to God's honour, & the liberty of the poor men, for which I trust you be ordained another joseph, to follow his example in true piety, in such sort that notwithstanding your body be subject to Turkish thraldom, yet your virtuous mind free from those vices, next under God addict to the good service of your liege Lady & sovereign princes, her most excellent majesty, will continually seek by all good means to manifest the same in this & the like faithful service to your singular commendation, whereby both myself & others in that place having found you in all good offices faithfully affectionated, may in like case perform the like towards you, when & where you may have occasion to use me: which as I for my part do assuredly promise', & will no less faithfully perform; so accordingly I expect herein, and hereafter the like of you, whom most hearty saluted I commend to the divine tuition and holy direction. From my house Rapamat, this 28. of june 1586. Your loving and good friend her majesties Ambassador with the Grand Signior, Will. Har●borne. A petition exhibited to the Viceroy for reformation of sundry injuries offered our nation in Morea, as also for sundry demands needful for the establishing of the traffic in those parts. 1 FIrst that our people may be freed of such wont molestation, as the Ia●isers of Patrasso have always from time to time offered them, not regarding the king's commandments to the contrary. That they be removed and called away from thence, and none other remain in their place. 2 That where heretofore the king's commandments have been granted to ours, that no person whatsoever shall forcibly take from them any of their commodities, otherwise then paying them before the delivery thereof, for the same in ready money, at such price as they themselves will, and cell ordinarily to others, as also that no officer whatsoever, of the kings or any other, shall force them to buy any commodities of that country, otherwise then the needful, at their own will and pleasure, that the said commandments not heretofore obeyed may be renewed with such strait charge for the execution of the same, as is requisite for their due effect. 3 That whereas sundry exactions and oppressions be offered ours by such Bees, Sanjacbies, justices and Cadies, janissaries, Capagies, and others, officers of the kings coming down into those parts, who finding there resident no other nation but only ours, will under the name of presents forcible take from them what they please: We do require to obuent these harms, it may be specified by a commandment from the king to which of such his officers, presents may be given, and their sundry values, whereby both they and ours may rest contented, severely prohibiting in the said commandment, that they take no more than that appointed them, and that no other officers but those only specified in that commandment, do forcibly require of them any thing whatsoever. 4 That the Nadir and Customer of the port, having permitted our ship to lad, do not after demand of the merchants any other than the outward custom due to the king for the same goods. And being so laden, may by them and the Cadie with other their inferior officers be visued, requiring for the visiting no more than formerly they were accustomed to pay at their first coming. After which the said ship to departed at the Consul's pleasure, without any molestation of them, or any other officer whatsoever. 5 That Mahomet Chaus, sometime Nadir of Lepanto, and Azon Agon his substitute being with him may be severely punished to the example of others, for often and unjustly molesting our nation, contrary to the king's commandment, which they disdainfully contemned, as also that the said Mahomet restore and pay unto ours thirty for 300 sackoes of currants now taken forcibly out of a bark, coming thither from the higher parts of Morea, to pay the king his custom, and that from hence forth, neither the said Mahomet, Azon Agon, nor any other officer or person whatsoever do hinder or trouble any of ours going thither or to any other place about their affairs. 6 That whereas certain jews of Lepanto owing money to our merchants for commodities sold them, have not hitherto satisfied them, notwithstanding ours had from the king a commandment for the recovery of the same debts, but fled and absented themselves out of the Town at the coming of the same, another more forcible commandment may be granted ours, that for nonpaiment, whatsoever may be fo●id of there's in goods, houses, vineyards, or any other thing, may be sold, and ours satisfied of their said debt, according to equity and reason. A commandment to Patrasso in Morea. WHen this commandment shall come unto you, know you, that the Consul of the English Nation in our port of Patrasso, hath given us to understand, that formerly we granted him a commandment that having paid once custom for the currants bought to lad in their ships, they shall not pay it again: according to which they bringing it to the port of Petrasso, informing thereof Mahomet the Nadir of Lepanto, he contrary to the tenor thereof and former order, doth again take another custom of him, and requiring him to know why he so did contrary to our commandment, he answered us, he took it not for custom, but for a present. Moreover the said Consul certified us how that the said Nadir contrary to to ancient custom doth not take for the kings right as he aught currents, but will have of the poor men money at his pleasure, and therewith buyeth currents at a very low price, which after he doth forcibly cell to us at a much higher price, saying it is remainder of the goods of the king, and by this means doth hurt the poor men and do them wrong. Wherefore I command you by this my commandment, that you look to this m●tter between this Consul, the Nadir, and this people, and do therein equally according to right. And see that our commandment in this matter be observed in such sort, as they having once in the port paid full custom, do not pay it again, neither that this Nadir do take any more money of them by the way of present, for that therein it is most certain he doth them injury contrary to the Canon. And if with you shall be found to the value of one Asper taken heretofore wrongfully of them, see it presently restored to them, without any default. And from henceforth see that he do neither him nor his people wrong, but that he deal with them in all things according to our Canon, that the Consul and his hereafter have no occasion any more to complain here in our Court, and that the Nadir proceed in gathering corants of the people after the old order and not otherwise. This know you for certain, and give credit to this my commandment, which having read deliver again into the Consul's hands. From Constantinople the year of Mahomet 993. A commandement for Chio. VObis, Beg & Cadi & Ermini, qui estis in Chio, significamus: quòd serenissimae Regineae Maiestatis Angliae orator, qui est in excelsa porta per literas significavit nobis, quod ex navibus Anglicis una navis venis●ec ad portum Chio, & illinc Constantinopolim recto cursu voluisser venire, & contra privilegium derinuistis, & non sivistis venire. Hec praedictus orator significavit nobis: & petivit a nobis in hoc negocio hoc mandatum, ut naves Anglicae veniant & redeant in nostras ditiones Caesareas. Privilegium datum & concessum est ex part Serenitatis Caesareae nostrae: & huius privilegij copia data est sub insigni nostro: Et contra nostrum privilegium Caesareum quodita agitur, quae est causa? Quando cum hoc mandato nostro homines illorum ad vos venerint ex praedicta Anglia, si navis venerit ad portum vestrum, & sires & merces ex nave exemerint, & vendiderint, & tricessimam secundam partem reddiderint, & res quae manserint Constantinopolim auferre velint, patiantur: Et si aliquis contra privilegium & arriculos eius aliquid ageret, non sinatis, nec vos facite: & impediri non sinatis eos, ut rectà Constantinopolim venientes in suis negotiationibus sine molestia esse possint. Et quicunque contra hoc mandatum & privilegium nostrum aliquid fecerit, nobis significate. Huic mandato nostro & insigni fidem adhibete. In principio mensis Decembris. A commandement for Baliabadram. SErenissimae Reginae Angliae orator literis supplicatorijs in porta nostra fulgida significavit, quod Balia●adram venientes mercatores, naves & homines eorum, contra privilegium impedirentur & molestarentur. Inter nos enim & Reginam cum foedus sit, ut mercatores, homines & naves eorum contra privilegium impediantur aut molestentur, nullo unquam pacto concedimus. Mandamus igitur, ut literae nostrae Caesareae, quàm primum tibi exhibitae fuerint, has in persona propria cures, secundum quod convenit, videasque ex Anglia Baliabadram cum mercibus venientibus mercatoribus, & alias ob causas venientibus hominibus, in summa Angliensibus & navibus eorum, & in navibus existentibus mercibus & rebus contra foedus & privilegium, iniuria, vis aut damnum non inferatur: sed, ut convenit, defendas, ut naves, mercatores, & homines, nostri velut proprij subditi, liberi ab omni vi & iniuria permaneant, & negotijs suis incumbant. Et quod illius loci janisseri illos impedirent, significatum est: ut illi illis nocumento sint nullo modo concedimus. juxta tenorem mandati huius illos commonefacias, ut nihil quicquam contra foedus faciant, ita ut nunquam huiusmodi querela huc veniat, quia quicquid acciderit, a te expostulabimus. Negligentiam postponito, & insigni Cesareo fidem adhibeto. A commandment for Egypt. SCito, quod orator Reginae Angliae in porta mea existens libellum supplicem ad portam nostram mittens significavit, quod cum ex AEgypto Consul eorum abesset, Consulillic Gallicus existens, Vento nuncupatus, quamuis ante haec tempora ne manus in Anglos mitteret mandatum nostrum fuerit datum, Angli sub vexillo & tutela nostra sunt inquiens, mandatum Caesareum vili existimans, non cessavit perturbare Anglos. Quare scito quod Reginae Angliae privilegium nostrum est datum. juxta illud privilegium Anglis nulla ratione Consul Gallicus Consulatum agat, neve manus immittat, mandatum nostrum postulavit eius legatus. Quare mando, ut contra privilegium nostrum Consul Gallicus Anglis iniuriam non inferat, neve Consulatum agat. judici AEgypti literae nostrae sunt datae: hanc ob causam mando tibi quoque, ut juxta illud mandatum nostrum, contra privilegium nostrum Anglis Gallum Consulatum agere nunquam patiare, Sic scito, & insigni meo fidem adhibeto. A commandment of the Grand signor to the Cadie or judge of Alexandria. THe Ambassador for the Queen's most excellent Majesty of England certified us how that at the death of one of their merchants in Alexandria called Edward Chamberlain, the French Consul Vento sealing up his fondego and chamber, took under his seal all his goods and merchandise into his power, and required our commandment that all the goods might be restored again according to justice unto the Englishmen: wherefore we command you that having received this our commandment, you assemble those of the one part and of the other together, and if it be not passed five years, if you have not looked to it heretofore, now carefully look to it, & if it be according to their Arz or certificate presented unto us, that the foresaid French Consul Vento hath wrongfully token into his power the goods of the deceased English merchant under h●s seal, that then you 'cause him to restore all the said goods and merchandise sealed by him, and make good that which is thereof wanting unto the English merchants: do in this matter according to justice, and credit this our seal. A commandment to the Bassa of Alexandria. THe Ambassador for the Queen's most excellent Majesty of England by supplication certified us, how that notwithstanding our privilege granted them to make Consuls in all parts of our dominions to govern their nation according to their own custom & law, to defend them against all wrongs and injuries whatsoever; yet that the French Consul affirming to thee that art Bassa, that they were under his banner, and that he should govern them, and oversee their business, and having got a new privilege, mentioning therein the English men to be under his banner, did by all means molest & trouble them, insomuch that their Consul oppressed with many injuries fled away, and that thou which art Beglerbie didst maintain the French Consul herein; whereupon the Ambassador required our commandment, that they might have justice for these injuries: wherefore we command thee that having received this our commandment, you examine diligently that his privilege, and sand the copy thereof hither, and if it be found that the French Consul Vento hath by subtlety got the aforesaid privilege written, that you then see him punished, and suffer not hereafter the French or Venetian Consuls to intermeddle with their business, Obey this our commandment, and give credit to the seal. A commandment to the Bees, and Cadies of Metelin and Rhodes, and to all the Cadies and Bees in the way to Constantinople. TO the Saniakbies of Rhodes and Metelin, to the Saniacbies bordering on the sea-coast, and to the Cadies in Rhodes and Metelin, and to the Ermines in the other ports and coasts. This commandment coming to you, know that the Ambassador of England required of us our commandment that their ships coming to Chio, & from thence to Constantinople, no man should hurt them or offer any violence, either in the way on the sea or on the land, or in the ports. I have commanded, that their ships coming to any of the said places or ports with merchandise, if they themselves will, they may cell their commodities, & as much, and as little as they will, and if it be in a place where custom was not wont to be taken, having taken the custom due by the old Canon you suffer them not to be injuried, either in the way, ports, or other places, but that they may come in quietness to Constantinople, and certify us of those that be disobedient to our commandment, and give credit to our seal. And having read this our commandment, give it to them again. A commandment for Aleppo. WHen my letters shall come unto you, know that the Queen of England her Ambassador by supplication certified how that before this time we had given our commandment that the sum of 70 ducats, & other merchandise belonging to one William Barret in Aleppo, now bead, saying he was a Venetian, should be given to the Uenetians. And if they did found that he was not a Venetian, my will was that they should sand all his goods and merchandise to our port into my treasury. But because that man was an Englishman, the Ambassador required that the said goods might not be diminished, but that they might be restored to one of their Englishmen. This business was signified unto us in the nine hundred ninety & fourth year of Mahomet, and in the month of May the 10 day. This business pertaineth to the Englishmen, who have in their hands our privilege, according to which privilege being in their hands let this matter be done. Against this privilege do nothing, ask nothing of them, but restore to every one his goods. And I command that when my commandment shall come unto you, you do according to it. And if it be according as the Ambassador certified, and that they have the privilege, peruse the same, look that nothing be committed against it and our league, and let none trouble them contrary to it, restore them their goods according to justice, and take heed diligently in this business: if another strange merchant be dead, and his goods and merchandise be taken, if he be neither Venetian, nor Englishman, let not his goods perish among you. Before this time one of our Chauses called Cerkes Mahomet chaus was sent with our commandment to send the money and merchandise of a dead merchant to our port, and hitherto no letters or news is come of this matter, for which you shall be punished. Wherefore beware, and if he that is dead be neither Venetian nor Englishman in verity, do not lose the goods of the said dead merchant under the name of a Venetian or Englishman, do not to the discommodity of my treasury, for after it will be hard to recover it. The voyage made to Tripoli in Barbary, in the year 1583. with a ship called the jesus, wherein the adventures and distresses of some Englishmen are truly reported, and other necessary circumstances observed. Written by Thomas Sanders. THis voyage was set forth by the right worshipful sir Edward Osborne knight, chief merchant of all the Turkish company, and one master Richard Staper, the ship being of the burden of one hundred tons, called the jesus, she was builded at Farmne a river by Portsmouth. The owners were master Thomas Thomson, Nicholas Carnaby, and john Gilman. The master was one Aches Hellier of Blackwall, and his Mate was one Richard Morris of that place: their Pilot was one Anthony jerado a French man, of the province of Marseils: the purser was one William Thomson our owner's son: the merchant's factors were Roman Sonnings a Frenchman, and Richard Skegs servant unto the said master Staper. The owners were bond unto the merchants by charter party thereupon, in one thousand marks, that the said ship by God's permission should go for Tripoli in Barbary, that is to say, first from Portsmouth to Newhaven in Normandy, from thence to saint Lucar, otherwise called Saint Lucas in Andeluzia, and from thence to Tripoli, which is in the East part of Africa, and so to return unto London. Man doth purpose, and God doth dispose. But here aught every man to note and consider the works of our God, that many times what man doth determine God doth disappoint. The said master having some occasion to go to Farmne, took with him the Pilot and the Purser, and returning again by means of a perrie of wind, the boat wherein they were, was drowned, with the said master, the purser, and all the company: only the said Pilot by experience in swimming saved himself: these were the beginnings of our sorrows. After which the said master's mate would not proceed in that voyage, and the owner hearing of this misfortune, and the unwillingness of the master's mate, A new master choose. did sand down one Richard Deimond, and shipped him for master, who did choose for his Mate one Andrew Dier, and so the said ship departed on her voyage accordingly: that is to say, about the 16 of October, in An. 1583. she made sail from Portsmouth, and the 18 day then next following she arrived at Newhaven, where our said last master Deimond by a surfeit died. The new master died. The factors than appointed the said Andrew Dier, being then master's mate, to be their master for that voyage, who did choose to be his Mates the two quarter masters of the same ship, to wit, Peter Austin, and Shillabey, and for Purser was shipped one Richard Burges. Afterwards about the 8 day of November we made sail forthward, and by force of weather we were driven back again into Portesmouth, where we renewed our victuals and other necessaries, and then the wind came fair. About the 29 day then next following we departed thence, and the first day of December by means of a contrary wind, we were driven to Plymouth. The 18 day then next following, we made foorthward again, & by force of weather we were driven to Falmouth, where we remained until the first day of january: at which time the wind coming fair, we departed thence, and about the 20 day of the said month we arrived safely at S. Lucar. And about the 9 day of March next following, we made sail from thence, and about the 18 day of the same month we came to Tripoli in Barbary, The jesus arrived in Tripoli. where we were very well entertained by the king of that country, and also of the commons. The commodities of that place are sweet oils: the king there is a merchant, and the rather (willing to prefer himself before his commons) requested our said factors to traffic with him, and promised them that if they would take his oils at his own price, they should pay no manner of custom, and they took of him certain tons of oil: and afterward perceiving that they might have far better cheap notwithstanding the custom free, they desired the king to licence them to take the oils at the pleasure of his commons, for that his price did exceed there's: whereunto the king would not agreed, but was rather contented to abate h●s price, insomuch that the factors bought all their oils of the king custom free, and so laded the same aboard. In the mean time there came to that place one Miles Dickenson in a ship of Bristol, Another ship of Bristol came to Tripoli. who togother with our said Factors took a house to themselves there. Our French Factor Roman Sonnings desired to buy a commodity in the marke●, and wanting money, desired the said Miles Dickenson to lend him an hundred Chikinoes until he came to his lodging, which he did, and afterward the same Sonnings met with Miles Dickenson in the street, and delivered him money bond up in a napkin: saying, master Dickenson there is the money that I borrowed of you, and so thanked him for the same: he doubted nothing less than falsehood, which is seldom known among merchants, and specially being together in one house, and is the more detestable between Christians, they being in Turkey among the heathen. The said Dickenson did not tell the money presently, until he came to his lodging, and then finding nine Chikinoes lacking of his hundred, which was about three pounds, for that every Chikino is worth seven shillings of English money, he came to the said Roman Sonnings and delivered him his handkerchief, and asked him how many Chikinoes he had delivered him? Sonnings answered, an hundred: Dickenson said no: and so they protested and sworn on both parts. But in the end the said Roman Sonnings did swear deeply with detestable oaths and curses, and prayed God that he might show his works on him, that other might take ensample thereby, and that he might be hanged like a dog, and never come into England again, if he did not deliver unto the said Dickenson an hundred Chikinoes. And here behold a notable example of all blasphemers, cursers and swearers, how God rewarded him accordingly: for many times it cometh to pass, that God showeth his miracles upon such monstrous blasphemers, to the ensample of others, as now hereafter you shall hear what befallen to this Roman Sonnings. There was a man in the said town a pledge, whose name was Patron Norado, who the year before had done this Sonnings some pleasure there. The foresaid Patron Norado was indebted unto a Turk of that town, in the sum of four hundred and fifty crowns, for certain goods sent by him into Christendom in a ship of his own, and by his own brother, and himself remained in Tripoli as pledge until his said brothers return: and, as the report went there, after his brother's arrival into Christendom, he came among lewd company, and lost his brothers said ship and goods at dice, and never returned unto him again. The said Patron Norado being void of all hope, A conspiracy practised by the French Factor, to deceive a Turkish merchant of 450 crowns and finding now opportunity, consulted with the said Sonnings for to swim a seaboorde the Islands, and the ship being then out of danger, should take him in (as after was confessed) and so to go to Tolon in the province of marseils with this Patron Norado, and thereto take in his lading. The ship being ready the first day of May, and having her sails all aboard, our said Factors did take their leave of the king, who very courteously bid them farewell, and when they came aboard, they commanded the Master and the company hastily to get out the ship: the Master answered that it was unpossible, for that the wind was contrary and overblowed. And he required us upon forfeiture of our bands, that we should do our endeavour to get her forth. Then went we to warp out the ship, and presently the king sent a boat aboard of us, with three men in her, commanding the said Sonnings to come a shore: at whose coming, the king demanded of him custom for the oils: Sonnings answered him that his highness had promised to deliver them custom free. But notwithstanding the king weighed not his said promise, and as an infidel that hath not the fear of God before his eyes, nor regard of his word, albeit he was a king, he caused the said Sonnings to pay the custom to the uttermost penny. And afterward willed him to make haste away, saying, that the janissaries would have the oil ashore again. These janissaries are soldiers there under the great Turk, and their power is above the Kings. And so the said Factor departed from the king, and came to the waterside, and called for a boat to come aboard, and he brought with him the foresaid Patron Norado. The beginning of their troubles, and occasion of all their misery. The company inquisitive to know what man that was, Sonnings answered, that he was his countryman, a passenger: I pray God said the company, that we come not into trouble by this man. Then said Sonnings angrily, what have you to do with any matters of mine: if any thing chance otherwise then well, I must answer for all. Now the Turk unto whom this Patron Norado was indebted, missing him (supposed him to be aboard of our ship) presently went unto the King, and told him that he thought that his pledge Patron Norado was aboard of the English ship, whereupon the King presently sent a boat aboard of us, with three men in her, commanding the said Sonnings to come a shore, and not speaking any thing as touching the man, he said that he would come presently in his own boat, but assoon as they were go, he willed us to warp forth the ship, and said that he would see the knaves hanged before he would go a shore. And when the king saw that he came not a shore, but still continued warping away the ship, he strait commanded the gunner of the bulwark next unto us, to shoot three shoots without ball. Then we came all to the said Sonnings, and asked of him what the matter was that we were shot at, he said that it was the janissaries who would have the oil a shore again, and willed us to make haste away, and after that he had discharged three shots without ball, he commanded all the gunner's in the town to do their endeavour to sink us, but the Turkish gunner's could not once strike us, wherefore the king sent presently to the Banio: (this Banio is the prison whereas all the captives lay at night) and promised if that there were any that could either sink us, or else 'cause us to come in again, he should have a hundred crowns, and his liberty. With that came forth a Spaniard called Sebastian, which had been an old servitor in Flanders, and he said, that upon the performance of that promise, he would undertake either to sink us, or to 'cause us to come in again, and thereto he would gauge his life, and at the first shot he split our rudders head in pieces, and the second shot he strake us under the water, and the third shot he shot us through our foremast with a culverin shot, and thus he having rend both our rudder and mast, and shot us under water, we were enforced to go in again. This Sebastian for all his diligence herein, had neither his liberty, nor an hundred crowns, so promised by the said king, but after his service done was committed again to prison, whereby may appear the regard that the Turk or infidel hath of his word, although he be able to perform it, yea more, though he be a king. Then our merchants seeing no remedy, they together with five of our company went a shore, and then they ceased shooting: they shot unto us in the whole, nine and thirty shoots, without the hurt of any man. And when our merchants came a shore, the King commanded presently that they with the rest of our company that were with them, should be cheined four & four, to a hundred weight of iron, and when we came in with the ship, there came presently above an hundred Turks aboard of us, and they searched us, and stripped our very clotheses from our backs, & broke open our chests, and made a spoil of all that we had: and the Christian caitiffs likewise that came aboard of us made spoil of our goods, and used us as ill as the Turks did. And our master's mate having a Geneva Bible in his hand, there came the kings chief gunner, and took it out from him, who showed me of it, and I having the language, went presently to the king's treasurer, and told him of it, saying, that sith it was the will of God that we should fall into their hands, yet that they should grant us to use our consciences to our own discretion, as they suffered the Spaniards and other nations to use there's, and he granted us: then I told him that the master gunner had taken away a Bible from one of our men: the Treasurer went presently and commanded him to deliver up the Bible again, which he did: & within a little after he took it from the man again, and I showed the Treasurer of it, and presently he commanded him to deliver it again: saying, thou villain, will't thou turn to Christianity again? for he was a Renegado, which is one that first was a Christian, and afterwards becometh a Turk, and so he delivered me the Bible the second time. And then I having it in my hand, the gunner came to me, and spoke these words, saying, thou dog, I will have the book in despite of thee, and took it from me, saying: If thou tell the king's treasurer of it any more, by Mahomet I will be revenged of thee. Notwithstanding I went the third time unto the king's Treasurer, and told him of it, and he came with me, saying thus unto the gunner: by the head of the great Turk, if thou take it from him again, thou halt have an hundred bastonadoes. And forthwith he delivered me the book, saying, he had not the value of a pin of the spoil of the ship, which was the better for him, as hereafter you shall hear: for there was none, neither Christian nor Turk that took the value of a pennyworth of our goods from us, but perished both body and goods within seventeen months following, as hereafter shall plainly appear. Then came the Guardian Bassa, which is the keeper of the king's captives, to fetch us all a shore, and then I remembering the miserable estate of poor distressed captives, in the time of their bondage to those infidels, went to mine own chest, and took out thereof a jar of oil, and filled a basket full of white Ruske to carry a shore with me, but before I came to the Banio, the Turkish boys had taken away almost all my bread, and the keeper said, deliver me the jar of oil, and when thou comest to the Banio thou shalt have it again, but I never had it of him any more. But when I came to the Banio, and saw our Merchants and all the rest of our company in chains, and we all ready to receive the same reward, what heart in the world is there so hard, but would have pitied our cause, hearing or seeing the lamentable greeting there was betwixt us: all this happened the first of May, 1584. And the second day of the same month, the King with all his counsel sat in judgement upon us. The Englishmen arraigned. The first that were had forth to be arraigned, were the Factors, and the Masters, and the King asked them wherefore they came not a shore when he sent for them. And Roman Sonnings answered, that though he were king on shore, and might command there, so was he as touching those that were under him: and therefore said, if any offence be, the fault is wholly in myself, and in no other. Then forthwith the king gave judgement, that the said Roman Sonnings should be hanged over the North-east bulwark, from whence he conveyed the forenamed Patron Norado, and then he called for our Master Andrew Dier, and used few wor●es to him, and so condemned him to be hanged over the walls of the Westermost bulwark. Then fallen our other Factor (named Richard Skegs) upon his knees before the king, and said, I beseech your highness either to pardon our Master, or else suffer me to die for him, for he is ignorant of this cause. And then the people of that country favouring the said Richard Skegs besought the king to pardon them both. So then the king spoke these words: Behold, for thy sake, I pardon the Master. Then presently the Turks shouted, and cried, saying: Away with the Master from the presence of the king. And then he came into the Banio whereas we were, and told us what had happened, and we all rejoiced at the good hap of master Skegs, that he was saved, and our Master for his sake. But afterward our joy was turned to double sorrow, for in the mean time the king's mind was altered: for that one of his counsel had advised him, that unless the Master died also, by the law they could not confiscate the ship nor goods, neither captive any of the men: whereupon the king sent for our Master again, Master Dier condemned to be hanged over a bulwark. and gave him another judgement after his pardon for one cause, which was that he should be hanged. Here all true Christians may see what trust a Christian man may put in an infidels promise', who being a King, pardoned a man now, as you have herded, and within an hour after hanged him for the same cause before a whole multitude: and also promised our Factors their oils custom free, and at their going away made them pay the uttermost penny for the custom thereof. And when that Roman Sonnings see no remedy but that he should die, he protested to turn Turk, hoping thereby to have saved his life. Then said the Turk, If thou will't turn Turk, A Frenchman turned Turk, in hope of his life, and afterward was hanged. speak the words that thereunto belong: and he did so. Then said they unto him, Now thou shalt die in the faith of a Turk, and so he did, as the Turks reported that were at his execution. And the forenamed Patron Norado, whereas before he had liberty and did nothing, he then was condemned slave perpetual, except there were payment made of the foresaid sum of money. Then the king condemned all us, who were in number six and twenty, of the which, two were hanged (as you have herded) and one died the first day we came on shore, by the visitation of Almighty God: and the other three and twenty he condemned slaves perpetually unto the great Turk, and the ship and goods were confiscated to the use of the great Turk: and then we all fallen down upon our knees, giving God thanks for this sorrowful visitation, and giving ourselves wholly to the Almighty power of God, unto whom all secrets are known, that he of his goodness would vouchsafe to look upon us. Here may all true Christian hearts see the wonderful works of God showed upon such infidels, blasphemers, whoremasters, and renegade Christians, and so you shall read in the end of this book, of the like upon the unfaithful king and all his children, and of as many as took any portion of the said goods. But first to show our miserable bondage and slavery, Every five men allowed but two pennies of bread a day. and unto what small pittance and allowance we were tied, for every five men had allowance but five aspers of bread in a day, which is but two pennies English: and our lodging was to lie on the bore boards, with a very simple cape to cover us, we were also forcibly and most violently shaven, head and beard, and within three days after. I and six more of my fellows, together with fourscore Italians and Spaniards were sent forth in a Galeot to take a Greekish Carmosell, which came into Africa to steal Negroes, and went out of Tripoli unto that place, which was two hundred and forty leagues thence, but we were chained three and three to an oar, and we rowed naked above the girdle, and the Boatswain of the Galley walked abaft the mast, and his Mate afore the mast, and each of them a bulls pissell dried in their hands, and when their devilish choler rose, they would strike the Christians for no cause: And they allowed us but half a pound of bread a man in a day without any other kind of sustenance, water excepted. And when we came to the place whereas we see the Carmosell, we were not suffered to have neither needle, bodkin, knife, or any other weapon about us, nor at any other time in the night, upon pain of one hundred bastonadoes: we were then also cruelly manackled in such sort, that we could not put our hands the length of one foot asunder the one from the other, and every night they searched our chains three times, to see if they were fast riveted: We continued fight with the Carmosell three hours, and then we took it, and lost but two of our men in that fight, but there were slain of the Greeks five, and fourteen were cruelly hurt, and they that were sound, were presently made slaves, and chained to the oars: and within fifteen days after we returned again into Tripoli, and then we were put to all manner of slavery. I was put to hew stones, and other to carry stones, and some to draw the Cart with earth, and some to make mortar, and some to draw stones, (for at that time the Turks builded a church: The Turks builded a church. ) And thus we were put to all kind of slavery that was to be done. And in the time of our being there, the Moors that are the husbandmen of the country, rebelled against the king, because he would have constrained them to pay greater tribute than heretofore they had done, so that the Soldiers of Tripoli marched forth of the town to have joined battle against the Moors for their rebellion, and the King sent with them four pieces of Ordinance, which were drawn by the captives twenty miles into the Country after them, and at the sight thereof the Moors fled, and then the Captains returned back again. Then I and certain Christians more were sent twelve miles into the country with a Cart to load timber, and we returned again the same day. The Christians sent 3. times a week 30. miles to fetch wood. Now the king had 18. captives, which three times a week went to fetch wood thirty miles from the town: and on a time he appointed me for one of the 18. and we departed at eight of the clock in the night, and upon the way as we road upon the camels, I demanded of one of our company, who did direct us the way? he said, that there was a Moor in our company which was our guide: and I demanded of them how Tripoli and the wood bore one of the other? and he said, East Northeast, and West Southwest. And at midnight or near thereabouts, as I was riding upon my camel, I fallen asleep, and the guide and all the rest road away from me, not thinking but I had been among them. When I awoke, and finding myself alone dared not call nor hollow, for fear lest the wild moors should hear me, because they hold this opinion, that in kill a Christian they do God good service: and musing with myself what were best for me to do, if I should do forth, and the wild moors should hap to meet with me, they would kill me: and on the other side, if I should return back to Tripoli without any wood or company, I should be most miserably used: therefore of two evils, rather I had to go forth to the losing of my life, then to turn back and trust to their mercy, fearing to be used as before I had seen others: for understanding by some of my company before, how Tripoli and the said wood did lie one of another, by the North star I went forth at adventure, and as God would have it, I came right to the place where they were, even about an hour before day: there altogether we rested and gave our camels provender, and assoon as the day appeared, we road all into the wood: and I seeing no wood there, but a stick here and a stick there, about the bigness of a man's arm growing in the sand, it caused me to marvel how so many camels should be laden in that place. The wood was juniper, we needed no axe nor edge tool to cut it, but plucked it up by strength of hands roots and all, which a man might easily do, and so gathered it together, a little at one place and so at another, and laded our camels, and came home about seven of the clock that night following: because I fallen lame, and my camel was tired, I left my wood in the way. Eighteen captives run away from Tripoli. There was in Tripoli that time a Venetian, whose name was Benedetto Venetiano, and seventeen captives more of his company, which ran away from Tripoli in a boat, and came in sight of an Island called Malta, which lieth forty leagues from Tripoli right North, and being within a mile of the shore, & very fair weather, one of their company said, In dispetto de dio adesso venio a pilliar terra, The judgement of God upon blas●●e●●ers. which is as much to say: In the despite of God I shall now fetch the shore, and presently there arose a mighty storm, with thunder and rain, and the wound at North, their boat being very small, so that they were enforced to bear up room, and to shear right afore the wind over against the coast of Barbary from whence they came, and rowing up and down the coast, their victuals being spent, the 21. day after their departure they were enforced through the want of food to come ashore, thinking to have stolen some sheep: but the Moors of the country very craftily perceiving their intent, gathered together a threescore horsemen, and hide themselves behind a sandy hill, and when the Christians were come all a shore, and past up half a mile into the country, the Moors road betwixt them and their boat, and some of them pursued the Christians, and so they were all taken and brought to Tripoli, from whence they had before escaped: and presently the king commanded that the foresaid Benedetto with one more of his company should loose their ears, and the rest should be most cruelly beaten, which was presently done. This king had a son which was a ruler in an Island called Gerbi, whereunto arrived an English ship called the Green Dragon, The Green Dragon. of the which was Master one M. Blonket, who having a very unhappy boy in that ship, and understanding that whosoever would turn Turk should be well entertained of the king's son, this boy did run a shore, and voluntarily turned Turk. Shortly after the king's son came to Tripoli to visit his father, and seeing our company, he greatly fancied Richard Burges our Purser, and james Smith: they were both young men, therefore he was very desirous to have them to turn Turks, but they would not yield to his desire, saying: We are your father's slaves, and as slaves we will serve him. Then his father the king sent for them, and asked them if they would turn Turks? And they said: If it please your highness, Christians we were born, and so we will remain, and beseeched the king that they might not be enforced thereunto. The king had there before in his house a son of a yeoman of our Queen's guard, whom the king's son had enforced to turn Turk, his name was john Nelson: him the king caused to be brought to these young men, and then said unto them: The King's son had a captive that was son to one of the Queen's majesties guard, that was forced to turn Turk. Will not you bear this your countryman company, and be Turk as he is: And they said, that they would not yield thereunto during life. But it fallen out, that within a month after, the king's son went home to Gerbi again, being six score miles from Tripoli, and carried our two foresaid young men with him, which were Richard Burges, and james Smith: and after their departure from us, they sent us a letter, signifying that there was no violence showed unto them as yet, but within three days after they were violently used, for that the king's son demanded of them again, if that they would turn Turk? Then answered Richard Burges, a Christian I am, and so I will remain. Then the king's son very angrily said unto him: By Mahomet thou shalt presently be made Turk. Then called he for his men, and commanded them to make him Turk, and they did so, and circumcised him, and would have had him speak the words that thereunto belonged, but he answered them stoutly that he would not: and although they had put on him the habit of a Turk, yet said he, A Christian I was born, and so I will remain, though you force me to do otherwise. And then he called for the other, and commanded him to be made Turk perforce also: but he was very strong, for it was so much as eight of the king's sons men could do to hold him, so in the end they circumcised him, and made him Turk. Now to pass over a little, and so to show ●he manner of our deliverance out of that miserable captivity. In May aforesaid, The first motion for those Englishmens delivery. shortly after our apprehension, I written a letter into England unto my father dwelling in Eavistoke in Devonshire, signifying unto him the whole estate of our calamities: and I written also to Constantinople to the English Ambassador, both which letters were faithfully delivered. But when my father had received my letter, and understood the truth of our mishap, and the occasion thereof, and what had happened to the offenders, he certified the right honourable the earl of Bedford thereof, who in short space acquainted her highness with the whole cause thereof, and her Majesty like a most merciful princess tendering her Subjects, presently took order for our deliverance. Whereupon the right worshipful sir Edward Osborne knight directed his letters with all speed to the English Ambassador in Constantinople, to procure our delivery: and he obtained the great Turk's Commission, and sent it forthwith to Tripoli, by one Master Edward Barton, together with a justice of the great Turks, and one soldier, and another Turk, and a Greek which was his interpreter, which could speak besides Greek, Turkish, Italian, Spanish and English. And when they came to Tripoli, they were well entertained. And the first night they did lie in a captains house in the town: all our company that were in Tripoli came that night for joy to Master Barton and the other Commissioners to see them. Then master Barton said unto us, welcome my good countrymen, and lovingly entertained us, and at our departure from him, he gave us two shillings, and said, Serve God, for to morrow I hope you shall be as free as ever you were; We all gave him thanks and so departed. The next day in the morning very early, the King having intelligence of their coming, sent word to the keeper, that none of the Englishmen (meaning our company) should go to work. Then he sent for Master Barton and the other Commissioners, and demanded of the said Master Barton his message: the justice answered, that the great Turk his Sovereign had sent them unto him, signifying that he was informed that a certain English ship, called the jesus, was by him the said king confiscated, about twelve months since, and now my said Sovereign hath here sent his especial commission by us unto you, for the deliverance of the said ship and goods, and also the free liberty and deliverance of the Englishmen of the same ship, whom you have taken and kept in captivity. And further the same justice said, I am authorised by my said sovereign the great Turk to see it done: And therefore I command you by virtue of this commission, presently to make restitution of the premises or the value thereof: and so did the justices deliver unto the King the great Turk's commission to the effect aforesaid, which commission the king with all obedience received: The Englishmen released. and after the perusing of the same, he forthwith commanded all the English captives to be brought before him, and then willed the keeper to strike off all our irons, which done, the king said, You Englishmen, for that you did offend the laws of this place, by the same laws therefore some of your company were condemned to die as you know, and you to be perpetual captives during your lives: notwithstanding, seeing it hath pleased my sovereign lord the great Turk to pardon your said offences, and to give you your freedom and liberty, behold, here I make delivery of you to this English Gentleman: so he delivered us all that were there, being thirteen in number, to Master Barton, who required also those two young men which the King's son had taken with him. Then the king answered that it was against their law to deliver them, for that they were turned Turks: and touching the ship and goods, the king said, that he had sold her, but would make restitution of the value, and as much of the goods as came unto his hands, and so the king arose and went to dinner, and commanded a jew to go with Master Barton and the other commissioners, to show them their lodging, which was a house provided and appointed them by the said king. And because I had the Italian & Spanish tongues, by which their most traffic in that country is, Master Barton made me his Cater to buy his victuals for him and his company, and delivered me money needful for the same. Thus were we set at liberty the 28. day of April, 1585. The plagues and punishments that happened to the King and his people. Now to return to the king's plagues and punishments, which Almighty God at his will and pleasure sendeth upon men in the sight of the world, and likewise of the plagues that befallen his children and others aforesaid. First when we were made bondmen, being the second day of May 1584. the king had 300. captives, and before the month was expired, there died of them of the plague 150. And whereas there were 26. men of our company, of whom two were hanged, and one died the same day that we were made bondslaves: that present month there died nine more of our company of the plague, and other two were forced to turn Turks as before is rehearsed: and on the fourth day of june next following the king lost 150. camels, which were taken from him by the wild Moors: The king lost 150. Camels, taken by the wild Moors. and on the 28. day of the said month of june, one Geffrey Maltese, a renegado of Malta, ran away to his country, and stolen a Brigandine which the king had builded for to take the Christians withal, and carried with him twelve Christians more which were the king's captives. Afterwards about the tenth day of july next following, the king road forth upon the greatest and fairest mare that might be seen, as white as any swan: he had not ridden forty paces from his house, but on a sudden the same mare fallen down under him stark dead, and I with six more were commanded to bury her, skin, shoes and all, which we did. And about three months after our delivery, Master Barton, with all the residue of his company, departed from Tripoli to Zante, in a vessel, called a Settea, of one Marcus Segoorus, who dwelled in Zante, and after our arrival at Zante we remained fifteen days there aboard our vessel, before we could have Platego, (that is, leave to come a shore) because the plague was in that place, from whence we came: and about three days after we came a shore, thither came another Settea of Marseils bond for Constantinople. Then did Master Barton, and his company, with two more of our company, ship themselves as passengers in the same Settea, and went to Constantinople. Two Englishmen shipped to Constantinople with M. Barton. But the other nine of us that remained in Zante, about three months after, shipped ourselves in a ship of the said Marcus Segoorus, which came to Zante, and runs bond for England. The soldiers of Tripoli kill the King. In which three months, the soldiers of Tripoli killed the said king. And then the King's son, according to the custom there, went to Constantinople, to surrender up all his father's treasure, goods, captives, and concubines, unto the great Turk, and took with him our said Purser Richard Burges, and james Smith, and also the other two Englishmen, which he the said king's son had enforced to become Turks, as is aforesaid. And they the said Englishmen finding now some opportunity, concluded with the Christian captives which were going with them unto Constantinople, being in number about one hundred and fifty, to kill the king's son, and all the Turks which were aboard of the Galley, and privily the said Englishmen conveyed unto the said Christian captives, weapons for that purpose. And when they came into the main Sea, toward Constantinople (upon the faithful promise of the said Christian captives) these four Englishmen leapt suddenly into the Crossia, that is, into the midst of the Galley, where the canon lieth, and with their sword drawn, did fight against all the foresaid Turks, and for want of help of the said Christian captives, who falsely broke their promises, the said Master Blonkets boy was killed, and the said james Smith, and our Pursser Richard Burges, and the other Englishmen, were taken and bond into chains, to be hanged at their arrival in Constantinople: and as the Lords will was, about two days after, passing through the gulf of Venice, at an Island called Cephalonia, they met with two of the duke of Venice his Galleys, which took that Galley, and killed the king's son, and his mother, and all the Turks that were there, in number 150. and they saved the Christian captives, Two Galleys of Venice took the king of Tripoli his galley, and killed the king's son, and all the Turks in it, and released all the Christians being in number 150. and would have killed the two Englishmen because they were circumcised, and become Turks, had not the other Christian captives excused them, saying that they were enforced to be Turks, by the king's son, and showed the Venetians also, how they did enterprise at sea to fight against all the Turks, and that their two fellows were slain in that fight. Then the Venetians saved them, and they, with all the residue of the said captives, had their liberty, which were in number 150. or there abouts, and the said Galley, and all the Turks treasure was confiscated to the use of the state of Venice. And from thence our two Englishmen travailed homeward by land, and in this, mean time we had one more of our company, which died in Zante, and afterward the other eight shipped themselves at Zante, in a ship of the said Marcus Segorus, which was bond for England: and before we departed thence, there arrived the ascension, and the George Bonaventure of London in Cephalonia, in a harbour there, called Arrogostoria, whose Merchants agreed with the Merchants of our ship; and so laded all the merchandise of our ship into the said ships of London, who took us eight in as passengers, and so we came home, and within two months after our arrival at London, our said Purser Richard Burges, and his fellow-rame home also: for the which we are bond to praise Almighty God, during our lives, and as duty bindeth us, to pray for the preservation of our most gracious Queen, for the great care her Majesty had over us, her poor Subjects, in seeking and procuring of our deliverance aforesaid: and also for her honourable privy Counsel, and I especial for the prosperity and good estate of the house of the late deceased, the right honourable the Earl of Bedford, whose honour I must confess, most diligently at the suit of my father now departed, travailed herein: for the which I rest continually bound to him, whose soul I doubt not, but is already in the heavens in joy, with the Almighty, unto which place he vouchsafe to bring us all, that for our sins suffered most vile and shameful death upon the Cross, there to live perpetually world without end, Amen. The Queen's letters to the Turk 1584. for the restitution of the ship called the jesus, and the English captives detained in Tripoli in Barbary, and for certain other prisoners in Argier. ELIZABETHA, Deiter maximi & unici, coeli terreque conditoris gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, fidei Christianae contra omnes omnium inter Christianos degentium, Christíque nomen falsò profitentium idololatrias, invictissima & potentissima defensatrix: augustissimo, invictissimóque principi, Zultan Murad Can, Musulmanici regni dominatori potentissimo, imperijque Orientis Monarchae, supra omnes soli & supremo salutem, & multos cum summa rerum optimarum affluentia foelices & fortunatos annos. Augustissime & potentissime Imperator, biennio iam peracto, ad Caesaream vestram Maiestatem scripsimus, ut dilectus noster famulus Guilrelmus Harebornus, vir ornatissimus pro legato nostro Constantinopoli, alijsque Musulmanici imperij ditionibus, sublimi vestra authoritate reciperetur: simuletiam Angli subditi nostri commercium & mercaturam, in omnibus illis provincijs exerceant, non minùs liberè quàm Galli, Poloni, Veneti, Germani, caeteríque vestri confoederati, qui varias Orientis parts peragrant, operam navantes, ut mutuis commercijs coniungatur Oriens cum Occidente. Quae privilegia, cum nostris subditis Anglis invictissima vestra Maiestas literis & diplomate suo liberalissimè indulserit, facere non potuimus, quin quas maximas animus noster capere potest gratias, eo nomine ageremus: sperantes fore, ut haec insti●uta commerciorum ratio maximas utilitates, & commoda utrinque, tam in imperij vestri ditiones, quàm regni nostri provincias secum adferat. Id ut planè fiat, cùm nuper subditi nostri nonnulli Tripoli in Barbaria & Argellae ab eius loci incolis voluntatem vestram fortè nescientibus malè habiti fuerint, & immaniter divexati, Cesaream vestram Maiestatem benevolè rogamus, ut per Legatum nostrum eorum causam cognoscas, & postremò earum provinciarum proregibus ac praefectis imperes, ut nostri liberè in illis locis, sine vi autiniuria deinceps versari, & negotia gerere possint. Et nos omni opera vicissim studebimus ea omnia praestare, quae Imperatoriae vestrae Maiestati ullo pacto grata fore intelligemus: quam Deus unicus mundi conditor optimus maximus diutissime incolumem & florentem servet. Da●ae in palatio nostro Londini, quinto d●e Mensis Septembris: anno JESV CHRISTI Seruatoris nostri, 1584. Regni verò nostri vicessimo sexto. The same in English. ELizabeth, by the grace of the most high God, and only maker of heaven and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queen, and of the Christian faith, against all the Idolaters and false professors of the Name of CHRIST dwelling among the Christians, most invincible and puissant defender: to the most valiant and invincible Prince Zultan Murad Can, the most mighty ruler of the kingdom of mussulman, and of the East Empire the only and highest Monarch above all, health, and many happy and fortunate years, with great abundance of the best things. Most noble and puissant Emperor, about two years now passed, we written unto your Imperial Majesty, that our well-beloved servant, William Har●borne, a man of great reputation and honour, might be received under your high authority, for our Ambassador in Constantinople, and other places, under the obedience of your Empire of mussulman: And also that the Englishmen, being our Subjects, might exercise intercourse and merchandise in all those Provinces, no less freely than the French, Polonians, Venetians, Germans, and other your confederates, which travail through divers of the East parts: endeavouring that by mutual traffic, the East may be joined and knit to the West. Which privileges; when as your most puissant Majesty, by your letters and under your dispensation most liberally and favourably granted to our Subjects of England, we could no less do, but in that respect give you as great thanks, as our heart could conceive, trusting that it will come to pass, that this order of traffic, so well ordained, will bring with itself most great profits and commodities to both sides, as well to the parties subject to your Empire, as to the Provinces of our kingdom. Which thing that it may be done in plain and effectual manner, whereas some of our Subjects of late at Tripoli in Barbary, and at Argier, were by the inhabitants of those places (being perhaps ignorant of your pleasure) evil entreated and grievously vexed, we do friendly and lovingly desire your Imperial Majesty, that you will understand their causes by our Ambassador, and afterward give commandment to the Lieutenants and Precedents of those Provinces, that our people may henceforth freely, without any violence, or injury, travail, and do their business in those places. And we again with all endeavour, shall study to perform all those things, which we shall in any wise understand to be acceptable to your Imperial Majesty, which God, the only maker of the world, most best and most great, long keep in health, and flourishing. Given in our palace at London, the fift day of the month of September, in the year of JESUS CHRIST our Saviour, 1584. And of our reign, the 26. The Turks letter to the King of Tripoli in Barbary, commanding the restitution of an English ship, called the jesus, with the men, and goods, sent from Constantinople, by Mahomet Beg, a justice of the Great Turks, and an English Gentlemen, called Master Edward Barton. Anno 1584. HOnourable, and worthy Bassa Romadan Beglerbeg, most wise and prudent judge of the West Tripoli, we wish the end of all thy enterprises, happy, and prosperous. By these our highness letters, we certify thee, that the right honourable, William Hareborne, Ambassador in our most famous Porch, for the most excellent Queen's Majesty of England, in person, and by letters hath certified our highness, that a certain ship, with all her furniture, and artillery, worth two thousand and ducats, arriving in the port of Tripoli, and discharged of her lading and merchandise, paid our custom according to order, and again, the merchants laded their ship with oil, which by constraint they were enforced to buy of you, & having answered in like manner the custom for the same, determined to departed: a Frenchman assistant to the Merchant, unknown to the Englishmen, carried away with him another Frenchman indebted to a certain Moor in four hundred ducats, and by force caused the Englishmen, and ship to departed: who neither suspecting fraud, nor deceit, hoist sails. In the mean time, this man, whose debtor the Frenchman had stolen away, went to the Bassa with the supplication, by whose means, and force of the Castle, the Englishmen were constrained to return into the port, where the Frenchman, author of the evil, with the Master of the ship an Englishman, innocent of the crime were hanged, and six and twenty Englishmen cast into prison, of whom through famine, thirst, and stink of the prison, eleven died, and the rest like to die. Further, it was signified to our Majesty also, that the merchandise and other goods, with the ship, were worth 7600. ducats: which things if they be so, this is our commandment, which was granted and given by our Majesty, that the English ship, and all the merchandise, and whatsoever else taken away be wholly restored, and that the Englishmen be let go free, and suffered to return into their Country. Wherefore when this our commandment shall come unto th●e, we straight command, that the foresaid business be diligently looked unto, and discharged. And if it be so, that a Frenchman, and no Englishman hath done this craft, and wickedness unknown to the Englishmen, and as author of the wickedness is punished, and that the Englishmen committed nothing against the peace and league, or their articles: also if they paid custom according to order, it is against law, custom of countries, and their privilege, to hinder or hurt them. Neither is it meet, their ship, merchandise, and all their goods taken, should be withheld. We will therefore, that the English ship, merchandise, and all other their goods, without exception, be restored to the Englishmen: also that the men be let go free, and if they will, let none hinder them, to return peaceably into their Country: do not commit, that they another time complain of this matter, and how this business is dispatched, certify us at our famous porch. Dated in the City of Constantinople, in the 992. year of Mahomet, and in the end of the month of October; and in the year of JESUS 1584. A letter of Master William Hareborne, the English Ambassador, Ligier in Constantinople, to the Bassa Romadan, the Beglerbeg of Tripoli in Barbary, for the restoring of an English ship called the jesus, with the goods, and men, detained as slaves, Anno 1585. MOlto magnifico Signior, Not ha' stato significato per diverse lettere di quanto ha' passato circa diunanave nostra chiamata jesus, sopra il quale in agiuto di Ricciardo Skegs, uno de gli nostri mercanti di essagia morto, veniva un certo Franceseper sopra cargo, chiamato Romano Sonings, il quale per non esser ben portato secondo che dovena, volendo importar seco un altro Francese debitore a certi vostri sensa pagarcene, per giusticia era appiccato col patron Inglese Andre Dier, i come simplice credendo all detto Francese, senza avedercene de la sua ria malitia, non restornava, quando da vostra magnifica Signoria gli era mandato. La morte del detto tristo Francese approaimo common cosa benfatta. Ma all contrario, dove let ha' confiscato la detta nave e mercantia en essa, & fatto sciavi livre marinari, common cosa molto contraria a livre privilegij dal Gran Signior quattro anni passatis concessi, & da noi confirmati di part de la Serenissima Magesta d'Ingiltetra nostra patrona, e molto contraria a la liga del detto Gran Signior, il quale essendo dal sopra detto a pieno informato, noi ha' conceduto il suo regal mandamento di restitutione, lafoy qual mandiamo a vostra magnifica Signoria col present portator Edoardo Barton, Edoardo Baron & Mahumed Beg. nostro Secretario, & Mahumed Beg. droguemano di sua porta excelsa, con alter lettere del excellentissimo Vizir, & invictissimo capitan di mar: chiedendo, tanto di part del Gran Signior, quanto di sua Serenissima Magesta di V S. M. che gli huomini, oglij, nave col fornimento, danari, & tutti altri beni qualconque, da lei & per vestro ordine da gli nostri tolti siano resi à questo mio Secretario liberament senza empacho al●uno, common il Gran Signior da sua gratta noi ha' conceduto, specialment per esser dettis oglij comprati per ordine di sua Serenissima Magestà, per provisione della Corte sua. Il qual non facendo, protestiamo per questa nostra all incontra di esso tutti futuri danni che puono succedere per questa cagione, common authore di quelli, contrario à la Santa liga giurata de livre dnoi Rei, patroni nostri, common per livre privilegij, che lei mostrerà il nostro, constra: per observatione de gli quali no●stramo d● fermo en questa excelsa Porta. Et cosi responderete nel altro mondo all solo Iddio, & quà all Gran Signior questo massimo peccato commesso da lei all incontra di tanti poveracchis, i per quest a crudeltà sono in part morti, in part retenuti da esso en duro cattiverio. Albina contrario, piacendo lei evitar questo incommodo & restarcene en gratia deal Signor Iddio, & livre nostri patroni, amichevolment, (common convien à par vostro di mostrarsi prudente governatore, & fidel servitor all patrono) adimpirete questa nostra giustissima domanda, per poter resultarui à grand honore & commodo per la tratta di marchantia, che faronno a laduenire li nostri in quella vostra provincia. Li quali generalment, tanto quelli, common tutti altri che nelmar riscontrarete, siano, secondo che manda il Grand Signior, de vostra Signoria magnifica amichevolment recolti & receunti: Et no● non mancharemo all debito di ottimo amico en qualconche occurrenza vostra, piacendo lei amicitia nostra, common desideramo. Il Signor Iddio lei conceda (adimpiendo questa nostra giusta rechiesta, per ca●ar noi d● piu futura fatica in questo negocio, & lei di disgratia) ogni vera felicitá, & supremo honore. Data in palazzonostro che fu da Rapamat appresso Pera di 15. di Genero 1585.. Il Ambassiatore de la Majesta Serenissima d'Ingilterra, amico de vostra Signoria magnifica, piacendo lei. The same in English. RIght honourable Lord, it hath been signified unto us by divers letters, what hath fallen out, concerning a certain ship of ours, called the jesus, into which, for the help of Richard Skegs, one of our Merchants in the same, now deceased, there was admitted a certain Frenchman called Roman Sonnings, which for his ill behaviour, according to his deserts, seeking to carry away with him another Frenchman, which was indebted to certain of your people, without paying his creditors, was hanged by sentence of justice, together with Andrew Dier, the Master of the said ship, who simply and without fraud, giving credit to the said Frenchman, without any knowledge of his evil fact, did not return when he was commanded, by your honourable Lordship. The death of the said lewd Frenchman we approve as a thing well done, but contrariwise, whereas your Lordship hath confiscated the said ship with the goods therein, and hath made slaves of the Mariners, as a thing altogether contrary to the privileges of the Grand signor, granted four years since, and confirmed by us on the behalf of the most excellent the Queen's Majesty of England our Mistress, and altogether contrary to the league of the said Grand signor, who being fully informed of the aforesaid cause, hath granted unto us his royal commandment of restitution, which we sand unto your honourable Lordship, by the present bearer Edward Barron our Secretary, and Mahomet Beg, one of the justices of his stately Court, with other letters of the most excellent Admiral, and most valiant Captain of the Sea, requiring your honourable Lordship, as well on the behalf of the Grand signor, as of the Queen's most excellent Majesty my Mistress, that the men, oils, ship, furniture, money, and all other goods whatsoever, by your Lordship, and your order taken from our men, be restored unto this my Secretary freely, without delay, as the Grand signor of his goodness hath granted unto us, especially in regard that the same oils were bought by the commandment of our Queen's most excellent Majesty, for the provision of her Court. Which if you perform not, we protest by these our letters against you, that you are the cause of all the inconveniences which may ensue upon this occasion, as the author thereof, contrary to the holy league sworn by both our Princes, as by the privileges, which this our servant will show you, may appear. For the seeing of which league performed, we remain here as Ligier in this stately Court. And by this means you shall answer in another world unto God alone, and in this world unto the Grand signor, for this heinous sin committed by you against so many poor souls, which by this your cruelty are in part dead, and in part detained by you in most miserable captivity. Contrariwise, if it shall please you to avoid this mischief, and to remain in the favour of Almighty God, and of our Princes, you shall friendly fulfil this our just demand (as it behoveth you to show yourself a prudent Governor, and faithful servant unto your Lord) and the same may turn to your great honour, and profit, by the trade of merchandise, which our men in time to come, may use in that government of yours: which generally, as well those poor men, as all others, which you shall meet at the sea, aught to be according to the commandment of the Grand signor, friendly entertained and received of your honourable Lordship, and we will not fail in the duties of a special friend, whensoever you shall have occasion to use us, as we desire. Almighty God grant unto your Lordship (in the fulfilling of this our just request, whereby we may be delivered from further trouble in this matter, and yourself from further displeasure) all true felicity, and increase of honour. G●uen in our Palace from Rapamat in Pera, the 15. of januarie 1585. The voyage of Master Henry Austell by Venice and thence to Ragusa over land, and so to Constantinople: and from thence by Moldavia, Polonia, Silesia and Germany to Hamburg, etc. THe 9 of june we took shipping at Harewich and the next day landed at the Ramekins in the Isle of Walcheren with very stormy weather, and that night went to Middleburch in the same Island. The twelft we took shipping for Holland, and the 13. we landed at Schiedam: and the same day went to Delft by boat, and so that night to the Hage. The 17. we took shipping at Amsterdam, and the 18. we landed at Enckhuysen. The 19 we took shipping and by the Zuydersee we passed that day the Vlie, and so into the main sea; And the next day we entered into the river of Hamburg called the Elbe. The 21. we came to anchor in the same river before a town of the bishop of Br●me called Staden, where they pay a certain toll, and specially for wine, and so that night we landed at Hamburg, Hambur●. where we stayed three days. The 24. we departed from Hamburg in the company of Edward Parish Merchant, and that day we baited at Wyntson, and so over the heaths we left Lunenburg on the l●f● hand, and travailed all that night. The 25. we met with Master Sanders upon the heaths, and passed by a town of the duke of Lunenborg called Geffherne, and from thence through many waters, we lay that night within an English mile of Brunswig. Brunswig. The 27. we lay at Halberstat, Halberstat. which is a great town subject to the bishop of that town. The 28. we ba●ted at Erinsleiben: and there we entered into the duke of Saxon his country: and the same night we lay at a town called Eisleben, Eisleben. where Martin Luther was born. The 29. we passed by Mansfield, where there are many Copper mines: Copper Mines. and so that night went to Neuburg upon the river of Sala; and at that time there was a great fair. The 30. we baited at a proper town called jena upon the same river, jena. and the same night we lay at Cone upon that river. The first of july we baited at Salfeld: and the same day we entered first into the great woods of fir trees, Great wood of fir trees. and that night to Grevandal; The second to dinner to Neustat. The 3. day to dinner at Bamberg: Bamberg. and before we came to the town we passed the river of Main that runneth towards Arnfurt, and that night to Forchaim. The 4. we came to Nurenberg, Nurenberg. and there stayed two days. The 6. to bed to Blayfield. The 7. we passed without Weissenburg to dinner at Monhaim, and that night we passed the river of Danubius at Tonewertd, and so to bed to Nurendof. The 8. we came to Augspurg, Augspurg. otherwise called Augusta, upon the river of Lech. The 9 we lay at Landsberg upon the said river, in the duke of Bavars' country. The 10. to dinner at Suanego, and that night to Hamber against the mountains, where the small toys be made. The 11. to dinner to Parcberk, & that night to Sefelt in the Archduke of Austria his country. The 12. to dinner at Inspruck, & that night to bed at Landeck, where there is a toll, and it is the place where Charles the fift and his brother Ferdinand did meet. And there is a table of brass with Latin letters in memory thereof. The 13. we passed by Stizen, and dined at Prisena, and so that night to Clusen. The 14. to dinner at Bolsan and to bed at Neumark, and by the way we passed the dangerous place, where so many murders have been committed. The 15. to dinner at Trent: That day we entered the borders of Italy, The borders of Italy. that night to Lenigo, The 16. to dinner at Grigno, where the last toll of the Emperor is: and so we came by Chursa, which is a straight passage. And the keeper thereof is drawn up by a cord into his hold. And that night we went to Capana to bed in the country of the Venetians. The 17. to dinner at castle Franco: by the way we stayed at Taruiso, and there took coach, and that night came to Mestre to bed. The 18. in the morning we came to Venice, and there we stayed 15. days. In which time the duke of Venice called Nicolas de Ponte died, Venice. and we see his burial. The Senators were continually shut up together, as the manner is, to choose a new duke, which was not yet choose when we departed from thence. The 2. of August at night we did embark ourselves upon the Frigate of Cattaro, an haven near Ragusa. The 3. we came to a town in Istria called Citta nova. The 4. we came to Parenzo, and so that night to Forcera of the bishop. The 5. we passed by Rovigno: and a little beyond we met with 3. Galies' of the Venetians: we passed in the sight of Pola; and the same day passed the gulf that parteth Istria from Dalmatia. The 6. of August we came to Zara in Dalmatia, a strong town of the Venetians; and so that night to Sebenico, which standeth in a marvelous goodly haven, with a strong castle at the entry thereof. The 7. we came to Lezina, and went not on shore, but travailed all night. The 8. we passed by a very well seated town called Curzola, which standeth in an island of that name. The 9 in the morning be times we landed at Ragusa, Ragusa. and there stayed three days, where we found many friendly gentlemen. The 11. being provided of a janissary we departed from Ragusa in the company of half a dozen Merchants of that town: and within 6. miles we entered into the country of Servia. Servia. So1 traveling in barren and craggy mountains for the space of four days, we came by a small Town of the Turks called Chiernisa, Chier●isa. being the 14. of the month; and there we parted from the Merchants. Or, Fochia. The 16. we dined in a Cavarsara in a Town called Focea, being then greatly infected with the plague. The 17. we lay by a Town called Taslizea. Novibazar. The 20. we came to Novibazar. The 21. we parted from thence, travailing still in a country very ill inhabited, & lying in the fields. Or, Nissa. The 22. we passed within sight of Nicaea. The 23. we passed in sight of another town called Circui: and about those places we began to leave the mountains, and to enter into a very fair and fertile country, but as evil inhabited as the other, or worse. Sophia. The 27. we came to Sophia, where we stayed three da●es, being our janissaries home: and by good chance we lay in a merchants house of Ragusa, that came in company with us from Novibazar; and also we had in company, ever since we came from Focea, a Turk which was a very good fellow, and he kept company with us till we came very near Constantinople. Ph●lippopoli. The first of September we came to Philippopoli, which seemeth to be an ancient town, and standeth upon the river of Stanuch. Andrinopoli●. The 4. we came to Andrinopoli, a very great and ancient town, which standeth in a very large and champion country, and there the great Turk's mother doth lie, being a place, where the Emperors of the Turks were wont to lie very much. The 5. we lay in one of the great Cavarzaras, that were built by Mahomet basha with so many goodly commodities. The 6. we lay in another of them. Siliveri. The 8. we came to Siliveri, which by report was the last town that remained Christian. Constantinople. The 9 of September we arrived at the great and most stately City of Constantinople, which for the situation and proud ●eate thereof, for the beautiful and commodious haven, and for the great and sumptuous buildings of their Temples, which they call Moschea, is to be preferred before all the Cities of Europe. And there the Emperor of the Turks then living, whose name was Amurat, kept his Court and residence, in a marvelous goodly place, with divers gardens and houses of pleasure, which is at the lest two English miles in compass, and the three parts thereof join upon the sea: and on the North-east part of the City on the other side of the water over against the City is the Town of Pera, where the most part of the Christians dolye. And there also we did lie. And on the North part of the ●aide Town is the Arsenal, where the Galies are built and do r●maine: And on the Southside is all the Ordinance, artillery, and houses of munition. Note that by the way as we came from Ragusa to Constantinople, we left on our right hand the Countries of Albania, and Macedonia, and on the left hand the countries of Bosnia, Bulgaria, and the river of Danubius. The 14. of September was the Turks Beyram, that is, one of their chiefest feasts. The 15. we went to the black Sea called Pontus Euxinus, and there upon a rock we saw a pillar of white Marble that was set up by Pompeius: Pompey's pillar. and from thence we passed to the other side of the water, upon the shore of Asia and there we dined. The 25. we departed from Constantinople. The 29. we came to an ancient Town called Cherchisea, that is to say, forty Churches, which in the old time was a very great City, now full of scattered buildings. Proua●. The 4. of October we came to Provaz, one days journey distant from Varna upon the Black Sea. V●rna. The 9 we came to Saxi upon the river of Danubius. The 10. we passed the said river which in that place is about a mile over, and then we entered into the country of Or, Moldania. Bogdania: they are Christians but subjects to the Turk. Pa●sin upon the river of Prut. The 12. we came to Palsin upon the river Prut. Yas. The 14. we came to Yas the principal Town of Bogdania, where Peter the Vayvoda prince of that Country keepeth his residence, of whom we received great courtesy, and of the gentlemen of his Court: And he caused us to be safe conducted through his said Country, and conveyed without cost. The 17. we came to Stepanitze. So●s●hen. The 19 we came to Zotschen, which is the last town of Bogdania upon the river of Niester, that parteth the said country from Podolia. Nyester a river. Camyenet●. The 20. we passed the river of Nyester and came to Camyenetz in the country of Podoli●, subject to the king of Poland: this is one of the strongest Towns by nature and situation that can be seen. The 21. we came to Skala. Skala. The 22. to Slothone, or Sloczow. The 24. to Leopolis which is in Russia alba, Leopolis, or Leunpurg. and so is the most part of the country betwixt Camyenetz and it. And it is a town very well built, well governed, full of traffic and plentiful: and there we stayed five days. The 30. we baited at Grodecz, Grodecz. and that night at Vilna. Vilna. The 31. we dined at Mostiska, and that night at Rodmena. The first of November in the morning before day we passed without the Town of jaroslaw, jaroslaw. where they say is one of the greatest fairs in all Poland, and chief of horses, and that night to Rosdnoska. The second to dinner at Lanczut, Lanczut. at night to Retsbo●. The third to Sendxizow, at night to sarnow, and that night we met with the Palatine Laski. The fourth to Vonuez, and that night to Brytska. The fifth to Kuhena. The 6. to Cracovia the principal City of all Poland: Cracovia. at which time the King was go to Lituania: for he doth make his residence one year in Poland, and the other in Lituania. Cracovia standeth on the river of Vistula. The 9 we departed from Cracovia, and that night we came to a village hard by a Town called Ilkusch, Lead Mines● where the lead Mines are. The 10. we passed by a Town called Slawkow: where there are also lead Mines, and baited that day at Bendzin, Bendz●n. which is the last town of Poland towards Silesia; and there is a toll. Note that all the Countries of Poland, Russia alba, Podolia, Bogdania, and divers other countries adjoining unto them, do consume no other salt but such as is digged in Sorstyn mountain near to Cracovia which is as hard as any stone; Salt digged out of mountains in Poland. it is very good, and goeth further than any other salt. That night we lay at Bitom, Bitom. which is the first Town of Silesia. The 12. we passed by a great town called Strelitz, and that night we lay at Oppelen upon the river of Odera. Oppelen. The 13. we passed by Schurgasse, Schurgasse. and that night we lay without the town of Brigk: Brigk. for we could not be suffered to come in by reason of the plague which was in those parts in divers Towns. The 14. we passed by Olaw, and that night we came to the City of Breslaw, Breslaw. which is a fair town, great, well built and well seated upon the river of Odera. The 16. we baited at Neumarg●. The 17. we passed by Lignizt and by Hayn, and that night to Buntzel. The 18. we passed by Naumburg through Gorlitz upon the river of Neiss, and that night lay without Reichenbach. The 19 we passed by Baudzen and Cannitz, and that night to Rensperg. The 20. we passed by Hayn, by Strelen, where we should have passed the river of Elbe, but the boat was not there, so that night we lay at a town called Mulberg. The 21. we passed the said river, we went by Belgern, by Torga, by Dumitch; and at night to Bretsch. The 22. we passed the Elbe again at Wittenberg, which is a very strong town, with a good University: and that day we passed by Coswig. The 23. we passed through Zerbst in the morning, and that night to Magdeburg, Magdeburg. a very strong Town, and well governed as we did hear. The most part of the Country, after we were come one days journey on this side Breslawe to this place, belongeth to the Duke of Saxon. The 24. we passed by a castle of the Marquis of Brandenburg called Wolmerstat, and that night we lay at Garleben. The 25. we lay at Soltwedel. The 26. at Berg. The 27. we baited at Lunenborg, Lunenberg. that night we lay at Winson. The 28. we came to Hamborg, Hamborg. and there stayed one week. The 5. of December we departed from Hamborg, and passed the Elbe by boat being much frozen, and from the river went on foot to Boxtehoede, being a long Dutch mile off, and there we lay; and from thence passed over land to Emden. Thence having passed through Friesland and Holland, the 25. being Christmas day in the morning we came to Delft: where we found the right honourable the Earl of Leicester with a goodly company of Lords, knights, gentlemen, and soldiers. The 28. at night to Roterodam. The 29. to the Briel, and there stayed eight days for passage. The fifth of january we took shipping. The 7. we landed at Gravesend, and so that night at London with the help of almighty God. The Turks passport or safeconduct for Captain Austell, and jacomo Manuchio. KNow thou which art Voyvoda of Bogdania, & Valachia, & other our officers abiding and dwelling on the way by which men commonly pass into Bogdania, and Valachia, that the Ambassador of England having two English gentlemen desirous to departed for England, the one named Henry Austel, and the other jacomo de Manuchio, requested our highness letters of Safeconduct to pass through our dominions with one servant to attend on them. Wherefore we straight charge you and all other our servants by whom they shall pass, that having received this our commandment, you have diligent care and regard that they may have provided for them in this their journey (for their money) all such necessary provision as shallbe necessary for themselves and their horses, in such sort as they may have no cause hereafter to complain of you. And if by chance they come unto any place, where they shall stand in fear either of their people or goods, that then you carefully 'cause them to be guarded with your men, and to be conducted through all suspected places, with sufficient company; But have great regard that they convey not out of our country any of our serviceable horses. Obey our commandment, and give credit to this our Seal. A Passport of the Earl of Leicester for Thomas Forster gentleman travailing to Constantinople. RObertus Comes Leicestriae, baro de Denbigh, ordinum Garterij & Sancti Michaelis eques auratus, Serenissimae Regine Angliae a Secretioribus consilijs, & magister equorum, dux & capitaneus generalis exercitus eiusdem Regiae maiestatis in Belgio, & gubernator generalis Hollandiae, Zelandiae, & provinciarum unitarum & associatarum, omnibus and quos praesentes literae petuenerint, salutem. Cùm lator praesentium Thomas Forster nobilis Anglus necessarijs de causis hinc Constantinopolim profecturus si●, & inde ad nos quanta potest celeritate reversurus: petimus ab omnibus & singulis Regibus, principibus, nobilibus, magistratibus, & alijs, mandent & permittant dicto Thomae cum duobus famulis liberum transirum per corum ditiones & territoria sine detentione aut impedimento iniusto, & provideri sibi de necessarijs justum precium reddenti, ac aliter convenienter & humaniter tractari, ut occasiones eius eundi & redeundi requirent: Sicut nos Maiestates, Serenitates, Celsitudines, & dominationes vestrae paratos invenietis, ut vestratibus in similibus casibus gratum similiter faciamus. Datum in castris nostris Duisburgi, decimo die Septembris, anno 1586. stylo veteri. A description of the yearly voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahumitans, Turks and Moors unto Mecca in Arabia. Of the City of Alexandria. ALexandria the most ancient city in Africa situated by the seaside containeth seven miles in circuit, and is environed with two walls one near to the other with high towers, but the walls within be far higher than those without, with a great ditch round about the same: yet is not this City very strong by reason of the great antiquity, being almost half destroyed and ruinated. The greatness of this City is such, that if it were of double habitation, as it is compassed with a double brickwall, it might be truly said, that there were two Alexandrias one builded upon another, because under the foundations of the said City are great habitations, and incredible huge pillars. True it i●, that this part underneath remains at this day inhabitable, because of the corrupt air, as also for that by tune, which consumeth all things, it is greatly ruinated. It might well be said, that the founder hereof, as he was worthy in all his enterprises, so likewise in building hereof he did a work worthy of himself, naming it after his own name. This City hath one defect, for it is subject to an evil air, which only proceedeth of that hollowness underneath, out of the which issueth infinite moisture: and that this is true the air without doth evidently testify, which is more subtle and wholesome then that beneath. The waters hereof be salt, by reason that the soil of itself is likewise so. And therefore the inhabitants, at such time as the river Nilus floweth, are accustomed to open a great ditch, the head whereof extendeth into the said river, and from thence they convey the same within half a mile of Alexandria, and so consequently by means of conduct-pipes the water cometh unto the cisterns of Alexandria, which being full serve the city from one inundation to another. Within the city is a Pyramid mentioned of in Histories, but not of great importance. Without the city is La colonna di Pompeio, or the pillar of Pompey, being of such height and thickness, that it is supposed there is not the like in the whole world besides. Within the city there is nothing of importance save a little castle which is guarded with 60 janissaries. Alexandria hath three ports, one towards Rossetto, another to the land ward, & the third to the sea ward, which is called Babelbar, without which appeareth a broad Island called Ghesira in the Moors tongue, which is not wholly an Island, because a little point or corner thereof toucheth the firm land, and therefore may be called Peninsula, that is to say, almost an Island. Hereupon are builded many houses of the jews, in respect of the air. This Peninsula is situate between two very good ports, one of them being much more safe than the other, called The old port, into the which only the vessels of Barbary, and the six Galleys of the Grand signor deputed for the guard of Alexandria do enter. And this port hath upon the right hand at the mouth or entrance thereof a castle of small importance, and guarded but with fifteen men or thereabouts. On the other side of this Island is the other called The new port, which name is not unfitly given unto it, for that in all men's judgement in times passed there hath not been water there, because in the midst of this port, where the water is very deep, there are discovered and found great sepulchers and other buildings, out of the which are daily digged with engines jasper and Porphyry stones of great value, of the which great store are sent to Constantinople for the ornament of the Mesquitas or Turkish Temples, and of other buildings of the Grand signor. Into this port enter all such vessels as traffic to this place. This port hath on each side a castle, whereof that upon the Peninsula is called Fa●aone, upon the top whereof every night there is a light set in a great lantern for direction of the ships, and for the guard thereof are appointed 200 janissaries: the other on the other side is but a little castle kept by 18 men. It is certain, that this haven of Alexandria is one of the chiefest havens in the world: for hither come to traffic people of every Nation, and all sorts of vessels which go round about the city. It is more inhabited by strangers, merchants, and Christians, then by men of the country which are but a few in number. Within the city are five Fontechi, Fontecho signifieth an house of traffic, a● the Sulyard. that is to say, one of the Frenchmen, where the Consul is resident, & this is the fairest and most commodious of all the rest. Of the other four, two belong to the Venetians, one to the Raguseans, and the fourth to the Genoveses. And all strangers which come to traffic there, except the Venetians, are under the French Consul. It is also to be understood, that all the Christians devil within their Fontechi, and every evening at the going down of the sun, they which are appointed for that office go about and shut all the gates of the said Fontechi outward, and the Christians shut the same within: and so likewise they do on the Friday (which is the Moors and the Turks Sabbath) till their devotions be expired. And by this means all parties are secure and void of fear: for in so doing the Christians may sleep quietly and not fear robbing, and the Moors need not doubt while they sleep or pray, that the Christians should make any tumult, as in times past hath happened. Of the coast of Alexandria. ON the side towards Barbary along the sea-coast for a great space there is found neither hold, nor any thing worthy of mention: but on the other side towards Syria 13 miles from Alexandria standeth a little castle called Bichier kept by fifty Turks, Bichier. which castle is very old and weak, and hath a port which in times past was good, but at this present is utterly decayed and full of sand, so that the vessels which come thither dare not come near the shore, but ride far off into the sea. Forty miles further is Rossetto, Rossetto. which is a little town without walls, and is situate upon the bank of Nilus three miles from the sea, at which place many times they build ships and other vessels, for government whereof is appointed a Saniacbey, without any other guard: it is a place of traffic, and the inhabitants are very rich, but naughty varl●ts an traitors. Further down along the seaside and the river ba●ke is another little castle like unto the above said, and because the Moors believe, that Mecca will in short time be conquered by the Christians, they hold opinion, that the same being lost shall be renewed in this place of Rossetto, namely, that all their prayers, vows, and pilgrimages shall be transported to Rossetto, as the religious order of Saint john of the Rhodes is translated thence to Malta. Further forward thirty miles stands another castle of small importance called Brulles, kept continually by forty Turks, which hath a good and secure port, in form like to a very great lake or pond, wherein is taken great quantity of fish, which they salt, and the merchants of Candie and Cyprus come thither to lad the same, and it is greatly esteemed, especially of the Candio●s, who having great abundance of wine adventure abroad to seek meat fit for the taste of the said wine. Distant from Brulles five and thirty miles there is another castle like unto the above said kept by an Aga with forty men or thereabouts. Moore within the la●de by the rivers side is Damiata an ancient city environed with walls containing five miles in circuit, and but of small strength. For the government of this place is a Sanjaco with all his household and no other company. This city is very large, delightful, and pleasant, abounding with gardens and fair fountains. Other forty miles further is Latma, a castle of very small importance, and kept as other with forty Turks under an Aga. In this place is no port, but a road very dangerous, and without other habitation. Passing this place we enter ●udea. But because our intent is to reason simply of the voyage to M●cca, we will proceed no further this way, but returning to our first way, let it suffice to say, that ●rom Alexandria to Cairo are two hundred miles, in which way I find nothing worthy of memory. Of the mighty City of Cairo. CAiro containeth in circuit eighteen miles, being so inhabited and replenished with people, that almost it cannot receive more; and therefore they have begun to build n●we houses without the city and about the walls. In Cairo are people of all Nations, as Christians, Armenians, Abexins, Turks, Moors, jews, Indians, Medians, Persians, Arabians, and other sorts of people, which resort thither by reason of the great traffic. This city is governed by a Bassa, which ministereth justice, together with the Cadie throughout the whole kingdom. Also there are two and twenty Saniackes, whose office is only to oversee and guard the kingdom for every good respect. There are also seven thousand Turks in pay, to wit, three thousand janissaries, and four thousand horsemen: The rest of the people in Cairo are for the most part merchants which go and come, and the remnant are Moors and other base people. About two miles from Cairo there is another little Cairo called The old Cairo, which containeth in circuit little more than ten miles, and the better half is not inhabited● but destroyed, whereof I need not make any other mention. The new Cairo answereth every year in tribute to the grand signor, 600000 ducats of gold, neat and free of all charges growing on the same, which money is sent to Constantinople, about the fine of September, by the way of Aleppo, always by land, under the custody of three hundred horsemen, and two hundred janissaries footmen. The city of Cairo is adorned with many fair Mesquitas rich, great, an● of goodly and gorgeous building, among which are five principal. The first is called Morastan●, that is to say, The hospital, which hath of rent five hundred ducats of gold every day left unto it by a king of Damascus from ancient times; which king having conquered Cairo, for the space o● five days continually put the people thereof to the sword, and in the end repenting him of so great manslaughter, caused this cruelty to cease, and to obtain remission for his sin committed, caused this hospital to be built, enriching it as is above said. The second famous monument of Cairo is called Neffisa● of one Neffisa buried there, who was a Dame of honour, and moved by lust, yielded her body voluntarily without reward, to any that required the same, and said she bestowed this alms for the love of her Prophet Mahomet, and therefore at this day they adore her, reverence her, and finally have canonised her for a Saint, affirming that she did many miracles. The third is called Zavia della Innachari, who was one of the four Doctors in the law. The fourth is called Imamsciafij, where is buried Sciafij the second Doctor of this law. Of the other two Doctors one is buried in Damascus, the other in Aleppo. The fift & last famous monument is Giamalazar, that is, the house of Lazarus: and this is the general University of the whole kingome of Egypt. In this place Anno 1566 in the month of january by misfortune of few were burned nine thousand books of great value, 1566. as well for that they were written by hand, as also wrought so richly with gold, that they were worth 300 and 400 ducats a piece, one with another. And because it could never be known yet how this fire began, they have and do hold the same for a most sinister augury, and an evident and manifest sign of their utter ruin. The houses of Cairo without are v●ry fair, & within the greater number richly adorned with hangings wrought with gold. Every person which resorteth to this place for traffics sake, is bond to pay half a ducat, except the gentlemen Venetians, Siotes, and Rhaguseans, because they are tributary to the Grand signor. Cairo is distant from the river Nilus a mile and more, The description o● Cairo. being situate on a plain, save that on the one side it hath a fair little hill, on the top whereof stands a fair castle, but not strong, for that it may be battered on every side, but very rich & large, compassed about with fair gardens into the which they convey water for their necessity out of Nilus, with certain wheels & other like engines. This magnificent city is adorned with very fruitful gardens both pleasant and commodious, with great plenty of ponds to water the same. Notwithstanding the great pleasures of Cairo are in the month of August, when by means of the great rain in Ethiopia the river Nilus overfloweth and watereth all the country, and then they open the mouth of a great ditch, which extendeth into the river, and passeth through the midst of the city, and entering there are innumerable barks rowing too and fro laden with gallant girls and beautiful dames, which with singing, eating, drinking and feasting, take their solace. The women of this country are most beautiful, and go in rich attire bedecked with gold, precious stones, and jewels of great value, but chiefly perfumed with odours, and are very libidinous, and the men likewise, but foul and hard favoured. The soil is very fertile and abundant, the flesh fat which they cell without bones, their candles they make of the marrow of cattle, because the Moors eat the tallow. They use also certain little furnaces made of purpose, under the which they make fire, putting into the furnace four or five hundred eggs, and the said fire they nourish by little and little, until the chickens be hatched, which after they be hatched, and become somewhat bigger, they cell them by measure in such sort, as we cell and measure nuts and chestnuts and such like. Of certain notable monuments without the city of Cairo. WIthout the City, six miles higher into the land, are to be seen near unto the river diverse Pyramids, among which are three marvelous great, and very artificially wrought. Out of one of these are daily digged the bodies of ancient men, not rotten but all whole, the cause whereof is the quality of the Egyptian soil, which will not consume the flesh of man, but rather dry and harden the same, and so always conserveth it. And these dead bodies are the Mummy which the Physicians and Apothecaries do against our wills make us to swallow. Also by digging in these Pyramids oftentimes are found certain Idols or Images of gold, silver, and other metal, but under the other pyramids the bodies are not taken up so whole as in this, but there are found legs and arms comparable to the limbs of giants. Near to these pyramids appeareth out of the sand a great head of stone somewhat like marble, which is discovered so far as the neck joineth with the shoulders, being all whole, saving that it wanteth a little tip of the nose. The neck of this head containeth in circuit about six and thirty foot, so that it may be according to the neck considered, what greatness the head is of. The river Nilus is a mile broad, wherein are very many great Croccodiles from Cairo upward, but lower than Cairo passeth no such creature: and this, they say, is by reason of an enchantment made long since which hindereth their passage for coming any lower than Cairo. Moreover of these creatures there are sometimes found some of an incredible bigness, that is to say, of forty foot about. The males have their members like to a man, and the females like to a woman. These monsters oftentimes issue out of the water to feed, and finding any small beasts, as sheep, lambs, goats, or other like, do great harm. And while they are forth of the water, if they happen at unwares upon any man, woman or child, whom they can overcome, they spare not their lives. In the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and sixty it happened, that certain poor Christians traveling by Cairo towards the country of Prete janni to rescue certain slaves, were guided by a Chaus, and journeyed alongst the bank of the said river. The Chaus remained linger alone behind to make his prayers (as their custom is) at a place called Tana, whom being busy in his double devotion one of these Crocodiles ceased by the shoulders, and drawn him under water, so that he was never after seen. And for this cause they have made in sundry places certain hedges as banks within the water, so that betwixt the hedge and bank of the river there remains so much water, that the women washing may take water without danger at their pleasure. This country is so fruitful, that it causeth the women as also other creatures to bring forth one, two, and oft-times three at a birth. Five miles southward of Cairo is a place called Matarea, where the balm is refined: and therefore some will say, that the trees which bear the balm grow in the said place, wherein they are deceived: for the said trees grow two days journey from Mecca, in a place called Bedrihone, which yieldeth balm in great plenty, but salvage, wild, and without virtue, and therefore the Moors carrying the same within little chests from Bedrihone to Matarea, where the trees being replanted (be it by virtue of the soil, or the water, air, or any other thing whatsoever) it sufficeth that here they bear the true balm and liquor so much in these days esteemed of. In this place of Matarea there are certain little houses, with most goodly gardens, and a chapel of antiquity, where the very moors themselves affirm, that the mother of the blessed Christ fleeing from the fury of wicked Herode there saved herself with the child, wherein that saying of the Prophet was fulfilled, Ex AEgypto voca●i silium meum. The which Chapel in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and four, the Magnifico Daniel Barbaro first Consul of that place went to visit, and caused it to be renewed and re-edified, so that in these days there resort thither many Christians, who oftentimes bring with them a Priest, to say mass there. Also about an Harquebuz-shotte from Matarea is a spire of great height like to that at Rome, and more beautiful to behold. Near unto the old Cairo are yet twelve storehouses of great antiquity, but now very much decayed, and these till late days served to keep corn for behoof of the kingdom, concerning which many are of opinion, that the founder hereof was joseph the son of jacob, for consideration of the seven dear years. Also passing higher up by the bank of Nilus, there is to be seen a fair City overflowed with water, the which at such time as Nilus floweth lieth under water, but when the water returns to the mark, there plainly appear princely palaces, and stately pillars, being of some called Thebes, Old Thebes. where they say that Pharaoh was resident. Moreover three days journey higher up are two great images of speckled marble, all whole, and some what sunk into the earth, being things wonderful to consider of, for the nose of either is two spa●nes and an half long, and the space from one ear to the other containeth ten spans, the bodies being correspondent to their heads, and graven in excellent proportion, so that they are shapes of marvelous hugeness, and these they call The wife, and The daughter of Pharaoh. Of the patriarch of Greece. IN Cairo are two patriarchs, one of the Greeks, and another of the jacobites. The Greek Patriarch called Gioechni, being about the age of one hundred and thirteen years, was a very good and holy man. They say, that when Sultan Gauri of Egypt reigned, there was done this miracle following: this good patriarch being envied at by the jews of the country, for none other cause, but for his good works, and holy life, it happened (I say) that being in disputation with certain of the Hebrews in presence of the Sultan, and reasoning of their law and faith, it was said unto him by one of these Miscreants: sith thou believest in the faith of Christ, take and drink this potion which I will give thee; and if thy Christ be true Messiah and true God, he will (said he) deliver thee from danger. To whom the ancient patriarch answered, that he was content: whereupon that cursed jew brought him a cup of the most venomous and deadly poison that could be found, which the holy Patriarch having perceived, said: In the name of the father, of the son, and of the holy Ghost: and having so said he drank it quite up; which done, he took a drop of pure water, putting it into that very cup, and gave it unto the jew, saying unto him. I in the name of my Christ have drunk thy poison, and therefore in the name of thy expected Messiah drink this water of mine within thy own cup. Whereupon the jew took the cup out of the hand of the Patriarch, and having drunk the water, within half an hour burst a sunder. And the Patriarch had none other hurt, save that he become somewhat pale in sight, and so remained ever after. And this miracle (which meriteth to be called no less) was done to the great commendation of the holy Patriarch in the presence of a thousand people, and namely of the Sultan of Egypt: who seeing the despite of the jews, unto their own cost and confusion compelled them to make the conduct, which with so many engines cometh into the castle from Nilus above mentioned. And this triumphant Patriarch not long since was alive, and in perfect health, which God continued long time. Of the preparation of the Carovan to go to Mecca. AS touching the Carovan which goeth to Mecca, it is to be understood, that the Mahometans observe a kind of lent continuing one whole moon, and being a movable ceremony, which sometimes falls high, sometimes low in the year called in their tongue Ramazan, and their feast is called Bairam. During this time of lent all they which intend to go unto Mecca resort unto Cairo, because that twenty days after the feast the Carovan is ready to departed on the voyage: and thither resort a great multitude of people from Asia, Grecia, and Barbaria to go on this voyage, some moved by devotion, and some for traffics sake, and some to pass away the time. Now within few days after the feast they which go on the voyage departed out of the city two leagues unto a place called Birca, where they expect the Captain of the Carovan. This place hath a great pond caused by the inundation of Nilus, and so made, that the camels and other beasts may drink therein: whereof, namely, of Mules, Camels, and Dromedaries there are at lest forty thousand, and the people which follow the Carovan every year are about fifty thousand, few more or less, according to the times. Moreover every three years they renew the Captain of the Carovan, called in the Arabian tongue Amarilla Haggi, that is, the Captain of the Pilgrims, to whom the Grand signor giveth every voyage eighteen purses, containing each of them six hundred twenty and five ducats of gold, and these be for the behoof of the Carovan, and also to do alms unto the needful pilgrims. This Captain, besides other servingmen which follow him, hath also foore Chausi to serve him. Likewise he hath with him for the security of the Carovan four hundred soldiers, to wit, two hundred Spachis or horsemen mounted on Dromedaries, and two hundred janissaries riding upon Camels. The Chausi and the Spachis are at the charge of the Captain, but the janissaries not so, for their provision is made them from Cairo. The Spachis wear caps or bonnets like to the caps of Sergeants, but the janissaries after another sort, with a lap falling down behind like a French-hood, and having before a great piece of wrought silver on their heads. The charge of these is to 'cause the Carovan to march in good array when need requireth; these are not at the commandment of any but of the Captain of the Carovan. Moreover the Captain hath for his guide eight pilots, the office of whom is always stable and firm from heir to heir, and these go before guiding the Carovan, and showing the way, as being well experienced in the place, and in the night they govern them as the mariners, by the star. These also use to send before four or five men carrying pieces of dry wood which give light, Pieces of dry wood in stead of torches. because they should not go out of the way, and if at any time through their ill hap they wander astray out of the way, they are cast down and beaten with so many bastonadoes upon the soles of their feet, as serve them for a perpetual remembrance. The Captain of the Carovan hath his Lieutenant accompanied continually with fifteen Spachis, and he hath the charge to set the Carovan in order, and to 'cause them to departed on their journey when need requireth: and during the voyage their office is some while to go before with the forward, sometimes to come behind with the rearward, sometimes to march on the one side, and sometimes on the other, to spy, that the coast be clear. The Carovan carrieth with it six pieces of ordinance drawn by 12 camels, which serve to terrify the Arabians, as also to make triumph at Mecca, and other places. The merchants which follow the Carovan, some carry for merchandise clot of silk, some Coral, some tin, others wheat, rise, and all sorts of grain. Some cell by the way, some at Mecca, so that every one bringeth something to gain by, because all merchandise that goeth by land payeth no custom, but that which goeth by sea is bond to pay ten in the hundred. The beginning of the voyage. THe feast before the Carovan setteth forth, the Captain with all his retinue and officers resort unto the castle of Cairo before the Bassa, which giveth unto every man a garment, and that of the Captain is wrought with gold, and the others are served according to their degree. Moreover he delivereth unto him the Chisua Talnabi, which signifieth in the Arabian tongue, The garment of the Prophet: this vesture is of silk, wrought in the midst with letters of gold, which signify: Lafoy illa ill alla Mahumet Resullala: that is to say, There are no gods but God, and his ambassador Mahumet. This garment is made of purpose to cover from top to bottom a little house in Mecca standing in the midst of the Mesquita, the which house (they say) was builded by Abraham or by his son Ishmael. After this he delivereth to him a gate made of purpose for the foresaid house of Abraham wrought all with fine gold, and being of excellent workmanship, and it is a thing of great value. Besides, he delivereth unto him a covering of gr●ene unlust made in manner of a pyramid, about nine palms high, and artificially wrought with most fine gold, and this is to cover the tomb of their prophet within Medina, which tomb is built in manner of a pyramid: and besides that covering there are brought many others of gold and silk, for the ornament of the said tomb. Which things being consigned, the Bassa departeth not from his place; but the Captain of the Carovan taketh his leave with all his officers and soldiers, and departeth accompanied with all the people of Cairo orderly in manner of a procession, with singing, shouting and a thousand other ceremonies too long to recite. From the castle they go to a gate of the city called Bab-Nassera, without the which stands a Mosquita, and therein they lay up the said vestures very well kept and guarded. And of this ceremony they make so great account, that the world cometh to see this sight, yea the women great with child, and o●hers with children in their arms, neither is it lawful for any man to forbidden his wife the going to this feast, for that in so doing the wife may separate herself from her husband, and may lie with any other man, in regard of so great a trespass. Now this procession proceeding from the castle towards the Mosquita, the Camels which bring the vestures are all adorned with clot of gold, with many little bells, and passing along the str●ete you may see the multitude casting upon the said vestures thousand of beautiful flowers of divers colours, & sweet water, others bringing towels & fine clot touch the same, which ever af●er they keep as reli●ues with great reverence. Afterwards having left the vesture in the Mosquita, as is aforesaid, they return again into the city, where they remain the space of 20 days, and then the captain departeth with his company, and taking the vestures out of the Mosquita, carrieth the same to the foresaid place of Birca, where the Captain having pitched his tent with the standard of the grand signor over the gate, & the other principal tents standing about his, stayeth there some ten days and no more: in which time all those resort thither that mean to follow the Carovan in this voyage to Mecca. Where you shall see certain women which intent to go on this voyage accompanied with their parents and friends mounted upon Camels, adorned with so many trifles, cassels, and knots, that in beholding the same a man cannot refrain ●rom laughter. The last night before their departure they make great feasting and triumph within the Carovan, with castles and other infinite devices of sireworke, the janissaries always standing round about the tent of the Captain with such shouting and joy, that on every side the earth resoundeth, and this night they discharge all their ordinance, four or si●e times, and after at the break of the day upon the sound of a trumpet they march forward on their way. What times the Carovan traveleth, and when it rests. IT is to be noted, that from Cairo to Mecca they make 40 days journey or thereabouts, & the same great days journeys. For the custom of the Carovan is to travel much and rest little, and ordinarily they journey in this manner: They travel from two a clock in the morning until the sun rising, then having rested till noon, they set forward, and so continued till night, & then also rest again, as is abovesaid, till two of the clock: and this order they observe until the end of the voyage, never changing the same, except in some places, whereof we will hereafter speak, where for respect of water they rest sometimes a day and an half, and this they observe to refresh themselves, otherwise both man and beast would die. In what order the Carovan traveleth. THe manner and order which the Carovan observeth in marching is this. It goeth divided into three parts, to wit, the forward, the main battle, and the rearward. In the forward go the 8 Pilots before with a Chaus, which hath four knaves, & each knave carrieth a sinew ●f a bull, to the end that if occasion requireth, the bastonado may be given to such as deserve the same. These knaves cast offenders down, turning up the soles of their feet made fast to a staff, giving them a perpetual remembrance for them & the beholders. This Chaus is as the Captain of the forward, which commands lights to be carried before when they travel in the night. Also there go in this forward 6 Santones with read turbans upon their heads, & these eat and ride at the cost of the Captain of the Carovan. These Santones when the Carovan arriveth at any good lodging, suddenly after they have escried the place, cry with an horrible voice saying, good cheer, good cheer, we are near to the wished lodging. For which good news the chief of the company bestow their benevolence upon them. In this forward goeth very near the third part of the people of the Carovan, behind whom go always 25 Spachis armed with swords, bows & arrows to defend them from thieves. Next unto the forward, within a quarter of a mile, followeth the main battle, and before the same are drawn the said six pieces of ordinance, with their gunner's, and fifteen Spachi Archers. And next unto these cometh the chief physician, who is an old man of authority, having with him many medicines, ointments, salves, and other like refresh for the sick, having also camels with him for the sick to ride on, which have no horse nor beast. Next unto him goeth one Camel alone, the fairest that can be found: for with great industry is sought the greatest and fairest which may be found within the dominions of the Grand signor. This camel also is decked with clot of gold and silk, and carrieth a little chest made of pure Legmame made in likeness of the ark of the old Testament: but, as is abovesaid, made of pure Legmame, without gold or any other thing of cost. Within this chest is the Alcoran all written with great letters of gold, bond between two tables of massy gold, and the chest during their voyage is covered with Silk, but at their entering into Mecca it is all covered with clot of gold, adorned with jewels, and the like at the entrance into Medina. The Camel aforesaid which carrieth the chest, is compassed about with many Arabian singers and musicians, always singing and playing upon instruments. After this follow fifteen other most fair Camels, every one carrying one of the abovesaid vestures, b●ing covered from top to toe with silk. Behind these go twenty other Camels which carry the money, apparel, and provision of the Amir el Cheggi captain of the Carovan. After followeth the royal Standard of the grand signor, accompanied continually with the musicians of the captain, and five and twenty Spachi archers, with a Chaus before them, and about these marvelous things go all the people and Camels which follow the Carovan. Behind these, less than a mile, followeth the rearward, whereof the greater part are pilgrims: the occasion whereof is, for that the merchants seek always to be in the forward for the security of their goods, but the pilgrims which have little to lose care not though they come behind. Behind these always go five and twenty other Spachis well armed with another Chaus their captain, and forty Arabians all Archers for guard of the rearward. And because the Carovan goeth always along the read sea bank, which in going forth they have on their right hand, therefore the two hundred janissaries parted into three companies go upon their left hand well armed and mounted upon Camels bond one to another, for upon that side is all the danger of thieves, and on the other no danger at all, the captain of the Carovan always going about his people, sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on the other, never keeping any firm place, being continually accompanied with a Chaus and 25. Spachis, armed and mounted upon Dromedaries, and 8. musicians with viols in their hands, which cease not sounding till the captain take his rest, upon whom they attend, till such time as he entereth his pavilion, and then licensing all his attendants and followers to departed, they go each man to their lodging. Of things notable which are seen in this voyage by the way. BEcause in the way there are not many things found worthy memory, for that the Carovan seldom rests in places of habitation, of which in the way there are but few, yea rather the Carovan rests altogether in the field: therefore in this our voyage we will only make mention of certain Castles found in the way, which be these, namely, Agerut, Nachel, Acba, Biritem, Muel, and Ezlem. Of which five, the two first are kept of Moors, and the other three of Turks, and for guard they have eight men or ten at the most in every Castle, with four or five Smerigli, which serve to keep the water from the Arabians, so that the Carovan coming thither, may have wherewithal to refresh itself. Agerut is distant from Suez a port of the read Sea eight miles, where are always resident five and twenty galleys of the Grand signor for the keeping of that Sea. Nachel is distant from the Sea a days journey. The walls of Acba are founded upon the read Sea bank. Biritem and Muel likewise are dashed with the waves of the Sea. Ezlem is distant from thence above a days journey. These five Castles abovesaid are not of force altogether to defend themselves against an hundred men. The Carovan departing from Birca until Agerut finds no water by the way to drink, neither from Agerut till Nachel, nor from Nachel till Acba, but between Acba and Biritem are found two waters, one called Agium el Cassap, and the other Magaraxiaibi, that is to say, the river of jethro the father in law of Moses, for this is the place mentioned in the second chapter of Exodus, whither it is said that Moses fled from the anger of Pharaoh, who would have killed him, b●cause he had slain the Egyptian, which fought with the Hebrew, in which place stood the cite o● Midian; and there are yet the ponds, near unto the which Moses sat down. And from that place forward they find more store of water by the way, and in more places, though not so good. It is also to be noted, that in this voyage it is needful and an usual thing, that the captain put his hand to his purse in these places, and bestow presents, garments, and turbans upon certain of the chief of the Arabians, to the end they may give him and his Carovan free passage: who also promise, that their followers likewise shall do no damage to the Carovan, and bind themselves to accomplish the same, promising also by word of mouth, that if the Carovan be rob, they will make restitution of such things as are stolen: but notwithstanding, the Carovan is by them oftentimes damnified, and those which are rob have no other restitution at the Arabians hands then the showing of them a pair of heels, flying into such places as it is impossible to find them. Now the Carovan continuing her accustomed journeys, and having passed the abovesaid castles, and others not worthy mention, at length cometh to a place called jehbir, which is the beginning and confine of the state and realm of Serifo the king of Mecca: where, at their approaching issueth out to meet them the governor of the land, with all his people to receive the Carovan, with such shouting and triumph, as is impossible to express, where they stay one whole day. This place aboundeth with fresh and clear waters, which with streams fall down from the high mountains. Moreover, in this place are great store of dates, and flesh great store and good cheap, and especially laced muttons which willingly fall down, and here the weary pilgrims have commodity to refresh themselves, saying, that this wicked fact purgeth them from a multitude of sins, and besides increaseth devotion to prosecute the voyage. Touching the building in these places, it is to be judged by the houses half ruinated, that it hath been a magnificent city: but because it was in times past inhabited more with thieves then true men, it was therefore altogether destroyed by Sultan Gauri king of Egypt, who going on pilgrimage unto Mecca, and passing by this place, there was by the inhabitants here of s●me injury done unto his Carovan, which he understanding of, dissembled till his returns from Mecca, and then caused it to be burned and destroyed in pitiful ●ort for revenge of the injury done unto the Carovan. The Carovan having rested and being refreshed as is abovesaid, the next day departeth on the way, and the first place they arrive at worthy mention is called Bedrihonem, in which place (as is aforesaid) grow those little shrubs whereout Balm issueth. And before the Carovan arriveth at this place, a mile from the city is a large and great field environed about with most high and huge mountains. And in this field, according to the Alcoran, their prophet Mahomet had a most fierce and cruel battle given by the Christians of the country and other people which set themselves against them, and withstood his opinion, so that he was overcome and vanquished of the Christians, and almost half of his people slain in the battle. Whereupon, the prophet seeing himself in such extremity, fallen to his prayers, and they say, that God having compassion upon his dear friend and prophet, herded him, and sent him infinite thousand of angels, wherewith returning to the battle, they conquered and overcame the conqueror. And therefore in memory of this victory, the Carovan lodgeth every year one night in this place, making great bonfires with great mirth. And they say that as yet there is herded upon the mountains a little drum, which while the Carovan passes, never ceaseth sounding. And they say further, that the said drum is sounded by the angels in sign of that great victory granted of God to their prophet. Also the Mahometan writings affirm, that after the end of the said battle, the prophet commanded certain of his people to go and bury all the Mahometans which were dead in the fields, who going, known not the one from the other, because as yet they used not circumcision, so they returned unto him, answering, that they had been to do his commandment, but they known not the Musulmanss from the Christians. To whom the prophet answered, saying: Turn again, and all those which you shall find with their faces downward, leave them, because all they are misbelievers; and the other which you shall find with their faces turned upward, them bury, for they are the true Musulmani, and so his commandment was done. The next morning by Sun rising, the Carovan arriveth at Bedrihonem, in which place every man washeth himself from top to toe, as well men as women, and leaving off their apparel, having each one a clot about their privities, called in their tongue Phorah, and another white one upon their shoulders, all which can go to Mecca in this habit, do so, and are thought to merit more than the other, but they which cannot do so make a vow to sacrifice a Ram at the mountain of pardons: and after they be washed, it is not lawful for any man or woman to kill either flea or louse with their hands, neither yet to take them with their nails, until they have accomplished their vowed orations in the mountain of pardons abovesaid: and therefore they carry with them certain sticks made of purpose in manner of a File, called in their language Arca, Cassah Gu●h, with which they grate their shoulders. And so the Carovan marching, cometh within two miles of Mecca where they rest that night. In the morning at the break of day, with all pomp possible they set forward toward Mecca, and drawing near thereunto, the Seripho issueth forth of the city with his guard, accompanied with an infinite number of people, shouting, and making great triumph. And being come out of the city a bowe-shoote into a fair field, where a great multitude of tents are pitched, and in the midst the pavilion of the captain, who meeting with the Serifo, after salutations on each side, they light from their horses and enter into the pavilion, where the king of Mecca depriveth himself of all authority and power, and committeth the same to the abovenamed captain, giving him full licence and authority to command, govern, and minister justice during his abode in Mecca with his company, and on the other side the captain to require this liberality used toward him by the Serifo, giveth him a garment of clot of gold of great value, with certain jewels and other like things. After this, sitting down together upon carpets and hides they eat together, and rising from thence with certain of the chiefest, and taking with them the garment and gate abovesaid, they go directly to the Mosquita, attended on but with a few, and being entered, they 'cause the old to be pulled down, and put the new coverture upon the house of Abraham, and the old vesture is the eunuches which serve in the said Mosquita, who after cell it unto the pilgrims at four or five serafines the pike: and happy doth that man think himself, which can get never so little a piece thereof, to conserve ever after as a most holy relic: and they say, that putting the same under the head of a man at the hour of his death, through virtue thereof all his s●●●es are forgiven. Also they take away the old door, setting in the place the new door, and the old by custom they give unto the Serifo. After having made their prayers with certain ordinary and wonted ceremonies, the Serifo remains in the city, and the captain of the pilgrimage returns unto his pavilion. Of the Serifo the king of Mecca. THe Serifo is descended of the prophet Mahomet by Fatma daughter of that good prophet, and ali husband to her, and son in law to Mahumet, who had no issue male, save this stock of the Serifo, to the elder son whereof the realm cometh by succession. This realm hath of revenues royal, every year half a million of gold, or little more: and all such as are of the prophet's kindred, or descended of that blood (which are almost innumerable) are called Emyri, that is to say, lords. These all go clothed in green, or at the lest have their turban green, to be known from the other. Neither is it permitted that any of those Christians which devil or traffic in their Country go clothed in green, neither may they have any thing of green about them: for they say it is not lawful for misbelievers to wear that colour, wherein that great friend and prophet of god Mahomet was wont to be appareled. Of the city of Mecca. THe City of Mecca in the Arabian tongue is called Macca, that is to say, an habitation. This city is environed about with exceeding high and barren mountains, and in the plain between the said mountains and the city are many pleasant gardens, where groweth great abundance of figs, grapes, apples, and melons. There is also great abundance of good water and flesh, but not of bread. This city hath no walls about it, and containeth in circuit five miles. The houses are very handsome and commodious, and are built like to the houses in Italy. The palace of the Serifo is sumptuous and gorgeously adorned. The women of the place are courteous, ●ocund, and lovely, fair, with alluring eyes, being hot and libidinous, and the most of them naughty packs. The men of this place are given to that abominable, cursed, and opprobrious vice, whereof both men and women make but small account by reason of the pond Zun Zun, wherein having washed themselves, their opinion is, that although like the dog they return to their vomit, yet they are cleansed from all sin whatsoever, of which sin we will hereafter more largely discourse. In the midst of the city is the great Mosquita, with the house of Abraham standing in the very midst thereof, which Mosquita was built in the time when their prophet lived. It is four square, and so great, that it containeth two miles in circuit, that is to say, half a mile each side. Also it is made in manner of a cloister, for that in the midst thereof separate from the rest, is the abovesaid house of Abraham, also the galleries round about are in manner of 4. streets, and the partitions which divide the one street from the other are pillars, whereof some are of marble, and others of lime and stone. This famous and sumptuous Mosquita hath 99 gates, and 5. steeples, from whence the Talismani call the people to the Mosquita. And the pilgrims which are not provided of tents, resort hither, and for more devotion the men and women lie together aloft and beneath, one upon another, so that their house of prayer becometh worse sometimes than a den of thieves. Of the house of Abraham. THe house of Abraham is also four square, and made of speckled stone, 20. paces high, and 40 in circuit. And upon one side of this house within the brickwall, there is a stone of a span long, and half a span broad, which stone (as they say) before this house was builded, fallen down from heaven, at the fall whereof was herded a voice, that wheresoever this stone fallen, there should be built the house of God, where in God will hear sinners. Moreover, they say that when this stone fe●l from heaven, it was not black as now, but as white as the whitest snow, and by reason it hath been so often kissed by sinners, it is there with become black: for all the pilgrims are bond to kiss this stone, otherwise they carry their sins home with them again. The entrance into this house is very small, made in manner of a window, and as high from the ground as a man can reach, so that it is painful to enter. This house hath without 31. pillars of brass, set upon cubike or square stoves being read and green, the which pillars sustain not aught else save a thread of copper, which reacheth from one to another, whereunto are fastened many burning lamps. These pillars of brass were caused to be made by Sultan Soliman grandfather to Sultan Amurath now Emperor. After this, having entered with the difficulty above said, there stand at the entrance two pillars of marble, to wit, on each side one. In the midst there are three of Aloes-wood not very thick, and covered with tiles of India of 1000 colours which serve to underprop the Terratza. It is so dark, that they can hardly see within for want of light, not without an evil smell. Without the gate five pases is the above said pond Zun Zun, which is that blessed pond that the angel of the lord showed unto Agar while she went seeking water for her son Ishmael to drink. Of the ceremonies of the pilgrims. IN the beginning we have said how the Mahometans have two feasts in the year. The one they call Pascha di Ramazaco, that is to say, The feast of fasting, and this feast of fasting is held thirty days after the feast, wherein the Carovan traveleth to Mecca. The other is called the feast of the Ram, wherein all they which are of ability are bond to sacrifice a Ram, and this they call Been Bairam, that is to say, The great feast. And as the Carovan departeth from Cairo thirty days after the little feast, so like wise they come hither five or six days before the great feast, to the end the pilgrims may have time before the feast to finish their rites and ceremonies, which are these. Departing from the Carovan, and being guided by such as are experienced in the way, they go unto the city twenty or thirty in a company as they think good, walking through a street which ascendeth by little and little till they come unto a certain gate, whereupon is written on each side in marble stone, Babel Salema, which in the Arabian tongue signifieth, the gate of health. And from this place is descried the great Mosquita, which environeth the house of Abraham, which being descried, they reverently salute twice, saying, Salem Aleph lara sul Alla, that is to say, Peace to thee, ambassador of God. This salutation being ended, proceeding on the way, they find an arch upon their right hand, whereon they ascend five steps, upon the which is a great void place made of stone: after, descending other five steps, and proceeding the space of a flight-shoot, they find another arch like unto the first, and this way from the one arch to the other they go and come 7. times, saying always some of their prayers, which (they say) the afflicted Agar said, while she sought and found not water for her son Ishmael to drink. This ceremony being ended, the pilgrims enter into the Mosquita, and drawing near unto the house of Abraham, they go round about it other seven times, always saying: This is the house of God, and of his servant Abraham; This done, they go to kiss that black stone abovesaid. After they go unto the pond Zun Zun, and in their apparel as they be, they wash themselves from head to foot, saying, Tobah Allah, Tobah Allah, that is to say, Pardon lord, Pardon lord, drinking also of that water, which is both muddy, filthy, and of an ill ●auour, and in this wise washed and watered, every one returns to his place of abode, and these ceremonies every one is bond to do once at the lest. But those which have a mind to overgo their fellows, and to go into paradise before the rest, do the same once a day while the Carovan remains there. What the Carovan doth after having rested at Mecca: THe Carovan having abode within the city of Mecca five days, the night before the evening of their feast, the captain with all his company setteth forward towards the mountain of pardons, The mountain of pardons. which they call in the Arabian tongue, jabel Arafata. This mountain is distant from Mecca 15. miles, and in the mid way thereto is a place called Mina, that is to say, The haven, and a little from thence are 4. great pillars, of which hereafter we will speak. Now first touching the mountain of Pardons, which is rather to be called a little hill, than a mountain, for that it is low, little, delightful and pleasant, containing in circuit two miles, and environed round about with the goodliest plain that ever with man's eye could be seen, and the plain likewise compassed with exceeding high mountains, in such sort, that this is one of the goodliest situations in the world: and it seemeth verily, that nature hath therein showed all her cunning, in making this place under the mountain of pardons so broad and pleasant. Upon the side towards Mecca there are many pipes of water clear, fair, and fresh, and above all most wholesome, falling down into certain vessels made of purpose, where the people refresh and wash themselves, and water their cattle. And when Adam and evah were cast out of paradise by the angel of the Lord, the Mahometans say, they came to inhabit this little mountain of pardons. Also they say, that they had lost one another, and were separated for the space of 40. years, and in the end met at this place with great joy & gladness, and builded a little house upon the top of this mountain, the which at this day they call Beyt Adam, that is to say, the house of Adam. Of the three Carovans. THe same day that the Carovan of Cairo cometh to this place, hither come 2. Carovans also, one of Damascus, the other of Arabia, and in like manner all the inhabitants for ten days journey round about, so that at one time there is to be seen above 200000, people, and more than 300000. cattle. Now all this company meeting together in this place the night before the feast, the three hosts cast themselves into a triangle, setting the mountain in the midst of them: and all that night there is nothing to be herded nor seen, but gunshot and fireworks of sundry sorts, with such singing, sounding, shouting, hallowing, rumours, feasting, and triumphing, as is wonderful. After this, the day of the feast being come, they are all at rest and silence, and that day they attend on no other thing, then to sacrifice oblations and prayers unto God, and in the evening all they which have horses mount thereon, and approach as nigh unto the mountain as they can, and those which have no horses make the best shift they can on foot, giving ever unto the captain of Cairo the chief place, the second to the captain of Damascus, and the third to the captain of Arabia, & being all approached as is abovesaid, there cometh a square squire, one of the Santones, mounted on a camel well furnished, who at the other side of the mountain ascendeth five steps into a pulpit made for that purpose, and all being silent, turning his face towards the people, he maketh a short sermon of the tenor following. The sum of the Santones sermon. THe sum of this double doctor's sermon is thus much in brief. He showeth them how many and how great benefits God hath given to the Mahometan people by the hand of his beloved friend and prophet Mahomet, having delivered them from the servitude of sin & from idolatry, in which before time they were drowned, and how he gave unto them the house of Abraham wherein they should be herded, and likewise the mountain of pardons, by means whereof they might obtain grace and remission of their sins: adding, that the merciful God, who is a liberal giver of all good things, commanded his secretary Abraham to build him an house in Mecca, where his successors might make their prayers unto him and be herded, at which time all the mountains in the world came together thither with sufficiency of stones for building hereof, except that little and low hill, which for poverty could not go to discharge this debt, for the which it become sorrowful, weeping beyond all measure for the space of thirty years, at the end whereof the eternal God having pity and compassion upon this poor Mountain, said unto it: Weep no more (my daughter) for thy bitter plaints have ascended up into mine ears, therefore comfort thyself: for I will 'cause all those that shall go to visit the house of my friend Abraham, that they shall not be absolved from their sins, unless they first come to do thee reverence, and to keep in this place their holiest feast. And this I have commanded unto my people by the mouth of my friend and prophet Mahumer. This said, he exhorteth them unto the love of God, and to prayer and alms. The sermon being done at the sun-setting they make 3. prayers, namely, the first for the Serifo, the second for the Grand signor with his host, and the third for all the people: to which prayers all with one voice cry saying; Amni la Alla, Amni la Alla, that is to say, Be it so Lord, be it so Lord Thus having had the Santones blessing and saluted the Mountain of pardons, they return the way they came unto Mina, whereof we have made mention. In returning at the end of the plain are the abovesaid 4. pillars, to wit, two on each side of the way, through the midst whereof they say it is needful that every one pass, saying, that who so passeth without loses all that merit which in his pilgrimage he had got. Also from the mountain of pardons until they be passed the said pillars none dare look backward, for fear lest the sins which he hath left in the mountains return to him again. Being past these pillars every one lighteth down, seeking in this sandy field 50. or 60. little stones, which being gathered, and bond in an handkerchief they carry to the above said place of Mina, where they stay 5. days, because at that time there is a fair free and frank of all custom. And in this place are other 3. pillars, not together, but set in divers places, where (as their prophet says) were the three apparitions which the devil made unto Abraham, and to Ishmael his son; for amongst them they make no mention of Isaac, as if he had never been born. So they say, that the blessed God having commanded Abraham his faithful servant to sacrifice his first begotten Ishmael, the old Abraham went to do according to Gods will, and met with the infernal enemy in the shape of a man, and being of him demanded whither he went, he answered, that he went to sacrifice his son Ishmael, as God had commanded him. Against whom the devil exclaiming said: O doting old man, sith God in thy old age hath marvelously given thee this son (in whom all nations shallbe blessed) wherefore giving credit unto vain dreams, will't thou kill him whom so much thou hast desired, and so entirely loved. But Abraham shaking him off proceeded on his way, whereupon the devil seeing his words could not prevail with the father attempted the son, saying; Ishmael, have regard unto thyself betimes in this thing which is so dangerous. Wherefore? answered the child. Because (says the devil) thy doting father seeketh to take away thy life. For what occasion, said Ishmael? Because (says the enemy) he faith, that God hath commanded him. Which Ishmael hearing he took up stones and threw at him, saying, Auzu billahi minal scia itanil ragini, which is to say, I defend me with God from the devil the offender, as who would say, we aught to obey the commandment of God and resist the devil with all our force. But to return to our purpose, the pilgrims during their abode there go to visit these three pillars, throwing away the little stones which before they gathered, while they repeat the same words which they say, that Ishmael said to the devil, when he withstood him. From hence half a mile is a mountain, whither Abraham went to sacrifice his son, as is abovesaid. In this mountain is a great den whither the pilgrims resort to make their prayers, and there is a great stone naturally separated in the midst; and they say, that Ishmael, while his father Abraham was busy about the sacrifice, took the knife in hand to prove how it would cut, and making trial divided the stone into two parts. The five days being expired, the captain ariseth with all the Carovan, and returns again to Mecca, where they remain other five days. And while these rest, we will treat of the city and port of Grida upon the Read Sea. Of Grida. Grida a port near Mecca. THerefore we say that from Mecca to Grida they make two small days journey: and because in those places it is ill traveling in the daytime by reason of the great heat of the Sun, therefore they departed in the evening from Mecca, and in the morning before sun-rising they are arrived half way, where there are certain habitations well furnished, and good Inns to lodge in, but especially women enough which voluntarily bestow their alms upon the poor pilgrims; like wise departing the next evening, the morning after, they come unto Grida. This city is founded upon the Read Sea bank, environed with walls & towers to the land-ward, but through continuance of time almost, consumed and wasted: on the side to seaward it stands unwalled. Grida hath three gates, one on each side, and the third in the midst toward the land, which is called, The port of Mecca, near unto which are 6● or 7. Turk's upon the old towers for guard thereof with four falcons upon one of the corners of the city to the land-ward. Also to seaward where the brickwall joineth with the water, there is lately made a fort like unto a bulwark, where they have planted 25 pieces of the best ordinance that might be had, which are very well kept and quarded. Moore outward towards the sea upon the farthest old tower are other five good pieces with 30 men to guard them. On the other side of the city at the end of the brickwall there is lately builded a bulwark strong and well guarded by a Saniaccho with 150 Turks well provided with ordinance and all other necessaries and munition, and all these fortifying are for none other cause then for fear and suspicion of the Portugals. The Portugals greatly feared in the Read sea. And if the port were good all this were in vain: but the port cannot be worse nor more dangerous, being all full of rocks and sands, in such wise, that the ships cannot come near, but perforce ride at the lest two miles off. At this port arrive every year forty or fifty great ships laden with spices and other rich merchandise which yield in custom 150000 ducats, Forty or fifty rich ships arrive yearly at Grida. the half whereof goeth unto the Grand signor, and the other half to the Serifo. And because there is none other thing worthy mention in Grida we will return to our Carovan which hath almost rested enough. Of their going to Medina. THe Carovan departeth for Medina returning the same way they came unto Bedrihonem abovesaid, where they leave their ordinance and other carriages, whereof they have no need, with the pilgrims which have seen Medina aforetime, and desire not to see it again, but stay in that place, expecting the carovan, and resting until the carovan go from Bedrihonem to Medina, where they always find goodly habitations, with abundance of sweet waters, and dates enough, and being within fourteen miles of Medina they come unto a great plain called by them jabel el salema, that is to say, the mountain of health, from which they begin to descry the city and tomb of Mahomet, at which sight they light from their horses in token of reverence. And being ascended up the said mountain with shouting which pierceth the skies they say, Sala twa salema Alaccah larah sul Allah. Sala twa Salema Alaccah janabi Allah, Sala twa Salema Alaccha jahabit Allah: which words in the Arabian tongue signify: Prayer and health be unto thee, o prophet of God: prayer and health be upon thee, o beloved of God. And having pronounced this salutation, they proceed on their journey, so that they lodge that night within three miles of Medina: and the next morning the captain of the pilgrimage ariseth, & proceeding towards the city, and drawing near, there cometh the governor under the Serifo, accompanied with his people to receive the Carovan, having pitched their tents in the midst of a goodly field where they lodge. Of Medina. MEdina is a little city of great antiquity, containing in circuit not above two miles, having therein but one castle, which is old and weak, guarded by an Aga with fifty pieces of artillery, but not very good. The houses thereof are fair and well situated, built of lime and stone, and in the midst of the city stands a four square Mosquita, not so great as that of Mecca, but more goodly, rich, and sumptuous in building. Within the same in a corner thereof is a tomb built upon four pillars with a vault, as if it were under a pavement, which bindeth all the four pillars together. The tomb is so high, that it far exceedeth in height the Mosquita, being covered with lead, and the top all inamelled with gold, with an half moon upon the top: and within the pavement it is all very artificially wrought with gold. Below there are round about very great stairs of iron ascending up until the midst of the pillars, and in the very midst thereof is buried the body of Mahomet, and not in a chest of iron cleaving to the adamant, as many affirm that know not the truth thereof. Moreover, over the body they have built a tomb of speckled stone a | 〈◊〉 A fathoms brace and an half high, and over the same another of Legmame foursquare in manner of apyramis. After this, round about the sepulture there hangs a curtain of silk, which letteth the sight of those without, that they cannot see the sepulture. Beyond this in the same Mosquita are other two sepulchers covered with green clot, and in the one of them is buried Fatma the daughter of Mahomet, and ali is buried in the other, who was the husband of the said Fatma. The attendants upon these sepulchers are fifty eunuchs white and tawny, neither is it granted to any of them to enter within the tomb, saving to three white eunuchs the oldest and best of credit; unto whom it is lawful to enter but twice in the day, to light the lamps, and to do other services. All the other eunuches attend without to the service of the Mosquita, and the other two sepulchers of Fatma, and ali, where every one may go and touch at his pleasure, and take of the earth for devotion, as many do. Of things without the City. WIthout the city and on every side are most fair gardens, with many fountains of most sweet water, infinite ponds, abundance of fruit, with much honest living, so that this place is very pleasant and delightful. This city hath three gates, one of which is an hospital caused to be built by Cassachi, called the Rose, who was wife to Sultan Soliman grandfather to this emperor. The said hospital hath naught else worthy mention, save that it is fairly built, and hath large revenues belonging thereunto, and nourisheth many poor people. A mile from the city are certain houses whereof they affirm one to be the same, where Mahumet in his lifetime dwelled. This house hath on every side very many fair date trees, amongst which there are two which grow out of one stock exceeding high, and these, they say, their Prophet graffed with his own hand: the fruit thereof is always sent to Constantinople, to be presented unto the Grand signor, and is said to be that blessed fruit of the Prophet. Here unto the date trees is a fair fountain of clear and sweet water, the which by a conduct pipe is brought into the city of Medina. Also there is a little Mosquita, wherein three places are counted holy, and greatly reverenced: the first they affirm, that their Prophet made his first prayer in, after he known God: the second is that whither he went when he would see the holy house of Abraham, where when he sat down to that intent, they say the mountains opened from the top to the bottom to show him the house, and after closed again as before: the third holy place is in the midst of the said Mosquita, where is a tomb made of lime and stone foursquare, and full of sand, wherein, they say, was buried that blessed camel which Mahumet was always wont to ride upon. On the other side of the city are other tombs of holy Mahumetans, and every one of them hath a tomb built upon four pillars, amongst which three were the companions of Mahumet, to wit, Abubacar, Ottoman, and Omar; all which are visited of the pilgrims as holy places. The offering of the vestures unto the sepulchers. THe Carovan being come to Medina two hours before day, and resting there till the evening, the captain then with his company and other pilgrims setteth forward, with the greatest pomp possible: and taking with him the vesture which is made in manner of a pyramid, with many other of gold and silk, departeth, going thorough the midst of the city, until he come to the Mosquita, where having prayed, he presenteth unto the t●mbe of his prophet (where the eunuches receiving hands are ready) the vesture for the said tomb: and certain eunuches entering in take away the old vesture, and lay on the new, burning the old one, and dividing the gold thereof into equal portions. After this are presented other vestures for the ornament of the Mosquita. Also the people without deliver unto the eunuches each man somewhat to touch the tomb therewith, which they keep as a relic with great devotion. This ceremony being ended, the captain rests in Medina two days, to the end the pilgrims may finish their devotion and ceremonies: and after they departed to jambor. A good days journey thence is a steep mountain, over which is no passage, saving by one narrow path called Demir Capi, which was in times passed called the iron gate. Of this gate the Mahometans say, that Ally the companion and son in law of Mahumet, being here pursued by many Christians, and coming unto this mountain, not seeing any way whereby to flee, drawn out his sword, and striking the said mountain, divided it in sunder, and passing thorough saved his life on the other side. Moreover, this ali among the Persians is had in greater reverence than Mahumet, who affirm, that the said ali hath done greater things and more miraculous than Mahumet, and therefore they esteem him for God almighty his fellow. But to return to our matter, the captain with the carovan within two days after returns for Cairo, and coming to Ezlem, finds there a captain with threescore horses come thither to bring refreshments to the said captain of the pilgrimage, as also to cell unto the pilgrims some victuals. From thence they set forward, and coming to Birca within two leagues of Cairo, there is the master of the house of the basha of Cairo with all his horsemen come thither to receive him, with a sumptuous and costly banquet made at the cost of the Bassa for the captain and his retinue, who after he is well refreshed departeth toward the castle of Cairo to salute the Bassa, who receiving him with great joy and gladness in token of good will presenteth him with a garment of clot of gold very rich: and the captain taking the Koran out of the chest presenteth it to the Bassa, who having kissed it, commands to lay it up again. Some there are which affirm, that being arrived at Cairo, they kill that goodly camel which carried the Koran, and eat him; which is nothing so: for they are so superstitious to the contrary, that to gain all the world they would not kill him. But if by casualty he should die, in this case happy and blessed they think themselves, which can get a morsel to eat. And thus much concerning the voyage of the captain of the carovan of Cairo. The voyage and travel of M. Caesar Frederick, Merchant of Venice, into the East India, and beyond the Indies. Wherein are contained the customs and rites of those countries, the merchandises and commodities, aswell of gold and silver, as spices, drugs, pearls, and other jewels: translated out of Italian by M. Thomas Hickocke. Caesar Frederick to the Reader. I Having (gentle Reader) for the space of eighteen years continually coasted and traveled, Caesar Frederick traveled eighteen years in the East Indies. as it were, all the East Indies, and many other countries beyond the Indies, wherein I have had both good and ill success in my travels: and having seen & understood many things worthy the noting, and to be known to all the world, the which were never as yet written of any: I thought it good (seeing the Almighty had given me grace, after so long perils in passing such a long voyage to return into mine own country, the noble city of Venice) I say, I thought it good, as briefly as I could, to writ and set forth this voyage made by me, with the marvelous things I have seen in my travels in the Indies: The mighty Princes that govern those countries, their religion and faith that they have, the rites and customs which they use, and live by, of the divers success that happened unto me, and how many of these countries are abounding with spices, drugs, and jewels, giving also profitable advertisement to all those that have a desire to make such a voyage. And because that the whole world may more commodiously rejoice at this my travel, I have caused it to be printed in this order: and now I present it unto you (gentle & loving Readers) to whom for the varieties of things herein contained, I hope that it shall be with great delight received. And thus God of his goodness keep you. A voyage to the East Indies, and beyond the Indies, etc. IN the year of our Lord God 1563, I Caesar Frederick being in Venice, The authors going from Venice to Cyprus and Tripoli. and very desirous to see the East parts of the world, shipped myself in a ship called the Grada●ge of Venice, with certain merchandise, governed by M. jacomo Vatica, which was bond to Cyprus with his ship, with whom I went: and when we were arrived in Cyprus, I left that ship, and went in a lesser to Tripoli in Soria, where I stayed a while. Afterwards I took my journey to Aleppo, and there I acquainted myself with merchants of Armenia, and Moors, that were merchants, and consorted to go with them to Ormus, and we departed from Aleppo, and in two days journey and a half, we came to a city called Bir. Of the city called Bir. by'r be a small city very scarce of all manner of victuals, and near unto the walls of the city runneth the river of Euphrates. In this city the merchants divide themselves into companies, according to their merchandise that they have, and there either they buy or make a boat to carry them and their goods to Babylon down the river Euphrates, The river Euphrates. with charge of a master and mariners to conduct the boat in the voyage: these boats are in a manner flat bottomed, yet they be very strong: and for all that they are so strong, they will serve but for one voyage. They are made according to the sholdnesse of the river, because that the river is in many places full of great stones, which greatly hinder and trouble those that go down the river. These boats serve but for one voyage down the river unto a village called Feluchia, because it is impossible to bring them up the river back again. At Feluchia the merchants pluck their boats in pieces, or else cell them for a small price, for that at by'r they cost the merchants forty or fifty chickens a piece, and they sell them at Feluchia for seven or eight chickens a piece, Feluchia a small city on Euphrates. because that when the merchants return from Babylon back again, if they have merchandise or goods that owes custom, than they make their return in forty days thorough the wilderness, passing that way with a great deal lesser charges then the other way. And if they have not merchandise that owes custom, than they go by the way of Mosul, Mosul. where it costeth them great charges both the Carovan and company. From by'r where the merchants embark themselves to Feluchia over against Babylon, if the river have good store of water, they shall make their voyage in fifteen or eighteen days down the river, and if the water be low, and it hath not reigned, than it is much trouble, and it will be forty or fifty days journey down, because that when the barks strike on the stones that be in the river, than they must unlade them, which is great trouble, and then lad them again when they have mended them: therefore it is not necessary, neither do the merchants go with one boat alone, but with two or three, that if one boat split and be lost with striking on the sholdes, they may have another ready to take in their goods, until such time as they have mended the broken boat, and if they draw the broken boat on land to mend her, it is hard to de●end her in the night from the great multitude of Arabians that will come down there to rob you: and in the rivers every night, when you make fas● your boat to the banckeside, you must keep good watch against the Arabians which are thieves in number like to ants, The Arabian thieves are in number like to Ants. yet when they come to rob, they will not kill, but steal & run away. Harquebusses are very good weapons against them, for that they stand greatly in fear of the shot. And ●s you pass the river Euphrates from by'r to Feluchia, there are certain places which you must pass by, where you pay custom certain medines upon a bale, which custom is belonging to the son of Aborise king of the Arabians and of the desert, who hath certain cities and villages on the river Euphrates. Feluchia and Babylon. FEluchia is a village where they that come from by'r do unbarke themselves and unlade their goods, and it is distant from Babylon a days journey and an half by land: Babylon is no great city, The old Babylon hath great trade with merchants 〈◊〉. but it is very populous, and of great trade of strangers because it is a great thoroughfare for Persia, Turkia, and Arabia: and very often times there go out from thence Carovans into divers countries: and the city is very copious of victuals, which come out of Armenia down the river of Tigris, on certain Zattares or Raffes made of blown hides or skins called Vtrij. This river Tigris doth wash the walls of the city. These Raffes are bond fast together, and then they lay boards on the aforesaid blown skins, and on the boards they lad the commodities, and so come they to Babylon where they unlade them, and being unladen, they let out the wind out of the skins, and lad them on camels to make another voyage. This city of Babylon is situate in the kingdom of Persia, but now governed by the Turks. On the other side of the river towards Arabia, over against the city, there is a fair place or town, and in it a fair Bazarro for merchants, with very many lodgings, where the greatest part of the merchants strangers which come to Babylon do lie with their merchandise. A bridge made of boats. The passing over Tigris from Babylon to this Borough is by a long bridge made of boats chained together with great chains: provided, that when the river waxeth great with the abundance of rain that falls, than they open the bridge in the middle, where the one half of the bridge falls to the walls of Babylon, and the other to the brinks of this Borough, on the other side of the river: and as long as the bridge is open, they pass the river in small boats with great danger, because of the smallness of the boats, and the overlading of them, that with the fierceness of the stream they be overthrown, or else the stream doth carry them away, so that by this means, many people are lost and drowned: this thing by proof I have many times seen. Of the tower of Babylon. THe Tower of Nimrod or Babel is situate on that side of Tigris that Arabia is, and in a very great plain distant from Babylon seven or eight miles: which tower is ruinated on every side, and with the falling of it there is made a great mountain: so that it hath no form at all, yet there is a great part of it standing, These bricks be in thickness six or seven inches, and a foot & a half square. which is compassed and almost covered with the aforesaid fall: this Tower was builded and made of four square Bricks, which Bricks were made of earth, and dried in the Sun in manner and form following: first they laid a lay of Bricks, than a Mat made of Canes, square as the Bricks, and in stead of lime, they daubed it with earth: these Mats of Canes are at this time so strong, that it is a thing wonderful to behold, being of such great antiquity: I have go round about it, and have not found any place where there hath been any door or entrance: it may be in my judgement in circuit about a mile, and rather less than more. This Tower in effect is contrary to all other things which are seen afar off, for they seem small, & the more near a man cometh to them the bigger they be: but this tower afar off seemeth a very great thing, and the nearer you come to it the lesser. My judgement & reason of this is, that because the Tower is set in a very great plain, and hath nothing more about to make any show saving the ruins of it which it hath made round about, and for this respect descrying it a far off, that piece of the Tower which yet standeth with the mountain that is made of the substance that hath fallen from it, maketh a greater show than you shall find coming near to it. Babylon and Basora. FRom Babylon I departed for Basora, shipping myself in one of the barks that use to go in the river T●gris from Babylon to Basora, and from Basora to Babylon: which barks are made after the manner of Fusts or Galliots' with a Speron and a covered poop: they have no pump in them because of the great abundance of pitch which they have to pitch them with all: This hole whereour cometh this pitch is most true, and the water & pitch runneth into the valley or Island where the pitch rests, & the water runneth into the river Euphrates, and it maketh all the river to be as it were b●ackish with the smell of pitch and brimstone. which pitch they have in abundance two days journey from Babylon. Near unto the river Euphrates, there is a city called Heit, near unto which city there is a great plain full of pitch, very marvelous to behold, and a thing almost incredible, that out of a hole in the earth, which continually throweth out pitch into the air with continual smoke, this pitch is thrown with such force, that being hot it falls like as it were sprinkled over all the plain, in such abundance that the plain is always full of pitch: the Moors and the Arabians of that place say, that that hole is the mouth of hell: and in truth, it is a thing very notable to be marked: and by this pitch the whole people have great benefit to pitch their barks, which barks they call Daneck and Saffin. When the river of Tigris is well replenished with water, you may pass from Babylon to Basora in eight or nine days, and sometimes more and sometimes less: we were half so much more which is 14 or 15 days, because the waters were low: they may sail day & night, and there are some places in this way where you pay so many medins on ●aile: if the waters be low, it is 18 days journey. Basora. BAsora is a city of the Arabians, which of old time was governed by those Arabians called Zizarij, Zizarij, an ancient people. but now it is governed by the great Turk where he keepeth an army to his great charges. The Arabians called Zizarij have the possession of a great country, and cannot be overcome of the Turk, because that the sea hath divided their country into an Island by channels with the ebbing and flowing of the sea, and for that cause the Turk cannot bring an army against them, neither by sea nor by land, and another reason is, the inhabitants of that Island are very strong and warlike men. A days journey before you come to Basora, you shall have a little castle or fort, which is set on that point of the land where the rivers of Euphrates and Tigris meet together, At the castle of Corna the river Euphrates and Tigris do meet. and the castle is called Corna: at this point, the two rivers make a monstrous great river, that runneth into the sea, which is called the gulf of Persia, which is towards the South: Basora is distant from the sea fifteen miles, and it is a city of great trade of spices and drugs which come from Ormus. Also there is great store of corn, Rice, and Dates, which the country doth yield. I shipped myself in Basora to go for Ormus, and so we sailed thorough the Persian sea sir hundred miles, which is the distance from Basora to Ormus, Ormus is the barrenest Island in all the world. and we sailed in small ships made of boards, bond together with small cords or ropes, and in stead of calking they lay between every board certain straw which they have, and so they sow board and board together, with the straw between, wherethorow there cometh much water, and they are very dangerous. Departing from Basora we passed 200 miles with the sea on our right hand, along the gulf, until at length we arrived at an Island called Carichij, Carichij an Island in the gulf of Persia. fro whence we sailed to Ormus in sight of the Persian shore on the left side, and on the right side towards Arabia we discovered infinite islands. Ormus. ORmus is an Island in circuit five and twenty or thirty miles, Ormus is always replenished with abundance of victual, and yet there is none that groweth in the Island. and it is the barrenest and most dry Island in all the world, because that in it there is nothing to be had, but salt water, and wood, all other things necessary for man's life are brought out of Persia twelve miles off, and out of other islands near thereunto adjoining, in such abundance and quantity, that the city is always replenished with all manner of store: there is standing near unto the water's side a very fair castle, in the which the captain of the king of Portugal is always resident with a good band of Portugals, and before this castle is a very fair prospect: in the city devil the married men, soldiers and merchants of every nation, amongst whom there are Moors and Gentiles. Great trade of merchandise in Ormus. In this city there is very great trade for all sorts of spices, drugs, silk, clot of silk, brocardo, and divers other sorts of merchandise come out of Persia: and amongst all other trades of merchandise, the trade of Horses is very great there, which they carry from thence into the Indies. This Island hath a Moor king of the race of the Persians, who is created and made king by the Captain of the castle, in the name of the king of Portugal. At the creation of this king I was there, The election of the king of Ormus. and see the ceremonies that they use in it, which are as followeth. The old King being dead, the Captain of the Portugals chooseth another of the blood royal, and maketh this election in the castle with great ceremonies, and when he is elected, the Captain sweareth him to be true and faithful to the King of Portugal, as his Lord and Governor, and then he giveth him the Sceptre regal. After this with great feasting & pomp, and with great company, he is brought into the royal palace in the city. This King keepeth a good train, and hath sufficient revenues to maintain himself without troubling of any, because the Captain of the castle doth maintain and defend his right, and when that the Captain and he ride together, he is honoured as a king, yet he cannot ride abroad with his train, without the consent of the Captain first had: it behoveth them to do this, and it is necessary, because of the great trade that is in the city: their proper language is the Persian tongue. There I shipped myself to go for Goa, a city in the Indies, in a ship that had fourscore horses in her. This is to advertise those Merchants that go from Ormus to Goa to ship themselves in those ships that carry horses, because every ship that carrieth twenty horses or upwards is privileged, A privilege for Merchants. that all the merchandise whatsoever they carry shall pay no custom, whereas the ships that carry no horses are bond to pay right per cento of all the goods they bring. Goa, Diu, and Cambaia. GOa is the principal city that the Portugals have in the Indies, where is resident the Uiceroy with his Court and ministers of the King of Portugal. From Ormus to Goa is nine hundred four score and ten mile's distance, in which passage the first city that you come to in the Indies, is called Diu, Diu. and is situate in a little Island in the kingdom of Cambaia, which is the greatest strength that the Portugals have in all the Indies, yet a small city, but of great trade, because there they lad very many great ships for the straits of Mecca and Ormus with merchandise, and these ships belong to the Moors and Christians, but the Moors can not trade neither sail into those seas without the licence of the Uiceroy of the king of Portugal, otherwise they are taken and made good prizes. The merchandise that they lad these ships withal cometh from Cambaietta a port in the kingdom of Cambaia, Cambaietta. which they bring from thence in small barks, because there can no great ships come thither, by reason of the sholdn●sse of the water thereabouts, and these sholds are an hundred or fourscore miles about in a strait or gulf, which they call Macareo, which is as much to say, as a race of a tide, because the waters there run out of that place without measure, so that there is no place like to it, unless it be in the kingdom of Pegu, where there is another Macareo, where the waters run out with moreforce then these do. The principal city in Cambaia is called Amadavar, it is a days journey and an half from Cambaietta, it is a very great city and very populous, and for a city of the Gentiles it is very well made and builded with fair houses and large streets, with a fair place in it with many ships, and in show like to Cairo, but not so great: also Cambaietta is situate on the seas side, and is a very fair city. The time that I was there, the city was in great calamity & scarceness, so that I have seen the men of the country that were Gentiles take their children, their sons and their daughters, and have desired the Portugals to buy them, and I have seen them sold for eight or ten larines a piece, which may be of our money x.s. or xiii. s. iiii. d. For all this, if I had not seen it, I could not have believed that there should be such a trade at Cambaietta as there is: For in the time of every new Moon and every full Moon, the small barks (innumerable) come in and out, for at those times of the Moon the tides and waters are higher than at other times they be. These barks be laden with all sorts of spices, with silk of China, with Sandols', with Elephant's teeth, Velvets of Vercini, great quantity of Pannina, which cometh from Mecca, Chickinos which be pieces of gold worth seven shillings a piece sterling, with money, and with divers sorts of other merchandise. Also these barks lad out, as it were, an infinite quantity of clot made of Bombast of all sorts, as white stamped and painted, with great quantity of Indigo, dried ginger & conserved, Myrabolans dry and condi●e, Boraso in paste, great store of sugar, great quantity of Cotton, abundance of Opium, Assa Fe●ida, Puchio, with many other sorts of drugs, turbans made in Dui, great stones like to Corneolaes', Granats, Agats, Diaspry, Calcidonij, Hematists, and some kind of natural Diamonds. There is in the city of Cambaietta an order, but no man is bond to keep it, but they that will; but all the Portugal merchants keep it, the which is this. There are in this city certain Brokers which are Gentiles and of great authority, and have every one of them fifteen or twenty servants, and the Merchants that use that country have their Brokers, with which they be served: and they that have not been there are informed by their friends of the order, and of what broker they shall be served. Now every fifteen days (as abovesaid) that the fleet of small ships entereth into the port, the Brokers come to the water side, and these Merchants assoon as they are come on land, do give the cargason of all their goods to that Broker that they will have to do their business for them, with the marks of all the farthels and packs they have: and the merchant having taken on land all his furniture for his house, because it is needful that the Merchants that trade to the Indies carry provision of household with them, merchants that travel to the Indies must carry their provision of household with them. because that in every place where they they come they must have a new house, the Broker that hath received his cargason, commands his servants to carry the merchants furniture for his house home, and load it on some cart, and carry it into the city, where the Brokers have divers empty houses meet for the lodging of Merchants, furnished only with bedsteds, tables, chairs, and empty jars for water: then the Broker saith to the Merchant, Go and repose yourself, and take your rest in the city. The Broker carrieth at the water side with the cargason, and causeth all his goods to be discharged out of the ship, and payeth the custom, and causeth it to be brought into the house where the merchant lieth, the Merchant not knowing any thing thereof, neither custom, nor charges. These goods being brought to this pass into the house of the Merchant, the Broker demandeth of the Merchant if he have any desire to cell his goods or merchandise, at the prizes that such wares are worth at that present time? And if he hath a desire to cell his goods presently, then at that instant the Broker selleth them away. After this the Broker saith to the Merchant, you have so much of every sort of merchandise neat and clear of every charge, and so much ready money. And if the Merchant will employ his money in other commodities, than the Broker telleth him that such and such commodities will cost so much, put aboard without any manner of charges. The Merchant understanding the effect, maketh his account; and if he think to buy or cell at the prizes currant, he giveth order to make his merchandise away: and if he hath commodity for 20000 ducats, all shallbe bartered or sold away in fifteen days without any care or trouble: and when as the Merchant thinketh that he cannot cell his goods at the prize currant, he may tarry as long as he will, but they cannot be sold by any man but by that Broker that hath taken them on land and paid the custom: and perchance tarrying sometimes for sale of their commodity, they make good profit, and sometimes loss: but those merchandise that come not ordinarily every fifteen days, in tarrying for the sale of them, there is great profit. The barks that lad in Cambaietta go for Diu to lad the ships that go from thence for the straits of Mecca and Ormus, and some go to Chaul and Goa: and these ships be very well appointed, or else are guarded with the Armada of the Portugals, for that there are many Corsaries or Pirates which go coursing alongst that coast, robbing and spo●ling: Great ●●o●e of men of war and rovers o● the coast of Cambaia. and for fear of these thieves there is no safe sailing in those seas, but with ships very well appointed and armed, or else with the fleet of the Portugals, as is aforesaid. In fine, the kingdom of Cambaia is a place of great trade, and hath much doings and traffic with all men, although hitherto it hath been in the hands of tyrants, because that at 75 years of age the true king being at the assault of Diu, was there slain; whose name Sultan Badu. At that time four or five captains of the army divided the kingdom amongst themselves, and every one of them showed in his country what tyranny he could: but twelve years ago the great Mogul a Moor king of Agra and Delly, forty days journey within the land of Amadavar, become the governor of all the kingdom of Cambaia without any resistance, because he being of great power and force, devising which way to enter the land with his people, there was not any man that would make him any resistance, although they were tyrants and a beastly people, they were soon brought under obedience. During the time I dwelled in Cambaietta I see very marvelous things: A marvelous ●o●d delight in women. there were an infinite number of artificers that made bracelets called Mannij, or bracelets of elephants teeth, of divers colours, for the women of the Gentiles, which have their arms full decked with them. And in this occupation there are spent every year many thousand of crowns: the reason whereof is this, that when there dieth any whatsoever of their kindred, then in sign and token of mourning and sorrow, they break all their bracelets from their arms, and presently they go and buy new again, because that they had rather be without their meat then without their bracelets. Daman. Basan. Tana. Having passed Diu, I came to the second city that the Portugals have, called Daman, situate in the territory of Cambaia, distant from Diu an hundred and twenty miles: it is no town of merchandise, save Rice and corn, and hath many villages under it, where in time of peace the Portugals take their pleasure, but in time of war the enemies have the spoil of them; in such wise that the Portugals have little benefit by them. Next unto Daman you shall have Basan, which is a filthy place in respect of Daman: in this place is Rice, Corn, and Timber to make ships and galleys. And a small distance beyond Basan is a little Island called Tana, Tana an Island whereo● Odoricus writeth, page 41. a place very populous with Portugals, Moors, and Gentiles: these have nothing but Rice, there are many makers of Armesine, and weavers of girdles of wool and bombast black and red like to Moocharies'. Of the cities of Chaul, and of the Palmer tree. BEyond this Island you shall find Chaul in the firm land; and they are two cities, one of the Portugals, and the other of the Moors: that city which the Portugals have is situate lower than the other, and governeth the mouth of the harbour, and is very strongly walled: and as it were a mile and an half distant from this is the city of Moors, governed by their king Zamalluco. In the time of wars there cannot any great ships come to the city of the Moors, because the Portugals with their ordinance will sink them, for that they must perforce pass by the castles of the Portugals: both the cities are ports of the sea, and are great cities, and have unto them great traffic and trade of merchandise, of all sorts of spices, drugs, silk, clot of silk, Sandols', Marsine, Versine, Porcelain of China, Velvets and Scarlets that come from Portugal, and from Mecca: with many other sorts of merchandise. There come every year from Cochin, and from Cananor ten or fifteen great ships laden with great Nuts cured, and with Sugar made of the self same Nuts called Giagra: the tree whereon these Nuts do grow is called the Palmer tree: and throughout all the Indies, and especially from this place to Goa, there is great abundance of them, and it is like to the Date tree. In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodness than this tree is, neither do men reap so much benefit of any other tree as they do of this, there is not any part of it but serveth for some use, and none of it is worthy to be burned. With the timber of this tree they make ships without the mixture of any other tree, and with the leaves thereof they make sails, and with the fruit thereof, which be a kind of Nuts, they make wine, and of the wine they make Sugar and Placetto, which wine they gather in the spring of the year: out of the middle of the tree where continually there goeth or runneth out white liquor like unto water, in that time of the year they put a vessel under every tree, and every evening and morning they take it away full, and then distilling it with fire it maketh a very strong liquor: and then they put it into butts, with a quantity of Zibibbo, white or black and in short time it is made a perfect wine. After this they make of the Nuts great store of oil: of the tree they make great quantity of boards and quarters for buildings. Of the bark of this tree they make cables, ropes, and other furniture for ships, and, as they say, these ropes be better than they that are made of Hemp. They make of the bows, bedsteds, after the Indies fashion, and Scavasches for merchandise. The leaves they cut very small, and weave them, and so make sails of them, for all manner of shipping, or else very fine mats. And then the first rind of the Nut they stamp, and make thereof perfect Ockam to calk ships, great and small: and of the hard bark thereof they make spoons and other vessels for meat, in such wise that there is no part thereof thrown away or cast to the fire. When these Mats be green they are full of an excellent sweet water to drink: and if a man be thirsty, with the liquor of one of the Mats he may satisfy himself: and as this Nut ripeneth, the liquor thereof turneth all to kernel. There goeth out of Chaul for Mallaca, for the Indies, for Macao, for Portugal, for the coasts of Melinde, for Ormus, as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and merchandise that come out of the kingdom of Cambaia, as clothe of bombast white, painted, printed, great quantity of Indigo, Opium, Cotton, Silk of every sort, great store of Boraso in Paste, great store of Fetida, great store of iron, corn, and other merchandise. The Moor king Zamalluco is of great power, as one that at need may command, & hath in his camp, two hundred thousand men of war, and hath great store of artillery, some of them made in pieces, Great ordinance made in pieces, and ●et serviceable. which for their greatness can not be carried to and fro: yet although they be made in pieces, they are so commodious that they work with them marvelous well, whose shot is of stone, and there hath been of that shot sent unto the king of Portugal for the rareness of the thing. The city where the king Zamalluco hath his being, is within the land of Chaul seven or eight days journey, which city is called Abneger. Threescore and ten miles from Chaul, towards the Indies, is the port of Dabul, an haven of the king Zamallaco: from thence to Goa is an hundred and fifty miles. Goa. GOa is the principal city that the Portugals have in the Indies, The chief place the Portugals have in the Indies. wherein the Uiceroy with his royal Court is resident, and is in an Island which may be in circuit five and twenty or thirty miles: and the city with the boroughs is reasonable big, and for a city of the Indies it is reasonable fair, but the Island is far more fairer: for it is as it were full of goodly gardens, replenished with divers trees and with the Palmer trees as is aforesaid. This city is of great traffic for all sorts of merchandise which they trade withal in those parts: and the fleet which comes every year from Portugal, which are five or six great ships that come directly for Goa, arrive there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September, and there they remain forty or fifty days, and from thence they go to Cochin, where they lad for Portugal, and often times they lad one ship at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugal. Cochin is distant from Goa three hundred miles. The city of Goa is situate in the kingdom of Dialcan a king of the Moors, whose chief city is up in the country eight days journey, and is call●d Bisapor: this king is of great power, for when I was in Goa in the year of our Lord 1570, this king came to give assault to Goa, being encamped near unto it by a river side with an army of two hundred thousand men of war, and he lay at this siege fourteen months: in which time there was peace concluded, and as report went amongst his people, there was great calamity and mortality which bread amongst them in the time of Winter, and also killed very many elephants. Then in the year of our Lord 1567., I went from Goa to Bezeneger the chief city of the kingdom of Narsinga eight days journey from Goa, within the land, in the company of two other merchant's which carried with them three hundred Arabian horses to that king: because the horses of that country are of a small stature, and they pay well for the Arabian horses: and it is requisite that the merchants cell them well, for that they stand them in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus, and from Ormus to Goa, where the ship that bringeth twenty horses and upwards payeth no custom, neither ship nor goods whatsoever; whereas if they bring no horses, they pay 8 per cento of all their goods: and● at the going out of Goa the horses pay custom, two and forty pagodies for every horse, which pagody may be of sterling money six shillings eight pennies, they be pi●ces of gold of that value. So that the Arabian horses are of great value in those countries, as 300,400,500 ducats a horse, and to 1000 ducats a horse. A very good sale for horses. Bezeneger. THe city of Bezeneger was sacked in the year 1565, by four kings of the Moors, which were of great power and might: the names of these four kings were these following, the first was called Dialcan, the second Zamaluc, the third Cotamaluc, and the fourth Viridy: and yet these four kings were not able to overcome this city and the king of Bezeneger, but by treason. A most unkind & wicked treason against their prince: this they have for giving credit to strangers, rather than to their own native people. This king of Bezeneger was a Gentle, and had, amongst all other of his captains, two which were notable, and they were Moors: and these two captains had either of them in charge threescore and ten or fourscore thousand men. These two captains being of one religion with the four kings which were moors, wrought means with them to betray their own king into their hands. The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the four kings his enemies, but went out of his city to wage battle with them in the fields; and when the armies were joined, the battle lasted but a while not the space of four hours, because the two traitorous captains, in the chiefest of the fight, with their companies turned their faces against their king, and made such disorder in his army, that as astonished they set themselves to flight. Thirty years was this kingdom governed by three brethren which were tyrants, the which keeping the rightful king in prison, it was their use every year once to show him to the people, and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed. These brethren were three captains belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison, which when he died, left his son very young, and then they took the government to themselves. The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio, and sat in the royal throne, and was called the king: the second was called Temiragio, and he took the government on him: the third was called Bengatre, and he was captain general of the army. These three brethren were in this battle, in the which the chiefest and the last were never herded of quick nor dead. Only Temiragio fled in the battle, having lost one of his eyes: when the news came to the city of the overthrow in the battle, The sacking in the city. the wives and children of these three tyrants, with their lawful king (kept prisoner) f●ed away, spoilt as they were, & the four kings of the Moors entered the city Bezeneger with great triumph, & there they remained six months, searching under houses & in all places for money & other things that were hidden, and then they departed to their own kingdoms, because they were not able to maintain such a kingdom as that was, so far distant from their own country. When the kings were departed from Bezeneger, this Temiragio returned to the city, and then began for to repopulate it, and sent word to Goa to the Merchants, if they had any horses, to bring them to him, and he would pay well for them, and for this cause the aforesaid two Merchants that I went in company withal, carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger. Also this Tyrant made an order or law, An excellent good policy to entrap men. that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were taken in the aforesaid battle or wars, although they were of his own mark, that he would give as much for them as they would: and beside he gave general safe conduct to all that should bring them. When by this means he see that there were great store of horses brought thither unto him, he gave the Merchant's fair words, until such time as he see they could bring no more. Then he licensed the Merchants to departed, without giving them any thing for their horses, which when the poor men see, they were desperate, and as it were mad with sorrow and grief. I rested in Bezeneger seven months, although in one month I might have discharged all my business, for it was necessary to rest there until the ways were clear of thieves, which at that time ranged up and down. And in the time I rested there, I see many strange and beastly d●eds done by the Gentiles. First, when there is any Noble man or woman dead, they burn their bodies: and if a married man die, his wife must burn herself alive, for the love of her husband, and with the body of her husband: so that when any man dieth, his wife will take a months leave, two or three, or as she will, to burn herself in, and that day being come, wherein she aught to be burned, that morning she goeth out of her house very early, either on horseback or on an elephant, or else is born by eight men on a small stage: in one of these orders she goeth, being appareled like to a Bride, carried round about the City, with her hair down about her shoulders, garnished with jewels and flowers, according to the estate of the party, and they go with as great joy as Brides do in Venice to their nuptials: she carrieth in her left hand a looking glass, and in her right hand an arrow, and singeth thorough the City as she passeth, and saith, that she goeth to sleep with her dear spouse and husband. She is accompanied with her kindred and friends until it be one or two of the clock in the afternoon, than they go out of the City, A description of the burning place. and going along the rivers side called Nigondin, which runneth under the walls of the City, until they come unto a place where they use to make this burning of women, being widows, there is prepared in this place a great square cave, with a little pinnacle hard by it, four or five steps up: the foresaid cave is full of dried wood. The woman being come thither, accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing, than they make ready a great banquet, Feasting and dancing when they should mourn. and she that shall be burned eateth with as great joy and gladness, as though it were her wedding day: and the feast being ended, than they go to dancing and singing a certain time, according as she will. After this, the woman of her own accord, commands them to make the fire in the square cave where the dry wood is, and when it is kindled, they come and certify her thereof, then presently she leaveth the feast, and taketh the nearest kinsman of her husband by the hand, and they both go together to the bank of the foresaid river, where she putteth off all her jewels and all her clotheses, and giveth them to her parents or kinsfolk, and covering herself with a clot, because she will not be seen of the people being naked, she throweth herself into the river, saying: OH wretches, wash away your ●innes. Coming out of the water, she rolleth herself into a yellow clot of fourteen braces long: and again she taketh her husband's kinsman by the hand, and they go both together up to the pinnacle of the square cave wherein the fire is made. When she is on the pinnacle, she talketh and reasoneth with the people, recommending unto them her children and kindred. Before the pinnacle they use to set a mat, because they shall not see the fierceness of the fire, yet there are many that will have them plucked away, showing therein an heart not fearful, and that they are not afraid of that sight. When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content, there is another woman that taketh a pot with oil, and sprinkleth it over her head, and with the same she anoynteth all her body, and afterwards throweth the pot into the furnace, and both the woman and the pot go together into the fire, and presently the people that are round about the furnace throw after her into the cave great pieces of wood, so by this means, with the fire and with the blows that she hath with the wood thrown after her, she is quickly dead, and after this there groweth such sorrow and such lamentation among the people, that all their mirth is turned into howling and weeping, Mourning when they should rejoice. in such wise, that a man could scarce bear the hearing of it. I have seen many burned in this manner, because my house was near to the gate where they go out to the place of burning: and when there dieth any great man, his wife with all his slaves with whom he hath had carnal copulation, burn themselves together with him. Also in this kingdom I have seen amongst the base sort of people this use and order, that the man being dead, he is carried to the place where they will make his sepulchre, and setting him as it were upright, then cometh his wife before him on/ her knees, casting her arms about his neck, with embracing and clasping him, until such time as the Masons have made a brickwall round about them, and when the brickwall is as high as their necks, there cometh a man behind the woman and strangleth her: then when she is dead, the workmen finish the brickwall over their heads, and so they lie buried both together. Besides these, there are an infinite number of beastly qualities amongst them, of which I have no desire to writ. I was desirous to know the cause why these women would so wilfully burn themselves against nature and law, and it was told me that this law was of an ancient time, to make provision against the slaughters which women made of their husbands. For in those days before this law was made, The cause why the women do so bur●e themselves. the women for every little displeasure that their husbands had done unto them, would presently poison their husbands, and take other men, and now by reason of this law th●y are more faithful unto their husbands, and count their lives as dear as their own, because that after his death her own followeth presently. In the year of our Lord God 1567., for the ill success that the people of Bezeneger had, in that their City was sacked by the four kings, the king with his Court went to devil in a castle eight days journey up in the land from Bezeneger, called Penegonde. Penegonde. Also six days journey from Bezeneger, is the place where they get Diamonds: I was not there, but it was told me that it is a gr●at place, compassed with a brickwall, and that they s●ll the earth within the brickwall, for so much a squadron, and the limits are set how deep or how low they shall dig. Those Diamonds that are of a certain size and bigger than that size are all for the king, it is many years agone, since they got any there, for the troubles that have been in that kingdom. The first cause of this trouble was, because the son of this Temeragio had put to death the lawful king which he had in prison, for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that kingdom would not acknowledge him to be their King, and by this means there are many kings, and great division in that kingdom, and the city of Bezeneger is not altogether destroyed, yet the houses stand still, but empty, and there is dwelling in them nothing, as is reported, but Tigers and other wild beasts. The circuit of this city is four & twenty miles about, and within the walls are certain mountains. The houses stand walled with earth, and plain, all saving the three palaces of the three tyrant brethren, and the Pagodes which are idol houses: these are made with lime and fine marble. I have seen many king's Courts, and yet have I seen none in greatness like to this of Bezeneger, I say, for the order of his palace, for it hath nine gates or ports. First when you go into the place where the king did lodge, there are five great ports or gates: these are kept with Captains and soldiers: then within these there are four lesser gates, which are kept with Porters. Without the first gate there is a little porch, where there is a Captain with five and twenty soldiers, that keepeth watch and ward night and day: and within that another with the like guard, where thorough they come to a very fair Court, and at the end of that Court there is another porch as the first, with the like guard, and within that another Court. And in this wise are the first five gates guarded and kept with those Captains: and then the lesser gates within are kept with a guard of Porters: which gates stand open the greatest part of the night, because the custom of the Gentiles is to do their business, and make their feasts in the night, rather than by day. The city is very safe from thieves, for the Portugal merchants sleep in the streets, or under porches, for the great heat which is there, and yet they never had any harm in the night. At the end of two months, I determined to go for Goa in the company of two other Portugal Merchants, which were making ready to departed, with two palanchines or little litters, which are very commodious for the way, with eight Falchines which are men hired to carry the palanchines, eight for a palanchine, four at a time: they carry them as we use to carry barrows. And I bought me two bullocks, one of them to ride on, Men ride on bullocks● and travel with th●m on the way. and the other to carry my victuals and provision, for in that country they ride on bullocks with panels, as we term them, girts and bridles, and they have a very good commodious pace. From Bezeneger to Goa in Summer it is eight days journey, but we went in the midst of Winter, in the month of july, and were fifteen days coming to Ancola on the sea coast, so in eight days I had lost my two bullocks: for he that carried my victuals, was weak and could not go, the other when I came unto a river where was a little bridge to pass over, I put my bullock to swimming, and in the midst of the river there was a little Island, unto the which my bullock went, and finding pasture, there he remained still, and in no wise we could come to him: and so perforce, I was forced to leave him, and at that time there was much rain, and I was forced to go seven days a foot with great pains: and by great chance I met with Falchines by the way, whom I hired to carry my clotheses and victuals. We had great trouble in our journey, for that every day we were taken prisoners, by reason of the great dissension in that kingdom: and every morning at our departure we must pay rescat four or five pages a man. And another trouble we had as bad as this, that when as we came into a new governors country, as every day we did, although they were all tributary to the king of Bezeneger, yet every one of them stamped a several coin of Copper, so that the money that we took this day would not serve the next: at length, by the help of God, we came safe to Ancola, which is a country of the queen of Gargopam, tributary to the king of Bezeneger. The merchandise that went every year from Goa to Bezeneger were Arabian Horses, Velvets, Damasks, and Satins, Armesine of Portugal, The merchandise that come in and out to Bezeneger every year. and pieces of China, Saffron, and Scarlets: and from Bezeneger they had in Turkey for their commodities, jewels, a●d Pagodies which be ducats of gold: the apparel that they use in Bezeneger is Velvet, Satin, Damask, Scarlet, or white Bombast clot, according to the estate of the person with long hats on their heads, The apparel of those people. called Colae, made of Velvet, Satin, Damask, or Scarlet, girding themselves in stead of girdles with some fine white bombast clot: they have breeches after the order of the Turks: they wear on their feet plain high things called of them Aspergh, and at their ears they have hanging great plenty of gold. Returning to my voyage, when we were together in Ancola, one of my companions that had nothing to loose, took a guide, and went to Goa, whither they go in four days, the other Portugal not being disposed to go, tarried in Ancola for that Winter. The Winter in those parts of the Indies beginneth the fifteenth of May, and lasteth unto the end of October: Their Winter is our Summer. and as we were in Ancola, there came another Merchant of horses in a palanchine, and two Portugal soldiers which came from Zeilan, and two carriers of le●ters, which were Christians born in the Indies: all these consorted to go to Goa together, and I determined to go with them, and caused a pallanchine to be made for me very poorly of Canes; and in one of them Canes I hide privily all the jewels I had, and according to the order, I took eight Falchines to carry me: and one day about el●uen of the clock we set forward on our journey, and about two of the clock in the afternoon, as we passed a mountain which divideth the territory of Ancola and Dialcan, I being a little behind my company, was assaulted by eight thieves, four of them had sword and targets, and the other four had bows and arrows. When the Falchines that carried me understood the noise of the assault, they let the pallanchine and me fall to the ground, and ran away and left me alone, with my clotheses wrapped about me: presently the thieves were on my neck, and rifeling me, they stripped me stark naked, and I feigned myself sick, because I would not leave the pallanchine, and I had made me a little bed of my clotheses; the thieves sought it very narrowly and subtly, and found two purses that I had, well bond up together. wherein I had put my Copper money which I had changed for four pagodies in Ancola. The thieves thinking it had been so many ducats of gold, searched no further: then they threw all my clotheses in a bush, and hied them away, and as God would have it, at their departure there fallen from them an handkerchief, and when I see it, I rose from my pallanchine or couch, and took it up, and wrapped it together within my pallanchine. Then these my Falchines were of so good condition, that they returned to seek me, whereas I thought I should not have found so much goodness in them: because they were paid their money aforehand, as is the use, I had thought to have seen them no more. Before their coming I was determined to pluck the Cane wherein my jewels were hidden, out of my couch, and to have made me a walking staff to carry in my hand to Goa, thinking that I should have go thither on foot, but by the faithfulness of my Falchines, I was rid of that trouble, and so in four days they carried me to Goa, in which time I made hard fare, for the thieves left me neither money, gold, nor silver, and that which I did eat was given me of my men for God's sake: and after at my coming to Goa I paid them for every thing royally that I had of them. From Goa I departed for Cochin, which is a voyage of three hundred miles, and between these two cities are many holds of the Portugals, as Onor, Mangalor, Barzelor, and Cananor. Four small forts of the Portugals. The Hold or Fort that you shall have from Goa to Cochin that belongeth to the Portugals, is called Onor, which is in the kingdom of the queen of Battacella, which is tributary to the king of Bezenegar: there is no trade there, but only a charge with the Captain and company he keepeth there. And passing this place, you shall come to another small castle of the Portugals called Mangalor, and there is very small trade but only for a little Rice: and from thence you go to a little fort called Barzelor, there they have good store of Rice which is carried to Goa: and from thence you shall go to a city called Cananor, which is a harquebus shot distant from the chiefest city that the king of Cananor hath in his kingdom being a king of the Gentiles: and he & his are very naughty & malicious people, always having delight to be in wars with the Portugals, and when they are in peace, it is for their interest to let their merchandise pass: there goeth out of this kingdom of Cananor, all the Cardamomun, great store of Pepper, Ginger, Honey, ships laden with great Nuts, great quantity of Archa, which is a fruit of the bigness of Nutmegs, which fruit th●y eat in all those parts of the Indies and beyond the Indies, with the leaf of an Herb which they call Bettell, Bettell is a very profitable herb in that country. the which is like unto our ivy leaf, but a little lesser and thinner: they eat it made in plasters with the lime made of Oistershels, and thorough the Indies they spend great quantity of money in this composition, and it is used daily, which thing I would not have believed, if I had not seen it. The customers get great profit by these Herbs, for that they have custom for them. When this people eat and chaw this in their mouths, it maketh their spittle to be read like unto blood, and they say, that it maketh a man to have a very good stomach and a sweet breath, but sure in my judgement they eat it rather to fulfil their filthy lusts, and of a knavery, for this Herb is moist and hot, & maketh a very strong expulsion. From Cananor you go to Cranganor, which is another small Fort of the Portugals in the land of ●he king of Cranganor, Enemies to the king of Portugal. which is another king of the Gentiles, and a country of small importance, and of an hundredth and twenty miles, full of thieves, being under the king of Calicut, a king also of the Gentiles, and a great enemy to the Portugals, which when he is always in wars, he and his country is the nest and resting for stranger thieves, and those be called Moors of Carposa, because they wear on their heads long read hats, and these thieves part the spoils that they take on the Sea with the king of Calicut, for he giveth leave unto all that will go a roving, liberally to go, in such wise, that all along that coast there is such a number of thieves, that there is no saillng in those Seas but with great ships and very well armed, or else they must go in company with the army of the Portugals. From Cranganor to Cochin is 15. miles. Cochin. COchin is, next unto Goa, the chiefest place that the Portugals have in the Indies, Within Cochin is the kingdom of Pepper. and there is great trade of Spices, brugges, and all other sorts of merchandise for the kingdom of Portugal, and there within the land is the kingdom of Pepper, which Pepper the Portugals lad in their ships by bulk, and not in sacks: the Pepper that goeth for Portugal is not so good as that which goeth for Mecca, The Pepper th●t the Portugals bring, is not so good as th●t which goeth for Mecca w●ich is b●ought 〈◊〉 by the straits because that in times past the officers of the king of Portugal made a contract with the king of Cochin, in the name of the king of Portugal, for the prizes of Pepper, and by reason of that agreement between them at that time made, the price can neither rise nor fall, which is a very low and base price, and for this cause the villains bring it to the Portugals, green and full of filth. The Moors of Mecca that give a better price, have it clean and dry, and better conditioned. All the Spices and drugs that are brought to Mecca, are stolen from thence as Contrabanda. Cochin is two cities, one of the Portugals, and another of the king of Cochin: that of the Portugals is situate nearest unto the Sea, and that of the king of Cochin is a mile and a half up higher in the land, but they are both set on the banks of one river which is very great and of a good depth of water, which river cometh out of the mountains of the king of the Pepper, which is a king of the Gentiles, in whose kingdom are many Christians of saint Thomas order: the king of Cochin is also a king of the Gentiles and a great faithful friend to the king of Portugal, and to those Portugals which are married, and are Citizens in the City Cochin of the Portugals. And by this name of Portugals throughout all the Indies, they call all the Christians that come out of the West, whether they be Italians, Frenchmen, or Almains, and all they that marry in Cochin do get an office according to the trade he is of: this they have by the great privileges which the Citizens have of that city, Great privileges that the citizens of Cochin have. because there are two principal commodities that they deal withal in that place, which are these. The great store of Silk that cometh from China, and the great store of Sugar which cometh from Bengala: the married Citizens pay not any custom for these two commodities: for/ all other commodities they pay 4. per cento custom to the king of Cochin, rating their goods at their own pleasure. Those which are not married and strangers, pay in Cochin to the king of Portugal eight per cento of all manner of merchandise. I was in Cochin when the Uiceroy of the king of Portugal wrought what he could to break the privilege of the Citizens, and to make them to pay custom as other did: at which time the Citizens were glad to weigh their Pepper in the night that they laded the ships withal that went to Portugal and stolen the custom in the night. The king of Cochin having understanding of this, would not suffer any more Pepper to be weighed. Then presently after this, the merchants were licenced to do as they did before, and there was no more speech of this matter, nor any wrong done. This king of Cochin is of a small power in respect of the other kings of the Indies, for he can make but seventy thousand men of arms in his camp: he hath a great number of Gentlemen which he calleth Amochi, and some are called Nairi: these two sorts of men esteem not their lives any thing, so that it may be for the honour of their king, they will thrust themselves forward in every danger, although they know they shall die. These men go naked from the girdle upwards, with a cloth rolled about their thighs, going barefooted, and having their hair very long and rolled up together on the top of their heads, and always they carry their Bucklers or Targets with them and their sword naked, these Nairi have their wives common amongst themselves, and when any of them go into the house of any of these women, he leaveth his sword and target at the door, and the time that he is there, there dare not any be so hardy as to come into that house. The king's children shall not inherit the kingdom after their father, because they hold this opinion, that perchance they were not begotten of the king their father, but of some other man, therefore they accept for their king, one of the sons of the king's sisters, or of some other woman of the blood royal, for that they be sure they are of the blood royal. A very strange thing hardly to be believed. The Nairi and their wives use for a bravery to make great holes in their ears, and so big and wide, that it is incredible, holding this opinion, that the greater the holes be, the more noble they esteem themselves. I had leave of one of them to measure the circumference of one of them with a thread, and within that circumference I put my arm up to the shoulder, clothed as it was, so that in effect they are monstrous great. Thus they do make them when they be little, for than they open the ear, & hung a piece of gold or lead thereat, & within the opening, in the hole they put a certain leaf that they have for that purpose, which maketh the hole so great. They lad ships in Cochin for Portugal and for Ormus, but they that go for Ormus carry no Pepper but by Contrabanda, as for Cinnamon they easily get leave to carry that away, for all other Spices and drugs they may liberally carry them to Ormus or Cambaia, and so all other merchandise which come from other places, but out of the kingdom of Cochin properly they carry away with them into Portugal great abundance of Pepper, great quantity of Ginger dried and conserved, wild Cinnamon, good quantity of Arecca, great store of Cordage of Cairo, made of the bark of the tree of the great Nut, and better than that of Hemp, of which they carry great store into Portugal. Note the departing of the ships from Cochin. The ships every year departed from Cochin to go for Portugal, on the fift day of December, or the fift day of january. Now to follow my voyage for the Indies: from Cochin I went to Coulam, distant from Cochin seventy and two miles, which Coulam is a small Fort of the king of Portugals, situate in the kingdom of Coulam, which is a king of the Gentiles, and of small trade: at that place they lad only half a ship of Pepper, and then she goeth to Cochin to take in the rest, and from thence to Cao Comori is seventy and two miles, and there endeth the coast of the Indies: and alongst this coast, near to the water side, and also to Cao Comori, down to the low land of Chilao, which is about two hundred miles, the people there are as it were all turned to the Christian faith: there are also Churches of the Friars of S. Paul's order, which Friars do very much good in those places in turning the people, and in converting them, and take great pains in instructing them in the law of Christ. The fishing for Pearls. The order how they fish for pearls. THe Sea that lieth between the coast which descendeth from Cao Comori, to the low land of Chilao, and the Island Zeilan, they call the fishing of Pearls, which fishing they make every year, beginning in March or April, and it lasteth fifty days, but they do not fish every year in one place, but one year in one place, and another year in another place of the same sea. When the time of this fishing draweth near, than they sand very good divers, that go to discover where the greatest heaps of Oysters be under water, and right against that place where greatest store of Oysters be, there they make or plant a village with houses and a Bazaro, all of stone, which standeth as long as the fishing time lasteth, and it is furnished with all things necessary, and now and then it is near unto places that are inhabited, and other times far off, according to the place where they fish. The Fishermen are all Christians of the country, and who so will may go to fishing, paying a certain duty to the king of Portugal, and to the Churches of the Friars of Saint Paul, which are in that coast. All the while that they are fishing, there are three or four Fostes armed to defend the Fishermen from Rovers. It was my chance to be there one time in my passage, and I see the order that they used in fishing, which is this. There are three or four Barks that make consort together, which are like to our little Pilot boats, and a little less, there go seven or eight men in a boat: and I have seen in a morning a great number of them go out, and anchor in fifteen or eighteen fathom of water, which is the Ordinary depth of all that coast. When they are at anchor, they cast a rope into the Sea, and at the end of the rope, they make fast a great stone, and then there is ready a man that hath his nose and his ears well stopped, and anointed with oil, and a basket about his neck, or under his left arm, than he goeth down by the rope to the bottom of the Sea, and as fast as he can he fills the basket, and when it is full, he shaketh the rope, and his fellows that are in the Bark hale him up with the basket: and in such wise they go one by one until they have laden their bark with oysters, and at evening they come to the village, and then every company maketh their mountain or heap of oysters one distant from another, in such wise that you shall see a great long row of mountains or heaps of oysters, and they are not touched until such time as the fishing be ended, and at the end of the fishing every company sitteth round about their mountain or heap of oysters, and fall to opening of them, which they may easily do because they be dead, dry and brittle: and if every oyster had pearls in them, it would be a very good purchase, but there are very many that have no pearls in them: when the fishing is ended, than they see whether it be a good gathering or a bad: there are certain expert in the pearls whom they call Chitini, These pearls are prised according to the caracts which they weigh, every carat is 4. grames, and these men that prize them have an instrument of copper with holes in it, which be made by degrees for to sort & pearls withal. which set and make the price of pearls according to their carratts, beauty, and goodness, making four sorts of them. The first sort be the round pearls, and they be called Aia of Portugal, because the Portugals do buy them. The second fort which are not round, are called Aia of Bengala. The third sort which are not so good as the second, they call Aia of Canara, that is to say, the kingdom of Bezeneger. The fourth and last sort, which are the lest and worst sort, are called Aia of Cambaia. Thus the price being set, there are merchants of every country which are ready with their money in their hands, so that in a few days all is bought up at the prizes set according to the goodness and caracts of the pearls. In this Sea of the fishing of pearls is an Island called Manar, which is inhabited by Christians of the country which first were Gentiles, and have a small hold of the Portugals being situate over against Zeilan: and between these two islands there is a channel, but not very big, and hath but a small depth therein: by reason whereof there cannot any great ship pass that way, but small ships, and with the increase of the water which is at the change or the full of the Moon, and yet for all this they must unlade them and put their goods into small vessels to lighten them before they can pass that way for fear of Sholdes that lie in the channel, and after lad them into their ships to go for the Indies, and this● do all small ships that pass that way, but those ships that go for the Indies Eastwardes, pass by the coast of Coromandel, on the other side by the land of Chilao which is between the firm land and the Island Manor: and going from the Indies to the coast of Coromandel, they lose some ships, but they be empty, because that the ships that pass that way discharge their goods at an Island called Peripatane, and there landlord their goods into small flat bottomed boats which draw little water, and are called Ta'en, and can run over every Should without either danger or loss of any thing, for that they tarry in Peripatane until such time as it be fair weather. Before they departed to pass the Sholdes, the small ships and flat bottomed boats go together in company, and when they have sailed six and thirty miles, they arrive at the place where the Sholdesare, and at that place the winds blow so forcibly, that they are forced to go thorough, not having any other refuge to save themselves. The flat bottomed boats go safe thorough, where as the small ships if they miss the aforesaid channel, stick fast on the Sholdes, and by this means many are lost: and coming back from the Indies, they go not that way, but pass by the channel of Manar as is abovesaid, whose channel is Oazie, and if the ships stick fast, it is great chance if there be any danger at all. The reason why this channel is not more sure to go thither, is, because the winds that reign or blow between Zeilan and Manar, make the channel so shallow with water, that almost there is not any passage. From Cao Comori to the Island of Zeilan is 120. miles overthwart. Zeilan. ZEilan is an Island, in my judgement, a great deal bigger than Cyprus: on that side towards the Indies lying Westward is the city called Columba, which is a hold of the Portugals, but without walls or enemies. It hath towards the Sea a free port, the lawful king of that Island is in Columbo, and is turned Christian and maintained by the king of Portugal, being deprived of his kingdom. The king of the Gentiles, to whom this kingdom did belong, was called Madoni, which had two sons, the first named Barbinas the prince; and the second Ragine. This king by the policy of his younger son, was deprived of his kingdom, who because he had enticed and done that which pleased the army and soldiers, in despite of his father and brother being prince, usurped the kingdom, and become a great warrior. First, this Island had three kings; the king of Cotta with his conquered prisoners: the king of Candia, which is a part of that Island, and is so called by the name of Candia, which had a reasonable power, ● and was a great friend to the Portugals, which said that he lived secretly a Christian; the third was the king of Gianifampatan. In thirteen years that this Ragine governed this Island, he become a great tyrant. In this Island there groweth fine Cinnamon, great store of Pepper, great store of Nuts and Arochoe: there they make great store of Cairo to make Cordage: Cairo is a stuff that they make ropes with, the which is the bark of a tree. it bringeth forth great store of crystal Cat's eyes, or Ochi de Gati, and they say that they find there some Rubies, but I have sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from Pegu. I was desirous to see how they gather the Cinnamon, or take it from the tree that it groweth on, and so much the rather, because the time that I was there, was the season which they gather it in, which was in the month of April, at which time the Portugals were in arms, and in the field, with the king of the country; yet I to satisfy my desire, although in great danger, took a guide with me and went into a wood three miles from the City, in which wood was great store of Cinnamon trees growing together among other wild trees; The cutting & gathering of Cinnamon. and this Cinnamon tree is a small tree, and not very high, and hath leaves like to our Bay tree. In the month of March or April, when the sap goeth up to the top of the tree, than they take the Cinnamon from that tree in this wise. They cut the bark of the tree round about in length from knot to knot, or from joint to joint, above and below, and then easily with their hands they take it away, laying it in the Sun to dry, A car things. and in this wise it is gathered, and yet for all this the tree dieth not, but against the next year it will have a new bark, and that which is gathered every year is the best Cinnamon: for that which groweth two or three years is great, and not so good as the other is; and in these woods groweth much Pepper. Negapatan. FRom the Island of Zeilan men use to go with small ships to Negapatan, within the firm land, and seventy two miles off is a very great City, and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the country, and part Gentiles: it is a country of small trade, neither have they any trade there, save a good quantity of Rice, and clot of Bombast which they carry into divers parts: it was a very plentiful country of victuals, but now it hath a great deal less; and that abundance of victuals caused many Portugals to go thither and build houses, and devil there with small charge. This City belongeth to a noble man of the kingdom of Bezeneger being a Gentle, nevertheless the Portugals and other Christians are well entreated there, and have their Churches there with a monastery of Saint Francis order, with great devotion and very well accommodated, with houses round about: yet for all this, they are amongst tyrants, which always at their pleasure may do them some harm, as it happened in the year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred, sixty and five: for I remember very well, how that the Nayer, that is to say, the lord of the city, sent to the citizens to demand of them certain Arabian horses, and they having denied them unto him, and gainsaid his demand, it came to pass that this lord had a desire to see the Sea, which when the poor citizens understood, they doubted some evil, to hear a thing which was not wont to be, they thought that this man would come to sack the City, A foolish fear of Portugals. and presently they embarked themselves the best they could with their movables, merchandise, jewels, money, and all that they had, and caused the ships to put from the shore. When this was done, as their evil chance would have it, the next night following, there came such a great storm that it put all the ships on land perforce, and broke them to pieces, and all the goods that came on land and were saved, were taken from them by the soldiers and army of this lord which came down with him to see the Sea, and were attendant at the Sea side, not thinking that any such thing would have happened. Saint Thomas or San Tom. FRom Negapatan following my voyage towards the East an hundred and fifty miles, I found the house of blessed Saint Thomas, S. Thomas his sepulchre. which is a Church of great devotion, and greatly regarded of the Gentiles for the great miracles they have herded to have been done by that blessed Apostle: near unto this Church the Portugals have builded them a City in the country subject to the king of Bezeneger, which city although it be not very great, yet in my judgement it is the fairest in all that part of the Indies: and it hath very fair houses and fair gardens in vacant places very well accommodated: it hath streeter large and straight, with many Churches of great devotion, their houses be set close one un 〈◊〉 other, with little doors, every house hath his defence, so that by that means it is of force sufficient to defend the Portugal's against the people of that country. The Portugals there have no other possession but their gardens and houses that are within the city: the customs belong to the king of Bezeneger, which are very small and easy, for that it is a country of great riches and great trade: there come every year two or three great ships very rich, besides many other small ships: one of the two great ships goeth for Pegu, and the other for Malacca, laden with fine Bombast clot of every sort, painted, A painted kind of clot & died of divers colours which those people delight much in, and esteem them of great price. which is a rare thing, because those kind of clotheses show as they were gilded with divers colours, and the more they be washed, the livelier the colours will show. Also there is other clot of Bombast which is woven with divers colours, and is of great value: also they make in Sant Tom great store of read Yarn, which they die with a root called Saia, and this colour will never waste, but the more it is washed, the more redder it will show: they lad this yarn the greatest part of it for Pegu, because that there they work and weave it to make clot according to their own fashion, and with lesser charges. It is a marvelous thing to them which have not seen the lading and vulading of men and merchandise in S. Tom as they do: it is a place so dangerous, that a man cannot be served with small barks, neither can they do their business with the boats of the ships, because they would be beaten in a thousand pieces, but they make certain barks (of purpose) high, which they call Masadie, they be made of little boards; one board being sowed to another with small cords, and in this order are they made. And when they are thus made, and the owners will embark any thing in them, either men or goods, they lad them on land, and when they are laden, the Barkemen thrust the boat with her lading into the stream, and with great speed they make haste all that they are able to row out against the huge waves of the sea that are on that shore, until that they carry them to the ships: and in like manner they lad these Masadies at the ships with merchandise and men. When they come near the shore, the Barkemen leap out of the Bark into the Sea to keep the Bark right that she cast not thwart the shore, and being kept right, the Suff of the Sea setteth her lading dry on land without any hurt or danger, and sometimes there are some of them that are overthrown, but there can be no great loss, because they lad but a little at a time. All the merchandise they lad outwards, they emball it well with Ore hides, so that if it take wet, it can have no great harm. In my voyage, returning in the year of our Lord God one thousand, five hundred, sixty and six, I went from Goa unto Malacca, in a ship or Gallion of the king of Portugal, which went unto Banda for to lad Nutmegs & Maces: In the Island of Banda they lad Nutmegs for there they grow. from Goa to Malacca are one thousand eight hundred miles, we passed without the Island Zeilan, and went through the channel of Nicubar, or else through the channel of Sombrero, which is by the middle of the Island of Sumatra, called in old time Taprobana: and from Nicubar to Pegu is as it were a row or chain of an infinite number of islands, of which many are inhabited with wild people, and they call those islands the islands of Andemaon, In the islands of Andemaon, they eat one another. and they call their people savage or wild, because they eat one another: also these islands have war one with another, for they have small Barks, and with them they take one another, and so eat one another: and if by evil chance any ship be lost on those islands, as many have been, there is not one man of those ships lost there that escapeth uneaten or unslain. These people have not any acquaintance with any other people, neither have they trade with any, but live only of such fruits as those islands yield: and if any ship come near unto that place or coast as they pass that way, as in my voyage it happened as I came from Malacca through the channel of Sombrero, there came two of their Barks near unto our ship laden with fruit, as with Mouces which we call Adam's apples, with fresh Nuts, and with a fruit called Inani, which fruit is like to our Turnips, but is very sweet and good to eat: they would not come into the ship for any thing that we could do: neither would they take any money for their fruit, but they would truck for old shirts or pieces of old linen breeches, these rags they let down with a rope into their Bark unto them, and look what they thought those things to be worth, so much fruit they would make fast to the rope and let us hale it in: and it was told me that at sometimes a man shall have for an old shirt a good piece of Amber. Sumatra. THis Island of Sumatra is a great Island and divided and governed by many kings, and divided into many channels, where through there is passage: upon the headland towards the West is the kingdom of Assi governed by a Moor king: The commodities that grow in the kingdom of Assi. this king is of great force and strength, as he that beside his great kingdom, hath many Foists and Galleys. In his kingdom groweth great store of Pepper, Ginger, Benjamin: he is an utter enemy to the Portugals, and hath divers times been at Malacca to fight against it, and hath done great harm to the boroughts thereof, but the city always withstood him valiantly, and with their ordinance did great spoil to his camp. At length I came to the city of Malacca. The City Malacca. The great trade that is at Malacca. MAlacca is a City of marvelous great trade of all kind of merchandise, which come from divers parts, because that all the ships that sail in these seas, both great and small, are bond to touch at Malacca to pay their custom there, although they unlade nothing at all, as we do at Elsinor: and if by night they escape away, and pay not their custom, than they fall into a greater danger after: for if they come into the Indies and have not the seal of Malacca, they pay double custom. I have not passed further than Malacca towards the East, but that which I will speak of here is by good information of them that have been there. The sailing from Malacca towards the East is not common for all men, as to China and japan, and so forward to go who will, but only for the king of Portugal and his nobles, with leave granted unto them of the king to make such voyages, or to the jurisdiction of the captain of Malacca, where he expecteth to know what voyages they make from Malacca thither, & these are the king's voyages, that every year there departeth from Malacca 2. galleons of the kings, one of them goeth to the Moluccoes to lad Cloves, At the Moluccoes they lad the Cloves. and the other goeth to Banda to lad Nutmegs and Maces. These two galleons are laden for the king, neither do they carry any particular man's goods, saving the portage of the Mariners and soldiers, and for this cause they are not voyages for merchants, because that going thither, they shall not have where to lad their goods of return; and besides this, the captain will not carry any merchant for either of these two places. There go small ships of the Moors thither, which come from the coast of java, and change or gild their commodities in the kingdom of Assa, The kingdom of Assa. and these be the Maces, Cloves, and Nutmegs, which go for the straits of Mecca. The voyages that the king of Portugal granteth to his nobles are these, of China and japan, from China to japan, and from japan to China, and from China to the Indies, and the voyage of Bengala, Maluco, and Sonda, with the lading of fine clot, and every sort of Bombast clot. Sonda is an Island of the Moors near to the coast of java, and there they lad Pepper for China. The ship that goeth every year from the Indies to China, is called the ship of Drugs, The ship of drugs, so termed of the Portugals. because she carrieth divers drugs of Cambaia, but the greatest part of her lading is silver. From Malacca to China is eighteen hundred miles: and from China to japan goeth every year a ship of great importance laden with Silk, which for return of their Silk bringeth bars of silver which they truck in China. The distance between China and japan is four and twenty hundred miles, and in this way there are divers islands not very big, in which the Friars of saint Paul, by the help of God, make many Christians there like to themselves. From these islands hitherwards the place is not yet discovered for the great sholdnesse of Sands that they found. islands not discovered. The Portugals have made a small city near unto the coast of China called Macao, whose church and houses are of wood, and it hath a bishopric, but the customs belong to the king of China, and they go and pay the same at a city called Canton, which is a city of great importance and very beautiful two days journey and a half from Macao. The people of China are Gentiles, and are so jealous and fearful, that they would not have a stranger to put his foot within their land: so that when the Portugals go thither to pay their custom, and to buy their merchandise, they will not consent that they shall lie or lodge within the city, but sand them forth into the suburbs. The country of China is near the kingdom of great Tartary, China is under the government of the great Tartar. and is a very great country of the Gentiles and of great importance, which may be judged by the rich and precious merchandise that come from thence, than which I believe there are not better nor in greater quantity in the whole world besides. First, great store of gold, which they carry to the Indies, made in plates like to little ships, and in value three and twenty caracts a piece, very great abundance of fine silk, clot of damask and taffeta, great quantity of musk, great quantity of Occam in bars, great quantity of quicksilver and of Cinaper, great store of Camfora, an infinite quantity of Porcelain, made in vessels of diverse sorts, great quantity of painted clot and squares, infinite store of the roots of China: and every year there cometh from China to the Indies, two or three great ships, laden with most rich and precious merchandise. The Rhubarb cometh from thence over land, by the way of Persia, because that every year there goeth a great Carovan from Persia to China, A yearly Carovan from Persia to China. which is in going thither six months. The Carovan arriveth at a City called Lanchin, the place where the king is resident with his Court. I spoke with a Persian that was three years in that city of Lanchin, and he told me that it was a great City and of great importance. The voyages of Malacca which are in the jurisdiction of the Captain of the castle, are these: Every year he sendeth a small ship to Timor to lad white Sandols', for all the best cometh from this Island: there cometh some also from Solor, but that is not so good: also he sendeth another small ship every year to Cauchin China, to lad there wood of Aloes, for that all the wood of Aloes cometh from this place, which is in the firm land near unto China, and in that kingdom I could not know how that wood groweth by any means. For that the people of the country will not suffer the Portugals to come within the land, but only for wood and water, and as for all other things that they wanted, as victuals or merchandise, the people bring that a board the ship in small barks, so that every day there is a mart kept in the ship, A market kept aboard of the ships. until such time as she be laden: also there goeth another ship for the said Captain of Malacca to Zion, to lad Uerzino: all these voyages are for the Captain of the castle of Malacca, and when he is not disposed to make these voyages, he selleth them to another. The city of Zion, or Siam. SIon was the imperial seat, and a great City, but in the year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred sixty and seven, it was taken by the king of Pegu, which king made a voyage or came by land four months journey with an army of men through his land, and the number of his army was a million and four hundredth thousand men of war: A prince of a marvelous strength and power. when he came to the City, he gave assault to it, and besieged it one and twenty months before he could win it, with great loss of his people, this I know, for that I was in Pegu six months after his departure, and saw when that his officers that were in Pegu, sent five hundredth thousand men of war to furnish the places of them that were slain and lost in that assault: yet for all this, if there had not been treason against the city, it had not been lost: for on a night there was one of the gates set open, through the which with great trouble the king gate into the city, and become governor of Zion: and when the Emperor saw that he was betrayed, and that his enemy was in the city, he poisoned himself: and his wives and children, friends and noblemen, that were not slain in the first affront of the entrance into the city, were all carried captives into Pegu, where I was at the coming home of the king with his triumphs and victory, which coming home & returning from the wars was a goodly sight to behold, to see the Elephants come home in a square, laden with gold, silver, jewels, and with Noble men and women that were taken prisoners in that city. Now to return to my voyage: I departed from Malacca in a great ship which went for Saint Tom, being a City situate on the coast of Coromandel: and because the Captain of the castles of Malacca had understanding by advise that the king of * O● Achem. Assi would come with a great army and power of men against them, therefore upon this he would not give licence that any ships should departed: Wherefore in this ship we departed from thence in the night, without making any provision of our water: and we were in that ship four hundredth and odd men: we departed from thence with intention to go to an Island to take in water, but the winds were so contrary, that they would not suffer us to fetch it, so that by this means we were two and forty days in the sea as it were lost, and we were driven too and fro, so that the first land that we discovered, was beyond Saint Tom, more than five hundredth miles which were the mountains of Zerzerline, The mountains of Zerzerline. near unto the kingdom of Orisa, and so we came to Orisa with many sick, and more that were dead for want of water: and they that were sick in four days died: and I for the space of a year after had my throat so sore and hoarse, that I could never satisfy my thirst in drinking of water: I judge the reason of my hoarseness to be with sops that I wet in vinegar and oil, wherewith I sustained myself many days. There was not any want of bread nor of wine: but the wines of that country are so hot that being drunk without water they will kill a man: neither are they able to drink them: when we began to want water, I saw certain Moors that were officers in the ship, that sold a small dish full for a ducat, after this I saw one that would have given a bar of Pepper, which is two quintalles and a half, for a little measure of water, and he could not have it. Truly I believe that I had died with my slave, whom then I had to serve me, which cost me very dear: but to provide for the danger at hand, I sold my slave for half that he was worth, because that I would save his drink that he drunk, to serve my own purpose, and to save my life. Of the kingdom of Orisa, and the river Ganges. ORisa was a fair kingdom and trusty, through the which a man might have go with gold in his hand without any danger at all, as long as the lawful King reigned which was a Gentle, who continued in the city called Catecha, which was within the land six days journey. This king loved strangers marvelous well, especially merchants which has traffic in and out of his kingdom, in such wise that he would take no custom of them, neither any other grievous thing. Only the ship that came thither paid a small thing according to her portage, and every year in the port of Orisa were laden five and twenty or thirty ships great and small, with rice and divers sorts of fine white bombast clot, The commodities that go out of Orisa. oil of Zerzeline which they make of a seed, and it is very good to eat and to fry fish withal, great store of butter, Lacca, long pepper, Ginger, Mirabolans dry and condite, great store of clot of herbs, which is a kind of silk which groweth amongst the woods without any labour of man, This clot we call Nettle clot. and when the bowl thereof is grown round as big as an Orange, than they take care only to gather them. About sixteen years past, this king with his kingdom were destroyed by the king of Patane, which was also king of the greatest part of Bengala, and when he had got the kingdom, he set custom there twenty pro cento, as Merchants paid in his kingdom: but this tyrant enjoyed his kingdom but a small time, but was conquered by another tyrant, which was the great Mogul king of Agra, Delly, and of all Cambaia, without any resistance. I departed from Orisa to Bengala, to the harbour Piqueno, which is distant from Orisa towards the East a hundred and seventy miles. They go as it were rowing alongst the coast fifty and four miles, and then we enter into the river Ganges: The river of Ganges. from the mouth of this river, to a city called Satagan, where the merchants gather themselves together with their trade, are a hundred miles, which they row in eighteen hours with the increase of the water: in which river it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis, and when the ebbing water is come, they are not able to row against it, by reason of the swiftness of the water, yet their barks be light and armed with oars, like to Foists, yet they cannot prevail against that stream, but for refuge must make them fast to the bank of the river until the next flowing water, and they call these barks Bazaras and Patuas: they row as well as a Galliot, or as well as ever I have seen any. A good tides rowing before you come to Satagan, you shall have a place which is called Buttor, and from thence upwards the ships do not go, because that upwards the river is very shallow, and little water. Every year at Buttor they make and unmake a village, with houses and shops made of straw, and with all things necessary to their uses, and this village standeth as long as the ships ride there, and till they departed for the Indies, and when they are departed, every man goeth to his plot of houses, and there setteth fire on them, which thing made me to marvel. For as I passed up to Satagan, I saw this village standing with a great number of people, with an infinite number of ships and Bazars, and at my return coming down with my Captain of the last ship, for whom I carried, I was all amazed to see such a place so soon razed and burned, & nothing left but the sign of the burned houses. The small ships go to Satagan, and there they lad. Of the city of Satagan. IN the port of Satagan every year lad thirty or five and thirty ships great and small, with rice, clot of Bombast of diverse sorts, Lacca, great abundance of sugar, Mirabolans dried and preserved, long pepper, oil of Zerzeline, and many other sorts of merchandise. The city of Satagan is a reasonable fair city for a city of the Moors, The commodities that are laden in Satagan. abounding with all things, and was governed by the king of Patane, and now is subject to the great Mogul. I was in this kingdom four months, whereas many merchants did buy or freight boats for their benefits, and with these barks they go up and down the river of Ganges to fairs, buying their commodity with a great advantage, because that everyday in the week they have a 〈◊〉, now in one place, and now in another, and I also hired a bark and went up and down the river and did my business, and so in the night I see many strange things. The kingdom of Bengala in times past hath been as it were in the power of Moors, nevertheless there is great store of Gentiles among them; always whereas I have spoken of Gentiles, is to be understood Idolaters, and whereas I speak of Moors I mean Mahomet's sect. Moors are of the sect of Mahomet. Those people especially that be within the land do greatly worship the river of Ganges: for when any is sick, he is brought out of the country to the bank of the river, and there they make him a small cottage of straw, and every day they wet him with that water, whereof there are many that die, and when they are dead, A ceremony of the gentiles when they are dead. they make a heap of sticks and boughs and lay the dead body thereon, and putting fire thereunto, they let the body a●ne until it be half roasted, and then they take it off from the fire, and make an empty jar fast about his neck, and so throw him into the river. These things every night as I passed up and down the river I see for the space of two months, as I passed to the fairs to buy my commodities with the merchants. And this is the cause that the Portugals will not drink of the water of the river Ganges, yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer than the water of Nilus is. From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin, and from Cochin to Malacca, from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred miles distant. That voyage is wont to be made in five and twenty or thirty days, but we were four months, and at the end of three months our ship was without victuals. The Pilot told us that we were by his altitude not far from a city called Tanasary, in the kingdom of Pegu, and these his words were not true, but we were (as it were) in the middle of many islands, and many uninhabited rocks, and there were also some Portugals that affirmed that they known the land, and knew also where the city of Tanasari was. This city of right belongeth to the kingdom of Zion, which is situate on a great rivers side, which cometh out of the kingdom of Zion: and where this river runneth into the sea, there is a village called Mirgim, in whose harbour every year there lad some ships with Uerzina, Nypa, and Benjamin, a few cloves, nutmegs and maces which come from the coast of Zion, Merchandise coming from Zion. but the greatest merchandise there is Uerzin and Nypa, which is an excellent wine, which is made of the flower of a tree called Nyper. Whose liquor they distil, and so make an excellent drink clear as crystal, good to the mouth, and better to the stomach, and it hath an excellent gentle virtue, that if one were rotten with the french pocks, drinking good store of this, he shall be whole again, and I have seen it proved, because that when I was in Cochin, there was a friend of mine, whose nose began to drop away with that disease, Niper wine good to cure the French disease. and he was counseled of the doctors of physic, that he should go to Tanasary at the time of the new wines, and that he should drink of the nyper wine, night and day, as much as he could before it was distilled, which at that time is most delicate, but after that it is distilled, it is more strong, and if you drink much of it, it will fume into the head with drunkenness. This man went thither, and did so, and I have scene him after with a good colour and sound. This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies, and for that it is brought so far off, it is very dear: in Pegu ordinarily it is good cheap, because it is nearer to the place where they make it, and there is every year great quantity made thereof. And returning to my purpose, I say, being amongst these rocks, and far from the land which is over against Tanasary, with great scarcity of victuals, and that by the saying of the Pilot and two Portugals, holding then firm that we were in front of the aforesaid harbour, we determined to go thither with our boat and fetch victuals, and that the ship should stay for us in a place assigned. We were twenty and eight people in the boat that went for victuals, and on a day about twelve of the clock we went from the ship, assuring ourselves to be in the harbour before night in the aforesaid port, we rowed all that day, and a great part of the next night, and all the next day without finding harbour, or any sign of good landing, and this came to pass through the evil counsel of the two Portugals that were with us. For we had overshot the harbour and left it behind us, in such wise that we had lost the land inhabited, together with the ship, and we eight and twenty men had no manner of victual with us in the boat, but it was the Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a little rice with him in the boat to barter away for some other thing, and it was not so much but that three or four men would have eaten it at a meal: I took the government of this Rice, Great extremity at sea. promising that by the help of God that Ryce should be nourishment for us until it pleased God to sand us to some place that was inhabited: & when I slept I put the rice into my bosom because they should not rob it from me: we were nine days rowing alongst the coast, without finding any thing but countries uninhabited, & desert islands, where if we had found but grass it would have seemed sugar unto us, but we could not find any, yet we found a few leaves of a tree, and they were so hard that we could not chew them, we had water and wood sufficient, and as we rowed, we could go but by flowing water, for when it was ebbing water, we made fast our boat to the bank of one of those Islands, and in these nine days that we rowed, we found a cave or nest of Tortoises eggs, wherein were one hundred forty and four eggs, the which was a great help unto us: these eggs are as big as a hens egg, and have no shell above them but a tender skin, every day we sodde a kettle full of those eggs, with an handful of rice in the broth thereof: it pleased God that at the end of nine days we discovered certain fisher men, a fishing with small barks, and we rowed towards them, with a good cheer, for I think there were never men more glad than we were, for we were so sore afflicted with penury, that we could scarce stand on our legs. Yet according to the order that we set for our rice, when we saw those fisher men, there was left sufficient for four days. The first village that we came to was in the gulf of Tavay, under the king of Pegu, Tavay under the king of Pegu. whereas we found great store of victuals: then for two or three days after our arrival there, we would eat but little meat any of us, and yet for all this, we were at the point of death the most part of us. From Tavay to Martavan, in the kingdom of Pegu, are seventy two miles. We laded our boat with victuals which were abundantly sufficient for six months, from whence we departed for the port and City of Martavan, where in short time we arrived, but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should, from whence presently we made out two barks to go to look for her. And they found her in great calamity, and need of water, being at an anchor with a contrary wind, which came very ill to pass, because that she wanted her boat a month, which should have made her provision of wood and water, the ship also by the grace of God arrived safely in the aforesaid port of Martavan. The City of Martavan. Martavan a city under the king of Pegu. WE found in the City of Martavan ninety Portugals of Merchants and other base men, which had fallen at difference with the Retor or governor of the city, and all for this cause, that certain vagabonds of the Portugals had slain five falchines of the king of Pegu, which chanced about a month after the king of Pegu was go with a million and four hundred thousand men to conquer the kingdom of Zion. They have for custom in this Country and kingdom, the king being wheresoever his pleasure is to be out of his kingdom, A custom that these people have when the king is in the wars. that every fifteen days there goeth from Pegu a Carovan of Falchines, with every one a basket on his head full of some fruits or other delicates of refresh, and with clean clotheses: it chanced that this Carovan passing by Martavan, and resting themselves there a night, there happened between the Portugals and them words of despite, and from words to blows, and because it was thought that the Portugals had the worse, the night following, when the Falchines were a sleep with their company, the Portugals went and cut off five of their heads. A law in Pegu for kill of men. Now there is a law in Pegu, that whosoever killeth a man, he shall buy the shed blood with his money, according to the estate of the person that is slain, but these Falchines being the servants of the king, the Retors dared not do any thing in the matter, without the consent of the king, because it was necessary that the king should know of such a matter. When the king had knowledge thereof, he gave commandment that the male factors should be kept until his coming home, and then he would duly minister justice, but the Captain of the Portugals would not deliver those men, but rather set himself with all the rest in arms, and went every day through the City marching with his Drum and ensigns displayed. For at that time the City was empty of men, by reason they were go all to the wars and in business of the king: in the midst of this rumour we came thither, Great pride of the Portugals. and I thought it a strange thing to see the Portugals use such insolency in another man's City. And I stood in doubt of that which came to pass, and would not unlade my goods because that they were more sure in the ship then on the land, the greatest part of the lading was the owners of the ship, who was in Malacca, yet there were diverse merchants there, but their goods were of small importance, all those merchants told me that they would not unlade any of their goods there, unless I would unlade first, yet after they left my counsel and followed their own, and put their goods a land and lost every whit. The Rector with the customer sent for me, and demanded why I put not my goods a land, and paid my custom as other men did? To whom I answered, that I was a merchant that was newly come thither, and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugals, I doubted the loss of my goods which cost me very dear, with the sweat of my face, and for this cause I was determined not to put my goods on land, until such time as his honour would assure me in the name of the king, that I should have no loss, and although there came harm to them Portugals, that neither I nor my goods should have any hurt, because I had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult: my reason sounded well in the Retors' ears, and so presently he sent for the Bargits, which are as Counsellors of the City, and there they promised me on the king's head or in the behalf of the king, that neither I nor my goods should have any harm, but that we should be safe and sure: of which promise there were made public notes. And then I sent for my goods and had them on land, and paid my custom, which is in that country ten in the hundredth of the same goods, and for my more security I took a house right against the Retors' house. The Captain of the Portugals, and all the Portugal merchants were put out of the City, and I with twenty and two poor men which were officers in the ship, had my dwelling in the City. After this, the Gentiles devised to be revenged of the Portugals; A revenge on the Portugals. but they would not put it in execution until such time as our small ship had discharged all her goods, and then the next night following came from Pegu four thousand soldiers with some Elephants of war; and before that they made any tumult in the city, the Retor sent, and gave commandment to all Portugals that were in the City, when they herded any rumour or noise, that for any thing they should not go out of their houses, as they tendered their own health. Then four hours within night I herded a great rumour and noise of men of war, with Elephants which threw down the doors of the warehouses of the Portugals, and their houses of wood and straw, in the which tumult there were some Portugals wounded, and one of them slain; and others without making proof of their manhood, which the day before did so brag, at that time put themselves to flight most shamefully, and saved themselves a board of little ships, that were at an anchor in the harbour, and some that were in their beds fled away naked, and that night they carried away all the Portugals goods out of the suburbs into the City, and those Portugals that had their goods in the suburbs also. After this the Portugals that were fled into the ships to save themselves, took a new courage to themselves, and came on land and set fire on the houses in the suburbs, which houses being made of board and straw, and the wind blowing fresh, in small time were burned and consumed, with which fire half the City had like to have been burned; when the Portugals had done this, they were without all hope to recover any part of their goods again, which goods might amount to the sum of sixteen thousand ducats, which, if they had not set fire to the town, they might have had again without any loss at all. Then the Portugals understanding that this thing was not done by the consent of the king, but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the city ware very ill content, knowing that they had made a great fault, yet the next morning following, the Portugals began to bend and shoot their ordinance against the City, which battery of there's continued four days, but all was in vain, for the shot never hit the City, but lighted on the top of a small hill near unto it, so that the city had no harm. When the Retor perceived that the Portugals made battery against the City, he took one and twenty Portugals that were there in the City, and sent them four miles into the Country, there to tarry until such time as the other Portugals were departed, that made the battery, who after their departure let them go at their own liberty without any harm done unto them. I myself was always in my house with a good guard appointed me by the Retor, that no man should do me injury, nor harm me nor my goods; in such wise that he performed all that he had promised me in the name of the king, but he would not let me departed before the coming of the king, which was greatly to my hindrance, because I was twenty and one months sequestered, that I could not buy nor cell any kind of merchandise. Those commodities that I brought thither, were pepper, sandols, and porcelan of China: so when the king was come home, I made my supplication unto him, and I was licensed to departed when I would. From Martavan I departed to go to the chiefest City in the kingdom of Pegu, which is also called after the name of the kingdom, which voyage is made by sea in three or four days; they may go also by land, but it is better for him that hath merchandise to go by sea and lesser charge. And in this voyage you shall have a Macareo, which is one of the most marvelous things in the world that nature hath wrought, and I never see any thing so hard to be believed as this, to wit, the great increasing & diminishng of the water there at one push or instant, A thing most marvelous, that at the coming of ● tied the earth should quake. and the horrible earthquake and great noise that the said Macareo maketh where it cometh. We departed from Martavan in barks, which are like to our Pilot boats, with the increase of the water, and they go as swift as an arrow out of a bow, so long as the tide runneth with them, and when the water is at the highest, than they draw themselves out of the Channel towards some bank, and there they come to anchor, and when the water is diminished, than they rest on dry land: and when the barks rest dry, they are as high from the bottom of the Channel, as any house top is high from the ground. They let their barks lie so high for this respect, that if there should any ship rest or ride in the Channel, with such force cometh in the water, that it would overthrow ship or bark: This tide is like to the sides in our river of Seveine. yet for all this, that the barks be so far out of the Channel, and though the water hath lost her greatest strength and fury before it come so high, yet they make fast their prow to the stream, and oftentimes it maketh them very fearful, and if the anchor did not hold her prow up by strength, she would be overthrown and lost with men and goods. When the water beginneth to increase, it maketh such a noise and so great that you would think it an earthquake, and presently at the first it maketh three waves. These tides make their just course as ours do. So that the first washeth over the bark, from stem to stern, the second is not so furious as the first, and the third raiseth the Anchor, and then for the space of six hours while the water increaseth, they row with such swiftness that you would think they did fly: in these tides there must be lost no jot of time, for if you arrive not at the stagious before the tide be spent, you must turn back from whence you came. For there is no staying at any place, but at these stagions, and there is more danger at one of these places then at another, as they be higher and lower one than another. When as you return from Pegu to Martavan, they go but half the tide at a time, because they will lay their barks up aloft on the banks, for the reason aforesaid. I could never gather any reason of the noise that this water maketh in the increase of the tide, and in diminishing of the water. There is another Macareo in Cambaya, This Macareo to a tide or a currant. but that is nothing in comparison of this. By the help of God we came safe to Pegu, which are two cities, the old and the new, in the old city are the Merchant strangers, Houses made of canes, & covered with leaves of trees. and merchants of the Country, for there are the greatest doings and the greatest trade. This city is not very great, but it hath very great suburbs. Their houses be made with canes, and covered with leaves, or with straw, but the merchants have all one house or Magason, which house they call Godon which is made of bricks, Godon is a place or house for merchants to lay their goods in. and there they put all their goods of any valour, to save them from the often mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuff. In the new city is the palace of the king, and his abiding place with all his barons and nobles, and other gentlemen; and in the time that I was there, they finished the building of the new city: The form of the building of the new city of Pegu. it is a great city, very plain and flat, and four square, walled round about, and with ditches that compass the walls about with water, in which diches are many crocodiles, it hath no draw bridges, yet it hath twenty gates, five for every square on the walls, there are many places made for sentinels to watch, made of wood and covered or gilded with gold, the streets thereof are the fairest that I have seen, they are as straight as a line from one gate to another, and standing at the one gate you may discover to the other, and they are as broad as 10 or 12 men may ride a breast in them: and those streets that be thwart are fair and large, these streets, both on the one side and on the other, are planted at the doors of the houses, with nut trees of India, which make a very commodious shadow, the houses be made of wood and covered with a kind of tiles in form of cups, very necessary for their use, the king's palace is in the middle of the city, made in form of a walled castle, A rich and stately palace. with ditches full of water round above it, the lodgings within are made of wood all over gilded, with fine pinnacles, and very costly work, covered with plates of gold. Truly it may be a king's house: within the gate there is a fair large court, from the one side to the other, wherein there are made places for the strongest and stoutest Eliphants appointed for the service of the king's person, and amongst all other Eliphants, Four white Eliphants. he hath four that be white, a thing so rare that a man shall hardly find another king that hath any such, and if this king know any other that hath white Eliphantes, he sendeth for them as for a gift. The time that I was there, there were two brought out of a far Country, and that cost me something the sigh of them, for that they command the merchants to go to see them, and then they must give somewhat to the men that bring them: the brokers of the merchants give for every man half a ducat, which they call a Tansa, This mane● called Tansa is half a ducat which may be shire shillings & four pennies. which amounteth to a great sum, for the number of merchants that are in that city; and when they have paid the aforesaid Tansa, they may choose whether they will see them at that time or not, because that when they are in the king's stall, every man may see them that will: but at that time they must go and see them, for it is the king's pleasure it should be so. This King amongst all other his titles, is called the King of the white Eliphants, and it is reported that if this king knew any other king that had any of these white Eliphantes, and would not sand them unto him, that he would hazard his whole kingdom to conquer them, he esteemeth these white Eliphants very dearly, and they are had in great regard, and kept with very meet service, every one of them is in a house, all guilded over, and they have their meat given them in vessels of silver and gold, there is one black Elephant the greatest that hath been seen, and he is kept according to his bigness, he is nine cubits' high, which is a marvelous thing, It is reported that this king hath four thousand Elephants of war, and all have their ●eeth, and they use to put on their two uppermost teeth sharp pikes of iron, and make them fast with rings, A warlike poli●i●. because these beasts fight, and make battle with their teeth; he hath also very many young Eliphants that have not their teeth sprowted forth: also this king hath a brave devise in hunting to take these Eliphants when he will, An ●xc●ll●●t d●●ise to h●●t ●●d take wild Eliphan●s. two miles from the City. He hath builded a fair palace all guilded, and within it a fair Court, and within it and ●ounde about there are made an infinite number of places for men to stand to see this hunting: near unto this Palace is a mighty great wood, through the which the huntsmen of the king ride continually o● the backs of the feminine Eliphants, teaching them in this business. Every hunter carrieth out with him five or si●e of these feminines, and they say that they anoint the secret place with a certain composition that they have, that when the wild Elephant doth smell there●nto, they follow the f●mini●es and cannot leave them: when the huntsmen have made provision, & the Elephant is so entangled, th●y guide the feminines towards the Palace which is called Tambell, and this Palace hath a door which doth open and shut with engines, before which door there is a long straight way with trees on both the sides, which covereth the way in such wise as it is like darkness in a corner: the wild Elephant when he cometh to this way, thinketh that he is in the woo●s. At the end of this dark way there is a great field, when the hunters have got this pray, when they first come to this field, they sand presently to give knowledge thereof to the City, and with all speed there go out fifty or sixty men on horseback, and do beset the field round about: in the great field then the females which are taught in this business go directly to the mouth of the dark way, and when as the wild Elephant is entered in there, the hunter's shout and make a great noise, as much as is possible, to make the wild Elephant enter in at the gate of that Palace, which is then open, and assoon as he is in, the gate is shut without any noise, and so the hunters with the female Eliphants● and the wild one are all in the Court together, and then within a small time the females withdraw themselves away one by one out of the Court, leaving the wild Elephant alone: An ●xcell●●● pastime of the Elipha●ts. and when he perceiveth that he is left alone, he is so mad that for two or three hours to see him, it is the greatest pleasure in the world: he weary, he flingeth, he runneth, he iustleth, he thrusteth under the places where the people stand to see him, thinking to kill some of them, but the posts and timber is so strong and great, that he cannot hurt any body, yet he oftentimes breaketh his teeth in the grates; At length when he is weary and hath laboured his body that he is all wet with sweat, than he plucketh in his trunk into his mouth, and then he throweth out so much water out of his belly, that he sprinkleth it over the heads of the lookers on, to the uttermost of them, although it be very high: and then when they see him very weary, there go certain officers into the Court with long sharp canes in their ha●ds, These canes 〈…〉 to them in Spain● whi●h they call loco de tore. and prick him that they make him to go into o●e of the houses that is made alongst the Court for the same purpose: as there are many which are made long and narrow, that when the Elephant is in, he cannot turn himself to go back again. And it is requisite that these men should be very wary and swift, for although their canes be long, yet the Elephant would kill them if they were not swift to save themselves: at length when they have got him into one of those houses, they stand over him in a fit and get ropes under his belly and about his neck, and about his legs, and bind him fast, and so let him stand four or five days, and give him neither meat nor drink. At the end of these four or five days, they unloose him and put one of the females unto him, A strange thing ●hat a bea●● so w●lde should in so shor● time he made tame● and give them meat and drink, and in eight days he is become tame. In my judgement there is not a beast so intellective as are these Eliphants, nor of more understanding in all the world: for he will do all things that his keeper says, so that he lacketh nothing but humane speech. It is reported that the greatest strength that the king of Pegu hath is in these Eliphants, for when they go to battle, they let on their backs a Castle of wood bond thereto, The g●●●test strength that the king of Pe●● ●ath. with hands under their bellies: and in every Castle four men very commodiously set to fight with hargubushes, with bows and arrows, with darts and pikes, and other lancing weapons: and they say that the skin of this Elephant is so hard, that an harquebusse will not pierce it, unless it be in the eye, temples, or some other tender place of his body. And besides this, they are of great strength, and have a very excellent order in their battle, A goodly order in a barbarous people. as I have seen at their feasts which they make in the year, in which feasts the king maketh triumphs, which is a rare thing and worthy memory, that in so barbarous a people there should be such goodly orders as they have in their a●●ies, which be distinct in squares of Eliphants, of horsemen, of harquebushers and pikemen, The o●●er of their weapons and ●umber of his men. that ●●uly the number of them are infinite: but their armour and weapons are very naught and weak as well the one as the other: they have very had pikes, their swords are worse made, like long knives without points, his harquebusses are most excellent, and always in his wars he hath eighty thousand harquebusses, and the number of them increaseth daily. Because the king will have them shoot every day at the Plank, and so by continual exercise they become most excellent shot: also he hath great Ordinance made of very good metal; to conclude there is not a King on the earth that hath more power or strength then this king of Pegu, because he hath twenty and six crowned kings at his command. 26. Crowned kings at his command. Fifteen hundredth thousand men in one Campe. He can make in his Camp a million and an half of men of war in the field against his enemies. The state of his kingdom and maintenance of his army, is a thing incredible to consider, & the victuals that should maintain such a number of people in the wars: but he that knoweth the nature and quality of that people, will easily believe it. I have seen with mine eyes, that those people and soldiers have eaten of all sorts of wild beasts that are on the earth, whether it be very filthy or otherwise all serveth for their mouths: yea, I have seen them eat Scorpions and Serpents, Eating of serpents. also they feed of all kind of herbs and grass. So that if such a great army want not water and salt, they will maintain themselves a long time in a bush with roots, flowers and leaves of trees, they carry rice with them for their voyage, & that serveth them in stead of com●its, it is so dainty unto them. This king of Pegu hath not any army or power by sea, but in the land, for people, dominions, gold and silver, he far exceeds the power of the great Turk in treasure and strength. This king hath divers Magasons full of treasure, as gold, & silver, and every day he increaseth it more and more, and it is never diminished. Also he is Lord of the Mines of Rubies, Safires & Spinels. The riches of the king of Pegu. Near unto his royal palace there is an inestimable treasure whereof he maketh no account, for that it standeth in such a place that every one may see it, and the place where this treasure is, is a great Court walled round about with walls of stone, with two gates which stand open every day. And within this place or Cour● are four gilded houses covered with lead, & in every one of these are certain heathenish idols of a very great valour. In the first house there is a stature of the image of a man of gold very great, & on his head a crown of gold beset with most rare Rubies and Safires, and round about him are 4. little children of gold. In the second house there is the stature of a man of silver, that is set as it were sitting on heaps of money: whose stature in height, as he sitteth, is so high, that his highness exceeds the height of any one roof of an house; I measured his feet, and found that they were as long as all my body was in height, with a crown on his head like to the first. And in the third house, there is a stature of brass of the same bigness, with a like crown on his head. In the 4. and last house there is a stature of a man as big as the other, which is made of Gansa, which is the metal they make their money of, & this metal is made of copper & lead mingled together. This stature also hath a crown on his head like the first: this treasure being of such a value as it is, standeth in an open place that every man at his pleasure may go & see it: for the keepers thereof never forbidden any man the sight thereof. I say as I have said before, that this king every year in his feasts triumpheth: & because it is worthy of the noting, I think it meet to writ thereof, which is as followeth. The king rideth on a triumphant cart or waggon all gilded, which is drawn by 16. goodly horses: The great pomp of the ●ing. and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy over it, behind the cart go 20. of his Lords & nobles, with every one a rope in his hand made fast to the cart for to hold it upright that it fall not. The king sitteth in the middle of the cart; & upon the same cart about the king stand 4. of his nobles most favoured of him, and before this cart wherein the king is goeth all his army as aforesaid, and in the middle of his army goeth all his nobility, round about the cart, that are in his dominions, a marvelous thing it is to see so many people, such riches & such good order in a people so barbarous as they be. This king of Pegu hath one principal wife which is kept in a Seralio, he hath 300 concubines, of whom it is reported that he hath 90. children. This king sitteth every day in person to hear the suits of his subjects, but he nor they never speak one to another, but by supplications made in this order. The order of justice. The king sitteth up aloft in a great hall, on a tribunal seat, and lower under him sit all his Barons round about, than those that demand audience enter into a great Court before the king, and there set them down on the ground 40. paces distant from the king's person, No difference of people before the king in controversies or in justice. and amongst those people there is no difference in matters of audience before the king, but all alike, and there they sit with their supplications in their hands, which are made of long leaves of a tree, these leaves are 3. quarters of a yard long, & two fingers broad, which are written with a sharp iron made for that purpose, & in those leaves are their supplications written, & with their supplications, they have in their hands a present or gift, according to the weightiness of their matter. Then come the secretaries down to read these supplications, taking them & reading them before the king, & if the king think it good to do to them that favour or justice that they demand, than he commandeth to take the presents out of their hands: but if he think their demand be not just or adding to right, he commands them away without taking of their gifts or presents. In the Indies there is not any merchandise that is good to bring to Pegu, unless it be at some times by chance to bring Opium of Cambaia, and if he bring money he shall loose by it. Now the commodities that come from S. Tom are the only merchandise for that place, which is the great quantity of clot made there, which they use in Pegu; The com●●●d●r● that are ventured in Pegu. which clot is made of bomba●● woven and pa●●ted, so that the more that kind of clot is washed, the more lively they show their colours, which is a rare thing, and there is made such account of this kind of clot which is of so great importance, that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand ducats. Also from S. Tom they laid great store of read yarn, of bombast died with a root which they call Saia, as aforesaid, which colour will never out. With which merchandise every year there goeth a great ship from S. Tom to Pegu, of great importance, and they usually departed from S. Tom to Pegu the 11. or 12. of September, & if she stay until the twelfth, it is a great hap if she return not without making of her voyage. Their use was to departed the sixt of September, Note the departure of the ships from S. Tom to Pegu. and then they made sure voyages, and now because there is a great labour about that kind of clot to bring it to perfection, and that it be well dried, as also the greediness of the Captain that would make an extraordinary gain of his freight, thinking ●o have the wound always to serve their turn, they stay so long, that at sometimes the wind turneth. For in those parts the winds blow firmly for certain times, with the which they go to Pegu with the wind in poop, and if they arrive not there before the wind change, and get ground to anchor, perforce they must return back again: for that the gales of the wind blow there for three or four months together in one place with great force. But if they get the coast & anchor there, then with great labour they may save their voyage. Also there goeth another great ship from Bengala every year, laden with fine clot of bombast of all sorts, which arriveth in the harbour of Pegu, when the ship that cometh from S. Tom departeth. The harbour where these two ships arrive is called Cosmin. From Malaca to Martavan, which is a port in Pegu, Commodities brought into Pegu. there come many small ships, and great, laden with pepper, Sandolo, Procellan of China, Camfora, Bruneo, and other merchandise. The ships that come from Mecca enter into the port of Pegu and Cirion, and those ships bring clot of Wool, Scarlets, Velvets, Opium, and Chickinos, The Chikinos are pieces of gold worth sterling 7. shillings. by the which they loose, and they bring them because they have no other thing that is good for Pegu: but they esteem not the loss of them, for that they make such great gain of their commodities that they carry from thence out of that kingdom. Also the king of Assi his ships come thither into the same port laden with pepper; from the coast of S. Tom of Bengala out of the Sea of Bara to Pegu are three hundredth miles, and they go it up the river in four days, with the increasing water, or with the flood, to a City called Cosmin, and there they discharge their ships, whither the Customers of Pegu come to take the note and marks of all the goods of every man, & take the charge of the goods on them, and convey them to Pegu, into the king's house, wherein they make the custom of the merchandise. When the Customers have taken the charge of the goods & put them into barks, the Retor of the City giveth licence to the Merchants to take bark, and go up to Pegu with their merchandise; and so three or four of them take a bark and go up to Pegu in company. Great rigour for the stealing of Customs. God deliver every man that he give not a wrong note, and entry, or think to steal any custom: for if they do, for the lest trifle that is, he is utterly undone, for the king doth take it for a most great affront to be deceived of his custom; and therefore they make diligent searches, three times at the lading and unlading of the goods, and at the taking of them a land. In Pegu this search they make when they go out of the ship for Diamonds, Pearls, and fine clot which taketh little room: for because that all the jewels that come into Pegu, and are not found of that country, pay custom, but Rubies, Safyres and Spinels pay no custom in nor out: because they are found growing in that Country. I have spoken before, how that all Merchants that mean to go thorough the Indies, must carry all manner of household stuff with them which is necessary for a house, because that there is not any lodging nor Inues nor hosts, nor chamber room in that Country, but the first thing a man doth when he cometh to any City is to higher a house, either by the year or by the month, or as he means to stay in those parts. In Pegu their order is to hire their houses for six months. Now from Cosmin to the City of Pegu they go in six hours with the flood, and if it be ebbing water, than they make fast their boat to the river side, Description of the fruitfulness of that soil. and there carry until the water flow again. It is a very commodious and pleasant voyage, having on both sides of the rivers many great villages, which they call Cities: in the which hens, pigeons, eggs, milk, rice, and other things be very good cheap. It is all plain, and a goodly Country, and in eight days you may make your voyage up to Macceo, distant from Pegu twelve miles, & there they discharge their goods, & lad them in Carts or wanes drawn with oxen, and the Merchants are carried in a closet which they call Deling, Deling is a small litter carried with men as is aforesaid. in the which a man shall be very well accommodated, with cushions under his head, and covered for the defence of the Sun and rain, and there he may sleep if he have will thereunto: and his four Falchines carry him running away, changing two at one time and two at another. The custom of Pegu and freight thither, may amount unto twenty or twenty two per cento, and 23. according as he hath more or less stolen from him that day they custom the goods. It is requisite that a man have his eyes watchful, and to be careful, and to have many friends, for when they custom in the great hall of the king, there come many gentlemen accompanied with a number of their slaves, and these gentlemen have no shame that their slaves rob strangers: whether it be clot in showing of it or any other thing, they laugh at it. And although the Merchants help one another to keep watch, & look to their goods, they cannot look thereto so narrowly but one or other will rob something, either more or less, according as their merchandise is more or less: and yet on this day there is a worse thing than this: although you have set so many eyes to look there for your benefit, that you escape unrobbed of the slaves, a man cannot choose but that he must be rob of the officers of the custom house. For paying the custom with the same goods oftentimes they take the best that you have, & not by rate of every sort as they aught to do, by which means a man payeth more than his duty. At length when the goods be dispatched out of the custom house in this order, the Merchant causeth them to be carried to his house, and may do with them at his pleasure. There are in Pegu 8. brokers of the kings, which are called Tareghe, who are bond to cell all the merchandise which come to Pegu, at the common or the currant price: then if the merchants will cell their goods at that price, they sell them away, and the brokers have two in the hundredth of every sort of merchandise, and they are bond to make good the debts of those goods, because they be sold by their hands or means, & on their words, and oftentimes the merchant knoweth not to whom he giveth his goods, yet he cannot loose any thing thereby, for that the broker is bond in any wise to pay him, and if the merchant sell his goods without the consent of the broker, yet nevertheless he must pay him two per cento, and be in danger of his money: but this is very seldom seen, because the wife, children, and slaves of the debtor are bond to the creditor, and when his time is expired and payment not made, the creditor may take the debtor and carry him home to his house, and shut him up in a Magasin, whereby presently he hath his money, and not being able to pay the creditor, A law for Bankrupts. he may take the wife, children, and slaves of the debtor, and sell them, for so is the law of that kingdom. The currant money that is in this city, and throughout all this kingdom is called Gansa or Ganza, which is made of Copper and lead: It is not the money of the king, but every man may stamp it that will, because it hath his just partition or value: but they make many of them false, Every man may stamp what money he wil by putting overmuch lead into them, and those will not pass, neither will any take them. With this money Ganza, you may buy gold or silver, Rubies and Musk, and other things. For there is no other money currant amongst them. And Gold, silver and other merchandise are at one time dearer than another, as all other things be. This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze, & this name of Byza goeth for the account of the weight, and commonly a Byza of a Ganza is worth (after our account) half a ducat, little more or less: and albeit that Gold and silver is more or less in price, yet the Byza never changes: every Byza maketh a hundredth Ganza of weight, and so the number of the money is Byza. He that goeth to Pegu to buy jewels, if he will do well, it behoveth him to be a whole year there to do his business. For if so be that he would return with the ship he came in, How a man may dispose himself for the trade in Pegu. he cannot do any thing so conveniently for the brevity of the time, because that when they custom their goods in Pegu that come from S. Tom in their ships, it is as it were about Christmas: and when they have customed their goods, then must they cell them for their credit's sake for a month or two: and then at the beginning of March the ships departed. The Merchants that come from S. Tom take for the payment of their goods, Good instructions. gold, and silver, which is never wanting there. And 8. or 10. days before their departure they are all satisfied: also they may have Rubies in payment, but they make no account of them: and they that will winter there for another year, it is needful that they be advertised, that in the sale of their goods, they specify in their bargain, the term of two or 3. months payment, & that their payment shallbe in so many Ganza, and neither gold nor silver: because that with the Ganza they may buy & sell every thing with great advantage. And how needful is it to be advertised, when they will recover their payments, in what order they shall receive their Ganza? Because he that is not experienced may do himself great wrong in the weight of the Gansa, as also in the falseness of them: in the weight he may be greatly deceived, because that from place to place it doth rise and fall greatly: and therefore when any will receive money or make payment, he must take a public wayer of money, a day or two before he go about his business, and give him in payment for his labour two Byzaes' a month, and for this he is bond to make good all your money, & to maintain it for good, for that he receiveth it and seals the bags with his seal: and when he hath received any store, than he causeth it to be brought into the Magason of the Merchant, that is the owner of it. That money is very weighty, for forty Byza is a strong Porter's burden; and also where the Merchant hath any payment to be made for those goods which he buyeth, the Common wayer of money that receiveth his money must make the payment thereof. So that by this means, the Merchant with the charges of two Byzes a month, receiveth and payeth out his money without loss or trouble. The merchandises that go out of Pegu are Gold, Silver, Rubies, sapphires, The merchandises that go out of Pegu. Spinelles, great store of Benjamin, long pepper, Lead, Lacca, rice, wine, some sugar, yet there might be great store of sugar made in the Country, for that they have abundance of Canes, but they give them to Eliphants to eat, and the people consume great store of them for food, and many more do they consume in vain things, as these following. In that kingdom they spend many of these Sugar canes in making of houses and tents which they call Varely for their idols, which they call Pagodes, whereof there are great abundance, great and small, and these houses are made in form of little hills, like to Sugar loaves or to Bells, and some of these houses are as high as a reasonable steeple, at the foot they are very large, some of them be in circuit a quarter of a mile. The said houses within are full of earth, and walled round about with bricks and dirt in stead of lime, and without form, from the top to the foot they make a covering for them with Sugar canes, and plaster it with lime all over, for otherwise they would be spoiled, by the great abundance of rain that falls in those countries. Also they consume about these Varely or idol houses great store of leafe-gold, for that they overlay all the tops of the houses with gold, and some of them are covered with gold from the top to the foot: Idol houses covered wi●h gold. in covering whereof there is great store of gold spent, for that every 10. years they new overlay them with gold, from the top to the foot, so that with this vanity they spend great abundance of gold. For every 10. years the rain doth consume the gold from these houses. And by this means they make gold dearer in Pegu then it would be, if they consumed not so much in this vanity. Also it is a thing to be noted in the buying of jewels in Pegu, that he that hath no knowledge shall have as good jewels, and as good cheap, as he that hath been practised there a long time, which is a good order, and it is in this wise. There are in Pegu four men of good reputation, which are called Tareghe, or brokers of jewels. These four men have all the jewels or Rubies in their hands, and the Merchant that will buy cometh to one of these Tareghe and telleth him, that he hath so much money to employ in Rubies. For through the hands of these four men pass all the Rubies: Rubies exceeding cheap in Pegu. for they have such quantity, that they know not what to do with them, but cell them at most vile and base prices. When the Merchant hath broken his mind to one of these brokers or Tareghe, they carry him home to one of their Shops, although he hath no knowledge in jewels: and when the jewellers perceive that he will employ a good round sum, they will make a bargain, and if not, they let him alone. The use generally of this City is this; that when any Merchant hath bought any great quantity of Rubies, and hath agreed for them, he carrieth them home to his house, let them be of what value they will, he shall have space to look on them and peruse them two or three days: and if he hath no knowledge in them, he shall always have many Merchants in that City that have very good knowledge in jewels; with whom he may always confer and take counsel, and may show them unto whom he will; and if he find that he hath not employed his money well, he may return his jewels back to them whom he had them of, without any loss at all. Which thing is such a shame to the Tareghe to have his jewels return, that he had rather bear a blow on the face than that it should be thought that he sold them so dear to have them returned. For these men have always great care that they afford good pennyworths, especially to those that have no knowledge. This they do, because they would not lose their credit: and when those Merchants that have knowledge in jewels buy any, if they buy them dear, it is their own faults and not the brokers: yet it is good to have knowledge in jewels, by reason that it may somewhat ease the price. An honest care of heathen people. There is also a very good order which they have in buying of jewels, which is this; There are many Merchants that stand by at the making of the bargain, and because they shall not understand how the jewels be sold, the Broker and the Merchants have their hands under a clot, Bargain●s made with the nipping of fingers under a clot. and by touching of fingers and nipping the joints they know what is done, what is bidden, and what is asked. So that the standers by know not what is demanded for them, although it be for a thousand o● 10. thousand ducats. For every joint and every finger hath his signification. For if the Merchants that stand by should understand the bargain, it would breed great controversy amongst them. And at my being in Pegu in the month of August, in Anno 1569. having got well by my endeavour, I was desirous to see mine own Country, and I thought it good to go by the way of S. Tom, but then I should tarry until March. In which journey I was counseled, yea, and fully resolved to go by the way of Bengala, with a ship there ready to departed for that voyage. And then we departed from Pegu to Chatigan a great harbour or port, from whence there go small ships to Cochin, before the fl●ete depart for Portugal in which ships I was fully determined to go to Lisbon, and so to Venice. When I had thus resolved myself, I went aboard of the ship of Bengala, at which time it was the year of Touffon: This Touf●on is an extraordinary storm at Sea. concerning which Touffon you are to understand, that in the East Indies often times, there are not storms as in other countries; but every 10. or 12. years there are such tempests and storms, that it is a thing incredible, but to those that have seen it, neither do they know certainly what year they will come. The Toufon cometh but every 10. or 12. years. Unfortunate are they that are at sea in that year and time of the Touffon, because few there are that escape that danger. In this year it was our chance to be at sea with the like storm, but it happened well unto us, for that our ship was newly over-plancked, and had not any thing in her save victual and balasts, Silver and gold, which from Pegu they carry to Bengala, and no other kind of Merchandise. This Touffon or cruel storm endured three days and three nights: in which time it carried away our sails, yards, and rudder; and because the ship laboured in the Sea, we cut our mast over board: which when we had done she laboured a great deal more than before, in such wise, that she was almost full with water that came over the highest part of her and so went down: and for the space of three days and three nights sixty men did nothing but hale water out of her in this wise, twenty men in one place, and twenty men in another place, and twenty in a third place: and for all this storm, the ship was so good, that she took not one jot of water below through her sides, but all ran down through the hatches, so that those sixty men did nothing but cast the Sea into the Sea. And thus driving too and fro as the wind and Sea would, we were in a dark night about four of the clock cast on a should: yet when it was day, we could neither see land on one side nor other, and known not where we were. And as it pleased the divine power, there came a great wave of the Sea, which brave us beyond the should. And when we felt the ship afloat, A manifest token of the ebding and flowing in those Countries. we rose up as men revived, because the Sea was calm and smooth water, and then sounding we found twelve fathom water, and within a while after we had but six fathom, and then presently we came to anchor with a small anchor that was left us at the s●erne, for all our other were lost in the storm: and by and by the ship struck a ground, and then we did prop her that she should not overthrow. When it was day the ship was all dry, and we found her a good mile from the Sea on dry land. This Touffon being ended, we discovered an Island not far from us, and we went from the ship on the sands to see what Island it was: This Island is called Sondiva. and we found it a place inhabited, and, to my judgement, the fertilest Island in all the world, the which is divided into two parts by a channel which passeth between it, & with great trouble we brought our ship into the same channel, which patteth the Island at flowing water, and there we determined to stay 40. days to refresh us. And when the people of the Island see the ship, and that we were coming a land: presently they made a place of bazar or a market, with shops right over against the ship with all manner of provision of victuals to eat, which they brought down in great abundance, and sold it so good cheap, that we were amazed at the cheapness thereof. I bought many salted cows there, for the provision of the ship, for half a Larine a piece, which Larine may be 12. shillings six pennies, being very good and fat; and 4. wild hogs ready dressed for a Larine; great fat hens for a Bizzes a piece, which is at the most a penuie: and the people told us that we were deceived the half of our money, because we bought things so dear. Also a sack of fine rice for a thing of nothing, and consequently all other things for humane sustenance were there in such abundance, that it is a thing incredible but to them that have seen it. This Island is called Sondiva belonging to the kingdom of Bengala, Sondiva is the ●ruit fullest Country in all the world. distant 120. miles from Chatigan, to which place we were bond. The people are Moors, and the king a very good man of a Moor king, for if he had been a tyrant as others be, he might have rob us of all, because the Portugal captain of Chatigan was in arms against the Retor of that place, & every day there were some slain, at which news we rested there with no small fear, keeping good watch and ward aboard every night as the use is, but the governor of the town did comfort us, and bade us that we should fear nothing, but that we should repose ourselves securely without any danger, although the Portugals of Chatigan had slain the governor of that City, and said that we were not culpable in that fact; and moreover he did us every day what pleasure he could, which was a thing contrary to our expectations considering that they & the people of Chatigan were both subjects to one king. Chatigan is a port in Bengala, whither the Portugals go with their ships. We departed from Sondiva, & came to Chatigan the great port of Bengala, at the same time when the Portugals had made peace and taken a truce with the governors of the town, with this condition that the chief Captain of the Portugals with his ship should departed without any lading: for there were then at that time 18. ships of Portugals great and small. This Captain being a Gentleman and of good courage, was notwithstanding contended to departed to his greatest hindrance, rather than he would seek to hinder so many of his friends as were there, as also because the time of the year was spent to go to the Indies. The night before he departed, every ship that had any lading therein, put it aboard of the Captain to help to ease his charge and to recompense his courtesies. In this time there came a messenger from the king of Rachim to this Portugal Captain, The King of Rachim or Aracam, neighbour to Bengala. who said in the behalf of his king, that he had herded of the courage and valour of him, desiring him gently that he would vouchsafe to come with the ship into his port, and coming thither he should be very well entreated. This Portugal went thither and was very well satisfied of this King. This King of Rachim hath his seat in the middle coast between Bengala and Pegu, and the greatest enemy he hath is the king of Pegu: which king of Pegu deviseth night and day how to make this king of Rachim his subject, but by no means he is able to do it: because the king of Pegu hath no power nor army by Sea. And this king of Or, Aracam. Rachim may arm two hundredth Galleys or Fusts by Sea, and by land he hath certain sluices with the which when the king of Pegu pretendeth any harm towards him, he may at his pleasure drown a great part of the Country. So that by this means he cutteth off the way whereby the king of Pegu should come with his power to hurt him. From the great port of Chatigan they carry for the Indies great store of Rice, The commodities that go from Chatigan to the Indies. very great quantity of Bombast clot of every sort, Sugar, corn, and money, with other merchandise. And by reason of the wars in Chatigan, the Portugal ships carried there so long, that they arrived not at Cochin so soon as they were wont to do other years. For which cause the fleet that was at Cochin was departed for Portugal before they arrived there, The Portugal ships departed toward Portugal out of the harbour of Cochin. and I being in one of the small ships before the fleet, in discovering of Cochin, we also discovered the last ship of the Fleet that went from Cochin to Portugal, where she made sail, for which I was marvelously discomforted, because that all the year following, there was no going for Portugal, and when we arrived at Cochin I was fully determined to go for Venice by the way of Ormus, and at that time the City of Goa was besieged by the people of Dialcan, but the Citizens forced not this assault, because they supposed that it would not continued long. For all this I embarked myself in a Galley that went for Goa, Goa was besieged. meaning there to ship myself for Ormus: but when we came to Goa, the Viceroy would not suffer any Portugal to departed, by reason of the wars. And being in Goa but a small time, I fallen sick of an infirmity that held me four months: which with physic and diet cost me eight hundredth ducats, and there I was constrained to cell a small quantity of Rubies to sustain my need: and I sold that for five hundredth ducats, that was worth a thousand. And when I began to wax well of my disease, I had but little of that money left, every thing was so scarce: For every chicken (and yet not good) cost me seven or eight Livers, which is six shillings, or six shillings eight pennies. Beside this great charges, the Apothecaries with their medicines were no small charge to me. At the end of six months they raised the siege, and then I began to work, for jewels were risen in their prices: for, whereas before I sold a few of refused Rubies, I determined then to cell the rest of all my jewels that I had there, and to make an other voyage to Pegu. And for because that at my departure from Pegu, Opium was in great request, I went then to Cambaya to employ a good round sum of money in Opium, Opium a good commodity in Pegu. and there I bought 60. parcels of Opium, which cost me two thousand & a hundredth ducats, every ducat at four shillings two pennies. Moreover I bought three bales of Bombast clot, which cost me eight hundred ducats, which was a good commodity for Pegu: when I had bought these things, the Viceroy commanded that the custom of the Opium should be paid in Goa, and paying custom there I might carry it whither I would. I shipped my 3. bales of clot at Chaul in a ship that went for Cochin, and I went to Goa to pay the aforesaid custom for my Opium, and from Goa I departed to Cochin in a ship that was for the voyage of Pegu, and went to winter then at S. Tom. When I came to Cochin, I understood that the ship that had my three bales of clot was cast away and lost, so that I lost my 800. Serafins or ducats: and departing from Cochin to go for S. Tom, in casting about for the Island of Zeilan the Pilot was deceived, for that the Cape of the Island of Zeilan lieth far out into the sea, and the Pilot thinking that he might have passed hard aboard the Cape, and paying roomer in the night; when it was morning we were far within the Cape, and past all remedy to go out, by reason the winds blew so fiercely against us. So t●at by this means we lost our voyage for that year, and we went to Manar with the ship to winter there, the ship having lost her masts, and with great diligence we hardly saved her, with great losses to the Captain of the ship, because he was forced to freight another ship in S. Tom for Pegu with great losses and interest, and I with my friends agreed together in Manar to take a bark to carry us to S. Tom; which thing we did with all the rest of the merchants; and arriving at S. Tom I had news through or by the way of Bengala, that in Pegu Opium was very dear, and I known that in S. Tom there was no Opium but mine to go for Pegu that year, so that I was held of all the merchants there to be very rich: and so it would have proved, if my adverse fortune had not been contrary to my hope, which was this. At that time there went a great ship from Cambaya, to the king of Assi, with great quantity of Opium, & there to lad pepper: in which voyage there came such a storm, that the ship was forced with wether to go roomer 800. miles, and by this means came to Pegu, whereas they arrived a day before me; so that Opium which was before very dear, was now at a base price: so that which was sold for fifty Bizzes before, was sold for 2. Bizze & an half, there was such quantity came in that ship; so that I was glad to stay two years in Pegu unless I would have given away my commodity: and at the end of two years of my 2100. ducats which I bestowed in Cambaya, I made but a thousand ducats. Then I departed again from Pegu to go for the Indies and for Ormus with great quantity of Lacca, and from Ormus I returned into the Indies for Chaul, and from Chaul to Cochin, and from Cochin to Pegu. Once more I lost occasion to make me rich, for whereas I might have brought good store of Opium again, I brought but a little, being fearful of my other voyage before. In this small quantity I made good profit. And now again I determined to go for my Country, and departing from Pegu, I tarried and wintered in Cochin, and then I left the Indies and came for Ormus. I think it very necessary before I end my voyage, to reason somewhat, and to show what first-fruits the Indies do yield and bring forth. First, in the Indies and other East parts of India there is Pepper and ginger, which groweth in all parts of India. And in some parts of the Indies, the greatest quantity of pepper groweth amongst wild bushes, without any manner of labour: saving, that when it is ripe they go and gather it. Pepper tree. The tree that the pepper groweth on is like to our ivy, which runneth up to the tops of trees wheresoever it groweth: and if it should not take hold of some tree, it would lie flat and rot on the ground. This pepper tree hath his flower and berry like in all parts to our ivy berry, and those berries be grains of pepper: so that when they gather them they be green, and then they lay them in the Sun, and they become black. Ginger. The Ginger groweth in this wise: the land is tilled and sown, and the herb is like to Panizzo, and the root is the ginger. These two spices grow in divers places. Cloves. The Cloves come all from the Moluccas, which Moluccas are two Islands, not very great, and the tree that they grow on is like to our Laurel tree. Nutmegs and Maces. The Nutmegs and Maces, which grow both together, are brought from the Island of Banda, whose tree is like to our walnut tree, but not so big. White Sandol. Canfora. All the good white Sandol is brought from the Island of Timor. Canfora being compound cometh all from China, and all that which groweth in canes cometh from Borneo, & I think that this Canfora cometh not into these parts: for that in India they consume great store, and that is very dear. The good Lignum Aloes cometh from Cauchinchina. Lignum Aloes. Benjamin. The Benjamin cometh from the kingdom of Assi and Zion. Long pepper. Long pepper groweth in Bengala, Pegu, and java. Musk cometh from Tartary, which they make in this order, as by good information I have been told. This Musk the jews do con●●er●eit and take out half the good musk and beaten the flesh of an ass and put in the room of it. There is a certain beast in Tartary, which is wild and as big as a wolf, which beast they take alive, & beaten him to death with small staves that his blood may be spread through his whole body, than they cut it in pieces, & take out all the bones, & beaten the flesh with the blood in a mortar very small, and dry it, and make purses to put it in of the skin, and these be the cod of musk. Truly I know not whereof the Amber is made, and there are divers opinions of it, but this is most certain, it is cast out of the Sea, and thrown on land, and found upon the sea banks. Rubies sapphires, and Spinels. The Rubies, sapphires, and the Spinels be got in the kingdom of Pegu. The Diamonds come from divers places; and I know but three sorts of them. That sort of Diamonds that is called Chiappe, cometh from Bezeneger. Those that be pointed naturally come from the land of Delly, and from java, but the Diamonds of java are more weighty than the other. I could never understand from whence they that are called Balassicome. The Balassi arrow in Zeilan. Pearls they fish in divers places, as before in this book is shown. Spodiom. From Cambaza cometh the Spodiom which congeleth in certain canes, whereof I found many in Pegu, when I made my house there, because that (as I have said before) they make their houses there of woven canes like to mats. From Chaul they trade alongst the coast of Melinde in Ethiopia, within the land of Cafraria: On the coast of Melind in Ethiopia, in the land of Ca●ra●ia, the great trade that the Portugals have. ●n that coast are many good harbours kept by the Moors. Thither the Portugals bring a kind of Bombast clot of a low price, and great store of Pater-nosters or beads made of paltry glass, which they make in Chaul according to the use of the Country: and from thence they carry Elephants teeth for India, slaves called Cafari, and some Amber and Gold. On this coast the king of Portugal hath his castle called Mozambique, which is of as great importance as any castle that he hath in all his Indies under his protection, and the Captain of this castle hath certain voyages to this Cafraria, to which places no Merchants may go, but by the Agent of this Captain: Buying and selling without word● one to another. and they use to go in small ships, and trade with the Cafars, and their trade in buying and selling is without any speech one to the other. In this wise the Portugals bring their goods by little and little alongst the Sea coast, and lay them down: and so departed, and the Cafar Merchants come and see the goods, & there they put down as much gold as they think the goods are worth, and so go their way and leave their gold and the goods together, then cometh the Portugal, and ●inding the gold to his content, he taketh it and goeth his way into his ship, and then cometh the Cafar and taketh the goods and carrieth them away: and if he find the gold there still, it is a sign that the Portugals are not contented, and if the Cafar think he hath put too little, he addeth more, as he thinketh the thing is worth: and the Portugals must not stand with them too strict; for if they do, than they will have no more trade with them: For they disdain to be refused, when they think that they have offered enough, for they be a peevish people, and have dealt so of a long time: and by this trade the Portugals change their commodities into gold, Golden trades that the Portugals have. and carry it to the Castle of Mozambique, which is in an Island not far distant from the firm land of Cafraria on the coast of Ethiopia, and is distant from India 2800. miles. Now to return to my voyage, when I came to Ormus, I found there Master Francis Berettin of Venice, and we freighted a bark together to go for Basora for 70. ducats, and with us there went other Merchants, which did ease our freight, and very commodiously we came to Basora and there we stayed 40. days for providing a Carovan of barks to go to Babylon, because they use not to go two or 3. barks at once, but 25. or 30. because in the night they cannot go, but must make them fast to the banks of the river, and then we must make a very good & strong guard, and be well provided of armour, for respect & safeguard of our goods, because the number of thieves is great that come to spoil and rob the merchants. And when we departed for Babylon we go a little with our sail, and the voyage is 38. or 40. days long, but we were 50. days on it. When we came to Babylon we stayed there 4. months, until the Carovan was ready to go over the wilderness, or desert for Aleppo; in this city we were 6. merchants that accompanied together, five Venetians and a Portugal; whose names were as followeth, Messer Florinasa with one of his kinsmen, An order hold to provide to go over the Desert from Babylon to Aleppo. Messer Andrea de Polo● the Portugal & M. Francis Berettin and I, and so we furnished ourselves with victuals and beans for our horses for 40. days; and we bought horses and mules, for that they be very good cheap there, I myself bought a horse there for 11. akens, and sold him after in Aleppo for 30. ducats. Also we bought a Tent which did us very great pleasure: we had also amongst us 32. Camels laden with merchandise: for the which we paid 2. ducats for every camels lading, and for every 10. camels they made 11, for so is their use and custom. We take also with us 3. men to serve us in the voyage, which are used to go in those voyages for five Dd. a man, and are bond to serve us to Aleppo: so that we passed very well without any trouble: when the camels cried out to rest, our pavilion was the first that was erected. The Carovan maketh but small journeys about 20. miles a day, & they set forward every morning before day two hours, and about two in the afternoon they sit down. We had great good hap in our voyage, for that it reigned: For which cause we never wanted water, but every day found good water, so that we could not take any hurt for want of water. Yet we carried a camel laden always with water for every good respect that might chance in the desert, so that we had no want neither of one thing, nor other that was to be had in the country. For we came very well furnished of every thing, and every day we eat fresh mutton, because there came many shepherds with us with their flocks, who kept those sheep that we bought in Babylon, and every merchant marked his sheep with his own mark, and we gave the shepherds a Medin, which is two pennies of our money, for the keeping and feeding our sheep on the way, and for kill of them. And beside the Medin they have the heads, the skins, and the entrails of every sheep they kill. We six bought 20. sheep, and when we came to Aleppo we had 7. alive of them. And in the Carovan they use this order, that the merchants do lend flesh one to another, because they will not carry raw flesh with them, but pleasure one another by lending one one day, and another another day. From Babylon to Aleppo is 40. days journey, of the which they make 36. days over the wilderness, 36. days journey over the wilderness. in which 36. days they neither see house, trees, nor people that inhabit it, but only a plain, and no sign of any way in the world. The pilots go before, and the Carovan followeth after. And when they sit down all the Carovan unladeth and sitteth down, for they know the stations where the wells are. I say, in 36. days we pass over the wilderness. For when we departed from Babylon two days we pass by villages inhabited until we have passed the river Euphrates. And then within two days of Aleppo we have villages inhabited. In this Carovan there goeth always a Captain that doth justice unto all men: An order how to provide for the going to jerusalem. and every night they keep watch about the Carovan, and coming to Aleppo we went to Tripoli, whereas Master Florin, and Master Andrea Polo, and I, with a Friar, went and hired a bark to go with us to jerusalem. Departing from Tripoli, we arrived at jaffa: from which place in a day and half we went to jerusalem, and we gave order to our bark to tarry for us until our return. We stayed in jerusalem 14. days, to visit those holy places: from whence we returned to jaffa, and from jaffa to Tripoli, and there we shipped ourselves in a ship of Venice called the Bagazzana: And by the help of the divine power, we arrived safely in Venice the fift of November 1581. The author returns to Venice 1581. If there be any that hath any desire to go into those parts of India, let him not be astonished at the troubles that I have passed: because I was entangled in many things: for that I went very poor from Venice with 1200. ducats employed in merchandise, and when I came to Tripoli, I fallen sick in the house of Master Regaly Oratio, and this man sent away my goods with a small Carovan that went from Tripoli to Aleppo, and the Carovan was robbed, and all my goods lost saving four chests of glasses which cost me 200. ducats, of which glasses I found many broken: because the thieves thinking it had been other merchandise, broke them up, and seeing they were glasses they let them all alone. And with this only stock I adventured to go into the Indies: And thus with change and rechange, and by diligence in my voyage, God did bless and help me, so that I got a good stock. I will not be unmindful to put them in remembrance, A very good order that they have in those Countrey● for the recovering of the goods of the dead. that have a desire to go into those parts, how they shall keep their goods, and give them to their heirs at the time of their death, and how this may be done very securely. In all the cities that the Portugals have in the Indies, there is a house called the school of Sancta misericordia comissaria: the governors whereof, if you give them for their pains, will take a copy of your will and Testament, which you must always carry about you; and chief when you go into the Indies. In the country of the Moors and Gentiles, in those voyages always there goeth a Captain to administer justice to all Christians of the Portugals. Also this captain hath authority to recover the goods of those Merchants that by chance die in those voyages, and they that have not made their Wills and registered them in the aforesaid schools, the Captains will consume their goods in such wise, that little or nothing will be left for their heirs and friends. Also there goeth in these same voyages some merchants that are commissaries of the school of Sancta misericordia, that if any Merchant die and have his Will made, and hath given order that the school of Misericordia shall have his goods and cell them, than they send the money by exchange to the school of Misericordia in Lisbon, with that copy of his Testament, then from Lisbon they give intelligence thereof, into what part of Christendom soever it be, and the heirs of such a one coming thither; with testimonial that they be heirs, they shall receive there the value of his goods: in such wise that they shall not lose any thing. But they that die in the kingdom of Pegu lose the third part of their goods by ancient custom of the Country, that if any Christian dieth in the kingdom of Pegu, the king and his officers rest heirs of a third of his goods, and there hath never been any deceit or fraud used in this matter. I have known many rich men that have dwelled in Pegu, and in their age they have desired to go into their own Country to die there, and have departed with all their goods and substance without let or trouble. Order of apparel in Pegu● In Pegu the fashion of their apparel is all one, as well the Noble man, as the simple: the only difference is in the fineness of the clot, which is clot of Bombast one finer than another, and they wear their apparel in this wise: First, a white Bombast clot which serveth for a shirt, than they gird another painted bombast clot of fourteen brases, which they bind up betwixt their legs, and on their heads they wear a small tock of three braces, made in guise of a mitre, and some go without tocks, and carry (as it were) a hive on their heads, which doth not pass the lower part of his ear, when it is lifted up: they go all bore footed, but the Noble men never go on foot, but are carried by men in a seat with great reputation, with a hat made of the leaves of a tree to keep him from the rain and Sun, or otherwise they ride on horseback with their feet bore in the stirops. The order of the women's apparel in Pegu. All sorts of women whatsoever they be, wear a smock down to the girdle, and from the girdle downwards to the foot they wear a clot of three brases, open before; so strait that they cannot go, but they must show their secret as it were aloft, and in their going they feign to hide it with their hand, but they cannot by reason of the straightness of their clot. They say that this use was invented by a Queen to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remove from men the vices against nature, which they are greatly given unto: which sight should 'cause them to regard women the more. Also the women go bore footed, their arms laden with hoops of gold and jewels: And their fingers full of precious rings, with their hair rolled up about their heads. Many of them wear a clot about their shoulders in stead of a cloak. Now to finish that which I have begun to writ, I say, that those parts of the Indies are very good, because that a man that hath little, shall make a great deal thereof; always they must govern themselves that they be taken for honest men. For why? to such there shall never want help to do well, but he that is vicious, let him tarry at home and not go thither, because he shall always be a beggar, and die a poor man. Letters concerning the voyage of M. john Newberry and M. Ralph Fitch, made by the way of the Levant Sea to Syria, and overland to Balsara, and then●e into the East Indies, and beyond, In the year 1583. ¶ A letter written from the Queen's Majesty, to Zelabdim Echebar King of Cambaia, and sent by john Newberry. In February Anno 1583. ELizabeth by the grace of God, etc. To the most invincible, and most mighty prince, lord Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaya. Invincible Emperor, etc. The great affection which our Subjects have, to visit the most distant places of the world, not without good will and intention to introduce the trade of merchandise of all nations whatsoever they can, by which means the mutual and friendly traffic of merchandise on both sides may come, is the cause that the bearer of this letter john Newberry, jointly with those that be in his company, with a courteous and honest boldness, do repair to the borders and countries of your Empire, we doubt not but that your imperial Majesty through your royal grace, will favourably and friendly accept him. And that you would do it the rather for our sake, to make us greatly beholding to your Majesty; we should more earnestly, and with more words require it, if we did think it needful. But by the singular report that is of your imperial majesties humanity in these uttermost parts of the world, we are greatly eased of that burden, and therefore we use the fewer and less words: only we request that because they are our subjects, they may be honestly entreated and received. And that in respect of the hard journey which they have undertaken to places so far distant, it would please your Majesty with some liberty and security of voyage to gratify it, with such privileges as to you shall seem good: which courtesy if your Imperial majesty sha● to our subjects at our requests perform, we, according to our royal honour, will recompense the same with as many deserts as we can. And herewith we bid your Imperial Majesty to farewell. A letter written by her Majesty to the King of China, In February 1583. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, etc. Most Imperial and invincible prince, our honest subject john Newberry the bringer hereof, who with our favour hath taken in hand the voyage which now he pursueth to the parts and countries of your Empire, not trusting upon any other ground then upon the favour of your Imperial clemency and humanity, is moved to undertake a thing of so much difficulty, being persuaded that he having entered into so many perils, your Majesty will not dislike the same, especially, if it may appear that it be not damageable unto your royal Majesty, and that to your people it will bring some profit: of both which things he not doubting, with more willing mind hath prepared himself for his destinated voyage unto us well liked of. For by this means we perceive, that the profit which by the mutual trade on both sides, all the princes our neighbours in the West do receive, your Imperial majesty & those that be subject under your dominion, to their great joy and benefit shall have the same, which consists in the transporting outward of such things whereof we have plenty, & in bringing in such things as we stand in need of. It cannot otherwise be, but that seeing we are born and made to have need one of another, & that we are bond to aid one another, but that your imperial Majesty will well like of it, & by your subjects with like endeavour will be accepted. For the increase whereof, if your imperial Majesty shall add the security of passage, with other privileges most necessary to use the trade with your men, your majesty shall do that which belongeth to a most honourable & liberal prince, and deserve so much of us, as by no continuance or length of time shallbe forgotten. Which request of ours we do most instantly desire to be taken in good part of your majesty, and so great a benefit towards us & our men, we shall endeavour by diligence to requited when time shall serve thereunto. The God Almighty long preserve your Imperial majesty. A letter of M. john Newberry, written from Aleppo, to M. Richard Hakluit of Oxford, the 28. of May, Anno 1583. RIght well-beloved, and my assured good friend, I hearty commend me unto you, hoping of your good health, etc. After we set sail from Gravesend, which was the 13. day of February last, we remained upon our coast until the 11. day of March, and that day we set sail from Falmouth, and never ankered till we arrived in the road of Tripoli in Syria, which was the last day of April last passed, where we stayed 14. days: and the twenty of this present we came hither to Aleppo, and with God's help, within five or six days go from hence towards the Indies. Since my coming to Tripoli I have made very earnest inquiry both there and here, for the book of cosmography of Abilfada Ishmael, Abilfada Ishmael his cosmography. but by no means can hear of it. Some say that possibly it may be had in Persia, but notwithstanding I will not fail to make inquiry for it, both in Babylon, and in Balsara, and if I can find it in any of these places, I will sand it you from thence. The letter which you delivered me for to copy out, that came from M. Thomas Stevens in Goa, as also the note you gave me of Francis Fernandes the Portugal, I brought thence with me among other writings unawares, the which I have sent you here enclosed. Here is great preparation for the wars in Persia, and from hence is go the Bassa of a town called Rahemet, and shortly after goeth the Bassa of Tripoli, and the Bassa of Damascus, but they have not all with them above 6000. men from hence, and they go to a town called Asmerome, which is three days journey from Trapezunde, where they shall meet with divers captains and soldiers that come from Constantinople and other places thereabouts, which go altogether into Persia. This year many men go into the wars, and so hath there every year since the beginning thereof, which is eight years or thereabouts, but very few of them return again. Notwithstanding, they get of the Persians, and make castles and holds in their country. I pray you make my hearty commendations to master Peter Guillame, and master Philip jones, and to M. Walter Warner, and to all the rest of our friends. Master Fitch hath him hearty commended unto you: and so I commit you to the tuition of the Almighty, who bless and keep you, and sand us a joyful meeting. From Aleppo, the 28. of May 1583. Your loving friend to command in all that I may, john Newberie. Another letter of the said M. Newberie, written to Master Leonard Poor of London, from Aleppo. RIght well-beloved, my very hearty commendations unto you, and the rest of my friend● remembered. My last I sent you was the 25. of February last, from Deal out of the Downs, after which time with contrary winds we remained upon our own coast, until the 11. day of March, March 11. and then we set sa●le from Falmouth, and the thirteenth day the wind came contrary with a very great storm, which continued eight days, and in this great storm we had some of our goods wet, but God be thanked no great hurt done. After which time we sailed with a fair wound within the Straitss, and so remained at Sea, and ankered at no place until our coming into the road of Tripoli in Syria, which was the last day of April. The last of April. This was a very good passage. God make us thankful for it. The fourteenth day of this present we came from Tripoli, and the twentieth day arrived here in Aleppo, and with the help of God to morrow or next day, we begin our voyage towards Babylon and Balsara, and so into India. Our friend Master Barret hath him commended to you, who hath sent you in the Emanuel a ball of Nutmegs for the small trifles you sent him, which I hope long since you have received. Also he hath by his letter certified you in what order he sold those things, whereof I can say nothing, because I have not seen the account thereof, neither have demaundedit: for ever since our coming hither he hath been still busy about the dispatch of the ship, and our voyage, and I likewise in buying of things here to carry to Balsara, and the Indies. We have bought in coral for 1200. and odd ducats, and amber for four hundredth ducats, Coral. Amber grease. and some soap and broken glass, Sope. Broken glass. with all other small trifles, all which things I hope will serve very well for those places that we shall go unto. All the rest of the account of the Bark Reinolds was sent home in the Emanuel, which was 3600. ducats, which is 200. pound more than it was rated. For master Staper rated it but 1100. li. and it is 1300. pound, so that our part is 200. pound. Besides such profit as it shall please God to send thereof: wherefore you shall do very well to speak to M. Staper for the account. And if you would content yourself to travel for three or four years, I would wish you to come hither or go to Cairo, if any go thither. For we doubt not if you had remained there but three or four months, you would like so well of the place, that I think you would not desire to return again in three or four years. And, if it should be my chance to remain in any place out of England, I would choose this before all other that I know. My reason is, the place is healthful and pleasant, and the gains very good, and no doubt the profit will be hereafter better, things being used in good order: for there should come in every ship the fourth part of her Cargason in money, which would help to put away our commodities at a very good price. Also to have two very good ships to come together, would do very well: for in so doing, the danger of the voyage might be accounted as little as from London to Antwerp. Master Giles Porter and master Edmund Porter, went from Tripoli in a small bark to jaffa, the same day that we came from thence, which was the 14. day of this present, so that no doubt but long since they are in jerusalem: God sand them and us safe return. At this instant I have received the account of M. Barret, and the rest of the rings, with two and twenty ducats, two medines in ready money. So there is nothing remaining in his hands but a few books, and with Thomas Bostocke I left certain small trifles, which I pray you demand. And so once again with my hearty commendations I commit you to the tuition of the almighty, who always preserve us. From Aleppo the 29 of May 1583. Yours assured, john Newberie. Another letter of Master Newberie to the aforesaid M. Poor, written from Babylon. MY last I sent you, was the 29 of May last passed from Aleppo, by George Gill the purser of the Tiger, which the last day of the same month came from thence, & arrived at Foluge the 19 day of june, which Foluge is one days journey from hence. Notwithstanding some of our company came not hither till the last day of the last month, which was for want of Camels to carry our goods: for at this time of the year, by reason of the great heat that is here, Camels are very scant to be got. And since our coming hither we have found very small sales, but divers say that in the winter our commodities will be very well sold, I pray God their words may prove true. I think clot, kerseys & tin, have never been here at so low prices as they are now. Notwithstanding, if I had here so much ready money as the commodities are worth, I would not doubt to make a very good profit of this voyage hither, and to Balsara, and so by Gods help there will be reasonable profit made of the voyage. But with half money & half commodity, may be bought here the best sort of spices, and other commodities that are brought from the Indies, and without money there is here at this instant small good to be done. The best sort of spices at Babylon. With God's help two days hence, I mind to go from hence to Balsara, and from thence of force I must go to Ormus for want of a man that speaketh the Indian tongue. Balsara. Ormus. At my being in Aleppo I hired two Nazaranies, and one of them hath been twice in the Indies, and hath the language very well, but he is a very lewd fellow, and therefore I will not take him with me. Here follow the prices of wares as they are worth here at this instant. Cloves and Maces, the bateman, 5 ducats. Cinnamon 6 ducats, and few to be got. The prices of spices at Babylon. Nutmegs, the bateman, 45 medins, and 40 medins maketh a ducat. Ginger, 40 medins. Pepper, 75 medins. Turbetta, the bateman, 50 medins. Neel the churl, 70 ducats, and a churl is 27 rottils and a half of Aleppo. Silk, much better than that which cometh from Persia, 11 ducats and a half the bateman, and every bateman here maketh 7 pound and 5 ounces English weight. From Babylon the 20 day of july, 1583. Yours, john Newberie. Master Newberie his letter from Ormus, to M. john Eldred and William shalls at Balsara. RIght well-beloved and my assured good friends, I hearty commend me unto you, hoping of your good healths, etc. To certify you of my voyage, after I departed from you, time will not permit: but the 4 of this present we arrived here, & the 10 day I with the rest were committed to prison, and about the middle of the next month, the Captain will sand us all in his ship for Goa. The cause why we are taken, as they say, is, for that I brought letters from Don Antonio. But the truth is, Michael Stropene was the only cause, upon letters that his brother written him from Aleppo. God knoweth how we shall be dealt withal in Goa, and therefore if you can procure our masters to sand the king of Spain his letters for our releasement, you should do us great good: for they cannot with justice put us to death. It may be that they will cut our throats, or keep us long in prison: Gods will be done. All those commodities that I brought hither, had been very well sold, if this trouble had not chanced. You shall do well to sand with all speed a messenger by land from Balsara to Aleppo, for to certify of this mischance, although it cost thirty or forty crowns, for that we may be the sooner released, and I shallbe the better able to recover this again which is now like to be lost: I pray you make my hearty commendations, etc. From out of the prison in Ormuz, this 21 of September, 1583. His second Letter to the foresaid Master john Eldred and William Shales. THe ●arke of the jews is arrived here two days past, by whom I know you did writ, but your letters are not like to come to my hands. This bringer hath showed me here very great courtesy, wherefore I pray you show him what favour you may. About the middle of the next month I think we shall departed from hence, God be our guide. I think Andrew will go by land to Aleppo, wherein I pray you further him what you may: but if he should not go, than I pray you dispatch away a messenger with as much speed as possible you may. I can say no more, b●t do for me as you would I should do for you in the like cause, and so with my very hearty commendations, etc. From out of the prison in Ormuz, this 24 day of September, 1583. Yours, john Newberi●. His third Letter to Master Leonard Poor, written from Goa. Michael Stropene an Italian accused our men to be spies. MY last I sent you was from Ormuz, whereby I certified you what had happened there unto me, and the rest of my company, which was, that four days after our arrival there, we were all committed to prison, except one Italian which came with me from Aleppo, whom the Captain never examined, only demanded what countryman he was, but I make account Michael Stropene, who accused us, had informed the Captain of him. The first day we arrived there, this Stropene accused us that we were spies sent from Don Antonio, besides divers other lies: notwithstanding if we had been of any other country then of England, we might freely have traded with them. And although we be Englishmen, I know no reason to the contrary, but that we may trade hither and thither as well as other nations, for all nations do, and may come freely to Ormuz, as Frenchmen, Flemings, Almains, Hungarians, Italians, Greeks, Armenians, Nazaranies, Turks and Moors, jews & Gentiles, Persians, Moscovites, and there is no nation that they seek for to trouble, except ours: wherefore it were contrary to all justice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them, and to forbidden us. But now I have as great liberty as any other nation, except it be to go out of the country, which thing as yet I desire not. But I think hereafter, and before it be long, if I shall be desirous to go from hence, that they will not deny me licence. Before we might be suffered to come out of prison, I was forced to put in sureties for 2000 pardaus, not to departed from hence without licence of the viceroy: otherwise except this, we have as much liberty as any other nation, for I have our goods again, & have taken an house in the chiefest street in the town, called the Rue dreary, where we cell our goods. Two causes of our men's imprisonment at Ormus. There were two causes which moved the captain of Ormus to imprison us, & afterwards to sand us hither. The first was, because Michael Stropene had accused us of many matters, which were most false. And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco, caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugal, as they say. But of these things I did not know at Ormus: and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest justice in Ormus, who was called Aueador general of that place, he had been there three years, so that now his time was expired: which Aueador is a great friend to the captain of Ormus, who, certain days after our coming from thence, sent for me into his chamber, and there began to demand of me many things, to the which I answered: and amongst the rest, he said, that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships, and came to Maluco, and there laded cloves, and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugal, he caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be shot at the same: and so perceiving that this did greatly grieve them, I asked, if they would be revenged of me for that which M. Drake had done? To the which he answered, Not: although his meaning was to the contrary. He said moreover, that the cause why the captain of Ormus did sand me for Goa, was, for that the Uiceroy would understand of me, what news there was of Don Antonio, and whether he were in England, yea or not, and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither, the which I trust in God will so fall out, although contrary to his expectation: for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or jesuits of S. Paul's college to stand our friends, we might have rotten in prison. The archbishop is a very good man, who hath two young men to his servants, the one of them was born at Hamborough, and is called Bernard Borgers: and the other was born at Enchuy●en, whose name is john Linscot, The author of the book of the East Indie●. who did us great pleasure: for by them the archbishop was many times put in mind of us. And the two good fathers of S. Paul, who traveled very much for us, the one of them is called Padre Mark, who was born in Bruges in Flanders, and the other was born in Wiltshire in England, and is called ‖ This is he whose letters to his father from Goa are before put down, and he was sometimes of New college i● Oxford. Padre Thomas Stevens. Also I chanced to find here a young man, who was born in Antwerp, but the most part of his bringing up hath been in London, his name is Francis de Rea, and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo, who also hath done me great pleasure here. In the prison at Ormus we remained many days, also we lay a long time at sea coming hither, and forthwith at our arrival here were carried to prison, and the next day after were se●● for before the Aueador, who is the chiefest justice, to be examined: and when we were examined, he presently sent us back again to prison. And after our being here in prison 13 days, james Story went into the monastery of S. Paul, james Story their painter. where he remains, and is made one of the company, which life he liketh very well. And upon S. Thomas day (which was 22 days after our arrival here) I came out of prison, They arrived at Goa the 20 of November 1583. and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch, and William Bets. If these troubles had not chanced, I had been in possibility to have made as good a voyage as ever any man made with so much money. Many of our things I have sold very well, both here and at Ormus in prison, notwithstanding the captain willed me (if I would) to cell what I could before we embarked: & so with officers I went divers times out of the castle in the morning, and sold things, and at night returned again to the prison, and all things that I sold they did writ, and at our embarking from thence, the captain gave order that I should deliver all my money with the goods into the hands of the scrivano, or purser of the ship, which I did, and the scrivano made a remembrance, which he left there with the captain, that myself and the rest with money & goods he should deliver into the hands of the Aueador general of India: but at our arrival here, the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money, for that he could not prove any thing against us: wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 days after our arrival, and then, for that the ship was to sail from thence, the scrivano sent the goods on shore, and here they remained a day and a night, and no body to receive them. In the end they suffered this bringer to receive them, who came with me from Ormus, and put them into an house which he had hired for me, where they remained four or five days. But afterward when they should deliver the money, it was concluded by the justice, that both the money and goods should be delivered into the positors hands, where they remained fourteen days after my coming out of prison. At my being in Aleppo, I bought a fountain of silver and gilt, six knives, six spoons, and one fork trimmed with coral for five and twenty chekins, which the captain of Ormus did take, and paid for the same twenty pardaos, which is one hundred larines, and was worth there or here one hundred chekins. Also he had five emrauds set in gold, which were worth five hundred or six hundred crowns, and paid for the same an hundred pardaos. Also he had nineteen and a half pikes of clot, which cost in London twenty shillings the pike, and was worth 9 or 10 crowns the pike, and he paid for the same twelve larines a pike. Also he had two pieces of green Kerseys, which were worth four and twenty pardaos the piece, and paid for them sixteen pardaos a piece: besides divers other trifles, that the officers and others had in the like order, and some for nothing at all. But the cause of all this was Michael Stropene, which came to Ormus not worth a penny, and now hath thirty or forty thousand crowns, and he grieveth that any other stranger should trade thither but himself. But that shall not skill, for I trust in God to go both thither and hither, and to buy and cell as freely as he or any other. Here is very great good to be done in divers of our commodities, and in like manner there is great profit to be made with commodities of this country, to be carried to Aleppo. It were long for me to writ, and tedious for you to read of all things that have passed since my parting from you. But of all the troubles that have chanced since mine arrival in Ormus, this bringer is able to certify you. I mind to stay here: wherefore if you will writ unto me, you may sand your letters to some friend at Lisbon, & from thence by the ships they may be conveyed hither. Let the direction of your letters be either in Portuguise or Spanish, whereby they may come the better to my hands. From Goa this 20 day of januarie. 1584. A Letter written from Goa by Master Ralph Fitch to Master Leonard Poor abovesaid. Loving friend Master Poor, etc. Since my departure from Aleppo, I have not written unto you any letters, by reason that at Babylon I was sick of the flux, and being sick, I went from thence for Balsara, which was twelve days journey down the river Tigris, where we had extreme hot weather, which was good for my disease, ill fare, and worse lodging, by reason our boat was pestered with people. In eight days, that which I did eat was very small, so that if we had stayed two days longer upon the water, I think I had died: but coming to Balsara, presently I mended, I thank God. There we stayed 14 days, and then we embarked ourselves for Ormuz, where we arrived the fifth of September, and were put in prison the ninth of the same month, where we continued until the 11 of October, and then were shipped for this city of Goa in the captains ship, with an 114 horses, and about 200 men: and passing by Diu & Chaul, Diu. Chaul. where we went on land to water the 20 of November, we arrived at Goa the 29 of the said month, where for our better entertainment we were presently put into a fair strong prison, where we continued until the 22 of December. It was the will of God that we found there 2 Padres, the one an Englishman, the other a Fleming. The englishman's name is Padre Thomas Stevens, the others Padre Marco, of the order of S. Paul. These did sue for us unto the Uiceroy and other officers, and stood us in as much stead, as our lives and goods were worth: for if they had not stuck to us, if we had escaped with our lives, yet we had had long imprisonment. After 14 days imprisonment they offered us, if we could put in sureties for 2000 ducats, we should go abroad in the town: which when we could not do, the said Padres found sureties for us, that we should not departed the country without the licence of the Uiceroy. It doth spite the Italians to see us abroad: The Italians our great enemies for the trade in the East. and many marvel at our delivery. The painter is in the cloister of S. Paul, and is of their order, and liketh there very well. While we were in prison, both at Ormuz and here, there was a great deal of our goods pilfered and lost, and we have been at great charges in gifts and otherwise, so that a great deal of our goods is consumed. There is much of our things which will cell very well, & some we shall get nothing for. I hope in God that at the return of the Uiceroy, which is go to Chaul and to Diu, they say, to win a castle of the Moors, whose return is thought will be about Easter, than we shall get our liberty, and our sureties discharged. Then I think it will be our best way, either one or both to return, because our troubles have been so great, & so much of our goods spoiled and lost. But if it please God that I come into England, by God's help, I will return hither again. It is a brave and pleasant country, and very fruitful. The summer is almost all the year long, but the chiefest at Christmas. The day and the night are all of one length, very little difference, and marvelous great store of first-fruits. For all our great troubles, ye● are we fat and well liking, for victuals are here plenty and good cheap. And here I will pass over to certify you of strange things, until our meeting, for it would be too long to writ thereof. And thus I commit you to God, who ever preserve you and us all. From Goa in the East Indies the 25 of januarie 1584. Yours to command, Ralph Fitch. The voyage of M. Ralph Fitch merchant of London by the way of Tripoli in Syria, to Ormus, and so to Goa in the East India, to Cambaia, and all the kingdom of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor, to the mighty river Ganges, and down to Bengala, to Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, to jamahay in the kingdom of Siam, and back to Pegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan, Cochin, and all the coast of the East India: begun in the year of our Lord 1583, and ended 1591., wherein the strange rites, manners, and customs of those people, and the exceeding rich trade and commodities of those countries are faithfully set down and diligently described, by the aforesaid M. Ralph Fitch. IN the year of our Lord 1583, I Ralph Fitch of London merchant being desirous to see the countries of the East India, in the company of M. john Newberie merchant (which had been at Ormus once before) of William Leedes jeweller, and james Story Painter, being chief set forth by the right worshipful Sir Edward Osborne knight, and M. Richard, Staper citizens and merchants of London, did ship myself in a ship of London called the Tiger, wherein we went for Tripoli in Syria: & from thence we took the way for Aleppo, which we went in seven days with the Carovan. Being in Aleppo, and finding good company, we went from thence to Birra, which is two days and an half travail with Camels. Birra is a little town, Birra. but very plentiful of victuals: and near to the brickwall of the town runneth the river of Euphrates. Here we bought a boat and agreed with a master and bargemen, for to go to Babylon. These boats be but for one voyage; for the stream doth run so fast downwards that they cannot return. They carry you to a town which they call Felugia, and there y●u cell the boat for a little money, for that which cost you fifty at Birra you cell there for seven or eight. From Birra to Felugia is sixteen days journey, it is not good that one boat go alone, for if it should chance to break, you should have much a do to save your goods from the Arabians, which be always there about'ts robbing: and in the night when your boats be made fast, it is necessary that you keep good watch. For the Arabians that be thieves, will come swimming and steal your goods and flee away, against which a gun is very good, for they do fear it very much. In the river of Euphrates from Birra to Felugia there be certain places where you pay custom, so many Medines for a some or Camels lading, and certain raisins and soap, which is for the sons of Aborise, which is Lord of the Arabians and all that great desert, and hath some villages upon the river. Felugia where you unlade your goods which come from Birra is a little village: Felugia. from whence you go to Babylon in a day. Babylon is a town not very great but very populous, and of great traffic of strangers, Babylon. for that it is the way to Persia, Turkia and Arabia: and from thence do go Carovans for these and other places. Here are great store of victuals, which come from Armenia down the river of Tigris. They are brought upon raftes made of goats skins blown full of wind and boards laid upon them: and thereupon they lad their goods which are brought down to Babylon, which being discharged they open their skins, and carry them back by Camels, to serve another time. Babylon in times past did belong to the kingdom of Persia, but now is subject to the Turk. Over against Babylon there is a very fair village from whence you pass to Babylon upon a long bridge made of boats, and tied to a great chain of iron, which is made fast on either side of the river. When any boats are to pass up or down the river, they take away certain of the boats until they be passed. The Tower of Babel is built on this side the river Tigris, The tower of Babel. towards Arabia from the town about seven or eight miles, which tower is ruinated on all sides, and with the fall thereof hath made as it were a little mountain, so that it hath no shape at all: it was made of bricks dried in the son, and certain canes and leaves of the palm tree laid betwixt the bricks. There is no entrance to be seen to go into it. It doth stand upon a great plain betwixt the rivers of Euphrates and Tigris. By the river Euphrates two days journey from Babylon at a place called Ait, Boiling pitch continually issuing out of the earth. in a field near unto it, is a strange thing to see: a mouth that doth continually throw forth against the air boiling pitch with a filthy smoke: which pitch doth run abroad into a great field which is always full thereof. The Moors say that it is the mouth of hell. By reason of the great quantity of it, the men of that country do pitch their boats two or three inches thick on the out side, so that no water doth enter into them. Their boats be called Danec. When there is great store of water in Tigris you may go from Babylon to Basora in 8 or 9 days: if there be small store it will cost you the more days. Basora in times past was under the Arabians, but now is subject to the Turk. But some of them the Turk cannot subdue, for that they hold certain Islands in the river Euphrates which the Turk cannot win of them. They be thieves all and have no settled dwelling, but remove from place to place with their Camels, goats, and horses, wives and children and all. They have large blue gowns, their wives ears and noses are ringed very full of rings of copper and silver, and they wear rings of copper about their legs. Basora standeth near the gulf of Persia, and is a town of great trade of spices and drugs which come from Ormus. Also there is great store of wheat, ●yce, and dates growing thereabouts, wherewith they serve Babylon and all the country, Ormus, and all the parts of India. I went from Basora to Ormus down the gulf of Persia in a certain ship made of boards, and sowed together with cayro, which is thread made of the husk of Cocoes, and certain canes or straw leaves sowed upon the seams of the boards which is the cause that they leak very much. And so having Persia always on the left hand, and the coast of Arabia on the right hand we passed many Islands, and among others the famous Island Baharim from whence come the best pearls which be round and Orient. Ormus. Ormus is an Island in circuit about five and twenty or thirty miles, and is the driest Island in the world: for there is nothing growing in it but only salt; for their water, wood, or victuals, and all things necessary come out of Persia, which is about twelve miles from thence. All the islands thereabouts be very fruitful, from whence all kind of victuals are sent unto Ormus. The Portugals have a castle here which standeth near unto the sea, wherein there is a Captain for the king of Portugal having under him a convenient number of soldiers, whereof some part remain in the castle, and some in the town. In this town are merchants of all Nations, and many Moors and Gentiles. Here is very great trade of all sorts of spices, drugs, silk, clot of silk, fine tapestry of Persia, great store of pearls which come from the Isle of Baharim, and are the best pearls of all others, and many horses of Persia, which serve all India. They have a Moor to their king which is choose and governed by the Portugals. Their women are very strangely attired, wearing on their noses, ears, necks, arms and legs many rings set with jewels, and locks of silver and gold in their ears, and a long bar of gold upon the side of their noses. Their ears with the weight of their jewels be worn so wide, that a man may thrust three of his fingers into them. Here very shortly after our arrival we were put in prison, and had part of our goods taken from us by the Captain of the castle, whose name was Don Mathias de Albuquerque; and from hence the eleventh of October he shipped us and sent us for Goa unto the Uiceroy, which at that time was Don Francisco de Mascarenhas. The ship wherein we were embarked for Goa belonged to the Captain, and carried one hundred twenty and four horses in it. All merchandise carried to Goa in a ship wherein are horses pay no custom in Goa. The horses pay custom, the goods pay nothing; but if you come in a ship which bringeth no horses, you are then to pay eight in the hundred for your goods. The first city of India that we arrived at upon the fift of November, after we had passed the coast of Zindi, is called Diu, Diu. which standeth in an Island in the kingdom of Cambaia, and is the strongest town that the Portugals have in those parts. It is but little, but well stored with merchandise; for here they lad many great ships with diverse commodities for the straits of Mecca, for Ormus, and other places, and these be ships of the Moors and of Christians. But the Moors cannot pass, except they have a passport from the Portugals. Cambaietta is the chief city of that province, which is great and very populous, and fairly builded for a town of the Gentiles: but if there happen any famine, the people will cell their children for very little. The last king of Cambaia was Sultan Badu, which was killed at the siege of Diu, and shortly after his city was taken by the great Mogor, which is the king of Agra and of Delli, which are forty days journey from the country of Cambaia. Here the women wear upon their arms infinite numbers of rings made of Elepsants teeth, wherein they take so much delight, that they had rather be without their meat then without their bracelets. Going from Diu we come to Daman the second town of the Portugals in the country of Cambaia which is distant from Diu forty leagues. Daman. Here is no ●rade but of corn and rice. They have many villages under them which they quietly possess in time of peace, but in time of war the enemy is master of them. From thence we passed by Basaim, Basaim. and from Basaim to Tana, Tana. at both which places is small trade but only of corn and rice. The tenth of November we arrived at Chaul which standeth in the firm land. Chaul. There be two towns, the one belonging to the Portugals, and the other to the Moors. That of the Portugals is nearest to the sea, and commandeth the bay, and is walled round about. A little above that is the town of the Moors which is governed by a Moor king called Xa-Maluco. Here is great traffic for all sorts of spices and drugs, silk, and clot of silk, sandales, Elephants teeth, and much China work, and much sugar which is made of the nut called Gagara: the tree is called the palmer: which is the profitablest tree in the world: it doth always bear fruit, and doth yield wine, oil, sugar, vinegar, cords, coals, of the leaves are made thatch for the houses, sails for ships, mats to sit or lie on: of the branches they make their houses, and brooms to sweep, of the tree wood for ships. The wine doth issue out of the top of the tree. They cut a branch of a bow and bind it hard, and hang an earthen pot upon it, which they empty every morning and every evening, and still it and put in certain dried raisins, and it becometh very strong wine in short time. Hither many ships come from all parts of India, Ormus, and many from Mecca: here be many Moors and Gentiles. They have a very strange order among them, they worship a cow, and esteem much of the cows dung to paint the walls of their houses. They will kill nothing not so much as a louse: for they hold it a sin to kill any thing. They eat no flesh, but live by roots, and rice, and milk. And when the husband dieth his wife is burned with him, if she be alive: if she will not, her head is shaven, and then is never any account made of her after. They say if they should be buried, it were a great sin, for o● their bodies there would come many worms and other vermin, and when their bodies were consumed, those worms would lack sustenance, which were a sin, therefore they will be burned. In Cambaia they will kill nothing, nor have any thing killed: in the town they have hospitals to keep lame dogs and cats, and for birds. They will give meat to the Ants. Goa is the most principal city which the Portugals have in India, Goa. wherein the Uiceroy remains with his court. It standeth in an Island, which may be 25. or 30. miles about. It is a f●●e city, and for an Indian town very fair. The Island is very fair, full of orchards and gardens, and many palmer trees, and hath some villages. Here be many merchants of all nations. And the Fleet which cometh every year from Portugal, which be four, five, or six great ships, cometh first hither. And they come for the most part in September, and remain there forty or fifty days; and then go to Cochin, where they lad their Pepper for Portugal. Oftentimes they lad one in Goa, the rest go to Cochin which is from Goa an hundred leagues southward. Goa standeth in the country of Hidalcan, who lieth in the country six or seven days journey. This was the 20. of November. His chief city is called Bisapor. At our coming we were cast into the prison, and examined before the justice and demanded for letters, and were charged to be spies, but they could prove nothing by us. We continued in prison until the two and twenty of December, and then we were set at liberty, putting in sureties for two thousand ducats not to departed the town; which sureties father Stevens an English jesuite which we found there, & another religious man a friend of his procured for us. Our sureties name was Andrea's Taborer, to whom we paid 2150. ducats, and still he demanded more: whereupon we made suit to the Uiceroy and justice to have our money again, considering that they had had it in their hands near five months and could prove nothing against us. The Uiceroy made us a very sharp answer, and said we should be better sifted before it were long, and that they had further matter against us. Whereupon we presently determined rather to seek our liberties, then to be in danger for ever to be slaves in the country, for it was told us we should have the strappado. Whereupon presently, the fift day of April 1585. in the morning we ran from thence. And being set over the river, we went two days on foot not without fear, not knowing the way nor having any guide, for we dared trust none. Oue of the first towns which we came unto, is called Bellergan, Bellergan ● town. Bisapor. where there is a great market kept of Diamonds, Rubies, sapphires, and many other soft stones. From Bellergan we went to Bisapor which is a very great town where the king doth keep his court. He hath many Gentiles in his court and they be great idolaters. And they have their idols standing in the Woods, which they call Pagodes. Some be like a Cow, some like a Monkey, some like Buffles, some like peacocks, and some like the devil. Here be very many elephants which they go to war withal. Here they have good store of gold and silver: their houses are of stone very fair and high. From hence we went for Gulconda, Gulconda. the king whereof is called Cu●up de lashach. Here and in the kingdom of Hidalcan, and in the country of the king of Decan be the Diamonds found of the old water. It is a very fair town, pleasant, with fair houses of brick and timber, it aboundeth with great store of fruits and fresh water. Here the men and the women do go with a clot bond about their middles without any more apparel. We found it here very hot. The winter beginneth here about the last of May. In these parts is a port or haven called Masulipatan, Masulipatan. which standeth eight days journey from hence toward the gulf of Bengala, whether come many ships out of India, Pegu, and Sumatra, very richly laden with Pepper, spices, and other commodities. The country is very good and fruitful. From thence I went to Seruidore which is a fine country, Seruidore. and the king is called, the king of Bread. The houses here be all thatched and made of lome. Here be many Moors and Gentiles, but there is small religion among them. From thence I went to Bellapore, Bellapore. and so to Barrampore, which is in the country of Zelabdim Echebar. In this place their money is made of a kind of silver round and thick, to the value of twenty pennies, which is very good silver. It is marvelous great and a populous country. In their winter which is in june, july, and August, there is no passing in the streets but with horses, the waters be so high. The houses are made of lome and thatched. Here is great store of cotton clot made, and painted clotheses of cotton wool: here groweth great store of corn and Rice. We found marriages great store both in towns and villages in many places where we passed, of boys of eight or ten years, and girls of five or six years old. Strange marriages. They both do ride upon one horse very trimly decked, and are carried through the town with great piping and playing, and so return home and eat of a banquet made of Rice and first-fruits, and there they dance the most part of the night and so make an end of the marriage. They lie not together until they be ten years old. They say they marry their children so young, because it is an order that when the man dieth, the woman must be burned with him: so that if the father die, yet they may have a father in law to help to bring up the children which be married: and also that they will not leave their sons without wives, nor their daughters without husbands. From thence we went to Mandoway, Mandoway a very strong town which is a very strong town. It was besieged twelve years by Zelabdim Echebar before he could win it. It standeth upon a very great high rock as the most part of of their castles do, and was of a very great circuit. From hence we went to Vgini and Serringe, Vgini. where we overtook the ambassador of Zelabdim Echebar with a marvelous great company of men, elephants, and camels. Here is great trade of cotton and clot made of cotton, and great store of drugs. From thence we went to Agra passing many rivers, which by reason of the rain were so swollen, that we waded and swam oftentimes for our lives. Agra is a very great city and populous, Agra a great city. built with stone, having fair and large streets, with a fair river running by it, which falls into the gulf of Bengala. It hath a fair castle and a strong with a very fair ditch. Here be many Moors and Gentiles, the king is called Zelabdim Echebar: the people for the most part call him The great Mogor. The great Mogor. From thence we went for Fatepore, which is the place where the king kept his court. The town is greater than Agra, but the houses and streets be not so fair. Here devil many people both Moors and Gentiles. The king hath in Agra and Fatepore as they do credibly report 1000 elephants, thirty thousand horses, 1400. tame Deer, 800. concubines: such store of Ounces, Tigera, Buffles, Cocks & Hawks, that is very strange to see. He keepeth a great court, which they call Dericcan, Agra and Fatepore are two very great cities, either of them much greater than London and very populous. Between Agra and Fatepore are 12. miles, The like is reported of the rives of China. and all the way is a market of victuals & other things, as full as though a man were still in a town, and so many people as if a man were in a market. They have many fine carts, and many of them carved and gilded with gold, with two wheels which be drawn with two little Bulls about the bigness of our great dogs in England, and they will run with any horse, and carry two or three men in one of these carts: they are covered with silk or very fine clot, and be used here as our Coaches be in England. Hither is great resort of merchants from Persia and out of India, and very much merchandise of silk and clot, and of precious stones, both Rubies, Diamonds, and Pearls. The king is appareled in a white Cabie made like a shirt tied with strings on the one side, and a little clot on his head coloured oftentimes with read or yellow. None come into his house but his eunuchs ●hich keep his women. Here in Fatepore we stayed all three until the 28. of September 1585. and then master john Newberie took his journey toward the city of Lahor, determining from thence to go for Persia and then for Aleppo or Constantinople, whether he could get soon passage unto, and directed me to go for Bengala and for Pegu, and did promise' me, if it pleased God, to meet me in Bengala within two years with a ship out of England. I left William Leads the jeweller in service with the king Zelabdim Echebar in Fatepore, Wil Leads served the king of Cambaia. who did entertain him very well, and gave him an house and five slaves, an horse, and every day six S. S. in money. I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengala, in the company of one hundred and fourscore boats laden with Salt, Opium, Hinge, Led, Carpets, and divers other commodities down the river jemena. The chief merchants are Moors and Gentiles. In these countries they have many strange ceremonies. The superstitious ceremonies of the Bramanes. The Bramanes which are their priests, come to the water and have a string about their necks made with great ceremonies, and lad up water with both their hands, and turn the string first with both their hands within, and then one arm after the other out. Though it be never so cold, they will wash themselves in cold water or in warm. These Gentiles will eat no flesh nor kill any thing. They live with rice, butter, milk, and first-fruits. They pray in the water naked, and dress their meat & eat it naked, and for their penance they lie flat upon the earth, and rise up and turn themselves about 30. or 40. times, and use to heave up their hands to the sun, & to kiss the earth, with their arms and legs stretched along out, and their right leg always before the left. Every time they lie down, they make a score on the ground with their finger to know when their stint is finished. The Bramanes mark themselves in the foreheads, ears and throats with a kind of yellow gear which they grinned, & every morning they do it. And they have some old men which go in the streets with a box of yellow powder, and mark men on their heads & necks as they meet them. And their wives do come by 10.20. & 30. together to the water side singing, & there do wash themselves, & then use their ceremonies, & mark themselves in their foreheds and faces, and carry some with them, and so departed singing. Their daughters be married, at, or before the age of 10. years. The men may have 7. wives. They be a kind of crafty people, worse than the jews. When they salute one another, they heave up their hands to their heads, and say Rame, Rame. From Agra I came to Prage, where the river jemena entereth into the mighty river Ganges, Ganges. and jemena loses his name. Ganges cometh out of the Northwest, & runneth East into the gulf of Bengala. In those parts there are many Tigers and many partridges & turtle-doves, and much other foul. Here be many beggars in these countries which go naked, and the people make great account of them: they call them Schesche. Here I saw one which was a monster among the rest. He would have nothing upon him, his beard was very long, and with the hair of his head he covered his privities. The nails of some of his fingers were two inches long, for he would cut nothing from him, neither would he speak. He was accompanied with eight or ten, and they spoke for him. When any man spoke to him, he would lay his hand upon his breast and bow himself, but would not speak. He would not speak to the king. We went from prague down Ganges, the which is here very broad. Here is great store of fish of sundry sorts, & of wild foul, as of swans, geese, crane's, and many other things. The country is very fruitful and populous. The men for the most part have their faces shaven, and their heads very long, except some which be all shaven save the crown: and some of them are as though a man should set a dish on their heads, and shave them round, all but the crown. In this river of Ganges are many islands. His water is very sweet and pleasant, and the country adjoining very fruitful. From thence we went to Bannaras which is a great town, Bannaras. and great store of clot is made there of cotton, and Sashes for the Moors. In this place they be all Gentiles, and be the greatest idolaters that ever I saw. To this town come the Gentiles on pilgrimage out of far countries. A pilgrimage of the Gentiles. Here alongst the water's side be very many fair houses, and in all of them, or for the most part they have their images standing, which be evil favoured, made of stone and wood, some like lions, leopards, and monkeys, some like men & women, and peacocks, and some like the devil with four arms and 4. hands. They sit cross legged, some with one thing in their hands, & some another, & by break of day and before, there are men & women which come out of the town and wash themselves in Ganges. And there are divers old men which upon places of earth made for the purpose, sit praying, and they give the people three or four straws, which they take & hold them between their fingers when they wash themselves: and some sit to mark them in the foreheads, and they have in a clot a little Rice, Barley, or money, which, when they have washed themselves, they give to the old men which sit there praying. Afterwards they go to divers of their images, & give them of their sacrifices. And when they give, the old men say certain prayers, and then is all holy. And in divers places there standeth a kind of image which in their language they call Ada. And they have divers great stones carved, whereon they pour water, & throw thereupon some rice, wheat, barley, and some other things. This Ada hath four hands with claws. Moreover, they have a great place made of stone like to a well with steps to go down; wherein the water standeth very foul and stinketh: for the great quantity of flowers, which continually they throw into it, do make it stink. There be always many people in it: for they say when they wash themselves in it, that their sins be forgiven them, because God, as they say, did wash himself in that place. They gather up the sand in the bottom of it, and say it is holy. They never pray but in the water, and they wash themselves overhead, and lad up water with both their hands, and turn themselves about, and then they drink a little of the water three times, and so go to their gods which stand in those houses. Some of them will wash a place which is their length, and then will pray upon the earth with their arms and legs at length out, and will rise up and lie down, and kiss the ground twenty or thirty times, but they will not stir their right foot. And some of them will make their ceremonies with fifteen or sixteen pots little and great, and ring a little bell when they make their mixtures ten or twelve times: and they make a circle of water round about their pots and pray, and divers sit by them, and one that reacheth them their pots: and they say divers things over their pots many times, and when they have done, they go to their gods, and strow their sacrifices which they think are very holy, and mark many of them which sit by, in the foreheads, which they take as a great gift. There come fifty and sometime an hundred together, to wash them in this well, and to offer to these idols. They have in some of these houses their idols standing, and one sitteth by them in warm weather with a fan to blow wind upon them. And when they see any company coming, they ring a little bell which hangs by them, and many give them their alms, but especially those which come out of the country. Many of them are black and have claws of brass with long nails, and some ride upon peacocks and other fowls which be evil favoured, with long hawks bills, and some like one thing and some another, but none with a good face. Among the rest there is one which they make great account of: for they say he giveth them all things both food and apparel, and one sitteth always by him with a fan to make wound towards him. Here some be burned to ashes, some scorched in the fire and thrown into the water, and dogs and sores do presently eat them. The wives here do burn with their husbands when they die, if they will not, their heads be shaven, and never any account is made of them afterward. The people go all naked save a little clot bond about their middle. Their women have their necks, arms and ears decked with rings of silver, copper, tin, and with round hoops made of ivory, adorned with amber stones, and with many agats, and they are marked with a great spot of read in their foreheads, and a stroke of read up to the crown, and so it runneth three manner of ways. In their Winter, which is our May, the men wear quilted gowns of cotton like to our mattraces and quilted caps like to our great Grocer's mortars, with a slit to look out at, and so tied down beneath their ears. If a man or a woman be sick and like to die, they will lay him before their idols all night, and that shall help him or make an end of him. And if he do not mend that night, his friends will come and sit with him a little and cry, and afterwards will carry him to the waters side and set him upon a little raft made of reeds, and so let him go down the river. When they be married the man and the woman come to the water side, and there is an old man which they call a Bramane, that is, a priest, a cow, and a calf, or a cow with calf. Then the man and the woman, cow and calf, and the old man go into the water together, and they give the old man a white clot of four yards long, and a basket cross bond with divers things in it: the clot he layeth upon the back of the cow, and then he taketh the cow by the end of the tail, and saith certain words: and she hath a copper or a brass pot full of water, and the man doth hold his hand by the old man's hand, and the wives hand by her husbands, and all have the cow by the tail, and they pour water out of the pot upon the cows tail, and it runneth through all their hands, and they lad up water with their hands, and then the old man doth tie him and her together by their clotheses. This tying of new married folks together by the clotheses, was used by the Mexicans in old time. Which done, they go round about the cow and calf, and then they give somewhat to the poor which be always there, and to the Bramane or priest they give the cow and calf, and afterward go to divers of their idols and offer money, and lie down flat upon the ground and kiss it divers times, and then go their way. Their chief idols be black and evil favoured, their mouths monstrous, their ears gilded, and full of jewels, their teeth and eyes of gold, silver, and glass, some having one thing in their hands, and some another. You may not come into the houses where they stand, with your shoes on. They have continually lamps burning before them. From Bannaras I went to Patenaw down the river of Ganges: Patenaw. where in the way we passed many fair towns, and a country very fruitful: and many very great rivers do enter into Ganges, and some of them as great as Ganges, which cause Ganges to be of a great breadth, and so broad that in the time of rain you cannot see from one side to the other. These Indians when they be scorched and thrown into the water, the men swim with their faces downwards, the women with their faces upwards, I thought they tied something to them to 'cause them to do so: but they say no. There be very many thieves in this country, which be like to the Arabians: for they have no certain abode, but are sometime in one place and sometime in another. Here the women be so decked with silver and copper, that it is strange to see, they use no shoes by reason of the rings of silver and copper which they wear on their toes. Here at Patanaw they find gold in this manner. Gold found. They dig deep pits in the earth, and wash the earth in great bolles, and therein they find the gold, and they make the pits round about with brick, that the earth fall not in. Patenaw is a very long and a great town. In times past it was a kingdom, but now it is under Zelabdim, Echebar the great Mogor. The men are tall and slender, and have many old folks among them: the houses are simple, made of earth and covered with straw, the streets are very large. In this town there is a trade of cotton, & clot of cotton, much sugar, which they carry from hence to Bengala and India, very much Opium & other commodities. He that is chief here under the king is called Tipperdas, and is of great account among the people. Here in Patenau I see a dissembling prophet which sat upon an horse in the market place, and made as though he slept, and many of the people came and touched his feet with their hands, and then kissed their hands. They took him for a great man, but sure he was a lazy lubber. I left him there sleeping. The people of these countries be much given to such prating and dissembling hypocrites. Tanda in Gouren. From Patanaw I went to Tanda which is in the land of Gouren. It hath in times past been a kingdom, but now is subdued by Zelabdim Echebar. Great trade and traffic is here of cotton, and of clot of cotton. The people go naked with a little clot bond about their waste. It standeth in the country of Bengala. Here be many Tigers, wild Bufs, and great store of wild foul: they are very great idolaters. Tanda standeth from the river Ganges a league, because in times past the river flowing over the banks, in time of rain did drown the country and many villages, and so they do remain. And the old way which the river Ganges won wont to run, remains dry, which is the occasion that the city doth stand so far from the water. From Agra down the river jemena, and down the river Ganges, I was five months coming to Bengala, but it may be sailed in much shorter time. I went from Bengala into the country of Couch, Couch: this seemeth to be Quicheu, accounted by some among the provinces of China which lieth 25. days journey Northwards from Tanda. The king is a Gentle, his name is Suckel Counsel: his country is great, and lieth not far from Cauchin China: for they say they have pepper from thence. The port is called Cacchegate. All the country is set with Bambos or Canes made sharp at both the ends & driven into the earth, and they can let in the water & drown the ground above knee deep, so that men nor horses can pass. They poison all the waters if any wars be. Here they have much silk & musk, and clot made of cotton. The people have ears which be marvelous great of a span long, which they draw out in length by devices when they be young. Here they be all Gentiles, Pure Gentilism. and they will kill nothing. They have hospitals for sheep, goats, dogs, cats, birds, & for all other living creatures. When they be old & lame, they keep them until they die. If a man catch or buy any quick thing in other places & bring it thither, they will give him money for it or other victuals, & keep it in their hospitals or let it go. They will give meat to the Ants. Their small money is almonds, which oftentimes they use to eat. From thence I returned to Hugeli, In Mexico they use likewise for small money the fruit Cacao which are like almonds. Hugely. which is the place where the Portugals keep in the country of Bengala which standeth in 23. degrees of Northerly latitude, and standeth a league from Satagan: they call it Porto Piqueno. We went through the wilderness, because the right way was full of thieves, where we passed the country of Gouren, where we found but few villages, but almost all wilderness, & see many buffs, swine & dear, grass longer than a man, and very many Tigers. Not far from Porto Piqueno southwestward, standeth an haven which is called Angeli, Porto Angeli. in the country of Orixa. It was a kingdom of itself, & the king was a great friend to strangers. Afterwards it was taken by the king of Patan which was their neighbour, but he did not enjoy it long, but was taken by Zelabdim Echebar, which is king of Agra, Delli, & Cambaia. Orixa standeth 6. days journey from Satagan southwestward. In this place is very much Rice, and clot made of cotton, & great store of clot which is made of grass, The like clot may be made of the long grass in Virginia. which they call Yerua, it is like a silk. They make good clot of it which they sand for India & divers other places. To this haven of Angeli come every year many ships out of India, Negapatan, Sumatra, Malacca, and divers other places; & lad from thence great store of Rice, & much clot of cotton wool, much sugar, & long pepper, great store of butter & other victuals for India. Satagam is a fair city for a city of the Moors, Satagam. and very plentiful of all things. Here in Bengala they have every day in one place or other a great market which they call Chandeau, and they have many great boats which they call pericose, wherewithal they go from place to place and buy Rice and many other things: these boats have 24. or 26. oars to row them, they be great of burden, but have no coverture. Here the Gentiles have the water of Ganges in great estimation, for having good water near them, yet they will fetch the water of Ganges a great way off, and if they have not sufficient to drink, they will sprinkle a little on them, and then they think themselves well. From Satagam I traveled by the country of the king of Tippara or porto grand, Tippara or porto grand. with whom the Mogores or Mogen have almost continual wars. The Mogen which be of the kingdom of reckon and Rame, be stronger than the king of Tippara, so that Chatigan or porto grand is oftentimes under the king of Recon. There is a country 4. days journey from Couch or Quicheu before mentioned, which is called Bottanter and the city Bottia, Bottanter a great Northern country, Merchants of China, Moscovie and Tartary. the king is called Dermain; the people whereof are very tall and strong, and there are merchants which come out of China, & they say out of Muscovia or Tartary. And they come to buy musk, cambals, agats, silk, pepper and saffron like the saffron of Persia. The country is very great, 3. months journey. There are very high mountains in this country, & one of them so steep that when a man is 6. days journey of it, he may see it perfectly. Upon these mountains are people which have ears of a span long: These seem to be the mountains of Imaus, called by the people Cumao. if their ears be not long, they call them apes. They say that when they be upon the mountains, they see ships in the Sea sailing to and fro; but they know not from whence they come, nor whether they go. There are merchants which come out of the East, they say, from under the sun, which is from China, which have no beards, and they say there it is something warm. But those which come from the other side of the mountains which is from the North, say there it is very cold. These Northern merchants are appareled with woollen clot and hats, white hosen close, and boots which be of Moscovia or Tartary. The apparel of the Tartary merchants. They report that in their country they have very good horses, but they be little: some men have four, five, or six hundred horses and cows: they live with milk and flesh. They cut the tails of their cows, and cell them very dear, for they be in great request, Cow tails in great request. and much esteemed in those parts. The hair of them is a yard long, the rump is above a span long: they use to hung them for bravery upon the heads of their Elephants: they be much used in Pegu and China: they buy and cell by scores upon the ground. The people be very swift on foot. From Chatigan in Bengala, I came to Bacola; Bacol●. the king whereof is a Gentle, a man very well disposed and delighteth much to shoot in a gun. His country is very great and fruitful, and hath store of Rice, much cotton clot, and clot of silk. The houses be very fair and high builded, the streets large, the people naked, except a little clot about their waste. The women wear great store of silver hoops about their necks and arms, and their legs are ringed with silver and copper, and ring's made of elephants teeth. Serrepore. From Bacola I went to Serrepore which standeth upon the river of Ganges, the king is called Chondery. They be all hereabout rebels against their king Zebaldim Echebar: for here are are so many rivers & islands, that they flee from one to another, whereby his horsemen cannot prevail against them. Great store of cotton clot is made here. Sin●ergan. Sinnergan is a town six leagues from Serrepore, where there is the best and finest clot made of cotton that is in all India. The chief king of all these countries is called Isacan, and he is chief of all the other kings, and is a great friend to all Christians. The houses here, as they be in the most part of India, are very little, and covered with straw, and have a few mats round about the walls, and the door to keep out the Tigers and the Foxes. Many of the people are very rich. Here they will eat no flesh, nor kill no beast: they live of Rice, milk, and first-fruits. They go with a little clot before them, and all the rest of their bodies is naked. Great store of Cotton clot goeth from hence, and much Rice, wherewith they serve all India, Ceilon, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra, and many other places. I went from Serrepore the 28. of November 1586. for Pegu in a small ship or foist of one Albert Caravallos, and so passing down Ganges, and passing by the Island of Sundiva, Sund●ua Island porto grand, or the country of Tippera, the kingdom of reckon and Mogen, leaving them on our left side with a fair wound at Northwest: our course was South & by East, which brought us to the bar of Negrais in Pegu: if any contrary wound had come, we had thrown many of our things overboard: for we were so pestered with people & goods, that there was scant place to lie in. From Bengala to Peguis 90. leagues. We entered the bar of Negrais, N●grai●. which is a brave bar & hath 4. fathoms water where it hath lest. Three days after we came to Cosmin, Cosmin. which is a very pretty town, and standeth very pleasantly, very well furnished with all things. The people be very tall & well disposed; the women white, round faced, with little eyes: the houses are high built, set upon great high posts, & they go up to them with long ladders for fear of the Tigers which be very many. Ladders used to avoid the danger of wild beasts. The country is very fruitful of all things. Here are very great Figs, Oranges, Cocoes, and other first-fruits. The land is very high that we fall withal, but after we be entered the bar, it is very low and full of rivers, for they go all too and fro in boats, Dwelling in boats. which they call paroes, and keep their houses with wife and children in them. From the bar of Nigrais to the city of Pegu is ten days journey by the rivers. We went from Cosmin to Pegu in Paroes or boats, and passing up the rivers we came to Medon, Medon. which is a pretty town, where there be a wonderful number of Paroes, for they keep their houses and their markets in them all upon the water. They row too and fro, and have all their merchandises in their boats with a great Sombrero or shadow over their heads to keep the sun from them, which is as broad as a great cart wheel made of the leaves of the Coco trees and fig trees, and is very light. Dela. From Medon we went to Dela, which is a very fair town, and hath a fair port into the sea, from whence go many ships to Malacca, Mecca, and many other places. Here are 18. or 20. very great and long houses, where they tame and keep many elephants of the kings: for there about in the wilderness they catch the wild elephants. It is a very fruitful country. From Dela we went to Cirion, Cirion● which is a good town, and hath a fair port into the sea, whither come many ships from Mecca, Malacca, Sumatra, and from divers other places. And there the ships stay and discharge, & sand up their goods in Paroes to Pegu. From Cirion we went to Macao, Ma●●o. which is a pretty town, where we left our boats or Paroes, & in the morning taking Delingeges, which are a kind of Coaches made of cords & clot quilted, & carried upon a stang between 3. or 4. men: we came to Pegu the same day. Coaches carried on men's shoulders. Pegu. Pegu is a city very great, strong, and very fair, with walls of stone, and great ditches round about it. There are two towns, the old town and the new. In the old town are all the merchants strangers, and very many merchants of the country. All the goods are sold in the old town which is very great, and hath many suburbs round about it, and all the houses are made of Canes which they call Bambos, and be covered with straw. In your house you have a Warehouse which they call Godon, which is made of brick to put your goods in, for oftentimes they take fire and burn in an hour four or five hundred houses: so that if the Godon were not, you should be in danger to have all burned, if any wind should rise, at a trice. In the new town is the king, and all his Nobility and Gentry. It is a city very great and populous, and is made square and with very fair walls, and a great ditch round about it full of water, with many crocodiles in it: it hath twenty gates, and they be made of stone, for every square five gates. There are also many Turrets for Sentinels to watch, made of wood, and gilded with gold very fair. The streets are the fairest that ever I see, as strait as a line from one gate to the other, and so broad that ten or twelve men may ride a front thorough them. On both sides of them at every man's door is set a palmer tree which is the nut tree, which make a very fair show and a very commodious shadow, so that a man may walk in the shade all day. The houses be made of wood, and covered with tiles. The king's house is in the middle of the city, and is walled and ditched round about: and the buildings within are made of wood very sumptuously gilded, and great workmanship is upon the forefront, which is likewise very costly gilded. And the house wherein his Pagode or idol standeth is covered with tiles of silver, and all the walls are gilded with gold. Within the first gate of the king's house is a great large room, on both sides whereof are houses made for the king's elephants, which be marvelous great and fair, and are brought up to wars and in service of the king. And among the rest he hath four white elephants, Four white elephants. which are very strange and rare: for there is none other king which hath them but he: if any other king hath one, he will sand unto him for it. When any of these white elephants is brought unto the king, all the merchants in the city are commanded to see them, and to give him a present of half a ducat, which doth come to a great sum: for that there are many merchants in the city. After that you have given your present you may come and see them at your pleasure, although they stand in the king's house. This king in his title is called the king of the white elephants. The king of the white elephants. If any other king have one, and will not sand it him, he will make war with him for it: for he had rather loose a great part of his kingdom, than not to conquer him. They do very great service unto these white elephants; every one of them standeth in an house gilded with gold, and they do feed in vessels of silver and gilt. One of them when he doth go to the river to be washed, as every day they do, goeth under a canopy of clot of gold or of silk carried over him by six or eight men, and eight or ten men go before him playing on drums, shawms, or other instruments: and when he is washed and cometh out of the river, there is a gentleman which doth wash his feet in a silver basin: which is his office given him by the king. There is no such account made of any black elephant, be he never so great. And surely there be wonderful fair and great, and some be nine cubits in height. And they do report that the king hath above five thousand elephants of war, besides many other which be not taught to fight. This king hath a very large place wherein he taketh the wild elephants. It standeth about a mile from Pegu, builded with a fair court within, and is in a great grove or wood: and there be many huntsmen, which go into the wilderness with she elephants: for without the she they are not to be taken. And they be taught for that purpose: and every hunter hath five or six of them: and they say that they anoint the she elephants with a certain ointment, which when the wild elephant doth smell, he will not leave her. When they have brought the wild elephant near unto the place, they sand word unto the town, and many horsemen and footmen come out and cause the she elephant to enter into a straight way which doth go to the palace, and the she and he do run in: for it is like a wood: and when they be in, the gate doth shut. Afterwards they get out the female: and when the male seethe that he is left alone, he weary and crieth, and runneth against the walls, which be made of so strong trees, that some of them do break their teeth with running against them. Then they prick him with sharp canes, & 'cause him to go into a straight house, and there they put a rope about his middle and about his feet, and let him stand there three or four days without eating or drinking: and then they bring a female to him, with meat and drink, and within few days he becometh tame. The chief force of the king is in these elephants. And when they go into the wars they set a frame of wood upon their backs, bond with great cords, wherein sit four or six men, which fight with guns, bows and arrows, darts and other weapons. And they say that their skins are so thick that a pellet of an harquebus will scarce pierce them, except it be in some tender place. Their weapons be very bad. They have guns, but shoot very badly in them, darts and swords short without points. The king keepeth a very great state: when he sitteth abroad as he doth every day twice, all his noble men which they call Shemines sit on each side, a good distance off, and a great guard without them. The Court yard is very great. If any man will speak with the king, he is to kneel down, to heave up his hands to his head, and to put his head to the ground three times, when he entereth, in the middle way, and when he cometh near to the king: and then he sitteth down and talketh with the king: if the king like well of him, he sitteth near him within three or four paces: if he think not well of him, he sitteth further off. When he goeth to war, he goeth very strong. At my being there he went to Odia in the country of Siam with three hundred thousand men, Odia a city ●● Siam. and five thousand elephants. Thirty thousand men were his guard. These people do eat roots, herbs, leaves, dogs, cats, rats, serpents, and snakes; they refuse almost nothing. When the king rideth abroad, he rideth with a great guard, and many noblemen, oftentimes upon an elephant with a fine castle upon him very fairly gilded with gold; and sometimes upon a great frame like an horsliter, which hath a little house upon it covered over head, but open on the sides, which is all gilded with gold, & set with many rubies & sapphires, whereof he hath infinite store in his country, and is carried upon sixteen or eighteen men's shoulders. This manner of carriage on men's shoulders is used in Peru, and in Florida. This coach in their language is called Serrion. Very great feasting and triumphing is many times before the king both of men and women. This king hath little force by Sea, because he hath but very few ships. He hath houses full of gold and silver, and bringeth in often, but spendeth very little, and hath the mines of rubies and sapphires, and spinelles. Near unto the palace of the king, there is a treasure wonderful rich; the which because it is so near, he doth not account of it: and it standeth open for all men to see in a great walled court with two gates, which be always open. There are four houses gilded very richly, and covered with lead: in every one of them are Pagodes or images of huge stature and great value. In the first is the picture of a king in gold with a crown of gold on his head full of great rubies and sapphires, and about him there stand four children of gold. In the second house is the picture of a man in silver wonderful great, as high as an house; his foot is as long as a man, and he is made sitting, with a crown on his head very rich with stones. In the third house is the picture of a man greater than the other, made of brass, with a rich crown on his head. In the fourth and last house doth stand another, made of brass, greater than the other, with a crown also on his head very rich with stones. In another court not far from this stand four other Pagodes or idols, marvelous great, of copper, made in the same place where they do stand; for they be so great that they be not to be removed: they stand in four houses gilded very fair, and are themselves gilded all over save their heads, and they show like a black Morian. Their expenses in gilding of their images are wonderful. The king hath one wife and above three hundred concubines, by which they say he hath fourscore or fourscore and ten children. He sitteth in judgement almost every day. They use no speech, but give up their supplications written in the leaves of a tree with the point of an iron bigger than a bodkin. Paper of the leaves of a tree. These leaves are an elle long, and about two inches broad: they are also double. He which giveth in his supplication, doth stand in a place a little distance off with a present. If his matter be liked of, the king accepteth of his present, and granteth his request: if his suit be not liked of, he returns with his present; for the king will not take it. In India there are few commodities which serve for Pegu, except Opium of Cambala, painted clot of S. Thome, or of Masulipatan, and white clot of Bengala, which is spent there in great quantity. They bring thither also much cotton, yarn read coloured with a root which they call Saia, An excellent colour with a root called Saia. which will never loose his colour: it is very well sold here, and very much of it cometh yearly to Pegu. By your money you loose much. The ships which come from Bengala, S. Thome, and Masulipatan, come to the bar of Nigrais and to Cosmin. To Martavan a port of the s●a in the kingdom of Pegu come many ships from Malacca laden with Sandall, Porcelanes, and other wares of China, and with Camphora of Borneo, and Pepper from Achen in Sumatra. To Ci●ion a port of Pegu come ships from Mecca with woollen clot, Woollen clot● and scarlet● s●lde in Pegu. Scarlets, Velvets, Opium, and such like. There are in Pegu eight Brokers, whom they call Tareghe, which are bond to cell your goods at the price which they be worth, and you give them for their labour two in the hundred: and they be bond to make your debt good, because you cell your merchandises upon their word. If the Broker pay you not at his day, you may take him home, and keep him in your house: which is a great shame for him. And if he pay you not presently, you may take his wife and children and his slaves, and bind them at your door, and set them in the Sun; for that is the law of the country. The money of Pegu. Their current money in these parts is a kind of brass which they call Gansa, wherewith you may buy gold, silver, rubies, musk, and all other things. The gold and silver is merchandise, and is worth sometimes more, and sometimes less, as other wares be. This brazen money doth go by a weight which they call a biza; and commonly this biza a●ter our account is worth about half a crown or somewhat less. The merchandise which be in Pegu, The several merchandise● of Pegu. are gold, silver, rubies, sapphires, spinelles, musk, beniamim or frankincense, long pepper, tin, lead, copper, lacca whereof they make hard wax, rice, and wine made of rice, and some sugar. The elephants do eat the sugar canes, or else they would make very much. And they consume many canes likewise in making of their Uarellaes or Idol temples, which are in great number both great and small. They be made round like a sugar loaf, The form of their Temples or ●arellaes. some are as high as a Church, very broad beneath, some a quarter of a mile in compass: within they be all earth done about with stone. They consume in these Uarellaes great quantity of gold; for that they be all gilded aloft: and many of them from the top to the bottom: and every ten or twelve years they must b● new gilded, because the rain consumeth off the gold: for they stand open abroad. If they did not consume their gold in these vanities, it would be very plentiful and good cheap in Pegu. About two days journey from Pegu there is a Uarelle or Pagode, which is the pilgrimage of the Pegues: it is called Dogonne, and is of a wonderful bigness, and all gilded from the foot to the top. And there is an house by it wherein the Tallipoys which are their Priests do preach. The Tallipoys or Priests of Pegu. This house is five and fifty paces in length, and hath three pawns or walks in it, and forty great pillars gilded, which stand between the walks; and it is open on all sides with a number of small pillars, which be likewise gilded: it is gilded with gold within and without. There are houses very fair round about for the pilgrims to lie in: and many goodly houses for the Tallipoys to preach in, which are full of images both of men and women, which are all gilded over with gold. It is the fairest place, as I suppose, that is in the world: it standeth very high, and there are four ways to it, which all along are set with trees of first-fruits, in such wise that a man may go in the shade above two miles in length. And when their feast day is, a man can hardly pass by water or by land for the great press of people; for they come from all places of the kingdom of Pegu thither at their feast. In Pegu they have many Tallipoys or priests, which preach against all abuses. Many men resort unto them. When they enter into their kiack, that is to say, their holy place or temple, at the door there is a great jar of water with a cock or a ladle in it, and there they wash their feet; and then they enter in, and lift up their hands to their heads first to their preacher, and then to the Sun, and so sit down. The apparel of their priests. The Tallipoys go very strangely appareled with one camboline or thin clot next to their body of a brown colour, another of yellow doubled many times upon their shoulder: and those two be girded to them with a broad girdle: and they have a skin of leather hanging on a string about their necks, whereupon they sit, bore headed & bore footed; for none of them weareth shoes; with their right arms bore and a great broad sombrero or shadow in their hands to defend them in the Summer from the Sun, and in the Winter from the rain. When the Tallipoys or priests take their Orders first they go to school until they be twenty years old or more, and then they come before a Tallipoie appointed for that purpose, whom they call Rowli: he is of the chiefest and most learned, and he opposeth them, and afterward examineth them many times, whether they will leave their friends, and the company of all women, and take upon them the habit of a Tallipoie. If any be content, than he rideth upon an horse about the streets very richly appareled, with drums and pipes, to show that he leaveth the riches of the world to be a Tallipoie. In few days after, he is carried upon a thing like an horstliter, which they call a serion, upon ten or twelve men's shoulders in the apparel of a Tallipoie, with pipes and drums, and many Tallipoys with him, and all his friends, and so they go with him to his house, which standeth without the town, and there they leave him. Every one of them hath his house, which is very little, set upon six or eight posts, and they go up to them with a ladder of twelve or fourteen slaves. Their houses be for the most part by the high ways side, and among the trees, and in the woods. And they go with a great pot made of wood or fine earth, and covered, ti●d with a broad girdle upon their shoulder, which cometh under their arm, wherewith they go to beg their victuals which they eat, which is rice, fish, and herbs. They demand nothing, but come to the door, and the people presently do give them, some one thing, and some another: and they put all together in their pot: for they say they must eat of their alms, and therewith content themselves. They keep their feasts by the Moon: and when it is new Moon they keep their greatest feast: Observation of new moons. and then the people sand rice and other things to that kiack or church of which they be; and there all the Tallipoys do meet which be of that Church, and eat the victuals which are sent them. When the Tallipoys do preach, many of the people carry them gifts into the pulpit where they sit and preach. And there is one which sitteth by them to take that which the people bring. It is divided among them. They have none other ceremonies nor service that I could see, but only preaching. I went from Pegu to jamahey, jamahey fi●es twenty days journey Northeastward from Pegu. which is in the country of the Langeian●es, whom we call jangomes; it is five and twenty days journey North-east from Pegu. In which journey I passed many fruitful and pleasant countries. The country is very low, and hath many fair rivers. The houses are very bad, made of canes, and covered with straw. here are many wild buffs and elephants. jamahey is a very fair and great town, with fair houses of stone, well peopled, the streets are very large, the men very well set and strong, with a clot about them, bore headed and bore footed: for in all these countries they wear no shoes. The women be much fairer than those of Pegu. here in all these countries they have no wheat. They make some cakes of rice. Hither to jamahey come many merchants out of China, and bring great store of musk, gold, silver, and many other things of China work. Here is great store of victuals: they have such plenty that they will not milk the buffles, as they do in all other places. Here is great store of copper and benjamin. In these countries when the people be sick they make a bow to offer meat unto the devil, if they escape: and when th●y be recovered they make a banquet with many pipes & drums and other instruments, and dancing all the night, and their friends come and bring gifts, cocos, figs, arrecaes, and other first-fruits, and with great dancing and rejoicing they offer to the devil, and say, they give the devil to eat, and drive him out. When they be dancing and playing they will cry & hollow very loud; and in this sort they say they drive him away. And when they be sick a Tallipoy or two every night doth sit by them & sing, to please the devil that he should not hurt them. They burn their dead. And if any die he is carried upon a great frame made like a tower, with a covering all gilded with gold made of canes carried with fourteen or sixteen men, with drums and pipes and other instruments playing before him to a place out of the town and there is burned. He is accompanied with all his friends and neighbours, all men: and they give to the tallipoys or priests many mats and clot: and then they return to the house and there make a feast for two days: and then the wife with all the neighbour's wives & her friends go to the place where he was burned, and there they sit a certain time add cry and gather the pieces of bones which be left unburned and bury them, and then return to their house's and make an end of all mourning. And the men and wom●n which be near of kin do shave their heads, which they do not use except it be for the death of a friend: for they much esteem of their hair. Caplan in the place where the rubies and other precious stones are found. Caplan is the place where they find the rubies, sapphires, and spinelles: it stands six days journey from Avarice in the kingdom of Pegu. There are many great high hills out of which they dig them. None may go to the pits but only those which dig them. In Pegu, and in all the countries of Avarice, Langeiannes', Siam, and the Bramas, the men wear bunches or little round valles in their privy members: some of them wear two and s●me three. They cut the skin and so put them in, one into one side and another into the other side; which they do when they be 25 or 30 years old, and at their pleasure they take one or more of them out as they think good. When they be married the husband is for every child which his wife hath, to put in one until he come to three and then no more: for they say the women do desire them. They were invented because they should not abuse the male sex. For in times past all those countries were so given to that villainy, that they were very scarce of people. It was also ordained that the women should not have past three cubits of clot in their neither clotheses, which they bind about th●m; which are so straight, that when they go in the streets, they show one side of the leg bore above the knee. The bunches aforesaid be of divers sorts: Anthony Col●ano writeth of these ba●s. the lest be as big as a little walnut, and very round: the greatest are as big as a little hens egg: some are of brass and some of silver: but those of silver be for the k●ng and his noble men. These are gilded and made with great cunning, and ring li●e a little bell. There are some made of lead, which they call Selwy because they ring but little: and these be of lesser price for the poorer sort. The king sometimes takes his out, and giveth them to his noblemen as a great gift: and because he hath used them, they esteem them greatly. They will put one in, and heal up the place in seven or eight days. The Bramas which be of the king's country (for the king is a Brama) have their legs or bellies, or some part of their body, as they think good themselves, made black with certain things which they have: they use to prick the skin, and to put on it a kind of anile or blacking, which doth continued always. And this is counted an honour among them: but none may have it but the Bramas which are of the king's kindred. The people of Pegu we are no beards. These people wear no beards: they pull out the hair on their faces with little pinsons made for that purpose. Some of them will let 16 or 20 hairs grow together, some in one place of his face and some in another, and pulleth out all the rest: for he carrieth his pinsons always with him to pull the hairs out assoon as they appear. If they see a man with a bea●d they wonder at him. They have their teeth blacked both men and women, for they say a d●gge hath his teeth white, therefore they will black there's. The Pegues if they have a suit in the law which is so doubtful that they cannot well determine it, put two long canes into the water where it is very deep: and both the parties go into the water by the poles, and there sit men to judge, and they both do dive under the water, and he which remains longest under the water doth win the suit. Malacca. The 10 of january I went from Pegu to Malacca, passing by many of the ports of Pegu, as Martavan, the Island of Tavi, from whence cometh great store of tin which serveth all India, the islands of Tanaseri, junsalaon, and many others; and so came to Malacca the 8 of February, where the Portugals have a castle which standeth near the sea. And the country fast without the town belongeth to the Malayos, which is a kind of proud people. They go naked with a clot about their middle, and a little roll of clot about their heads. Hither come many ships from China & from the Malucos, Banda, Timor, and from many other islands of the javas, which bring great store of spices and drugs, and diamonds and other jewels. The voyages into many of these islands belong unto the captain of Malacca: so that none may go thither without his licence: which yield him great sums of money every year. The Portugals here have often times wars with the king of Achem which standeth in the Island of Sumatra: from whence cometh great store of pepper and other spices every year to Pegu and Mecca within the Read sea, and other places. When the Portugals go from Macao in China to japan, The voyage to japan. they carry much white silk, gold, musk, and porcelanes: and they bring from thence nothing but silver. They have a great carrack which goeth thither every year, and she bringeth from thence every year above six hundred thousand crusadoes: and all this silver of japan, and two hundred thousand crusadoes more in silver which they bring yearly out of India, they employ to their great advantage in China: Eight hundred thousand cru●adors in silver employed ●erely by the Portugals in C●ina. and they bring from thence gold, musk, silk, copper, porcelanes, and many other things very costly and gilded. When the Portugals come to Canton in China to traffic, they must remain there but certain days: and when they come in at the gate of the city, they must enter their names in a book, and when they go out at night they must put out their names. They may not lie in the town all night, but must lie in their boats without the town. And their days being expired, if any man remain there, they are evil used and imprisoned. The Chinians are very suspicious, and do not trust strangers. It is thought that the king doth not know that any strangers come into his country. And further it is credibly reported that the common people see their king very seldom or not at all, nor may not look up to that place where he sitteth. And when he rideth abroad he is carried upon a great chair or serrion gilded very fair, wherein there is made a little house with a latise to look out at: so that he may s●e them, but they may not look up at him: and all the time that he passeth by them, they heave up their hands to their heads, & lay their heads on the ground, and look not up until he be passed. The order of China is when they mourn, that they wear white thread shoes, and ha●s of straw. The man doth mourn for his wife two years, the wife for her husband three years: the son for his father a year, and for his mother two years. And all the time which they mourn they keep the dead in the house, the bowels being taken out and filled with chownam or lime, and cosfined: and when the time is expired they carry them out playing and piping, and burn them. And when they return they pull off their mourning weeds, and marry at their pleasure. A man may keep as many concubines as he will, but one wife only. All the Chineans, japonians, and Cauchin Chineans do writ right downward, The writing of the people of China etc. and they do writ with a fine pencil made of dogs or cat's hair. Laban is an Island among the javas from whence come the diamonds of the New water. Laban. Diamonds. And they find them in the rivers: for the king will not suffer them to dig the rock. jamba is an Island among the javas also, Iamb●. from whence come diamonds. And the king hath a mass of earth which is gold; it groweth in the middle of a river: and when the king doth lack gold, they cut part of the earth and melt it, where of cometh gold. Gold. This mass of earth doth appear but once in a year; which is when the water is low: and this is in the month of April. Bima is another Island among the javas, Bima. where the women travel and labour as our men do in England, and the men keep house and go where they will. The 29 of March 1588., I returned from Malacca to Martavan, He returns from Malacca. and so to Pegu, where I remained the second time until the 17 of September, and then I went to Cosmin, and there took shipping; and passing many dangers by reason of contrary winds, it pleased God that we arrived in Bengala in November following: Bengala. where I stayed for want of passage until the third of February 1589, and then I shipped myself for Cochin. In which voyage we endured great extremity for lack of fresh water: for the weather was extreme hot, and we were many merchants and passengers, and we had very many calms, and hot weather. Yet it pleased God that we arrived in Ceylon the sixth of March, Ceylon. where we stayed five days to water, and to furnish ourselves with other necessary provision. This Ceylon is a brave Island, very fruitful & fair; but by reason of continual wars with the king thereof, all things are very dear: for he will not suffer any thing to be brought to the castle where the Portugals be: wherefore often times they have great want of victuals. Their provision of victuals cometh out of Bengala every year. The king is called Raia, and is of great force; for he cometh to Columbo, which is the place where the Portugals have their fort, with an hundred thousand men, and many elephants. But they be naked people all of them; yet many of them be good with their pieces which be muskets. When the king talketh with any man, be standeth upon one leg, and setteth the other foot upon his knee with his sword in his hand: it is not their order for the king to sit but to stand. His apparel is a fine painted clot made of cotton wool about his middle: his hair is long and bond up with a little fine clot about his head: all the rest of his body is naked. His guard are a thousand men, which stand round about him, and he in the middle; and when he marcheth, many of them go before him, and the rest come after him. They are of the race of the Chingalayes, which they say are the best kind of all the Malabars. Their ears are very large; for the greater they are, the more honourable they are accounted. Some of them are a span long. The wood which they burn is Cinamem wood, and it smelleth very sweet. There is great store of rubies, saphires, and spinelles in this Island: the best kind of all be here; but the king will not suffer the inhabitants to dig for them, left his enemies should know of them, and make wars against him, and so drive him out of his country for them. They have no horses in all the country. The elephants be not so great as those of Pegu, which be monstrous huge: but they say all other elephants do fear them, and none dare fight with them, though they be very small. Their w●men have a clot bond about them from their middle to their knee: and all the rest is bore. All of them be black and but little, both men and women. Black people. Their houses are very little, made of the branches of the palmer or coco-tree, and covered with the leaves of the same tree. Ca●e de Comori. The eleventh of March we sailed from Ceylon, and so doubled the cape of Comori. Not far from thence, between Ceylon and the main land of Negapatan, they fish for pearls. And there is fished every year very much; which doth serve all India, Cambaia, and Bengala, it is not so orient as the pearl of Baharim in the gulf of Persia. From cape de Comori we passed by Coulam, Coulam. which is a fort of the Portugals: from whence cometh great store of pepper, which cometh for Portugal: for oftentimes there ladeth one of the caracks of Portugal. Thus passing the coast we arrived in Cochin the 22 of March, Cochin. where we found the weather warm, but scarcity of victuals: for here groweth neither corn nor rice: and the greatest part cometh from Bengala. They have here very bad water, for the river is far off. This bad water causeth many of the people to be like lepers, People with swollen legs mentioned also by joh. ●id●gen. and many of them have their legs swollen as big as a man in the waste, & many of them are scant able to go. These people here be Malabars, and of the race of the Naires of Calicut: and they differ much from the other Malabars. These have their h●ads very full of hair, and bond up with a string: and there doth appear a bush without the ●and wherewith it is bond. The men be tall and strong, and good archers with a long bow and a long arrow, which is their best weapon: yet there be some calivers among them, but they handle them badly. ●ow p●pper groweth. here groweth the pepper; and it springeth up by a tree or a pole, and is like our ivy berry, but something longer like the wheat ear: and at the first the bunches are green, and as they ware ripe they cut them off and dry them. The leaf is much lesser than the ivy leaf and thinner. All the inhabitants here have very little houses covered with the leaves of the coco-trees. The men be of a reasonable stature; the women little; all black, Black people. with a clot bond about their middle hanging down to their hams: all the rest of their bodies be naked: they have horrible great ears with many ring's set with pearls and stones in them. The king goeth incached, as they do all; he doth not remain in a place above five or six days: he hath many houses, but they be but little: his guard is but small: he removeth from one house to another according to their order. All the pepper of Calicut and course cinnamon groweth here in this country. The best cinnamon doth come from Ceylon, and is peeled from fine young trees. Here are very many palmer or coco trees, which is their chief food: for it is their meat and drink: and yieldeth many other necessary things, as I have declared before. The Naires which be under the king of ‖ Or Calicut, or Cananor. Samo●in, which be Malabars, have always wars with the Portugals. The king hath always peace with them; but his people go to the sea to rob & steal. Their chief captain is called Cogi ali; he hath three castles under him. When the Portugals complain to the king, he saith he doth not sand them out: but he consenteth that they go. They range all the coast from Ceylon to Goa, and go by four or five parowes or boats together; and have in every one of them fifty or threescore men, and board presently. They do much harm on that coast, and take every year many foists and boats of the Portugals. Many of these people be Moors. This king's country beginneth twelve leagues from Cochin, and reaches near unto Goa. I remained in Cochin until the second of November, which was eight moneth●; for that there was no passage that went away in all that time: if I had come two days sooner I had found a passage presently. From Cochin I went to Goa, Go●. where I remained three days. From Cochin to Goa is an hundred leagues. From Goa I went to Chaul, Chaul. which is threescore leagues, where I remained three and twenty days: and there making my provision of things necessary for the ship, from thence I departed to Ormus; where I stayed for a passage to Balsara fifty days. From Goa to Ormus is four hundred leagues. Orm●s. Here I thought good, before I make an end of this my book, to declare some things which India and the country farther Eastward do bring forth. The pepper groweth in many parts of India, The pepper tree. especially about Cochin: and much of it doth grow in the fields among the bushes without any labour: and when it is ripe they go and gather it. The shrub is like unto our ivy tree: and if it did not run about some tree or pole, it would fall down and rot. When they first gather it, it is gre●ne; and then they lay it in the Sun, and it becometh black. The ginger groweth like unto our garlic, and the root is the ginger: Ginger. it is to be found in many parts of India. The cloves do come from the Isles of the Moluccoes', Cloves. which be divers islands: their tree is like to our bay tree. The nutmegs and maces grow together, Nutmegs & maces. and come from the isle of Banda: the tree is like to our walnut tree, but somewhat lesser. The white sandol is wood very sweet & in great request among the Indians; for they grind it with a little water, and anoint their bodies therewith: it cometh from the I●le of Timor. Camphora is a precious thing among the Indians, Camphora. and is sold dearer than gold. I think none of it cometh for Christendom. That which is compounded cometh from China: but that which groweth in canes and is the best, cometh from the great Isle of Borneo, Lignum Aloes cometh from Cauchinchina. Lignum Aloes. The benjamin cometh out of the countries of Siam and jangomes. The long pepper groweth in Bengala, in Pegu, and in the islands of the javas. Long peppe●. The musk cometh out of Tartary, Musk. and is made after this order, by report of the merchants which bring it to Pegu to cell; In Tartary there is a little beast like unto a young roe, which they take in snares, and beaten him to death with the blood: after that they cut out the bones, and beaten the flesh with the blood very small, and fill the skin with it: and hereof cometh the musk. Of the amber they hold divers opinions; but most men say it cometh out of the sea, Amber. and that they find it upon the shores side. The rubies, sapphires, and spinelles are found in Pegu. Rubies, sapphires and spinels. The diamonds are found in divers places, as in Bisnagar, in Agra, in Delli, and in the islands of the javas. Diamonds. The best pearls come from the Island of Baharim in the Persian sea, the worser from the Piscaria near the Isle of Ceylon, and from Aynam a great Island on the Southermost coast of China. Spodium and many other kinds of drugs come from Cambaia. Spodium. Now to return to my voyage; from Ormus I went to Balsara or Basora, Basora. and from Basora to Babylon: Babylon. and we passed the most part of the way by the strength of men by halling the boat up the river with a long cord. From Babylon I came by land to Mosul, Mosul. which standeth near to Ninive, which is all ruinated and destroyed; it standeth fast by the river of Tigris. From Mosul I went to Merdin, Merdin. which is in the country of the Armenians; but now there devil in that place a people which they call Cordies, or Curdi. From Merdin I went to Orfa, Orfa. which is a very fair town, and it hath a goodly fountain full of fish; where the Moors hold many great ceremonies and opinions concerning Abraham: for they say he did once devil there. From thence I went to by'r, Bir. & so passed the river of Euphrates. From by'r I went to Aleppo, Aleppo. where I stayed certain months for company; and then I went to Tripoli; Tripoli. where finding English shipping, I came with a prosperous voyage to London, where by God's assistance I safely arrived the 29 of April 1591., having been eight years out of my native country. The report of john Huighen van Linschoten concerning M. Newberies and M. Fitches imprisonment, and of their escape, which happened while he was in Goa. IN the month of December, Anno 1583. there arrived in the town and Island of Ormus four English men, which came from Aleppo in the country of Syria, having sa●led out of England, & passed thorough the straits of Gibraltar to Tripoli a town and haven lying on the coast of Syria, where all the ships discharge their wares & merchandises, & from thence are carried by land unto Aleppo, which is nine days journey. In Aleppo there are resident divers merchants & factors of all nations, as Italians, French men, English men, Armenians, Turks and Moors, every man having his religion apart, paying tribute unto the great Turk. In that town there is great traffic, for that from thence every year twice, there travel two Caffyls, that is, companies of people and camels, which travel unto India, Persia, Arabia, and all the countries bordering on the same, and deal in all sorts of merchandise, both to and from those countries, as I in another place have already declared. Three of the said English men aforesaid, were sent by the company of English men that are resident in Aleppo, to see if in Ormus they might keep any factors, and so traffic in that place, like as also the Italians do, that is to say, the Uenetians which in Ormus, Goa, and Malacca have their factors, and traffic there, aswell for stones and pearls, as for other wares and spices of those countries, which from thence are carried over land into Venice. One of these English men had been once before in the said town of Ormus, john Newberry had been in Ormus before. Anno. 1581. and there had taken good information of the trade, and upon his advise and advertisement, the other were as then come thither with him, bringing great store of merchandises with them, as Clotheses, Saffron, all kinds of drinking glasses, and Haberdashers wares, as looking glasses, knives, and such like s●uffe: and to conclude, brought with them all kind of small wares that may be devised. And although those wares amounted unto great sums of money, notwithstanding it was but only a shadow or colour, thereby to give no occasion to be mistrusted, or seen into: for that their principal intent was to buy great quantities of precious stones, as Diamonds, Pearls, Rubies, etc. to the which end they brought with them a great sum of money and gold, and that very secretly, not to be deceived or rob thereof, or to run into any danger for the same. They being thus arrived in Ormus, hired a shop, and began to cell their wares: which the Italians perceiving, whose factors continued there (as I said before) and fearing that those English men finding good vent for their commodities in that place, would be resident therein, and so daily increase, which would be no small loss and hindrance unto them, did presently invent all the subtle means they could to hinder them: and to that end they went unto the Captain of Ormus, as then called Don Gonsalo de Meneses, telling him that there were certain English men come into Ormus, that were sent only to spy the country; and said further, that they were heretics; and therefore they said it was convenient they should not be suffered so to departed, without being examined, and punished as enemies, to the example of others. The Captain being a friend unto the English men, by reason that one of them which had been there before, had given him certain presents, would not be persuaded to trouble them, but shipped them with all their wares in a ship that was to sail for Goa, and sent them to the Uiceroy, that he might examine and try them, as he thought good: where when they were arrived, they were cast into prison, and first examined whether they were good Christians or no: and because they could speak but bad Portugal, only two of them spoke good Dutch, as having been certain years in the Low countries, and there traffiked, there was a Dutch jesuite born in the town of Bruges in Flanders, that had been resident in the Indies for the space of thirty yers, sent unto them, to undermine and examine them: wherein they behaved themselves so well, that they were held and esteemed for good and Catholic Christians: yet still suspected, because they were strangers, and specially English men. The Jesuits still told them that they should be sent prisoners into Portugal, wishing them to leave off their trade of merchandise, and to become Jesuits, promising them thereby to defend them from all trouble. The cause why they said so, and persuaded them in that earnest manner, was, for that the Dutch jesuite had secretly been advertised of great sums of money which they had about them, and sought to get the same into their fingers, for that the first vow and promise they make at their entrance into their Order, is, to procure the welfare of their said Order, by what means soever it be. But although the English men denied them, and refused the Order, saying, that they were unfit for such places, nevertheless they proceeded so far, that one of them, being a Painter (that came with the other three for company, to see the countries, and to seek his fortune, and was not sent thither by the English merchants) partly for fear, and partly for want of means to relieve himself, promised them to become a jesuite: and although they known and well perceived he was not any of those that had the treasure, yet because he was a Painter, whereof there are but few in India, and that they had great need of him to paint their Church, which otherwise would cost them great charges, to bring one from Portugal, they were very glad thereof, hoping in time to get the rest of them with all their money into their fellowship: so that to conclude, they made this Painter a jesuite, where he continued certain days, giving him good store of work to do, and entertaining him with all the favour and friendship they could devise, and all to win the rest, to be a pray for them: but the other three continued still in prison, being in great fear, because they understood no man that came to them, nor any man almost known what they said: till in the end it was told them that certain Dutch men dwelled in the Archbishop's house, and counsel given them to sand unto them, whereat they much rejoiced, and sent to me and an other Dutch man, desiring us once to come and speak with them, which we presently did, and they with tears in their eyes made complaint unto us of their hard usage, showing us from point to point (as it is said before) why they were come into the country, withal desiring us for God's cause, if we might by any means, to help them, that they might be set at liberty upon sureties, being ready to endure what justice should ordain for them, saying, that if it were found contrary, and that they were other then traveling merchants, and sought to find out further benefit by their wares, they would be content to be punished. With that we departed from them, promising them to do our best: and in the end we obtained so much of the Archbishop, that he went unto the Uiceroy to deliver our petition, and persuaded him so well, that he was content to set them at liberty, and that their goods should be delivered unto them again, upon condition they should put in sureties for two thousand pardawes, not to departed the country before other order should be taken with them. Thereupon they presently found a Citizen of the town that was their surety for two thousand pardawes, to whom they paid in hand one thousand and three hundred pardawes, and because they said they had no more ready money, he gave them credit, seeing what store of merchandise they had, whereby at all times if need were, he might be satisfied: and by that means they were delivered out of prison, and hired themselves an house, and began to set open shop: so that they uttered much ware, and were presently well known among all the merchants, because they always respected gentlemen, specially such as bought their wares, showing great courtesy and honour unto them, whereby they won much credit, and were beloved of all men, so that every man favoured them, and was willing to do them pleasure. To us they showed great friendship, for whose sake the Archbishop favoured them much, and showed them very good countenance, which they known well how to increase, by offering him many presents, although he would not receive them, neither would ever take gift or present at any man's hands. Likewise they behaved themselves so discreetly that no man carried an evil eye, not, nor an evil thought towards them. Which liked not the Jesuits, because it hindered them from that they hoped for, so that they ceased not still by this Dutch jesuite to put them in fear, that they should be sent into Portugal to the King, counseling them to yield themselves jesuits into their Cloister, which if they did, he said they would defend them from all troubles, saying further, that he counseled them therein as a friend, & one that known for certain that it was so determined by the Uiceroyes' Privy, council: which to effect he said they stayed but for shipping that should sail for Portugal, with divers other persuasions, to put them in some fear, and so to effect their purpose. The English men to the contrary, dared not say any thing to them, but answered, that as yet they would stay a while, and consider thereof, thereby putting the Jesuits in comfort, as one among them, being the principal of them (called john Newberry) complained unto me often times, saying that he known not what to say or think therein, or which way he might be rid of those troubles: but in the end they determined with themselves to departed from thence, and secretly by means of other friends they employed their money in precious stones; which the better to effect, one of them was a jeweller, and for the same purpose came with them. Which being concluded among them, they dared not make known to any man, neither did they credit us so much, as to show us their minds therein, although they told us all whatsoever they known. But on a Whitsunday they went abroad to sport themselves about three miles from Goa, in the mouth of the river in a country called Bards, having with them good store of meat and drink. And because they should not be suspected, they left their house and shop, with some wares therein unsolde, in custody of a Dutch boy, by us provided for them, that looked unto it. This boy was in the house not knowing their intent, and being in Bards, they had with them a Patamar, which is one of the Indian posts, which in the Winter times carrieth letters from one place to the other, whom they had hired to guide them: and because that between Bards and the firm land there is but a little river, in a manner half dry, they passed over it on foot, and so traveled by land, being never herded of again: but it is thought they arrived in Aleppo, as some say, but they know not certainly. Their greatest hope was that john Newberry could speak the Arabian tongue, which is used in all those countries, The Arabian tongue general in the East. or at the lest understood; for it is very common in all places there abouts, as French with us. News being come to Goa, there was a great stir and murmuring among the people, and we much wondered at it: for many were of opinion, that we had given them counsel so to do; and presently their surety seized upon the goods remaining, which might amount unto above two hundred pardawes; and with that and the money he had received of the English men, he went unto the Uiceroy, and delivered it unto him: which the Uiceroy having received, forgave him the rest. This flight of the English men grieved the Jesuits most, because they had lost such a pray, which they made sure account of: whereupon the Dutch jesuite came to us to ask us if we known thereof, saying, that if he had suspected so much, he would have dealt otherwise, for that he said, he once had in his hands of there's a bag wherein was forty thousand veneseanders (each veneseander being two pardawes) which was when they were in prison. And that they had always put him in comfort to accomplish his desire: upon the which promise he gave them their money again, which otherwise they should not so lightly have come by, or peradventure never, as he openly said: and in the end he called them heretics, and spies, with a thousand other railing speeches, which he uttered against them. The English man that was become a jesuite, hearing that his companions were go, and perceiving that the Jesuits showed him not so great favour, neither used him so well as they did at the first, repent himself; and seeing he had not as then made any solemn promise, and being counseled to leave the house, and told that he could not want a living in the town, as also that the Jesuits could not keep him there without he were willing to stay, so they could not accuse him of any thing, he told them flatly that he had no desire to stay within the Cloister. And although they used all the means they could to keep him there, yet he would not stay, but hired an house without the Cloister, and opened shop, where he had good store of work: and in the end married a Mestizos' daughter of the town, so that he made his account to stay there while he lived. By this English man I was instructed of all the ways, trades, and voyages of the country, between Aleppo and Ormus, and of all the ordinances and common customs which they usually hold during their voyage over the land, as also of the places and towns where they passed. And since those English men's departures from Goa, there never arrived any strangers, either English or others, by land, in the said countries, but only Italians which daily traffic over land, and use continual trade going and coming that way. The voyage of M. john Eldred to Trypolis in Syria by sea, and from thence by land and river to Babylon and Balsara. 1583. I Departed out of London in the ship called the Tiger, in the company of M. john Newberry, M. Ralph Fitch, and six or seven other honest merchants upon Shrove monday 1583, and arrived in Tripoli of Syria the first day of May next ensuing: at our landing we went on Maying upon S. George's Island, a place where Christians dying aboard the ships, are wont to be buried. In this city our English merchants have a Consul, and our nation abide together in one house with him, called Fondeghi Ingles, builded of stone, square, in manner like a Cloister, & every man hath his several chamber, as it is the use of all other Christians of several nations. The description of Tripoli in Syria. This town standeth under a part of the mountain of Libanus two English miles distant from the port: on the side of which port, trending in form of an half Moon, stand five block houses or small forts, wherein is some very good artillery, and the forts are kept with about an hundred janissaries. Right before this town from the seaward is a bank of moving sand, which gathereth and increaseth with the Western winds, in such sort, that, according to an old prophesy among them, this bank is like to swallow up & overwhelm the town: for every year it increaseth and eateth up many gardens, although they use all policy to diminish the same, and to make it firm ground. The city is about the bigness of Bistow, and walled about, though the walls be of no great force. The chief strength of the place is in a Citadel, which standeth on the South side within the walls, and overlooketh the whole town, and is strongly kept with two hundred janissaries and good artillery. A river passeth thorough the midst of the city, where with they water their gardens and mulberry trees, on which there grow abundance of silk worms, Store of white silk. wherewith they make great quantity of very white silk, which is the chiefest natural commodity to be found in and about this place. This road is more frequented with Christian merchants, to wit, Uenetians, Genovois, Florentines, Marsilians, Sicilians, Raguses, and lately with English men, than any other port of the Turks dominions. From Tripoli I departed the 14 of May with a caravan, passing three days over the ridge of mount Libanus, at the end whereof we arrived in a city called Hammah, The city of Hammah. which standeth on a goodly plain replenished with corn & cotton wool. Cotton wool. On these mountains which we passed grow great quantity of gall trees, Gall trees. which are somewhat like our oaks, but lesser and more crooked: on the best tree a man shall not find above a pound of galls. This town of Hammah is fallen and falls more and more to decay, and at this day there is scarce one half of the brickwall standing, which hath been very strong and fair: but because it cost many men's lives to win it, the Turk will not have it repaired; and hath written in the Arabian tongue over the castle gate, which standeth in the midst of the town; these words: Cursed be the father and the son that shall lay their hands to the repairing hereof. Refreshing ourselves one day here, we passed forward with camels three days more until we came to Aleppo, Aleppo. where we arrived the 21 of May. This is the greatest place of traffic for a dry town that is in all those parts: for hither resort jews, Tartarians, Persians, Armenians, Egyptians, Indians, and many sorts of Christians, and enjoy freedom of their consciences, and bring thither many kinds of rich merchandises. In the midst of this town also standeth a goodly castle raised on high, with a garrison of four or five hundred janissaries. Within some miles round about are goodly gardens and vineyards and trees, which bear goodly fruit near unto the rivers side, which is but small; the walls are about three English miles in compass, but the suburbs are almost as much more. The town is greatly peopled. We departed from thence with our camels the last of May with M. john Newberry and his company, and came to Birrah in three days, Birrah. being a small town situated upon the river Euphrates, where it beginneth first to take his name, being here gathered into one channel, whereas before it cometh down in manifold branches, and therefore is called by the people of the country by a name which signifieth a thousand heads. Here is plenty of victuals, whereof we all furnished ourselves for a long journey down the aforesaid river. And according to the manner of those that travel down by water, we prepared a small bark for the conveyance of ourselves and of our goods. These boats are flat bottomed, because the river is shallow in many places: Euphrates shallow. and when men travel in the month of july, August, and September, the water being then at the lowest, they are constrained to carry with them a spare boat or two to lighten their own boats, if they chance to fall on the sholds. We were eight and twenty days upon the water between Birrah and Felugia, Eight & twenty days journey by river. where we disimbarked ourselves and our goods. Every night after the Sun setteth, we tie our bark to a stake, go on land to gather sticks, and set on our pot with rice or bruised wheat, and having supped, the merchants lie aboard the bark, and the mariners upon the shores side as near as they can unto the same. In many places upon the rivers side we met with troops of Arabians, Arabians upon the river of Euphrates. of whom we bought milk, butter, eggs, and lambs, and gave them in barter, (for they care not for money) glasses, combs, coral, amber, to hung about their arms and necks, and for churned milk we gave them bread and pomegranate peeles, wherewith they use to tan their goat's skins which they churn withal. Their hair, apparel, and colour are altogether like to those vagabond Egyptians, which heretofore have go about in England. Their women all without exception wear a great round ring in one of their nostrils, The Arabian women wear gold ring's in their nostrils. of gold, silver, or iron, according to their ability, and about their arms and smalles of their legs they have hoops of gold, silver or iron. All of them aswell women and children as men, are very great swimmers, and often times swimming they brought us milk to our bark in vessels upon their heads. These people are very thievish, which I proved to my cost: for they stolen a casket of mine, with things of good value in the same, from under my man's head as he was asleep: and therefore travelers keep good watch as they pass down the river. Euphrates at Birrah is about the breadth of the Thames at Lambeth, and in some places narrower, in some broader: Euphrates described. it runneth very swiftly, almost as fast as the river of Trent; it hath divers sorts of fish in it, but all are scaled, some as big as salmon, like barbils. We landed at Felugia the eight and twentieth of june, Felugia. where we made our abode seven days, for lack of camels to carry our goods to Babylon: the heat at that time of the year is such in those parts, that men are ●●ch to let out their camels to travel. This Felugia is a village of some hundred houses, and a place appointed for discharging of such goods as come down the river: the inhabitants are Arabians. Not finding camels here, we were constrained to unlade our goods, and hired an hundred asses to carry our English merchandises only to New Babylon over a short desert, in crossing whereof we spent eighteen hours traveling by night, and part of the morning, to avoid the great heat. In this place which we crossed over, stood the old mighty city of Babylon, The ruins of old Babylon. many old ruins whereof are easily to be seen by daylight, which I john Eldred have often beheld at my good leisure, having made three voyages between the new city of Babylon and Aleppo over this desert. Here also are yet standing the ruins of the old tower of Babel, which being upon a plain ground seemeth a far off very great, but the nearer you come to it, the lesser and lesser it appeareth: sundry times I have go thither to see it, and found the remnants yet standing above a quarter of a mile in compass, and almost as high as the stone-worke of Paul's steeple in London, but it showeth much bigger. The bricks remaining in this most ancient monument be half a yard thick, and three quarters of a yard long, being dried in the Sun only, and between every course of bricks there lieth a course of mats made of canes, which remain sound and not perished, as though they had been laid within one year. The city of New Babylon joineth upon the aforesaid small desert where the Old city was, New Babylon. and the river of Tigris runneth close under the brickwall, The river Tigris. and they may if they will open a s●uce, and let the water of the same run round about the town. It is above two English miles in compass, and the inhabitants generally speak three languages, to wit, the Persian, Arabian and Turkish tongues: the people are of the Spaniards complexion: and the women generally wear in one of the gristles of their noses a ring like a wedding ring, but somewhat greater, with a pearl and a Turkish stone set therein: and this they do be they never so poor. This is a place of very great traffic, and a very great thoroughfare from the East Indies to Aleppo. The town is very well furnished with victuals which come down the river of Tigris from Mosul which was called Ninive in old time. They bring these victuals and divers sorts of merchandises upon rafts born upon goat's skins blown up full of wound in manner of bladders. ●afts born upon bladders of goat's skins. And when they have discharged their goods, they sell the rafts for six, and let the wound out of their goats skins, and carry them home again upon their asses by land, to make other voyages down the river. The building here is most of brick dried in the Sun, and very little or no stone is to be found: their houses are all flat-roofed and low. They have no rain for eight months together. Seldom rain. nor almost any clouds in the sky, night nor day. Their Winter is in November, December, january and February, which is as warm as our Summer in England in a manner. This I know by good experience, because my abode at several times in this city of Babylon hath been at the lest the space of two years. As we come to the city, we pass over the river of Tigris on a great bridge made with boats chained together with two mighty chains of iron. From thence we departed in flat bottomed barks more strong & greater than those of Euphrates, and were eight and twenty days also in passing down this river to Balsara, Eight & twenty days journey more by river, from Babylon to Balsara. but we might have done it in eighteen or less, if the water had been higher. Upon the water's side stand by the way divers towns resembling much the names of the old prophets: the first town they call Ozeah, & another Zecchiah. Before we come to Balsara by one days journey, the two rivers of Tigris and Euphrates meet, and there standeth a castle called Cuma, Cuma castle. kept by the Turks, where all merchants pay a small custom. Here the two rivers joined together begin to be eight or nine miles broad: here also it beginneth to ebb and flow, and the water overflowing maketh the country all about very fertile of corn, rice, pulse, and dates. The town of Balsara is a mile and an half in circuit: Balsara. all the buildings, castle and walls are made of brick dried in the Sun. The Turk hath here five hundred janissaries, besides other soldiers continually in garrison and pay, but his chief strength is of galleys which are about five and twenty or thirty very fair and furnished with goodly ordinance. To this port of Balsara come monthly divers ships from Ormuz, laden with all sorts of Indian merchandise, as spices, drugs, Indigo, and calicut clot. These ships are usually from forty to threescore tons, having their planks sowed together with cord made of the bark of Date trees, and in stead of Occam they use the shiverings of the bark of the said trees, and of the same they also make their tackling. They have no kind of iron work belonging to these vessels, save only their anchors. From this place six days sailing down the gulf, Ships made without iron in the Persian gulf. they go to a place called Baharem in the mid way to Ormus; there they fish for pearls four months in the year, to wit, in june, july, August, and September. My abode in Balsara was just six months, during which time I received divers letters from M. john Newberry from Ormus, who as he passed that way with her majesties letters to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia, Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia. & unto the mighty emperor of China, was traitorously there arrested, and all his company, by the Portugals, and afterward sent prisoner to Goa: where after a long and cruel imprisonment he and his companions were delivered upon sureties, not to departed the town without leave, at the suit of one father Thomas Stevens an English religious man, which they found there: but shortly after three of them escaped, whereof one, to wit, M. Ralph Fitch, is since come into England. The fourth, which was a painter called john Story, become religious in the college of S. Paul in Goa, as we understood by their letters. I and my companion William Shales having dispatched our business at Balsara, He returns from Balsara to Aleppo. embarked ourselves in company of seventy barks all laden with merchandise, having every bark 14 men to draw them, like our Western bargemen on the Thames, and we were forty four days coming up against the stream to Babylon, where arriving and paying our custom, we with all other sorts of merchants bought us camels, hired us men to lad and drive them, Their provision of victuals. furnished ourselves with rice, butter, biscuit, honey made of dates, onions and dates: and every merchant bought a proportion of live muttons, and hired certain shepherds to drive them with us: we also bought us tents to lie in, and to put our goods under: and in this our caravan were four thousand camels laden with spices and other rich merchandises. A Caravan of four thousand Camels. These camels will live very well two or three days without water: their feeding is on thistles, wormwood, magdalene, and other strong weeds which they find upon the way. The government and deciding of all quarrels and duties to be paid, the whole caravan committeth to one special rich merchant of the company, of whose honesty they conceive best. In passing from Babylon to Aleppo, we spent forty days, traveling twenty, or four and twenty miles a day, resting ourselves commonly from two of the clock in the afternoon, until three in the morning, at which time we begin to take our journey. Eight days journey from Babylon toward Aleppo, were unto a town called Heit, as we cross the river Euphrates by boats, about 3. miles from the town there is a valley wherein are many springs throwing out abundantly at great mouths, a kind of black substance like unto tar, which serveth all the country to make staunch their barks and boats: every one of these springs maketh a noise like unto a Smith's forge in the blowing & puffing out of this matter, which never ceaseth night nor day, and the noise may be herded a mile off continually. This vale swaloweth up all heavy things that come upon it. The people of the country call it in their language Babil gehenham, that is to say, Hell door. As we passed through these deserts, we see certain wild beasts, as wild asses all white, Roebucks, wolves, leopards, foxes, and many hares, whereof we chased and killed many. Aborise the king of the wandering Arabians in these deserts, hath a duty of 40. s. sterling, upon every Camel's load, which he sendeth his officers to receive of the Caravans, and in consideration hereof, he taketh upon him to conduct the said Caravans if they need his help, and to defend them against certain prowling thieves. I and my companion William Shales came to Aleppo with the Caravan the eleventh of june, 1584. where we were joyfully received 20. miles distant from the town by M. William Barret our Consul, William Barret Consul in Aleppo. M. Wil Barret. accompanied with his people and janissaries, who fallen sick immediately and departed this life within 8. days after, and elected before his death M. Anthony Bate Consul of our English nation in his place, who laudably supplied the same room 3. years. In which mean time, I made two voyages more unto Babylon, Two voyages more made to Babylon. and returned by the way aforesaid, over the deserts of Arabia. And afterwards, as one desirous to see other parts of the country, I went from Aleppo to Antioch, which is thence 60. English miles, and from thence went down to Tripoli, where going aboard a small vessel, I arrived at joppes, and traveled to Rama, Lycia, Gaza, jerusalem, Bethleem, to the river of jordan, and the sea or lake of Zodome, and returned back to joppes, & from thence by sea to Tripoli, of which places because many others have published large discourses, I surcease to writ. Within few days after embarking myself at Tripoli the 22. of December, I arrived (God be thanked) in safety here in the river of Thames with divers English merchants, the 26. of March, 1588., in the Hercules of London, which was the richest ship of English merchants goods that ever was known to come into this realm. The money and measures of Babylon, Balsara, and the Indies, with the customs, etc. written from Aleppo in Syria, An. 1584. by M. Will. Barret. BABYLON: The weight, measure, and money currant there, and the customs of merchandise. A Mana of Babylon is of Aleppo I rove 5 ounces and a half: and 68 manas and three seventh parts, make a quintal of Aleppo, which is 494 li. 8 ounces of London: and 100 manas is a quintal of Babylon, which maketh in Aleppo 146 roves, and of London 722 li. and so much is the said quintal: but the merchants accord is by so much the mana, and in the said place they bate the tare in all sorts of commodities, according to the order of Aleppo touching the tare. The measure of Babylon is greater than that of Aleppo 21 in the 100 For bringing 100 pikes of any measurable ware from Aleppo thither, there is found but 82 pikes in Babylon, so that the 100 pikes of Babylon is of Aleppo 121 pikes, very little less. The currant money of Babylon are Says, which Say is 5 medines, as in Aleppo, and 40 medines being 8 Says make a ducat currant, and 47 medines pass in value as the ducat of gold of Venice, and the dollars of the best sort are worth 33 medines. The royals of plate are sold by the 100 drams at prize, according as they be in request: but amongst the merchants they bargain by the 100 metrals, which are 150 drams of Aleppo, which 150 drams are 135 single royals of plate: but in the mint or castle, they take them by the 100 drams, which is 90 royals of plate, and those of the mint give 5 medines less in each 100 drams than they are worth to be sold among the merchants, and make payment at the ●erme of 40 days in Says. The custom in Babylon, as well inward as outward, is in this manner: Small wares at 6 per 100, Coral and amber at 5 and a half per 100, Venice clot, English cloth, Kerseys, Mockairs, Chamblets, Silks, Velvets, Damasks, Satins & such like at 5 per 100: & they rate the goods without reason as they lust themselves. The Toafo, Boabo, and other exactions 6 medines per bale, all which they pay presently in ready money, according to the custom and use of the emperor. To the Ermine of the mind the ordinary use is to give 30 Says in courtesy, otherwise he would by authority of his office come aboard, & for despite make such search in the bark, that he would turn all things topsy-turvy. BALSARA: The weight, measure, and money in the city of Balsara. A Mana of Balsara answereth 5 roves 2 ounces & a half of Aleppo weight, & 19 manas and one 4 part of Balsara, answereth the quintal of Aleppo, which is 494 roves, 8 ounces English, and 20 manas is the quintal of Balsara, which is 104 Alepine, and of London 514 li. 8 ounces, and so much is the said quintal, but the merchants bargain at so much the mana or wolsene (which is all one) and they abate the care in every mana, as the sort of spice is, and the order taken therefore in that place. The measure of Balsara is called a pike, which is just as the measure of Babylon, to say, 100 pikes of Balsara make of Aleppo 121 pikes, ut supra in the rate of Babylon. The currant money of Balsara is as followeth. There is a sort of flusses of copper called Estivi, whereof 12 make a mamedine, which is the value of one medine Aleppine, the said mamedine is of silver, having the Moresco stamp on both sides, and two of these make a danine, which is 2 medines Aleppine. The said danine is of silver, having the Turkesco stamp on both sides, & 2 and a half of these make a Say, which is in value as the Say of Aleppo. The said Say is of the similitude and stamp of Aleppo, being (as appears) 60 estives. Also one Say and 20 estives make a larine, which is of Aleppo money 6 medines and a half. The said larine is a strange piece of money, not being round as all other currant money in Christianity, but is a small rod of silver of the greatness of the pen of a goose feather, wherewith we use to writ, and in length about one eight part thereof, which is wrested, so that the two ends mee● at the just half part, and in the head thereof is a stamp Turkesco, and these be the best currant money in all the India's, and 6 of these larines make a ducat, which is 40 medines or eight Says of Aleppo. The ducat of gold is worth there 7 larines, and one danine, which is of Aleppo money 48 medines and a half. The Venetian money is worth larines 88 per 100 meticals, which is 150 drams of Aleppo, ut supra. The royals of plate are worth 88 larines by the 100 meticals, & albeit among the merchants they sell by the 100 meticals, yet in the mint or castle, they sell by the 100 drams, having there less than the worth 5 medines in each hundred drams, and have their payment in 40 days made them in Says or larines. The custom of the said places, aswell inward as outward, are alike of all sorts of goods, to say 6 by the 100, and Toafo, Boabo, & seriu●n medines 6 by the bale inward & outward, to say, 3 inward, and as much outward: but who so leaveth his goods in the custom house payeth nothing, where otherwise at the taking thereof away, he should pay 3 med. by the bale, and of the said goods there is no other duty to pay, and this cometh to pass when the customers esteem the goods too high. For in such a case they may be driven to take so much commodity as the custom amounteth to, and not to pay them in money, for such is the order from the Grand signor. Having paid the custom, it behoveth to have a quittance or cocket sealed and firmed with the customers hand, in confirmation of the dispatch and clearing, and before departure thence, to 'cause the said customer to cause search to be made, to the end that at the voyages return there be no cavillation made, as it oftentimes happeneth. Note that 100 meticals of Balsara weigh 17 ounces and a half sottile Venetian, and of Aleppo drams 150, ut supra. The freight of the barks from Ormuz to Balsara, I would say from Balsara to Ormuz, they pay according to the greatness thereof. To say, for carriage of 10 cares 180 larines, those of 15 cares 270 larines, those of 20 cares 360 larines, those of 30 cares 540 larines. Note that a car● is 4 quintals of Balsara. They pay also to the pilot of the bark for his own carriage one care, and to all the rest of the mariners amongst them 3 cares freight, which is in the whole 4 cares, and paying the above said prizes and fraights, they are at no charges of victuals with them, but it is requisite that the same be declared in the charter party, with the condition that they lad not aboard one rotilo more than the freight, under pains that finding more in Ormuz, it is forfeit, and besides that to pay the freight of that which they have laden. And in this accord it behoveth to deal warily, and in the presence of the Ermine or some other honest man (whereof there are but few) for they are the worst people in all Arabia. And this diligence must be put in execution, to the end the barks may not be overladen, because they are to pass many sands betwixt Balsara and Ormuz. ORMUZ: The weight, measure, and money currant in the kingdom of Ormuz: SPices and drugs they weigh by the bar, and of every sort of goods the weight is different. To say, of some drugs 3 quintals, and 3 erubis or roves, and other some 4 quintals 25 rotiloes, and yet both is called a bar, which bar, as well great as little, is 20 frasol●, and every frasoli is 10 manas, and every mana 23 chiansi, and every chianso 10 meticals and a half. Note that every quintal maketh 4 erubis or roves, and every rove 32 rotiloes, & every rotilo 16 ounces, and every ounce 7 meticals, so that the quintal cometh to be 128 rotiloes, What a rotil● is. which is Aleppine 26 rotiloes and one third part, which is 132 li. english weight. And contrariwise the quintal of Aleppo (which is 494 rotiloes 8 ounces english) maketh 477 rotiloes and a half of Ormuz, which is 3 quintals 2 roves, 29 rotiloes and a half. Note that there are bars of divers weights, ut supra, of which they bargain simply, according to the sort of commodity, but if they bargain of the great bar, the same is 7 quintals and 24 rotiloes, which is 958 li. 9 ounces of London weight, and of Aleppo 193 rotiloes and a half. Touching the money of Ormuz, they bargain in merchandise at so many leches by the bar, which ●ech is 100 Asaries, and maketh larines 100 & a half, which maketh pardaos 38, & larines one half, at larines 5 by the pardao. One asarie is sadines 10, and every sadine is 100 danarie. The larine is worth 5 sadines and one fourth part, so that the sadine is worth of Aleppo many 1 medine and ● fourth part, & the larine as in Balsara worth of Aleppo money 6 medines & a half. The pardao is 5 larines of Balsara. There is also stamped in Ormuz a seraphine of gold, which is little and round, and is worth 24 sadines, which maketh 30 medines of Aleppo. The Venetian money is worth in Ormuz larines 88 per 100 meticals, & the royals are worth larines 86 less one sadine, which is every thousand meticals, 382 asures: but those that will not sell them, use to melt them, and make them so many larines in the king of Ormuz his mint, whereby they clear ● per 100, and somewhat more: and this they do because neither Venetian money nor royals run as currant in Ormuz, per advise. The measure of Ormuz is of 2 sorts, the one called codo which increaseth upon the measure of Aleppo 3 per 100, for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Aleppo to Ormuz, it is found in Ormuz to be 103 codes. Also these measures of Ormuz increase upon those of Balsara and Babylon 25 and two third parts per 100: for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Balsara or Babylon, there is found in Ormuz 125 codes and two third parts. The other measure is called a vare, which was sent from the king of Portugal to the India, by which they cell things of small value, which measure is of 5 pali●es or spans, and is one code and two third parts, so that buying 100L codes of any measurable wares, and returning to measure it by the said vare, there are found but 60 vares, contrary wise 100 va●es make 166 codes and two third parts. Note that all such ships as lad horses in Ormuz for Goa or any other place of India, lading 10 horses or upwards, in what places soever the said horses be taken a shore in the India, the merchandise which is to be discharged out of that ship wherein the said horses come, are bond to pay no custom at all, but if they lad one horse less than ten, than the goods are bond to pay the whole custom. And this law was made by Don Emanuel king of Portugal, but it is to be diligently foreseen, whither all those horses laden be bond to pay the king his custom: for many times by the king of Portugal his commandment, there is favour showed to the king of Cochin his brother in arms, so that his horses that come in the same ship, are not to answer custom. As for example: If there were 4 horses laden in one ship, all which were to pay custom to the king, and one other of the king of Cochins which were not to pay any custom, the same causeth all the merchandise of that ship to be subject to pay custom, per advise. But if they lad ten horses upon purpose to pay the king his custom in Goa, and in the voyage any of them should die in that case, if they bring the tail of the dead horse to the custom in Goa, than the merchandise is free from all custom, because they were laden in Ormuz to pay custom in Goa. Moreover, if the horses should die before the midst of the voyage, they pay no custom at all, and if they die in the mids of the voyage, than they pay half custom, but if any horse die after the mid voyage, they pay custom no less then if they arrive safe. Notwithstanding, the merchandise (whether the said horses die before or in the mid voyage or after the mid voyage) are free from all custom. The custom of Ormuz is eleven in the 100, to say, 10 for the king, and 1 for the arming of the foists: but for small wares as glasses, and looking glasses of all sorts, and such like, made for apparel, pay no custom. But clot of Wool, Kerseys, Mockaires, Chamlets, and all sorts of Silk, Saffron, and such like, pay custom, being esteemed reasonably. There is also another custom, which they call caida, which is, that one bringing his goods into Ormuz, with purpose to sand the same further into India, the same are bosid to pay 3 by the 100, but none other are bond to pay this custom, except the Armenians, Moors, and jews: for the Portugals and Venetians pay nothing thereof. Note that in Ormuz they abate ●are of all sorts of commodities, by an order observed of custom. The freight from Ormuz to Chaul, Goa, and Cochin, is as followeth: Mokaires larines 6 per table of 60 pikes. Aquariosa 8 larines by ordinary chest, raisins 10 by chest, which is a quintal of roves 128. Rwia of Chalangi larines 10 per quintal, glasses larines 8 per chest, of 4 foot and a half, glasses in great chists 14 & 15 larines by chest. Small wares larines 12 by chest of five foot. Tamari for Maschat sadines 2 and a half, and 3 by the farthel. Tamarie for Diu and Chaul 4 sadines, and 4 and a half by bale. Other drugs and things which come from Persia pay according to the greatness of the bales. The freight mentioned, they pay as appeareth, when they ship the said goods in ships where horses go: otherwise, not having horses, they pay somewhat less, because of the custom which they are to pay. The use of the India ships is, that the patrons thereof are not at any charge neither with any passenger, nor yet with any mariner in the ship, but that every one at the beginning of the voyage do furnish to maintain his own table (if he will eat) and for drink they have a great jar of water, which is guarded with great custody. GOA. The weight, measure, and money currant in Goa. THe quintal of Goa is 5 manas, and 8 larines, & the mana is 24 rotilos, so that the quintal of Goa is 128 rot. and every rot. is 16 ounces, which is of Venice weight 1 li. and a half, so that the quintal of Goa is 192 li. sotile Venice, which is 26 rotiloes 8 ounces Aleppine, and of London weight 132 li. English, as the weight of Ormuz. All the merchandise, spices and drugs, are sold by this quintal, except some drugs, as lignum de China, Galanga, & others, whereof they bargain at so much per candle, advertising that there be two sorts of candle, one of 16 manas, the other of 20 manas, that of 16 manas cometh to be just 3 quintals, and that of 20 manas, 3 quintals, 3 roves. Note that 4 ro●es make a quintal. Note that 4 roves make a quintal, and the rove is 32 rotiloes, as in Ormuz. There is also another weight which they call Marco, which is eight ounces or half a rotilo of Goa, & 9 ounces of Venice sotile: with this they weigh amber, coral, mask, ambracan, ●iuet, and other fine wares. There is also another sort of weight called Mangiallino, which is 5 grains of Venice weight and therewith they weigh diamonds and other jewels. Note that in Goa they use not to abate any tare of any goods, except of sacks or wraps, & therefore it requireth great advisement in buying of the goods, Musk of Tartary by the way of China. especially in the musk of Tartary which cometh by way of China in bladders, and so weigh it without any tare rebating. The measure of Goa is called a toad, which increaseth upon the measure of Babylon & Balsara after the rate of 17 & one eight part by the 100, so that bringing 100 pikes of any measurable ware from thence to Goa, it is found 117 pikes 7 eight parts, and bringing 100L codes from Ormuz to Goa, there is found but 93 codes and one fourth part. There is also the bore in Goa, which is just as the bore of Ormuz, and therewith they measure only things that are of small value. For the money of Goa, there is a kind of money made of lead and tin mingled, being thick and round, and stamped on the one side with the sphere or globe of the world, and on the other side two arrows & 5 rounds: and this kind of money is called Basaruchi, and 15 of these make a vin●on of naughty money, and 5 vintons make a tanga, and 4 vintenas make a tanga of base money: so that the tanga of base money is 60 basaruchies, and the tanga of good money 75 basaruchies, & 5 tangas make a seraphine of gold, which in merchandise is worth 5 tangas good money: but if one would change them into basaruchies, he may have 5 ta●gas, and 16 basaruchies, which overplus they call cerafagio, & when they bargain of the pardaw of gold, each pardaw is meant to be 6 tangas good money, but in merchandise they use not to demand pardawes of gold in Goa, except it be for jewels and horses, for all the rest they take of seraphin● of silver, per adviso. The royals of plate, I say, the royal of 8 are worth per custom & commandment of the king of Portugal 400 reys, and every r●y is one basaruchie & one fourth part, which maketh tangas 6, and 53 basaruchies as their just value, about for that the said royals are excellent silver and currant in divers places of the India, and chief in Malacca, when the ships are to departed at their due times (called Monsons') every one to have the said royals pay more than they are worth, & the overplus, as is above said they call serafagio. And first they give the just value of the 100 royals of 8, at 5 tangas 50 basaruchies a piece, which done, they give seraphins 5,6,7,8,9,10,12,15, until 22 by the 100, according as they are in request. The ducat of gold is worth 9 tangas and a half good money, and yet not stable in price, for that when the ships departed from Goa to Cochin, they pay them at 9 tangas and 3 fourth parts, and 10 tangas, and that is the most that they are worth. The larines are worth by just value basaruchies 93 and 3 fourth parts, and 4 larines make a seraphine of silver, which is 5 tangas of good money, and these also have serafagion of 6,7,8,10, until 16, by the 100, for when the ships departed for the North, to say, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, or Bassaim, all carry of the same, because it is money more currant than any other. There is also a sort of seraphins of gold of the stamp of Ormuz, whereof there are but few in Goa, but being there, they are worth five larines and somewhat more, according as they are in request. There is also another little sort of money, round, having on the one side a cross, and on the other side a crown, which is worth one half a tanga of good money, and another of the same stamp less than that which they call Imitivo de buona moneda, which is worth 18 basaruches 3 fourth parts a piece. Note that if a man bargain in merchandise, it behoveth to demand tangas of good money: for by nominating tangas only, is understood to be base money of 60 basaruches, which wanteth of the good money ut supra. The custom of Goa is 8 in the 100 inward, and as much outward, and the goods are esteemed justly rather to the merchants advantage then the kings. The custom they pay in this order. Coming with a ship from Ormuz to Goa without horses, they pay 8 in the 100 whether they cell part or all, but if they would carry of the said merchandise to any other place, they pay none other custom, except others buy it and carry it forth of the country, and then they pay it 8 in the 100 And if one having pased the custom should cell to another with composition to pass it forth as for his proper accounts to save the custom, this may not be, because the seller is put to his oath, whether he sand the goods for his own account, or for the account of any others that have bought the same, and being found to the contrary, they pay custom as abovesaid. And in this order the merchants pay of all the goods which come from any part of the Indies. But if they come from Ormuz to Goa with horses, they are not subject to pay any custom inward, notwithstanding if they sand all or any part thereof for any other place, or return it to Ormuz, they pay the custom outward, although they could not sell. They use also in Goa amongst the common sort to bargain for coals, wood, lime & such like, at so many braganines, accounting 24 basaruches for one braganine, albeit there is no such money stamped. The custom of the Portugals is, that any Moor or Gentile, of what condition or state soever he be, may not departed from Goa to go within the land, without licence of certain deputies deputed for that office, who (if they be Moors or Gentiles) do set a seal upon the arm, having thereon the arms of Portugal, to be known of the porters of the city, whether they have the said licence or no. COCHIN. The weight, measure, and money, currant in Cochin. ALl the merchandise which they cell or buy within the said city, they bargain for it at so many serafines per. quintal, which is 128. totilos of just weight with the quintal & rotilo of Goa and Ormuz: advertising that there are divers sorts of bars according to the sorts of commodities, and in trafficking, they reason at so much the bar. Note that there are bars of 3 quintals & 3 quintals and half, and 4 quintals. They abate a used tare of all merchandise, according to the sort of goods, and order taken for the same. The measure of Goa and Cochin are all one. The money of Cochin are all the same sorts which are currant in Goa, but the ducat of gold in value is 10 tangas of good money. The custom of Cochin as well inward as outward for all strangers, is eight in the hundred, but those that have been married four year in the country pay but four in the hundred, per adviso. MALACCA. The weight, measure, and money of Malacca. FOr the merchandise bought and sold in the city they reckon at so much the bar, which bar is of divers sorts, great and small, according to the ancient custom of the said city, & diversity of the goods. But for the cloves they bargain at so much the bar, which bar is 3 quintals, 2 roves and 10 rotilos. As I have abovesaid, all kind of drugs have their sorts of bars limited. Note that every quintal is 4 roves, and every rove 32 rotilos, which is 128 rotilos the quintal, the which answereth to Aleppo 95 rotilos, and to London 472 li. per quintal. The measures of Malacca are as the measures of Goa. In Malacca they abate tare according to their distinction and agreement, for that there is no just tare limited. For the money of Malacca, the lest money currant is of tin stamped with the arms of Portugal, and 12 of these make a Chazza. The Chazza is also of tin with the said arms, and 2 of these make a challaine. The Challaine is of tin with the said arms, and 40 of these make a tanga of Goa good money, but not stamped in Malacca. There is also a sort of silver money which they call Patachines', and is worth 6 tangas of good money, which is 360 reyes, and is stamped with two letters, S.T. which is S. Thomas on the one side, and the arms of Portugal on the other side. There is also a kind of money called cruzadoes stamped with the arms of Portugal, & is worth 6 tangas good money, the larines are every 9 of them worth 2 cruzadoes, which is 12 tangas good money, and these larines be of those which are stamped in Balsara and Ormuz. The royals of 8 they call Pardaos de Reales, and are worth 7 tangas of good money. The custom of Malacca is 10 in the 100 as well inward as outward, and those which pay the custom innards, if in case they sand the same goods for any other place within term of a year and a day, pay no custom for the same. A note of charges from Aleppo to Goa, as followeth. FOr camels from Aleppo to Birrha. Medines 60 per * Or, by the Camel's burden. somme● For mules from Aleppo to Birrha, med. 45. per some. For custom at Birrha, med. 10. per some. For Auania of the Cady at Birrha, med. 200. For 4 dishes raisins, and 20 pounds' soap, med. 35. For a present to the Ermine the sum of med. 400. For a bark of 30 or 35 sums. Duc. 60 is med. 2400. per bark. For meat for the men the sum of med. 200. For custom at Racca the sum of med. 5. per some. For 3 platters of raisins, and 15 pounds of soap. med. 25. For custom to king Aborissei, Duc. 20. is med. 800. For custom at Dea the sum of med. 230. per bark. For 4 dishes raisins, and 20. pounds of soap. med. 35. For custom at Bosara, the sum of med. 10. per bark. For 2 dishes raisins, and 10 pound of soap, med. 17. For custom in Anna, in 10 per sum, med. 10. per some. For 4 dishes of raisins, and 20 pound of soap, med. 35. For custom in Adieu, medines 10 per bark, med. 10. per bark. For 2 dishes raisins, and 10 pound of soap, med. 17. For custom at Gweke, med. 10. per bark. For 2 dishes raisins, and 20 pound of soap, med. 17. For custom in Ist, med. 10. per some. For 4 platters raisins, and 20 pound of soap, med. 35. Charges of presents at Felugia, med. 30. For camels from Felugia to Babylon, med. 30. per some. For custom in Babylon, as in the book appeareth. For a bark from Babylon to Balsara, med. 900. For custom of small wares, at Corno, med. 20. per some, For custom of clotheses at Corno, the sum of med. per somme● For 3 dishes raisins, and 20 pound of soap, med. 26● For freight from Balsara to Ormus, according to the greatness, as in this book appeareth. For custom in Ormus, as is abovesaid in this book. For freight from Ormus to Goa, as is in this book showed. For custom in Goa, as is abovesaid. A declaration of the places from whence the goods subscribed do come. Cloves, from Maluco, Tarenate, Amboina, by way of Ia●a. Nutmegs, from Banda. Maces from Banda, java, and Malacca. Pepper Gawrie, from Cochin. Pepper common, from Malabar. Sinnamon, from Seilan. Tin, from Malacca. Sandals wild, from Cochin. Sandales domestic, from Malacca. Uerzini, from S. Thomas, and from China● Spicknard, from Zindi, and Lahor. Quicksilver, from China. Galls, from Cambaia, Bengala, Istria & Syria. Ginger Dabulin, from Dabul. Ginger Belledin, from the Country within Cambaia. Ginger Sorattin, from Sorat within Cambaia. Ginger Mordassi, from Mordas within Cambaia. Ginger Meckin, from Mecca. Mirabolans of all sorts, from Cambaia. White sucket from Zindi, Cambaia and China Corcunia, from divers places of India. Coral of Levant, from Malabar. Chomin, from Balsara. Requitria, from Arabia Felix. Garble of Nutmegs from Banda. Sal armoniac, from Zindi and Cambaia, Zedoari, from divers places of India. Cubeb, from China. Amomum, from China. Camphora, from Brimeo near to China. Myrtha, from Arabia Felix. Costo dulce, from Zindi, and Cambaia. Borazo, from Cambaia, and Lahor. Asa fetida, from Lahor. Wax, from Bengala. Seragni, from Persia. Cassia, from Cambaia, and from Gran Cayro. Storax calamita, from Rhodes, to say, from Aneda, and Canemarie within Caramania. Storax liquida, from Rhodes. Tutia, from Persia. Cagiers, from Malabar, and Maldiva. Rwia to die withal, from Chalangi. Alumme di Rocca, from China, and Constantinople. Chopra, from Cochin and Malabar. Oppopanax, from Persian Lignum Aloes, from Cochin, China, and Malacca. Demnar, from Siacca and Blinton. Galange, from China, Chaul, Goa, & Cochin. Laccha, from Pegu, and Balaguate. Carabbe, from Almanie. Coloquintida, from Cyprus. Agaricum, from Alemania. Seamonea, from Syria, and Persia. Bdellium, from Arabia felix, and Mecca. Cardamomum small, from Barcelona. Cardamomum great, from Bengala. Tamarinda, from Balsara. Aloe Secutrina, from Secutra. Aloe Epatica, from Pat. Safran, from Balsara, and Persia. Lignum de China, from China. Rhaponticum, from Persia, and Pugia. Thus, from Secutra. Turbith, from Diu, and Cambaia. Nuts of India, from Goa, and other places of India. Nux vomica, from Malabar. Sanguis Draconis, from Secutra. Armoniago, from Persia. Spodio di Ca●a, from Cochin. Margaratina, from Balaguate. Musk from Tartary, by way of China. Ambrachan, from Melinde, and Mosambique. Indigo, from Zindi and Cambaia. Silks fine, from China. Long pepper, from Bengala and Malacca. Latton, from China. Momia, from the great Cayro. Belzuinum Mandolalo, from Sian, and Baros. Belzuinum burned, from Bonnia. Castorium, from Almania. Corallina, from the read sea. Mastic, from Sio● Mella, from Romania. Oppium, from Pugia, and Cambaia. Calamus Aromaticus, from Constantinople. Capari, from Alexandria and other places. Dates, from Arabia felix, and Alexandria, Dictamnum album, from Lombardia. Draganti, from Morea. Euphorbium, from Barbaria. Epithymum, from Candia. Sena, from Mecca. Gum Arabike, from Zaffo● Grana, from Coronto. Laudanum, from Cyprus and Candia. Lapis lazzudis, from Persian Lapis Zudassi, from Zaffetto. Lapis Spongij is found in sponges. Lapis Haematites, from Almanie. Manna, from Persia. Auripigmentum, from many places of Turkey. Pilatro, from Barbaria. Pistaches, from Doria. Wormseed, from Persia. Sumack, from Cyprus. Sebesten, from Cyprus. Galbanum, from Persia. Dente d'Abolio, from Melinde, and Mosambique. Folium Indicum, from Goa, and Cochin. Diasprum viride, from Cambaia. Petra Bezzuar, from Tartary. Sarcacolla, from Persia. Melleghete, from the West parts. Sugo di Requillicie, from Arabia felix. Chochenillo, from the West India. Rhubarb, from Persia, and China. The times or seasonable winds called Monsons', wherein the ships departed from place to place in the East Indies. NOte, that the City of Goa is the principal place of all the oriental India, and the winter there beginneth the 15 of May with very great rain, and so continueth till the first of August, so that during that space, no ship can pass over the bar of Goa, because through the continual showers of rain all the sands join together near unto a mountain called Oghane, and all these sands being joined together, run into the shoals of the bar and port of Goa, and can have no other issue, but to remain in that port, and therefore it is shut up until the first of August, but at the 10 of August it openeth by reason of the rain which ceaseth, and the sea doth then scour the sands away again. The monson from Goa to the Northward, to say, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, Daman, Basaim, and other places. The ships departed betwixt the tenth and 24 of August, for the Northward places abovesaid, and to these places they may sail all times of the year, except in the winter, which beginneth and endeth at the times abovesaid. The monson from the North parts, for Goa. The ships departed from Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, and other places Northwards for Goa, betwixt the 8 and 15 of januarie, and come to Goa about the end of February. The first monson from Diu for the strait of Mecca. The ships departed from Diu about the 15 of januarie, and return from the straits to Diu in the month of August. The second monson from Diu for the strait of Mecca. The ships departed betwixt the 25 and first● of September, and return from the straits to Diu, the first and 15 of May. The monson from Secutra for Ormus. The ships departed about the tenth of August for Ormus: albeit Secutra is an Island and hath but few ships, which departed as abovesaid. The monson wherein the Moors of the firm land come to Goa. About the fifteenth of September the Moors of the firm land begin to come to Goa, and they come from all parts, as well from Balaguate, Bezenegar, as also from Sudalcan, and other places. The monson wherein the Moors of the firm land departed from Goa. They depart from Goa betwixt the 10 and 15 day of November. Note that by going for the North is meant the departing from Goa, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, Daman, Basaim, Ghassain, and other places unto Zindi: and by the South is understood, departing from Goa, for Cochin, and all that coast unto Cape Comori. The first monson from Goa for Ormus. The ships departed in the month of October from Goa, for Ormus, passing with Easterly winds along the coast of Persia. The second monson from Goa to Ormus. The ships departed about the 20 of januarie passing by the like navigation and winds as in the first monson, and this is called of the Portugals and Indians Entremonson. The third monson from Goa to Ormus. The ships departed betwixt the 25 of March, and 6 of April, having Easterly winds, till they pass Secutra, and then they found Westerly winds, and therefore they set their course over for the coast of Arabia, till they come to Cape Rasalgate and the Strait of Ormus, and this monson is most troublesome of all: for they make two navigations in the height of Seylan, which is 6 degrees and somewhat lower. The first monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa. The ships departed from Ormus for Chaul, and Goa in the month of September, with North● and Northeast winds. The second monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa. The second monson is betwixt the five and twenty and last of December, with like winds as the former monson. The third monson from Ormus for Chaul, and Goa. The third monson the ships departed from Ormus, for Chaul and Goa, betwixt the first and 15 of April, and they sail with Southeast winds, East and Northeast winds, coasting upon the Arabia side from Cape Mosandon unto Cape Rasalgate, and having lost the sight of Cape Rasalgate, they have Westerly winds, and so come for Chaul and Goa, and if the said ships departed not before the 25 of April, they are not then to departed that monson, but to winter in Ormus because of the winter. The first monson from Ormus for Zindi. The ships departed for Ormus betwixt the 15 and 20 of Apri●l. The second monson from Ormus for Zindi. The ships departed betwixt the 10 and 20 of October for Zindi from Ormus. The monson from Ormus for the read sea. The ships departed from Ormus betwixt the first and last of januarie. Hitherto I have noted the monsons of the ships departing from Goa to the Northward: Now follow the monsons wherein the ships departed from Goa to the Southward. ¶ The monson from Goa for Calicut, Cochin, Seilan, and all that coast. THe ships departed from those places betwixt the 1 and 15 of August, and there they found it navigable all the year except in the winter, which continueth as is aforesaid, Note. from the 15 of May till the 10 of August. In like manner the ships come from these places for Goa at every time in the year except in the winter, but of all other the best time is to come in November, December and january. The first monson from Goa, for Pegu. The ships departed from Goa, betwixt the 15 and 20 of April, and winter at S. Thomas, and after the 5 of August, they departed from S. Thomas for Pegu. The second monson from Goa for Pegu. The ships departed from Goa betwixt the 8 and 24 of August, going strait for Pegu, and if they pass the 24 of August, they cannot pass that monson, neither is there any more monsons till April as is aforesaid. Note that the chiefest trade is, to take money of S. Thomas rials, and patechoni, Merchandise good for Pegu. and to go to S. Thomas, and there to buy Tellami, which is fine clot of India, whereof there is great quantity made in Coromandel, and brought thither, and other merchandise are not good for that place except some dozen of very fair Emeralds oriental. For of gold, silver, and Rubies, there is sufficient store in Pegu. The monson from Pegu for the Indies. The ships departed from Pegu betwixt the 15 and 25 of januarie, and come to Goa about the 25 of March, or in the beginning of April. Note, that if it pass the 10 of May before the said ships be arrived in Goa, they cannot come thither that monson, and if they have not then fet the coast of India, they shall with great peril fetch S. Thomas. The first monson from Goa for Malacca. The ships departed betwixt the 15 and last of September, and arrive in Malacca about the end of October. The second monson from Goa to Malacca. The ships departed about the 5 of May from Goa, and arrive in Malacca about the 15 of june. The first monson from Malacca to Goa. The ships departed about the 10 of September, and come to Goa about the end of October. The second monson from Malacca to Goa. The ships departed from Malacca about the 10 of February, and come to Goa about the end of March. But if the said ships should stay till the 10 of May, they cannot enter into Goa, and if at that time also they should not be arrived at Cochin, they are forced to return to Malacca, because the winter and contrary winds then come upon them. The monson from Goa for China. The ships departed from Goa in the month of April. The monson from China for Goa. The ships departed to be the 10 of May in Goa, and being not then arrived, they turn back to Cochin, and if they cannot fetch Cochin, they return to Malacca. The monson from Goa to the Moluccaes. The ships departed about the 10 or 15 of May, which time being past, the ships can not pass over the bar of Goa for the cause abovesaid. The monson of the ships of the Moluccaes arrival in Goa. The ships which come from the Moluccaes arrive upon the bar of Goa about the 15 of April. The monsons of the Portugal ships for the Indies. The ships which come from Portugal departed thence ordinarily betwixt the tenth & fifteenth of March, coming the strait way during the month of july to the coast of Melinde, and Mosambique, Note. and from thence go strait for Goa, and if in the month of july they should not be at the coast of Melinde, they can in no wise that year fetch Melinde, but return to the Isle of Saint Helena, and so are not able, that time being past, to fetch the coast of India, and to come strait for Goa. Therefore (as is abovesaid) they return to the Island of Saint Helena, and if they cannot make the said Island, than they run as lost upon the coast of Guinea: but if the said ships be arrived in time upon the coast of Melinde, they set forwards for Goa, and if by the fifteenth of September they cannot fetch Goa, they then go for Cochin, but if they see they cannot fetch Cochin, they return to Mosambique to winter there upon the said coast. Albeit in the year of our Lord 1580 there arrived the ship called San Lorenzo, Note. being wonderful sore seabeaten, the eight of October, which was accounted as a miracle for that the like had not been seen before. The monson from India for Portugal. The ships departed from Cochin between the fifteenth and last of january, going on till they have sight of Capo de buona speranza, and the Isle of Saint Helena, which Island is about the midway, being in sixteen degrees to the South. And it is a little Island being fruitful of all things which a man can imagine, with great store of fruit: and this Island is a great succour to the shipping which return for Portugal. And not long since the said Island was found by the Portugals, and was discovered by a ship that came from the Indies in a great storm, in which they found such abundance of wild beasts, and boars, and all sort of fruit, that by means thereof that poor ship which had been four months at sea, refreshed themselves both with water and meat very well, and this Island they called S. Helena, because it was discovered upon S. Helen's day. And undoubtedly this Island is a great succour, and so great an aid to the ships of Portugal, that many would surely perish if that help wanted. And therefore the king of Portugal caused a Church to be made there for devotion of S. Helena: where there are only resident Eremits, and all other are forbidden to inhabit there by the king's commandment, to the end that the ships may be the more sufficiently furnished with victuals, because the ships which come from India come but slenderly victualled, Note. because there groweth no corn there, neither make they any wine: but the ships which come from Portugal to the Indies touch not in the said Island, because they set out being sufficiently furnished with bread and water from Portugal for eight months voyage. Any other people than the two Eremites abovesaid, cannot inhabit this Island, except some sick man that may be set there a shore to remain in the Eremites company, for his help and recovery. The monson from Goa to Mosambique. The ships departed betwixt the 10 and 15 of januarie. The monson from Mosambique to Goa. The ships departed between the 8 and last of August, and arrive in Chaul or Goa in the month of October, till the 15 of November. The monson from Ormus to Bengala. The ships departed betwixt the 15 and 20 of june, and go to winter at Teve and departed thence about the 15 of August for Bengala. The voyage passed by sea into Egypt, by john Euesham Gentleman. Anno 1586. THe 5 of December 1586 we departed from Gravesend in the T●ger of London, wherein was Master under God for the voyage Robert Rickman, and the 21. day at night we came to the Isle of Wight: departing from thence in the morning following we had a fair wind, so that on the 27 day we came in sight of the rock of Lisbon, and so sailing along we came in sight of the South Cape, the 29 of the same, and on the morrow with a Westerly wind we entered the straits: and the second of january being as high as Cape de Gate, we departed from our fleet towards Argier. And the 4 day we arrived at the port of Argier aforesaid, where we stayed till the first of March. At which time we set sail towards a place called Tunis, to the Eastward of Argier 100 leagues, where we arrived the 8 of the same. This Tunis is a small city up 12 miles from the sea, Tunis. and at the port or road where shipping do ride, is a castle or fort called Goletta, sometimes in the hands of the Christians, but now of the Turks: at which place we remained till the third of April: at which time we set sail towards Alexandria, and having sometime fair winds, sometime contrary, we passed on the 12 day between Sicilia and Malta (where near adjoining hath been the fort and hold of the knights of the Rhodes) and so the 19 day we fallen with the Isle of Candy, and from thence to Alexandria, where we arrived the 27 of April, and there continued till the 5 of October. The said city of Alexandria is an old thing decayed or ruinated, The description of Alexandria. having been a fair and great city near two miles in length, being all vaunted underneath for provision of fresh water, which water cometh thither but once every year, out of one of the four rivers of paradise (as it is termed) called Nilus, which in September floweth near eighteen foot upright higher than his accustomed manner, and so the bank being cut, as it were a sluice, about thirty miles from Alexandria, at a town called Rossetto, it doth so come to the said City, with such abundance, that barks of twelve tun do come upon the same water, which water doth fill all the va●ts, cisterns, and wells in the said City, with very good water, and doth so continued good, till the next year following: for they have there very little rain or none at all, yet have they exceeding great dews. Also they have very good corn, and very plentiful: all the Country is very hot, especially in the months of August, September, and October. Also within the said City there is a pillar of Marble, called by the Turks, King Pharaoes' needle, & it is four square, every square is twelve foot, and it is in height 90 foot. Also there is without the walls of the said City, about twenty score paces, another marble pillar, being round, called Pompey his pillar: this pillar standeth upon a great square stone, every square is fifteen foot, and the same stone is fifteen foot high, and the compass of the pillar is 37 foot, and the height of it is 101 feet, which is a wonder to think how ever it was possible to set the said pillar upon the said square stone. The port of the said City is strongly fortified with two strong Castles, and one other Castle within the city, being all very well planted with munition: and there is to the Eastward of this City, about three days journey the city of Grand Cayro, Cayro. otherwise called Memphis: it hath in it by report of the registers books which we did see, to the number of 2400 Churches, and is wonderfully populous, and is one days journey about the walls, which was journeyed by one of our Mariners for trial thereof. Also near to the said city there is a place called the Pyramids, being, as I may well term it, one of the nine wonders of the world: that is, seven several places of flint and marble stone, four square, the walls thereof are seven yards thick in those places that we did see: the squareness is in length about twenty score every square, being built as it were a pointed diamond, broad at the foot, and small or narrow at the top: the height of them, to our judgement, doth surmount twice the height of Paul's steeple: within the said Pyramids, no man doth know what there is, for that they have no entrance but in the one of them, there is a hole where the brickwall is broken, and so we went in there, having torchlight with us, for that it hath no light to it, and within the same, is as it were a great hall, in the which there is a costly tomb, which tomb they say, was made for king Pharaoh in his life time, but he was not buried there, being drowned in the read sea: also there are certain faults or dungeons, which go down very deep under those Pyramids with fair stairs, but no man dare venture to go down into them, by reason that they can carry no light with them, for the damp of the earth doth put out the light: the read sea is but three days journey from this place, and jerusalem about seven days journey from thence: but to return to Cayro. There is a Castle wherein is the house that Pharaoes' wives were kept in, and in the Palace or Court thereof stand 55 marble pillars, in such order, as our Exchange standeth in London: the said pillars are in height 60 foot, and in compass 14 foot: also in the said City is the castle where joseph was in prison, where to this day they put in rich men, when the king would have any sum of money of them: there are seven gates to the said prison, and it goeth near fifty yards down right: also, the water that serveth this castle, cometh out of the foresaid river of Nilus, upon a brickwall made with arches, five miles long, and it is twelve foot thick. Also there are in old Cayro two Monasteries, the one called S. George's, the other S. Maries: & in the Courts where the Churches be, was the house of king Pharaoh. In this City is great store of merchandise, especially pepper, and nutmegs, which come thither by land, out of the East India: and it is very plentiful of all manner of victuals, especially of bread, roots, and herbs: to the Eastwards of Cayro, there is a Well, five miles off, called Matria, and as they say, when the Virgin Marie fled from Bethleem, and came into Egypt, and being there, had neither water, nor any other thing to sustain them, by the providence of God, an Angel came from heaven, and strake the ground with his wings, where presently issued out a fountain of water: and the brickwall did open where the Israelites did hide themselves, which fountain or well is walled four square till this day. Also we were at an old City, all ruinated and destroyed, called in old time, the great City of Carthage where Hannibal and Queen Dido dwelled: Carthage. this City was but narrow, but was very long: for there was, and is yet to be seen, one street three mile long, to which City fresh water was brought upon arches (as afore) above 25 miles, of which arches some are standing to this day. Also we were at divers other places on the coast, as we came from Cayro, but of other antiquities we see but few. The town of Argier which was our first and last port, Argier. within the straits standeth upon the side of an hill, close upon the seashore: it is very strong both by sea and land, and it is very well victualled with all manner of fruits, bread and fish good store, and very cheap. It is inhabited with Turks, Moors, and jews, and so are Alexandria and Cayro. In this town are a great number of Christian captives, whereof there are of Englishmen only fifteen, from which port we set sail towards England, the seventh of januarie, Anno 1587., and the 30 day of the said month, we arrived at Dartmouth on the coast of England. The second voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey, to the Cities of Alexandria, and Cayro in Egypt. Anno 1586. I Embarked myself at Bristol, in the Hercules, a good ship of London, and set sail the 21 day of February, about ten of the clock in the morning, having a merry wind: but the 23 day, there arose a very great storm, and in the mids of it we descried a small boat of the burden of ten tons, with four men in her, in very great danger, who called a main for our help. Whereupon our Master made towards them, and took them into our ship, and let the boat, which was laden with timber, and appertained to Chepstow, to run a drift. The same night about midnight arose another great storm, but the wind was large with us, until the 27 of the same month, which then grew somewhat contrary: yet notwithstanding we held on our course, and the tenth day of March, we descried a sail about Cape Sprat, which is a little on this side the straight of Gibraltare, but we spoke not with her. The next day we descried twelve sail more, with whom we thought to have spoken, to have learned what they were, but they made very fast away, and we gave them over. Thursday the 16 of March, we had sight of the straits, and of the coast of Barbary. The 18 day we passed them, and sailed towards Patras. Upon the 23 of March, we met with the Centurion of London which came from Genoa, by whom we sent letters to England, and the four men also which we took in, upon the coast of England, before mentioned. Goleta. The 29 of March we came to Goleta a small Island, and had sight of two ships, which we judged to be of England. Malta. Tuesday the fourth of April, we were before Malta, and being there becalmed, our Master caused the two ship boats to be had out, and they towed the ship, till we were out of sight of the Castle of Malta. The 9 day of April we came to Zante, Zante. and being before the town, William Aldridge, servant to Master Thomas Cordall of London, came aboard us, with whom our Master and twelve more of our company, thought to have go on shore, but they could not be permitted: so we all came aboard again, and went to Patras, Patras. where we arrived upon good Friday, and lay there with good entertainment at the English house, where was the Consul Master Grimes, Ralph Ashley, and john Doddington, who very kindly went with us, and showed us the pleasures of the town. They brought us to the house of the Cady, who was made then to understand of the 20 Turks that we had aboard, which were to go to Constantinople, being redeemed out of captivity, by sir Francis Drake in the West Indies, and brought with him into England, and by order of the Queen's Majesty sent now into their Country. Whereupon the Cady commanded them to be brought before him, that he might see them: and when he had talked with them, and understood how strangely they were delivered, he marveled much, and admired the Queen's Majesty of England, who being but a woman, is notwithstanding of such power and renown amongst all the princes of Christendom, with many other honourable words of commending her Majesty. So he took the names of those 20. Turks, and recorded them in their great books, to remain in perpetual memory. After this, our foresaid countrymen brought me to the Chapel of S. Andrew, where his tomb or sepulchre is, and the board upon which he was beheaded, which board is now so rotten, that if any man offer to cut it, it falls to powder, yet I brought some of it away with me. Upon Tuesday in Easter week, we set out towards Zante again, and the 24. of April with much ado, we were all permitted to come on shore, and I was carried to the English house in Zante, where I was very well entertained. The commodities of Zante are Currans and oil: the situation of the Town is under a very great hill, upon which standeth a very strong Castle, which commandeth the Town. At Zante we took in a Captain and 16. soldiers, with other passengers. We departed from Zante upon Tuesday the 15. of April, and the next day we ankered at a small Island, called Strivalia, Strivalia. which is desolate of people, saving a few religious men, who entertained us well, without taking any money: but of courtesy we bestowed somewhat upon them for their maintenance, and then they gave us a couple of lean sheep, which we carried aboard. The last day of April, we arrived at Candie, Candie. at a Castle, called Sowday, where we set the Captain, Soldiers, and Mariners ashore, which we took in at Zante, with all their carriage. The second day of May we set sail again, May. and the fourth day came to the Islands of Milo, The Islands of Milo, in old time called Sporades. where we ankered, and found the people there very courteous, and took in such necessaries as we wanted. The Islands are in my judgement a hundred in number, and all within the compass of a hundred miles. The 11. day, the Chaus, which is the greatest man there in authority, for certain offences done in a little Chapel by the water side, which they said one of our ship had done, and imputed it to me, because I was seen go into it three days before, came to us, and made much a do; so that we were feign to come out of our ship armed: but by three pieces of gold the brabbling was ended, and we came to our ship. This day we also set sail, and the next day passed by the Castle of Serpeto, which is an old ruinated thing, and standeth under a hills side. The 13. day, we passed by the Island of Paris, and the Island of the banks of Helicon, and the Island called Ditter, where are many boars, and the women be witches. The same day also we passed by the Castle of Tino, standing upon a very high mountain, and near unto it is the Island of Diana. The 15. of May, we came to Sio, Sio. where I stayed thirty and three days. In it is a very proper Town, after the building of that Country, and the people are civil: and while we were here, there came in six Galleys, which had been at Alexandria, and one of them which was the Admiral, had a Prince of the Moors prisoner, whom they took about Alexandria, and they meant to present him to the Turk. The town standeth in a valley, and a long the water side pleafantly. There are about 26. windmills about it, and the commodities of it are cotton wool, cotton yarn, mastic, and some other drugs. As we remained at Sio, there grew a great controversy between the mariners of the Hercules, and the Greeks of the Town of Sio, about the bringing home of the Turks, which the Greeks took in ill part, and the boys cried out, Vive el Re Philippe: whereupon our men beat the boys, and threw stones, and so a broil began, and some of our men were hurt: but the Greeks were fetched out of their houses, and manacled together with irons, and threatened to the Galleys: about forty of them were sent to the prison, and what become of them, when we were go, we know not, for we went thence within two days after, which was the 19 of june. The 20. day we passed by the Island of Singonina, Singonina. an Island risen by the casting of stones in that place: the substance of the ground there is brimstone, and burneth sometimes so much, that it bloweth up the rocks. The 24. of june we came to Cyprus, and had sight in the way of the aforesaid six Galleys, that came from Alexandria, one whereof came unto us, and required a present for himself, and for two of the other Galleys, which we for quietness sake gave them. The 27. of june, we came to Tripoli, where I stayed till the fift of july, and then took passage in a small bark called a Caramusalin, which was a passage boat, and was bond for Bichieri, thirteen miles on this side Alexandria, which boat was freighted with Turks, Moors, and jews. The 20. day of july, this bark which I passed in ran upon a rock, and was in very great danger, so that we all began some to be ready to swim, some to leap into the ship boat, but it pleased God to set us quickly off the rock, and without much harm. ●ichi●ri. The 28. of july I came to Bichieri, where I was well entertained of a jew which was the Customer there, giving me muscadine, and drinking water himself: having broken my fast with him, he provided me a Camel for my carriage, and a Mule for me to ride upon, and a Moor to run by me to the City of Alexandria, who had charge to see me safe in the English house, The English house in Alexan●●i●. whither I came, but found no Englishmen there: but then my guide brought me aboard a ship of Alderman Martins, called the Tiger of London, where I was well received of the Master of the said ship, whose name was Thomas Rickman, and of all the company. The said Master having made me good cheer, and made me also to drink of the water of Nilus, having the keys of the English house, went thither with me himself, & appointed me a fair chamber, and left a man with me to provide me all things that I needed, and every day came himself to me, and carried me into the City, and showed me the monuments thereof, which be these. The monuments of Alexandria. He brought me first to Pompey his pillar, which is a mighty thing of grey marble, and all of one stone, in height by estimation above 52. yards, and the compass about six fathom. The City hath three gates, one called the gate of Barbaria, the other of Merina, and the third of Rossetto. He brought me to a stone in the street of the City, whereupon S. Mark was beheaded: to the place where S. Katherine died, having there hide herself, because she would not marry: also to the Bath of S. Katherine. I see there also pharao's needle, which is a thing in height almost equal with Pompey's pillar, and is in compass five fathom, and a half, and all of one stone. I was brought also to a most brave and dainty Bath, where we washed ourselves: the Bath being of marble, and of very curious workmanship. The City standeth upon great arches, or vaults, like unto Churches, with mighty pillars of marble, to hold up the foundation: which arches are built to receive the water of the river of Nilus, which is for the use of the City. It hath three Castles, and a hundred Churches: but the part that is destroyed of it, is si●e times more than that part which standeth. Ros●etto. The last day of july, I departed from Alexandria towards Cayro in a passage boat, wherein first I went to Rossetto, standing by the river side, having 13. or 14. great churches in it, their building there is of stone and brick, but as for lodging, there is little, except we bring it with us. From Rossetto we passed along the river of Nilus, which is so famous in the world, twice as broad as the Thames at London: on both sides grow date trees in great abundance. The people be rude, insomuch that a man cannot travail without a janisary to conduct him. The Turke● Lent. The time that I stayed in Egypt was the Turks and Moors Lent, in all which time they burn lamps in their churches, as many as may hung in them: their Lent endureth 40. days, and they have three Lents in the year: during which time they neither eat nor drink in the day time, but all the night they do nothing else. Betwixt Rossetto and Cayro there are along the water side three hundred cities and towns, and the length of the way is not above three hundred miles. C●yro. To this famous City of Cayro I came the fift day of August, where I found M. William Alday, and William Caesar, who entertained me in very good sort. M. Caesar brought me to see the Pyramids which are three in number, one whereof king Pharaoh made for his own tomb, the tomb itself is almost in the top of it: the monuments be high and in form 4. square, and every of the squares is as long as a man may shoot a roving arrow, and as high as a Church, I saw also the ruins of the City of Memphis hard by those Pyramids. The house of joseph is yet standing in Cayro, which is a sumptuous thing, having a place to walk in of 56. mighty pillars, all gilt with gold, but I see it not, being then lame. The 11. day of August the land was cut at Cayro, to let in the water of the river of Nilus, which was done with great joy and triumph. The 12. of August I set from Cayro towards Alexandria again, and came thither the 14. of August. The 26. day there was kept a great feast of the Turks and Moors, which lasted two days, and for a day they never ceased shooting off of great Ordinance. The English Consul a● A●gier. From Alexandria I sailed to Argier, where I lay with M. Typton Consul of the English nation, who used me most kindly, and at his own charge. He brought me to the king's Court, and into the presence of the King, to see him, and the manners of the Court: the King doth only bear the name of a King, but the greatest government is in the hands of the soldiers. The king of Potanca is prisoner in Argier, who coming to Constantinople, to acknowledge a duty to the great Turk, was betrayed by his own nephew, who written to the Turk, that he went only as a spy, by that means to get his kingdom. I herded at Argier of seven Galleys that were at that time cast away at a town called Formentera: three of them were of Argier, the other four were the Christians. We found here also 13. Englishmen, which were by force of weather put into the bay of Tunis, where they were very ill used by the Moors, who forced them to leave their bark: whereupon they went to the Council of Argier, to require a redress and remedy for the injury. They were all belonging to the ship, called the Golden Noble of London, whereof Master Bird is owner. The Master was Stephen Haselwood, and the Captain Edmond Bence. The third day of December, the pinnace called the Moonshine of London, came to Argier with a prize, which they took upon the coast of Spain, laden with sugar, hides, and ginger: the pinnace also belonging to the Golden Noble: and at Argier they made sale both of ship and goods, where we left them at our coming away, which was the seventh day of januarie: and the first day of February, I landed at Dartmouth, and the seventh day came to London, with humble thanks to Almighty God, for my safe arrival. A true report of a worthy fight, performed in the voyage from Turkey, by five Ships of London, against 11. Galleys, and two Frigates of the King of Spain's, at Pantalarea within the Straitss, Anno, 1586. Written by Philip jones. THe Merchants of London, being of the incorporation of the Turkey trade, having received intelligences, and advertisements, from time to time, that the King of Spain grudging at the prosperity of this kingdom, had not only of late arrested all English ships, bodies, and goods, in Spain, but also maligning the quiet traffic which they used to and in the dominions, and provinces, under the obedience of the Great Turk, had given order to the Captains of his galleys in the Levant, to hinder the passage of all English ships, and to endeavour by their best means, to intercept, take, and spoil them, their people, and goods: they hereupon thought it their best course to set out their fleet for Turkey, in such strength and ability for their defence, that the purpose of their Spanish enemy might the better be prevented, and the voyage accomplished with greater security to the men and ships. For which cause, five tall, and stout ships, appertaining to London, and intending only a merchants voyage, were provided and furnished with all things belonging to the Seas; The names whereof were these: 1. The Merchant Royal, a very brave and good ship, and of great reports 2. The Toby. 3. The Edward Bonaventure. 4. The William, and john. 5. The Susan. These five departing from the coast of England, in the month of November 1585. kept together as one fleet, till they came as high as the Isle of Sicily, within the Levant. And there, according to the order and direction of the voyage, each ship began to take leave of the rest, and to separate himself, setting his course for the particular port, whereunto he was bound: one for Tripoli in Syria, another for Constantinople, the chief City of the Turks Empire, situated upon the coast of Romania, called of old, Thracia, and the rest to those places, whereunto they were privately appointed. But before they divided themselves, they altogether consulted, of and about a certain and special place for their meeting again after the lading of their goods at their several ports. And in conclusion, the general agreement was to meet at Zante, an Island near to the main continent of the West part of Morea, well known of all the Pilots, & thought to be the fittest place of their Rendezvous. Concerning which meeting, it was also covenanted on each side, and promised, that whatsoever ship of these 5. should first arrive at Zante, should there stay and expect the coming of the rest of the fleet, for the space of twenty days. This being done, each man made his best haste according as wind and wether would serve him to fulfil his course, and to dispatch his business; and no need was there to admonish or encourage any man, seeing no time was ill spent, nor opportunity omitted on any side, in the performance of each man's duty, according to his place. It fallen out that the Toby which was bond for Constantinople had made such good speed, and got such good weather, that she first of all the rest came back to the appointed place of Zante, and not forgetting the former conclusion, did there cast anchor, attending the arrival of the rest of the fleet, which accordingly (their business first performed) failed not to keep promise. The first next after the Toby was the Royal Merchant, which together with the William and john came from Tripoli in Syria, and arrived at Zante within the compass of the foresaid time limited. These ships in token of the joy on all parts conceived for their happy me●ting, spared not the discharging of their Ordinance, the sounding of drums & trumpets, the spreading of Ensigns with other warlike and joyful behaviours, expressing by these outward signs, the inward gladness of their minds, being all as ready to join together in mutual consent to resist the cruel enemy, as now in sporting manner they made mirth and pastime among themselves. These three had not been long in the haven, but the Edward Bonaventure also, together with the Susan her consort, were come from Venice with their lading, the sight of whom increased the joy of the rest, and they no less glad of the presence of the others, saluted them in most friendly and kind sort, according to the manner of the Seas: and whereas some of these ships sloode at that instant in some want of victuals, they were all content to stay in the port, till the necessities of each ship were supplied, and nothing wanted to set out for their return. In this port of Zante the news was fresh and currant, of several armies and fleets provided by the king of Spain, and lying in wait to intercept them: the one consisting of 30. strong Galleys, so well appointed in all respects for the war, that no necessary thing wanted: and this fleet hovered about the Straitss of Gibraltar. The other army had in it 20. Galleys, whereof some were of Sicily, and some of the Island of Malta, under the charge and government of john Andrea Dorea, a Captain of name serving the king of Spain. These two divers and strong fleets waited and attended in the Seas for none, but the English ships, and no doubt made their account and sure reckoning that not a ship should escape their fury. And the opinion also of the inhabitants of the Isle of Zante was, that in respect of the number of Galleys in both these armies, having received such straight commandment from the king, our ships and men being but few, and little in comparison of them, it was a thing in human reason impossible, that we should pass either without spoiling, if we resisted, or without composition at the lest, and acknowledgement of duty to the Spanish king. But it was neither the report of the attendance of these armies, nor the opinions of the people, nor any thing else, that could daunt or dismay the courages of our men, who grounding themselves upon the goodness of their cause, and the promise of God, to be delivered from such as without reason sought their destruction, carried resolute minds, notwithstanding all impediments to adventure through the Seas, and to finish their Navigation, maugre the beards of the Spanish soldiers. But lest they should seem too careless, and too secure of their estate, and by laying the whole and entire burden of their safety upon God's providence, should foolishly presume altogether of his help, and neglect the means which was put into their hands, they failed not to enter into counsel among themselves, and to deliberate advisedly for their best defence. And in the end with general consent, the Merchant Royal was appointed Admiral of the fleet, and the Toby Uiceadmiral, by whose orders the rest promised to be directed, and each ship vowed not to break from another, whatsoever extremity should fall out, but to stand to it to the death, for the honour of their Country, and the frustrating of the hope of the ambitious and proud enemy. Thus in good order they left Zante and the Castle of Graecia, and committed themselves again to the Seas, and proceeded in their course and voyage in quietness, without sight of any enemy, till they came near to Pantalarea, an Island so called, betwixt Sicily, and the coast of Africa: into sight whereof they came the 13. day of july 1586. And the same day in the morning about 7. of the clock they descried 13. sails in number, which were of the Galleys, lying in wait of purpose for them, in and about that place. As soon as the English ships had spied them, they by and by according to a common order, made themselves ready for a fight, laid out their Ordinance, scoured, charged, and primed them, displayed their ensigns, and left nothing undone to arm themselves thoroughly. In the mean time, the Galleys more and more approached the ships, and in their banners there appeared the arms of the Isles of Sicilia, and Malta being all as then in the service and pay of the Spaniard. Immediately, both the Admirals of the Galleys sent from each of them a frigate, to the Admiral of our English ships, which being come near them, the Sicilian frigate first hailed them, and demanded of them whence they were? They answered that they were of England, the arms whereof appeared in their colours. Whereupon the said frigate expostulated with them, and asked why they delayed to send or come with their Captains and pursers to Don Pedro de Leiva their General, to acknowledge their duty and obedience to him in the name of the Spanish king, Lord of those seas? Our men replied, and said, that they owed no such duty nor obedience to him, and therefore would acknowledge none, but commanded the frigate to departed with that answer, and not to stay longer a brabbling, upon her peril. With that away she went, and up comes toward them the other frigate of Malta, and she in like sort hailed the Admiral, and would needs know whence they were, and where they had been. Our Englishmen in the Admiral, not disdaining an answer, told them that they were of England, Merchants of London, had been at Turkey, and were now returning home: and to be requited in this case, they also demanded of the frigate whence she and the rest of the Galleys were: the messenger answered, we are of Malta, and for mine own part my name is Cavallero. These Galleys are in service and pay to the king of Spain, under the conduct of Don Pedro de Leiva a noble man of Spain, who hath been commanded hither by the King with this present force and army, of purpose to intercept you. You shall therefore (quoth he) do well to repair to him, to know his pleasure, he is a noble man of good behaviour and courtesy, and means you no ill. The Captain of the English Admiral, whose name was M. Edward Wilkinson, replied and said. We purpose not at this time to make trial of Don Pedro his courtesy, whereof we are suspicious and doubtful, and not without good cause: using withal good words to the messenger, and willing him to come aboard him, promising security and good usage, that thereby he might the better know the Spaniards mind: whereupon he indeed left his frigate, and came aboard him, whom he entertained in friendly sort, and caused a cup of wine to be drawn for him, which he took and began, with his cap in his hand, and with reverend terms to drink to the health of the Queen of England, speaking very honourably of her Majesty, and giving good speeches of the courteous usage and entertainment that he himself had received in London, at the time that the duke of Alenson, brother to the late French king was last in England: and after he had well drunk, he took his leave, speaking well of the sufficiency and goodness of our ships, and especially of the Merchant Royal, which he confessed to have seen before, riding in the Thames near London. He was no sooner come to Don Pedro de Leiva the Spanish general, but he was sent off again, and returned to the English Admiral, saying that the pleasure of the General was this, that either their Captains, Masters and Pursers should come to him with speed, or else he would set upon them, and either take them or sink them. The reply was made by M. Wilkinson aforesaid, that not a man should come to him: and for the brag and threat of Don Pedro, it was not that Spanish bravado that should make them yield a jot to their hindrance, but they were as ready to make resistance, as he to offer an injury. Whereupon Cavallero the messenger left bragging, and began to persuade them in quiet sort, and with many words, but all his labour was to no purpose, and as his threat did nothing terrify them, so his persuasion did nothing move them to do that which he required. At the last he entreated to have the Merchant of the Admiral carried by him as a messenger to the General, that so he might be satisfied, and assured of their minds by one of their own company. But M. Wilkinson would agreed to no such thing, although Richard Rowit the merchant himself seemed willing to be employed in that message, and laboured by reasonable persuasions to induce M. Wilkinson to grant it, as hoping to be an occasion by his presence and discreet answers to satisfy the General, and thereby to save the effusion of Christian blood, if it should grow to a battle. And he seemed so much the more willing to be sent, by how much deeper the oaths and protestations of this Cavallero were, that he would (as he was a true knight and a soldier) deliver him back again in safety to his company. Albeit, M. Wilkinson, which by his long experience had received sufficient trial of Spanish inconstancy and perjury, wished him in no case to put his life and liberty in hazard upon a Spaniards oath. But at last, upon much entreaty, he yielded to let him go to the General, thinking in deed, that good speeches and answers of reason would have contented him, whereas otherwise refusal to do so, might peradventure have provoked the more discontentment. M. Rowit therefore passing to the Spanish General, the rest of the Galleys having espied him; thought in deed that the English were rather determined to yield, then to fight, and therefore came flocking above the frigate, every man crying out, Que nuevas; que nuevas; Have these English men yielded? the frigate answered, Not so, they neither have, nor purpose to yield, only they have sent a man of their company to speak with our General: and being come to the Galley wherein he was, he showed himself to M. Rowit in his armour, his guard of soldiers attending upon him in armour also, and began to speak very proudly in this sort: Thou Englishman, from whence is your fleet, why stand you aloof off, know you not your duty to the Catholic King, whose person I here represent? Where are your bills of lading, your letters, passports, and the chief of your men? Think you my attendance in these seas to be in vain, or my person to no purpose? Let all these things be done out of hand as I command, upon pain of my further displeasure and the spoil of you all? These words of the Spanish General were not so outrageously pronounced, as they were mildly answered by M. Rowit, who told him that they were all Marchantmen, using traffic in honest sort, and seeking to pass quietly, if they were not urged further than reason. As for the king of Spain, he thought (for his part) that there was amity betwixt him and his sovereign the Queen of England, so that neither he nor his officers should go about to offer any such injury to English Merchants, who as they were far from giving offence to any man, so they would be loathe to take an abuse at the hands of any, or sit down to their loss, where their ability was able to make defence. And as touching his commandment aforesaid, for the acknowledging of duty, in such particular sort, he told him, that where there was no duty owing, there none should be performed, assuring him that their whole company and ships in general, stood resolutely upon the negative, and would not yield to any such unreasonable demand, joined with such imperious and absolute manner of commanding. Why then, said he, if they will neither come to yield, nor show obedience to me in the name of my king, I will either sink them or bring them to harbour, and so tell them from me. With that the frigate came away with M. Rowit, and brought him aboard the English Admiral again according to promise': who was no sooner entered in, but by and by defiance was sounded on both sides: the Spaniards he wed off the noses of the Galleys, that nothing might hinder the level of the shot, and the English on the other side courageously prepared themselves to the combat, every man according to his room, bend to perform his office with alacrity and diligence. In the mean time a Cannon was discharged from the Admiral of the galleys, which being the onset of the fight, was presently answered by the English Admiral with a Culvering: so the skirmish began, and grew hot and terrible, there was no powder nor shot spared: each English ship matched itself in good order against two Spanish Galleys, besides the inequality of the frigates on the Spaniards side: and although our men performed their parts with singular valour, according to their strength, insomuch that the enemy as amazed therewith would oftentimes pause and stay, and consult what was best to be done, yet they ceased not in the midst of their business to make prayer to Almighty God the revenger of all evils, and the giver of victories, that it would please him to assist them in that good quarrel of there's, in defending themselves against so proud a tyrant, to teach their hands to war, and their fingers to fight, that the glory of the victory might redound to his Name, and to the honour of true Religion, which the insolent enemy sought so much to overthrow. Countrarily, the ●oolish Spaniards cried out according to their manner, not to God, but to our Lady (as they term the virgin Mary) saying, OH Lady help, OH blessed Lady give us the victory, and the honour thereof shallbe thy. Thus with blows & prayers on both sides the fight continued furious and sharp, and doubtful a long time to which part the victory would incline: till at the last the Admiral of the Galleys of Sicily began to warp from the fight, and to hold up her side for fear of sinking, and after her went also two others in like case, wh●m all the sort of them enclosed, labouring by all their means to keep them above water, being ready by the force of English shot which they had received, to perish in the seas: & what slaughter was done among the Spaniards themselves, the English were uncertain, but by a probable conjecture apparent afar off, they supposed their loss was so great, that they wanted men to continued the charging of their pieces: whereupon with shame and dishonour, after 5. hours spent in the battle, A fight of five hours. ●hey withdrew themselves: and the English contented in respect of their deep lading, rather to continued their voyage then to follow the chase, ceased from further blows, with the loss only of two men slain amongst them all, and another hurt in his arm, whom M. Wilkinson with his good words and friendly promises did so comfort, that he nothing esteemed the smart of his wound in respect of the honour of the victory, and the shameful repulse of the enemy. Thus with dutiful thanks to the mercy of God for his gracious assistance in that danger, the English ships proceeded in their Navigation, and coming as high as Alger, a port town upon the coast of Barbary, they fallen with it, of purpose to refresh themselves after their weariness, and to take in such supply of fresh water & victuals, as they needed: they were no sooner entered into the port, but immediately the king thereof sent a messenger to the ships to know what they were, with which messenger the chief master of each ship repaired to the king, and acquainted him not only with the state of their ships, in respect of merchandise, but with the late fight which they had passed with the Spanish Galleys, reporting every particular circumstance in word as it fallen out in action: whereof the said king showed himself marvelous glad, interteining them in the best sort, and promising abundant relief of all their wants, making general proclamation in the city upon pain of death, that no man of what degree or state soever he were, should presume either to hinder them in their affairs, ●r to offer them any manner of injury in body or goods. By virtue whereof they dispatched all things in excellent good sort, with all favour & peaceableness: only such prisoners and captives of the Spaniards as were in the City, seeing the good usage which they received, and hearing also what service they had performed against the foresaid Galleys, grudged exceedingly against them, and sought as much as they could to practise some mischief against them: and one amongst the rest seeing an Englishman alone in a certain lane of the City, came upon him suddenly, and with his knife thrust him in the side, yet made no such great wound, but that it was easily recovered. The English company hearing of it, acquainted the king with the fact, who immediately sent both for the party that had received the wound, and the offender also, and caused an executioner in the presence of himself and the English, to chastise the slave even to death, which was performed to the end that no man should presume to commit the like part, or to do any thing in contempt of his royal commandment. The English having received this good justice at the king's hands, and all other things that they wanted, or could crave for the furnishing of their ships, took their leave of him, and of the rest of their friends, that were resident in Alger, and put out to Sea, looking to meet with the second army of the Spanish king, which waited for them about the mouth of the Straitss of G●braltar, which they were of necessity to pass. But coming near to the said Straight, it pleased God to raise at that instant a very dark and misty fog, so that one ship could not discern another, if it were 40. paces off: by means whereof, together with the notable fair Eastern winds that then blewe most fit for their course, they passed with great speed through the Straight, and might have passed with that good gale, had there been 500 Galleys to withstand them, and the air never so clear for every ship to be seen. But yet the Spanish Galleys had a sight of them when they were come within 3. English miles of the town, The second Spanish fleet lying in wait for the English. and made after them in all possible haste, and although they see that they were far out of their reach, yet in a vain fury and foolish pride, they shot off their Ordinance, and made a stir in the Sea as if they had been in the midst of them, which vanity of there's ministered to our men notable matter of pleasure and mirth, seeing men to fight with shadows, and to take so great pains to so small purpose. But thus it pleased God to deride, and delude all the forces of the proud Spanish king, which he had provided of purpose to distress the English, who notwithstanding passed through both his Armies, in the one, little hurt, and in the other nothing touched, to the glory of his immortal Name, the honour of our Prince and Country, and the just commendation of each man's service performed in that voyage. The return of Master William Harborne from Constantinople over land to London, 1588. I Departed from Constantinople with 30. people of my suit and family the 3. of August. Passing through the Countries of Thracia, now called Romania the great, Valachia & Moldavia, where arriving the 5. of September I was according to the Grand signor his commandment very courteously entertained by Peter his positive prince, a Greek by profession, with whom was concluded that her majesties subjects there trafiquing should pay but three upon the hundredth, which as well his own Subjects as all other nations answer: whose letters to her Majesty be extant. The letters of the Prince of Moldavia to the Queen. Whence I proceeded into Poland, where the high chancellor sent for me the 27. of the same month. And after most honourable entertainment imparted with me in secret manner the late passed and present occurrents of that kingdom, & also he written to her Majesty. Letters of the chancellor of Poland to the Queen. Thence I hasted unto Elbing, where the 12. of October I was most friendly welcomed by the Senate of that City, whom I find and judge to be faithfully devoted to her majesties service, whose letters likewise unto the same were presented me. No less at Dantzik the 27. of that month I was courteously received by one of the Buroughmasters accompanied with two others of the Senate, & a Civil doctor their Secretary. After going through the land of Pomer I rested one day at Stetin, where, for that the duke was absent, nothing ensued. At Rostoke I passed through the City without any stay, and at Wismar received like friendly greeting as in the other places: but at Lubeck, for that I came late and departed early in the morning, I was not visited. At Hamburg the 19 of November, and at Stoad the ninth of December in like manner I was saluted by a Boroughmaster and the Secretary, and in all these places they presented me sundry sorts of their best wine and fresh fish, every of them with a long discourse, congratulating, in the names of their whole Senate, her majesties victory over the Spaniard, and my safe return, concluding with offer of their ready service to her future disposing. Yet the Dantziks after my departure thence caused the Merchants to pay custom for the goods they brought with them in my company, which none other town neither Infidels nor Christians on the way ever demanded. And notwithstanding the premises, I was most certainly informed of sundry of our nation there resident that most of the Hanse-towns upon the sea coasts, especially Dantzik, Lubeck, and Hamborough have laden and were shipping for Spain, great provision of corn, cables, ropes, powder, saltpetre, hargubusses, armour, iron, lead, copper, and all other munition serving for the war. Whereupon I gather their feigned courtesy proceeded rather for fear then of any good affection unto her majesties service, Elbing and Stoad only excepted, which of duty for their commodity I esteemed well affected. The privilege of Peter the Prince of Moldavia granted to the English Merchants. PEtrus Dei gratia princeps Valachiae & Moldaviae; significamus praesentibus, universis & singulis quorum interest ac intererit, quòd cum magnifico domino Guilielmo Hareborne oratore Serenissimae ac potentissimae dominae, dominae Elizabethae Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, ac Hiberniae Reginae apud Serenissimum ac potentissimum Turcarum Imperatorem hanc constitutionem fecerimus: Nimirùm ut dehinc sue Serenitatis subditis, omnibusqúe mercatoribus integrum sit hìc in provincia nostra commorandi, conversandi, mercandi, vendendi, contrahendíque, imo omnia exercendi, quae mercaturae ac vitae humanae societas uíusqúe requirit, sine ulla alicuius contradictione, aut inhibitione: saluo ac integro tamen iure Telonij nostri; hocest, ut a singulis rebus centum ducatorum pretij, tres numerent. Quod ratum ac fitmum constitutione nostra haberi volumus. In cuius rei firmius testimonium, sigillum nostrum appressum est. Actum in castris nostris die 27. mensis Augusti, anno Domini 1588. The same in English. PEter by the grace of God prince of Valachia and Moldavia; we signify by these presents to all and singular people, whom it doth or shall concern, that we have made this agreement with the worthy gentleman William Hareborne Ambassador of the right high and mighty prince, the Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France and Ireland, with the most puissant and mighty Emperor of the Turks: To wit, that fromhencefoorth it shallbe lawful for her highness subjects and all her Merchants, to remain, converse, buy, sell, bargain and exercise all such things, as the trade of merchandise, and human society and use requireth, without any hindrance or let: the right of our Custom always reserved; That is, that they pay three ducats upon all such things as amount to the price of one hundred ducats. Which by this our ordinance we command to be surely and firmly observed; For the more assured testimony whereof, our seal is hereunto annexed. Given in our Camp the 27. of the month of August in the year of our Lord 1588. A brief extract specifying the certain daily payments, answered quarterly in time of peace, by the Grand signor, out of his Treasury, to the Officers of his Seraglio or Court, successively in degrees: collected in a yearly total sum, as followeth. FOr his own diet every day, one thousand and one aspers, according to a former custom received from his ancestors: notwithstanding that otherwise his diurnal expense is very much, and not certainly known, which sum maketh sterling money by the year, two thousand, one hundred, 92. pounds, three shillings, eight pennies. The five and forty thousand janissaries dispersed in sundry places of his dominions, at six aspers the day, amounteth by the year to five hundredth, fourscore and eleven thousand, and three hundredth pounds. The Azamoglans, tribute children, far surmount that number, for that they are collected from among the Christians, from whom between the years of six and twelve, they are pulled away yearly perforce: whereof I suppose those in service may be equal in number with the janissaries abovesaid, at three aspers a day, one with another, which is two hundred, fourscore and fifteen thousand, six hundred and fifty pounds. The five Bassas, whereof the Uiceroy is supreme, at one thousand aspers the day, besides their yearly revenues, amounteth sterling by the year to ten thousand, nine hundred and fifty pounds. The five Beglerbegs, chief precedents of Greece, Hungary and Selavonia, being in Europe, in Anatolia, and Caramania of Asia, at one thousand aspers the day: as also to eighteen other governors of Provinces, at five hundred aspers the day, amounteth by the year, to thirty thousand six hundred, and threescore pounds. The Bassa, Admiral of the Sea, one thousand aspers the day, two thousand, one hundred, tour score and ten thousand pounds. The Aga of the janissaries, general of the footmen, five hundred aspers the day, and maketh by the year in sterling money, one thousand, fourscore and fifteen pounds. The Imbrahur Bassa, Master of his horse, one hundred and fifty aspers the day, is sterling money, three hundred and eight and twenty pounds. The chief Esquire under him, one hundred and fifty aspers, is three hundred and eight and twenty pounds. The Agas of the Spahi, Captains of the horsemen, six, at one hundred and fifty aspers to either of them, maketh sterling, one thousand, nine hundred, three score and eleven pounds. The Capagis Bassas head porters four, one hundred and fifty aspers to each, and maketh out in sterling money by the year, one thousand, three hundred, and fourteen pounds. The Sisinghir Bassa, Controller of the household, one hundred and twenty aspers the day, and maketh out in sterling money by the year, two hundred, threescore and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Chaus Bassa, Captain of the Pensioners, one hundred and twenty aspers the day, and amounteth to by the year in sterling money, two hundred, threescore and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Capigilar Caiasi, Captain of his Barge, one hundredth and twenty aspers the day, and maketh out by the year in sterling money, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Solach Bassi, Captain of his guard, one hundred and twenty aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Giebrigi Bassi, master of the armoury, one hundred and twenty aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Topagis Bassi, Master of the artillery, one hundred and twenty aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Echim Bassi, Physician to his person, one hundred and twenty aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteen shillings. To forty Physicians under him, to each forty aspers, is three thousand, eight hundred, three score and six pounds, sixteen shillings. The Mustasaracas spearemen, attending on his person, in number five hundred, to either three score aspers, and maketh sterling, threescore and five thousand, and seven hundred pounds. The Cisingeri, gentlemen, attending upon his diet, forty, at forty aspers each of them, and amounteth to sterling by the year, three thousand, five hundred and four pounds. The Chausi Pensioners, four hundred and forty, at thirty aspers, twenty eight thousand, nine hundred, and eight pounds. The Capagis porters of the Court and City, four hundred, at eight aspers, and maketh sterling money by the year, seven thousand, and eight pounds. The Solachi, archers of his guard, three hundredth and twenty, at nine aspers, and cometh unto in English money, the sum of six thousand, three hundred and six pounds. The Spahi, men of Arms of the Court and the City, ten thousand, at twenty five aspers, and maketh of English money, five hundred, forty and seven thousand, and five hundred pounds. The janizaires sixteen thousand, at six aspers, is two hundred and ten thousand, and two hundred and forty pounds. The Giebegi furbushers of armour, one thousand, five hundred, at six aspers, and amounteth to sterling money, nineteen thousand, seven hundred, and fourscore pounds. The Seiesi●, servitors in his Equier or stable, five hundred, at two aspers, and maketh sterling money, two thousand, one hundred, fourscore and ten pounds. The Sacsi, Sadlers and bit makers, five hundred, at seven aspers, seven thousand, six hundred, threescore and five pounds. The Catergi, Carriers upon Mules, two hundred, at five aspers, two thousand, one hundred, fourscore and ten pounds. The Cinegi, Carriers upon Camels, one thousand, five hundred, at eight aspers, and amounteth in sterling money, to twenty six thousand, two hundred, and fourscore pounds. The Reiz, or Captains of the Galleys, three hundred, at ten aspers, and amounteth in English money by the year, the sum of six thousand, five hundred, threescore and ten pounds. The Alechingi, Masters of the said Galleys, three hundred, at seven aspers, four thousand, five hundred, fourscore and nineteen pounds. The Gettis, Boateswaines thereof, three hundred, at six aspers, is three thousand, nine hundred, forty and two pounds. The Oda Bassi, Pursers, three hundred, at five aspers, maketh three thousand, two hundred, and fourscore pounds. The Azappi soldiers two thousand six hundred at four Asper's, whereof the six hundred do continually keep the galleys, two and twenty thousand, seven hundred fourscore and six pounds. The Mariers Bassi master's over the shipwrights and kalkers of the navy, nine, at 20. Asper's the piece, amounteth to three thousand fourscore and four pound, four shillings. The Master Dassi shipwrights & kalkers, one thousand at fourteen aspers, which amounteth by the year, to thirty thousand, six hundred threescore pound. Summa totalis of daily payments amounteth by the year sterling, one million, nine hundred threescore eight thousand, seven hundred thirty five pounds, nineteen shillings eight pennies, answered quarterly without default, with the sum of four hundred fourscore twelve thousand, one hundred fourscore and four pounds four shillings eleven pennies, and is for every day five thousand three hundred fourscore and thirteen pounds, fifteen shillings ten pennies. Annuities of lands never improved, five times more in value then their sums mentioned, given by the said Grand signor, as followeth. TO the Uiceroy for his Timar or annuity 60. thousand gold ducats. To the second Bassa for his annuity 50. thousand ducats. To the third Bassa for his annuity 40. thousand ducats. To the fourth Bassa for his annuity 30. thousand ducats. To the fifth Bassa for his annuity 20. thousand ducats. To the Captain of the janissaries 20. thousand ducats. To the jeu Merhorbassi master of his horse 15. thousand ducats. To the Captain of the pensioners 10. thousand ducats. To the Captain of his guard 5. thousand ducats. Summa totalis 90. thousand li. sterling. Beside these above specified, be sundry other annuities given to divers others of his aforesaid officers, as also to certain called Sahims, diminishing from three thousand to two hundredth ducats, esteemed triple to surmount the annuity abovesaid. The Turks chief officers. THe Uiceroy is high Treasurer, notwithstanding that under him be three subtreasurers called Te●tadars, which be accountable to him of the receipts out of Europe, Asia and Africa, save their yearly annuity of lands. The Lord Chancellor is called Nissangi Bassa, who sealeth with a certain proper character such licences, safe conducts, passports, especial grants, etc. as proceed from the Grand signor: not withstanding all letters to foreign princes so firmed be after enclosed in a bag, and sealed by the Grand signor, with a signet which he ordinarily weareth about his neck, credited of them to have been of ancient appertaining to king Solomon the wise. The Admiral giveth his voice in the election of all Begs, Captains of Islands, to whom he giveth their charge, as also appoints the Subbassas, Bailiffs or Constables over Cities and Towns upon the Sea coasts about Constantinople, and in the Archipelago, whereof he reapeth great profit. The Subbassi of Pera payeth him yearly fifteen thousand ducats, and so likewise either of the others according as they are placed. The Ressistop serveth in office to the Uiceroy and Chancellor, as Secretary, and so likewise doth the Cogie Master of the Rolls, before which two, pass all writings presented to, or granted by the said Uiceroy and Chancellor, offices of especial credit and like profit, moreover rewarded with annuities of lands. There are also two chief judges named Cadi Lesker, the one over Europe, and the other over Asia and Africa, which in Court do sit on the Bench at the left hand of the Bassas. These cell all offices to the under judges of the land called Cadies, whereof is one in every City or town, before whom all matters in controversy are by judgement decided, as also penalties and corrections for crimes ordained to be executed upon the offenders by the Subbassi. The number of Soldiers continually attending upon the Beglerbegs the governors of Provinces and Saniacks, and their petty Captains maintained of these Provinces. The Beglerbegs Of people. GRaecia, forty thousand Buda, fifteen thousand Sclavonia, fifteen thousand Anatolia, fifteen thousand Caramania, fifteen thousand Armonia, eighteen thousand Persia, twenty thousand Vsdrum, fifteen thousand Chirusta, fifteen thousand Caraemiti, thirty thousand Giersul, two and thirty thousand The Beglerbegs Of people. BAgdat, five and twenty thousand Balsara, two and twenty thousand Lassaija, seventeen thousand Aleppo, five and twenty thousand Damascus, seventeen thousand Cayro, twelve thousand Abes, twelve thousand Mecca, eight thousand Cyprus, eighteen thousand Tunis in Barbary, eight thousand Tripoli in Syria, eight thousand Alger, forty thousand Whose Sangiacks and petty Captains be three hundred sixty eight, every of which retaining continually in pay from five hundredth, to two hundredth Soldiers, may be one with another at the lest, three hundredth thousand people. Chief officers in his Seraglio about his person Be these CApiaga, High porter. Alnader Bassi, Treasurer. Oda Balsi, Chamberlain. Killergi Bassi, Steward. Saraiaga, controller. Peskerolen, Groom of the chamber. Edostoglan, Gentleman of the Ewer. Sehetaraga, Armour bearer. Choataraga, he that carrieth his riding cloak. Ebietaraga, Groom of the stool. There be many other manner Officers, which I esteem superfluous to writ. The Turks yearly revenue. THe Grand Signiors annual revenue is said to be fourteen Million and an half of golden ducats, which is sterling five million, eight score thousand pounds. The tribute paid by the Christians his Subjects is one gold ducat yearly for the redemption of every head, which may amount unto not so little as one Million of golden ducats, which is sterling three hundred threescore thousand pounds. Moreover, in time of war he exacteth manifold sums for maintenance of his Army and Navy of the said Christians. The Emperor payeth him yearly tribute for Hungary, threescore thousand collars, which is sterling thirteen thousand pound, besides presents to the Uiceroy and Bassas, which are said to surmount to twenty thousand collars. Ambassador's allowances. THe Ambassador of the Emperor is allowed one thousand Asper's the day. The Ambassador of the French king heretofore enjoyed the like: but of late years by means of displeasure conceived by Mahumet then Viceroy, it was reduced to six crowns the day, beside the provision of his Esquire of his stable. The Ambassadors of Poland, and for the state of Venice are not Ligiers as these two abovesaid. The said Polack is allowed 12. French crowns the day during his abode, which may be for a month. Very seldom do the state of Venice sand any Ambassador otherwise, then enforced of urgent necessity: but in stead thereof keep there their Agent, precedent over other Merchants, of them termed a bailiff, who hath none allowance of the Grand signor, although his port & state is in manner as magnifical as the other aforesaid ambassadors. The Spanish Ambassador was equal with others in janissaries: but for so much as he would not according to custom follow the list of other ambassadors in making presents to the Grand signor, he had none allowance. His abode there was 3. years, at the end whereof, having concluded a truce for 6. years, taking place from his first coming in November last past 1580. he was not admitted to the presence of the Grand signor. The letters of Sinan Bassa chief counsellor to Sultan Murad Can the Grand signor, to the sacred Majesty of Elizabeth Queen of England, showing that upon her request, and for her sake especially, he granted peace unto the King and kingdom of Poland. GLoriosissima & splendore fulgidissima foeminarum, selectissima Princeps magnanimorum ●ESVM sectantium, regni inclyti Angliae Regina Serenissima Elizabetha, moderatrix rerum & negotiorum omnium plebis & familiae Nazarenorum sapientissima; Origo splendoris & gloriae dulcissima; nubes plwiarum gratissima, heres & domina beatitudinis & gloriae regni inclyti Anglie; ad quam omnes supplices confugiunt, incrementum omnium rerum & actionum Serenitatis vestrae beatissimum, exitusque foelicissimos à Creatore omnipotent optantes, mutuáeque & perpetua familiaritate nostra digna vota & laudes sempiter●as offerentes: Significamus Ser. vestrae amicisimè; Quia sunt anni aliquot, à quibus annis potentissima Caesarea celsitudo bella ineffabilia cum Casul-bas, Principe nempe Persarum gessit; ratione quorum bellorum in parts alias bellum movere noluit, ob eamque causam in partibus Polony lat●ones quidam Cosaci nuncupati, & alij facinorosi in partibus illis existentes, subditos Cesaris potentissimi turbare & infestare non desierunt. Nunc autem partibus Persicis compositis & absolutis, in partibus Polony & alijs partibus exurgentes facino●osos punire constiruens, Beglerbego Greciae exercitu aliquo adiuncto, & Principi Tartarorum mandato Cesaris misso, anno proximè preterito pars aliqua Regni Poloniae infestata, turbata & deuasta●a fuit, & Cosaci alijque facinorosi iuxtra merita sua puniti fuerunt. Quo rex Polony viso duos legatos ad Cesarean celsitudinem mittens, quòd facinorosos exquirere, & poena perfecta punire, & ab annis multis ad portam Cesaree celsitudinis missum munus augere vellet, significavit. Caesarea autem celsitudo (cui Creator omnipotens tantam suppeditavit potentiam, & quae omnes supplices exaudite dignata est) supplicatione Regis Polony non accepta, iterùm in regem Polony exercitum suum mittere, & Creatoris omnipotentis auxilio regnum eius subvertere constituerat. Verum Legato Serenitatis vestre in porta beata & fulgida Caesareae celsitudinis resident seize interponente, Et quòd Serenitati vestre ex partibus Poloniae, fruges, pulvis, arbores navium, tormenta, & alia necessaria suppeditarentur significant, & pacem pro regno & rege Poloniae petente, neu● regnum Poloniae ex part Caesareae celsitudinis turbaretur vel infestaretur intercedente, Serenitatisque vestrae have singularem esse voluntatem exponente, Legati serenitatis vestrae significatio & intercessio cùm Caesaree celsitudini ●ignificata fuisset, In ●auorem serenitatis vestrae, cui omnis honos & gratia debetur, juxta modum predictum, ut Cosacifacinorosi exquirantur & poena perfecta puniantur, aut ratione muneris aliquantuli eorum delicta condonentur, hac inquam conditione literae Cesareae celsitudinis ad Regem Poloniae sunt datae, Si autem ex part Serenitatis vestre foedus & pax sollicitata non fuisset, nulla ratione Caesarea celsitudo foedus cum regno Polony inijsset. In favorem autem Serenitatis vestrae regno & Regi Poloniae singularem gratiam Caesarea celsitudo exhibuit. Quod tàm Serenitas vestra, quàm etiam Rex & regnum Polony sibi certò persuadere debent. Serenitatem vestram benè foelicissiméque valere cupimus. Datum Constantinopoli in fine mensis Sabaum nuncupati, Anno prophetae nostri sacrati Ma●umedi nongentesimo, nonagesimo, octavo, JESV vero Anno millesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo, die duodecimo mensis Junii. The same in English. MOst glorious, and the most resplendent of women, most select Princess, most gracious Elizabeth Queen of the valiant followers of jesus in the famous kingdom of England, most wise governess of all the affairs and businesses of the people and family of the Nazarens, most sweet fountain of brightness and glory, most acceptable cloud of rain, inheritress & Lady of the blessedness and glory of the renowned kingdom of England, to whom in humble wise all men offer their petitions: wishing of the almighty Creator most happy increase and prosperous success unto all your majesties affairs and actions, and offering up mutual & perpetual vows worthy of our familiarity, with eternal praises: In most friendly manner we signify unto your princely Highness, that certain years past the most mighty Cesarlike majesty of the Grand Signior waged unspeakable wars with Casul-bas the Prince of the Persians, in regard of which wars he would not go in battle against any other places; and for that cause certain thieves in the parts of Polonia called Cosacks, and other notorious people living in the same parts ceased not to trouble and molest the subjects of our most mighty Emperor. But now having finished and brought to some good issue his affairs in Persia, determining to punish the said malefactors of Poland, and for that purpose committing an army unto the Beglerbeg of Grecia, and the year last passed, sending his imperial commandment unto the Prince of the Tartars, he hath foraged, molested, and laid waste some part of the kingdom of Poland, and the Cosacks and other notorious offenders have received condigue punishment. Which the king of Poland perceiving sent two Ambassadors to his imperial Highness signifying, that he would hunt out the said malefactors, and inflict most severe punishments upon them, and also that he would better his gift, which he hath for many years heretofore ordinarily sent unto the porch of his imperial Highness. Howbeit his imperial majesty (upon whom the almighty creator hath bestowed so great power, and who vouchsafeth to give ear unto all humble suppliants) rejecting the supplication of the King of Poland, determined again to sand his army against the said king, and by the help of the Almighty creator, utterly to subvert and overthrow his kingdom. But your majesties Ambassador resident in the blessed and glorious porch of his imperial Highness interposing himself as a mediator, signifying that from the parts of Poland you were furnished with corn, gunpowder, masts of ships, guns, and other necessaries, and craving peace on the behalf of the kingdom and king of Poland, and making intercession, that the said king might not be molested nor troubled by the means of the Grand Signior, & declaring that this was your majesties most earnest desire; so soon as the report and intercession of your majesties Ambassador was signified unto the Grand Signior, for your sake, unto whom all honour and favourable regard is due, upon the condition aforesaid, namely, that the wicked Cosacks might be sought out and grievously punished, or that their offences might be remitted for the value of some small gift, upon this condition (I say) the letters of his imperial Highness were sent unto the king of Poland. Howbeit had not this conclusion of league and amity been solicited on the behalf of your Majesty, his imperial Highness would never have vouchsafed the same unto the kingdom of Poland. But for your majesties sake his imperial Highness hath exhibited this so singular a favour unto the said king and kingdom of Poland. And hereof your Majesty and the king of Poland aught certainly to be persuaded. We wish your Majesty most happily and well to far. Given at Constantinople in the end of the month called Sabaun, in the year of our sacred prophet Mahomet 998, and in the year of jesus 1590., the 12 of june. The second letters Patents granted by the Queen's Majesty to the Right worshipful company of the English Merchants for the Levant, the seventh of januarie 1592. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith etc. To all our Officers, ministers and subjects, and to all other people aswell within this our Realm of England, as else where under our obeisance and jurisdiction or otherwise unto whom these our letters shallbe seen, showed, or read, greeting, Where our well-beloved subjects Edward Osborne knight Alderman of our city of London, William Hareborne Esquire, and Richard Staper of our said city Merchant, have by great adventure and industry with their great cost and charges by the space of sundry late years traveled, and caused travel to be taken aswell by secret and good means, as by dangerous ways and passages both by land and sea to find out and set open a trade of merchandise and traffic into the lands, Islands, Dominions, and territories of the great Turk, commonly called the Grand Signior, not before that time in the memory of any man now living known to be commonly used and frequented by way of merchandise by any the merchants or other subjects of us or our progenitors: And also have by their like good means and industry and great charges procured of the said Grand Signior in our name, amity, safety and freedom for trade and traffic of merchandise to be used and continued by our subjects within his said dominions, whereby we perceive and find that both many good actions have been done and performed, and hereafter are likely continually to be done and performed for the peace of Christendom: Namely by the relief and discharge of many Christians which have been, and which hereafter may happen to be in thraldom and bondage under the said Grand Signior and his vassals or subjects. And also good and profitable vent and utterance of the commodities of our Realm, and sundry other great benefits to the advancement of our honour and dignity Royal, the maintenance of our Navy, the increase of our customs, and the revenues of our Crown, and generally the great wealth of our whole Realm. And whereas we are informed of the said Edward Osborne knight, William Hareborne, and Richard Staper, that George Barn, Richard Martin, john Harte knights, and other merchants of our said City of London have by the space of eight or nine years passed joined themselves in company, trade and traffic with them the said Edward Osborne knight, William Hareborne and Richard Staper, into the said dominions of the said great Turk, to the furtherance thereof and the good of the Realm. And whereas ●urther it is made known unto us, that within few years now past our loving and good subjects Thomas Cordall, Edward Holmeden, William Garraway and Paul Banning, and sundry other merchants of our said City of London, have likewise at their great costs and charges, builded and furnished diverse good and serviceable ships and therewith to their like costs and charges have traded and frequented, and from time to time do trade and frequent and traffic by sea with the commodities of our Realm to Venice, Zante, Candie, and Zephalonia and other the dominions of the signory and State of Venice, and thereby have made and maintained, and do make and continually maintain divers good ships with mariners skilful and ●itte and necessary for our service: and do vent out of our Realm into those parts diverse commodities of our Realm, and return hither into our said Realm many good and necessary commodities for the common wealth thereof: All which traffic, as well inward as outward until it hath been otherwise brought to pass by the said endeavours, costs, and charges of our said subjects, was in effect by our subjects wholly discontinued. Know ye, that hereupon we greatly tendering the wealth of our people and the encouragement of them and other our loving subjects in their good enterprises for the advancement of lawful traffic to the benefit of our common wealth, have of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion given and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs, and successors, do give and grount unto our said trusty and well-beloved subjects Edward Osborne Knight, George Barn Knight, George bond knight, Richard Martin knight, john Harte knight, john Hawkins knight, William Massam, john Spencer, Richard Saltonstall, Nicholas Mosley Aldermen of our said City of London, William Hareborne, Edward Barton, William borough Esquires, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordall, Henry parvis, Thomas Laurence, Edward Holmeden, William Garraway, Robert Dowe, Paul Banning, Roger Clarke, Henry Anderson, Robert Offley, Philip Grimes, Andrew Banning, james Staper, Robert Sadler, Leonarde Power, George Salter, Nicholas Leate, john Eldred, William Shales, Richard May, William Wilkes, Andrew Fones, Arthur jackson, Edmund ansel, Ralph Ashley, Thomas Farrington, Roberte Sandie, Thomas Garraway, Edward Lethlande, Thomas Dalkins, Thomas Norden, Robert Ba●e, Edward Sadler, Richard Darsall, Richard Martin junior, Ralph Fitch, Nicholas Pearde, Thomas Simons, and Francis Dorrington, that they and every of them by the name of Governor and company of Merchants of the Levant shall from hence forth for the term of twelve years next ensuing the date hereof be one body, The merchants above named be made a fellowship and company ●or 12 ●●●res by 〈◊〉 na●e of t●e Governor a●d company of ●●e merchants of the ●●uant. fellowship and company of themselves both in deed and in name: And them by the name of Governor and company of merchants of the Levant we do ordain, incorporate, name, and declare by these presents, and that the same fellowship and company from hence forth shall and may have one Governor. And in consideration that the said Edward Osborne Knight hath been of the chief setters forth and actors in the opening and putting in practice of the said trade to the dominions of the said Gand Signior: We do therefore specially make, ordain, and constitute the said Edward Osborne Knight, Sir Edward Osborne appointed the first Governor. to be now Governor during the time of one whole year now next following, if he so long shall live: And after the expiration of the said year, or decease of the said Edward Osborne the choice of the next Governor, and so of every Governor from time to time during the said term of twelve years to be at the election of the said fellowship or company of merchants of the Levant or the more part of them yearly to be choose, and that they the said Sir Edward Osborne, and all the residue of the said fellowship or company of Merchants of the Levant and every of them, and all the sons of them and of every of them, and all such their apprentices and servants of them and of every of them, which have been or hereafter shall be employed in the said trade by the space of four years or upwards by themselves, their servants, factors or deputies, shall and may by the space of twelve years from the day of the date of these our letters Patents freely traffic, and use the trade of Merchandise as well by sea as by land into and from the dominions of the said Grand Signior, and into and from Venice, Zante, Candie and Zephalonia, and other the dominions of the Signiory and State of Venice, and also by land through the Countries of the said Grand Signior into and from the East India, A privilege for the East Indies. lately discovered by john Newberie, Ralph Fitch, William Leech, and james Story, sent with our letters to that purpose at the proper costs and charge of the said Merchants or some of them: and into and from every of them in such order, manner, form, liberty and condition to all intentes and purposes as shall be between them of the said fellowship or company of Merchants of the Levant or the more part of them for the time being limited and agreed, and not otherwise, without any molestation, impeachment, or disturbance; any law, statute, usage, or diversity of Religion or faith, or any other cause or matter whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. And that the said Governor and company of Merchants of the Levant, or the greater part of them for the better government of the said fellowship and company, shall and may within forty days next and immediately following after the date hereof, and so from thence forth yearly during the continuance of this our grant, assemble themselves in some convenient place, and that they or the greater part of them being so assembled, shall and may elect, ordain, nominate, and appoint twelve discreet and honest people of the said company to be assistants to the said Governor, and to continued in the said office of assistants, until they shall die or be removed by the said Governor and company or the greater part of them. And if it happen the said assistants or any of them to die, or be removed from their said office at any time during the continuance of this our grant: that then and so often it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Governor and company of merchants of the Levant, or the greater part of them to elect and choose one or more other people of the said company into the place or places of every such person or people so dying or happening to be removed, as is aforesaid. And we will and ordain that the same person or people so as is aforesaid to be elected shall be of the said number of assistants of the said company. And this to be done so often as the case shall so require. And that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Edward Osborne Knight, George Barn Knight, George bond knight, Richard Martin knight, john Hart knight, john Hawkins knight, William Massam, john Spencer, Richard Saltonstall, Nicholas Mosley, William Hareborne, Edward Barton, Wi●liam borough, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordall, Henry parvis, Thomas Laurence, Edward Holmeden, William Garraway, Robert Dowe, Paul Banning, Roger Clarke, Henry Anderson, Robert Offley, Philip Grimes, Andrew Banning, james Staper, Robert Sadler, Leonarde Power, George Salter, Nicholas Leate, john Eldred, William Shales, Richard May, William Wilkes, Andrew Fones, Arthur jackson, Edmund ansel, Ralph Ashley, Thomas Farrington, Roberte Sandie, Thomas Garraway, Edward Lethlande, Thomas Dalkins, Thomas Norden, Robert Bate, Edward Sadler, Richard Darsall, Richard Martin junior, Ralph Fitch, Nicholas Pearde, Thomas Simons, and Francis Dorrington aforesaid, or any of them to assemble themselves for or about any the matters, causes or affairs or businesses of the said trade in any place or places for the same convenient from time to time during the said term of twelve years within our dominions or else where. And that also it shall and may be lawful for them or the more part of them to make, ordain and constitute reasonable laws and orders for the good government of the said company, and for the better advancement and continuance of the said trade and traffic: the same laws and ordinances not being contrary or repugnant to the laws, statutes or customs of our Realm: And the same laws and ordinances so made to put in ure, and execute accordingly, and at their pleasures to revoke and altar the same laws and ordinances or any of them as occasion shall require. And we do also for us, our heirs and successors of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion grant to and with the said Governor and company of merchants of the Levant, that when and as often at any time during the said term and space of twelve years as any custom, pondage, subsidy or other duty shall be due and payable unto us, our heirs, or successors for any goods or merchandise whatsoever, to be carried or transported out of this our port of London into any the dominions aforesaid, or out of or from any the said dominions unto our said port of London, that our Customers, and all other our Officers for receipt of custom, pondage, subsidy or other duty unto whom it shall appertain, shall upon the request of the said Governor for the time being, give unto the said company three months time for the payment of the one half, and other three months for the payment of the other half of their said custom, pondage, or other subsidy or duty for the same, receiving good and sufficient bond and security to our use for the payment of the same accordingly. And upon receipt of the said bond to give them out their cockets or other warrants to lad out and receive in the same their goods by virtue hereof without any disturbance. And that also as often as at any time during the said term of twelve years any goods or merchandise of any of the said company laden from this our port of London in any the dominions beforesaid shall happen to miscarry before their safe discharge in the parts for and to the which they be sent: That then and so often so much custom, pondage, and other subsidy as they answered us for the same, shall after due proof made before the Treasurour of England for the time being of the said loss, and the just quantity thereof, be by the virtue hereof allowed unto them, by warrant of the said Treasurour to the said Customers in the next merchandise that they shall or may ship for those parts, according to the true rates of the customs, pondage, or subsidies heretofore paid for the goods so lost or any part or parcel thereof. And for that the said company are like continually to bring into this our Realm a much greater quantity of foreign commodities from the foreign Countries, places, or territories aforesaid, then here can be spent for the necessary use of the same, which of necessary must be transported into other countries, and there vented, we for us, our heirs and successors of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion do grant to and with the said Governor and company that at all times from time to time during the space of thirteen months next after the discharge of any the said goods so brought in, and the subsidies, pondage, customs and other duties for the same being before hand paid or compounded for as aforesaid, it shall be lawful for them or any of them or any other person or people whatsoever being natural subjects of the Realm which may or shall buy the same of them or any of them to transport the same in English bottoms freely out of this Realm without payment of any further custom, pondage, or other subsidy to us, our heirs or successors for the same, whereof the said subsidies, pondage, or customs or other duties shall be so formerly paid and compounded for, as aforesaid, and so proved. And the said customer by virtue hereof shall upon due and sufficient proof thereof made in the custom house give them sufficient cocket or certificate for the safe passing out thereof accordingly. And to the end no deceit be used herein to us our heirs, and successors, certificate shall be brought from our collector of custom inwards to our customer outwardly that the said merchandises have within the time limited answered their due custom, subsidy, pondage and other duties for the same innards. And furthermore we of our ample and abundant grace, mere motion, and certain knowledge have granted, and by these presents for us our heirs and successors do grant unto the said Governors and company of merchants of the Levant, that they and such only as be and shall be of that company, shall for the said term of twelve years have, use, and enjoy the whole and only trade and traffic, and the whole entire and only liberty, use, and privilege of trading and traffiking, and using feat of merchandise by and through the Levant seas otherwise called the Mediterran seas into and from the said dominions of the Grand Signior, and dominions of the state of Venice; and by and through the said Grand Signiors dominions to and from such other places in the East Indies discovered as aforesaid. And that they the said Governor and company of merchants of the Levant and every particular and several person of that company their and every one of their servants, factors, and deputies shall have full and free authority, liberty, faculty, licence, and power to trade and traffic by and through the said Levant seas into and from all and every the said dominions of the said Grand Signior, and the dominions of the state of Venice, and the said Indies, and into and from all places where by occasion of the said trade they shall happen to arrive or come, whither they be Christians, Turks, Gentiles, or others: And by and through the said Levant seas into and from all other seas, rivers, ports, regions, territories, dominions, coasts and places with their ships, barks, pinases and other vessels, and with such mariners and men as they will lead or have with them, or send for the said trade as they shall think good at their own proper costs and expenses. And for that the ships sailing into the said Countries must take their due and proper times to proceed in these voyages, which otherwise as we well perceive can not be performed in the rest of the year following: Therefore we of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion for us our heirs and successors do grant to and with the said Governor and company of Merchants of the Levant, that four good ships well furnished with ordinance and other munition for their defence, and two hundred mariners English men to guide and sail in the same four ships at all times during the said twelve years shall quietly be permitted and suffered to departed and go in the said voyages, according to the purport of these presents, without any stay or contradiction by us our heirs and successors, or by the Lord high Admiral or any other officer or subject of us, our heirs or successors in any wise: Any restraint, law, statu●e, usage or matter whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided nevertheless, that if we shall at any time within the said twelve years have just cause to arm our Navy in warlike manner in defence of our Realm, or for offence of our enemies: and that it shall be found needful and convenient for us to join to our Navy the ships of our subjects to be also armed for wars to such number as cannot be supplied if the said four ships should be permitted to departed as above is mentioned; then upon knowledge given by us or our Admiral to the said Governor or company about the fifteenth day of the month of March, or three months before the said company shall begin to make ready the same four ships that we may not spare the said four ships and the mariners requisite for them to be out of our Realm during the time that our Navy shall be upon the seas, that then the said company shall forbear to sand such four ships for their trade of merchandise until that we shall retake our said Navy from the said service. And further our will and pleasure is, and we do by these presents grant that it shall be lawful to and for the said Governor and company of Merchants of the Levant to have and use in and about the affairs of the said company a common seal for matters concerning the said company and trade. And that also it shall be lawful for the Merchants, Mariners, and Seamen, which shall be used and employed in the said trade and voyage to set and place in the tops of their ships or other vessels the Arms of England with the redde-crosse in white over the same as heretofore they have used. And we of our further Royal favour and of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion have granted and by these presents for us our heirs and successors do grant to the said Governor and company of Merchants of the Levant, that the said lands, territories, and dominions of the said Grand Signior, or the dominions of the Signiory of Venice, or any of them within the said Levant or Mediterran seas shall not be visited, frequented, or haunted by the said Levant sea by way of merchandise by any other our subjects during the said term of twelve years contrary to the true meaning of these presents. And by virtue of our prerogative Royal, which we will not in that behalf have argued or brought in question, we straight charge, command and prohibit for us our heirs and successors all our subjects of what degree or quality soever they be, that none of them directly or indirectly do visit, haunt, frequent, trade, traffic or adventure by way of merchandise into or from any of the said dominions of the said Grand Signior, or the dominions of the said signory of Venice, by or through the said Levant sea other than the said Governor and company of merchants of the Levant, and such particular people as be or shall be of that company, their factors, agents, servants and assigns. And further for that we plainly understand that the States and Governors of the city and signory of Venice have of late time set and raised a new impost and charge over and besides their ancient impost, custom, and charge of and upou all manner of merchandise of our Realm brought into their dominions, and also of and upon all merchandise carried or laden from their said Country or dominions by our subjects or in the ships or bottoms of any of our subjects to the great and intolerable charge and hindrance of our said subjects trading thither, we therefore minding the redress thereof, do also by these presents for us, our heirs and successors further straight prohibit and forbidden not only the subjects of the said State and signory of Venice, but also of all other Nations or Countries whatsoever other then the said Governor and company of merchants of the Levant, and such only as be or shall be of that company, their factors, agents, servants, and assigns: That they or any of them during the said term of twelve years, shall bring or cause to be brought into this our Realm of England, or any part thereof any manner of small fruits called corrants, being the raisins of Corinth, or wine of Candie, unless it be by and with the licence, consent, and agreement of the said Governor and company in writing under their said common seal first had and obtained upon pain unto every such person and people that shall trade and traffic into any the said dominions of the State and signory of Venice by sea, or that shall bring or cause to be brought into our said Realm any of the said corrants being the raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candia, other than the said company in pain of our indignation, and of forfeiture and loss aswell of the ship and ships with the furniture thereof, as also of the goods, merchandise, and things whatsoever they be of those which shall attempt or presume to commit or do any matter or thing contrary to the prohibition aforesaid. The one half of all the said forfeitures to be to us, our heirs and successors, and the other half of all and every the said forfeitures we do by these presents, of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion clearly and wholly for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant unto the said Governor and company of merchants of the Levant. And further all and every the said offenders for their said contempt to suffer imprisonment during our pleasures, and such other punishment as to us for so high a contempt shall seem mere and convenient, and not to be in any wise delivered until they and every of them shall be come bound unto the said Governor for the time being in the sum of one thousand pounds or less at no time, then after to sail or traffic by sea into any the dominions aforesaid, or to bring or cause to be brought from any the places aforesaid any corrants, raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candia contrary to our express commandment in that behalf herein set down and published. Provided always, and our express will is notwithstanding the premises that if our said subjects shall at any time hereafter be recompensed of and for all such new impostes and charges as they and every of them shall pay, and likewise be freely discharged of and from the payment of all manner of new impost or tax for any of their merchandise which they hereafter shall bring into or from any the dominions of the said State or signory of Venice, and from all bonds and other assurances by them or any of them to be made for or in that behalf, that then immediately from and after such recompense and discharge made as aforesaid our said prohibition and restraint in these presents mentioned, shall not be of any strength or force against the said City or State of Venice, or any the subjects thereof, but for and during such time only and in such case when hereafter the said State of Venice shall again begin to tax or levy any manner of new impost within the said dominions upon any the goods or merchandises of our said subjects hereafter to be brought into any the dominions of the said State or signory of Venice. Any thing in these our letters Patents contained to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding. And further we straight charge and command, and by these presents prohibit all and singular Customers and Collectors of our Customs, pondage, and subsidies, and all other Officers within our port and City of London and else where, to whom it shall appertain and every of them, That they or any of them by themselves, their clerks, or substitutes shall not receive or take, or suffer to be received or taken for us or i● our name, or to our use, or in the name, or unto the use of our heirs or successors of any person or people, any sum or sums of money, or other consideration during the said term of twelve years for any custom, pondage, tax or subsidy of any corrants, raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candie aforesaid save only of and in the name of the said Governor and company of merchants of the Levant, or of some of that company without the consent of the said Governor and company in writing under their said common seal, first had and obtained, and unto them showed for the testifying their said consent. And for the better and more sure observation thereof we will and grant for us, our heirs or successors by these presents, that our Treasurour and Barons of the Exchequer for the time being by force of these presents, and the enrolment thereof in the said Court of our Exchequour, at all and every time and times during the said term of twelve years, at and upon the request of the said Governor and company, their Attorney or Attorneys, Deputies or assigns, shall and may make and direct under the seal of the said Court one or more sufficient writ or write close or patent, unto every or any of the said Customers or other Officers to whom it shall appertain, commanding them and every of them thereby, that neither they nor any of them at any time or times during the said space of twelve years shall take entry of any corants, raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candia, or take or make any agreement for any custom, pondage, or other subsidy for any of the said corants, raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candie, with any person or people whatsoever, other then with, or in the name and by the privity of the said governor and company or some of the same company. And further of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion we have condescended and granted, and by these presents for us our heirs and successors do condescend and grant to the said Governor and company of merchants of Levant, that we our heirs and successors, during the said term, will not grant liberty, licence, or power to any person or people whatsoever contrary to the tenor of these our letters patents, to sail, pass, trade, or traffic by the said Levant Sea, into, or from the said dominions of the said Grand signor or the dominions of the State of Venice or any of them, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, without the consent of the said Governor and Company or the most part of them. And whereas Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet have not yet assented to be incorporated into the said society of Governor and company of merchants of Levant, nevertheless sithence, as we be informed, they have been traders that way heretofore; our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby expressly command and charge that if it happen at any time within two months next following after the date hereof, the said Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet or either of them, to submit themselves to be of the said company, and do give such assurance as the said Governor and company, or the more part of them shall allow of, to bear, pay, and perform such orders, constitutions, payments and contributions, as other of the said company shall be ordered to bear, pay, and perform, that then every of the said Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet so doing and submitting himself, shall upon his or their request unto the said Governor be admitted into the said company and corporation of Governor and company of merchants of Levant, and have and enjoy the same, and as great liberties, privileges, and pre-eminences, as the rest of the said corporation or company may, or aught to have by virtue of this our grant. Any thing in these presents contained to the contrary notwithstanding. And our will and pleasure is, and hereby we do also ordain that it shall and may be lawful, to, and for the said Governor and company of merchants of Levant or the more part of them, to admit into, and to be of the said company, any such as have been or shall be employed as servants, factors, or agents in the trade of merchandise by the said Levant seas, into any the countries, dominions or territories of the said Grand signor or Signiory or State of Venice, according as they or the most part of them shall think requisite. And where Anthony Ratcliff, Steven Some, and Robert Brook Aldermen of the said City of London, Simon Laurence, john Wattes, john Newton, Thomas Middleton, Robert Cox, john Blunt, Charles Faith, Thomas Barnes, Alexander Dansey, Richard Aldworth, Henry Cowlthirste, Caesar Doffie, Martin bond, Oliver Stile and Nicolas Style Merchants of London for their abilities and sufficiencies have been thought fit to be also of the said Company of the said governor and Company of Merchants of Levant: Our will and pleasure and express commandment is, and we do hereby establish and ordain, that every such of the same Anthony Radcliffe, Steven Some, Robert Brook, Simon Laurence, john Wattes, john Newton, Thomas Midleton, Robert Cox, john Blunt, Charles F●ith, Thomas Barnes, Alexander Dansey, Richard Aldworth, Henry Cowlthirst, Caesar Doffie, Martin bond, Oliver Style, and Nicolas Style, as shall pay unto the said Governor and company of Merchants of Levante the sum of one hundred and thirty pounds of lawful English money within two months next after the date hereof towards the charges that the same Company have already been at in and about the establishing of the said trades shall from thenceforth be of the same company of Merchants of Levant as fully and amply and in like manner, as any other of that society or Company. Provided also, that we our heirs and successors at any time during the said twelve years may lawfully appoint and authorize two other people exercising the lawful trade of merchandise, and being fit men to be of the said company of Governor and company of merchants of Levant, so that the said people to be nominated or authorised, shall aid, do, bear, and pay such payments and charges touching and concerning the same trade and Company of merchants of Levant, ratablie as other of the said Company of merchants of Levant shall, and do, or aught to bear and pay: and do also perform and observe the orders of the said Company allowable by this our grant, as others of the same do or aught to do. And that such two people so to be appointed by us our heirs or successors, shall and may with the said Company use the trade and feat of merchandise aforesaid, and all the liberties and privileges herein before granted, according to the meaning of these our letters patents, any thing in these our letters patents contained to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided also, that if any of the merchants before by these presents named or incorporated, to be of the said fellowship of Governor and company of the merchants of Levant, shall not be willing to continued or be of the same Company, and do give notice thereof, or make the same known to the said Governor within two months next after the date hereof, that then such person so giving notice, shall no further or any longer be of that company, or have trade into those parties, nor be at any time after that of the same corporation or company, or use trade into any the territories or countries aforesaid. Provided always nevertheless, that every such person so giving notice and having at this present any goods or merchandises in any the Territories or countries of the said Grand signor, or signory or State of Venice, may at any time within the space of eighteen months next, and immediately following after the date hereof, have free liberty, power, and authority to return the same or the value thereof into this Realm, without using any traffic there, but immediately from thence hither, paying, bearing, answering, and performing all such charges, duties and sums of money rateably as other of the same corporation or company do or shall pay, bear, answer, or perform for the like. Provided also, that if any of the people before by these presents named or incorporated to be of the said fellowship of Governor and Company of the merchants of Levant, or which hereafter shall be admitted to be of the said Corporation or Company, shall at any time or times hereafter refuse to be of the said Corporation or Company, or to bear, pay, or be contributory to, or not bear and pay such rateable charges and allowances, or to observe or perform such ordinances to be made as is aforesaid, as other of the same company are, or shall be ordered, to bear, pay, or perform, that then it shall and may be lawful for the rest of the said Governor and company of merchants of Levant, presently to expel, remove, and displace every such person so refusing, or not bearing or paying out, of, and from the said Corporation and company, and from all privilege, liberty, and pre-eminence which any such person should, or might claim, or have by virtue of this our grant, and in place of them to elect others exercising the lawful trade of merchandise to be of the said Company. And that every such person so expelled, removed, or displaced by consent of the said Governor and company of merchants of Levant, or the more part of them, shall be from thenceforth utterly disabled to take any benefit by virtue of this privilege, or any time after to be admitted or received again into the same, any thing in these presents contained to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided always, that if it shall hereafter appear to us our heirs and successors, that this grant or the continuance thereof in the whole or in any part thereof, shall not be profitable to us our heirs and successors, or to this our realm, that then and from thenceforth, upon and after eighteen months warning to be given to the said company by us our heirs and successors, this present grant shall cease, be void, and determined to all intents, constructions and purposes. And further of our spe●iall grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, we have condescended and granted, and by these presents for us our heirs and successors, do condescend and grant to the say●e Governor and company of merchants of Levant, that if at the end of the said term of twelve years it shall seem meet and convenient to the said Governor and Company, or any the parties aforesaid, that this present grant shall be continued: And if that also it shall appear unto us, our heirs and successors, that the continuance thereof shall not be prejudicial or hurtful to this our realm, but that we shall find the further continuance thereof profitable for us our heirs and successors and for our realm with such conditions as are herein mentioned, or with some alteration or qualification thereof, that then we our heirs and successors at the instance and humble petition of the said Governor and Company, or any of them so suing for the same, and such other person and people our subjects as they shall nominate and appoint, or shall be by us, our heirs and successors newly nominated, not exceeding in number twelve, new letters patents under the great seal of England in due form of law with like covenants, grants, clauses, and articles, as in these presents are contained, or with addition of other necessary articles or changing of these in some parts, for, and during the full term of twelve years then next following. Willing now hereby, and straight commanding and charging all and singular our Admirals, Uice-admirals, justices, Majors, sheriffs, Escheators, Constables, Bailiffs, and all and singular other our Officers, Ministers, Liege men and subjects whatsoever, to be aiding, favouring, helping, and assisting unto the say● Company and their successors, and to their Deputies, Officers, Factors, servants, assigns and ministers, and every of them, in executing and enjoying the premises as well on land as on Sea, from time to time, & at all times when you or any of you shall thereto be required, any Statute, Act, ordinance, Proviso, Proclamation or restraint heretofore had, made, set forth, ordained or provided, or any other matter, cause or thing whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Although express mention of the true yearly value or certainty of the premises, or any of them, or of any other gifts or grants by us, or any of our progenitors to the said Governor and Company of the merchants of Levant before this time made, in these presents is not made: Or any Statute, Act, Ordinance, provision, proclamation or restraint to the contrary thereof before this time had, made, done, or provided, or any other matter, thing or cause whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patents. Witness ourself at Westminster the seventh day of januarie in the four and thirtieth year of our reign. Per breve de privato Sigillo. Bailie. To the Worshipful and his very loving Uncle M. Rowland Hewish Esquire, at Sand in Devonshire. SIr, considering the goodness of your Nature which is wont kindly to accept from a friend, even of mean things being given with a good heart, I have presumed to trouble you with the reading of this rude discourse of my travails into Turkey, and of the delivery of the present with such other occurrents as there happened worthy the observation: of all which proceed I was an eyewitness, it pleasing the Ambassador to take me in with him to the Grand signor. If for lack of time to put it in order I have not performed it so well as it aught, I crave pardon, assuring you that to my knowledge I have not miss in the truth of anything. If you ask me what in my travels I have learned, I answer as a noble man of France did to the like demand, Hoc unum didici, mundi contemptum: and so concluding with the wise man in the book of the Preacher, that all is vanity, and one thing only is necessary, I take my leave and commit you to the Almighty. From London the 16. March 1597. Your loving Nephew Richard Wrag. A description of a Voyage to Constantinople and Syria, begun the 21. of March 1593. and ended the 9 of August, 1595. wherein is showed the order of delivering the second Present by Master Edward Barton her majesties Ambassador, which was sent from her Majesty to Sultan Murad Can, Emperor of Turkey. WE set sail in the Ascension of London, a new ship very well appointed, of two hundred and three score tons (whereof was master one William Broadbanke, a provident and skilful man in his faculty) from Gravesend the one and twenty of March 1593. And upon the eight of April following we passed the straits of Gibraltar, and with a small Western gale, the 24. of the same, we arrived at Zante an Island under the Venetians. The fourth of May we departed, and the one and twenty we arrived at Alexandretta in Cilicia in the very bottom of the Mediterrane sea, a road some 25. miles distant from Antioch, where our merchants land their goods to be sent for Aleppo. From thence we set sail the fift of june, and by contrary winds were driven upon the coast of Caramania into a road near a little Island where a castle standeth, called Castle Rosso, some thirty leagues to the Eastwards of the Rhodes, where after long search for fresh water, we could find none, until certain poor Greeks of the Island brought us to a well where we had 5 or 6 tuns. That part of the country next the sea is very barren & full of mountains, yet found we there an old tomb of marble, with an epitaph of an ancient Greek character, by antiquity near worn out and past reading; which to the beholders seemed a monument of the greatness of the Graecian monarchy. From thence we went to the Rhodes, and by contrary winds were driven into a port of Candy, Candie. called Sittia: this Island is under the Uenetians, who have there 600 soldiers, beside certain Greeks, continually in pay. Here with contrary winds we stayed six weeks, and in the end, having the wind prosperous, we sailed by Nicaria, Pharos, Delos, and Andros, with sight of many other islands in the Archipelago, and arrived at the two castles in Hellespont the 24 of August. Within few days after we came to Galipoli some thirty miles from this place, where four of us took a Parma or boat of that place, with two watermen, which rowed us along the Thracian shore to Constantinople, which sometime sailing and sometime rowing, in four days they performed. The first of September we arrived at the famous port of the Grand signor, where we were not a little welcome to M. Edward Barton until then her majesties Agent, who (with many other great people) had for many days expected the present. Five or six days after the ship arrived near the Seven towers, The Ascension arrived at the 7 towers. which is a very strong hold, and so called of so many turrets, which it hath, standing near the sea side, being the first part of the city that we came unto. here the Agent appointed the master of the Ascension to stay with the ship until a fit wind and opportunity served to bring her about the Seraglio to salute the Grand signor in his moskyta or church: for you shall understand that he hath built one near the brickwall of his Seraglio or palace adjoining to the Sea side; whereunto twice or thrice a week he resorteth to perform such religious rites as their law requireth: where he being within few days after, our ship set out in their best manner with flags, streamers and pendants of divers coloured silk, The ship saluteth the grand signor. with all the mariners, together with most of the ambassadors men, having the wind fair, and came within two cables length of this his moskita, where (he to his great content beholding the ship in such bravery) they discharged first two volies of small shot, and then all the great ordinance twice over, there being seven and twenty or eight and twenty pieces in the ship. Which performed, he appointed the Bustangi-Bassa or captain of the great and spacious garden or park, to give our men thanks, with request that some other day they would show him the like sport when he would have the Sultana or Empress a beholder thereof, which few days after at the ships going to the Customhouse they performed. The grand Signiors salutation thus ended, the master brought the ship to an anchor at Rapamat near the ambassadors house, where he likewise saluted him with all his great ordinance once over, and where he landed the Present, the delivery whereof for a time was stayed: the cause of which stay it shall neither be dishonourable for our nation, or that worthy man the ambassador to show you. At the departure of Sinan Bassa the chief Vizir, The cause of staying the Present. and our ambassadors great friend toward the wars of Hungary there was another Bassa appointed in his place, a churlish and harsh natured man, who upon occasion of certain Genovezes, escaping out of the castles standing toward the Eurine Sea, now called the black Sea, there imprisoned, apprehended and threatened to execute one of our Englishmen called john Field, for that he was taken thereabouts, and known not many days before to have brought a letter to one of them: upon the soliciting of whose liberty there fallen a jar between the Bassa (being now chief Vizir) and our ambassador, and in choler he gave her majesties ambassador such words, as without sustaining some great indignity he could not put by. Whereupon after the arrival of the Present, he made an Arz, An Arz to the grand signor. that is, a bill of Complaint to the grand signor against him, the manner in exhibiting where of is thus performed. The plaintiffs expect the grand Signiors going abroad from his palace, either to Santa Sophia or to his church by the sea side, whither, with a Perma (that is one of their usual whirries) they approach within some two or three score yards, where the plaintiff standeth up, and holdeth his petition over his forehead in sight of the grand signor (for his church is open to the Sea side) the rest sitting still in the boat, who appoints one of his Dwarves to receive them, and to bring them to him. A Dwarf, one of the Ambassadors favourites, so soon as he was discerned, beckoned him to the shore side, took his Arz, and with speed carried it to the grand signor. Now the effect of it was this; that except his highness would redress this so great an indignity, which the Vizir his slave had offered him and her majesty in his person, he was purposed to detain the Present until such time as he might by letters over-land from her majesty be certified, whither she would put up so great an injury as it was. Whereupon he presently returned answer, The great hall of ●ustice. requesting the ambassador within an hour after to go to the Dovan of the Vizir, unto whom himself of his charge would sand a gown of clot of gold, and command him publicly to put it upon him, and with kind entertainment to embrace him in sign of reconciliation. Whereupon our ambassador returning home, took his horse, accompanied with his men, and came to the Viziers court, where, according to the grand Signiors command, he with all show of kindness embraced the ambassador, and with courteous speeches reconciled himself, and with his own hands put the gown of clot of gold upon his back. Which done, he with his attendants returned home, Reconciliation with the Uizir ●ade. to the no small admiration of all Christians that herded of it, especially of the French and Venetian ambassadors, who never in the like case against the second person of the Turkish Empire dared have attempted ●o hold an enterprise with hope of so friendly audience, and with so speedy redress. This reconciliation with the great Vizir thus made, the ambassador prepared himself for the delivery of the Present, which upon the 7 of October 1593. in this manner he performed. The Ascension with her flags and streamers, as aforesaid, repaired nigh unto the place where the ambassador should landlord to go up to the Seraglio: The ambassador goeth to the court wit● the present. for you must understand that all Christian ambassadors have their dwelling in Pera where most Christians abide, from which place, except you would go 4 or 5 miles about, you cannot by land go to Constantinople, whereas by Sea it is little brother than the Thames. Our Ambassador likewise appareled in a suit of clot of silver, with an upper gown of clot of gold, accompanied with 7 gentlemen in costly suits of Satin, with 30 other of his men very well appareled, and all in one livery of sad French russet clot gowns, at his house took boat: at whose landing the ship discharged all her ordinance, where likewise attended 2 Bassas, with 40 or 50 Chauses to accompany the ambassador to the court, & also horses for the ambassador & his gentlemen, very richly furnished, with Turkish servants attendant to take the horses when they should light. The ambassador thus honourably accompanied, the Chauses foremost, next his men on foot all going by two and two, himself last with his Chause and Drugaman or Interpreter, and 4 janissaries, which he doth usually entertain in his house to accompany him continually abroad, The Embassy came to the Seraglio. came to the Seraglio about an English mile from the water side, where first he passed a great gate into a large court (much like the space before White hall gate) where he with his gentlemen alighted and left their horses. From hence they passed into an other stately court, being about 6 store in breadth, and some 10 score yards long, with many trees in it; where all the court was with great pomp set in order to entertain our ambassador. Upon the right hand all the length of the court was a gallery arched over, and born up with stone pillars, much like the Royal Exchange, where stood * All these are captains of hundred and of fifties. most of his guard in ranks from the one end to the other in co●t●●aray, with round head pieces on their heads of metal and gilt over, with a great plume of feathers somewhat like a long brush standing up before. On the left hand stood the Cappagies or porters, and the Chauses. All these courtiers being about the number of 2000 (as I might well guess) most of them appareled in clot of gold, silver, velvet, satin and scarlet, did together with bowing their bodies, laying their hands upon their breasts in courteous manner of salutation, entertain the Ambassador: who likewise passing between them, & turning himself sometime to the right hand and sometime to the left, answered them with the like. As he thus passed along, certain Chauses conducted him to the Dovan, which is the seat of justice, where certain days of the week the grand Vizir, with the other Viziers, the Cadi-lesker or lord chief justice, & the Mufti or high priest do sit to determine upon such causes as be brought before them, which place is upon the left side of this great court, whither the ambassador with his gentlemen came, where he found the Vizir thus accompanied as aforesaid, who with great show of kindness received him: The ambassador received by the Vizir with all kindness. and after receipt of her majesties letters, & conference had of the Present, of her majesties health, of the state of England, and such other matters as concerned our peaceable traffic in those parts: dinner being prepared was by many of the Courtiers brought into another inner room next adjoining, which consisted of an hundred dishes or thereabouts, most boiled & roasted, Diver brought in. where the ambassador accompanied with the Viziers went to dinner, his gentlemen likewise with the rest of his men having a dinner with the like variety prepared upon the same side of the court, by themselves sat down to their meat, 40 or 50 Chauses standing at the upper end attending upon the gentlemen to see them served in good order; their drink was water mingled with rose water & sugar brought in a Luthro (that is a goats skin) which a man carrieth at his back, and under his arm letteth it run out at a spout into cups as men will call for it. The dinner thus with good order brought in, and for half an hour with great sobriety and silence performed, was not so orderly taken up; for certain Moglans' officers of the kitchen (like her majesties black guard) came in disordered manner and took away the dishes, Dinner taken away. and he whose hungry eye one dish could not satisfy, turned two or three one into the other, and thus of a sudden was a clean riddance made of all. The ambassador after dinner with his gentlemen, by certain officers were placed at the upper end upon the left side of the court, near unto a great gate which gave entrance to a third court being but little, pa●ed with stone. In the midst whereof was a little house built of marble, as I take it, within which sat the grand Signior, according to whose commandment given there were gowns of clot of gold brought out of the wardrobe, Gowns of clot of gold for the ambassador and his gentlemen. and put upon the ambassador and 7 of his gentlemen, the ambassador himself having 〈◊〉, one of gold, and the other of crimson velvet, all the rest one a piece. Then certain Cappagies had the Present, which was in trunks there ready, delivered them by the ambassadors men, The Present. it being 12 goodly pieces of gilded plate, 36 garments of fine English clot of all colours, 20 garments of clot of gold, 10 garments of satin, 6 pieces of fine Holland, and certain other things of good value; all which were carried round about the court, each man taking a piece, being in number very near 100 parcels, and so 2 and 2 going round that all might see it, to the greater glory of the present, The Present viewed. and of him to whom it was given: they went into the innermost court passing by the window of that room, where the grand signor sat, who, as it went by to be laid up in certain rooms adjoining, took view of all. Presently after the present followed the ambassador with his gentlemen; at the gate of which court stood 20 or 30 Agaus which be eunuches. Within the court yard were the Turks Dwarves and Dumb men, being most of them youths. At the door of his room stood the Bustangi-bassa, with another Bassa to lead the ambassador and his followers to the grand signor who sat in a chair of estate, appareled in a gown of clot of silver. The floor under his feet, which part was a foot higher than the rest, was covered with a carpet of green satin embroidered most richly with silver, orient pearls & great Turkeses; the other part of the house was covered with a carpet of Carnation satin embroidered with gold, none were in the room with him, but a Bassa who stood next the brickwall over against him hanging down his head, The ambassador kisseth the grand Signior han●. & looking submissly upon the ground ●s all his subjects do in his presence. The ambassador thus betwixt two which stood at the door being led in, either of them taking on arm, kissed his hand, and so backward with his face to the Turk they brought him nigh the door again, where he stood until they had likewise done so with all the rest of his gentlemen. Which ended, the ambassador, according as it is the custom when any present is delivered, made his three demands, such as he thought most expedient for her majesties honour, & the peaceable traffic of our nation into his dominions: whereunto he answered in one word, Nolo, which is in Turkish as much as, it shall be done: for it is not the manner of the Turkish emperor familiarly to confer with any Christian ambassador, but he appoints his Uizir in his person to grant their demands if they be to his liking; as to our ambassador he granted all his demands, The ambassadors demands granted. & gave order that his daily allowance for his house of money, flesh, wood, & ha●e, should be augmented with half as much more as it had been before. Hereupon the ambassador taking his leave, departed with his gentlemen the same way he came, the whole court saluting him as they did at his coming in: & coming to the second court to take our horses, after we were mounted, we stayed half an hour, until the captain of the guard with 2000 horsemen at the lest passed before, after whom followed 40 or 50 Chauses next before the ambassador to accompany him to his house. And as before at his landing, so now at his taking boat, the ship discharged all her great ordinance, where arriving, he likewise had a great banquet prepared to entertain those which came to bring him home. The pomp & solemnity of the Present, with the day thus ended, he shortly after presented the Sultana or empress who (by reason that she is mother to him which was heir to the crown Imperial) is had in far greater reverence than any of his other Queens or concubines. The Present sent her in her majesties name was a jewel of her majesties picture, The Sultanas' present. set with some rubies and diamonds, 3 great pieces of gilded plate, 10 garments of clot of gold, a very fine case of glass bottles silver & gilt, with 2 pieces of fine Holland, which so gratefully she accepted, as that she sent to know of the ambassador what present he thought she might return that would most delight her majesty; who sent word that a suit of princely attire being after the Turkish fashion would for the rareness thereof he acceptable in England. Whereupon she sent an upper gown of clot of gold very rich, an under gown of clot of silver, and a girdle of Turkey work, The Sultanas' present to the Queen. rich and fair, with a letter of gratification, which for the rareness of the stile, because you may be acquainted with it, I have at the end of this discourse hereunto annexed, which letter and present, with one from the grand Signior, was sent by M. Edward bushel, and M. William Aldridge over-land the 20 of March, Letters sent for England. who passed through V●lachia and Moldavia, & so through Poland, where Michael prince of Valachia, and Aron Voivoda prince of Moldavia receiving letters from the ambassador, entertained them with all courtesy, through whose means by the great favour which his lordship had with the grand signor, they had not long before both of them been advanced to their princely dignities. The other Viziers presented. He likewise presented Sigala the Admiral of the Seas, with Ab●im Bassa, who married the great Turk's daughter, and all the other Uizirs with divers pieces of plate, fine English clot & other costly things: the particulars whereof, to avoid tediousness, I omit. All the presents thus ended, the ship shooting ten pieces of ordinance at the Seraglio point, as a last farewell, departed on her journey for England the first of November, The Ascension departeth. myself continuing in Constantinople until the last of july after. This year in the spring there was great preparation for the Hungarian wars; Great preparation for the Hungarian wars. and the great Turk threatened to go himself in person: but like Hellogabalus, his affections being more serviceable to Venus then to Mars, he stayed at home. Yet a great army was dispatched this year; who, as they came out of Asia to go for Hungary, did so pester the streets of Constantinople for the space of two months in the spring time, as scarce either Christian or jew could without danger of losing his money pass up and down the city. What insolences, murders and robberies were committed not only upon Christians but also upon Turks I omit to writ, and I pray God in England the like may never be seen: and yet I could wish, that such amongst us as have enjoyed the Gospel with such great and admirable peace and prosperity under her majesties government this forty years, and have not all this time brought forth better first-fruits of obedience to God, and thankfulness to her Majesty, were there but a short time to behold the miserable condition both of Christians and other living under such an infidel prince, who not only are wrapped in most palpable & gross ignorance of mind, but are clean without the means of the true knowledge of God: I doubt not but the sight hereof (if they be not clean voided of grace) would stir them up to more thankfulness to God, that ever they were born in so happy a time, and under so wise and godly a prince professing the true religion of Christ. The number of soldiers which went to the wars of Hungary this year were 470000, as by the particulars given by the Admiral to the Ambassador hereunder do appear. Although all these were appointed and supposed to go, yet the victories which the Christians in the spring had against the Turks struck such a terror in many of the Turkish soldiers, as by report divers upon the way thither left their Captains and stolen away. The number of Turkish soldiers which were appointed to go into Hungary against the Christian Emperor. May 1594. SInan Bassa general, with the Saniacke masould, that is, out of office, with the other Saniack● in office or of degree, 40000. Achmigi, that is, Adventurers, 50000. The Agha or Captain with his janissaries, and his Giebegies, 20000. The Beglerbeg of Graecia, with all his Saniacks, 40000. The company of Spaheis or horsemen, 10000● The company of Silitari, 6000. The company of Sagbulue and of Solbulue both together, 8000. The Bassa of Belgrade. 80000. The Bassa of Temisw●r. 80000. The Bassa of Bosna. 80000. The Bassa of Buda. 80000. The Saniack of Gersech. 80000. Out of Asia. The Bassa of Caramania. 120000. The Bassa of Laras. 120000. The Bassa of Damascus. 120000. The Bassa of Suas. 120000. The Bassa of Van or Nan. 120000. The Bassa of Vsdrum. 120000. Of Tartars there be about 100000. Thus you may see that the great Turk maketh war with no small numbers. And in anno 1597, when Sultan Mah●met himself went in person into Hungary, if a man may believe reports, he had an army of .600000. For the city of Constantinople you shall understand that it is matchable with any city in Europe, aswell in bigness as for the pleasant situation thereof, and commodious traffic and bringing of all manner of necessary provision of victuals, and whatsoever else man's life for the sustentation thereof shall require, being seated upon a promontory, looking toward Pontus Euxinus upon the North-east, and to Propon●s on the South-west, by which two seas by shipping is brought great store of all manner of victuals. The city itself in form representeth a triangular figure, the sea washing the walls upon two sides thereof, the other side faceth the continent of Thracia; the grand Signiors seraglio standeth upon that point which looketh into the sea, being cut off from the city by a brickwall; so that the brickwall of his palace containeth in circuit about two English miles: the seven towers spoken of before stand at another corner, & Constantine's old palace to the North at the third corner. The city hath a threefold brickwall about it; the innermost very high, the next lower than that, and the third a countermure, and is in circuit about ten English miles: it hath four and twenty gates: and when the empire was removed out of the West into the East, it was enriched with many spoils of old Rome by Vespasian and other emperors, having many monuments and pillars in it worthy the observation; amongst the rest in the midst of Constantinople standeth one of white marble called Vespasians pillar, of 38 or 40 yards high, which hath from the base to the top proportions of men in armour fight on horseback: it is likewise adorned with divers goodly buildings & stately Mesquitas, whereof the biggest is Sultan Soliman's a great warrior, which lived in the time of Charles the fifth; but the fairest is Santa Sophia, Santa Sophia. which in the time of the Christian emperors was the chief cathedral church, and is still in greatest account with the great Turk: it is built round like other Greekish churches, the pavements and walls be all of marble, it hath beneath 44 pillars of divers coloured marble of admirable height and bigness, which stand upon great round feet of brass, much greater than the pillars, and of a great height, some ten yards distant from the brickwall: from which unto these pillars is a great gallery built, which goeth round about the church; and upon the outside of the gallery stand 66 marble pillars which bear up the round roof being the top of the church: it hath three pulpits or preaching places, and about 2000 lamps brought in by the Turk. Likewise upon one side in the top is the picture of Christ with the 12 Apostles, but their faces are defaced, with two or three ancient tombs of Christians: to the West sticketh an arrow in the top of the church, which, as the Turks report, Sultan Mahomet shot when he first took the city. Near adjoining be two chapels of marble, where lie bu●ied most of the emperors with their children & sultanas. The 16 of july, accompanied with some other of our nation we went by water to the Black sea, being 16 miles distant from Constantinople, the sea all the way thither being little broader than the Thames; both sides of the shore are beautified with fair & goodly buildings. At the mouth of this Bosphorus lieth a rock some fourscore yards from the main land, whereupon standeth a white marble pillar called Pompey's pillar, Pompey's pillar. the shadow whereof was 23 foot long at nine of the clock in the forenoon: over against it is a turret of stone upon the main land 120 steps high, having a great glasse-lanthorne in the top four yards in diameter and three in height, with a great copper pan in the midst to hold oil, with twenty lights in it, and it serveth to give passage into this strait in the night to such ships as come from all parts of those seas to Constantinople: it is continually kept by a Turk, who to the end hath pay of the grand signor. And thus having spent eleven months in Constantinople, accompanied with a chause, & carrying certain mandates from the grand signor to the Bassa of Aleppo for the kind usage of our nation in those parts, the 30 of july I took passage in a Turkish carmosale or ship bond for Sidon; and passing thorough Propontis, having Salimbria with Heraclia most pleasantly situated on the right hand, and Proconesus now called Marmora on the left, we came to Gallipoly, Gallipoly. and so by Hellespont, between the two castles before named called Sestos and Abydos, famous for the passages made there both by Xerxes and great Alexander● the one into Thracia, the other into Asia, and so by the Sigean Promontory, now called Cape Iani●zary, at the mouth of Hellespont upon Asia side, where Troy stood, Troy. where are yet ruins of old walls to be seen, with two hills rising in a pyramidal form, not unlikely to be the tombs of Achilles and ajax. From thence we sailed along, having Tenedos and Lemnos on the right hand, and the Trojan fields on the left: at length we came to Mitylen and Sio long time inhabited by the Genoveses, Zio. but now under the Turk. The Island is beautified with goodly buildings and pleasant gardens, and aboundeth with first-fruits, wine, and the gum mastic. From thence sailing alongst the gulf of Ephesus with Nicaria on the right hand, Samos and Smirna on the left, we came to Patmos, Patmos. where S. john written the Revelation. The Island is but small, not above five miles in compass: the chief thing it yieldeth is corn: it hath a port for shipping, and in it is 〈…〉 of Greekish Caloi●ro●. From thence by Cos (now called Lango) where Hipocrates was born: Cos. & passing many other islands and rocks, we arrived at Rhodes, Rhodes. one of the strongest and fairest cities of the East: here we stayed three or four days; and by reason of a By which went in the ship to Paphos in Cyprus, who used me with all kindness, I went about the city, and took the view of all: which city is still with all the houses and walls thereof maintained in the same order as they took it from the Rhodian knights. Over the doors of many of the houses● which be strongly built of stone, do remain undefaced, the arms of England, France, Spain, and many other Christian knights, as though the Turks in the view thereof gloried in the taking of all Christendom, whose arms there they behold. From thence we sailed to Paphos an old ruinous town standing upon the Western part of Cyprus, where S. Paul in the Acts converted the governor. Departing hence, we came to Sidon, Sidon. by the Turks called Saytosa, within ten or twelve miles of the place where Tirus stood, which now being eaten in by the sea, is, as Ezekiel prophesied, Ezek. 26.5. a place for the spreading out of a net. Sidon is situated in a small bay at the foot of mount Libanus, upon the side of an hill looking to the North: it is walled about, with a castle nigh to the sea, and one toward the land which is ruinated, but the wall thereof standeth. Some half mile up toward the mountain be certain ruins of buildings, with marble pillars, remaining: here for three days we were kindly entertained of the captain of the castle: and in a small bark we sailed from hence along the shore to Tripoli, & so to Alexandretta, where the 24 of August we arrived. From thence with a Venetian caravan we went by land to Aleppo, passing by Antioch, Antioch. which is seated upon the side of an hill, whose walls still stand with 360 turrets upon them, and near a very grea● plain which beareth the name of the city, thorough which runneth the river Orontes, in Scripture called Farfar. In Aleppo I stayed until February following; Aleppo. in this city, as at a mart, meet many nations out of Asia with the people of Europe, having continual traffic and interchangeable course of merchandise one with another: the state and trade of which place, because it is so well known to most of our nation, I ●mitte to writ of. The 27 of February I departed from Aleppo, and the fifth of March embarked myself at Alexandretta in a great ship of Venice called the Nana Ferra, to come for England● The 14 we put into Salino in Cyprus, where the ship staying many days to lad cotton wool and other commodities, in the mean time accompanied with M. William Barret my country man, the master of the ship a Greek, and others, we took occasion to see Nicosia, Nicosia, the chief city of this Island, which was some twenty miles from this place, which is situated at the foot of an hill: to the East is a great plain, extending itself in a great length from the North to the South: it is walled about, but of no such strength as Famagusta (another city in this Island near the Sea side) whose walls are cut out of the main rock. In this city be many sumptuous and goodly buildings of stone, but uninhabited; the cause whereof doth give me just occasion to show you of a rare judgement of God upon the owners sometime of these houses, as I was credibly informed by a Cypriot a merchant of good wealth in this city. Before it came in subjection to the Turks, while it was under the Uenetians, there were many barons and noble men of the Cipriots, A great judgement of God upon the noble men of Cyprus. who partly by usurping more superiority over the common people than they aught, and partly through their great revenues which yearly came in by their cotton wool and wines, grew so insolent and proud, and withal so impiously wicked, as that they would at their pleasure command both the wives and children of their poorem tenants to serve their unclean lusts, & holding them in such slavery as though they had been no better than dogs, would wage them against a grayhound or spaniel, and he who won the wager should ever after hold them as his proper goods and chattels, to do with them as he listed, being Christians aswell as themselves, if they may deserve so good a name. As they behaved themselves most unchristianly toward their brethren, so and much more ungodly (which I should have put in the first place) did they towards God; for as though they were too great, standing on foot or kneeling to serve God, they would come riding on horseback into the church to hear their mass: which church now is made a public basistane or market place for the Turks to cell commodities in: but behold the judgement of the righteous God, who payeth the sinner measure for measure. The Turks the year before the overthrow given them at Lepanto by Don john took Cyprus. These mighty Nimrods' fled some into holes & some into mountains to hide themselves; whereupon the Turks made general proclamation, that if they would all come in and yield themselves, they would restore them to their former revenues and dignities: who not mistrusting the mischievous pretence of the Turks, assembled together to make themselves known; whom after the Turks had in possession, they (as the Lords executioners) put them with their wives and children all to the sword, pretending thereby to cut off all future rebellion, so that at this day is not one of the noble race known alive in the Island, only two or three remain in Venice but of little wealth, which in the time of the wars escaped. After we had stayed in this Island some thirty days, we set sail in the foresaid ship being about the burden of 900 tons, having in her passengers of divers nations, as Tartars, Persians, jews, and sundry Christians. Among all which I had often conference with a jew, who by reason of his many years education at Saset a place in judea near jerusalem, where they study the Rabbins with some other arts as they think good, as also for his travels into Persia and Ormus, he seemed to be of good experience in matters abroad, who related unto me such conference as he had with a Bamane at Ormus, being one of the Indians inhabiting the country of Cambaia. This Baniane being a Gentle had skill in Astronomy, Indians skilful in Astronomy. as many of that nation have, who by his books written in his own tongue and Characters, could tell the time of Eclipses both of Sun and Moon, with the Change and Full, and by judgement in Astrology gave answer to any question demanded. Being asked concerning his opinion in religion, what he thought of God? He made answer, that they held no other god but the sun, (to which planet they pray both at the rising and setting) as I have seen sundry do in Aleppo: his reason was drawn from the effects which it worketh in giving light to the moon & other stars, and causing all things to grow and increase upon the earth: answer was made, that it did move with the rest, as the wheels of a clock, and therefore of force must have a mover. Likewise in the Eclipse being darkened it is manifestly proved that it is not god, for God is altogether goodness and brightness, which can neither be darkened nor receive detriment or hurt: but the Sun receiveth both in the Eclipse, as it is apparent: to which he could not answer; but so they had received from their ancestors, that it was without beginning or end, as in any Orbicular or round body neither beginning or end could be found. He likewise sayda that there were other Gentiles in the Indies which worship the moon as chief, and their reason is. The moon when she rises goeth with thousand of stars accompanied like a king, and therefore is chief: but the Sun goeth alone, and therefore not so great. Against whom the Banianes reason, that it is not true, because the Moon and stars receive their light from the Sun, neither doth the Sun vouchsafe them his company but when he lift, and therefore like a mighty prince goeth alone, yet they acknowledge the Moon as Queen or Uiceroy. Law they hold none, but only seven precepts which they say were given them from their father No, The seven precepts of Bani●nes. not knowing Abraham or any other. First, to honour father and mother; secondly, not to steal; thirdly, not to commit adultery; fourthly, not to kill any thing living; fiftly, not to eat any thing living; sixthly, not to cut their hair; seventhly, to go barefoot in their churches. These they hold most strictly, & by no means will break them: but he that breaketh one is punished with twenty stripes: but for the greatest fault they will kill none, neither by a short death nor a long, only he is kept some time in prison with very little meat, and hath at the most not above twenty or five & twenty stripes. In the year they have 16 feasts, and then they go to their church, where is pictured in a broad table the Sun, as we use to paint it, the face of a man with beams round about, not having any thing else in it. At their feast they spot their faces in divers parts with saffron all yellow, and so walk up and down the streets; and this they do as a custom. They hold, there shallbe a resurrection, and all shall come to judgement, but the account shallbe most straight, insomuch that but one of 10000 shallbe received to favour, and those shall live again in this world in great happiness: the rest shallbe tormented. And because they will escape this judgement, when any man dieth, he and his wife be both burned together even to ashes, and then they are thrown into a river, and so dispersed as though they had never been. If the wife will not burn with her dead husband, she is held ever after as a whore. And by this means they hope to escape the judgement to come. As for the soul, that goeth to the place from whence it came, but where the place is they know not. That the body should not be made again, they reason with the philosophers, saying, that of nothing nothing can be made (not knowing that God made the whole world and their god the Sun of nothing) but beholding the course of nature, that nothing is made but by a means, as by the seed of a man is made another, and by corn cast into the ground there cometh up new corn: so, say they, man cannot be made except some part of him be left, and therefore they burn the whole: for if he were buried in the earth, they say there is a small bone in the neck which would never be consumed: or if he were eaten by a beast, that bone would not consume, but of that bone would come another man; and then the soul being restored again, he should come into judgement, whereas now, the body being destroyed, the soul shall not be judged: for their opinion is, that both body and soul must be united together, as they have sinned together, to receive judgement; and therefore the soul alone cannot. Their seven precepts which they keep so strictly are not for any hope of reward they have after this life, but only that they may be blessed in this world, for they think that he which breaketh them shall have ill success in all his business. They say, the three chief religions in the world be of the Christians, jews, & Turks, & yet but one of them true: but being in doubt which is the truest of the three, they will be of none: for they hold that all these three shall be judged, and but few of them which be of the true shall be saved, the examination shall be so strait: and therefore, as I have said before, to prevent this judgement, they burn their bodies to ashes. They say, these three religions have too many precepts to keep them all well, & therefore wondered hard it will be to make account, because so few do observe all their religion aright. And thus passing the time for the space of three months in this sea voyage, we arrived at Venice the tenth of june: and after I had seen Milan, with other English men, I came the ordinary way over the Alpes, by Augusta, Noremberg, and so for England; where to the praise of God I safely arrived the ninth of August 1595. A letter written by the most high and mighty Empress the wife of the Grand signor Sultan Murad Can to the Queen's Majesty of England, in the year of our Lord, 1594. IL principio deal ragionamento nostro sia scrittura perfetta nelle quatro part del mondo, in nome di quello che ha' creato indifferentement tante infinite creature, che non haue●ano anima ni persona, & di quello che fagirar gli noue cieli, & che la terra set volte una sopra le altra fa firmar; Signior & Re senza vicere, & che non ha' comparation alla sua creatione ne opera, & uno senza precio, adorato incomparabilment, le altissimo Dio creatore; che non ha' similitudine, si ●ome e descrito dalli propheti: ala cui grandessa non si arrive, & alla perfettione sua compiuta non si oppone, & quell omnipotent creatore & cooperatore; alla grandessa del quale inchinano tutti li propheti; fra quali il maggior & che ha' ottenu●o gracia, horto del paradiso, ragis dal sole, amato del altissimo Dio è Mahomet Mustaffa, all qual & suoi adherenti & imitatori sia perpetua pace: alla cui sepultura odorifera si fa ogni honore. Quello che è imperator de set climati, & delle quatro parti del mondo, invincibile Re di Graecia, Agiamia, Vngeria, Tartary, Valachia, Rossia, Turchia, Arabia, Bagdet, Caramania, Abessis, Giovasir, Siruan, Barbaria, Algieri, Franchia, Coruacia, Belgrado, etc. sempre felicissimo, & de dodeci Auoli possessor della corona; & della stirpe di Adam, fin bora Imperator, figliolo del' Imperatore, conseruato de la divina providenza, Re di ogn● dignita & honore, Sultan Murat; cha Il Signior Dio sempre augmentile sue forzze, & padre di quello a cui aspettala corona imperiale, horto & cypresso mirabile, degno della sedi● regal, & vero herede del commando imperiale, dignissimo Mehemet Cancrone, filiol de Sultan Murat Can, che dio compisca l● suoi dissegni, & alunga livre suoi giorni feli●i: Dalla part della madre del qual si sc●●ue la present alla serenissima & gloriosissima fra le prudentissime Donne, & eletta fra livre triomf●nti so●to●il standardo di jesu Christo, potentissima & ric●hissi●aregi●r●●●, & all mondo singularissima fra il feminil sesso, la serenissima Regina d' Ingilterra● che ●egue ●e vestigie de Maria virgin, il fine della quale sia con bone & perfettione, secondo il su● desid●●●o● Le mando una salutation di pace, cosi honorata, che non basta tutta la copia di rosignoli con le l●romusiche arivare, non che con quosta carta: le amore singular che e conciputo fra noi, esimi●●●a ●n horto di Vccelli vagi; che il Signior Diola faci degna di saluacione, & il fine suo si● tale, i in questo mondo & nel' futuro sia con pace. Doppo comparsi livre suoi honorati presenti da la sedia de la Serenita vostra, sapera che sono capitati in una hora che ogni punto e stato una consolation d● lungo tempo, per occasione del Ambassadore di vostra serenita venuto alla felice porta del Imperatore, contanto nostro contento, quanto si posso desiderare, & con quello una lettera di vostra serenetà, ch● ci estata presentata dalli nostri Eunuchi con gran honore; la carta de la quale odorava di camfora & ambracano, & ●●inchiostro di musco perfetto, & quella pervenuta in nostro mano tutta la continenza di essa a part ho ascol●ato intentament. Quello che hora si conviene e, ●he correspondente alla nostra affecione, in tutto quello che si aspetta all cose attenente alli paesi che sono sotto il commando di vostra serenità, lei non manchi d● sempre tenermi, dato noticia, i in tutto quello che livre occorerà, Io possi compiacerla; de quello che fra le nostre serenità e convenient, accioche quelle cose che si interprenderano, habino il desiderato buon fin●; perch Io saro sempre ricordevole all altissimo Imperatore delle occorenze di vostra serenita, per che sia in ogni occasione compiaci●ta. La pace sia con vostra serenita, & c●n quelli che seguitano dre●amente la via di Dio. S●ritta all primi dell luna di Rabie Li●ol, anno del profe●a 1002, & di jesus 1594. The same in English. LEt the beginning of our discourse be a perfect writing in the four parts of the world, in the name of him which hath indifferently created such infinite numbers of creatures, which had neither soul nor body, and of him which moveth the nine heavens, and stablisheth the earth seven times one above another, which is Lord and king without any deputy, who hath no comparison to his creation and work, and is one inestimable, worshipped without all comparison, the most high God, the creator, which hath nothing like unto him, according as he is described by the Prophets, to whose power no man can attain, and whose absolute perfection no man may control; and that omnipotent creator and fellow-worker, to whose Majesty all the Prophets submit themselves, among whom the greatest, and which hath obtained greatest favour, the garden of Paradise, the beam of the Sun, the beloved of the most high God is Mahomet Mustaffa, to whom and to his adherents and followers be perpetual peace, to whose fragrant sepulture all honour is performed. He which is emperor of the seven climates and of the four parts of the world, the invincible king of Graecia, Agiamia, Hungaria, Tartary, Valachia, Rossia, Turchia, Arabia, Bagdet, Caramania, Abessis, Giovasir, Siruan, Barbaria, Alger, Franchia, Coruacia, Belgrade, etc. always most happy, and possessor of the crown from twelve of his ancestors; and of the seed of Adam, at this present emperor, the son of an emperor, preserved by the divine providence, a king worthy of all glory and honour, Sultan Murad, whose forces the Lord God always increase, and father of him to whom the imperial crown is to descend, the paradise and wonderful call cypress, worthy of the royal throne, and true heir of the imperial authority, most worthy Mehemet Can, the son of Sultan Murad Can, This Sultana is mother to Mehemet which now reigneth as Emperor. whose enterprises God vouchsafe to accomplish, and to prolong his happy days: on the behalf of whose mother this present letter is written to the most gracious and most glorious, the wisest among women, and choose among those which triumph under the standard of jesus Christ, the most mighty and most rich governor, and most rare among womankind in the world, the most gracious Queen of England, which follow the steps of the virgin Mary, whose end be prosperous and perfect, according to your hearts desire. I sand your Majesty so honourable and sweet a salutation of peace, that all the flock of Nightingales with their melody cannot attain to the like, much less this simple letter of mine. The singular love which we have conceived one toward the other is like to a garden of pleasant birds: and the Lord God vouchsafe to save and keep you, and sand your Majesty an happy end both in this world and in the world to come. After the arrival of your honourable presents from the Court of your Majesty, your Highness shall understand that they came in such a season that every minute ministered occasion of long consolation by reason of the coming of your majesties Ambassador to the triumphant Court of the Emperor, to our so great contentment as we could possibly wish, who brought a letter from your Majesty, which with great honour was presented unto us by our eunuks, the paper whereof did smell most fragrantly of camfor and ambargriese, and the ink of perfect musk; the contents whereof we have herded very attentively from point to point. I think it therefore expedient, that, according to our mutual affection, in any thing whatsoever may concern the countries which are subject to your Majesty, I never fail, having information given unto me, in whatsoever occasion shall be ministered, to grative your Majesty to my power in any reasonable and convenient matter, that all your subjects businesses and affairs may have a wished and happy end. For I will always be a solicitor to the most mighty Emperor for your Majesties afaires, that your Majesty at all times may be fully satisfied. Peace be to your Majesty, and to all such as follow rightly the way of God. Written the first day of the Moon of Rabie Livol in the year of the Prophet, Ann. Dom. 1594. 1002. THE SECOND PART OF THIS Second volume containing the principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffics, and Discoveries of the English nation, made to the South and Southeast quarters of the world without the Straitss of Gibraltar, namely to the islands of Madera, and of the Canaries, to the kingdom of Barbary, to the Isles of Capo Verde, to the river of Senega, to the coast of Ghinea and Benin, about the cape of Buona Esperansa, and so to Goa in the East Indies, and likewise beyond cape Comori to the Isles of Nicubar, to Sumatra, to the channel of Sincapura over against the city of Malacca, and to divers other places. The voyage of Macham an English man, wherein he first of any man discovered the Island of Madera, recorded verbatim in the Portugal history, written by Antonio Galuano. IN the year 1344, King Peter the fourth of that name reigning in Arragon, the Chronicles of his age writ that about this time the Island of Madera, Madera first discovered by one Macham an Englishman. standing in 32 degrees, was discovered by an English man, which was named Macham, who sailing out of England into Spain, with a woman that he had stolen, arrived by tempest in that Island, and did cast anchor in that haven or bay, which now is called Machico after the name of Macham. And because his lover was seasick, he went on land with some of his company, and the ship with a good wind made sail away, and the woman died for thought. Macham, Macham made there a chapel, naming it jesus chapel. which loved her dearly, built a chapel, or hermitage, to bury her in, calling it by the name of jesus, and caused his name and hers to be written or graven upon the stone of her tomb, and the occasion of their arrival there. And afterward he ordained a boat made of one tree (for there be trees of a great compass about) and went to sea in it, with those men that he had, and were left behind with him, and came upon the coast of Africa, without sail or oar. And the Moors which see it took it to be a marvelous thing, and presented him unto the king of that country for a wonder, and that king also sent him and his companions for a miracle unto the king of Castille. In the year 1395, King Henry the third of that name reigning in Castille, the information which Macham gave of this Island, and also the ship of his company, moved many of France and Castille to go and discover it, and also the great Canaria, etc. In the year 1417, King john the second reigning in Castille, and his mother Lady Katherine being Regent, one Monsieur Reuben of Bracamont, which was Admiral of France, demanding the conquest of the islands of the Canaries, with the title of King, for a kinsman of his name Monsieur john Betancourt, after that the Queen had given him them, and helped him, he departed from Siuil with a good army. And they affirm also, that the principal cause which moved him to this, was to discover the Island of Madera, which Macham had found, etc. ibidem pag. 2. of Anthonio Galuano. This note following, concerning the aid and assistance of the English Merchants, given to King john the first of Portugal, for the winning of Ceuta in Barbary, which was the first occasion of all the Portugal discoveries, is taken out of Thomas Walsingham his Latin Chronicle. Anno 1415. HOc anno joannes primus Rex Portugalliae fretus auxilio Mercatorum Angliae quàm maximè, & Alemannorum, vicit Agarenos in terra Regis Betinarinorum, multis eorum millibus ad generum Cereris destinatis: cepítque civitatem eorum quàm amplissimam supra mare sitam, vocatam Ceut eorum lingua. The same in English. THis year john the first king of Portugal, being principally assisted by the help of the English Merchants, and Almains, overcame the Moors in the dominion of the king of Barbary, putting many thousand of them to the sword, and he took their city which was very mighty, seated upon the sea, which is called Ceuta in their language. Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum, & joannem secundum Regem Portugalliae, datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij, & apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris, 1482, anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti, lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta. Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende, que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom joham secundo. Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra, cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito, de que el Rey muyto confiava, é ho doutor joam d' Eluas, é Fernam de Pina por secretario. E for am por mar muy honradament come may boam companhia: hos quaes foram en nome deal Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas come Inglaterra, que polla condisan dellus ho novo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar: é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee, pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse 'em todos seus reynos, que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee: é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada, que pera laa faziam, per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia, hum joam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses. Com ha' qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grand contentamento, é foy delle come muyta honra recebida, é 'em tudo fez inteirament ho que pelloes embaixadores Ibe foy requerido. De que elles trouxeran | These writings are in the Tower. autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram: é assi as provisones das aprovasones que eran necessarias: é come tudo muyto ben acabado, é ha' vontade del rey se vieram. The embassage which king john the second, king of Portugal, sent to Edward the fourth king of England, which in part was to stay one john Tintam, and one William Fabian English men, from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea, 1481, taken out of the book of the works of Gracias de Resende, which entreateth of the life and acts of Don john the second, king of Portugal. Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadors from the town of Monte mayor to king Edward the fourth of England, Ruy de Sonsa, a principal person, and a man of great wisdom and estimation, and in whom the king reposed great trust, with doctor john d'Eluas, and Ferdinand de Pina, as secretary. And they made their voyage by sea very honourably, being very well accompanied. The first cause of this embassage. These men were sent on the behalf of their king, to confirm the ancient leagues with England, wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdom, should be bond to sand to confirm the old leagues. The second cause. And likewise they had order to show and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee, to the intent that after the king of England had seen the same, he should give charge thorough all his kingdoms, that no man should arm or set forth ships to Ginnee: The third cause. and also to request him, that it would please him to give commandment to dissolve a certain fleet, which one john Tintam and one William Fabian, English men, were making, by commandment of the duke of Medina Sidonia, to go to the aforesaid parts of Ginnee. With which embassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased, and they were received of him with very great honour, and he condescended unto all that the ambassadors required of him, at whose hands they received authentical writings of the diligence which they had performed, with publication thereof by the heralds: and also provisoes of those confirmations which were necessary. And having dispatched all things well, and with the kings good will, they returned home into their country. A brief note concerning an ancient trade of the English Merchants to the Canarie-ilands, gathered out of an old ligier book of M. Nicolas thorn the elder a worshipful merchant of the city of Bristol. IT appeareth evidently out of a certain note or letter of remembrance, in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt, written by M. Nicolas thorn the elder a principal merchant of Bristol, to his friend and factor Thomas Midnall and his own servant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia; that in the year of our Lord 1526 (and by all circumstances and probabilities long before) certain English merchants, The English had an ordinary trade to the Canaries 1526. and among the rest himself with one Thomas Spacheford exercised usual and ordinary trade of merchandise unto the Canary islands. For by the said letter notice was given to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesaid, that a certain ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bond for the West Indies had taken in certain fardels of clot both course and fine, broad and narrow of divers sorts and colours, some arovas of packthreed, six cerons or bags of soap with other goods of M. Nicolas thorn, to be delivered at Santa Cruz the chief town in Tenerifa one of the seven Canary-ilands. All which commodities the said Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter & cell away at Santa Cruz. And in am of such money as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to return back into England good store of Orchell (which is a certain kind of moss growing upon high rocks, in those days much used to die withal) some quantity of sugar, and certain hundred of kid-skinnes. For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the said Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz, and to remain there as factors for the abovesaid M. Nicolas thorn. And here also I thought good to signify, that in the said letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man, who before the foresaid year 1526 had found the way to the West Indies, and was there resident, unto whom the said M. Nicolas thorn sent certain armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesaid. A description of the fortunate islands, otherwise called the islands of Canaria, with their strange first-fruits and commodities: composed by Thomas Nicols English man, who remained there the space of seven years together. MIne intent is particularly to speak of the Canaria islands, which are seven in number, wherein I dwelled the space of seven years and more, because I find such variety in sundry writers, and especially great untruths, in a book called The New found world Antarctike, set out by a French man called Andrew Thevet, the which his book he dedicated to the Cardinal of Sens, keeper of the great seal of France. It appeareth by the said book that he had read the works of sundry Philosophers, Astronomers, and Cosmographers, whose opinions he gathered together. But touching his own travel, which he affirmeth, I refer to the judgement of the expert in our days, and therefore for mine own part I writ of these Canaria islands, as time hath taught me in many years. The Island of Canaria. THe Island of Canaria is almost equal in length and breadth, containing 12 leagues in length, touching the which as principal and the residue, the Spaniards hold opinion, that they discovered the same in their navigation toward America, but the Portugals say, that their nation first found the said islands in their navigation toward Aethiopia and the East Indies. But truth it is that the Spaniards first conquered these islands, with divers English gentlemen in their company, English men at the first conquest of the Canaries. whose posterity this present day enjoyeth them. Some writ that this Island was named Canaria by mean of the number of dogs which there were found: as for example, Andrew Thevet saith, that one juba carried two dogs from thence: but that opinion could I never learn by any of the natural people of the country, although I have talked with many in my time, and with many of their children. For truth it is, that there were dogs, but such as are in all the Northwest lands, and some part of the West India, which served the people in stead of sheep for victual. But of some of the conquerors of those islands I have herded say that the reason why they were called the Canaria islands is, because there grow generally in them all foursquare canes in great multitude together, which being touched will cast out a liquor as white as milk, which liquor is rank poison, and at the first entry into these islands some of the discoverers were therewith poisoned: for many years after that conquest the inhabitants began to plant both wine and sugar, so that Canaria was not so called by sugar canes. The people which first inhabited this land were called Canaries by the conquerors, they were clothed in goat skins made like unto a lose cassock, they dwelled in caves in the rocks, in great amity and brotherly love. They spoke all one language: their chief feeding was gelded dogs, goats, and goats milk, their bread was made of barley meal and goats milk, called Gofia, which they use at this day, and thereof I have eaten divers times, for it is accounted exceeding wholesome. Touching the original of these people some hold opinion, that the Romans which dwelled in Africa exiled them thither, aswell men as women, their tongues being cut out of their heads, for blasphemy against the Roman gods. But howsoever it were, their language was special, and not mixed with Roman speech or Arabian. This Island is now the principallest of all the rest, not in fertility, but by reason it is the seat of justice and government of all the residue. This Island hath a special Governor for the Island only, yet notwithstanding there are three judges called Auditors, who are superior judges, and all in one jointly proceed as the Lord chancellor of any realm. To this city from all the other islands come all such by appeal, as have sustained any wrong, and these good judges do remedy the same. The city is called Civitas Palmarum, Civitas Palmarum. it hath a beautiful Cathedral church, with all dignities thereunto pertaining. For the public weal of the Island there are sundry Aldermen of great authority, who have a council house by themselves. The city is not only beautiful, but the citizens curious and gallant in apparel. And after any rain or foul weather a man may go clean in Velvet slippers, because the ground is sandy, the air very temperate, without extreme heat or cold. They reap wheat in February, and again in May, which is excellent good, and maketh bread as white as snow. This Island hath in it other three towns, the one called Telde, the second Galder, and the third Guia. It hath also twelve sugar houses called Ingenios', in which they make great quantity of good sugar. The planting and growth of sugar canes. The manner of the growth of sugar is in this sort, a good ground giveth forth fruit nine times in 18 year: that is to say, the first is called Planta, which is laid along in a furrow, so that the water of a sluice may come over every root being covered with earth: this root bringeth forth sundry canes, and so consequently all the rest. It groweth two years before the yielding of profit, and not six months, as Andrew Thevet the French man writeth. The making of sugar. Then are they cut even with the ground, and the tops & leaves called Coholia cut off, and the canes bond into bundles like faggots, and so are carried to the sugar house called Ingenio, where they are ground in a mill, and the juice thereof conveyed by a conduct to a great vessel made for the purpose, where it is boiled till it wax thick, and then is it put into a furnace of earthen pots of the mould of a sugar loaf, and then is it carried to another house, called a purging house where it is placed to purge the blackness with a certain clay that is laid thereon. Of the remainder in the cauldron is made a second sort called Escumas, and of the purging liquor that droppeth from the white sugar is made a third sort, and the remainder is called Panela or Netas', the refuse of all the purging is called Remiel or Malasses: and thereof is made another sort called Refinado. When this first fruit is in this sort gathered, called Planta, than the Cane-field where it grew is burned over with sugar straw to the stumps of the first canes, and being husbanded, watered and trimmed, at the end of other two years it yieldeth the second fruit called Zoca. The third fruit is called Tertia Zoca, the fourth Quarta Zoca, and so orderly the rest, till age causeth the old Canes to be planted again. Wine. This Island hath singular good wine, especially in the town of Telde, and sundry sorts of good first-fruits, as Batatas, Melons, Pears, Apples, Oranges, Lemons, pomegranates, Figs, Peaches of divers sorts, and many other first-fruits; but especially the Plantano which groweth near brook sides, Plantano. it is a tree that hath no timber in it, but groweth directly upward with the body, having marvelous thick leaves, and every leaf at the top of two yards long and almost half a yard broad. The tree never yieldeth fruit but once, and then is cut down; in whose place springeth another, and so still continueth. The fruit groweth on a branch, and every tree yieldeth two or three of those branches, which bear some more and some less, as some forty and some thirty, the fruit is like a Cucumber, and when it is ripe it is black, and in eating more delicate than any conserve. This Island is sufficiently provided of Oxen, Cows, Camels, Goats, Sheep, Capons, Hens, Ducks, and Pigeons, and great Partridges. Wood is the thing that most wanteth: and because I have particularly to entreat of the other six islands, I leave further enlarging of Canaria, which standeth in 27 degrees distant from the Equator. The I'll of Tenerif. THe Island of Tenerif standeth in 27 degrees and a half from the equator, and is distant from Canaria 12 leagues Northward. This Island containeth 17 leagues in length, and the land lieth high in form of a ridge of sown land in some part of England, and in the midst of the said place standeth a round hill called Pico Deteithe, situated in this sort. The top of this pike containeth of height directly upward 15 leagues & more, which is 45 English miles, out of the which often times proceedeth fire and brimstone, and it may be about half a mile in compass: the said top is in form or likeness of a cauldron. But within two miles of the top is nothing but ashes & pumish stones: yet beneath that two miles is the cold region covered all the year with snow, and somewhat lower are mighty huge trees growing, called Vinatico, which are exceeding heavy, and will not rot in any water, although they lie a thousand years therein. Also there is a wood called Barbusano, of like virtue, with many Savine trees and Pine trees. And beneath these sorts of trees are woods of Bay trees of 10 & 12 miles long, which is a pleasant thing to travel thorough, among the which are great numbers of small birds, which sing exceeding sweet, but especially one sort that are very little, and of colour in all respects like a Swallow, saving that he hath a little black spot on his breast as broad as a penny. He singeth more sweetly than all the rest, but if he be taken and imprisoned in a cage, he liveth but a small while. This Island bringeth forth all sorts of first-fruits, as Canaria doth: and also all the other islands in general bring forth shrubs or bushes, out of the which issueth a juice as white as milk, which after a while that it hath come out waxeth thick, and is exceeding good birdlime, Lime. the bush is called Taybayba. This Island also bringeth forth another tree called Drago, which groweth on high among rocks, and by incision at the foot of the tree issueth out a liquor like blood, which is a common drug among Apothecaries. Of the wood of this tree are made targets greatly esteemed, because if any sword or dagger hit thereon, they stick so fast that it is hard plucking them out. This is the most fruitful Island of all the rest for corn, and in that respect is a mother or nurse to all the others in time of need. There groweth also a certain moss upon the high rocks called Orchel, Orchel good for dying. which is bought for Dyer's to die withal. There are 12 sugar houses called Ingenios', which make great quantity of sugar. There is also one league of ground which standeth between two towns, the one called Larotava, and the other Rialeio, and it is thought that the like plot of ground is not in all the world. The reason is, that this one league of ground produceth sweet water out of the cliffs or rocky mountains, corn of all sorts, fruits of all sorts, and excellent good silk, flax, wax, and honey, and very good wines in abundance, with great store of sugar and firewood. Out of this Island is laden great quantity of wines for the West India, and other countries. The best groweth on a hill side called the Ramble. There is in that Island a fair city, standing three leagues from the sea, near unto a lake called Laguna, wherein are two fair parish churches, there dwelleth the governor who ruleth all that Island with justice. There are also aldermen for the public weal, who buy their offices of the king: the most of the whole inhabitants of this city are gentlemen, merchants, and husband men. There are other four towns called Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz. Larotava, Rialeio, and Garachico. In this Island before the conquest dwelled seven kings, who with all their people dwelled in caves, and were clothed in goat skins, as the Canaria people were, and used such like order of diet as they had. Their order of burial was, that when any died, he was carried naked to a great cave, where he was propped up against the brickwall standing on his feet. But if he were of any authority among them, than had he a staff in his hand, and a vessel of milk standing by him. I have seen caves of 300 of these corpses together, the flesh being dried up, the body remained as light as parchment. These people were called Guanches, naturally they spoke another language clean contrary to the Canarians, and so consequently every Island spoke a several language. Note (gentle reader) that the Island of Canaria, the isle of Tenerif, and the isle of Palma appertain to the king of Spain, unto whom they pay fifty thousand ducats yearly for custom and other profits. All these islands jointly are one bishopric, which pay to the bishop twelve thousand ducats yearly. And thus I conclude of the isle of Tenerif, which standeth in 27 degrees and a half, as I have before declared. Gomera. THe Island of Gomera standeth Westward from Tenerif, in distance six leagues: this is but a small Island containing eight leagues in length. It is an Earldom, & the Lord thereof is called the earl of Gomera. But in case of any controversy the vassals may appeal to the kings superior judges which reside in Canaria. This Island hath one proper town called Gomera, which hath an excellent good port or harbour for ships, where often times the Indian fleet take refreshing for their voyage. There is also sufficient grain and fruit for the maintenance of themselves. There is one Ingenio or Sugar-house, with great plenty of wine and other sorts of first-fruits, as Canaria and Tenerif hath. This Island yieldeth no other commodity but only orchell; it standeth in 27 degrees distant from the Equator toward the pole Arctic. The I'll of Palma. THe I'll of Palma standeth twelve leagues distant from the isle of Gomera Northwestward. This Island is fruitful of wine and sugar: it hath a proper city called the city of Palma, where is great contraction for wines, which are laden for the West India & other places. This city hath one fair church, and a governor, and aldermen to maintain and execute justice. It hath also another pretty town, called S. Andrew's. It hath also four Ingenios' which make excellent sugar, two of the which are called Zauzes, and the other two, Tassacort. This Island yieldeth but little bread-corn; but rather is thereof provided from Tenerif and other places. Their best wines grow in a soil called the Brenia, where yearly is gathered twelve thousand butts of wine like unto Malmsies. This Island standeth round, and containeth in circuit near five and twenty leagues. It hath plenty of all sorts of first-fruits, as Canaria and Tenerif have, it standeth in twenty seven degrees and a half. The Island of Iron, called Hierro. THis Island standeth ten leagues distant from the Island of Palma Westward: it is but a little Island, which containeth six leagues in circuit, and hath but small extension. It appertaineth to the earl of Gomera. The chiefest commodity of this Island is goat's flesh and orchell. There is no wine in all that Island, The only vineyard in Hierro planted by joh. Hill of Tavoton. but only one vineyard that an English man of Taunton in the West country planted among rocks, his name was john Hill. This Island hath no kind of fresh water, but only in the middle of the Island groweth a great tree with leaves like an Olive tree, which hath a great cistern at the foot of the said tree. This tree continually is covered with clouds, and by means thereof the leaves of the said tree continually drop water, very sweet, into the said cistern, which cometh to the said tree from the clouds by attraction. And this water sufficeth the Island for all necessities, aswell for the cattle, as for the inhabitanes. It standeth in 27 degrees. The Island of Lanzarota. THe Island of Lanzarota standeth eighteen leagues distant from grand Canaria Southeastward. The only commodity of this Island is goat's flesh and orchell. It is an earldom, and doth appertain to Don Augustine de Herrera, with title of earl of Fortaventura and Lanzarota. But the vassals of these earldoms may in any cause of wrong appeal to the King's judges, which reside in Canaria, as I have said before: because although the king hath reserved to himself but only the three fruitful islands, called Canaria, Tenerif, and Palma, yet he also reserved the rod of justice to himself, because otherwise the vassals might be evil entreated of their Lords. From this Island do weekly resort to Canaria, Tenerif, & Palma, boats laden with dried goats flesh, called Tussinetta, which serveth in stead of bacon, and is very good meat. This Island standeth in 26 degrees, and is in length twelve leagues. The I'll of Forteventura. THe I'll of Forteventura standeth fifty leagues from the promontory of Cabo de Guer, in the firm land of Africa, and four & twenty leagues distant from Canaria eastward. This Island doth appertain to the lord of Lanzarota. It is reasonable fruitful of wheat and barley, and also of cows, goats, and orchel: this isle is fifteen leagues long and ten leagues broad. On the North side it hath a little Island about one league distant from the main Island, between both of the which it is navigable for any ships, and is called Graciosa. Both Forteventura and Lanzarota have very little wine of the growth of those islands. It standeth in 27 degrees. Thus much have I written of these seven islands by experience, because I was a dweller there, as I have said before, the space of seven years in the affairs of master Thomas Lock, master Anthony Hickman, and master Edward Castelin, who in those days were worthy merchants, and of great credit in the city of London. A description of the Island of Madera. THe Island of Madera standeth in 32 degrees distant from the equinoctinall line, and seventy leagues from the isle of Tenerif Northeastward and South-west from Hercules pillars. This Island was first discovered by one Macham an Englishman, and was after conquered and inhabited by the Portugal nation's It was first called the Island of Madera, by reason of the great wilderness of sundry sorts of trees that there did grow, and yet do, as Cedars, Cypress, Uinatico, Barbuzano, Pine trees, and divers others, and therefore the said Island continueth still with the same name. Howbeit they hold opinion, that between the fayed Island and the isle of Palma is an Island not yet discovered, which is the true Island Madera called saint Brandon. This Island yieldeth a great sum of money to the king of Portugal yearly: it hath one fair city called Fouchall, which hath one fair port or harbour for ships, and a strong bulwark, and a fair Cathedral church, with a bishop and other dignities thereunto appertaining. There is also justice and government according to the Portugal use. But causes of appellation are remitted to the city of Lisbon in Portugal to the kings superior judges there. This Island hath another town called Machico, which hath likewise a good road for ships, which town and road were so called after the name of Macham the Englishman, who first discovered the same. There are also sixteen sugar houses called Ingenios', which make excellent good sugar. There is besides the goodly timber before declared, great store of divers sorts of fruits, as Pears, Apples, Plums, wild Dates, Peaches of divers sorts, Melons, Batatas, Oranges, Lemons, Pomegranates, Citrons, Figs, and all manner of garden herbs. There are many Dragon trees, such as grow in the Canary islands, but chief this land produceth great quantity of singular good wines which are laden for many places. On the North side of this land three leagues distant from the main Island standeth another little Island called Porto santo: the people thereof liveth by husbandry, for the Island of Madera yieldeth but little corn, but rather is thereof provided out of France and from the Island of Tenerif. On the East side of the isle of Madera six leagues distant standeth another little Island called the Desert, which produceth only Orchell, and nourisheth a great number of Goats, for the provision of the main Island, which may be thirty leagues in circuit: and the land is of great height where the foresaid trees grow. It is wonder to see the conveyance of the water to the Ingenios' by Mines through the mountains. In the mid way between Tenerif and the Island of Madera standeth a little solitary Island called the Saluages, which may be about one league in compass, which hath neither tree nor fruit, but is only food for Goats. The original of the first voyage for traffic into the kingdom of Morocco in Barbary, begun in the year 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of London, whereof went as captain Master Thomas Windam, as appeareth by this extract of a letter of james Aldaie, to the worshipful master Michael Lock, which Aldaie professeth himself to have been the first inventor of this trade. Worshipful Sir, having lately been acquainted with your intent to prosecute the old intermitted discovery for Catai, if therein with my knowledge, travel or industry I may do you service, I am ready to do it, and therein to adventure my life to the uttermost point. Truth it is, that I have been by some men (not my friends) evil spoken of at London, saying that although I be a man of knowledge in the Art of Navigation and cosmography, and that I have been the inventor of some voyages that be now grown to great effect; yet say they maliciously and without just cause, that I have not been willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that I have taken in hand, taking example especially of two voyages. The one was when I was master in the great Bark Aucher for the Levant, in which voyage I went not, but the causes they did not know of my let from the same, nor of the other. But first the very truth is, that I was from the same voyage letted by the Prince's letters, which my Master Sebastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose, to my great grief. And as touching the second voyage which I invented for the trade of Barbary, the living God knoweth that I say most true, that when the great sweat was, (whereon the chief of those with whom I joined in that voyage died, that is to say, Sir john Lutterell, john Fletcher, Henry Ostrich and others) I myself was also taken with the same sweat in London, and after it, whether with evil diet in keeping, or how I know not, I was cast into such an extreme fever, as I was neither able to ride nor go: and the ship being at Portesmouth, Thomas Windam had her away from thence, before I was able to stand upon my legs, by whom I lost at that instant fourscore pound. Besides I was appointed by them that died (if they had lived) to have had the whole government both of ship and goods, because I was to them the sole inventor of that trade. In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moors, being noble men, whereof one was of the King's blood, conveyed by the said Master Thomas Windham into their Country out of England. Yours humble at your commandment, james Alday. The second voyage to Barbary in the year 1552. Set forth by the right worshipful Sir john York, Sir William Gerard, Sir Thomas Wroth, Master Frances Lambert, Master Cole, and others; Written by the relation of Master james Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chief Captain of this voyage. THe ships that went on this voyage were three, whereof two were of the River of Thames, That is to say, the Lion of London, whereof Master Thomas Windham was Captain and part owner, of about an hundred & fifty tons: The other was the Buttolfe about fourscore tons, and a Portugal Caravel bought of certain Portugals in Newport in Wales, and freighted for this voyage, of sum sixty tons. The number of men in the Fleet were an hundred and twenty. The Master of the Lion was one john Kerry of Mynhed in Somersetshire, his Mate was Dau●i Landman. The chief Captain of this small Fleet was Master Thomas Windham a Norfolk gentleman born, but dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire. This Fleet departed out of King-rode near Bristol about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Monday in the morning: and the Monday fortnight next ensuing in the evening came to an anchor at their first port in the road of Zafia, or Asafion the coast of Barbary, Asafi. standing in 32. degrees of latitude, and there put on land part of our merchandise to be conveicd by land to the city of Morocco: which being done, and having refreshed ourselves with victuals and water, we went to the second port called Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz. where we discharged the rest of our goods, being good quantity of linen and woosten clot, coral, amber, jet, and divers other things well accepted of the Moors. In which road we found a French ship, which not knowing whether it were war or peace between England and France, drew herself as near under the town walls as she could possible, craving aid of the town for her defence, if need were, which in deed seeing us draw near, shot at us a piece from the walls, which came over the Lion our Admiral, between the main mast & her foremast. Whereupon we coming to an anchor, presently came a pings aboard us to know what we were, The English were at Santa Cruz the year before being 1551. who understanding that we had been there the year before, & came with the good leave of their king in merchant wise, were fully satisfied, and gave us good leave to bring our goods peaceably on shore, where the Uiceroy, whose name was Sibyl Manache, within short time after came to visit us, and used us with all courtesy. But by divers occasions we spent here very near three months before we could get in our lading, which was Sugar, Dates, Almonds, and Malassos or sugar Syrup. And for all our being here in the heat of the Summer, yet none of our company perished by sickness. Our ships being laden, we drawn into the Sea for a Western wound for England. But being at sea, a great leak fallen upon the Lion, so that we were driven to Lancerota, and Forteventura, where, between the two islands, we came to a road, whence we put on land out of our said ship 70. chests of Sugar upon Lancerota, with some dozen or sixteen of our company, where the inhabitants supposing we had made a wrongful prize of our caravel, suddenly came with force upon our people, among whom I myself was one, took us prisoners, and spoilt the sugars: which thing being perceived from our ships, they manned out three boats, thinking to rescue us, and drove the Spaniards to flight, whereof they slay eighteen, and took their governor of the Island prisoner, who was a very aged gentleman about 70. years of age. But chase the enemy so far, for our recovery, as powder and arrows wanted, the Spaniards perceiving this, returned, and in our men's retire they flew six of them. Then a Parle grew, in the which it was agreed, that we the prisoners should be by them restored, and they receive their old governor, giving us a testimony under his and their hands, what damages we had there received, the which damages were here restored, and made good by the king of Spain his merchants upon our return into England. After we had searched and mended our leak, being returned aboard, we came under sail, and as we were going to the sea on the one side of the Island, the Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the other, and came to anchor in the road from whence we were but newly departed, and shot off their great ordinance in our hearing. And here by the way it is to be understood that the Portugals were much offended with this our new trade into Barbary, and both in our voyage the year before, as also in this they gave out in England by their merchants, that if they took us in those parts, they would use us as their mortal enemies, with great threats and menaces. But by God and good providence we escaped their hands. From this Island shaping our course for England, we were seven or eight weeks before we could reach the coast of England. The first port we entered into was the haven of Plymouth, from whence within short time we came into the Thames, and landed our merchandise at London, about the end of the month of October, 1552. A voyage made out of England unto Guinea and Benin in Africa, at the charges of certain merchants Adventurers of of the City of London, in the year of our Lord 1553. I Was desired by certain of my friends to make some mention of this Uoiage, that some memory thereof might remain to our posterity, if either iniquity of time consuming all things, or ignorance creeping in by barbarousness and contempt of knowledge should hereafter bury in oblivion so worthy attempts, so much the greatlier to be esteemed, as before never enterprised by Englishmen, or at the lest so frequented, as at this present they are, and may be, to the great commodity of our merchants, if the same be not hindered by the ambition of such, as for the conquering of forty or fif●ie miles here and there, and erecting of certain fortresses, think to be Lords of half the world, envying that other should enjoy the commodities, which they themselves cannot wholly possess. And although such as have been at charges in the discovering and conquering of such lands aught by good reason to have certain privileges, pre-eminences, and tributes for the same, yet (to speak under correction) it may seem somewhat rigorous, and against good reason and conscience, or rather against the charity that aught to be among Christian men, that such as invade the dominions of other should not permit other friendly to use the trade of merchandise in places nearer, or seldom frequented of them, whereby their trade is not hindered in such places, where they themselves have at their own election appointed the Martes of their traffic. But forasmuch as at this present it is not my intent to accuse or defend, approve or improve, I will cease to speak any further hereof, and proceed to the description of the first voyage, as briefly and faithfully as I was advertised of the same, by the information of such credible people, as made diligent inquisition to know the truth thereof, as much as shall be requisite, omitting to speak of many particular things, not greatly necessary to be known: which nevertheless, with also the exact course of the navigation, shall be more fully declared in the second voyage. And if herein favour or friendship shall perhaps 'cause some to think that some have been sharply touched, let them lay apart favour and friendship, and give place to truth, that honest men may receive praise for well doing, and lewd people reproach, as the just stipend of their evil deserts, whereby other may be deterred to do the like, and virtuous men encouraged to proceed in honest attempts. But that these voyages may be more plainly understood of all men, I have thought good for this purpose, before I entreat hereof, to make a brief description of Africa, being that great part of the world, on whose West side beginneth the coast of Guinea at Cabo Verde, about twelve degrees in latitude, on this side the Equinoctial line, and two degrees in longitude from the measuring line, so running from the North to the South, and by East in some places, within 5, 4, and 3 degrees and a half unto the Equinoctial, and so forth in manner directly East and by North, for the space of 36 degrees or thereabouts, in longitude from the West to the East, as shall more plainly appear in the description of the second voyage. A brief description of Africa gathered by Richard Eden. Tunis. Bugia. Tripoli. IN Africa the less are these kingdoms: the kingdom of Tunis and Constantina, which is at this day under Tunis, and also the region of Bugia, Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Africa is very barren by reason of the great deserts, as the deserts of Numidia and Barca. Numidia. The principal ports of the kingdom of Tunis are these: Goletta, Bizerta, Potofarnia, Bona, and Stora. The chief cities of Tunis are Constantina and Bona, with divers other. Under this kingdom are many islands, islands of Tunis. Malta. as Zerbi, Lampadola, Pantalarea, Limoso, Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta, where at this present is the great master of the Rhodes. Under the South of this kingdom are the great deserts of Lybia. The desers of Lybia. All the nations in this Africa the less are of the sect of Mahomet, and a rustical people, living scattered in villages. Barbary. The best of this part of Africa is Barbaria lying on the coast of the sea Mediterranean. Mauritania. Mauritania (now called Barbaria) is divided into two parts, as Mauritania Tingitana, and Caesariensis. Mauritania Tingitana is now called the kingdom of Fes, and the kingdom of Morocco. The kingdom of Fes & Morocco. The principal city of Fes is called Fessa: and the chief city of Morocco is named Morocco. Tremisen. Mauritania Caesariensis is at this day called the kingdom of Tremisen, with also the city called Tremisen or Telensin. This region is full of deserts, and reacheth to the Sea Mediterranean, to the city of Oram, Oram. with the port of Mersalquiber. Mersalquiber. The kingdom of Fes reacheth unto the Ocean Sea, from the West to the city of Argilla: and the port of the said kingdom is called Sala. Sala. Azamor. The kingdom of Morocco is also extended above the Ocean Sea, unto the city of Azamor and Azafi, which are upon the Ocean Sea, toward the West of the said kingdom. Near Mauritania Tingitana (that is to say, by the two kingdoms of Fes, and Morocco) are in the Sea, the islands of Canary, The islands of Canaria. called in old time, The fortunate islands. Toward the South of this region is the kingdom of Guinea, Guinea. with Senega, jalofo, Gambra, and many other regions of the Black Moors, Aethiopians. called Aethiopians or Negroes, all which are watered with the river Negro called in old time Niger. In the said regions are no cities, but only certain low cottages made of boughs of trees, plastered with chalk, and covered with straw. In these regions are also very great deserts. Morocco. Fes. The kingdom of Morocco hath under it these seven kingdoms: Hea, Sus, Guzula, the territory of Marrocco, Duccala, Hazchora, and Tedle. The kingdom of Fes hath as many: as Fes, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, Errif, Garet, and Elcair. The kingdom of Tremisen hath these regions: Tremisen. Tremisen, Tenez, and Elgazair, all which are Machometists. But all the regions of Guinea are pure Gentiles, Guinea. and idolatrous, without profession of any religion, or other knowledge of God, then by the law of nature. Africa the great. Africa the great is one of the three parts of the world, known in old time, and severed from Asia, on the East by the river Nilus, on the West from Europe by the pillars of Hercules. The hither part is now called Barbary, and the people moors. The inner part is called Lybia and Aethiopia. Africa the less is in this wise bounded. Africa the less. On the West it hath Numidia: On the East Cyrenaica: On the North, the sea called Mediterraneum. In this country was the noble city of Carthage. Carthage. In the East side of Africa beneath the read sea, dwelleth the great and mighty Emperor and Christian king Prester john, Prester john. well known to the Portugals in their voyages to Calicut. His dominions reach very far on every side: and hath under him many other Kings both christian and heathen that pay him tribute. This mighty prince is called David the Emperor of Aethiopia. Some writ that the king of Portugal sendeth him yearly eight ships laden with merchandise. His kingdom confineth with the read Sea, and reacheth far into Africa toward Egypt and Barbary. Southward it confineth with the Sea toward the Cape de Bona Speranza: Cape de Bona Speranza. and on the other side with the sea of sand, called Mare de Sabione, a very dangerous sea lying between the great city of Alcair, Alcair. or Cairo in Egypt, and the country of Aethiopia: In the which way are many unhabitable deserts, continuing for the space of five days journey. And they affirm, that if the said Christian Emperor were not hindered by those deserts (in the which is great lack of victuals, & especially of water) he would or now have invaded the kingdom of Egypt, and the city of Alcair. The chief city of Ethiopia, where this great emperor is resident, is called Amacaiz, Amacaiz. being a fair city, whose inhabitants are of the colour of an Olive. There are also many other cities, as the city of Sava upon the river of Nilus, where the Emperor is accustomed to remain in the Summer season. There is likewise a great city named Barbaregaf, and Ascon, from whence it is said that the Queen of Saba came to Jerusalem to hear the wisdom of Solomon. From whence the Queen of Saba came. This city is but little, yet very fair, and one of the chief cities in Ethiope. In this province are many exceeding high mountains, upon the which is said to be the earthly paradise: The earthly Paradise. The trees of the Sun and the Moon. and some say that there are the trees of the Sun and Moon, whereof the antiquity maketh mention: yet that none can pass thither by reason of great deserts of an hundred days journey. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Bona Speranza. And to have said thus much of Africa it may suffice. The first voyage to Guinea and Benin. IN the year of our Lord 1553. the twelfth day of August, sailed from Portsmouth two goodly ships, the Primrose and the Lion, with a pinnace called the Moon, being all well furnished aswell with men of the lustiest sort, to the number of seven score, as also with ordinance and victuals requisite to such a voyage: having also two captains, the one a stranger called Anthony Anes Pinteado, Pinteado. a Portugal, born in a town named The Port of Portugal, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who for his running in sailing, being as well an expert Pilot as a politic captain, was sometime in great favour with the king of Portugal, Brasile. Guinea. and to whom the coasts of Brasile and Guinea were committed to be kept from the Frenchmen, to whom he was a terror on the Sea in those parts, and was furthermore a gentleman of the king his master's house. But as fortune in manner never favoureth but flattereth, never promises but deceiveth, never raiseth but casts down again: and as great wealth & favour have always companions, emulation and envy, he was after many adversities & quarrels made against him, enforced to come into England: where in this golden voyage he was evil matched with an unequal companion, and unlike match of most sundry qualities & conditions, with virtues few or none adorned. Thus departed these noble ships under sail on their voyage: But first captain Windam putting forth of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head merchants, and showing herein a muster of the tragical parts he had conceived in his brain, and with such small beginnings nourished so monstrous a birth, that more happy, yea and blessed was that young man being left behind, then if he had been taken with them, as some do wish he had done the like by there's. Thus sailed they on their voyage, until they came to the Island of Madera, The islands of Madera. where they took in certain wines for the store of their ships, and paid for them as they agreed of the price. At these islands they met with a great Galion of the king of Portugal, full of men and ordinance: yet such as could not have prevailed if it had attempted to withstand or resist our ships, for the which cause it was set forth, not only to let and interrupt these our ships of their purposed voyage, but all other that should attempt the like: yet chief to frustrate our voyage. For the king of Portugal was smisterly informed, that our ships were armed to his castle of Mina in those parties, whereas nothing less was meant. The castle of Mina. After that our ships departed from the Island of Madera forward on their voyage, began this worthy captain Pinteados sorrow, as a man tormented with the company of a terrible Hydra, who hitherto flattered with him, & made him a fair countenance and show of love. Then did he take upon him to command all alone, setting naught both by captain Pinteado, and the rest of the merchants factors, sometimes with opprobrious words, and sometimes with threatenings most shamefully abusing them, taking from Pinteado the service of the boys and certain mariners that were assigned him by the order and direction of the worshipful merchants, and leaving him as a common mariner, which is the greatest despite and grief that can be to a Portugal or Spaniard, to be diminished of their honour, which they esteem above all riches. Thus sailing forward on their voyage, they came to the islands of Canary, The islands of Canary. continuing their course from thence until they arrived at the Island of S. Nicholas, The Island of S. Nicholas. where they victualled themselves with fresh meat, of the flesh of wild goats, whereof of is great plenty in that Island, & in manner of nothing else. From hence following on their course and tarrying here & there at the desert islands in the way, because they would not come too timely to the country of Guinea for the heat, and tarrying somewhat too long (for what can be well ministered in a common wealth, where inequality with tyranny will rule alone) they came at the length to the first land of the country of Guinea, where they fell with the great river of Sesto, The river of Sesto. where they might for their merchandises have laden their ships with the grains of that country, Grains. which is a very hot fruit, and much like unto a fig as it groweth on the tree. For as the figs are full of small seeds, so is the said fruit full of grains, which are lose within the cod, having in the mids thereof a hole on every side. This kind of spice is much used in cold countries, & may there be sold for great advantage, for exchange of other wares. But our men, by the persuasion or rather enforcement of this tragical captain, not regarding and setting light by that commodity, in comparison of the fine gold they thirsted, The thirst of gold. sailed an hundred leagues further, until they came to the golden land: where not attempting to come near the castle pertaining to the king of Portugal, The castle of Mina. which was within the river of Mina, they made sale of their ware only on this side & beyond it, for the gold of that country, to the quantity of an hundred and fifty pounds' weight, The quantity of gold. there being in case that they might have dispatched all their ware for gold, if the untame brain of Windam had, or could have given ear to the counsel and experience of Pinteado. For when that Windam not satisfied with the gold which he had, and more might have had if he had tarried about the Mina, commanding the said Pinteado (for so he took upon him) to lead the ships to Benin, being under the Equinoctial line, and an hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina, where he looked to have their ships laden with pepper: and being counseled of the said Pinteado, considering the late time of the year, for that time to go no further, but to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold, whereby they might have been great gainers: Fury admitteth no counsel Windam not assenting hereunto, fallen into a sudden rage, reviling the said Pinteado, calling him jew, with other opprobrious words, saying, This whoreson jew hath promised to bring us to such places as are not, or as he cannot bring us unto: but if he do not, I will cut off his ears and nail them to the mast. Pinteado gave the foresaid counsel to go no further for the safeguard of the men and their lives, which they should put in danger if they came too late, for the Rossia which is their Winter, The Rossia. not for cold, but for smothering heat, with close and cloudy air and storming weather, of such putrefying quality, that it ro●ted the coats of their backs: or else for coming to soon for the scorching heat of the sun, which caused them to linger in the way. Rotting heat. But of force and not of will brought he the ships before the river of Benin, Benin. where riding at an Anchor, they sent their pinnace up into the river 50 or 60 leagues, from whence certain of the merchants with captain Pinteado, Francisco a Portugal, Nicholas Lambart gentleman, Francisco. Nich. Lambart. and other merchants were conducted to the court where the king remained, ten leagues from the river side, whither when they came, they were brought with a great company to the presence of the king, The king of Benin his court who being a black Moor (although not so black as the rest) sat in a great huge hall, long and wide, the walls made of earth without windows, the roof of thin boards, open in sundry places, like unto lovers to let in the air. Reverence toward the king. And here to speak of the great reverence they give to their king, it is such, that if we would give as much to our Saviour Christ, we should remove from our heads many plagues which we daily deserve for our contempt and impiety. So it is therefore, that when his noble men are in his presence, they never look him in the face, but sit cowering, as we upon our knees, so they upon their buttocks, with their elbows upon their knees, and their hands before their faces, not looking up until the king command them. And when they are coming toward the king, as far as they do see him, they do show such reverence, sitting on the ground with their faces covered as before. Likewise when they departed from him, they turn not their backs toward him, but go creeping backward with like reverence. And now to speak somewhat of the communication that was between the king and our men, you shall first understand that he himself could speak the Portugal tongue, which he had learned of a child. The communication between the king of Benin and our men. Therefore after he had commanded our men to stand up, and demanded of them the cause of their coming into that country, they answered by Pinteado, that they were merchants traveling into those parties for the commodities of his country, for exchange of wares which they had brought from their countries, being such as should be no less commodious for him and his people. The king then having of old lying in a certain storehouse 30 or 40 kintals of Pepper (every kintal being an hundred weight) willed them to look upon the same, Pepper. and again to bring him a sight of such merchandizes as they had brought with them. And thereupon sent with the captain and the merchants certain of his men to conduct them to the waters side, with other to bring the ware from the pinnace to the court. The king's gentleness towards our men. Who when they were returned and the wares seen, the king grew to this end with the merchants to provide in 30 days the lading of all their ships with pepper. And in case their merchandizes would not extend to the value of so much pepper, he promised to credit them to their next return, and thereupon sent the country round about to gather pepper, causing the same to be brought to the court: So that within the space of 30 days they had gathered fourscore tun of pepper. In the mean season our men partly having no rule of themselves, but eating without measure of the first-fruits of the country, and drinking the wine of the Palm trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the same, and in such extreme heat running continually into the water, not used before to such sudden and vehement alterations (than the which nothing is more dangerous) were thereby brought into swellings and agues: insomuch that the later time of the year coming on, caused them to die sometimes three & sometimes 4 or 5 in a day. Then Windam perceiving the time of the 30 days to be expired, and his men dying so fast, sent to the court in post to Captain Pinteado, & the rest to come away and to tarry no longer. But Pinteado with the rest, written back to him again, certifying him of the great quantity of p●pper they had already gathered & looked daily for much more: desiring him furthermore to remember the great praise and name they should win, if they came home prosperously, and what shame of the contrary. With which answer Windam not satisfied, and many of their men dying daily, willed and commanded them again either to come away forthwith, or else threatened to leave them behind. When Pinteado herded this answer, thinking to persuade him with reason, he took his way from the court toward the ships, being conducted thither with men by the king's commandment. In the mean season Windam all raging, broke up Pinteados Cabin, broke open his chests, spoilt such provision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had provided for his health, and left him nothing, neither of his instruments to sail by, nor yet of his apparel: and in the mean time falling sick, himself died also. The death of Windam. Whose death Pinteado coming aboard, lamented as much as if he had been the dearest friend he had in the world. Pinteado evil used of the mariners. But certain of the mariners and other officers did spit in his face, some calling him jew, saying that he had brought them thither to kill them: and some drawing their swords at him, making a show to slay him. Then he perceiving that they wou●d needs away, desired them to tarry that he might fetch the rest of the merchants that were left at the court, but they would not grant this request. Then desired he them to give him the shipboate, with as much of an old sail as might serve for the same, promising them therewith to bring Nicholas Lambert and the rest into England, but all was in vain. This Lambert was a Londiner bo●ne, whose father had but Lord Mayor of London. Then written he a letter to the court to the merchants, informing them of all the matter, and promising them if God would lend him life to return with all haste to fetch them. And thus was Pinteado kept a shipboard against his will, thrust among the boys of the ship, not used like a man, nor yet like an honest boy, but glad to found favour at the cook's hand. Then departed they, leaving one of their ships behind them, which they sunk for lack of men to carry her. After this, within 6 or 7 days sailing, died also Pinteado for very pensiveness & thought that struck him to the heart. The death of Pinteado. A man worthy to serve any prince, and most vilely used. And of sevenscore men came home to Plymouth scarcely for●y, and of them many died. And that no man should suspect these words which I have said in commendation of Pinteado, to be spoken upon favour otherwise then truth, I have thought good to add hereunto the copy of the letters which the king of Portugal and the infant his brother written unto him to reconcile him, at such time as upon the king his master's displeasure (and not for any other crime or offence, as may appear by the said letters) he was only for poverty enforced to come into England, where he first persuaded our merchants to attempt the said voyages to Guinea. Pinteado first persuaded our men to the voyage of Guinea. But as the king of Portugal too late repent him that he had so punished Pinteado, upon malicious informations of such as envied the man's good fortune: even so may it hereby appear that in some cases even Lions themselves may either be hindered by the contempt, or aided by the help of the poor mice, according unto the fable of Esope. The copy of Anthony Anes Pinteado his letters patents, whereby the king of Portugal made him knight of his house, after all his troubles and imprisonment, which, by wrong information made to the king, he had sustained of long time, being at the last delivered, his cause known and manifested to the king by a grey Friar the king's Confessor. I The king do give you to understand lord Francis Desseaso, one of my counsel and overseer of my house, that in consideration of the good service which Anthony Anes Pinteado, the son of john Anes, dwelling in the town called the Port, hath done unto me, my will and pleasure is, to make him knight of my house, allowing to him in pension seven hundred reis monthly, Seven hundred reis are ten shillings. Alcayre is half a bushel. and every day one alcayre of barley, as long as he keepeth a horse, & to be paid according to the ordinance of my house. Providing always that he shall receive but one marriage gift. And this also in such condition, that the time which is accepted in our ordinance, forbidding such men to marry for getting such children as might succeed them in this allowance, which is 6 years after the making of this patent, shallbe first expired before he do marry. I therefore command you to 'cause this to be entered in the book called the Matricula of our household, under the title of knights' And when it is so entered, let the clerk of the Matricula, for the certainty thereof, writ on the backside of this Aluala, or patent, the number of the leaf wherein this our grant is entered. Which done, let him return this writing unto the said Anthony Anes Pinteado for his warrant. I Diego Henriques have written this in Almarin the two and twenty day of September, in the year of our Lord 1551. And this benevolence the king gave unto Anthony Anes Pinteado, the five and twenty day of july this present year. Rey. The Secretary's declaration written under the kings grant. YOur Majesty hath vouchsafed, in respect and consideration of the good service of Anthony Anes Pinteado, dwelling in the port, and son of john Anes, to make him knight of your house, with ordinary allowance, of seven hundred reis pension by the month, and one alcaire of barley by the day, as long as he keepeth a horse: and to be paid according to the ordinance of your house, with condition that he shall have but one marriage gift: and that not within the space of six years after the making of these letters Patents. The Secretary's note. Entered in the book of the Matricula. Fol. 683. Francisco de Siquera. The copy of the letter of Don jews the infant, and brother to the king of Portugal, sent into England to Anthony Anes Pinteado. ANthony Anes Pinteado, I the infant brother to the king, have me hearty commended unto you. Peter Gonsalues is go to seek you, desiring to bring you home again into your country. And for that purpose he hath with him a safe conduct for you, granted by the king, that thereby you may freely and without all fear come home. And although the weather be foul and stormy, yet fail not to come: for in the time that his Majesty hath given you, you may do many things to your contentation and gratifying the king, whereof I would be right glad: and to bring the same to pass, I will do all that lieth in me for your profit. But forasmuch as Peter Gonsalues will make further declaration hereof unto you, I say no more at this present. Written in Lisbon, the eight day of December. Anno 1552. The infant Don jews. ALl these foresaid writings I see under seal, in the house of my friend Nicholas Liese, with whom Pinteado left them, at his unfortunate departing to Guinea. But, notwithstanding all these friendly letters and fair promises, Pinteado dared not attempt to go home, neither to keep company with the Portugals his country men, without the presence of other: forasmuch as he had secret admonitions that they intended to slay him, if time and place might have served their wicked intent. The second voyage to Guinea set out by Sir George Barn, Sir john York, Thomas Lok, Anthony Hickman and Edward Castelin, in the year 1554. The Captain whereof was M. john Lok. AS in the first voyage I have declared rather the order of the history, than the course of the navigation, whereof at that time I could have no perfect information: so in the description of this second voyage, my chief intent hath been to show the course of the same, according to the observation and ordinary custom of the mariners, and as I received it at the hands of an expert Pilot, being one of the chief in this voyage, who also with his own hands written a brief declaration of the same, as he found and tried all things, not by conjecture, but by the art of sailing, and instruments pertaining to the mariners faculty. Not therefore assuming to myself the commendations due unto other, neither so bold as in any part to change or otherwise dispose the order of this voyage so well observed by art and experience, I have thought good to set forth the same, in such sort and phrase of speech as is commonly used among them, and as I received it of the said Pilot, as I have said. Take it therefore as followeth. In the year of our Lord 1554 the eleventh day of October, we departed the river of Thames with three goodly ships, the one called the Ermitie, a ship of the burden of sevenscore tun, the other called the Bartholomew, a ship of the burden of ninety, the third was the john Evangelist, Robert G●in●h was master of the Ioh● Evangelist. a ship of seven score tun. With the said ships and two pinnesses (whereof the one was drowned on the coast of England) we went forward on our voyage, and stayed at Do●e● fourteen days. We stayed also at Rye three or four days. Moreover last of all we touched at Dartmouth. The first day of November at nine of the clock at night, departing from the coast of England, we set off the Start, bearing South-west all that night in the sea, and the next day all day, and the next night after, until the third day of the said month about noon, making our way good, did run threescore leagues. The 17 day in the morning we had sight of the isle of Madera, The I'll of Madera. which doth rise to him that cometh in the Northnortheast part upright land in the west part of it, and very high: and to the Southsoutheast a low long land, and a long point, with a saddle thorough the midst of it, standing in two and thirty degrees: and in the West part, many springs of water running down from the mountain, and many white fields like unto corn fields, & some white houses to the Southeast part of it: and the top of the mountain showeth very ragged, if you may see it, and in the North-east part there is a bite or bay as though it were a harborough: Also in the said part, there is a rock a little distance from the shore, and over the said bite you shall see a great gap in the mountain. The 19 day at twelve of the clock we had sight of the isle of Palms and Teneriffa and the Canaries● The I'll of Palms. Teneriffa● The Canaries● The Isle of Palm rises round, & lieth Southeast and Northwest, and the Northwest part is lowest. In the South is a round hill over the head land, and another round hill above that in the land. There are between the Southeast part of the isle of Madera & the Northwest part of the isle of Palm seven and fifty leagues. From Madera to the Isle of Palms. This Isle of Palm lieth in eight and twenty degrees. And our course from Madera to the isle of Palm was South and South and by West, so that we had sight of Teneriffa and of the Canaries. The Southeast part of the isle of the Palm, & the Northnortheast of Teneriffa lie Southeast and Northwest, and between them are 20 leagues. Teneriffa and the great Canary called Gran Canaria, and the West part of Forteventura stand in seven and twenty degrees and a half. Gran Canari●. Fo●teuentura. Gomera is a fair Island but very ragged, The ●land of Gomera. & lieth Westsouthwest of Teneriffa. And whosoever will come between them two islands must come South and by East, and in the South part of Gomera is a town and a good road in the said part of the Island: and it standeth in seven and twenty degrees and three terces. Teneriffa is an high land, Teneriffa. with a great high pike like a sugar loaf, and upon the said pike is snow throughout all the whole year. Snow. And by reason of that pike it may be known above all other islands, and there we were becalmed the twentieth day of November, from six of the clock in the morning, until four of the clock at afternoon. The two and twentieth day of November, under the Tropic of Cancer the Sun goeth down West and by South. Upon the coast of Barbary five and twenty leagues by North Cape blank, The coast of Barbary. Cape Blank. at three leagues of the main, there are fifteen fathoms and good shelly ground, and sand among and no streams, and two small islands standing in two and twenty degrees and a terce. From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is an hundred leagues, and our course was South and by East. The said Cape standeth in two and twenty and a half: and all that coast is flat, sixteen or seventeen fathom deep. Seven or eight leagues off from the river del Oro to Cape de las Barbas, The river del Oro. there use many Spaniards and Portugals to trade for fishing, during the month of November: and all that coast is very low lands. Also we went from Cape de las Barbas Southsouthwest, and South-west and by South, till we brought ourselves in twenty degrees and a half, reckoning ourselves seven leagues off: and there were the lest shoals of Cape Blank. Then we went South until we brought ourselves in 13 degrees, reckoning ourselves five and twenty leagues off. And in 15 degrees we did rear the Crossiers, The cro●s●ers or cross stars. and we might have reared them sooner if we had looked for them. They are not right a cross in the month of November, by reason that the nights are short there. Nevertheless we had the sight of them the 29 day of the said month at night. The first of December, being in 13 degrees we set our course South and by East, until the fourth day of December at 12 of the clock the same day. Then we were in nine degrees and a terce, reckoning ourselves 30 leagues of the shoals of the river called Rio grand, Rio Grande● being Westsouthwest of them, the which shoals be 30 leagues long. The fourth of December we began to set our course Southeast, we being in six degrees and a half. The ninth day of December we set our course Eastsoutheast: the fourteenth day of the said month we set our course East, we being in five degrees and a half, reckoning ourselves thirty and six leagues from the coast of Guinea. The nineteenth of the said month we set our course East and by North, reckoning ourselves seventeen leagues distant from Cape Mensurado, Cape Mensurado. the said Cape being Eastnortheast of us, and the river of Sesto being East. The river of Sesto. The one and twentieth day of the said month, we fallen with Cape Mensurado to the Southeast, about two leagues off. This Cape may be easily known, by reason that the rising of it is like a Porpose-head. Also toward the Southeast there are three trees, whereof the Eastermost tree is the highest, and the middlemost is like a high stack, & the Southermost like unto a gibbet: and upon the main are four or five high hills rising one after another like round hommocks or hillocks. And the Southeast of the three trees, brandiernwise: and all the coast along is white sand. The said Cape standeth within a little in six degrees. The two and twentieth of December we came to the river of Sesto, & remained there until the nine and twentieth day of the said month. Here we thought it best to sand before us the pinnace to the river Dulce, called Rio Dulce, that they might have the beginning of the market before the coming of the john Evangelist. The river of Sesto. At the river of Sesto we had a tun of grains. This river standeth in six degrees, lacking a terce. From the river of Sesto to Rio Dulce are five and twenty leagues. Rio Dulce. Rio Dulce standeth in five degrees and a half. The river of Sesto is easy to be known, by reason there is a ledge of rocks on the Southeast part of the Rode. And at the entering into the haven are five or six trees that bear no leaves. This is a good harborough, but very narrow at the entrace into the river. There is also a rock in the havens mouth right as you enter. And all that coast between Cape de Monte, Cape de Monte. and cape de las Palmas, lieth Southeast & by East, Northwest & by West, being three leagues of the shore. And you shall have in some places rocks two leagues off: and that, between the river of Sesto and cape de las Palmas. Cape de las Palmas. Between the river of Sesto and the river Dulce are five and twenty leagues: & the high land that is between them both, is called Cakeado, The land of Cakeado. being ●ight leagues from the river of Sesto. And to the southeastward of it is a place called Shawgro, and an other called Shyawe or Shavo, Shavo. where you may get fresh water. Off this Shyawe lieth a ledge of rocks: and to the Southeastward lieth a hedland called Croke. Croke. Between Cakeado and Croke are nine or ten leagues. To the Southeastward off, is a harborough called S. Vincent: S. Vincents harborough. Right over against S. Vincent, is a rock under the water, two leagues & a half of the shore. To the Southeastward of that rock you shall see an island about three or four leagues off: this island is not past a league of the shore. To the Eastsoutheast of the island, is a rock that lieth above the water, and by that rock goeth in the river Dulce, The river Dulce. which you shall know by the said river and rock. The Northwest side of the haven is flat sand, and the Southeast side thereof is like an Island, and a bore plot without any trees, and so is it not in any other place. In the Road you shall ride in thirteen or fourteen fathoms, good oaze and sand, being the marks of the Road to bring the Island and the North-east land together, and here we ankered the last of December. The third day of januarie, we came from the river Dulce. Cape de las Palmas. Note that Cape de las Palmas is a fair high land, but some low places thereof by the water side look like read cliffs with white strakes like high ways, a cable length a piece, and this is the East part of the cape. This cape is the Southermost land in all the coast of Guinea, The coast of Guinea. and standeth in four degrees and a terce. The coast from Cape de las Palmas to Cape Trepointes, or de Tres Puntas, is fair & clear without rock or other danger. Twenty and five leaves from Cape de las Palmas, the land is higher than in any place, until we come to Cape Trepointes: And about ten leagues before you come to Cape Trepointes, the land rises still higher and higher, until you come to Cape Trepointes, Also before you come to the said Cape, after other 5 leagues to the Northwest part of it, there is certain broken ground, with two great rocks, and within them in the bite of a bay, is a castle called Arra, The castle of Arra. pertaining to the king of Portugal. You shall know it by the said rocks that lie off it: for there is none such from Cape de las Palmas to Cape Trepointes. This coast lieth East and by North, West and by South. From Cape de las Palmas to the said castle is fourscore and fifteen leagues. And the coast lieth from the said castle to the Westermost point of Trepoyntes, Southeast and by South, Northwest and by North. Also the Westermost point of● Trepoyntes is a low land, lying half a mile out in the sea: and upon the innermost neck, to the land-ward, is a tuft of trees, and there we arrived the eleventh day of january. The 12 day of january we came to a town called Samma or Samua, The town of Samma. being 8 leagues from Cape Trepointes toward Eastnortheast. Between Cape Trepointes and the town of Samua is a great ledge of rocks a great way out in the sea. We continued four days at that Town, and the Captain thereof would needs have a pledge a shore. But when they received the pledge, The pledge was sir john York his Nephew. they kept him still, and would traffic no more, but shot off their ordinance at us. They have two or three pieces of ordinance and no more. The sixteenth day of the said month we made reckoning to come to a place called Cape Corea, Cape Corea. where captain Don john dwelleth, whose men entertained us friendly. This Cape Corea is four leagues Eastward of the castle of Mina, otherwise called La mina, or Castello de mina, The castle of Mina pertaining to the king of Portugal. where we arrived the 18 day of the month. Here we made sale of all our clot, saving two or three packs. The 26 day of the same month we weighed anchor, and departed from thence to the Trinity, which was seven leagues Eastward of us, where she sold her wares. Then they of the Trinity willed us to go Eastward of that eight or nine leagues, to cell part of their wares, in a place called Perecow, Perecow. and another place named Perecow grand, Perecow grand. being the Eastermost place of both these, which you shall know by a great round hill near unto it, named Monte Rodondo, Monte Rodondo. lying Westward from it, and by the water side are many high palm trees. From hence did we set forth homeward the thirteenth day of February, & plied up alongst till we came within seven or eight leagues to Cape Trepointes. About eight of the clock the 15 day at afternoon, we did cast about to seaward: and beware of the currants, for they will deceive you sore. The currants. Whosoever shall come from the coast of Mina homeward, From Mina homeward. let him be sure to make his way good West, until he reckon himself as far as Cape de las Palmas, where the currant setteth always to the Eastward. And within twenty leagues Eastward of Cape de las Palmas is a river called De los Potos, Rio de los Potos. where you may have fresh water and ballast enough, and plenty of ivory or Elephants teeth. ivory. This river standeth in four degrees, and almost two terces. And when you reckon yourself as far shot as Cape de las Palmas, Cabo de las Palmas. being in a degree, or a degree and a half, you may go West, and West by North, until you come in three degrees; and than you may go Westnorthwest● and Northwest and by West, until you come in five degrees, and then Northwest. And in six degrees, we met Northerly winds, and great ruffling of tides. And as we could judge, the currants went to the Northnorthwest. Furthermore between Cape de Monte, and Cape verde, go great currants which deceive many men. Currant. The 22 day of April, we were in 8 degrees and two terces: and so we ran to the Northwest, having the wind at Northeast and Eastnortheast, and sometimes at East, until we were at 18 degrees and a terce, which was on May day. And so from 18 and two terces, we had the wind at East and Eastnortheast, and sometimes at Eastsoutheast: and then we reckoned the Islands of Cape verde Eastsoutheast of us, we judging ourselves to be 48 leagues off. And in 20 and 21 degrees, we had the wind more Easterly to the Southward then before. And so we ran to the Northwest and Northnorthwest, and sometimes North and by West and North, until we came into 31 degrees, where we reckoned ourselves a hundred and fourscore leagues Southwest and by South of the Island de los Flores, The I'll de Flores. and there we met with the wind at Southsoutheast, and set our course North-east. In 23 degrees we had the wind at the South and Southwest, and then we set our course Northnortheast, and so we ran to 40 degrees, and then we set our course North-east, the wind being at the South-west, and having the Isle de Flores East of us, and 17 leagues off. In the 41 degrees we met with the wind at North-east, and so we ran Northwestward, than we met with the wind Westnorthwest, and at the West within 6 leagues, running toward the Northwest, and then we cast about, and lay North-east, until we came in 42 degrees, where we set our course Eastnortheast, judging the isle of Coruo South and by West of us, The I'll of Coruo. and six and thirty leagues distant from us. A remembrance, that the 21 day of May we communed with john Ralph, and he thought it best to go North-east, and judged himself 25 leagues Eastward to the Isle de Flores, and in 39 degrees and a half. Note, that on the fourth day of September, under nine degrees, we lost the sight of the North star. Where they lost the sight of the North star. Note also, that in 45 degrees, the compass is varied 8 degrees to the West. Item, in 40 degrees the compass did vary 15 degrees in the whole. How the compass do●th vary. Item, in 30 degrees and a half, the compass is varied 5 degrees to the West. Be it also in memory that two or three days before we came to Cape de 3 puntas, the pinnace went alongst the shore, thinking to cell some of our wares, and so we came to anchor three or four leagues West and by South of the Cape de 3 puntas, where we left the Trinity. Then our pinnace came aboard with all our men, the pinnace also took in more wares. They told me moreover that they would go to a place where the Primrose was, The Primrose. and had received much gold at the first voyage to these parties, and told me furthermore that it was a good place: but I fearing a brigantine that was then upon the coast, did weigh and follow them, and left the Trinity about four leagues off from us, and there we road against that town four days: so that Martin by his own desire, and assent of some of the Commissioners that were in the pinnace, went a shore to the town, and there john Berin went to traffic from us, being three miles off trafiquing at an other town. The town is called Samma or Samua, The town of Samma. for Samma and Sammate●ra, are the names of the two first towns, where we did traffic for gold, Gold. to the North-east of Cape de 3 puntas. Hitherto continueth the course of the voyage, as it was described by the said Pilot. Now therefore I will speak somewhat of the country and people, and of such things as are brought from thence. Gold four hundredth ●●●●g●●. They brought from thence at the last voyage four hundred pound weight and odd of gold, of two and twenty carrats and one grain in fineness: also six and thirty butts of grains, Grains. & about two hundred and fifty Elephants teeth of all quantities. Elephant's teeth. Of these I see & measured some of nine spans in length, as they were crooked. Some of them were as big as a man's thigh above the knee, and weighed about fourscore and ten pound weight a piece. They say that some one hath been seen of an hundred and five & twenty pound weight. Other there were which they call the teeth of calves, of one or two or three years, whereof some were a foot and a half, some two foot, and some 3 or more, according to y age of the beast. These great teeth or tusks grow in the upper jaw downward, and not in the neither jaw upward, wherein the Painters and Arras workers are deceived. At this last voyage was brought from Guinea the head of an Elephant, of such huge bigness, The head of an Elephant. that only the bones or cranew● thereof, beside the neither jaw & great tusks, weighed about two hundred weight, and was as much as I could well lift from the ground: insomuch that considering also herewith the weight of two such great teeth, the neither jaw with the less teeth, the tongue, the great hanging ears, the big & long snout or troonke, with all the flesh, brains, and skin, with all other parts belonging to the whole head, in my judgement it could weigh little less than five hundred weight. This head divers have seen in the house of the worthy merchant sir Andrew judde, Sir Andrew judde. where also I see it, and beheld it, not only with my bodily eyes, but much more with the eyes of my mind and spirit, considering by the work, the cunning and wisdom of the work master: The contemplations of God's wor●s. without which consideration, the sight of such strange and wonderful things may rather seem curiosities, then profitable contemplations. The description and p●●●●●●ies of the Elephant. The Elephant (which some call an Oliphant) is the biggest of all four footed beasts, his forelegs are longer than his hinder, he hath ankles in the lower part of his hinder legs, and five toes on his feet undivided, his snout or trunk is so long, and in such form, that it is to him in the stead of a hand: for he neither eateth nor drinketh but by bringing his trunk to his mouth, therewith he helpeth up his Master or keeper, therewith he overthroweth trees. Beside his two great tusks, he hath on every side of his mouth four teeth, wherewith he eateth and grindeth his meat: either of these teeth are almost a span in length, as they grow along in the jaw, and are about two inches in bright, and almost as much in thickness. The tusks of the male are greater than of the female: his tongue is very little, and so far in his mouth, that it cannot be seen: of all beasts they are most gentle and tractable, for by many sundry ways they are taught, and do understand: insomuch that they learn to do due honour to a king, and are of quick sense and sharpness of wit. When the male hath once seasoned the female, he never after toucheth her. The male Elephant liveth two hundredth years, or at the lest one hundred and twenty: the female almost as long, but the flower of their age is but threescore years, as some writ. They cannot suffer winter or cold: they love rivers, and will often go into them up to the snout, wherewith they blow and snuff, and play in the water: but swim they cannot, for the weight of their bodies. Pliny and Soline writ, that they use none adultery. If they happen to meet with a man in wilderness being out of the way, gently they will go before him, & bring him into the plain way. joined in battle, they have no small respect unto them that be wounded: for they bring them that are hurt or weary into the middle of the army to be defended: they are made ●ame by drinking the iusse of barley. They have continual war against Dragons, Debate between the Elephant & the Dragon. which desire their blood, because it is very cold: and therefore the Dragon lying await as the Elephant passeth by, windeth his tail (being of exceeding length) about the hinder legs of the Elephant, & so staying him, thrusteth his head into his trunk and exhausteth his breath, or else biteth him in the ear, whereunto he cannot reach with his trunk, and when the Elephant wareth faint, he falls down on the serpent, being now full of blood, and with the poise of his body breaketh him: so that his own blood with the blood of the Elephant runneth out of him mingled together, which being cold, is congealed into that substance which the Apothecaries call Sanguis Draconis, Sanguis Draconis. (that is) Dragon's blood, otherwise called Cinnaba●●s, although there be an other kind of Cinnabaris, Cinnabaris. commonly called Cinoper or Uermilion, which the Painters use in certain colours. They are also of three kinds, as of the Marshes, the plains, and the mountains, Three kinds of Elephants. no less differing in conditions. Philostratus writeth, that as much as the Elephant of Libya in bigness passeth the horse of Nysea, so much do the Elephants of India exceed them of Libya: for the Elephants of India, some have been seen of the height of nine cubits: the other do so greatly fear these, that they dare not abide the sight of them. Of the Indian Elephants only the males have tusks, but of them of Ethiopia and Libya both kinds are tusked: they are of divers heights, as of twelve, thirteen, and fourteen dodrants, every dodrant being a measure of nine inches. Some writ that an Elephant is bigger than three wild Oxen or Buffs. They of India are black, or of the colour of a mouse, but they of Ethiope or Guinea are brown: the hide or skin of them all is very hard, and without hair or bristles: their ears are two dodrants broad, and their eyes very little. Our men see one drinking at a river in Guinea, as they sailed into the land. Of other properties & conditions of the Elephant, as of their marvelous docil●tie, of their fight and use in the warns, of their generation and chastity, when they were first seen in the theatres and triumphs of the Romans, how they are taken & tamed, and when they cast their tusks, with the use of the same in medicine, who so desireth to know, let him read Pliny, in the eight book of his natural history. He also writeth in his twelft book, that in old time they made many goodly works of ivory or Elephants teeth: Works of ivory. as tables, trestles, posts of houses, rails, lattesses for windows, images of their gods, and divers other things of ivory, both coloured and uncoloured, and intermixed with sundry kinds of precious woods, as at this day are made certain chairs, lutes, and virginals. They had such plenty thereof in old time, that (as far as I remember) josephus writeth, that one of the gates of Jerusalem was called Porta Eburnea, (that is) the ivory gate. The whiteness thereof was so much esteemed, that it was thought to represent the natural fairennesse of man's skin: insomuch that such as went about to set forth (or rather corrupt) natural beauty with colours and painting, were reproved by this proverb, Ebur atta●●ento candefacere, that is, To make ivory white with ink. The Poets also describing the fair necks of beautiful virgins, call them Eburnea colla, that is, ivory necks. And to have said thus much of Elephants and ivory, it may suffice. Now therefore I will speak somewhat of the people and their manners, and manner of living, The people of Africa. with an other brief description of Africa also. It is to be understood, that the people which now inhabit the reigons of the coast of Gu●nea, and the middle parts of Africa, as Libya the inner, and Nubia, with divers other great & large regions about the same, were in old time called AEthiopes and Nigritae, which we now call Moors, Moorens, or Negroes, a people of beastly living, without a God, law, religion, or common wealth, and so scorched and vexed with the heat of the sun, that in many places they curse it when it rises. Of the regions and people about the inner Libya (called Libya interior) Gemma Phrysius writeth thus. Libya interior. Libya interior is very large and desolate, in the which are many horrible wildernesses & mountains, replenished with divers kinds of wild and monstrous beasts and serpents. First from Mauritania or Barbary toward the South is Getulia, ●●tul●●. a rough and savage region, whose inhabitants are wild and wandering people. After these follow the people called Melanogetuli and Pharusijs, which wander in the wilderness, carrying with them great gourds of water. The Ethiopians called Nigritae occupy a great part of Africa, and are extended to the West Ocean. Aethiop. Nigrite. Southward also they reach to the river Nigritis, whose nature agreeth with the river of Nilus, The river Nigritis or Senega. forasmuch as it is increased and diminished at the same time, and bringeth forth the like beasts as the Crocodile. By reason whereof, I think this to be the same river which the Portugals call Senega: For this river is also of the same nature. It is furthermore marvelous and very strange that is said of this river: ● strange thing. And this is, that on the one side thereof, the inhabitants are of high stature and black, and on the other side, of brown or tawny colour, and low stature, which thing also our men confirm to be true. There are also other people of Libya called Garamantes, Garamantes. whose women are common: for they contract no matrimony, neither have respect to chastity. After these are the nations of the people called Pyrei, Sathiodaphnitae, Odrangi, Mimaces, Lynxamate, Dolopes, Agangine, Leuci Ethiopes, Xilicei Ethiopes, Calcei Ethiopes, and Nubi. People of Libya. These have the same situation in Ptolemy that they now give to the kingdom of Nubia. Here are certain Christians under the dominion of the great Emperor of AEthiopia, called Prester john. Prester john. From these toward the West is a great nation of people called Aphricerones, whose region (as far as may be gathered by conjecture) is the same that is now called Regnum Orguene, Regnum Orguene. confining upon the East parts of Guinea. From hence Westward, and somewhat toward the North, are the kingdoms of Gambra and Budomel, Gambra. not far from the river of Senega. And from hence toward the inland regions, and along by the sea coast, are the regions of Ginoia or Guinea, which we commonly call Ginnee. Guinea. On the Westside of these regions toward the Ocean, is the cape or point called Cabo verde, Cabo Verde. or Caput viride, (that is) the green cape, to the which the Portugals first direct their course when they sail to America, or the land of Brasile. The Portugals Navigation to Brasile. Then departing from hence, they turn to the right hand toward the quarter of the wind called Garbino, which is between the West and the South. But to speak some what more of AEthiopia: Aethiopia. although there are many nations of people so named, yet is Aethiopia chief divided into two parts, whereof the one is called Aethiopia under Egypt, a great & rich region. To this pertaineth the Island Meroe, The 7 Bank of Meroe. embraced round about with the streams of the river Nilus. In this Island women reigned in old time. josephus writeth, that it was sometime called Sabea: and that the Queen of Saba came from thence to jerusalem, The Queen of Saba. to hear the wisdom of Solomon. From hence toward the East reigneth the said Christian Emperor Prester john, whom some call Papa johannes, & other say that he is called Pean ivan (that is) great john, Prester john Emperor of Aethiopia. whose Empire reacheth far beyond Nilus, and is extended to the coasts of the Read sea & Indian sea. The middle of the region is almost in 66. degrees of longitude, and 12. degrees of latitude. About this region inhabit the people called Clodi, Risophagi, Babylonij, Axiunitae, Molili, and Molibae. People of the Eastside of Africa. After these is the region called Troglodytica, whose inhabitants● dwell in caves and dens: for these are their houses, & the flesh of serpents their meat, as writeth Pliny, and Diodorus Siculus. They have no speech but rather a grinning and chattering. People without heads. There are also people without heads, called Blemines, having their eyes and mouth in their breast. Likewise Strucophagi, and naked Ganphasantes: Satyrs also, which have nothing of men but only shape. Moreover Oripei, great hunters. Mennones also, Mirth. and the region of Smyrnophora, which bringeth forth mirth. After these is the region of Azania, Azania. in the which many Elephants are found. A great part of the other regions of Africa that are beyond the Equinoctial line, are now ascribed to the kingdom of Melinde, Regnum Melinde. whose inhabitants are accustomed to traffic with the nations of Arabia, and their king is joined in friendship with the king of Portugal, and payeth tribute to Prester john. Aethiopia interior. The other Ethiope, called AEthiopia interior (that is) the inner Ethiope, is not yet known for the greatness thereof, but only by the sea coasts: yet is it described in this manner. First from the Equinoctial toward the South, is a great region of Aethiopians, which bringeth forth white Elephants, White Elephants. Tigers, and the beasts called Rhinocerotes. Also a region that bringeth forth plenty of cynamo●e, lying between the branches of Nilus. Also the kingdom of Habech or Habasia, Habasia. a region of Christian men, lying both on this side and beyond Nilus. Here are also the Aethiopians, I●●●hiophagi. called Ichthiophagi (that is) such as live only by fish, and were sometimes subdued by the wars of great Alexander. Furthermore the Aethiopians called Rhapsij, & Anthropophagis, Anthropophagis. that are accustomed to eat man's flesh, inhabit the regions near unto the mountains called Monte● Lunae (that is) the mountains of the Moon. Monte● Lunae. Gazatia is under the Tropic of Capricorn. Gazatia. After this followeth the front of Africa, the Cape of Buena Speranza, or Caput Bonae Spei, Cap. bonç Spei. that is, the Cape of good hope, by the which they pass that sail from Lisbon to Calicut. But by what name's the Capes and gulfs are called, forasmuch as the same are in every globe and card, it were here superfluous to rehearse them. Africa without cold. Some writ that Africa was so named by the Grecians, because it is without cold. For the Greek letter Alpha or A signifieth privation, void, or without: and Phrice signifieth cold. For in deed although in the stead of Winter they have a cloudy and tempestuous season, The winter of Africa. yet is it not cold, but rather smothering hot, with hot showers of rain also, and somewhere such scorching winds, that what by one means and other, they seem at certain times to live as it were i● furnaces, and in manner already half way in Purgatory or hell. Gemma Phrisius writeth, that i● certain parts of Africa, as in Atlas the greater, the air in the night season is seen shining, with many strange fires and flames rising in manner as high as the Moon: Flames of fire and noise in the air. and that in the element are sometime herded as it were the sound of pipes, trumpets and drums: which noises may perhaps be caused by the vehement and sundry motions of such fiery exhalations in the air, as we see the like in many experiences wrought by fire, air and wind. The hollowness also, and divers reflections and breaking of the clouds may be great causes hereof, beside the vehement cold of the middle region of the air, whereby the said fiery exhalations, ascending thither, are suddenly strike back with great force: The middle region of the air 〈◊〉 cold. for even common and daily experience teacheth us, by the whissing of a burning torch, what noise fire maketh in the air, and much more where it striveth when it is enclosed with air, as appeareth in guns, and as the like is seen in only air enclosed, The s●●●●e of Elements. as in Organ pipes, and such other instruments that go by wind. For wind (as say the Philosophers) is none other than air vehemently moved, Wind. as we see in a pair of bellows, and such other. Some of our men of good credit that were in this last voyage to Guinea, affirm earnestly that in the night season they felt a sensible heat to come from the beams of the moon. The heat of the Moon. The which thing, although it be strange and insensible to us that inhabit cold regions, yet doth it stand with good reason that it may so be, forasmuch as the nature of stars and planets (as writeth Pliny) consists of fire, The nature of the stars. and containeth in it a spirit of life, which cannot be without heat. And, that the Moon giveth heat upon the earth the Prophet David seemeth to confirm in his 121. Psalm, where speaking of such men as are defended from evils by God's protection, he says thus: Per diem Sol non exuret te, nec Luna per noctem. That is to say, In the day the Sun shall not burn thee, nor the Moon by night. They say furthermore, that in certain places of the sea they see certain streams of water, Spouts of water falling out of the air. which they call spouts, falling out of the air into the sea, & that some of these are as big as the great pillars of Churches: insomuch that sometimes they fall into ships, and put them in great danger of drowning. Some feign that these should be the Cataracts of heaven, Cataracts of heaven. which were all opened at noah's flood. But I think them rather to be such fluxions and eruptions as Aristotle in his book de Mundo says, to chance in the sea. For speaking of such strange things as are seen often times in the sea, he writeth thus. Oftentimes also even in the sea are seen evaporations of fire, and such eruptions and breaking forth of springs, that the mouths of rivers are opened. Whirlpools, and fluxions are caused of such other vehement motions, not only in the midst of the sea, Uehement motions in the Sea. but also in creeks & straits. At certain times also, a great quantity of water is suddenly lifted up and carried about with the Moon, etc. By which words of Aristotle it doth appear that such waters be lifted up in one place at one time, and suddenly fall down in an other place at another time. And here unto perhaps pertaineth it that Richard chancellor told me that he herded Sebastian Cabot report, that (as far as I remember) either about the coasts of Brasile or Rio de Plata, A strange thing. his ship or pinnace was suddenly lifted from the sea, and cast upon land, I wots not how far. The which thing, and such other like wonderful and strange works of nature while I consider, The power of nature. and call to remembrance the narrowness of man's understanding and knowledge, in comparison of her mighty power, I can but cease to marvel and confess with Pliny, that nothing is to her impossible, the lest part of whose power is not yet known to men. Many things more our men see and considered in this voyage, worthy to be noted, whereof I have thought good to put some in memory, that the reader may aswell take pleasure in the variety of things, as knowledge of the history. Among other things therefore, touching the manners and nature of the people, this may seem strange, that their princes & noble men use to pounce and raze their skins with pretty knots in divers forms, as it were branched damask, They raze their skins. thinking that to be a decent ornament. And albeit they go in manner all naked, yet are many of them, & especially their women, in manner laden with collars, bracelets, hoops, and chains, either of gold, copper, or ivory. Five jewels. I myself have one of their brassets of ivory, weighing two pound and six ounces of Troy weight, A bracelet. which make eight and thirty ounces: this one of their women did wear upon her arm. It is made of one whole piece of the biggest part of the tooth, turned and somewhat carved, with a hole in the midst, wherein they put their hands to wear it on their arm. Some have on every arm one, and as many on their legs, wherewith some of them are so galled, that although they are in manner made lame thereby, yet will they by no means leave them off. Some wear also on their legs great shackles of bright copper, Shackles. which they think to be no less comely. They wear also collars, bracelets, garlands, and girdles, of certain blue stones like beads. Likewise some of their women wear on their bore arms certain foresleeves made of the plates of beaten gold. Kings. On their fingers also they wear rings, made of golden wires, with a knot or wreath, like unto that which children make in a ring of a rush. Among other things of gold that our men bought of them for exchange of their wares, were certain dogs-chaines and collars. Dog's chains of gold. They are very wary people in their bargaining, and will not loose one spark of gold of any value. They use weights and measures, and are very circumspect in occupying the same. They that shall have to do with them, must use them gently: for they will not traffic or bring in any wares if they be evil used. At the first voyage that our men had into these parties, it so chanced, that at their departure from the first place where they did traffic, one of them either stolen a musk Cat, A musk cat. or took her away by force, not mistrusting that that should have hindered their bargaining in another place whither they intended to go. But for all the haste they could make with full sails, the fame of their misusage so prevented them, that the people of that place also, offended thereby, would bring in no wares: insomuch that they were enforced either to restore the Cat, or pay for her at their price, before they could traffic there. Their houses. Their houses are made of four posts or trees, and covered with boughs. Their feeding. Their common feeding is of roots, & such fish as they take, whereof they have great plenty. Flying fish. There are also such flying fish as are seen in the sea of the West Indies. Our men salted of their fish, hoping to provide store thereof: but they would take no salt, and must therefore be eaten forthwith as some say. Howbeit other affirm, that if they be salted immediately after they be taken, they will last uncorrupted ten or twelve days. A strange thing. But this is more strange, that part of such flesh as they carried with them out of England, which putrefied there, become sweet again at their return to the clime of temperate regions. Their bread. They use also a strange making of bread, in this manner. They grind between two stones with their hands as much corn as they think may suffice their family, and when they have thus brought it to flower, they put thereto a certain quantity of water, and make thereof very thin dough, which they stick upon some post of their houses, where it is baked by the heat of the Sun: so that when the master of the house or any of his family will eat thereof, they take it down and eat it. Their wheat. They have very fair wheat, the ear whereof is two handfuls in length, and as big as a great Bulrush, and almost four inches about where it is biggest. The stem or straw seemeth to be almost as big as the little finger of a man's hand, or little less. The grains of this wheat are as big as our person, round also, and very white, and somewhat shining, like pearls that have lost their colour. Almost all the substance of them turneth into flower, & maketh little bran or none. I told in one ear two hundred & threescore grains. The ear is enclosed in three blades longer than itself, The Sun. & of two inches broad a piece. And by this fruitfulness the Sun seemeth partly to recompense such griefs and molestations as they otherwise receive by the fervent heat thereof. It is doubtless a worthy contemplation to consider the contrary effects of the sun: or rather the contrary passions of such things as receive the influence of his beams, either to their hurt or benefit. Their drink is either water, Their drink. or the juice that droppeth from the cut branches of the barren Date trees, called Palmitoes. For either they hung great gourds at the said branches every evening, and let them so hung all night, or else they set them on the ground under the trees, that the drops may fall therein. They say that this kind of drink is in taste much like unto whey, but somewhat sweeter, and more pleasant. They cut the branches every evening, because they are feared up in the day by the heat of the Sun. They have also great beans as big as chestnuts, and very hard, with a shell in the stead of a husk. Many things more nught be said of the manners of the people, and of the wonders and monstrous things that are engendered in Africa. But it shall suffice to have said thus much of such things as our men partly saw, and partly brought with them. Grains. And whereas before speaking of the fruit of grains, I described the same to have holes by the side (as in deed it hath, as it is brought hither) yet was I afterward informed, that those holes were made to put strings or twigs through the fruit, thereby to hung them up to dry at the Sun. They grow not past a foot and a half, or two foot from the ground, and are as read as blood when they are gathered. The grains themselves are called of the Physicians Grana Paradisi. ●●els that ●leaue to ships. At their c●mming home the keels of their ships were marvelously overgrown with certain shells of two inches length and more, as thick as they could stand, and of such bigness that a man might put his thumb in the mouths of them. They certainly affirm that in these there groweth a certain slimy substance, which at the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea, becometh those fowls which we call Barnacles. Barnacles. The like shells have been seen in ships returning from Iseland, but these shells were not passed half an inch in length. Of the other that came from Guinea, I saw the Primrose lying in the dock, and in manner covered with the said shells, which in my judgement should greatly hinder her sailing. Their ships were also in many places eaten with the worms called Bromas or Bissas, Bromas. whereof mention is made in the Decades. These creep between the planks, which they eat through in many places. A secret. Among other things that chanced to them in this voyage, this is worthy to be noted, that whereas they sailed thither in seven weeks, they could return in no less space than twenty weeks. The cause whereof they say to be this: That about the coast of Cabo Verde the wind is ever at the East, by reason whereof they were enforced to sail far out of their course into the main Ocean, The death of our men. to find the wind at the West to bring them home. There died of our men at this last voyage about twenty and four, whereof many died at their return into the clime of the cold regions, as between the Islands of Azores and England. Five black Moves brought unto England. They brought with them certain black slaves, whereof some were tall and strong men, and could well agreed with our meats and drinks. The cold and moist air doth somewhat offend them. Cold may be better abiden than heat. Yet doubtless men that are born in hot Regions may better abide cold, than men that are born in cold Regions may abide heat, forasmuch as vehement heat resolveth the radical moisture of men's bodies, as cold constraineth and preserveth the same. This is also to be considered as a secret work of nature, that throughout all Afrique, under the equinoctial line, and near about the same on both sides, the regions are extreme hot, and the people very black. Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are under the same line are very temperate, and the people neither black, nor with curled and short wool on their heads, as they of Africa have, but of the colour of an Olive, with long and black hear on their heads: the cause of which variety is declared in divers places in the Decades. It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage told me: That is, that they overtook the course of the Sun, so that they had it North from them at noon, the 14. day of March. And to have said thus much of these voyages, it may suffice. The first voyage made by Master William Towrson Merchant of London, to the coast of Guinea, with two Ships, in the year 1555. Upon Monday the thirtieth day of September we departed from the Isle of Wight, September. out of the haven of Neuport with two good ships, the one called the Hart, the other the Hind, both of London, and the Masters of them were john Ralph, and William Carter, for a voyage to be made unto the River de Sestos in Guinea, and to other havens thereabouts. It fallen out by the variety of winds, that it was the fourteenth day of October before we could fetch Dartmouth: and being there arrived we continued in that road six days, and the 20. of October we warped out of the haven, October. and set sail, directing our course towards the South-west, and the next morning we were run by estimation thirty leagues. The first of November we found ourselves to be in 31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master. November. This day we ran about 40. leagues also. The second day we ran 36. leagues. The third day we had sight of Porto Santo, Porto Santo. which is a small Island lying in the sea, about three leagues long, and a league & a half broad, & is possessed by Portugals. It rises as we came from the Northnorthwest like two small hills near together. The East end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle with a valley, which makes it to bear that form. The West end of it is lower with certain small round hillocks. This Island lieth in thirty and three degrees. The same day at 11. of the clock we raised the Isle of Madera, Madera. which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo, towards the South-west: that Island is a fair Island and fruitful, and is inhabited by Portugals, it rises afar off like a great whole land and high. By three of the clock this day at afternoon we were thwart of Porto Santo, and we set our course South-west, to leave the Isle of Madera to the Eastward, as we did Porto Santo. These two Islands were the first land that we see since we left the coast of England. About three of the clock after midnight we were thwart of Madera, within three leagues of the West end of it, and by means of the high hills there, we were becalmed: We suppose we ran this day and night 30. leagues. The fourth day we lay becalmed under the Isle of Madera, until one of the clock at afternoon, and then, the wind coming into the East, we went our course, and ran that day fifteen leagues. The 5. day we ran 15. leagues more. The 6. day in the morning we raised the Isle of Tenerif, Tenerif. otherwise● called the Pike, because it is a very high Island, with a pike upon the top like a loaf of sugar. The same night we raised the Isle of Palma, Palma. which is a high land also, and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif. The 7. day we perceived the Isle of Gomera, Gomera. which is an Island standing betwixt Tenerif and Palma, about 12. leagues Eastward from Palma, and 8. leagues Westward from Tenerif: and for fear of being becalmed with the Isle of Tenerif, we left both it, and Gomera to the Eastward of us, and went betwixt Palma and Gomera. We ran this day and night 30. leagues. Note that these Islands be 60. leagues from Madera, and that there are 3. Islands more to the Westward of Tenerif, named the Grand Canaria, Forte-ventura, & Lancerot, of which Islands we came not in sight: they be inhabited by Spaniards. This day also we had sight of the Isle of Ferro, Ferro. which is to the Southwards 13. leagues from the other Islands, and is possessed by Spaniards. All this day and night by reason of the wind we could not double the point of the Isle of Ferro, except we would have go to the Westward of it, which had been much out of our course: therefore we kept about, and ran back five hours Eastnortheast to the end we might double it upon the next board, the wind continuing Southeast, which hath not been often seen upon that coast by any travailers: for the wind continueth there for the most part Northeast, & East Northeast: so upon the other board by the next morning we were in a manner with the Island, and had room enough to double the same. The 8. day we kept our course as near the wind as we could, because that our due course to fetch the coast of Barbary was Southeast and by East, but by the scant wind we could not go our due course, but went as near it as we could, and ran this day and night 25. leagues. The 9 day we ran 30. leagues, the 10.25. leagues, the 12.24. The 12. day we saw a sail under our Lee, which was as we thought a fisherman, so that we went room to have spoken with him, but within one hour there fallen such a fog, that we could not see the ship nor one of us the other: we shot off divers pieces to the Hind, but she herded them not: at after noon she shot off a piece which we herded, and made her answer with another: and within one half hour after the fog broke up, and we were within 4. leagues of the shore upon the coast of Barbary, and we sounded and had 14. fathom water. The Bark also came room with us and there ankered by reason of the contrary wind. When we fallen with the land, we could not judge justly what part of the land it was, because the most part of that coast is low land, and no part to be judged of it but the forepart of the shore, which is white like chalk or sand, and very deep unto the hard shore: there immediately we began to fish, and found great store of a kind of fish which the Portugals commonly fish for upon that coast, which they call Pergosses, the Frenchmen call them Saders, and our men salt-water breames. Before the clearing up of the fog, the ship which we followed shaped us such a course that we could see her no more, by reason of our shooting off to find the Hind again. This part of the coast of Barbary, by our Pilots reckoning, is about 16. leagues to the Eastwards of the river del Oro. River del Oro. The 13. day in the afternoon we spied a sail coming towards us, which we judged to be the sail that we saw the day before, and as soon as we spied him, we caused the Hind to way her anchor and to go towards him, and manned out our skiff in like case to lay him aboard, or to discern what he was, and we ourselves within half an hour after weighed also: but after the sail had espied us, he kept about, and turned back again, and shortly after there fallen such another fog, that we could not see him: which fogs continued all that night, so that we were constrained to leave the chase. This afternoon the wind came about, and we went our course Southwest and by West, to go clear off the coast, we ran that night sixteen leagues. The fourteenth day in the morning was very foggy: but about twelve a clock we espied a Carvel of 60. tun which was fishing, and we sent our skiff to him with five men, and all without any weapon saving their Oars. The Carvel for haste let slip her anchor, and set sail; and they seeing that, fearing that they should not fetch her, would tarry for no weapons, and in the end overtook the Carvel, A Carvel taken. and made her to strike sail, and brought her away, although they had fourteen or fifteen men aboard, & every man his weapon, but they had not the hearts to resist our men. After they were come to us, they let fall their anchor, for we had cast anchor because the wind was not good: I caused then the skiff to come for me, and I went aboard of them to see that no harm should be done to them, nor to take any thing but that which they might spare us for our money. So we took of them 3. Tapnets' of figs, two small pots of oil, two pipes of water, four hogsheads of saltfish which they had taken upon the coast, and certain fresh fish which they did not esteem, because there is such store upon that coast, that in an hour and sometime less, Great store of fish upon the coast of Barbary. a man may take as much fish as will serve twenty men a day. For these things, and for some wine which we drank aboard of them, and three or four great Cans which they sent aboard of our ships, I paid them twenty and seven Pistolets, which was twice as much as they willingly would have taken: and so let them go to their anchor and cable which they had let slip, and got it again by our help. After this we set sail, but the wind caused us to anchor again about twelve leagues of the river del Oro, as the Portugals told us. There were five Carvels more in this place, but when they saw us, they made all away for fear of us. The 15. day we rid still because of the wind. The Tropic of Cancer in 23. and a half. The 16. day we set sail and ran our course 40. leagues. This day, by the reckoning of our Pilots, we were right under the Tropic of Cancer. The 17. day we ran 25. leagues within sight for the most part of the coast of Barbary. The 18. day we ran thirty leagues, and at twelve of the clock by the reckoning of our Pilots we were thwart of Cape Blank. Cape Blank. The 22. day our Pilots reckoned us to be thwart Cape Verde. Cape Verde. The 12. day of December we had sight of land of Guinea, The coast of Guinea. which as soon as we see we halled into the land Northeast, and about 12. of the clock at night we were near the shore within less than 2. leagues: and then we kept about and sounded, and found 18. fathom water. Afterwards we see a light towards the shore, which we thought to have been a ship, and thereby judged it to be the river de Sestos, which light as soon as we espied, we came to an anchor & armed our tops, and made all things ready to fight, because we doubted that it might be some Portugal or French man: this night we remained at an anchor, but in the morning we see no man, only we espied 4. rocks about 2. English miles from us, one great rock, and the 3. other small one's, which when we saw, we supposed that the light came from the shore, and so weighed and set sail East Southeast along the shore, because the Master did not well know the place, but thought that we were not so far to the East as the river de Sestos. This land all along is a low land, and full of very high trees all along the shore, so that it is not possible to know the place that a man doth fall withal, except it be by the latitude: In these 24. hours I think we ran 16. leagues, for all the night we had a great gale as we were under sail, and had withal store of thunder and lightnings. The 13. day for the most part we ran East Southeast all along the shore, within two leagues always of the same, and found the land all as at the first, full of woods and great rocks hard aboard the shore, and the billow beating so sore, that the seas broke upon the shore as white as snow, and the water mounted so high that a man might easily discern it 4. leagues off, in such wise that no boat could landlord there. Thus we ran until 12. of the clock, and then they took the Sun and after judged themselves to be 24. leagues past the river de Sestos to the Eastwards, by reason whereof we halled into the shore within two English miles, and there annexed and found fifteen fathom water, and all off from the shore the sea so smooth, that we might well have rid by an Hawser. All that afternoon we trimmed our boat and made her a sail, to the end that she might go along by the shore to seek some place to water in: The Currant setting Eastward. for we could not go back again to the river de Sestos, because the wind blows always contrary, and the Currant runneth always to the Eastwards, which was also against us. The 14. day we set sail & went back again along the coast, and sent our boats hard aboard the shore to seek a watering place, which they found about 12. of the clock, and we being far into the sea, met with divers boats of the Country, small, long and narrow, & in every boat one man and no more: we gave them bread which they did eat, & were very glad of it. About 4 of the clock our boats came to us with fresh water: and this night we ankered against a River. The 15. day we weighed and set sail to go near the shore, and with our lead we sounded all the way, and found sometimes rocks, and sometimes fair ground, and at the shallowest found 7. fathoms always at the lest. So in fine we found 7. fathom and a half within an English mile of the shore, and there we ankered in a manner before the mouth of the River, and then we sent our boats into the River for water, which went about a mile within the River, where they had very good water. This River lieth by estimation 8. leagues beyond the River de Sestos, and is called in the Card River S. Vincent, River S. Vincent. but it is so hard to find, that a boat being within half a mile of it shall not be able to discern that it is a River: by reason that directly before the mouth of it there lieth a ledge of rocks, which is much broader than the River, so that a boat must run in along the shore a good way betwixt the rocks and the shore before it come to the mouth of the River, and being within it, it is a great River and divers other Rivers fall into it: The going into it is somewhat ill; because that at the entering the seas do go somewhat high, but being once within it, it is as calm as the Thames. There are near to the Sea upon this River divers inhabitants, which are mighty big men and go all naked except some thing before their privy parts, which is like a clout about a quarter of a yard long made of the bark of trees, and yet it is like a clot: Cloth made of the bark of trees. for the bark is of that nature, that it will spin small after the manner of linen. The Negro's race their skins. Some of them also wear the like upon their heads being painted with divers colours, but the most part of them go bore headed, and their heads are clipped and shorn of divers ●orts, and the most part of them have their skin of their bodies razed with divers works, in manner of a leather jerkin. The men and women go so alike, that one cannot know a man from a woman but by their breasts, which in the most part be very foul and long, hanging down low like the v●der of a goat. The same morning we went into the River with our skiff, and carried certain basons, manels, Grains of Guinea Elephants teeth. etc. And there we took that day one hogshead and 100 li. weight of Grains, and two Elephants teeth at a reasonable good reckoning. We sold them both basons, and Manellios, and Margarits, but they desired most to have basons: For the most part of our basons we had by estimation about 30. li. for a piece, and for an Elephant's tooth of 30. li. weight, we gave them 6. The 16. day in the morning we went into the river with our skiff, and took some of every sort of our merchandise with us, and showed it to the Negroes, but they esteemed it not, but made light of it, and also of the basons, Manellios and Margarits, which yesterday they did buy: howbeit for the basons they would have given us some grains, but to no purpose, so that this day we took not by estimation above one hundredth pound weight of Grains, by means of their Captain, who would suffer no man to cell any thing but through his hands, and at his price: he was so subtle, that for a basin he would not give 15. pound weight of Grains, and sometimes would offer us small dishfuls, whereas before we had baskets full, and when he see that we would not take them in contentment, the Captain departed, and caused all the rest of the boats to departed, thinking belike that we would have followed them, and have given them their own askings. But after that we perceived their fetch, we weighed our Grapnel and went away, and then we went on land into a small Town to see the fashions of the Country, and there came a threescore of them about us, and at the first they were afraid of us, but in the end perceiving that we did no hurt, they would come to us and take us by the hand and be familiar with us, and then we went into their Towns, The description of their Towns and houses. which were like to twenty small hovels, all covered over with great leaves and baggage, and all the sides open, and a scaffold under the house about a yard high, where they work many pretty things of the barks of trees, and there they lie also. In some of their houses they work iron and make fair darts, and divers other things to work their boats, and other things withal, and the women work as well as the men. But when we were there divers of the women to show us pleasure danced and sung after their manner, full ill to our ears. Their song was thus: Sakere, saker, ho, ho. Sakere, saker, ho, ho. And with these words they leap and dance and clap their hands. Beasts we could see none that they had, but two goats, small dogs, and small hens: other beasts we see none. After that we had well marked all things we departed and went aboard our ships: which thing the Captain of the other town perceiving, sent two of his servants in a boat with a basket of Grains, and made us signs that if when we had slept we would come again into their river, we should have store of Grains, and so showed us his Grains and departed. The 17. day in the morning because we thought that the Negroes would have done something because the Captain sent for us, I required the Master to go on shore, and sent the rest of our Merchants with him, and carried aboard myself by reason that the last day he esteemed our things so little: so when the Master and the rest came into the river, the captain with divers others came to them, and brought Grains with them, & after that he see that I was not there, he made signs to know where I was, and they made signs to him again that I was in the ships: and then he made signs to know who was Captain by the name of Diago, Diago the name of a Captain. for so they call their Captain, & they pointed to the master of the ship: then he began to show his Grains, but he held them so unreasonably, that there was no profit to be made of them: which things the Master perceiving, and seeing that they had no store of Grains, came away, and took not above 50. pound weight of Grains. Then he went a shore to the little Town where we were the day before, & one of them plucked a Gourd, wherewith the Negroes were offended, & came many of them to our men with their darts and great targets, and made signs to them to departed: which our men did, having but one bow and two or three swords, and went aboard the boat and came away from them: and assoon as they were come aboard we weighed and set sail, but the wind was off the Sea, so that we could not get ou● clear of certain rocks, and therefore we came to an anchor again. The latitude of S. Vincent river is 4. degrees and a half. This river is called River S. Vincent, standing in 4. degrees and a half, and it ebbeth and floweth there every 12. hours, but not much water when it ebbeth the most: while we were there, it ebbed one fathom and a half water. Leaves of exceeding length. This country as far as we could perceive is altogether woody, and as strange trees, whereof we knew none, and they were of many sorts, with great leaves like great dockes, which be higher than any man is able to reach the top of them. Long pease stalks. There are certain peason by the Sea side, which grow upon great and very long stalks, one of the stalks I measured and found it 27. paces long, and they grow upon the sand like to trees, and that so near the Sea, that sometimes the Sea floweth into the woods as we might perceive by the water marks. Long women's breasts. The trees and all things in this place grow continually green. divers of the women have such exceeding long breasts, that some of them will lay the same upon the ground and lie down by them, but all the women have not such breasts. At this place all the day the wind bloweth off the Sea, and all the night of the land, but we found it to differ sometimes, which our Master marue●led at. This night at 9 of the clock the wind came up at the East, which ordinarily about that time was wont to come out of the North Northwest of the shore: yet we weighed and halled off South with that wind all night into the Sea, but the next morning we halled in again to the land, and took in 6. Tons of water for our ship, and I think the Hind took in as much. I could not perceive that here was any gold, or any other good thing: for the people be so wild and idle, that they give themselves to seek out nothing: if they would take pains they might gather great store of grains, but in this place I could not perceive two Tun. There are many fowls in the Country, but the people will not take the pains to take them. I observed some of their words of speech, which I thought good here to set down. Bezow, bezow, Is their salutation. Manegete afoye, Grains enough. The language about the River of S. Vincent. Crocow afoye, Hens enough. Zeramme afoye, Have you enough? Beg sack, Give me a knife. Beg come, Give me bread. Borke, Hold your peace. Coutrecke, You lie. Veede, Put forth, or emptie● Brekeke, row. Diago, Their Captain, and some call him Dabo. These and other words they speak very thick, and oftentimes recite one word three times together, and at the last time longer than at the two first. The 18. day towards night, as we were sailing along the coast, we met with certain boats in thè sea● & the men showed us that there was a river thwart of us, where there were Grains to be sold, but we thought it not good to carry there, lest the other ships should get before us. This river hath lying before it three great rocks, and 5. small rocks, one great tree, and a little tree right by the river, which in height exceeded all the rest: we halled this night along the coast 10. leagues. The 19 day as we coasted the shore, about twelve of the clock there came out to us 3. boats to tell us that they had grains, & brought some with them for a show, but we could not tarry there. We proceeded along the coast, & anchored by the shore all the night, and ran this day 10. leagues. The 20. day the Hind having ankered by us amongst rocks, and foul ground, lost a small anchor. At noon, as we passed along the coast, there came forth a Negro to us, making signs, that if we would go a shore, we should have Grains, and where we ankered at night, there came another to us, and brought Grains, and showed us them, and made signs that we should tarry, and made a fire upon the land in the night, meaning thereby to tell us where we should landlord, and so they did in divers other places upon the coast, where they see us to anchor. In all the places where we have anchored, since we came from our wa●ring plac●, The tides and nature of the shore. we have found the tide always running to the Westwards, and all along the coast many rocks hard aboard the shores and many of them a league of the shore or more, we ran this day 12. leagues. The 21. day, although we ran all day with a good gale of wind, yet the rides came so sore out of the coast, that we were not able to run above six leagues: and this day there came some Negroes to us, as there had done other times. The 22. we ran all day and night to double a point, called Das palmas, The point of Palmas. and ran sixteen leagues. The 23. day about 3. of the clock we were thwart of the point, & before we came to the Westermost part of it, we see a great ledge of rocks, which lie West from the Cape about 3. leagues and a league or more from the land. Shortly after we had sight of the Eastermost part of the Cape, which lieth 4. leagues from the Westermost part, and upon the very corner thereof lie two green places, as it were closes, and to the Westwards of the Cape the land parted from the Cape, as it were a Bay, whereby 〈◊〉 may well be known. Four leagues more beyond that there lieth a head-land in the sea, and about two leagues beyond the head-land there goeth in a great Bay, as it were a river, before which place we ankered all that night, which we did, lest in the night we should overrun a river, where the * That was the year 1554. last year they had all their Elephants teeth. This Cape Das palmas lieth under four degrees and a half, and betwixt the said Cape, and the river de Sestos is the greatest store of Grains to be had, and being past the said Cape, there is no great store else where. Where we ankered this night, we found that the tide, which before ran always to the Westward, from this Cape runneth all to the Eastward: The tides running Eastward. this day we ran some 16. leagues. The 24. day running our course, about eight of the clock there came forth to us certain boats, which brought with them small eggs, which were soft without shells, and they made us signs, that there was within the land fresh water, and Goats: and the Master thinking that it was the river which we sought, cast anchor and sent the boat on shore, with one that known the river, and coming near the shore, he perceived that it was not the river, and so came back again, and went along the shore, with their oars and sail, and we weighed and ran along the shore also: and being thirteen leagues beyond the Cape, the Master perceived a place which he judged to be the river, when we were in deed two miles shot past it: yet the boat came from the shore, and they that were in her said, that there was no river: notwithstanding we came to an anchor, and the Master and I took five men with us in the boat, and when he came near the shore, he perceived that it was the same river which he did seek: so we rowed in, and found the entrance very ill, by reason that the sea goeth so high: and being entered, divers boats came to us, and showed us that they had Elephants teeth, and they brought us one of about eight pound, & a little one of a pound, which we bought: then they brought certain teeth to the river side, making signs, that if the next day we would come again, they would cell us them: so we gave unto two Captains, to either of them a manillio, and so we departed, and came aboard, and sent out the other boat to another place, where certain boats that came into the sea, made us signs that there was fresh water: and being come thither, they found a town, A Town. but no river, yet the people brought them fresh water, and showed them an Elephant's tooth, making signs that the next day they would sell them teeth, and so they came aboard. This river lieth by the Card thirteen leagues from the Cape Das palmas, and there lieth to the Westwards of the same a rock about a league in the sea, and the river itself hath a point of land coming out into the Sea, whereupon grow fi●e trees, which may well be discerned two or three leagues off, coming from the Westward, but the river cannot be perceived until such time as a man be hard by it, and then a man may perceive a little Town on each side the river, and to each Town there belongeth a Captain. The river is but small, but the water is good and fresh. Two miles beyond the river, where the other town is, there lieth another point into the Sea, which is green like a close, and not above six trees upon it, which grow one of them from the other, whereby the coast may well be known: for along all the coast that we have hitherto sailed by, I have not seen so much bore land. In this place, and three or four leagues to the Westward of it, all along the shore, there grow many Palm trees, Many Palm trees. whereof they make their wine de Palma. These trees may easily be known almost two leagues off, for they be very high and white bodied, and straight, and be biggest in the midst: they have no boughs, but only a round bush in the top of them: and at the top of the same trees they boar a hole, and there they hung a bottle, and the juice of the tree runneth out of the said hole into the bottle, and that is their wine. From the Cape das Palmas, to the Cape Tres puntas, Cape Tres puntas. there are 100 leagues: and to the port where we purpose to make sales of our clot beyond the Cape Tres puntas 40. leagues. Note, that betwixt the river De Sestos, and the Cape Das palmas, is the place where all the grains be gathered. The language of the people of this place, as far as I could perceive, differeth not much from the language of those which dwell where we watered before: but the people of this place be more gentle in nature then the other, and goodlier men: their building & apparel is all one with the others. Their desire in this place was most of all to have Manillios' and Margarites: as for the rest of our things, they did little esteem them. Their manner of swearing by the water of the Sea. About nine of the clock there came boats to us forth, from both of the places aforesaid, and brought with them certain teeth, and after they had caused me to swear by the water of the Sea that I would not hurt them, they came aboard our ship three or four of them, and we gave them to eat of all such things as we had, and they did eat and drink of all things, as well as we ourselves. Afterwards we bought all their teeth, which were in number 14. and of those 14. there were 10. small: afterwards they departed, making us signs that the next day we should come to their Towns. Two towns. The 26. day because we would not trifle long at this place I required the Master to go unto one of the towns, and to take two of our merchants with him, & I myself went to the other, and took one with me, because these two towns stand three miles asunder. To these places we carried somewhat of every kind of merchandise that we had: and he had at the one Town, nine teeth, which were but small, and at the other town where I was, I had eleven, which were also not big, and we left aboard with the Master certain Manil●●os, wherewith he bought 12. teeth aboard the ship, in our absence: and having bought these of them, we perceived that they had no more teeth: so in that place where I was one brought to me a small goat, which I bought, and to the Master at the other place they brought five small hens, which he bought also, and after that we see there was nothing else to be had, we departed, and by one of the clock we met aboard, and then weighed, and went East our course 18. leagues still within sight of land. The 28. the wound varied, and we ran into the sea, and the wind coming again of the sea, we fallen with the land again, and the first of the land which we raised showed as a great read cliff round, but not very high, and to the Eastward of that another smaller read cliff, and right above that into the land a round hummoke and green, which we took to be trees. We ran in these 24. hours, not above four leagues. The 29. day coming near to the shore, we perceived the read cliff aforesaid to have right upon the top of it a great heap of trees, and all to the Westwards of it full of read cliffs as far as we could see, and all along the shore, as well upon the cliffs, as otherwise, full of wood: within a mile of the said great cliff there is a river to the Eastwards, and no cliffs that we could see, except one small cliff, which is hard by it. We ran this day and night 12. leagues. The winds that we had in this place by the reports of the people and of those that have been there, have not been usual, but in the night, at North of the land, and in the day South of the sea, and most commonly Northwest, and Southwest. The 31. day we went our course by the shore Northwards: this land is all along a low shore, and full of wood, as all the coast is for the most part, and no rocks. This morning came out many boats which went a fishing, which be greater boats than those which we saw before, so that in some of them there sat 5. men, but the fashion of the boats is all one. In the afternoon about three of the clock we had sight of a Town by the sea side, which our Pilots judged to be 25. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape Tres puntas. The third of january in the morning we fallen with the Cape Tres puntas, and in the night passed, Cape Tres puntas. as our Pilots said, by one of the Portugals castles, which is 8. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape: upon the first sight of the Cape we discerned it a very high land, and all grown over with trees, and coming near to it, we perceived two head lands, as it were two Bays betwixt them, which opened right to the Westward, and the uttermost of them is the Eastern Cape, there we perceived the middle Cape, and the Eastermost Cape: the middle Cape standeth not above a league from the West Cape, although the Card showeth them to be 3. leagues one from the other: and that middle Cape hath right before the point of it a small rock so near to it, that it cannot be discerned from the Cape, except a man be near to the shore, and upon the same Cape standeth a great heap of trees, and when a man is thwart the same Cape to the Eastward, there rises hard by it a round green hommoke, which cometh out of the main. The third Cape is about a league beyond the middle Cape, and is a high landlike to the other Capes, and betwixt the middle, and the third cometh out a little head or point of a land out of the main, and divers rocks hard aboard the shore. Before we came to the Capes, being about 8. leagues of them, we had the land Southeast, and by East, and being past the Capes, the land runneth in again East Northeast. About two leagues beyond the farthest Cape there is a low glade about two miles long, and then the land rises high again, and divers headlands rise one beyond another, and divers rocks lie at the point of the first head-land. The midst of these Capes is the nearest to the Southwards, I mean, further into the sea than any of the other, so that being to the Eastward of it, it may be discerned far off, and being so to the Eastward it rises with two small rocks. This day we ankered for fear of overshooting a town called S. john's. We ran this day not above 8. leagues. In the afternoon this day there came a boat of the country from the shore, with five men in her, and went along by us, as we thought, to discern our flags, but they would not come near us, and when they had well looked upon us, they departed. The fourth day in the morning, sailing by the coast, we espied a ledge of rocks by the shore, and to the Westwards of them two great green hills joining together, so that between them it was hollow like a saddle: and within the said rocks the Master thought the aforenamed Town had stood, and therefore we manned our boats, and took with us clot, and other merchandise, and rowed ashore, but going along by the ●oast, we saw that there was no town, therefore we went aboard again. From these two hills aforesaid, about two leagues to the Eastward, lie out into the Sea almost two miles a ledge of rocks, and beyond that a great Bay, which runneth into the North Northwestward, and the land in this place lieth North Northeast along the shore: but the uttermost point of land in that place that we could see, lay North-east, and by East from us. After that we were with a small gale of wind run past that uttermost head-land, we saw a great read cliff, which the Master again judged to be the town of S. john's, and then we took our boat with merchandise, and went thither, and when we came thither, we perceived that there was a town upon the top of the hill, and so we went toward it, and when we were hard by it, the people of the town came together a great sort of them, and waved us to come in, with a piece of clot, and so we went into a very fair Bay, which lieth to the Eastward of the cliff, whereupon the town standeth, and being within the cliff, we let fall our grapnel, and after that we had tar●ed there a good space, they sent a boat aboard of us, to show us that they had gold, and they showed us a piece about half a crown weight, and required to know our measure, & our weight, that they might show their Captain thereof: and we gave them a measure of two else, and a weight of two Angels to show unto him, which they took, and went on shore, and showed it unto their Captain, and then they brought us a measure of two else, one quarter and a half, and one Crusado-weight of gold, making us signs that so much they would give for the like measure, and less they would not have. After this, we tarried there about an hour, and when we saw that they would do no otherwise, and withal understood, that all the best places were before us, we departed to our ships and weighed, and ran along the shore, and went before with our boat, and having sailed about a league, we came to a point where there lay forth a ledge of rocks, like to the others before spoken of, and being past that people, the Master spied a place which he said plainly was the town of Don john: and the night was come upon us, so that we could not well discern it, but we ankered as near unto the place as we could. The town of Don john. The fift day in the morning we perceived it to be the same town in deed, and we manned our boats and went thither, and because that the last year the Portugals at that place took away a man from them, and after shot at them with great bases, and did beat them from the place, we let fall our grapnel almost a base shot off the shore, and there we lay about two hours, and no boats came to us. Then certain of our men with the hinds boat went into the Bay which lieth to the Eastward of the town, and within that Bay they found a goodly fresh river, and afterwards they came and waved to us also to come in, because they perceived the Negroes to come down to that place, which we did: and immediately the Negroes came to us, and made us signs that they had gold, but none of them would come aboard our boats, neither could we perceive any boats that they had to come withal, so that we judged that the Portugals had spoilt their boats, because we see half of their town destroyed. We having stayed there a good space, and seeing that they would not come to us, thrust our boats heads a shore, being both well appointed, and then the Captain of the Town came down, being a grave man: and he came with his dart in his hand, and six tall men after him, every one with his dart & his target, and their darts were all of iron, fair and sharp, and there came another after them which carried the captains stool: we saluted him, and put off our caps, and bowed ourselves, and he like one that thought well of himself, did not move his cap, nor scant bowed his body, and sat him down very solemnly upon his stool: but all his men put off their caps to us, and bo●ed down themselves. He was clothed from the loins down with a clot of that Country making, wrapped about him, and made fast about his loins with a girdle, and his cap of a certain clot of the Country also, and bore legged, and bore footed, and all bore above the loins, except his head. His servants, some of them had clot about their loins, and some nothing but a clot betwixt their legs, and made fast before, and behind to their girdles, and caps of their own making, some like a basket, and some like a great wide purse of beasts skins. All their clot, cords, girdles, fishing lines, and all such like things which they have, they make of the bark of certain trees, and thereof they can work things very prettily, and iron work they can make very fine, Their weapons. of all such things as they do occupy, as darts, fishhooks, hooking irons, iron heads, and great daggers, some of them as long as a woodknife, which be on both sides exceeding sharp, and bended after the manner of Turkey blades, and the most part of them have hanging at their left side one of those great daggers. Their targets be made of such pills as their clot is made of, and very closely wrought, and they be inform four square, and very great, and somewhat longer than they be broad, so that kneeling down, they make their targets to cover their whole body. Their bows be short, and of a pretty strength, as much as a man is able to draw with one of his fingers, and the string is of the bark of a tree, made flat, and about a quarter of an inch broad: as for their arrows, I have not as yet seen any of them, for they had wrapped them up close, and because I was busy I could not stand about it, to have them open them. Their gold also they work very well. When the Captain was set, I sent him two else of clot, and two basons, and gave them unto him, and he sent again for a weight of the same measure, and I sent him a weight of two Angels, which he would not take, neither would he suffer the town to buy any thing, but the basons of brass: so that we sold that day 74. basons unto the men of the town, for about half an Angel weight, one with another, and nine white basons, which we sold for a quarter of an Angel a piece, or thereabouts. We showed them all our other things which we had, but they did not esteem them. About two of the clock, the Captain who did departed in the morning from us, came again, and brought with him to present me withal, a hen, and two great roots, which I received, and after made me signs that the country would come to his town that night, and bring great store of gold, which in deed about 4. of the clock they did: for there came about 100 men under 3. Captains, well appointed with their darts and bows, and when they came to us, every man sticked down his dart upon the shore, and the Captains had stools brought them, and they sat down, and sent a young man aboard of us, which brought a measure with him of an ●ll, and one fourth part, and one sixteenth part, and he would have that four times for a weight of one Angel and twelve grains: I offered him two else, as I had done before for two Angels weight, which he esteemed nothing, but still stuck at his four measures aforesaid: yet in the end●, when it grew very late, and I made him signs that I would departed, he came to four else for the weight abovesaid, and otherwise he would not deal, and so we departed. This day we took for basons six ounces and a half and one eight part. The sixt day in the morning we manned our boats and● the skiff well, for fear of the Portugals which the last year had taken away a man from the other ships, and went on shore, and landed, because they had no boats to come to us, and so the young man which was with us the night before was sent aboard, who seemed to have dealt and bargained before with the Portugals for he could speak a little Portuguese, and was perfect in weights and measures: at his coming he offered us, as he had done before, one Angel, and twelve grains for four else, and more he would not give, and made signs, that if we would not take that, we should departed, which we did: but before we did indeed departed, I offered him of some rotten clot three else for his weight of an Angel and twelve grains, which he would not take, and then we departed making signs to him that we would go away, as indeed we would have done, rather than have given that measure, although the clot was ill, seeing we were so near to the places, which we judged to be better for sale. Then we went aboard our ships, which lay about a league off, and came back again to the shore for sand and balaste: and then the Captain perceiving that the boats had brought no merchandise but came only for water and sand, and seeing that we would departed, came unto them, making signs again to know whether we would not give the four else, and they made signs again, that we would give them but three, and when they saw that the boats were ready to departed, they came unto them and gave them the weight of our Angel and twelve grains, which we required before and made signs, that if we would come again, they would take three else. So when the boats came aboard, we laid wares in them both, and for the speedier dispatch I and john Savill went in one boat, and the Master john Makeworth, and Richard Cur●●gin, in the other, and went on shore, and that night I took for my part fifty and two ounces, and in the other boat they took eight ounces and a quarter, all by one weight and measure, and so being very late, we departed and went aboard, and took in all this day three pound. The seventh day we went a shore again, and that day I took in our boat three pound 19 ounces, so that we dispatched almost all the clot that we carried with us before noon, and then many of the people were departed & those that remained had little gold, yet they made us signs to fetch them some latin basons, which I would not because I purposed not to trifle out the time, but go thence with speed to Don john's town. But john Savill and john Makeworth were desirous to go again: and I, loath to hinder them of any profit, consented, but went not myself: so they took eighteen ounces of gold and came away, seeing that the people at a certain cry made, were departed. While they were at the shore, there came a young fellow which could speak a little Portuguese, with three more with him, and to him I sold 39 basons and two small white saucers, for three ounces, etc. which was the best reckoning that we did make of any basons: and in the forenoon when I was at the shore, the Master sold five basons unto the same fellow, for half an ounce of gold. This fellow, as far as we could perceive, had been taken into the Castle by the Portugals, and was got away from them, for he told us that the Portugals were bad men, and that they made them slaves if they could take them, and would put irons upon their legs, and besides he told us, that as many Frenchmen or Englishmen, as they could take (for he could name these two very well) they would hung them: 60. Portugals in the castle of Mina. he told us further, that there were 60 men in the castle, and that every year there came thither two ships, one great, and one small carvel, and further, that Don john had wars with the Portugals, which gave me the better courage to go to his town, which lieth but four leagues from the Castle, wherehence our men were beaten the last year. This fellow came aboard our ship without fear, and assoon as he came, he demanded, why we had not brought again their men, which the last year we took ●way, and could tell us that there were five taken away by Englishmen: The English in anno 1554 took away 5 Negroes. we made him answer, that they were in England well used, and were there kept till they could speak the language, and then they should be brought again to be a help to Englishmen in this Country: and then he spoke no more of that matter. Our boats being come aboard, we weighed and set sail and a little after spied a great fire upon the shore, and by the light of the fire we might discern a white thing, which they took to be the Castle, and for fear of overshooting the town of Don john we there ankered two leagues of the shore, for it is hard to fetch up a town here, if a ship overshoot it. This day we took seven pound, and five ounces of gold. This town lieth in a great Bay, which is very deep. The people in this place desired most to have basons and clot. They would buy some of them also many trifles, as knives, horsetailes, horns: and some of our men going a shore, sold a cap, a dagger, a hat, etc. They showed us a certain course clot, which I think to be made in France, for it was course wool, and a small thread, and as thick as worsted, and striped with stripes of green, white, yellow etc. divers of the people did wear about their necks great beads of glass of diverse colours. Here also I learned some of their language, This language seemeth partly to be corrupt. as followeth: Mattea, mattea, Is their salutation. Dassee, dassee, I thank you. Sheke, Gold. Cowrte, Cut. Cracca, Knives. Bassina, Basins. Foco, foco, Cloth. Molta, Much, or great store. The eight day in the morning we had sight of the Castle, but by reason of a mis●e that then fallen we could not have the perfect sight of it, Sight of the castle of Mina. till we were almost at the town of Don john, and then it cleared up, and we see it and a white house, as it were a Chapel, upon the hill about it: then we halled into the shore, within two English miles of Don john's t●wne, and there ankered in seven fathom water. Here, as in many other places before, we perceived that the currant went with the wind. The land here is in some places low and in some high, and full of wood altogether. The town of Don john is but little, Don john's town described. of about twenty houses, and the most part of the town is walled in with a brickwall of a man's height, made with reed or sedge, or some such thing. Here we stayed two or three hours after we had ankered, to see if any man would come unto us: and seeing that none did come, we manned our boats and put in merchandise, and went and ankered with our boats near to the shore: then they sent out a man to us who made us signs that that was the town of Don john, and that he himself was in the Country, and would be at home at the going down of the Sun, and when he had done, he required a reward, as the most part of them will do which come first aboard, and I gave him one ell of clot and he departed, and that night we herded no more of him. The ninth day in the morning we went again with our boats to the shore, and there came forth a boat to us, who made signs that Don john was not come home, but would be at home this day: and to that place also came another boat from the other town a mile from this, which is called Don Devis, and brought with him gold to show us, making signs that we should come thither. I then left in this place john Savill, and john Makeworth, and took the Hind, and went to the other town and there ankered, and took clot and went to shore with the boat, and by and by the boats came to us and brought a measure of four yards long & a half, and showed us a weight of an angel and twelve grains, which they would give for so much, and not otherwise: so I stayed and made no bargain. And all this day the bark lay at Don john's town, and did nothing, having answer that he was not come home. The tenth day we went again to the shore, and there came out a boat with good store of gold, and having driven the matter off a long time, and having brought the measure to a nail less than three else, and their weight to an angel and twenty grains, and could not bring them to more, I did conclude with them and sold, and within one quarter of an hour I took one pound and a quarter of an ounce of gold: and then they made me signs to tarry, till they had parted their clot upon the shore as their manner is, and they would come again, and so they went away, and laid the clot all abroad upon the sand piece by piece, and by and by one came running down from the town to them, and spoke unto them, and forthwith every man made as much haste as he could away, and went into the woods to hide his gold and his clot: we mistrusted some knavery, and being waved by them to come a shore, yet we would not, but went aboard the Hind, and perceived upon the hill 30 men which we judged to be Portugals: and they went up to the top of the hill and there mustered and showed themselves, having a flag with them. Then I being desirous to know what the Hart did, took the hinds boat and went towards her, and when I came near to them they shot off two pieces of ordinance which I marveled at: I made as much haste as I could to her, and met her boat and skiff coming from the shore in all haste, and we met aboard together. They showed me that they had been a shore all that day, and had given to the two sons of Don john, to either of them three yards and a half of clot, and three basons betwixt them, and had delivered him 3 yards of clot more and the weight of an angel and 12 grains, The Portugals of the castle of Mina invaded our men. and being on land did tarry for his answer, and in the mean time the Portugals came running from the hill upon them, whereof the Negroes a little before had given them warning, and ●ad them to go away but they perceived it not. The son of Don john conspired with the Portugals against them, so that they were almost upon them, but yet they recovered their boat and set off from the shore, and the Portugals shot their calievers at them, but hurt no man, and then the ship perceiving it, shot off the two pieces aforesaid among them. Hereupon we ●ayde bases in both the boats, and in the skiff and manned them well, and went a shore again, but because of the wind we could not land, but lay off in the sea about ten score and shot at them, but the hill succoured them, and they from the rocks and from the hills shot at us with their half hakes, and the Negroes more for fear then for love stood by them to help them, and when we see that the Negroes were in such subjection unto them that they dared not cell us any thing for fear of them we went aboard, and that night the wind kept at the East, so that we could not with our ship fetch the Hind, but I took the boat in the night and went aboard the bark to see what was there to be done, and in the morning we perceived the town to be in like case laid with Portugals, so we weighed and went along the coast. This town of john de Viso standeth upon an hill like the town of Don john, The town of Don john de Viso. but it hath been burned, so that there are not passing fire houses in it: the most part of the gold that comes thither comes out of the country, and no doubt if the people dared for fear of the Portugals bring forth their gold, there would be had good store: but they dare not cell any thing, their subjection is so great to the Portugals. The 11 day running by the shore we had sight of a little town four leagues from the last town that we came from, and about half a league from that, of another town upon a hill, and half a league from that also of another great town upon the shore: whither we went to see what could there be done: if we could do nothing, then to return to the other town, because we thought that the Portugals would leave the town upon our departure. Along from the castle unto this place are very high hills which may be seen above all other hills, but they are full of wood, and great read cliffs by the sea side. The boats of these places are somewhat large and big, for one of them will carry twelve men, but their form is alike with the former boats of the coast. There are about these towns few rivers: their language differeth not from the language used at Don john's town: but every one can speak three or four words of Portuguese, which they used altogether to us. We saw this night about 5 of the clock 22 boats running along the shore to the Westward, whereupon we suspected some knavery intended against us. The 12 day therefore we set sail and went further along the coast, and descried more towns wherein were greater houses then in the other towns, and the people came out of the towns to look upon us, but we could see no boats. Two mile beyond the Eastermost town are black rocks, which black rocks continued to the uttermost cape of the land, which is about a league off, and then the land runs in Eastnortheast, and a sandy shore again: upon these black rocks came down certain Negroes, which waved us with a white flag, but we perceiving the principal place to be near, would not stay, but bore still along the shore: and as soon as we had opened the point of the land, we raised another head-land about a league of the point, which had a rock lying of it into the sea, and that they thought to be the place which we sought. When we came thwart the place they known it, and we put wares into our boat, and the ship being within half a mile of the place ankered in fine fadonic water and fair ground. We went on shore with our boat, and ankered about ten of the clock in the forenoon: we see many boats lying upon the shore, and divers came by us, but none of them would come near us, being as we judged afraid of us: because that four men were taken perforce the last year from this place, Four men taken away by the English. so that no man came to us, whereupon we went aboard again, and thought here to have made no sale: yet towards night a great sort came down to the water side, and waved us on shore with a white flag, and afterward their Captain came down and many men with him, and sat him down by the shore under a tree: which when I perceived, I took things with me to give him: at last he sent a boat to call to us, which would not come near us, but made us signs to come again the next day: but in fine, I got them to come aboard in offering them things to give to their captain, which were two else of clot, one latin basin, one white basin, a bottle, a great piece of beef, and six biscuit cakes, which they received making us signs to come again the next day, saying, that their Captain was Grand Capitane as appeared by those that attended upon him with their darts and targets, and other weapons. A great town. This town is very great and stands upon a hill among trees, so that it cannot well be seen except a man be near it: to the Eastward of it upon the hill hard by the town stand 2. high trees, which is a good mark to know the town. And under the town lieth another hill lower than it, whereupon the sea beats: and that end next the sea is all great black rocks, and beyond the town in a bay lieth another small town. The 13 day in the morning we took our boat and went to shore, and stayed till ten a clock and no man came to us: we went about therefore to return aboard, and when the Negroes see that, they came running down with a flag to wave us again, so we ankered again, and then one showed us that the Captain would come down by and by: we see a sail in the mean time pass by us but it was small, and we regarded it not. Being on shore we made a tilt with our dares and sail, and then there came a boat to us with five men in her, who brought us again our bottle, The like they do in the country of Prete lanni. and brought me a hen, making signs by the sun, that within two hours the merchants of the country would come down and buy all that we had: so I gave them six Manillios to carry to their Captain, and they made signs to have a pledge of us, and they would leave us another man: and we willing to do so, put one of our men in their boat, but they would not give us one of there's, so we took our man again, and there tarried for the merchants: and shortly after one came down arrayed like their Captain with a great train after him, who saluted us friendly, and one of the chiefest of them went and sat down under a tree, where the last year the Captain was wont to sit: and at last we perceived a great many of them to stand at the end of a hollow way; and behind them the Portugals had planted a base, who suddenly shot at us but overshot us, and yet we were in a manner hard by them, and they shot at us again before we could ship our oars to get away but did no hurt. Then the Negroes came to the rocks hard by us, and discharged calievers at us, and again the Portugals shot off their base twice more, and then our ship shot at them, but the rocks and hills defended them. Master Rober● Gainshes voyage to Gu●●ea u● anno 1554. Then we went aboard to go from this place, seeing the Negroes bend against us, because that the last year M. Gainsh did take away the captains son and three others from this place with their gold, and all that they had about them: which was the cause that they become friends with the Portugals, whom before they hated, as did appear the last year by the courteous entertainment which the Trinity had there, The English were offered to bu●●d a town in G●●ne. when the Captain came aboard the ship, and brought them to his town, and offered them ground to build a Castle in, and there they had good sales. The 14 day we weighed and plied back again to seek the Hind, which in the morning we met, and so we turned both back to the Eastwardes to see what we could do at that place where the Trinity did cell her right frifes the last year. The Hind had taken eighteen ounces and a half more of gold of other Negroes, the day after that we left them. This day about one of the clock we espied certain boats upon the sand and men by them and went to them with merchandises, and took three ounces of gold for 18 fuffs of clot, every fuffe three yards and a half after one angel and 12 grains the fuffe, and then they made me signs that the next day I should have gold enough: so the Master took the Hind with john Savill and john Makeworth; and went to seek the place aforesaid, & I with Richard Pakeman remained in this place to see what we could do the next day: and when the Negroes perceived our ship to go away, they feared that the other would follow, & so sent forth 2 boats to us with 4 men in them, requiring us to tarry & to give them one man for a pledge, and 2 of them should tarry with us for him, so Edward M. Morleis servant seeing these men so earnest therein offered himself to be pledge, and we let him go for two of them, one whereof had his weights and scales, and a chain of gold about his neck, and another about his arm. They did eat of such things as we had and were well contented. In the night the Negroes kept a light upon the shore thwart of us, and about one of the clock we herded and see the light of a base which shot off twice at the said light, and by and by discharged two calievers, which in the end we perceived to be the Portugals brigandine which followed us from place to place, A Portugal Brigandine. to give warning to the people of the country, that they should not deal with us. The 15 day in the morning the Captain came down with 100 men with him, and brought his wife, and many others brought their wives also, because their town was 8 miles up in the country, and they determined to lie by the sea side till they had bought what they would. When he was come he sent our man aboard, and required to have two men pledges, and he himself would come aboard, and I sent him two, of whom he took but one, and so came aboard us, he and his wife with divers of his friends, and brought me a goat and two great roots, and I gave him again a latin basin, a white basin, 6 manillios, and a bottle of malmsey, and to his wife a small casket. After this we began to make our measure and weight: and he had a weight of his own which held one angel and 14 grains, and required a measure of 4 else and a half. In fine we concluded the 8 part for one angel and 20 grains, and before we had done, they took mine own weight and measure. The 16 day I took 8 li. 1 ounce of gold: and since the departure of the Hind I herded not of her, but when our pledge went into the country the first night, he said he see her cast anchor above five leagues from this place. The 17 day I sold about 17 pieces of clot, & took 4. li. 4 ounces and a half of gold. The 18 day the captain desired to have some of our wine, and offered half a ducat of gold for a bottle: but I gave it him freely, and made him and his train drink besides. And this day also I took 5 li. 5 ounces of gold. The 19 day we sold about 18 clotheses, and took 4 li. 4. ounces and one quarter of gold. The 20 day we took 3 li. six ounces and a quarter of gold. The 21 we took 8. li. 7. ounces and a quarter. The 22.3. li. 8. ounces and a quarter. And this night about 4 of the clock the Captain who had lain all this while upon the shore, went away with all the rest of the people with him. The 23 day we were waved a shore by other Negroes, and sold them clot, caskets, knives, and a dozen of bells, and took 1. li. 10. ounces of gold. The 24 likewise we sold bells, sheets, and thimbles, and took two li. one ounce and a quarter of gold. The 25 day we sold 7 dozen of small bells and other things, and then perceiving their gold to be done, we weighed and set sail & went to leeward to seek the Hind, and about 5 of the clock at night we had sight of her, and bore with her, and understood that she had made some sales. The 26 day we received out of the Hind 48 li. 3 ounces and one eight part of gold, which they had taken in the time that we were from them. And this day upon the request of a Negro that came unto us from a captain, we went to shore with our merchandise, and took 7 li. and one ounce of gold. At this place they required no gauges of us, but at night they sent a man aboard us, which lay with us all night, because we might know that they would also come to us the next day. The 27 day in both our ships we took 8. li. one ounce, three quarters and half a quarter of gold. The 28 we made sales for the company, and took one pound and half an ounce of gold. The 29 day in the morning we herded two calievers shot off upon the shore, which we judged to be either by the Portugals or by the Negroes of the Portugals: we manned our boats and armed ourselves and went to shore, but could find nothing: for they were go. The 30 day we made more sales for the company and for the Masters. The 31 we sent our boat to shore to take in sand for ballast, and there our men met the Negroes, with whom they had made sale the day before a fishing which did help them to fill sand, and having no gold, sold fish to our men for their handkerchiefs and nightkerchiefes. The 1. day of February we weighed and went to another place, February. and took 1. li. 9 ounces 3 quarters of gold. The 2 day we made more sales: but having viewed our victuals, we determined to ●arie no long time upon the coast, because the most part of our drink was spent, & that which remained grew sour. The 3 and 4 days we made some sales, They return for England. though not great, and finding the wound this 4. day to come off the shore, we set sail and ran along the shore to the Westwards: upon this coast we found by experience that ordinarily about 2 of the clock in the night the wind comes off the shore at Northnortheast, and so continueth until eight of the clock in the morning: and all the rest of the day and night it comes out of the South-west: and as for the tide or currant upon this shore, it goeth continually with the wind. The 5 day we continued sailing and thought to have met with some English ships, but found none. The sixt day we went our course South-west to ●etch under the line, and ran by estimation 24 leagues. The 13 day we thought ourselves by our reckoning to be clear off the Cape das Palmas, and ran 12 leagues. Cape de Monte. The 22 day we were thwart of the Cape de Monte, which is to the Westward of the River de Sestos, about 30 leagues. March. The first day of March in a Ternado we lost the Hind, whereupon we set up a light and shot off a piece but could not hear of her, so that then we struck our sail and tarried for her, and in the morning had sight of her again three leagues a stern of us. Cape Verde in latitude 14 degrees & a half Upon the 22 day we found ourselves to be in the height of Cape Verde, which stands in 14. degrees and a half. From this day till the 29 day we continued our course, and then we found ourselves to be in 22 degrees. This day one of our men called William King, who had been long sick, died in his sleep, his apparel was distributed to those that lacked it, and his money was kept for his friends to be delivered them at his coming home. The 30 day we found ourselves to be under the Tropic. The 31 day we went our course, and made way 18 leagues. April. From the first day of April to the 20 we went our course, and then found ourselves to be in the height of the Asores. May. The seventh day of May we fallen with the South part of Ireland, and going on shore with our boat had fresh drink, and two sheep of the country people, which were wild Kerns, and we gave them gold for them, and bought further such other victuals as we had need of, and thought would serve us till we arrived in England. Their arrival ●t Bristol. The 14 day with the afternoon tide we went into the Port of Bristol called Hungrode, and there ankered in safety and gave thanks to God for our safe arrival. The second voyage made by Master William Towrson to the coast of Guinea, and the Castle of Mina, in the year 1556. with the Tiger of London, a ship of 120 tons, the Hart of London of 60 tons, and a Pinnace of sixteen tons. THe fourteenth day of September, the year abovesaid, we departed from Harwich, and directed our course for the Isle of Silly, to meet there with the Hart and Pinnace, which were rigged and victualled at Bristol, but arriving there the eight and twentieth day we found them not, and therefore after long lying at hull to tarry for them, but not espying them, we turned back to Plymouth the 12 day of October, and being there, the Hart and the Pinnace came to us, so that the 15 of November we all departed together from Plymouth at one of the clock in the after noon, November. and the 28 day we had sight of the Isle of Porto Santo, and the next day in the morning of Madera. December. The third day of December we fallen with the isle of Palma, and the 9 we were thwart of Cape Blank, and found there certain Caravels fishing for Pargoes. Sierra Leona. The 19 we found ourselves in the height of Sierra Leona, and all this day we ran thwart of certain Currants, which did set to the West Southwestward so fast as if it had been the over-fall of a sand, making a great noise like unto a stream or tide-gate when the water is shoal: and to prove whither we could find ground in this place, we sounded and had 150 fathom, and no ground, and so departed. The 30 of December we fallen with the coast of Guinea, and had first sight of it about 4 leagues off. The best mark that we could take of the place to know it was three hills, which lay Northeast and by East from us: betwixt the Northermost two hills there are two high and great trees standing in sight as it were a sails breadth one from another, and a little more to the Northwestwards are certain hommocks. Having sailed somewhat into the shore we took ourselves to be shot somewhat past the river de Sestos, so that we kept about to fetch it. And a little after we had sight of three sails of ships and two pinnesses which were in the weather of us, and having sight of them we made ourselves ready to meet them, and halled off our ships to fetch the wind as near as we could: and having sailed about an hour or two, they also went about, and went as we went to make themselves ready, and when we had them in chase, they went away from us: but when they had made themselves ready, they kept about again, and came with us very finely appointed with their streamers, and pendants and ensigns, and noise of trumpets very bravely: so when we met, they had the weather of us, and we ●e●ng determined to fight, if they had been Portugals, waved them to come under our Lee, which they denied stoutly: then we demanded of them whence they were, and they said of France, we told them again that we were of London in England. They asked of us what Portugals we had seen, we answered, none but Fishermen: then they told us that there were certain Portugal ships go to the Mina to defend it, and that they met with another at the river de Sestos, The river of Sestos. which was a ship of two hundred which they had burned, and had saved none but the master and two or three Negroes, and certain others which were sore burned which they left a shore there. Then they desired to come aboard of us with their boats to talk with us, and we gave them leave. Then the captain of the Admiral and diue●s others came aboard very friendly, desiring us to keep them company because of the Portugals, and to go to the Mina with them: we told th●m that we had not watered, and that we were but now fallen with the coast, and they showed us that we were fifty leagues past the river de Sestos: notwithstanding there was water enough to be had, and they would help us to water with their own boats because they would have our company. And told us further, that they had been six weeks upon the coast, and had got but three tons of grains amongst them all: and when we had herded them, we made our reckoning that although the Mina were clear, yet if they did go before us, they would mar our market; They admit certain Frenchmen into their company. and if it were not clear, then if the Portugals were there and did take them, they would understand that we were behind, and so would wait for us. And further we made accounted that if we went with them we should do as well as they, if the coast were clear: if it were not clear, then by them we were assured to be the stronger. Therefore having considered thus much of their gentle offers, we told them that the next day we would confer more largely of the matter. Whereupon they desired me to come the next day to dinner to them, and to bring the masters of our ships with me, and such merchants as I thought good, promising to give us water out of their own ships if we would take it, or else to tarry with us and help us to water with their own boats and pinnasses. The 31 day in the morning the Admiral sent his boat aboard for me, and I took our masters and certain of our merchants and went to him, who had provided a notable banquet for us, and entreated us very friendly, desiring us still to keep his company, promising that what victuals were in his ships, or other things that might d●e us pleasure until the end, we should have the one half of it, offering us if we would to furl his Flags, and to be at our commandment in all things. In the end we agreed to come to an anchor, and to sand our boat on shore with the Admiral's boat, and one of his pinnasses, and an Almain which they had brought out of France, to seek water, as for our pinnace she came to an anchor to seaward of us all, and would not come at us. All this night the boats continued on shore. The first day of january our boats came to us again and had found no river. Whereupon we weighed and set sail, and ankred again at another river. The 2 day we went into the river and bargained, and took 5 small Elephants teeth. The 3 day we took 5 more. The fourth day the French Admiral and we took fifteen small teeth. An assault upon elephants. This day we took thirty men with us and went to seek Elephants, our men being all well armed with harquebuses, pikes, long bows, crossbows, partisans, long sword, and sword and bucklers: we found two Elephants which we struck divers times with harquebuses and long bows, but they went away from us and hurt one of our men. The fift day we set sail and ran along the coast. The 6 day we fallen with the river de S. Andre, Rio de S. Andre. Captain Blundel the French Admiral. at which place the land is somewhat high to the Westward of the river, and a fair Bay also to ●he Westward of it: but to the Eastward of it it is low land. The 7 day we went into the River and found no village, but certain wild Negroes not accustomed to trade. It is a very great river and 7 fathom water in some places at the entering. Here we filled water, and after set sail. The 8 day we sailed along the shore and came to the Redcliffes, and went forward in sailing the 9 day also. The 10 day we came together to confer with captain Blundel Admiral of the French ships, jerom Baudet his viceadmiral, and john de Orleans master of a ship of 70 tun, and with their merchants, and agreed that when God should sand us to any place where we might make sale, that we should be of one accord and not one of us hurt the market of the other, but certain of our boats to make the price for all the rest, and then one boat to make sale for every ship. This night our boats going to the shore met with certain Negroes, who said that they had gold, and therefore we here cast anchor. The 11 day all the day we took but one half angel weight of 4 grains, which we took by hand, for the people of this place had no weight: the Negroes called this place Allow. Allow, The 12 day we ran along the coast and found but one town, but no boats would come out to us, and therefore we went our course. The 13 day I took my boat and went along the shore, and passed by divers small towns, and was waved to come on shore at 3 places, but the sea went so high upon the shore, that is was not possible for us to land, neither could they come to us if they had had boats, as I could see none but at one place, where there was one that would have come unto us, but the Land-wash went so sore that it overthrew his boat, and one of the men was drowned, which the people lamented, and cried so sore, that we might easily hear them, and they got his body out of the sea, and carried it amongst them to their town. The 14 day we came within Saker-shot of the castle, & straightway they set forth and Almade to descry us, and when they perceived that we were no Portugals, they ran within the town again: for there is a great town by the Castle which is called by the Negroes Dondou. Dondo● a great town. Without this there lie two great rocks like islands, and the castle standeth upon a point which showeth almost like an Island. Before we came at this castle, we found the land for five or six leagues to be high land, and about seven leagues before we came to the castle, low land, until we came at the castle, The castle of Mina. and then we found the land high again. This castle standeth about five leagues to the East of Cape de Tres puntas. Cape de Tres puntas. Here I took the boat with our Negroes and ran alongst the shore till I came to the Cape and found two small towns, but no boats at them, neither any traffic to be had. At these places our Negroes did understand them well, and one of them went a shore at all the places and was well received of them. This night we ankred at the Cape de Tres puntas. The 15 day I took our boat and went along the shore, & about 3 leagues beyond the Eastermost part of the Cape we found a fair Bay where we ran in, and found a small town and certain boats which belonged to the same town, but the Negroes in a long time would not come to us, but at the last by the persuasion of our own Negroes, one boat came to us, and with him we sent George our Negro a shore, and after he had talked with them, they came aboard our boats without fear, and I gave to their captain a basin, and two strings of Margaret's, and they showed us about 5 ducats weight of gold, but they required so much for it that we would not take it, because the Frenchmen and we had agreed to make price of our goods all in one boat, and the price being made then every man to cell in his own boat, and no man to give more than the price which should be set by us al. This place is called bull, bull. and here the Negroes were very glad of our Negroes, and showed them all the friendship they could, when they had told them that they were the men that were taken away being now again brought by us. The Negroes here showed us that a month since there were 3 ships that fought together, & the two ships put the other to flight; and before that at the castle of Mina there were 4 ships of the Portugals which met with one Frenchman, which Frenchman caused them all to flee, which ship we took to be the Roebarge: for the Frenchmen of our company judged her to be thereabouts that time with her pinnace also. And further, that after her went a ship of twelve score named the Shaudet all alone, and after her a ship of fourscore, and both for the Mina. And there were two others also which they left, one at Cape Verde called the Leuriere of deep, and another at the river De Sestos, besides these 3 which all this time be in our company, whose names be these: The Espoier of Hableneff which is the Admiral, whose captain is Denis blundel. The Leuriere of Rouen Vice admiral, whose master is Jerome Baudet. The other is of Hunfleur whose master is called john de Orleans. The sixteenth day I went along the shore with two pinnasses of the Frenchmen, and found a Bay and a fresh river, and after that went to a town called Hanta, Han●a. twelve leagues beyond the Cape. At this town our Negroes were well known, and the men of the town wept for joy when they see them, and demanded of them where Anthony and Been had been: and they told them that they had been at London in England, and should be brought home the next voyage. So after this, our Negroes came aboard with other Negroes which brought a weight with them, which was so small that we could not give them the half of that which they demanded for it. The Negroes here told us that there were five Portugal ships at the Castle and one pinnace, and that the Portugals did much harm to their Country, and that they lived in fear of them, and we told them again, that we would defend them from the Portugals whereof they were very glad. The 17 day we went a shore and the Frenchmen wi●h us, but did no great good, the Negroes were so unreasonable, we sold 80 Manellios for one ounce of gold. Then we departed and went to Shamma, Shamma. and went into the river with five boats well appointed with men and ordinance, and with our noises of trumpets and drums, for we thought here to have found some Portugals but there were none: so we sent our Negroes on shore, and after them went divers of us, and were very well received, and the people were very glad of our Negroes, The Negroes brought ●ome by our men. specially one of their brother's wives, and one of their aunts, which received them with much joy, and so did all the rest of the people, as if they had been their natural brethren: we comforted the captain and told him that he should not fear the Portugals, for we would defend him from them: whereupon we caused our boats to shoot off their bases and harquebuses, and caused our men to come on shore with their long bows, and they shot before the captain, which he, with all the rest of the people, wondered much at, specially to see them shoot so far as they did, and assayed to draw their bows but could not. When it grew to be late, we departed to our ships, for we looked every hour for the Portugals. * Note. And here the Negroes showed us that there was an English ship at the Mina, which had brought one of the Negroes again, which Robert Gaynsh took away. Robert Gaynsh. The 18 day we went into the river with no less strength than before, and concluded with the Negroes to give them for every Fuffe two yards and three nails of Cloth, and to take for it one angle-duckat: so that we took in all 70 ducats, whereof the Frenchmen had forty, and we thirty. The nineteenth day we went a shore every man for himself, and took a good quantity of gold, and I for my part took four pound and two ounces and a half of gold, and our Hearts boat took one and twenty ounces. At night the Negroes showed us that the next day the Portugals would be with us by land or by Sea: and when we were ready to departed, we herded divers harquebuses shoot off in the woods by us which we known to be Portugals, which dared come no nearer to us, but shot off in the woods to see if they could fear us and so make us to leave our traffic. The 20 day we manned our five boats, and also a great boat of the Frenchmens' with our men and the Admirals, 12 of them in their murrians and corslets, and the rest all well appointed, with four trumpets, a drum and a Fife, and the boat all hanged with streamers of Silk and pendants very fair, and went into the river and trafficked, our man of war lying off and on in the river to waft us, but we herded no more of the Portugals. This day the Negroes told us that there were certain ships come into Hanta, Hanta. which town is about 2 leagues to the Westward of this place. This 21 day we manned our boats again & went to a place a league from this to the Westwards, and there found many Negroes with another Captain, and fold at the same rate that we had done with the others. The 22 day we went a shore again and trafficked in like sort quietly, and I took 4 pound and six ounces of gold. The 23 day about night the Negroes with their captain came to us and told us that the king of Portugals ships were departed from the Castle, meaning the next day to ply to the windward to come to us, giving us warning to take heed to ourselves: we told them again that we were very glad of their coming, and would be ready at all times to meet them, and to assure them that we were glad of it, we sounded our trumpets, and shot off certain bases whereof the Negroes w●re very glad, and requested us that if the Portugals sought to hinder our traffic, to s●ew them all the extremity that we could, promising us that if they came by land, they would advertise us thereof. The 24 we went a shore with our trumpets and drums, and trafficked, and I bade the captain of the town to dinner. The 25 day we being a shore, our ships had descried five sails of the king of Portugals, Five sails of Portiugals descried. & our ships shot off ordinance to call us away, and we threw every man his casken shore for water, and went to our ships, and by that time we had weighed and given order one to another what to do, it was night, so y● that night nothing was done. We set sail and lay close all night to get the wound if we could: we were near some of them, and one shot off a piece which we judged to be the Admiral of the Portugals, to 'cause the rest to come and speak with him: so all this night we made ourselves ready for fight. The 26 we came in with the shore and had sight of the Portugals where they rid at anchor, and we bore with them, and we gave all our men white scarves, to the end that the Frenchmen might know one the other if we came to boarding: but the night came upon us that we could not fetch them, but we ankered within demie-Culuering shot of them. The 27 day we weighed and so did the Portugals, and about eleven of the clock we had the wound of them, and then we went room with them, which when they perceived, they kept about to the shore again, and we after them, and when they were so near the shore that they could not well run any further on that board, they kept about again, and lay to the Seaward, and then we kept about with them, and were ahead of them, and took in our topsailes and tarried for them: and the first that came up was a small bark which sailed so well that she cared not for any of us, and carried good ordinance: and assoon as she came up, she shot at us, and overshot us, and then she shot at the Admiral of the Frenchmen, and shot him through in two or three places, and went forth ahead of us, because we were in our fight sails: The fight with the Portugals. then came up another caravel under our Lee in like case which shot at us and at the Frenchman, and hurt two of his men and shot him through the main mast. And after them came up the Admiral under our Lee also, but he was not able to do us so much harm as the small ships, because he carried ordinance higher than they, neither were we able to make a good shot at any of them, because our ship was so weak in the side, that she laid all her ordinance in the Sea: wherefore we thought to lay the great ship aboard, and as soon as the French Admiral went room with him, he fallen a stern and could not fetch him, and after he fallen a stern of two caravels more and could fetch none of them, but fallen to Leeward of them all: The French forsake our men. and when he was to Leeward, he kept about to the shoreward, and left us, and then we put out our topsailes and gave them chase, and both the other Frenchmen kept the wound, and would not come near us, and our own ship was a stern so that she could not come to us: and after we had followed them about two hours to the seaward, they kept about again towards the shore, thinking to pay us as they went along by, and to have the wound of the French Admiral which before ran in towards the shore, and we kept about with them, and kept still the wound of them thinking that our Uiceadmiral and the other would have followed us as we willed them to do: but after that the Portugal was passed by them, and every one had shot at us and our Uiceadmirall, both our Uiceadmirall and the two Frenchmen, & our own pinnace left us in the laps, and ran to seaward, and we ran still along, and kept the wound of them to secure the French Admiral, who was under all of their Leeses, and when they met with him, every one went room with him, and gave him the broad side, and af●er they cast about again, and dared not board him, because they saw us in the weather of them or else without doubt they had taken or sunk them, for three of them which were the smallest, went so fast that it was not possible for a ship to board them, and carried such ordinance that if they had had the weather of us, they would have troubled 3 of the best ships that we had, and as for their Admiral and Uiceadmirall they were both notably appointed. When the Frenchman was clear of them, he lay as near the wind as he could, and we followed them still towards the shore, and then the Admiral ran to Sea after the rest, and left us all alone: and when the Portugals perceived that we were alone, and gave them chase, they kept about with us and we with them, to keep the wound of them, and we ran still within base shot of them, but they shot not at us, because we had the weather of them, and saw that they could do us no hurt: and thus we followed one another until night, and in the night we lost them, but as for all the rest of our ships, they packed on all the sails that they could and ran to sea, and as they themselves confess, they prayed for us, but as for help at their hands we could have none. The 28 day we met with our Uiceadmirall, our pinnace, and two of the Frenchmen, and the third was fled which was a ship of fourscore ●unne, and belonged to Rouen: and when I ha● the sight of the rest of our ships, I took our skiff and went to them to know why they lost us in such a case, and john Kire made me answer that his ship would neither rear nor steer, a●d as for the pinnace, john davis made me answer that she would do nothing, and that he could carry her no further, for her rudder was broken, so that the Hart was glad to tow her. Then I went to the French Admiral; and found himself to be a man of good stomach, but the one half of his men were sick and dead: and then I talked with the smaller Frenchman, and he made me answer that he could do nothing, saying, that his ship would bear no sail, and had 16 of his men dead and sick, so he made us plain answer that he was able to do nothing. After this the Frenchmen dared not anchor for fear of the Portugals. The 29 day the master of the pinnace came to us and said that they were not able to keep her any longer, and then we viewed her and seeing there was no remedy, her rudder with all the iron work being broken both aloft and below, we agreed to break her up and to put the men into the Hart. So we took out of her four bases, one anchor, and certain fire wood, and set her on fire, and afterwards ran along the coast. The thirty day we went in to the shore, and spoke with certain Negroes, who told us that some French ships had been there, but we could not bargain with them they were so unreasonable. The 31 day I went to shore but did not traffic. The 1 day of February we weighed, February. seeing we could not bring the Negroes to any reason, and came to another place which standeth upon an hill. The third day I went to a town four leagues from us, and shot off two pieces, and the Captain came to us, and I sent Thomas Rippen a land who known the Captain, and assoon as he came on shore the Captain known him and divers of the Negroes who then began to ask for me, and having told the Captain that I was in the boat, he made no longer tarrying but by and by caused two boats to be put to the Sea, and came to me himself, and when he saw me, he cried to me before he came to the boat and seemed to be the gladdest man alive, and so did all the company that known me, and I gave him a reward as the manner of the Country is, and caused the Frenchmen to give another, promising the next day to give him wine: and that night because it was late, he would not talk of any price, but left me a pledge, and took another of me and so departed. The 4 day going on shore, I found that the ships of France which had been there, had done much hurt to our markets, but yet I took five ounces and a half of gold. The fift day I took eight ounces and one eight part of gold: but I see that the Negroes perceived the difference in Cloth betwixt ours and that which the Frenchmen had, which was better, and broader than ours: and then I told captain Blundel that I would go to the Leeward, because I perceived that being there where his Cloth was sold, I should do no good, whereof he was sorry. The 6 day there came an Almade & Negroes aboard me, requesting me to come to their town for they had much gold and many merchants: and so I went and found their old Captain go, and another in his place: but this night we did no good, because the merchants were not come down: so he required a pledge which I let him have, and took another of him. The 7 day George our Negro came to us, George our Negro. who had followed us at the lest 30 leagues in a small boat, and when he came, the Negroes and we soon concluded of price. I took this day five pound and one ounce, and 3 quarters of gold. This Negro we had left at Shamma at the time of the fight, who said that he see the fight being on shore, and that when we were go from the Portugals, the Portugals came into their river, and told them that the Englishmen had slain two Portugals with a piece, Two Portugal● slain by the English. which was in deed out of our ship, and they required harbour there, but the captain of Shamma would not suffer them. The 8 day we took nineteen pound three ounces and a half. The 9 day we took two pound six ounces and a half. The 10 day three pound. The 11 day came to us Jerome Bawdet the Uiceadmirall of the Frenchmen and his pinnace, and he showed us that where we left them there was no good to be done, and said he would go to the Eastward, but we told him he should not: and thereupon commanded him to go to his company which he was appointed to be with, The Frenchmen bridled by the English. which he refused to do until we had shot three or four pieces at their pinnace, and when the ship saw that, she kept about, and ran to Seaward, and dared come no nearer to us, so the pinnace went after her. We took this day one pound five ounces. The 12 day there came one of the Frenchmens' pinnasses to us laden with clot, and would have made sale, but I would not suffer him, and therefore took him and sent him aboard of our ship, and caused him to ride there all day. We took five pound six ounces and a half. The 14 day we took of some Negroes 4 ounces of gold. The 16 we came to another town. The 17 day I went a shore and understood that 3 of the Portugal ships were at the Castle, and the other two at Shamma. The captain of this town was go to the principal town, to speak with their king, and would return shortly as they told me, and so he did, and brought me a weight and measure, and I sent a man to see that principal town, and their king. The Portugal ships rid so near us, that within 3 hours they might be with us, yet were all coutented to tarry for sales. The 18 day certain of the king's servants came to us, and we took one pound two ounces, and one eight part of gold. The 10 day we took five pound one ounce. The 20 day one pound and four ounces. The 21 I took four pound and one ounce, and the Negroes inquired for fine clot, and I opened two pieces which were not fine enough, as they said, but seeing that we had no other, they bought of them. At night I provided a gift, or present, and sent one merchant and a mariner wi●h it to the king, to certify him of our want of victuals, by reason whereof we could not stay long: for in deed we searched our ship, and the most part of our beer was leaked out of all our barrels. The 22 day we took three ounces and a half. I●ing Abaan. The 23 our men came from the king Abaan, and told us, that he had received them very friendly, The offer of the king to the English to build a Fort. but he had little gold, but promised, if we would tarry, to sand into all his country for gold for us, and he willed our men at their coming home to speak to our king to sand men and provision into his country, to build a castle, and to bring Tailors with them, to make them apparel, and good wares, and they should be sure to cell them: but for that present the Frenchmen had filled them full of clot. A town in circuit as big as London. This town standeth about four leagues up in the land, and is, by the estimation of our men, as big in circuit as London, but the building is like to the rest of the country. They have about this Town great store of the wheat of the Country, and they judge, that on one side of the town there were one thousand rikes of Wheat, and another sort of Corn which is called Mill, which is much used in Spain. About this town they keep good watch every night, and have to warn the watchmen certain cords made fast over their ways, which lead into the town, A pretty devise to descrit the enemy. and certain bells upon them, so that if any man touch the cords, the bells ring, and then the watchmen run forth of their watch houses to see what they be: and if they be enemies, if they pass the cord, they have provision with certain nets hanged over the ways, where they must pass, to let fall upon them, and so take them, and otherwise then by the ways it is not possible to enter the town, by reason of the thickets and bushes which are about the same, and the town is also walled round about with long cords, and bond together with sedge and certain barks of trees. When our men came to the town, it was about five of the clock in the morning, for there they travel always in the night by reason of the heat of the day: and about nine of the clock, the king sent for them, for there may no man come to him before he be sent for, and then they would have carried their present with them: but the Negroes told them, that they must be three times brought before him, The kings friendly entertainment of o●r men. before they might offer their gift: and when they came to him, he talked with them, and received them very friendly, and kept them about half an hour, and then they departed, and after that sent for them again three ●imes, and last of all, they brought him their present, which he received thankfully, and then caused a pot of wine of Palm to be brought forth, and made them drink: and before they drink, both here and in all the Country, they use certain ceremonies. Their ceremonies in drinking. First, they bring forth their pot of drink, and then they make a hole in the ground, & put some of the drink into it, and they cast the earth upon it, which they digged forth before, and then they set the pot upon the same, than they take a little thing made of a gourd, and with that they take out of the same drink, and put it upon the ground in three places, and in divers places they have c●rtaine bunches of the pills of Palm trees set in the ground before them, and there they put in some drink, doing great reverence in all places to the same Palm trees. All these ceremonies first done, the king took a cup of gold, and they put him in wine, and he drank of it, and when he drank, the people cried all with one voice, Abaan, Abaan, with certain other words, like as they cry commonly in Flanders, upon the Twelve night, The kinning drinks: and when he had drunk, than they gave drink to every one, and that done, the king licenced them to departed, and every one that departeth from him boweth 3 times towards him, and waveth with both hands together, as they bow, and then do departed. The king hath commonly sitting by him 8 or 10 ancient men with grey beards. This day we took one pound and 10 ounces of gold. The 24 day we took 3 pound and 7 ounces. The 25 we took 3 ounces and 3 quarters. The 26 we took 2 pound and 10 ounces. The 27 two pound and five ounces. The 28 four pound, and then seeing that there was no more gold to be had, we weighed and went forth. Mow●e. The first day of March we came to a town called Mowre, but we found no boats nor people there: but being ready to departed, there came two Almades to us from another town, of whom we took two ounces and a half of gold: and they told us that the Negroes that dwelled at Mowre were go to devil at Lagova. Lagova. The second day we came thwart of the castle, and about two leagues off, They returne● and there see all the five Portugal ships at anchor, and this day by night we fetched Shamma. The third day we had sight of one tall ship, of about two hundred tons, in the weather of us, and within less than two leagues of our ships, and then we see two more a stern of her, the one a ship of five hundred or more, and the other a pinnace: and these were a new fleet at that present arrived out of Portugal. Ships of Portugal. Whereupon we weighed, and made shift to double out of the land, and then the wind coming to the Southsouthwest, the Hart going room with them fallen three leagues to the leewards of us. These Portugals gave us the chase from nine of the clock in the morning, till five at night, but did no good against us. At last, we perceiving the Admiral to be far a stern of his company, because his main topmast was spent, determined to cast about with them again, because we were sure to weather them, and the wind being as it was, it was our best course: but the Hart was so far to the leeward, that we could not do it, except we would loose her company, so that we took in some of our sails, and went room with him: which when he perceived, he looffed to, and was able to lie as near as he did before. At night, when we came to him, he would not speak to us: then we asked of his company why he went so room; and they made excuse that they were able to bear no sail by, for fear of bearing their foretopmast over board: but this was a simple excuse. The fourth day, being put from our watering place we began to seeth our meat in salt water, and to rebate our allowance of drink, to make it endure the longer: and so concluded to set our course thence, for our own country. The 12 of March I found myself thwart of Cape das palmas. The 16 day we fallen with the land, which we judged to be the Cape Mensurado, Cape Mens●rado. about which place is very much high land. The 18 day we lost sight of the Hart, and I think the wilful Master ran in with the shore of purpose to loose us, being offended that I told him of his own folly. The 27 day we fallen in sight of two small islands, which lie by our reckoning six leagues of the headland of Sierra Leona: Two small islands by Sierra Leona. Note. and before we came in sight of the same islands, we made our reckoning to be forty or thirty leagues at the lest of them. Therefore all they that sail this way are to regard the currents which set Northnorthwest, or else they may be much deceived. The 14 of April we met with two great ships of Portugal, which although they were in the weather of us, yet came not room with us, whereby we judged that they were bond for Calicut. The 18 day we were in the height of Cape verde. The 24 we were directly under the tropic of Cancer. The first day of May Henry Wilson our Steward died: and the next day died john Underwood. The fift day we were in the height of S. Michael. The 23 we had sight of a ship in the weather of us, which was a French man of 90 tun, who came with us as stoutly and as desperately as might be, A Fre●ch b●as vado. and coming near us perceived that we had been upon a long voyage, and judging us to be weak, as in deed we were, came nearer us, and thought to have laid us aboard, & there stepped up some of his men in armour, and commanded us to strike sail: whereupon we sent them some of our stuff, cross bars, and chain-shot, and arrows, so thick, that it made the upper work of their ship fly about their ears, and we spoilt him with all his men, and toare his ship miserably with our great ordinance, and then he began to fall a stern of us, and to pack on his sails, and get away: and we seeing that, gave him four or five good pieces more for his farewell; and thus we were rid of this French man, who did us no harm at all. We had aboard us a French man a Trumpeter, who being sick, and lying in his bed, took his trumpet notwithstanding, and sounded till he could sound no more, and so died. The 28 we conferred together, and agreed to go into Severne, and so to Bristol, but the same night we had sight of the Lizard, and by reason of the wind, we were not able to double the lands end to go into Severne, but were forced to bear in with the Lizard. The 29 day, about nine of the clock in the morning, we arrived safely in Plymouth, and praised God for our good arrival. The third and last voyage of M. William Towrson to the coast of Guinie, and the Castle de Mina, in the year 1577. THe thirtieth day of january, the year abovesaid, we departed out of the sound of Plymouth, with three ships, and a pinnace, whereof the names are these: 1 The Minion Admiral of the fleet. 2 The Christopher Uiceadmirall. 3 The Tiger. 4 A pinnace called the Unicorn: being all bond for the Canaries, and from thence, by the grace of God, to the coast of Guinie. It is to be understood, that at this time there was war betwixt England and France. The next day, being the last of this month, we met with two hulks of Dantzick, the one called the Rose, a ship of four hundred tons, and the other called the Unicorn, of an hundred and fifty tons, the Master of the Rose was called Nicholas Mass, and the Master of the Unicorn Melchior White, both laden at Bourdeaux, and for the most part with wines. When we came to them, we caused them to hoist forth their boats, and to come and speak with us, and we examined every one of them apart, what French men's goods they had in their ships, and they said they had none: but by the contrarieties of their tales, and by the suspicion which we gathered of their false chartar-parties, we perceived that they had French men's goods in them: we therefore caused one of them to fetch up his bills of lading, and because he denied that he had any, we sent certain with him, who caused him to go to the place where he had hide them, and by the differences of his bills of lading, and his talk, we gathered, as before, that they had Frenchmens' gods. Whereupon we examined them straight, and first the Purser of the Unicorn, which was the smaller ship, confessed that they had two and thirty tons and a hogshead of a French man's. Then we examined the Master in like case, and he acknowledged the same to be true. Then we examined also the Master of the great ship, and he confessed that he had an hundred and eight and twenty tons of the same French man's, and more they would not confess, but said that all the rest was laden by Peter Lewgues of Hamburg, to be delivered to one Henry Summer of Camphi●e, notwithstanding all their letters were directed to Hamburg, and written in Dutch without, and within in French. When they had confessed that they had thus much French men's goods within their ships, we conferred together what was best to be done with them. William Cretton and Edward Selman were of the opinion, that it should be good either to carry them into Spain, and there to make sale of the goods, or else into Ireland, or to return back again into England with them, if the wind would permit it. But I, weighing what charge we had of our Masters, first by mouth, and afterwards by writing, that for no such matter we should in any case prolong the time, for fear of losing the voyage, and considering that the time of the year was very far spent, and the money that we should make of the wines not very much, in respect of the commodity which we hoped for by the voyage, persuaded them that to go into Ireland, the wind being Easterly as it was, might be an occasion that we should be locked in there with that wind, and so loose our voyage: and to carry them into Spain, seeing they sailed so ill, that having all their sails abroad, we kept them company only with our foresailes, and without any top sails abroad, so that in every two days sailing they would have hindered us more than one; and besides that (the wind being Easterly) we should not be able to seize the coast with them: besides all this the loss of time when we came thither was to be considered, whereupon I thought it not good to carry them any further. And as for carrying them into England, although the wind had been good, as it was not, considering what charge we had of our Masters, to shifted us out of the way for fear of a stay by reason of the wars, I held it not in any wise convenient. But notwithstanding all this, certain of our company not being herewith satisfied went to our Master to know his opinion therein, The French men's goods seized in the time of the war vpo● the loss of Tales. who made them a plain answer, that to carry them into any place, it was not the best way nor the profit of their Masters. And he told them further, that if the time were prolonged one month longer before they passed the Cape, but a few men would go the voyage. All these things considered, we all paused, and determined at the last, that every man should take out of the hulks so much as he could well bestow for necessaries, and the next morning to conclude what should be further done with them. So we took out of them for us fourteen t●●nes and a half of wine, and one tun we put into the pinnace. Moore we took out one hogshead of Aquavitae. Six takes of resin. A small halser for ties: and certain chestnuts. The Christopher took out, Ten tons of wine, and one hogshead. A quantity of Aquavitae. Shall-lines. Chestnuts. Six double bases with their chambers. And their men broken up the hulks chests, and took out their compasses, and running glasses, the sounding lead and line, and candles: and cast some of their beef over board, and spoilt them so much, that of very pity we gave them a compass, a running glass, a lead and a line, certain bread and candles, and what apparel of there's we could find in their ship, we gave them again, and some money also of that which William Crompton took for the ransom of a poor Frenchman, who being their Pilot down the River of Bordeux, they were not able to set him a shore again, by reason of the foul weather. The Tiger also took out of the smaller hulk six or seven tons of wine, one hogshead of Aquavitae, and certain resin, and two bases he took out of the great hulk. The first day of February in the morning we all came together again saving W. Crompton who sent us word that he was contented to agreed to that order which we should take. Now Edward Selman was of this opinion, that it was not best to let the ships departed, but put men into them to carry them into England, which thing neither we nor our Master would agreed unto, because we thought it not good to unman our ships going outward, considering how dangerous the time was: so that in fine we agreed to let them departed, and give them the rest of the wine which they had in their ships of the Frenchmens' for the freight of that which we had taken, and for their ordinance, resin, aquavitae, chestnuts, and other things which the company had taken from them. So we received a bill of their hands, that they confessed how much Frenchmens' goods they had, and then we let them departed. The 10 day we reckoned ourselves to be 25 leagues from the Grand Canary, and this day about nine of the clock our pinnace broke her rudder, so that we were forced to tow her at the stern of the Minion, which we were able to do, and yet kept company with the rest of our ships. About eleven of the clock this day we had sight of the Grand Canary. The 11 day when we came to the Island we perceived that it was the isle of Tenerif, & then in deed we had sight of the Grand Canary, which lieth 12 leagues to the Eastwards of Tenerif: and because the road of Tenerif is foul ground, and nothing was there to be got for the helping of our pinnace, having the wind large, we agreed to go with the Grand Canary. The 12 day we came into the road of the town of Canary, which lieth one league from the same town. And after we had shot off divers pieces of ordinance to salu●e the town and the castle, the governor and captains of the Island sent to us which were the captains of the ships, requiring us to come a shore. And when we came to them they received us very friendly, offering us their own gennets to ride to the town, and what other friendship they could show us: and we went to the town with two English Merchants which lay there, Two English Merchants Ligiers in the Grand Canary. and remained in their house that day. The second day following we came aboard to deliver our merchandise, and to get our pinnace mended. The 14 day came into the road the Spanish fleet which was bond to the emperors Indies, which were in number nineteen sail, whereof six were ships of four hundred and five h●ndr●d a piece, the rest were of two hundred, an hundred and fifty, and of an hundred. The Spanish West Indian fleet o● nineteen sail. When they were come to an anchor they saluted us with ordinance, and so we did them in like case. And afterwards the Admiral (who was a knight) sent his pinnace to desire me to come to him; and when I came to him he received me friendly, and was desirous to hear somewhat of the state of England and Flanders. And after he had made me a banquet, I departed; and I being go unto the boat, he caused one of his gentlemen to desire Francisco the Portugal, which was my interpreter, to require me to furl my flag, declaring that he was General of the emperors fleet. Which thing (being come aboard) Francisco showed me: and because I refused to furl it, and kept it forth still, certain of the soldiers in the ships shot divers harquebus shot about the ship, and over the flag: and at the ●ame time there came certain gentlemen aboard our ship to see her: to whom I said, that if they would not 'cause those their men to leave shooting, I would shoot the best ordinance I had thorough their sides. And when they perceived that I was offended, they departed, and caused their men of war and soldiers to shoot no more, and afterwards they came to me again, and told me that they had punished their men. That done, I showed them the ship, and made them such cheer as I could, which they received very thankfully: and the day following they sent for me to dine with them, and sent me word that their General was very sorry that any man should require me to furl my flag, and that it was without his consent: and therefore he requested me not to think any ungentleness to be in him, promising that no man of his should misdemeane himself. The 17 day we set sail in the road of Grand Canary, and proceeded on our voyage. The 20 in the morning we had sight of the coast of Barbary, and running along the shore we had sight of Rio del Oro, Rio del Oro. which lieth almost under the tropic of Cancer. The 21 day we found ourselves to be in 20 degrees and a half, which is the height of Cape Blank. The 25 we had sight of the land in the bay to the Northward of Cape Verde. Francis Castelin. The 26 I took Francisco and Francis Castelin wi●h me, and went into the pinnace, and so went to the Tiger which was nearer the shore then the other ships, and went aboard her, and with her and the other ships we ran West and by South, and Westsouthwest, until about four of the clock, at which time we were hard aboard the Cape, Cape verde. and then we ran in South-west, and beyond the Cape about four leagues we found a fair Island, Four islands. and besides that two or three islands, which were of very high rocks, being full of divers sorts of sea-foule, and of pigeons, with other sorts of land-foules, and so many, that the whole Island was covered with the dung thereof, and seemed so white as if the whole Island had been of chalk; and within those islands was a very fair bay, and hard aboard the rocks eighteen fathom water, and fair ground. And when we perceived the bay, and understanding that the Frenchmen had a great trade there, A great trade of the Frenchmen at Cape ●erde. which we were desirous to know, we came to an anchor with the Tiger. And after that the Minion and the Christopher anchored in like case: then we caused the pinnace to run beyond another Cape of land, to see if there were any place to trade in there. It being near night I took our cock and the tigers skiff, and went to the Island, where we got certain fowls like unto Ga●nards: and then I came aboard again and took two of the Gannards which we had taken, and carried them to the captain of the Christopher, and when I had talked with him, I found him not willing to tarry there, neither was I desirous to spend any long time there, but only to attempt what was to be done. The Master of the Christopher told me he would not tarry, being not bond for that place. The 27 the Captain of the Tiger and Edward Selman came to me, and john Makeworth from the Christopher, and then we agreed to take the pinnace, & to come along the shore, because that where we rid no Negroes came to ●s, and the night before our pinnace brought us word that there was a very fair Island. A fair Island where the French trade. And when I came beyond the point I found it so, and withal a goodly bay, and we see upon the main certain Negroes which waved us on shore, and then we came to an anchor with the pinnace, and went a shore with our cock, and they showed us where their trade was, and that they had Elephants teeth, musk, & hides, Elephant's teeth, musk, and hides. and offered us to fetch down their Captain, if we would sand a man wi●h them, and they would leave a pledge for him: then we asked them when any ship had been there; and some of them said not in eight months, others, in six months, and others in four, and that they were Frenchmen. Then we perceiving the Christopher not willing to ●ary, departed from them, & se● sail with the pinnace and went aboard the Tiger. Cabo de Monte. The 10 day of March we fallen with the coast of Guinea, five leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Monte, beside a river called Rio das Palmas. The 11 we went to the shore, and found one man that could speak some Portuguese, who told us that there were three French ships passed by; one of them two months past, and the other one month past. At this place I received nineteen Elephants teeth, and two ounces and half a quarter of gold. The river de Sestos. The 12 we set sail to go to the river de Sestos. The 13 at night we fallen with the same river. The 14 day we sent in our boats to take water, and romaged our ships, and delivered such wares to the Christopher and Tiger, as they had need of. The 15 we came together, and agreed to sand the Tiger to another river to take in her water, and to see what ●he could do for grains. After that we took merchandise with us, and went into the river, and there we found a Negro which was born in Lisbon, left there by a ship of Portugal which was burned the last year at this river in fight with three Frenchmen; and he told us further, that two months passed there were three Frenchmen at this place; and six weeks passed there were two French ships at the river; and fifteen days past ther● was one. All which ships were go towards the Mina. This day we took but few grains. The 19 day considering that the Frenchmen were go before us, and that by reason of the unwholesome airs of this place fourteen of our men in the Minion were fallen sick, we determined to departed, and with all speed to go to the Mina. The 21 we came to the river de Potos, Rio de Potos. where some of our boats went in for water, and I went in with our cock, and took 12 small Elephants teeth. The 23 day, after we had taken as many teeth as we could get, about nine of the clock we set sail to go towards the Mina. The 31 we came to Hanta, and made sale of certain Manillios. The first April we hat sight of five sail of Portugals, They descry fi●e sail of the Portugals. whereupon we set sail and went off to sea to get the wind of them, which we should have had if the wind had kept his ordinary course, which is all the day at the South-west, and Westsouthwest: but this day with a flaw it kept all the day at the East, and Eastsoutheast, so that the Portugals had the wind of us, and came room with the Tiger and us until night, and brought themselves all save one, which sa●led not so well as the rest, within shot of us: than it fallen calm, ●nd the wind came up to the South-west, howbeit it was near night, and the Christopher, by means of her boat, was about four leagues to the leewards of us. We tacked and ran into the weather of the Admiral, and three more of his company, and when we were near him we spoke to him, but he would not answer. Then we cast about and lay in the weather of him; and casting about he shot at us, and then we shot at him, and shot him four or five times thorough. The fight. They shot divers times thorough our sails, but hurt no man. The Tiger and the pinnace, because it was night, kept out their sails, & would not meddle with them. After we had thus fought together 2 hours or more, and would not lay him aboard because it was night, we left shooting one at the other, and kept still the weather of them. Then the Tiger and the pinnace kept about and came to us, and afterward being near the shore, we three kept about and lay to the sea, and shot off a piece to give warning to the Christopher. This night about 12 of the clock, being very little wind, and the Master of the Tiger asleep, by the ill work of his men the ship fell aboard of us, and with her sheare-hooks cut our main sail, and her boat being betwixt us was broken and sunk, with certain merchandise in her, and the ships wales were broken with her outleger: yet in the end we cleared her without any more hurt, but she was in hazard to be broken down to the water. The second day we had sight of the Christopher, and were near unto her, so that I took our boat and went to her. And when I came thither, they showed me, that after the Portugals had left us, they went all room with him, and about twelve a clock at night met him, and shot at him, and he at them, and they shot him thorough the sails in divers places, and did no other great hurt. And when we had understood that they had been with him as well as with us, we agreed altogether to seek them (if we might find them) and keep a weather our places of traffic. The third day we ran all day to the Southwestwards to seek the Portugals, but could have no sight of them, and halled into the shore. The fourth day, when we had sight of land, we found that the currant had set us thirty leagues to the Eastwards of our reckoning, which we wondered at: for the first land we made was Lagua. Lagua. Then I caused our boat to be manned, and the Christopher's also, and went to the shore and took our Negro with us. And on shore we learned that there were four French ships upon the coast; one at Perinnen, which is six leagues to the Westward of Laguoa: another at Weamba, which is four leagues to the eastward of Laguoa: a third at Perecow, which is four leagues to the Eastward of Weamba: and the fourth at Egrand, Peri●nen, Weamba, Pe●ecow, Eg●●nd. which is four leagues to the Eastward of Perecow. When we had intelligence of these news we agreed to go to the Eastwards with the French men to put them from their traffic, and shot off two or three pieces in our boats to 'cause the ships to way: and having been about one hour under sail, we had sight of one of the French men under sail, halling off from Weamba to whom we gave chase, and agreed in the night for fear of overshooting them, that the Minion should first come to anchor, and after that about three hours, the Tiger and the Christopher to bear along all night. The 5 day we found three of the French ships at anchor: one called Lafoy foye de Honfleur, a ship of 220 tons, another called the Ventereuse or small Roebarge of Honfleur, of 100 tons, both appertaining to Shawdet of Honfleur, the third was called the Mule● de Ba●uille a ship of 120 tons, and this ship belonged to certain Merchants of Rouen. When we came to them, we determined to lay the Admiral aboard, the Christopher the Uiceadmirall, and the Tiger the smallest: but when we came near them they weighed, and the Christopher being the headmost & the weathermost man, went room with the Admiral: the Roebarge went so fast that we could not fetch her. The first that we came to was the Muler, The English board the Frenchmen. and her we laid aboard, and our men entered and took her, which ship was the richest except the Admiral: for the Admiral had taken about 80 pound of gold, and the Roeberge had taken but 22 pound; and all this we learned of the Frenchmen, who known it very well: for they were all in consort together, and had been upon the coast of Mina two months and odd days: howbeit the Roeberge had been there before them with another ship of deep, and a caravel, which had beaten all the coast, and were departed one month before our arriving there, and they three had taken about 700 pound of gold. assoon as we had laid the ship aboard, and left certain men in her to keep her, we set sail and gave chase to the other two ships, and chased them all day and night, and the next day until three a clock in the afternoon, but we could not fetch them: and therefore seeing that we brought ourselves very far to leeward of our place, we left the chase, and kept about again to go with the shore. Fifty pound of gold taken in the French prize. The 7 day I sent for the captain, merchants & masters of the other ships, and when they came we weighed the gold which we had from the Frenchmen, which weighed fifty pound and five ounces of gold: this done, we agreed to put men out of every ship into the prize to keep her. The 12 day we came to the further place of the Mina called Egrand, and being come to an anchor, discharged all the merchants goods out of the prize, and would have sold the ship with the victuals to the Frenchmen, but because she was leak they would not take her, but desired us to save their lives in taking them into our own ships: then we agreed to take out the victuals and sink the ship, and divide the men among our ships. The 15 at night we made an end of discharging the prize, and divided all the Frenchmen except four which were sick and not able to help themselves; which four both the Christopher and the Tiger refused to take, leaving them in their ship alone in the night, so that about midnight I was forced to fetch them into our ship. Benin. The 15 of April, moving our company for the voyage to Benin, the most part of them all refused it. The 16, seeing the unwillingness of the company to go thither, we determined to spend as much time upon the coast as we could, to the end we might make our voyage, and agreed to leave the Minion here at Egrand, the Tiger to go to Pericow which is four leagues off, and the Christopher to go to Weamba, which is ten leagues to the weatherward of this place: and if any of them both should have sight of more sails than they thought good to meddle withal, to come room with their fellows; to wit, first the Christopher to come with the Tiger, and then both they to come with us. Our men die of sickness. We remained in this place called Egrand, until the last day of April, in which time many of our men fallen sick; and six of them died. And here we could have no traffic with the Negroes but three or four days in the week, and all the rest of the week they would not come at us. The 3 of May not having the pinnace sent us with clot from the other ships, as they promised, we sold French clot, and gave but three yards thereof to every fuffe. The 5 day the Negroes departed, and told us they would come to us again within four days, which we determined there to tarry, although we had divers of our men sick. The 8 day, all our clot in the Minion being sold, I called the company together, to know whether they would tarry the sale of the clot taken in the prize at this place or no: they answered, that in respect of the death of some of their men, Sickness. and the present sickness of twenty more, they would not tarry, but repair to the other ships, of whom they had herded nothing since the 27 of April: and yet they had our pinnace with them, only to carry news from one to another. The 9 day we determined to departed hence to our fellows, to see what they had done, and to attempt what was to be done at the town of Don john. The 10 day in the morning we set sail to seek the Christopher and the Tiger. The 11 day the captain of the Christopher came to us, and told us that they could find small doings at the places where they had been. The 12 William Crompton and I in our small pinnace went to the Tiger and the Christopher at Perenine. The 13 we sent away the Tiger to Egrand, because we found nothing to do at Perenine, worth the tarrying for. The 14 our great pinnace came to us, and presently we put clot into her, and sent her back to Weamba, where she had been before, and had taken there ten pound of gold. The 15 the Minion came to us, and the next day we went a shore with our boats, and took but one ounce of gold. Mowre. The 19 day having set sail we came to an anchor before Mowre, and there we tarried two days, but took not an ounce of gold. The 21 we came to an anchor before Don john's town. The 22 we manned our boats and went to shore, but the Negroes would not come at us; then the Captain of the Christopher and I took a skiff and eight men with us, and went and talked with the Negroes, and they said that they would sand a man to the great town, The great town of Don john. where Don john himself lay, to advertise him of our coming. The 23 we went a shore again, and the Negroes told us that this day the merchants of Don john would come down: so we tarried there until night, and no man would come to us: but divers of the Negroes made us signs to departed. The 24 the Captain of the Christopher took his boat & went to Mowre, and when he came thither, certain Negroes came to him to know the price of his wares, but in the end there came an Almade, which he judged came from the castle, and caused all the Negroes to departed from him: and when he see they would come no more to him, he went a shore and took certain men with him, and then the Negroes cast stones at them, & would not suffer them to come up to their town. And when they see that, they took certain of the Almades, and put them to the sea, and afterwards departed. The same morning I went a shore at Don john's town, and took a white flag with me, but none of the Negroes could come to me, which caused us to judge that the Portugals were in the town. After this, our boat came to us well manned, and I sent one man up to the town with a white flag in his hand, but when he was come thither, all the Negroes went away & would not speak with him. Then I sent one alone into the woods after them, but they in no case would come to us. When we see that, we took twelve goats and fourteen hens, which we found in the town, and went aboard without doing any further hurt to the town: and when I came aboard, I found our pinnace come from Cormatin, Cormatin. which had taken there two pound & five ounces of gold. Then after much ado with the froward Mariners, we went thither wards with our ship, and the Christopher went to Mowre. The 25 day the Master of the Christopher sent his boat to the shore for ballast, and the Negroes would have beaten the company from the shore, A fight with the Negroes. whereupon the company resisted them, and flew and hurt divers of them, and having put them to flight, burned their town, and broke all their boats. The 26 day our pinnace came to us from Cormatin, and had taken two pound & eleven ounces of gold: and john Sheriff told us that the Negroes of that place were very desirous to have a ship come back again to their town. The 27 we weighed and went to Cormatin. The 28 the Christopher came to us from Mowre, and trafficked there two days. The second day of june the Tiger came to us from Egrand, and the pinnace from Weamba, and they two had taken about fifty pound of gold since they departed from us. The 4 day we departed from Cormatin to ply up to Shamma, being not able to tarry any longer upon the coast for lack of victuals, and specially of drink. The 7 day we had sight of five of the king of Portugals ships, which came to an anchor besides the castle. The 8 day George and Binny came to us, and brought with them about two pound of gold. The 10 day in the morning I took our small pinnace, and the Captain of the Christopher with me, and manned her well, and went to the castle to view the Portugals ships, and there we found one ship of about 300 tun, and four caravels: when we had well viewed them, we returned back again to our ships which we found seven leagues at sea. The 11 day in the morning we found ourselves well shot toward Shamma, & the Tiger with us, but the Minion & the pinnace had not weighed that night, so that we were out of sight of them: and having brought ourselves in the weather of the Portugals ships, we came to an anchor to tarry for the Minion, or else we might have fetched Shamma. At night the Minion and the pinnace came up to us, but could not fetch so far to the weatherward as we, and therefore they anchored about a league a weather The castle, and we weighed in the Christopher, and went room with her. The 12 day the Tiger came room with us, and she and the Christopher finding themselves to stand in great need of victuals, would have go with the Portugals ships to have fetched some of them forth: but our master and company would in no case consent to go with them, for fear of hanging when we came home: and the other two ships being fully minded to have go, and fearing that their own company would accuse them, dared not go to them. After this, by reason of the want of victuals in the pinnace, which could receive no victuals from the other ships, but from us only, we took out all our men, and put twelve Frenchmen into her, and gave them victuals to bring them to Shamma. The 19 day the Tiger and Minion arrived at Shamma, and the Christopher within two leagues of them, but could not fetch the wind by reason of the scantness of the wind, which hath been so scant, that in fifteen days we have plied to the windewards but twelve leagues, Note. which before we did in one day and a night. The 20 day I took our pinnace, and went to the town of Shamma to speak with the captain, and he told me that there was no gold there to be had, nor so much as a hen to be bought, and all by reason of the accord which he had made with the Portugals, and I seeing that departed peaceably from him. The 21 I put such things as we had into our small pinnace, and took one merchant of our ship, and another of the Tiger, and sent her to Hanta, to attempt, if she could do any thing there. That night they could do nothing but were promised to have gold the next day. The next day (which was the 22) being come, we sent our pinnace to Hanta again, but there neither the captain nor the Negroes dared traffic with us, but enticed us from place to place, and all to no purpose. They put the Frenchmen with victuals into the pinnace. This day we put away our pinnace, with five and twenty Frenchmen in her, and gave them such victuals as we could spare, putting fifteen of them to the ransom of six crowns a man. The 23 of june our pinnace came to us from Hanta, and told us that the Negroes had dealt very ill with them, and would not traffic with them to any purpose. Shamma burned by the English. The 24 we took our boat and pinnace, and manned them well, and went to the town of Shamma, and because the Captain thereof was become subject to the Portugals we burned the town, and our men seeking the spoil of such trifles as were there found a Portugals chest, wherein was some of his apparel, and his weights, and one letter sent to him from the castle, whereby we gathered that the Portugal had been there of a long time. Their return homeward. The 25 day, about three of the clock at afternoon, we set sail, and put into the sea, for our return to England. The last day of this month we fallen with the shore again, and made our reckoning to be ●ighteene leagues to the weatherward of the place where we set off. When we came to make the land, we found ourselves to be eighteen leagues to the leeward of the place, where we set off, which came to pass, by reason of the extreme currant that runneth to the Eastward: The currant. when we perceived ourselves so abused, we agreed to cast about again, and to lie as near the wind as we could, to fetch the line. S. Thome Island The seventh of july we had sight of the isle of S. Thome, and thought to have sought the road to have anchored there: but the next morning the wind came about, and we kept our course. The ninth, the wind varying, we kept about again, and fallen with the Island of S. Thome, and seeking the road, were becalmed near the Island, and with the currant were put near the shore, but could have no ground to anchor: so that we were forced to hoist out our pinnace, and the other ships their skifs to tow from the Island, which did little good, but in the end the wind put us three leagues of the shore. The tenth day the Christopher and the Tiger cast about, whereby we judged them to have agreed together, to go seek some ships in the road, and to leave us: our men were not willing to go after them, for fear of running in with the Island again, and of putting ourselves into the same danger that we were in the night before: but we shot off a piece, and put out two lights, and they answered us with lights again: whereupon we kept our course, and thought that they had followed us, but in the morning we could not see them, so that they left us willingly, and we determined to follow them no more. But the eleventh day we altered our opinion and course, and consented to cast about again for the Island, to seek our ships; and about four of the clock in the afternoon we met with them. The 13 we fallen again with the Island of S. Thome; and the same night we found ourselves directly under the line. This Island is a very high Island, and being upon the West side of it, you shall see a very high pike, which is very small, and straight, as it were the steeple of a church, which pike lieth directly under the line, The description of the ●le of S. Thome. and at the same South end of the Island to the Westward thereof lieth a small Island, about a mile from the great Island. The third of August we departed from the isle of S. Thome, & met the wind at the South-west. The 12 day we were in the height of Cape verde. The Island of Salt. The 22 day we fallen with one of the Isles of Cape verde, called The I'll of Salt, and being informed by a Scotish man that we took among the Frenchmen upon the coast, that there were fresh victuals to be had, we came to an anchor there. The 23 day in the morning we manned our skiff, and went a shore, and found no houses, but we see four men, which kept themselves always far from us, as for cattle we could find none, but great store of goats, and they were so wild, that we could not take above three or four of them: but there we had good store of fish, and upon a small Island which lay by the same we had great store of sea-birds. At night the Christopher broke her cable, and lost an anchor, so that she could tarry no longer, so we all weighed, and set sail. Upon the same Island we left the Scotish man, which was the occasion of our going aland at that place, but how he was left we could not tell: but, as we judged, the people of the Island found him sleeping, and so carried him away: for at night I went myself to the Island to seek him, but could hear nothing of him. The 24 day the Master of the Tiger came aboard us, & told us that his men were so weak, and the ship fo leak, that he was not able to keep her above the water, and therefore requested us to go back again to the Island, that we might discharge her, and give her up: but we entreated him to take pain with her a while, The great inconvenience by late s●aying upon the coast of Guinie. and we put a French Carpenter into her, to see if he could find the leak. This day we took a view of all our men, both those that were hole, and the sick also, and we found that in all the three ships, were not above thirty sound men. The 25 we had sight of the isle of S. Nicholas, and the day following, of the other Isles, S. Lucia, S. Vincent, and S. Anthony; which four Isles lie the one from the other Northwest and by West, Southeast and by East. The 26 we came again with the Island of S. Anthony, and could not double the Cape. This day Philip jones, the Master of the Christopher, came aboard us, who had been aboard the Tiger, and told us that they were not able to keep the Tiger, because she was leak, and the Master very weak, and said further, he had agreed with the Master and the company, that if the next day we could double the Island, we should run to the leeward of it, and there discharge her: but if we could not double it, then to put in betwixt the Island of S. Vincent and S. Anthony, to see if we could discharge her. The third day of September I went aboard the Tiger, with the Master and merchants with me, to view the ship and men: and we found the ship very leak, and only six labouring men in her, whereof one was the Master gunner: so that we seeing that they were not able to keep the ship, agreed to take in the men, and of the goods what we could save, and then to put the ship away. The fift day we went to discharge the Tiger. The eight day, having taken out the artillery, goods, victuals, and gold of the Tiger, The Tiger given up. we gave her up 25 degrees by North the line. The 27 we had sight of two of the Isles of the Azores, S. Marry, and S. Michael. The fourth of October we found ourselves to be 41 degrees and a half from the line. The sixt day the Christopher came to us, and willed us to put with the Cape, for they also were so weak, that they were not able to keep the sea, and we being weak also, agreed to go for Vigo, being a place which many English men frequent. The 10 day the Christopher went room with the Cape, but we having a merry wound for England, and fearing the danger of the enemies, which ordinarily lie about the Cape: besides, not knowing the state of our country and Spain, and although it were peace, yet there was little hope of friendship at their hands, considering the voyage that we had made, and we also being so weak, that by force and violence we could come by nothing, and doubting also that the King of Portugal knowing of our being there, might work some way with the Council of Spain to trouble us: and further, considering that if we did put in with any harbour, we should not be able to come out again, till we sent for more men into England, which would be a great charge, and loss of time, and means of many dangers. All these things pondered, we agreed to shoot off two pieces of ordinance, to warn the Christopher, and then we went our course for England: she hearing our pieces followed us, and we carried a light for her, but the next day in the morning it was thick, and we could not see her in the afternoon neither, so that we suspected that either she was go with Spain, or else that she should put forth more sails than we in the night, and was shot a head of us, so that then we put forth our topsails, and went our course with England. At the time when the Christopher left us, we were within 120 leagues of England, and 45 leagues Northwest and by West from Cape Finister: and at the same time in our ships we had not above six Mariners and six Merchants in health, which was bu● & weak company for such a ship to seek a foreign harbour. The 16 day, about six of the clock at night, we met with a great storm at the West-south-west, & West, and our men being weak, Extreme weakness of our men. and not able to handle our sails, we lost the same night our main sail, foresail, and spreetsaile, & were forced to lie a hulling, until the eighteenth day, and then we made ready an old course of a foresail, and put it to the yard, and therewith finding ourselves far shot into the sleeve, we bore with our own coast; but that foresail continued not above two hours, before it was blown from the yard with a fret, and then we were forced to lie a hull again, until the nineteenth day of October in the morning, and then we put an old bonnet to our foreyard, which, by the good blessing and providence of God, brought us to the I'll of Wight, where we arrived the 20 of October in the afternoon. The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinie, betwixt Sierra Liona and the furthest place of the Mine. MAnils of brass, and some of lead. Basins of divers sorts, but the most latin. Pots of course tin, of a quart and more. Some wedges of iron. Margarites, and certain other sleight beads. Some blue Coral. Some horse tails. Linen clot principally. Basins of Flanders. Some read clot of low price, and some kersie. Kettles of Dutch-land with brazen handles. Some great brass basons graved, such as in Flanders they set upon their cupboards. Some great basons of pewter, and ewers graven. Some laver, such as be for water. Great knives of a low price. Slight Flanders-caskets. Chests of Rouen of a low price, or any other chests. Great pings. Course French coverings. Packing sheets good store. Swords, daggers, frise mantles, and gowns, cloaks, hats, read caps, Spanish blankets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of iron, sleight bells, gloves of a low price, leather bags, and what other trifles you will. Certain Articles delivered to M. john Lok, by Sir William Gerard Knight, M. William Winter, M. Benjamin Gonson, M. Anthony Hickman, and M. Edward Castelin the 8 of September 1561, touching a voyage to Guinea. A remembrance for you M. Lok at your coming to the coast of Guinie. FIrst, when God shall sand you thither, to procure, as you pass alongst the coast, to understand what rivers, havens, or harboroughs there be; and to make to yourself a plat thereof, setting those places which you shall think material in your said plat, with their true elevations. Also you shall learn what commodities do belong to the places where you shall touch, and what may be good for them. The English merchants intent to fortify in Ghinea, in the king of Habaans' country. It is thought good, that having a fort upon the coast of Mina in the king of Habaans' country, it would serve to great purpose: wherefore you are especially sent to consider where the fort might be best placed, and upon what ground: wherein are to be noted these things following. 1 That the ground so serve, that it join to the sea on the one part, so as ships and boats may come to lad and unlade. 2 What mould of earth the ground is of. 3 What timber or wood may be had, and how it will be carried. 4 What provision of victuals may be had in the countrey● and what kind of our victuals will best serve to continued. 5 The place must be naturally strong, or such as may be made strong with a small charge, and afterwards kept with a few men. 6 How water may be provided, if there be none to be had in the ground where the fort shall stand, or near to it. 7 What help is to be had from the people of the country, either for the building of it, or for the defence thereof. To move the king of Haban a far off, The king of Haban. for the making of a fort, and to note how he will like it; but use your communication so, that although there might fall out good cause for the doing of it, yet he do not understand your meaning. Search the country so far as you may, both alongst the coast, and into the land. To learn what become of the merchants that were left at Benin. The matters which shall be of importance to be noted we nothing doubt that you will omit, wherefore we refer the order of these affairs to your good discretion. Also we pray you as occasion shall serve that you aid and help our factors, both with your counsel and otherwise; and thus God sand you safely to return. William Gerrard, William Winter, Benjamin Gonson, Anthony Hickman, Edward Castelin. A letter of M. john Lok to the worshipful company of merchants adventurers for Guinie, written 1561, showing reasons for his not proceeding in a voyage then intended to the foresaid country. Worshipful sirs; since the arrival of M. Pet and Buttoll Monjoy (as I understand) for the voyage it is concluded that the Minion shall proceed on her voyage, if within 20 days she may be repaired of those hurts she hath received by the last storm: or in the month of january also, if the wound will serve therefore. Wherefore for that your worships shall not be ignorant of my determined purpose in the same, with the reasons that have persuaded me thereunto; I have thought good to advertise you thereof, trusting that your worships will weigh them, as I uprightly and plainly mean them. And not for any fear or discouragement that I have of myself by the raging of the storms of the sea, for that (I thank the Lord) these have not been the first that I have abiden, neither trust I they shallbe the last. First the state of the ship, in which, though I think not but M. Pet can do more for her strengthening then I can conceive, yet for all that, it will neither mend her conditions, nor yet make her so staunch that any cabin in her shallbe staunch for men to lie dry in: the which sore, what a weakening it will be to the poor men after their labour, that they neither can have a shift of apparel dry, nor yet a dry place to rest in, I refer to your discretion. For though that at Harwich she was both bond and caulked as much as might be, both within and without, yet for all that she left not, afore this flaw, in other weathers, being stressed, to open those seams, and become in the state she was before; I mean, in wetting her men: notwithstanding her new work. And my judgement, with that little experience I have had, leadeth me to think that the ship whose water works and footings be spent and rotten cannot be but leak for men. Next, the unseasonable time of the year which is now present. And how only by means of the unseasonable times in the return from the voyage home, many thereby have decayed, to the great misery and calamity of the rest, and also to the great slander of the voyage (which I much respect) the last and other voyages have declared. And what it is to make the voyage in unseasonable time, that hath the second voyage also declared. Wherefore weighing and foreseeing this (as I may well term it) calamity and unevitable danger of men, and that by men she must be brought home again (except that God will show an extraordinary miracle) I purpose not nor dare I venture with a safe conscience to tempt God herein. Again, forsomuch as she is alone, and hath so little help of boat or pinnace in her trade, & also for her watering, where a long time of force must be spent, my going, to the accomplishment of your expectations, will be to small effect for this time, because I shall want both vessel and men to accomplish it. And I would not gladly so spend my time and travel, to my great charges and pain, and after, for not falling out accordingly, to loose both pot and water, as the proverb is. As for the Primrose, if she be there, her trade will be ended or ever we come there, so that she of force, by want of provision, must return: yea, though we should carry with us a supply for her, yet is the meeting of her doubtful, and though we met her, yet will the men not tarry, as no reason is they should: howbeit my opinion of her is that she is put into Ireland. The Flowerdeluce was in Milford. Thus for that your worships might understand the whole cause why I do not proceed, I have troubled you at this time with this my long Letter. And, as God is my judge, not for fear of the Portugals, which there we shall meet (and yet alone without aid) as here is a ship which was in Lisbon, whose men say that there are in a readiness (only to meet us) four great ships, of the which one is accounted 700 tons, & other pinnesses: yet not for fear of them, nor raging of the seas (whose rage God is above to rule) but only for the premises; the sequel whereof must by reason turn to a great misery to the men; the which I for my part (though it might turn me to as much gain as the whole cometh to) yet would I not be so tormented, as the sight thereof would be a corsive to my heart, and the more, because foreseeing the same, I should be so lewd, as yielding, to have run into the danger thereof, and therefore I have absolutely determined with myself not to go this voyage. Howbeit if in a seasonable time of the year I had but one ship sufficient, though much less by the half, I would not refuse (as trial being made thereof should appear) or if I had ability of myself to venture so much, it should well be seen. And this I speak to give you to understand that I refuse not this for fear: If you purpose to proceed herein, sand some one whom you please; to whom I will not only deliver the articles which I have received, but also will give some particular notes which I have noted in the affairs which you have committed unto me, with the best help and counsel I can. Thus the living God keep your worships all. Bristol this 11 of December 1561. Your worships to command to his power john Lok. The relation of one William Rutter to M. Antony Hickman his master touching a voyage set out to Guinea in the year 1562, by Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, M. Thomas Lodge, the said Antony Hickman, and Edward Castelin: which voyage is also written in verse by Robert Baker. Worshipful sir, my duty remembered, this shallbe to declare unto you the discourse of this our voyage, since our departure out of England from Dartmouth; at which time I gave you to understand of our departure, which was the 25 of February 1562. Th●n having a prosperous wind we departed from thence, and sailed on our voyage until we arrived at Cavo verde the 20 of March, Capo verde. making no abode there, but sailed along the coast to our first appointed port Rio de sestos, Rio de Sestos. at which port we arrived the third of April in the morning, having the sight of a Frenchman, who assoon as he perceived us, set sail and made to the sea: in the mean time we came to an anchor in the road: and after that he had espied our flag, perceiving us to be Englishmen, he bore with the shore, & hailed our ships with his ordinance, at which time we the merchants of both the ships were in the river in traffic, and had understanding of the Negroes that he had been there three days before our coming: so we concluded together, that if he sent his pinnace to traffic, we would not suffer him, until we had taken further order with their captain & merchants. In the afternoon the pinnace came into the river, whose men we willed to make no traffic until we had talked further with their captain, whom we willed that night to come aboard our admiral; which was done. At which said time M. Button and john Munt went aboard the Minion where the Frenchmen were, The Minion. & there concluded that they should tarry by us eight days, and suffer us quietly to traffic, wherewith they were not well pleased. Whereupon the next morning they departed from us, sailing alongst the coast to the Eastward towards Potis, which he did to hinder our traffic that way: wherefore the merchants of the Minion & we concluded (forasmuch as at that present we understood that there were no sails passed alongst) that we should go before, to the end we might not be hindered of our traffic by the Frenchmen; which thing we did: and at our coming thither we found the Frenchman in traffic to the West of Potis, by whom we passed, & arrived at Rio de Potis the 12 of April, Rio de Potis. where we remained in traffic until the 15 of the said month, and then departed from thence along the coast toward Sant Andre, Rio de S. Andre. where we appointed by agreement to tarry for the Minion: and the 17 at night we came to the river of S. Andre; in which very day the Minion came unto us, telling us that they met at cavo das Palmas a great ship and a carvel of the king of Portugals bond to the Mina, Cavo das palmas. who gave chase unto them, and shot freely at them, and the Minion in her defence returned her the like: but God be praised the Minion had no hurt for that time. In the end we concluded to hasten towards cavo de tres puntas to have put them from the castle, Cavo de tres puntas. if by any means we might; and when we were come to the Cape, we lay a hull one night and two days, and doubting they had been past, the Minion went near the shore, and sent her merchants to a place called Anta, Anta. where before-tune we had traffic, and the next morning very early being the 21 of the said month, we again had sight of the ship and the caravel a good way to seaboord of us. Than we presently set sail, and bore with the foremost of them, hoping to have got between the castle and them, but we came short of our purpose, which was no small grief unto us all; and when they had got the castle to friend, they shot at us freely, and we at them, and the castle at us; but we profited little. In the afternoon we set sail & came to the town of Don ivan called Equi, Equi. where the 22 in the morning we went a shore to traffic, but the Negroes would not until they had news from Don Luis, for at that time Don ivan was dead, and the 23 came Don Luis his son and Pacheco minding to traffic with us, at which said day came two galies rowing along the shore from the castle, minding to keep us from our traffic. The 24 we set sail and chased the galies to the castle again. Two galies. The Negroes being glad of that required us to go to Mowre, Mowre. which is some 3 leagues behind, and thither would they come for that they stood in fear of the Portugals, and there we remained for the merchants that came out of the country which were come with their gold, but Anthonio done Luis his son, and Pacheco were aboard the Minion. And the 25 in the morning came the two galies from the castle again unto us, the weather being very calm, they shot at us and hit us 3 times, and shortly after the wound came from the shore, at which instant we descried the ship, & the caravel coming towards us, than we weighed and set sail, and bore as near unto them as we could: but it was night or ever we met with them, and the night being very dark we lost them. The next day plying to the shore, at night we agreed to go with Cormantin, Cormantin. but the next morning being the 28 we were but a little distant from the great ship and the 2 galies, having no wound at all, and the caravel hard aboard the shore. Then being calm, came the 2 galies rowing to the stern of the Minion, and fought with her the most part of the forenoon: and in the fight a mischance happened in the Minions steward-roome by means of a barrel of powder that took fire, Much hurt done in the Minion with firing a barrel of gunpowder. where with were hurt the master gunner, the steward, and most part of the gunner's; which the galies perceiving, began to be more fierce upon them, and with one shot cut half her foremast in twain, that without present remedy she was not able to bear sail, and presently upon this the great ship sent her boat to the galies, who suddenly departed from us. And after their departure we went aboard the Minion to counsel what were best to be done, at which time they were sore discomftted. Whereupon we devised what was best to be done: and because we known that the Negroes neither would nor dared traffic so long as the galies were on the coast; it was therefore agreed that we should prepare ourselves to departed to Rio de Sestos, and so we departed that day. They return. The 14 of May in the morning we fallen with the land, and when we came to it, we doubted what place it was, and sent our boats on land to know the truth, and we found it to be Rio de Barbos', Rio de Barbos'. which is to the Eastward of saint Andre, and there remained in getting of water until the 21, where we lost the day before 5 of our men by means of overthrowing our black pinnace. The black pinnace. The 22 we departed from thence to Rio de Sesto, where we arrived the 2 of june, and the 4 we departed from Rio de Sesto, Rio de Sesto. and arrived (God be thanked) the 6 of August within sight of the start in the West part of England, our men being very sick and weak. We have not at this present above 20 sound men that are able to labour, and we have of our men 21 dead, and many more very sore hurt and sick. Master Burton hath been sick this 6 weeks, and at this present (God strengthen him) is so weak that I fear he will hardly escape. Herein enclosed your worship shall receive a brief of all the goods sold by us, & also what commodities we have received for the same. Thus I leave to trouble your worship, reserving all things else to our general meeting, a●d to the bringer hereof. From aboard the Primrose the 6 of August 1563. Your obedient servant William Rutter. There are brought home this voyage An. 1563. Elephant's teeth 166. weighing 1758 pounds. Grains 22 butts full. A meeting at Sir William Gerard's house the 11 of july 1564. for the setting forth of a voyage to Guinea, with the Minion of the Queens, the john Baptist of London, and the Merline of M. Gonson. AT this meeting were these chief adventurers, Sir William Gerard, sir William Chester, sir Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Where it was agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford to M. Gonson for his letters to Peter Pet to go about the rigging of the Minion upon the Queen's majesties charges, and so the said Francis to repair with the same letters to Gillingham with money to supply our charge there. Also that every one of the five partners shall forthwith call upon their partners to supply towards this new rigging and victualling, 29 li. 10 s. 6 d. for every 100 li. value. Also that every one of the five partners shall forthwith bring in 50 li. towards the furniture of the premises. Likewise it is agreed that if M. Gonson give his consent that the Merline shall be brought about from Bristol to Hampton, that a letter be drawn whereunto his hand shall be, before order be given for the same. The success of this Voyage in part appeareth by certain brief relations extracted out of the second voyage of Sir john Hawkins to the West Indies, made in the said year 1564. which I thought good to set down for want of further instructions, which hitherto I could not by any means come by, albeit I have used all possible endeavour for the obtaining of the same: Take them therefore in the mean season as followeth. MAster john Hawkins, with the jesus of Lubeck a ship of 700. tons, and the Solomon, a ship of 7 score, the Tiger a bark of 50, and the Swallow of 30 tons, being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundred threescore and ten, as also with ordinance and victual requisite for such a voyage, departed out of Plymouth the 18 day of October in the year of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous wind: at which departing, in cutting the foresail, a marvelous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the ship, who by the pulley of the sheet was slain out of hand being a sorrowful beginning to them all. And after their setting out 10 leagues to the Sea, he met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queen's Majesties, The Minion of the Queen. whereof was captain David Carlet, & also her consort the john Baptist of London being bond to Guinea likewise, who hailed one the other after the custom of the sea, with certain pieces of ordinance for joy of their meeting: which done, the Minion departed from him to seek her other consort the Merline of London, which was a stern out of sight, leaving in M. Hawkins company the john Baptist her other consort. Thus sailing forward on their way with a prosperous wound until the 21 of the same month, at that time a great storm arose, the wound being at North-east about 9 of the clock at night, and continued so 23 hours together, in which storm M. Hawkins lost the company of the john Baptist aforesaid, and of his pinnace called the Swallow, the other 3 ships being sore beaten with the storm. The 23 day the Swallow, to his no small rejoicing, came to him again in the night 10 leagues to the Nothward of Cape Finister, having put roomer and not being able to double the Cape, in that there rose a contrary wound at Southwest. The 25 the wound continuing contrary, he put into a place in Galicia called Ferol, where he remained 5 days and appointed all the masters of his ships an order for the keeping of good company. The 26 day the Minion came in also where he was, for the rejoicing whereof he gave them certain pieces of ordinance after the courtesy of the Sea for their welcome, but the Minions men had no mirth because of their consort the Merline, The firing and sinking of the Merline bond for Guinea. whom at their departure from M. Hawkins upon the coast of England, they went to seek, and having met with her, kept company two days together, and at last by misfortune of fire (through the negligence of one of the gunner's) the powder in the gunner's room was set on fire, which with the first blast struck out her poop, and therewithal lost 3 men, besides many sore burned (which escaped by the Brigandine being at her stern) and immediately to the great loss of the owners, and most horrible sight of the beholders, she sunk before their eyes. The 30 day of the month M. Hawkins with his consorts and company of the Minion having now both the Brigandines at her stern, weighed anchor, and set sail on their voyage having a prosperous wound thereunto. The 4 of November they had sight of the Island of Madera, and the 6 day of Teneriffa, which they thought to have been the Canary, in that they supposed themselves to have been to the Eastward of Teneriffa but were not: but the Minion being 3 or 4 leagues a head of us kept on her course to Teneriffa, having better sight thereof then the other had, and by that means they parted company. The aforesaid Sir john Hawkins passing on his voyage by Cavo Verde, and Sierra Leona, and afterward crossing over the main Ocean coming to the town of Burboroata upon the coast of Terra firma in the West Indies, had further information of the evil success of this Guinean voyage, as in the same hereafter is verbatim mentioned. The 29 of April, we being at anchor without the road, a French ship called the green Dragon of Newhaven, whereof was captain one Bon Temps come in, who saluted us after the manner of the sea, with certain pieces of ordinance, and we resaluted him with the like again: with whom having communication, he declared that he had been at the Mina in Guinea, and was beaten off by the Portugals galleys, and enforced to come thither to make sale of such wares as he had: and further that the like was happened unto the Minion: also, that captain David Carlet, & a merchant, with a dozen mariners were betrayed by the Negroes at their first arrival thither, remaining prisoners with the Portugals, besides other misadventures of the loss of their men happened through the great lack of fresh water, with great doubts of bringing home the ships: which was most sorrowful for us to understand. The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinie, and the Islands of Cape Verde, in the year 1566. with three ships, to wit the Admiral called The Castle of Comfort, the May Flower, and the George, and a Pinnasle also: Written by Walter Wren. THe 10 day of December, in the year abovesaid, we departed from Plymouth, and the 12 day we were thwart of Ushant. The 15 day in the morning being Sunday, we had sight of Cape Finister, and the same night we lost the company of our Admiral, wherefore we sailed along the coast of Portugal, hoping that our Admiral had been before us. The 18 day we met with a French ship of whom we made inquiry for our Admiral, but he could not tell us news of him: so we followed our course to the islands of the Canaries. The 25 day in the morning we fallen with a small Island called Porto Santo, & within 3 hours we had sight of another Island called Madera, which is 6 leagues from Porto Santo. The said 25 day being the day of the Nativity, we hoist out our boat, and f●r master Edward Fenner captain of the May Flower aboard us, being in the George, with the master whose name was Robert Cortise and others of the said ship, and feasted them with such cheer as God had sent us. The 28 day we fell with an Island called Tenerif, which is 27 leagues from the said Island, and on the East side thereof we came to an anchor in 40 fathom water, within a base shot of the shore, in a little Bay wherein were 3 or 4 small houses: which Bay and houses were distant from a little town called Santa Cruz, a league or thereabouts, and as we road in the said Bay, we might see an Island called The grand Canary which was 6 or 7 leagues from us. The 29 day the May Flower for that she could not fet into the road where we were at an anchor, by reason the wound was off the shore, & because she bore more roomer from the land than we did, in the morning came bearing in with the town of Santa Cruz, thinking to come to an anchor in the road against the town, and before she came within the reach of any of their ordinance, they shot at her four pieces, which caused her to come room with us, and came at last to an anchor by us. And about one of the clock in the afternoon, the forenamed captain of the May Flower written a letter a shore, directing it to the head officer of the town of Santa Cruz, to the intent to understand the pretence of the shooting off the said ordinance. The letter being written, Robert Courtise master of the May Flower, and Walter Wren were appointed to deliver the same a land at 3 or 4 houses to be conveyed to the foresaid town, and so went with six men in the boat, and rowed to the shore as near as they might, for setting the boat on ground, for the sea went cruelly at the shore. The people stood in number 30 people with such armour as they had: the foresaid Wren called to them in Spanish, declaring to them that they had a letter which they would very gladly have conveyed unto the town, showing that they would traffic with them as merchants, desiring their help for the conveyance of the same letter. With that one of the Spaniards willed us to come on land, and we should be welcome, but doubting the worst, the said Walter answered them that they would not come on land, until they had answer of their letter which they had brought. Whereupon one of the Spaniards unraied himself, and leapt into the water, and swum to the boat, whom we received. And he saluted us, and demanded what our request was: we made him answer, that by misfortune we lost the company of our Admiral, and being bond to this Island to traffic for wines and other things necessary for us, do here mind to stay until he come. Concerning our letter he made us answer, that he would with all diligence carry it, and deliver it according to the direction, and so the said Walter knit the letter in a bladder, and delivered it unto him, and also gave him four royals of Spanish money for his pains: and promising that we should have answer of it, he took his leave and swam again on shore, where the people stood ready to receive him. And after that they had talked with him, and understood our meaning, some of them threw up their hats, & the other put them off holding them in their hands, and made us very courteous signs, always desiring that the boat would come a land, but we resaluting them rowed back again aboard. The 30 day the governors brother of Santa Cruz came aboard the May Flower with six or seven Spaniards with him, who concluded with the Captain that we might come a shore and traffic with them, but that day we did not, for we had no sufficient pledge of there's for our assurance. Our Captain entertained them well, and at their departure gave them four pieces of ordinance for a farewell, and bestowed upon them two cheeses with other things. The said governors brother promised our Captain that he should have sufficient pledges the morrow following, which was not done, whereupon we grew suspicious, and went not that day a shore. The first day of january our captain sent Nicholas Day and john Sumpter a shore, who were very well entertained with as many of our company as went after them. In the said Island is a marvelous high hill called the Pike, which is a far off more like a cloud in the air, than any other thing: the hill is round and somewhat small at the top, it hath not been known that ever any man could go up to the top thereof. And although it stand in 28 degrees which is as hot in january, as it is in England at Midsummer, yet is the top of the said hill Winter and Summer seldom without snow. In this Island about two leagues from the said Santa Cruz is a city called Anagona. The third day we departed about the Western point of the Island, about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz, into a Bay which is right against the house of one Petro de Souses, in which Bay we came to an anchor the 5 day, where we herded that our Admiral had been there at an anchor 7 days before us, and was go thence to an Island called Gomera, whereupon we set sail presently to seek him. They meet their Admiral again. The 6 day we came to an anchor against the town of Gomera, where we found our Admiral, which was very joyful of our coming, and we also of his sight. In the said road we found Edward Cook in a tall ship, and a ship of the Coppersmiths of London, which the Portugals had treacherously surprised in the Bay of Santa Cruz, upon the coast of Barbary, which ship we left there all spoilt. Our General & merchants bought in the said town for our provision, 14 butts of wine, which cost 15 ducats a but, which were offered us at Santa Cruz in Tenerif for 8,9, and 10 ducats. The 9 day we departed from this road to another Bay, about 3 leagues off, and there took in fresh water: & so the 10 day we set sail towards Cape Blank, which is on the coast of Guinea. The 12 day we fallen into a Bay to the Eastward of Cape Pargos, which is 35 leagues from Cape Blank. But having no knowledge of that coast, we went with Cape Blank, and at the fall of the land we sounded and had 16 fathom water two leagues from the shore. The land is very low and white sand. Upon the fall of the said coast beware how you borrow in 12 or 10 fathom, A good caveat. for within 2 or 3 casts of the lead you may be on ground. The 17 day we set sail from Cape Blank, directing our course South and by East, & South among, and foe fallen into a Bay to the Eastward of Cape Verde, about 16 leagues, and about six leagues from the shore. The said land seemed unto us as if it had been a great number of ships under sail, being in deed nothing else but the land which was full of Hammoks, some high some low, with high trees on them. We bore with the said land till we were within 3 leagues of the shore, and then we sounded, and found 28 fathom water, black vase. This day we see much fish in sundry skulls swimming with their noses with the brim of the water. Cape Verde. Passing along this coast we might see two small round hills, seeming to us about a league one from the other, which is the Cape, and between them are great store of trees, and in all our days sailing we see no land so high as the said two hills. The 19 day we came to an anchor at the Cape, in a road fast by the Westermost side of two hills in 10 fathom of water, where you may ride in five or six fathom, for the ground is fair, and always you shall have the wind off the shore. And as soon as we were all at an anchor, our General came aboard us, and with him the master of the Admiral, whose name was William Bars, and with them the captain of the Uiceadmirall, whose name was master Edward Fenner, and Robert Curtise the master, and dined aboard of us being in the George, wherein was Captain john Heiwood, and john Smith of Hampton master, and there we concluded to go aland, which was half a mile from us: The foolish rashness of Wil Bats persuading the company to landlord unarmed. and by the counsel of William Bats both Captain and merchants and divers of the company went without armour: for he said, that although the people were black and naked, yet they were civil: so that he would needs give the venture without the consent of the rest to go without weapon. Thus they rowed to shore, where, we being in the ship might see a great company of Negroes naked, walking to and fro by the sea side where the landing place was, waiting for the coming of our men, who came too soon, and landed to their loss as it fallen out afterwards. There went a shore the Admiral's skiff, and the May Flowers boat, and in them the number of 20 people or thereabouts, as M. George Fenner the General, his brother M. Edward Fenner, Thomas Valentine, john Worm and Francis Leigh merchants, john Haward, William Bats, Nicholas Day, john Tomson and others. At their coming to the shore there were 100 Negroes or upward, with their bows and arrows: our Captains and merchants talked with them, & according to the use of the country, the one demanded pledges of the other, & they were content to deliver 3 of their Negroes for 5 of our men. Our 5 men's names were these, john Haward, Wil Bats, Nich. Day, joh. Tomson, & john Curtise: these were delivered them, and we received 3 Negroes into our Admiral's skiff. Our men being a shore among the Negroes, began to talk with them, Civet, musk, gold & grains the commodity's of Cape Verde. declaring what ware and merchandise we had, as woollen clot, linen clot, iron, cheese & other things. The Negroes answered again, they had civet, musk, gold and grains, which pleased our captains and merchants very well. Then the Negroes desired to have a sight of some of our wares, to the which our merchants were content, and forthwith sent aboard one of the boats for part of their merchandise, and in the mean time while the boat went to the ship, our five men were walking on the shore with the Negroes, and our General and merchants stayed in the other boat by the sea side, having the 3 Negroes with them. Our boat then came again and brought iron and other merchandise, with bread, wine, and cheese which they gave unto them. Then two of the Negroes (which were the pledges) made themselves sick, desiring to go a shore, promising to sand other two for them. Captain Haiward perceiving that our men had let the Negroes come a shore, asked what they meant, and doubting the worst began to draw toward the boat, and two or three of the Negroes followed him. And when he came to the boat they began to stay him, and he made signs unto them that he would fetch them more drink and bread: notwithstanding, when he was entering into the boat, one of them caught him by the breeches and would have stayed him, but he sprung from him and leapt into the boat, and as soon as he was in, one of the Negroes a shore began to blow a pipe, and presently the other Negro that was in our boat sitting on the boats side, and master worms sword by him, suddenly drawn the sword out of the scabbard, The Negroes treachery. and cast himself into the Sea and swam a shore, and presently the Negroes laid hands on our men that were on shore, and took three of them with great violence, and tore all their apparel from their backs and left them nothing to cover them, and many of them shot so thick at our men in our boats, that they could scarce set hand to any Oar to row from the shore, yet (by the help of God) they got from them with their boats, although many of them were hurt with their poisoned arrows: and the poison is uncurable, if the arrow enter within the skin and draw blood, and except the poison be presently sucked out, or the place where any man is hurt be forthwith cut away, he dieth within four days, and within three hours after they be hurt or pricked, wheresoever it be, although but at the little toe, yet it striketh up to the heart, and taketh away the stomach, and causeth the party marvelously to vomit, being able to brook neither meat nor drink. The Negroes having used our men with such cruelty, whose names were Nicholas Day, William Bats, and john Tomson, led them away to a town which was within a mile of the water side, or thereabouts. The 20 day we sent to landlord a boat or skiff wherein were eight people, A French interpreter for Cape Verde. and one of them was the foresaid john Tomson and our interpreter which was a Frenchman, (for there was one of the Negroes which spoke good French:) and they carried with them two harquebuses, two targets and a mantel. The cause of sending them was to learn what ransom they demanded for Bats and Day whom they detained. And when they came to the shore and told t●● Negroes what they desired, they went and fetched them from among the trees, and brought them lose among forty or fifty of them. And being come within a stones cast of the sea side, William Bats broke from them, and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat, and he was not so soon in the water but he fallen down, either being out of breath or his foot failing him in the sand being soft: so that the Negroes came and fallen on him and took him and haled him, that we thought they had torn him in pieces: for they tore again all the apparel from his back, so that some of them carried our men again to the town, and the rest shot at us with their poisoned arrows, The danger of poisoned arrows. and hurt one of our men called Androwes in the small of the leg, who being come aboard, (for all that our Surgeons could do) we thought he would have died. Our General (notwithstanding all this villainy) sent again to them, and offered them any thing that they desired for the ransom of our men, bu● they would not deliver them: giving us this answer: The answer of the Negroes. That there was in the foresaid road, three weeks before we came, an English ship which had taken three of their people, and until we did bring or sand them again, we should not have our men although we would give our three ships with their furniture. The 21 day a French ship of the burden of 80 tons (or thereabouts,) came to the place where we were, being bond to traffic at the Cape: we told them of the detaining of our two men by the Negroes: and seeing that these Frenchmen were very well welcome to the Negroes, we wished them to see whether they could procure them again of the Negroes, and bring them along with them, and our General promised the Frenchmen 100 li. to obtain them. So we committed the matter to the Frenchmen and departed. Of our men that were hurt by the Negroes arrows, four died, and one to save his life had his arm cut off. Androwes that was last of all hurt, lay lame not able to help himself: only two recovered of their hurts. So we placed other men in the rooms of those that we lost, and set sail. The 26 day between Cape Verde and Bona vista we saw many flying fish of the bigness of herrings, whereof two flew into our boat, which we towed at our stern. Bona vista. The 28 day we fallen with an Island called Bona vista, which is from Cape Verde 86 leagues. The Northside of the said Island is full of white sandy hills and dales, and somewhat high land. The said day we came to an anchor within the Westermost point, about a league within the point, and found in our sounding fair sand in ten fathom water, but you may go near till you be in five or six fathom, for the ground is fair. As soon as we were at an anchor, our General sent his pinnace a land, and found five or six small houses, but the people were fled into the mountains: and the next day he sent a shore again, and met with two Portugals, who willingly went aboard with his men, and at their coming he welcomed them, although they were but poor & simple, and gave each of them a pair of shoes, and so set them a shore again. The 30 day we weighed & sailed into a Bay within a small Island about a league from us, and took plenty of divers sorts of fish. The foresaid Island lieth in sixteen degrees. And if you mean to anchor in the said Bay, you may borrow in four or five fathom of the Southermost point of the said Island, A good admonition. which you may see when you ride in the road. But beware of the middle of the Bay, for there lieth a ledge of rocks, which at a low water breaketh, yet there is three fathom water over them. The last day of januarie our General with certain of his men went a shore in the Bay to the houses, where he found 12 Portugals. Banished Portugal's. In all the Island there were not above 30 people, which were banished men for a time, some for more years, some for less, and amongst them there was one simple man which was their captain. They live upon goat's flesh, cocks, hens, and fresh water: other victuals they have none, saving fish, which they esteem not, neither have they any boats to take them. They reported that this Island was given by the king of Portugal to one of his gentlemen, who hath let it forth to rend for one hundredth ducats a year, Great store of goats. which rent is reared only in goat's skins. For by their speeches there hath been sent forth of the said Island into Portugal 40000 skins in one year. We were to these men marvelously welcome, and to their powers very well entertained, and they gave us the flesh of as many he-goats as we would have, and took much pains for us in taking them, and bringing them from the mountains upon their asses. They have there great store of the oil of Tortoises, which Tortoise is a fish which swimmeth in the Sea, with a shell on his back as broad as a target. It raineth not in this Island but in three months of the year, from the midst of july to the midst of October, and it is here always very hot, Cows have been brought hither, but by reason of the heat and drought they have died. The 3 of February we departed from this Island, and the same day fallen with another Island called the Island of Maiyo, The I'll of Maiyo. which is 14 leagues from the other Island: there is in the midst of the way between these two islands a danger which is always to be seen. We ankred in the Northwest side of the said I'll in a fair Bay of eight fathoms water and fair sand, but here we stayed not, but the fourth day weighed and sailed to another Island called S. jago, S. jago. which lieth off the said Island of Maiyo East and by South, and about five leagues one from the other. Being come within the Westermost point, we see a fair road, and a small town by the water side, and also a fort or platform by it: there we purposed to come to anchor, and our merchants to make some sale. But before we came within their shot, they let fly at us two pieces, whereupon we went roomer and sailed along the shore two or three leagues from the road, where we found a small Bay and two or three small houses, where we came to an anchor in 14 fathom fair ground. Within an hour after we had ankered we might see divers horsemen and footmen on the land right against us riding and running to and fro. The next day being the fift of February, a great company of their horsemen and footmen appeared on the shore side, unto whom our General sent to understand whether they would quietly traffic with them: And they sent him word again, desiring that they might speak with him; promising that if he came to traffic as a merchant he should be welcome, and also that he should have any thing that he or the merchant would with reason demand. When this answer was brought unto our General he was very glad thereof and the whole company, and presently (with as much speed as he could) he caused his boats to be made ready: but doubting the villainy of the Portugals, he armed his boats putting a double base in the head of his pinnace, and two single bases in the head of the skiff, and so sent to the mayflower and the George, and willed them in like sort to man their two boats. These boats being thus manned and well appointed, our General entered into his skiff, and with the rest rowed to the shore where were threescore horsemen or more, and two hundredth footmen ready to receive them. Our General marveled that they came in so great a number and all armed, and therefore with a flag of truce sent to them to know their pleasure: and they answered him with many fair promises and oaths, that their pretence was all true, and that they meant like Gentlemen and Merchants to traffic with him, declaring also that their Captain was coming to speak with him, and therefore desired our General to come and speak with him himself. With this answer the boat returned, and then our General caused his pinnace to row to them, and as he came near the shore they came in a great company with much obeisance, opening their hands and arms abroad, bowing themselves with their bonnets off, with as much humble salutations outwardly as they might: earnestly desiring our General and Merchants to come on land to them, whereunto he would not agreed without sufficient gauges of Gentlemen and Merchants. At length they promised to send two gauges to our General's contentment, promising fresh water, victual, money, or Negroes for ware, if it were such as they liked: and therefore desired our General and Merchants to send them a shore in writing the quantity of their wares, and the names of them: all which our General departed to perform, looking for their answer the morrow following. And being go a little from the shore, he caused his bases, enrriers, and harckebusses to be shot off, and our ships in like case shot off five or six pieces of great ordinance, and so came aboard to prepare the note. The Portugals most of them departed, saving those that were left to watch and to receive the note, which about four or five a clock in the afternoon was sent, and it was received. The treason of the Portugals in S. jago to our men. But all the purposes of the Portugals were villainously to betray us (as shall appear hereafter) although we meant in truth and honesty, friendly to traffic with them. There was to the Westwards of us and about two leagues from us, a town behind a point fast by the sea side, where they had certain Caravels or ships and also two Brigandines, whereof they (with all the speed that they might) made ready four Caravels, and both the brigandines which were like two Galleys, and furnished them both with men and ordinance as much as they could carry, and as soon as it was night, they came rowing and falling towards us: so that the land being high and the weather somewhat cloudy or misty, and they coming all the way close under the shore we could not see them till they were right against one, of our ships called the mayflower. By this time it was about one or two of the clock in the morning, and the mayflower road nearer them than the other two by a base shot, so that they made a sure account either to have taken her or burned her. In the mean time our men that had the watch (little thinking of such villainous treacheries after so many fair words) were singing and playing one with the other, and made such a noise, that (being but a small gale of wind, and ri●●●g near the land) they might hear us from the shore: so that we supposed that they made accounted that we had espied them, which indeed we had not, neither had any one piece of ordinance primed, or any other thing in a readiness. They came so near us that they were within gunshot of us, & then one of our men chanced to see a light, & then looking out spied the 4 ships, and suddenly cried out, Galleys, galleys, at which cry we were all amazed, and forthwith they shot at us all the great ordinance that they had, and their harquebuses, and curriers, and so lighted certain trunks or pieces of wild fire, and all of them with one voice (as well they on the shore as they in the ships) gave a great shout, and so continued hallowing with great noises, still approaching nearer and nearer unto the mayflower. We (with all the speed that we might) made ready one piece of ordinance and shot at them, which caused them somewhat to stay, so they charged their ordinance and shot at us freshly again, and while they shot this second time at us, we had made ready three pieces which we shot at them, but they approached still so near, that at last we might have shot a sheaf arrow to them. Whereupon we having a gale of wind off the shore hoist our foresail, and cut our cable at the hawse, and went toward our Admiral, and they continued following and shooting at us, and sometime at our Admiral, but our Admiral shot one such piece at them, that it made them to retire, and at length to warp away like traitorous villains, and although they thus suddenly shot all their shot at us, yet they hurt neither man nor boy of ours, but what we did to them we know not. The Isle of Fuego. But seeing the villainy of these men we thought it best to stay there no longer, but immediately set sail towards an Island called Fuego, 12 leagues from the said Island of S. jago. At which Island of Fuego we came to an anchor the 11 day of this month, against a white chapel in the West end of the said Island, within half a league of a little town, and within a league or thereabouts of the uttermost point of the said Island. In this Island is a maruelleilous high hill which doth burn continually, and the inhabitants reported that about three years past the whole Island was like to be burned with the abundance of fire that came out of it. About a league from the said chapel to the Westward is a goodly spring of fresh water, where we had as much as we would. Wheat they have none growing here, but a certain seed that they call Mill, Mill. and certain peason like Guinie peason, which Mill maketh good bread, but they have here good store of rother beasts and goats. Cotton in Fuego. Their merchandise is cotton, which groweth there. The inhabitants are Portugals which have commandment from the king to traffic neither with Englishmen nor Frenchmen for victual or any other thing, except they be forced so to do. The Isle of Brava. There lieth off this Island another called Ilha Brava, which is not passing two leagues over, it hath good store of goats and many trees, but there are not passing three or four people dwelling in it. They return. March. The 25 day of February we departed towards the Islands of Azores: and on the 23 day of March we had sight of one of them-called Flores, and then we might see another Island to the Northward of it called Cueruo, lying two leagues or there abouts of the other. The 27 we came to an anchor in Cueruo over against a village of about twelve simple houses: but in the night by a gale of wind, which caused us to draw our anchor after us, we hoist sail and went to the aforesaid Island of Flores, where we saw strange streams of water running down from the high cliffs by reason of the great abundance of rain that had suddenly fallen. The 29 day we came again to Cueruo and cast anchor, but a storm arose and continued seven or eight hours together, so that we let slip a cable and anchor, and after the storm was allayed we came again thinking to have recovered the same, but the Portugals had either taken it, or spoilt it: the cable was new and never wet before, and both the cable and anchor were better worth than 40 li. So that we account ourselves much beholding to the honest Portugals. April. The 18 day of April we took in water at the Island of Flores, and having ankered, our cable was fretted in sunder with a rock and so burst, where we lost that cable and anchor also, and so departed to our coast. Then we set sail to an Island named Faial, about the which lie three other Islands, the one called Pico, the other Saint George, and the other Graciosa, which we had sight of on the eight and twentieth day. The 29 we came to an anchor in the South-west side of Faial in a fair bay, and 22 fathom water against a little town where we had both fresh water and fresh victual. In this Island by the report of the inhabitants● there groweth certain green woad, which by their speeches is far better than the woad of S. Michael or of Tercera. Woad. May. The 8 day of May we came to Tercera where we met with a Portugal ship, and being destitute of a cable and anchor, our General caused us to keep her company, to see if she could conveniently spare us any. The next morning we might see bearing with us a great ship and two Caranels, which we judged to be of the king of Portugals Armada, and so they were, whereupon we prepared ourselves for our defence. The said ship was one of the king's Galliass, about the burden of four hundred tons, A Portugal Galiasse of 400 tons. with about three hundred men in her, the ship being well appointed with brass pieces both great and small, and some of them so big that their shot was as great as a man's head, the other two Caravels were also very warlike and well appointed both with men and munition. As soon as they were within shot of us, they waved us amain with their swords, we keeping our course, the greatest ship shot at us freely and the caravel also, A fight between one English ship and 7 Portugals and we prepared ourselves, and made all things clear for our safeguard as near as we could. Then the great ship shot at us all her broad side, and her four greatest pieces that lay in her stern, and therewith hurt some of our men, and we did the best we could with our shot to require it. At last two other Caravels came off the shore, and two other pinnesses full of men, and delivered them aboard the great ship, and so went back again with two men in a piece of them. The ship and the Caravell gave us the first day three fights, and when the night was come they left off shooting, yet notwithstanding kept hard by us all the night. In the mean time we had as much as we could do all the night to mend our ropes, and to strengthen our bulwarks, putting our trust in God, and resolving ourselves rather to die in our defence then to be taken by such wretches. The next day being the 10 of May in the morning, there were come to aid the said Portugal's four great Armadas or Caravels more which made seven, of which 4 three of them were at the lest 100 tons a piece, the other not so big, but all well appointed and full of men. All these together came bearing with us being in our Admiral, and one of the great Caravels came to lay us aboard (as we judged) for they had prepared their false netting, and all things for that purpose, so that the Gallias came up in our larboard side, and the Caravell in our starboard side. Our Captain and Master perceiving their pretence, caused our gunner's to make all our ordinance ready with crossebarres, chaineshotte and baileshot: so the ship and Caravell came up, and as soon as they were right in our sides, they shot at us as much ordinance as they could, thinking to have laid us presently aboard: whereupon we gave them such a heat with both our sides, that they were both glad to fall asterne of us, & so paused the space of two or three hours being a very small gale of wind. Then came up the other five a●d shot all at us, and so fallen all asterne of us, & then went to counsel together. Then our small bark named the George came to us, and we conferred together a great space. And as the Portugal ships and Caravels were coming to us again, our bark minding to fall asterne of us and so to come up again, fallen quickly upon the lee, and by reason of the little wind, it was so long before she could fill her sails again, that both the ship and Caravels were come up to us, and she falling in among them made reasonable shift with them, but they got ahead of her, so that she could not fetch us: then 5 of the Caravels followed her, but we see she defended herself against them all. Then came the great ship and the Caravell to us, and fought with us all that day with their ordinance. The mayflower our other consort being very good by the wind, took the benefit thereof and halde all that day close by the wind, but could not come near us. So when night again was come, th●y gave over their fight and followed us all the night. In these many fights it could not otherwise be but needs some of our men must be slain, (as they were indeed) and divers hurt, and our tackle much spoiled: yet for all this we did our best endeavour to repair all things, and to stand to it to the death with our assured trust in the mercy and help of God. This night the mayflower came us to us, and our Captain told them his harms and spoils, and wished them if they could spare half a dozen fresh men to hoist out their boat and send them to him, but they could not spare any, and so bore away again. Which when our enemies saw in the next morning that we were one from another, they came up to us again and gave us a great fight with much hallowing and hooping, making account either to board us or else to sink us: but although our company was but small, yet lest should see us any whit dismayed, when they hallowed we hallowed also as fast as they, and waned to them to come and board us if they dared, but that they would not, seeing us still so courageous: The 7 Portugals departed with shame from one English ship. and having given us that day four fights, at night they forsook us with shame, as they came to us at the first with pride. They had made in our ship some leaks with their shot which we again stopped with all speed, and that being done, we took some rest after our long labour and trouble. The next day in the morning the mayflower came to us, and brought us six men in her boat which did us much pleasure, and we sent to them some of our hurt men. Then we directed our course for our own country, and by the second day of june we were near to our own coast and sounded being thwart the Lizard. june. The third day we had sight of a ship which was a Portugal, who bore with us, and at his coming to us (the weather being calm) our Captain caused him to hoist forth his boat to come aboard to speak with him, and at their coming our Captain and Merchants demanded of them what ware they had, and whither they were bond, and they made answer that their lading was sugar and cotton. Then our Captain and Merchants showed them five Negroes that we had, and asked them whether they would buy them, which they were very desirous to do, and agreed to give for them 40 chests of sugar, which chests were small having not above 26 loaves in a piece: A Portugal ship (notwithstanding all their villainies) defended by one men from Rovers. so they with their boat did fetch five of the chests and delivered them and went for more, and when they had laden their boat and were come again, we might see bearing with us a great ship and a small, which our Captain supposed to be men of war or Rovers, and then willed the Portugals to carry their sugar to their ship again, purposing to make ourselves ready for our defence. But the Portugals earnestly entreated our Captain not so to forsake them, and promised him (if he would safeguard them) to give him above the bargain ten chests of sugar: whereupon our Captain was content, and the Portugal not being good of sail, we spared our topsayles for her; so at last the foresaid ship bore with us, and (seeing that we did not fear them) gave us over. And the next morning came two others bearing with us, and seeing us not about to fly a jot from them forsook us also. The 5 day of june we had sight of the start, and about noon we were thwart of the bay of Lime, and so sounded and had 35 fathom water. The sixt day we came in at the Needles and so came to an anchor under the Isle of Wight at a place called Meadhole, and from thence sailed to Southampton where we made an end of this voyage. The embassage of M. Edmund Hogan, one of the sworn Esquires of her majesties person, from her Highness to Mulai Abdelmelech Emperor of Morocco, and king of Fes and Sus: in the year 1577, written by himself, I Edmund Hogan being appointed Ambassador from the Queen's Majesty to the above named Emperor and King Mulai Abdelmelech, M. Hogan his arrival at Azafi in Barbary. departed with my company and servants from London the two and twenty day of April 1577, being embarked in the good ship called the Gallion of London, and arrived in Azafi a port of Barbary the one and twenty day of May next following. May. Immediately I sent leonel Edgertoo a shore with my letters directed to john Williams and john Bampton, who dispatched a Trottero to Morocco to know the king's pleasure for my repair to the Court, which letters came to their hands on the Thursday night. They with all speed gave the king understanding of it, who being glad thereof sped the next day certain Captains with soldiers and tents, with other provision to Azafi: so that upon Whitsunday at night the said Captains with john Bampton, Robert Washborne, and Robert Lion, and the king's officers came late to Azafi. In the mean time I remained aboard, and caused some of the goods to be discharged for lightning of the ship, and I written in my letter that I would not land, till I knew the King's pleasure. The 22 day being Saturday, the Make-speede arrived in the road about two of the clock in the afternoon. The 27 day, being Whitsunday, came aboard the Gallion john Bampton, and others, giving me to understand how much the King rejoiced of my self arrival, coming from the Queen's Majesty, and how that for my safe conduct to the Court he had sent four Captains and an hundred soldiers well appointed, with a horse furnished which he used himself to ride on with all other furniture accordingly: they wished me also to come on land in the best order I could, as well for myself as my men, which I did, having to the number of ten men, whereof three were trumpeters. The ships being four appointed themselves in the best order they could for the best show, and shot off all their ordinance to the value of twenty Marks in powder. At my coming a shore, I found all the soldiers well appointed on horseback, the Captains and the Governor of the town standing as near the water side as they could, with a jennet of the kings, and received me from the boat declaring how glad his Majesty was of my safe arrival, coming from the Queen's Majesty my Mistress, and that he had sent them to attend upon me, it being his pleasure that I should tarry there on shore five or six days for my refreshing. So being mounted upon the jennet, they conducted me through the Town into a fair field upon the Seaside where was a tent provided for me, and all the ground spread w●th Turkey carpets, and the Castle discharged a peal of ordinance, and all things necessary were brought into my tent, where I both too●e my table and lodging, and had other convenient tents for my servants. The soldiers environed the tents, and watched about us day and night as long as I lay there, although I sought my speedier dispatch. On the Wednesday towards night, ●n Barbary the● have no Inns but they lodge in open fields where they can found water. I took my horse and travailed ten miles to the first place of water that we could find, and there pitched our tents till the next morning, and so travailed till ten of the clock, and then pitched our tents till four, and so travailed as long as day light would suffer about 26 miles that day. The next day being Friday I travailed in like order but eight and twenty miles at the most, and by a River being about six miles within sight of the City of Morocco we pitched our tents. Immediately after came all our English merchants, and the French on horseback to meet me, and before night there came an Alcayde from the king with fifty men, & divers mules laden with victual and banker, for my supper● declaring unto me how glad the king showed himself to hear of the Queen's Majesty, and that his pleasure was I should be received into his country as never any Christian the like: The singular humanity of the king to our Ambassador. and desired to know what time the next day I would come into his city, because he would that all the Christians as also his nobility should meet me, and willed john Bampton to be with him early in the morning, which he did. About seven of the clock being accompanied with the French and English merchants, and a great number of soldiers, I passed towards the city, and by that time I had travailed 2 miles, there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receive me, which I know was more by the king's commandment then of any good wills of themselves: The Spaniards and Portugales were commande● by the king in pain of death, to ●eete th● En●lish Ambassador. for some of them although they speak me fair hung down their heads like dogs, and especially the Portugals, and I countenanced them accordingly. So I passed on till I came within two English miles of the City, and then john Bampton returned, showing me that the king was so glad of my coming, that he could not devise to do too much, to show the good will that he did own to the Queen's Majesty, and her Realm. His counsellors met me without the gates, and at the entry of the gates, his footmen & guard were placed on both sides of my horse, and so brought me to the king's palace. The king sat in his chair with his Counsel about him, as well the Moors as the Elchies, and according to his order given unto me before, I there declared my message in Spanish, and made delivery of the Queen's majesties letters, and all that I spoke at that present in Spanish, he caused one of his El●hies to declare the same to the Moors present, in the Larbe tongue. Which done, he answered me again in Spanish, yielding to the Queen's Majesty great thanks, and offering himself and his country to be at her Grace's commandment, and then commanded certain of his Counsellors to conduct me to my lodging, not being far from the Court. The house was fair after the fashion of that country, being daily well furnished with all kind of victual at the king's charge. The same night he sent for me to the Court, and I had conference with him about the space of two hours, where I thoroughly declared the charge committed unto me from her Majesty, finding him conformable, willing to pleasure and not to urge her Majesty with any demands, more than conveniently she might willingly consent unto, he knowing that out of his country the Realm of England might be better served with lacks, than he in comparison from us. Further he gave me to understand, that the king of Spain had sent unto him for a licence, The king of Spain sought to disgrace the Queen & he● Ambassour. that an Ambassador of his might come into his country, and had made great means that if the Queen's majesty of England sent any unto him, that he would not give him any credit or entertainment, albeit (said he) I know what the king of Spain is, and what the Queen of England and her Realm is: for I neither like of him nor of his religion, being so governed by the Inquisition that he can do nothing of himself. Therefore when he cometh upon the licence which I have granted, he shall well see how little account I will make of him and Spain, and how greatly I will extol you for the Queen's majesty of England. He shall not come to my presence as you have done, and shall daily: for I mind to accept of you as my companion and one of my house, whereas he shall attend twenty days after he hath done his message. After the end of this speech I delivered Sir Thomas Gresham's letters, when as he took me by the hand, and led me down a long court to a palace where there ran a fair fountain of water, and there sitting himself in a chair, he commanded me to sit down in another, and there called for such simple Musicians as he had. The king of Barbary sent into England for Musicians. Then I presented him with a great base Lute, which he most thankfully accepted, and then he was desirous to hear of the Musicians, and I told him that there was great care had to provide them, and that I did not doubt but upon my return they should come with the first ship. He is willing to give them good entertainment with provision of victual, and to let them live according to their law and conscience wherein he urgeth none to the contrary. I find him to be one that li●eth greatly in the fear of God, being well exercised in the Scriptures, as well in the old Testament as also in the New, and he beareth a greater affection to our Nation then to others because of our religion, which forbiddeth worship of Idols, and the Moors called him the Christian king. A rich gift bestowed upon our Ambassador. The same night being the first of june, I continued with him till twelve of the clock, and he seemed to have so good liking of me, that he took from his girdle a short dagger being set with 200 stones, rubies and turkeys, and did bestow it upon me, and so I being conducted returned to my lodging for that time. The next day because he known it to be Sunday & our Sabbath day he did let me rest. But on the monday in the afternoon he sent for me, and I had conference with him again, and music. Likewise on the tuesday by three of the clock he sent for me into his garden, finding him laid upon a silk bed complaining of a sore leg: yet after long conference he walked into another Orchard, whereas having a fair banketting-house and a great water, and a new galley in it, he went aboard the galley and took me with him, and passed the space of two or three hours, showing the great experience he had in Galleys, wherein (as he said) he had exercised himself eighteen years in his youth. After supper he showed me his horses and other commodities that he had about his house, and since that night I have not s●ene him, for that he hath kept in with his sore leg, but he hath sent to me daily. june. The 13 of june at six of the clock at night I had again audience of the king, and I continued with him till midnight, having debated as well for the Queen's commission as for the well dealing with her merchants for their traffic here in these parts, saying, he would do much more for the Queen's majesty and the Realm, The offers of the king to our English merchants. offering that all English ships with her subjects may with good security enter into his ports and dominions as well in trade of marcandize, as for victual & water, as also in time of war with any her enemies to bring in prizes and to make sales as occasion should serve, or else to departed again with them at their pleasure. Likewise for all English ships that shall pass along his coast of Barbary, & thorough the straitss into the Levant seas, that he would grant safe conduct that the said ships and merchants with their goods might pass into the Levant seas, and so to the Turks dominions, and the king of Algiers, as his own, and that he would writ to the Turk and to the king of Argier his letters for the well using of our ships and goods. Also that hereafter no Englishmen that by any means may be taken captives, shall be sold within any of his dominions: whereupon I declared that the Queen's majesty accepting of these his offers was pleased to confirm the intercourse & trade of our merchants within this his country, as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he should have need of, to furnish the necessities and wants of his country in trade of merchandise, A good proviso. so as he required nothing contrary to her honour and law, and the breach of league with the Christian princes her neighbours. The same night I presented the king with the case of combs, and desired his majesty to have special regard that the ships might be laden back again, for that I found little store of saltpeter in readiness in john Bamptons' hands. He answered me that I should have all the assistance therein that he could, but that in Sus he thought to have some store in his house there, as also that the Mountayners had made much in a readiness: I requested that he would sand down, which he promised to do. The eighteen day I was with him again and so continued there till night, and he showed me his house with pastime in ducking with water-Spaniels, and baiting bulls with his English dogs. At this time I moved him again for the sending down to Sus, which he granted to do, and the 24. day there departed Alcayde Mammy, with Lionel Edgerton, and Rowland Guy to Sus, and carried with them for our accounts and his company the king's letters to his brother Mulai Hammet, and Alcayde Shavan, and the Uiceroy. The 23. day the king sent me out of Morocco to his garden called Shersbonare, with his guard, and Alcayde Mamoute, and the 24. at night I came to the court to see a Morris dance, and a play of his Elchies. He promised me audience the next day being Tuesday, but he put it off till Thursday: and the Thursday at night I was sent for to the king after supper, and then he sent Alcayde Rodwan, and Alcayde Gowry to confer with me, but after a little talk I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch. And being brought to him, I preferred two bills of john Bamptons' which he had made for provision of saltpeter: also two bills for the quiet traffic of our English Merchants, and bills for sugars to be made by the jews, as well for the debts past, as hereafter, and for good order in the Ingenios'. Also I moved him again for the saltpeter, and other dispatches, which he referred to be agreed upon by the two Alcaydes. But the Friday being the 20. the Alcaydes could not intent it, and upon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fallen sick, so on Sunday we made means to the King, and that afternoon I was sent for to confer upon the bargain with the Alcaydes and others, but did not agreed. Upon Tuesday I written a letter to the King for my dispatch, and the same afternoon I was called again to the Court, and referred all things to the King, accepting his offer of saltpeter. That night again the King had me into his Galley, and the Spaniels did hunt the duck. The Thursday I was appointed to way the 300. kintals gross of saltpeter, and that afternoon the Tabybe came unto me to my lodging, showing me that the king was offended with john Bampton for divers causes. The Sunday night late being the 7. of july, I got the King to forgive all to john Bampton, and the King promised me to speak again with me upon Monday. Upon Tuesday I written to him again for my dispatch, and then he sent Fray jews to me, and said that he had order to writ. Upon Wednesday I written again, and he sent me word that upon Thursday I should come and be dispatched, so that I should departed upon Friday without fail, being the twelfth of july. So the fridays after according to the king's order & appointment I went to the court, & whereas motion and petition was made for the confirmation of the demands which I had preferred, they were all granted, and likewise the privileges which were on the behalf of our English merchants requested, The Emperor of Maroco his privileges to the English. were with great favour and readiness yielded unto. And whereas the jews there resident were to our men in certain round sums indebted, the Emperor's pleasure and commandment was, that they should without further excuse or delay, pay and discharge the same. And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and special countenance, such as hath not ordinarily been showed to other Ambassadors of the Christians. And touching the private affairs entreated upon betwixt her Majesty and the Emperor, I had letters from him to satisfy her highness therein. So to conclude, having received the like honourable conduct from his Court, as I had for my part at my first landing, I embarked myself with my foresaid company, and arriving not long after in England, I repaired to her majesties court, & ended my embassage to her highness good liking, with relation of my service performed. The voyage of Thomas Stukley, wrongfully called Marquis of Ireland, into Barbary 1578. Written by johannes Thomas Freigius in Historia de caede Sebastiani Regis Lusitaniae. VEnerant autem ad regem etiam sexcenti Itali, quos Papa subministrarat, Comiti Irlandiae: qui cum Vlissiponem tribus instructis navibus appulisset Regi operam suam condixit, eumque in bellum sequi promisit. Cap. 7. Totum exercitum divisit in quatuor acies quadratas: In dextro later primum agmen erat Velitum & militum Tingitanorum, eosqùe ducebat Aluarus Peresius de Tavara: sinistram aciem seu mediam tenebant Germani & Itali, quibus imperabat Marchio Irlandiae. etc. Cap. 11. Inter nobiles qui in hoc prelio ceciderunt, fuerunt, preter regem Sebastianum, dux de Avero, Episcopi Conimbricensis & Portuensis, Commissarius generalis à Papa missus Marchio Irlandiae, Christophorus de Tavora, & plures alij. Cap. 13. The same in English. THere came also to Don Sebastian the King of Portugal 600. Italians, whom the Pope sent under the conduct of the Thomas Stukley was wrongfully endued with this title. Marquis of Irland: who being arrived at Lisbon with three tall ships, proffered his service to the king, and promised to attend upon him in the wars, etc. He divided the whole Army into 4. squadrons: upon the right wing stood the first squadron, consisting of men lightly armed or skirmishers and of the soldiers of Tangier, General of whom was Don Alvaro Perez de Tavara: the left or middle squadron consisted of Germans and Italians, under the command of the Marquis of Irland, etc. cap. 7. Of Noblemen were slain in this battle (besides Don Sebastian the king) the duke de Avero, the two bishops of Coimbra & of Porto, the Marquis of Irland sent by the Pope as his Commissary general, Christopher de Tavara, and many others. cap. 13. IT is further also to be remembered, that divers other English gentlemen were in this battle, whereof the most part were slain; and among others M. Christopher Lyster was taken captive, and was there long detained in miserable servitude. Which gentleman although at length he happily escaped the cruel hands of the Moors; yet returning home into England, and for his manifold good parts being in the year 1586. employed by the honourable the Earl of Cumberland, in a voyage intended by the Straitss of Magellan for the South sea, as Uiceadmirall, (wherein he showed singular resolution and courage) and appointed afterward in divers places of special command and credit, was last of all miserably drowned in a great and rich Spanish prise upon the coast of Cornwall. Certain reports of the province of China learned through the Portugals there imprisoned, and chief by the relation of Galeotto Perera, a Gentleman of good credit, that lay prisoner in that Country many years. Done out of Italian into English by Richard wills. THis land of China is parted into 13. Shires, the which sometimes were each one a kingdom by itself, but these many years they have been all subject unto one King. Fuquien is made by the Portugals the first Shire, Fuquien. because there their troubles began, & they had occasion thereby to know the rest. In this shire be 8. cities, but one principally more famous than others called Fuquico, the other seven are reasonably great, the best known whereof unto the Portugals is Cinceo, Cinc●o. in respect of a certain haven joining thereunto, whither in time passed they were wont for merchandise to resort. Cantan. Cantan is the second shire, not so great in quantity, as well accounted of, both by the king thereof, and also by the Portugals, for that it lieth nearer unto Malacca then any other part of China, and was first descried by the Portugals before any other shire in that province: this shire hath in it seven Cities. Cheq●e●m. Chequeam is the third shire, the chiefest City therein is Donchion, therein also standeth Liampo, with other 13. or 14. boroughs: country towns therein are too too many to be spoken of. Xutiamfu. The fourth shire is called Xutiamfu, the principal City thereof is great Pachin, where the King is always resident. In it are fifteen other very great Cities: of other towns therein, and boroughs well walled and trenched about, I will say nothing. Chelim. The fift shire hath name Chelim: the great City Nanquin chief of other fifteen cities was herein of ancient time the royal seat of the Chinish kings. From this shire, & from the aforesaid Chequeam forward bore rule the other kings, until the whole region become one kingdom. Quianci● or Quinzi. The 6. shire beareth the name Quianci, as also the principal City thereof, wherein the fine clay to make vessels is wrought. The Portugals being ignorant of this Country, and finding great abundance of that fine clay to be sold at Liampo, and that very good cheap, thought at the first that it had been made there, howbeit in fine they perceived that the standing of Quinzi more near unto Liampo then to Cinceo or Cantan was the cause of so much fine clay at Liampo: within the compass of Quinci shire be other 12. cities. The 7. shire is Quicin, the 8. Quansi, the 9 Confu, the 10. Vrnan, the 11. Sichiva. In the first hereof there be 16. Cities, in the next 15: how many Towns the other 3. have, we are ignorant as yet, as also of the proper names of the 12. and 13. shires, and the towns therein. This finally may be generally said hereof, that the greater shires in China province may be compared with mighty kingdoms. In each one of these shires be set Ponchiassini and Anchiassini, before whom are handled the matters of other Cities. There is also placed in each one a Turan, as you would say, a governor, and a Chian, that is a visitor, as it were: whose office is to go in circuit, and to see justice exactly done. By these means so uprightly things are ordered there, that it may be worthily accounted one of the best governed provinces in all the world. machine. The king maketh always his abode in the great city Pachin, as much to say in our language, as by the name thereof I am advertised, the town of the kingdom. This kingdom is so large, that under five months you are not able to travail from the Towns by the Sea side to the Court, and back again, not not under three months in post at your urgent business. The post-horses in this Country are little of body, but swift of foot. Many do travail the greater part of this journey by water in certain light barks, for the multitude of Rivers commodious for passage from one City to another. The King, notwithstanding the hugeness of his kingdom, hath such a care thereof, Their months. that every Moon (for by the Moons they reckon their months) he is advertised fully of whatsoever thing happeneth therein, by these means following. The whole province being divided into shires, and each shire having in it one chief and principal City, whereunto the matters of all the other Cities, Towns and boroughs, are brought, there are drawn in every chief City aforesaid intelligences of such things as do monthly fall out, and be sent in writing to the Court. If happily in one month every Post be not able to go so long a way, yet doth there notwithstanding once every month arrive one Post out of the shire. Who so cometh before the new moon stayeth for the delivery of his letters until the moon be changed. Then likewise are dispatched other Posts back into all the 13. shires again. Before that we do come to Cinceo we have to pass through many places, and some of great importance. For this Country is so well inhabited near the Sea side, that you cannot go one mile but you shall see some Town, borough or hostry, the which are so aboundatly provided of all things, that in the Cities and towns they live civility. Nevertheless such as dwell abroad are very poor, for the multitude of them every where is so great, that out of a tree you shall see many times swarm a number of children, where a man would not have thought to have found any one at all. From these places in number infinite, you shall come unto two Cities very populous, and, being compared with Cinceo, not possibly to be discerned which is the greater of them. These cities are as well walled as any Cities in all the world. As you come in to either of them, there standeth so great and mighty a bridge, that the like thereof I have never seen in Portugal nor else where. I herded one of my fellows say, that he told in one bridge 40. arches. The occasion wherefore these bridges are made so great is, for that the Country is toward the sea very plain and low, and overflowed ever as the sea water increaseth. The breadth of the bridges, although it be well proportioned unto the length thereof, yet are they equally built, no higher in the middle then at either end, in such wise that you may see directly from the one end to the other: the sides are wonderfully well engraved after the manner of Rome-workes. But that we did most marvel at was therewithal the hugeness of the stones, the like whereof, as we came in to the City, we did see many set up in places dis-habited by the way, to no small charges of there's, howbeit to little purpose, whereas no body seethe them but such as do come by. The arches are not made after our fashion, vaunted with sundry stones set together: but paved, as it were, whole stones reaching from one pillar to an other, in such wise that they lie both for the arches heads, and galantly serve also for the high way. I have been astonished to behold the hugeness of the aforesaid stones: some of them are twelve. pases long and upward, the lest 11. good pases long, and an half. The ways each where are galantly paved with foursquare stone, except it be where for want of stone they use to lay brick: in this voyage we travailed over certain hills, where the ways were pitched, and in many places no worse paved then in the plain ground. This causeth us to think, that in all the world there be no better workmen for buildings, than the inhabitants of China. The Country is so well inhabited, that no one foot of ground is left untilled: small store of cattle have we seen this day, we see only certain oxen wherewithal the countrymen do blow their ground. One ox draweth the plough alone, not only in this shire, but in other places also, wherein is greater store of cattle. These countrymen by art do that in tillage, which we are constrained to do by force. Here be sold the voydings of close stools, although there wanteth not the dung of beasts: and the excrements of man are good merchandise throughout all China. The dungfermers seek in every street by exchange to buy this dirty ware for herbs and wood. The custom is very good for keeping the City clean. There is great abundance of hens, ge●se, ducks, swine, and goats, wethers have they none: the hens are sold by weight, and so are all other things. Two pound of hens flesh, geese, or duck, is worth two foi of their money, that is, d. ob. sterling. Swine's flesh is sold at a penny the pound. Beef beareth the same price, for the scarcity thereof, howbeit Northward from Fuquieo and farther off from the sea-coast, there is beef more plenty and sold better cheap; We have had in all the Cities we passed through, great abundance of all these victuals, beef only excepted. And if this Country were like unto India, the inhabitants whereof eat neither hen, beef, nor pork, but keep that only for the Portugals and Moors, they would be sold here for nothing. But it so falling out, that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world, they do feed upon all things, specially on pork, which, the fatter it is, is unto them the less loathsome. The highest price of these things aforesaid I have set down, better cheap shall you sometimes buy them for the great plenty thereof in this country. Frogs are sold at the same price that is made of hens, and are good meat amongst them, as also dogs, cats, rats, snakes, and all other unclean meats. The Cities be very gallant, specially near unto the gates, the which are marvelously great, and covered with iron. The gateh●uses are built on high with towers, & the lower part thereof is made of brick & stone, proportionally with the walls, from the walls upward the building is of timber, and many stories in it one above the other. The strength of their towns is in the mighty walls and ditches, artillery have they none. The streets in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the Cities we have seen are very fair, so large and so strait, that it is wonderful to behold. Their houses are built with timber, the foundations only excepted, the which are laid with stone: in each side of the streets are pentises or continual porches for the merchants to walk under: the breadth of the streets is nevertheless such, that in them 15. men may ride commodiously side by side. As they ride they must needs pass under many high arches of triumph that cross over the streets made of timber, and carved diversly, covered with tiles of fine clay: under these arches the Mercers do utter their smaller wares, & such as list to stand there are defended from rain and the heat of the Sun. The greater gentlemen have these arches at their doors: although some of them be not so mightily built as the rest. Loutea. I shall have occasion to speak of a certain order of gentlemen that are called Louteas. I will first therefore expound what this word signifieth. Loutea is as much to say in our language as Sir, and when any of them calleth his name, he answereth Sir: and as we do say, that the king hath made some gentleman, so say they, that there is made a Loutea. And for that amongst them the degrees are divers both in name and office, I will tell you only of some principals, being not able to advertise you of all. The manner how gentlemen are created Louteas, and do come to that honour and title, is by the giving of a broad girdle, not like to the rest, and a cap, at the commandment of the king. The name Loutea is more general & common unto more, than the equality of honour thereby signified agreeth withal. Such Louteas as do serve their prince in weighty matters for justice, are created after trial made of their learning: but the other which serve in smaller affairs, as Captains, constables, sergeants by land and sea, receivers and such like, whereof there be in every city, as also in this, very many, are made for favour: the chief Louteas are served kneeling. The whole province of China is divided, as I have said, into 13. shires, in every shire at the lest is one governor called there Tutan, in some shires there be two. Ch●an, or, Chaen. Chief in office next unto them be centaine other named Chians, that is, high Commissioners as you would say, or visitors, with full authority in such wise, that they do call unto an account the Tutans themselves, but their authority lasteth not in any shire longer than one year. Nevertheless in every shire being at the lest 7. cities, yea, in some of them 15. or 16. beside other boroughs and towns no● well to be numbered, these visitors where they come are so honoured and feared, as though they were some great princes. At the years end, their circuit done, they come unto that City which is chief of others in the shire, to do justice there: finally busying themselves in the searching out of such as are to receive the order of Louteas, whereof more shallbe said in another place. Ponchi●ssi. Over and besides these officers, in the chief City of each one of these aforesaid 13. provinces, is resident one Ponchiassi, Captain thereof, and treasurer of all the king's revenues. This Magistrate maketh his abode in one of the four greatest houses that be in all these head Cities. And although the principal part of his function be to be Captain, to be treasurer of the revenues in that province, & to sand these revenues at appointed times to the Court: yet hath he notwithstanding by his office also to meddle with matters appertaining unto justice. Anchiassi, or, He●●si. In the second great house dwelleth an other Magistrate called Anchiassi, a great officer also, for he hath dealings in all matters of justice. Who although he be somewhat inferior in dignity unto the Ponchiassi, yet for his great dealings and general charge of justice, whosoever seethe the affairs of the one house and the other might judge this Anchiassi to be the greater. T●zi. Tuzi, an other officer so called, lieth in the third house, a magistrate of importance, specially in things belonging unto warfare, for thereof hath he charge. Taissu● There is resident in the 4. house a fourth officer, bearing name Taissu. In this house is the principal prison of all the City. Each one of these Magistrates aforesaid may both lay evil doers in prison, & deliver them out again, except the fact be heinous & of importance: in such a case they can do nothing, except they do meet all together. And if the deed deserveth death, all they together cannot determine thereof, without recourse made unto the Chian wheresoever he be, or to the Tutan: and e●t 'zounds it falls out, that the case is referred unto higher power. In all Cities, not only chief in each shire, but in the rest also, are means found to make Louteas. Many of them do study at the prince his charges, wherefore at the years end they resort unto the head Cities, whither the Chians do come, as it hath been erst said, as well to give these degrees, as to sit in judgement over the prisoners. The Chians go in circuit every year, but such as are to be choose to the greatest offices meet not but from three years to three years, and that in certain large halls appointed for them to be examined in. Many things are asked them, whereunto if they do answer accordingly, and be found sufficient to take their degree, the Chian by and by granteth it them: but the Cap and girdle, Licentiates. whereby they are known to be Louteas, they wear not before that they be confirmed by the king. Their examination done, Doctors. and trial made of them, such as have taken their degree wont to be given them with all ceremonies, use to banquet and feast many days together (as the Chineans fashion is to end all their pleasures with eating and drinking) and so remain choose to do the king service in matters of learning. The other examinates found insufficient to proceed are sent back to their study again. Whose ignorance is perceived to come of negligence and default, such a one is whipped, and sometimes sent to prison, where lying that year when this kind of act was, we found many thus punished, and demanding the cause thereof, they said it was for that they known not how to answer unto certain things asked them. It is a world to see how these Louteas are served and feared, in such wise, that in public assemblies at one shriek they give, all the servitors belonging unto justice tremble thereat. At their being in these places, when they list to move, be it but even to the gate, these servitors do take them up, and carry them in seats of beaten gold. After this sort are they born when they go in the City, either for their own business abroad, or to see each other at home. For the dignity they have, and office they do bear, they be all accompanied: the very meanest of them all that goeth in these seats is ushered by two men at the lest, that cry unto the people to give place, howbeit they need it not, for that reverence the common people have unto them. They have also in their company certain Sergeants with their Maces either silvered or altogether silver, some two, some four, other six, other eight, conveniently for each one his degree. The more principal and chief Louteas have going orderly before these Sergeants, many other with staves, and a great many catchpoules with rods of Indish ca●es dragged on the ground, so that the streets being paved, you may hear afar off as well the noy●● of the rods, as the voice of the criers. These fellows serve also to apprehended others, and the better to be known they wear livery read girdles, and in their caps peacocks feathers. Behind these Louteas come such as do bear certain tables hanged at staves ends, wherein is written in silver letters, the name, degree, and office of that Loutea, whom they follow. In like manner they have born after them hats agreeable unto their titles: if the Loutea be mean, then hath he brought after him but one hat, and that may not be yellow: but if he be of the better sort, then may he have two, three, or four: the principal and chief Louteas may have all their hats yellow, the which among them is accounted great honour. The Loutea for wars, although he be but mean, may notwithstanding have yellow hats. The Tutans and Chians, when they go abroad, have besides all this before them led three or four horses with their guard in armour. Furthermore the Louteas, yea and all the people of China, are wont to eat their me●●e sitting on stools at high tables as we do, and that very cleanly, although they use neither table-clothes nor napkins. Whatsoever is set down upon the board is first carved before that it be brought in: We, that is the Italians and Spaniards. they feed with two sticks, refraining from touching their meat with their hands, even as we do with forks: for the which respect they less do need any table clotheses. Ne is the nation only civil at meat, but also in conversation, and in courtesy they seem to exceed all other. Likewise in their dealings after their manner they are so ready, that they far pass all other Gentiles and Moors: the greater states are so vain, that they line their clotheses with the best silk that may be found. The Louteas are an idle generation, without all manner of exercises and pastimes, except it be eating and drinking. Sometimes they walk abroad in the fields to make the soldiers shoot at pricks with their bows, but their eating passeth: they will stand eating even when the other do draw to shoot. The prick is a great blanket spread on certain long poles, he that striketh it, hath of the best man there standing a piece of crimson Taffeta, the which is knit about his head: in this sort the winners be honoured, and the Louteas with their bellies full return home again. The inhabitants of China be very great Idolaters, all generally do worship the heavens: and, as we are wont to say, God knoweth it: so say they at every word, Tien Tautee, that is to say, The heavens do know it. Some do worship the Son, and some the Moon, as they think good, for none are bond more to one then to another. In their temples, the which they do call Meani, they have a great altar in the same place as we have, true it is that one may go round about it. After the Dutch fashion. There set they up the image of a certain Loutea of that country, whom they have in great reverence for certain notable things he did. At the right hand standeth the devil much more ugly painted then we do use to set him out, whereunto great homage is done by such as come into the temple to ask counsel, or to draw lots: this opinion they have of him, that he is malicious and able to do evil. If you ask them what they do think of the souls departed, they will answer that they be immortal, and that as soon as any one departeth out of this life, he becometh a devil if he have lived well in this world, Pythagorean like. if otherwise, that the same devil changes him into a bufle, ox, or dog. Wherefore to this devil they do much honour, to him do they sacrifice, praying him that he will make them like unto himself, and not like other beasts. They have moreover another sort of temples, wherein both upon the altars and also on the walls do stand many idols well proportioned, but bareheaded: these bear name Omithofon, accounted of them spirits, but such as in heaven do neither good nor evil, thought to be such men and women as have chastened lived in this world in abstinence from fish and flesh, fed only with rise and salates. Of that devil they make some account: for these spirits they care little or nothing at all. Again they hold opinion that if a man do well in this life, the heavens will give him many temporal blessings, but if he do evil, then shall he have infirmities, diseases, troubles, and penury, and all this without any knowledge of God. Finally, this people knoweth no other thing then to live and die, yet because they be reasonable creatures, all seemed good unto them we speak in our language, though it were not very sufficient: our manner of praying especially pleased them, and truly they are well enough disposed to receive the knowledge of the truth. Our Lord grant for his mercy all things so to be disposed, that it may sometime be brought to pass, that so great a nation as this is perish not for want of help. Our manner of praying so well liked them, that in prison importunately they besought us to writ for them somewhat as concerning heaven, the which we did to their contentation with such reasons as we known, howbeit not very cunningly. As they do their idolatry they laugh at themselves. If at any time this country might be joined in league with the kingdom of Portugal, in such wise that free access were had to deal with the people there, they might all be soon converted. The greatest fault we do find in them is Sodomy, a vice very common in the meaner sort, and nothing strange amongst the best. This sin were it left of them, in all other things so well disposed they be, that a good interpreter in a short space might do there great good: If, as I said, the country were joined in league with us. Furthermore the Louteas, with all the people of China, are wont to solemnize the days of the new and full Moons in visiting one an other, and making great banquets: for to that end, as I erst said, do tend all their pastimes, and spending their days in pleasure. They are wont also to solemnize each one his birth day, whereunto their kindred and friends do resort of custom, with presents of jewels or money, receiving again for their reward good cheer. They keep in like manner a general feast with great banquets that day their king was born. But their most principal and greatest feast of all, and best cheer, is the first day of their new year, namely the first day of the new Moon of February, so that their first month is March, and they reckon the times accordingly, respect being had unto the reign of their princes: as when any deed is written, they date it th●s, Made such a day of such a moon, and such a year of the reign of such a king. And their ancient writings bear date of the years of this or that king. Now will I speak of the manner which the Chineans do observe in doing of iustice● that it may be known how far these Gentiles do herein exceed many Christians, that be more bound than they to deal justly and in truth. Because the Chinish king maketh his abode continually in the City Pachin, his kingdom so great, & the shires so many, as to fore it hath been said: in it therefore the governors and rulers, much like unto our sheriffs, be appointed so suddenly and speedily discharged again, that they have no time to grow nought. Furthermore to keep the state in more security, the Louteas that govern one shire are choose out of some other shire distant far off, where they must leave their wives, children and goods, carrying nothing with them but themselves. True it is, that at their coming thither they do find in a readiness all things necessary, their ●ouse, furniture, servants, and all other things in such perfection and plenty, that they want nothing. Thus the king is well served without all fear of treason. In the principal Cities of the shires be four chief Louteas, before whom are brought all matters of the inferior Towns, throughout the whole Realm. divers other Louteas have the managing of justice, and receiving of rents, bond to yield an account thereof unto the greater officers. Other do see that there be no evil rule kept in the City: each one as it behoveth him. Generally all these do imprison malefactors, 'cause them to be whipped and racked, hoisting them up and down by the arms with a cord, a thing very usual there, and accounted no shame. The Italians call it the strapado These Louteas do use great diligence in the apprehending of thieves, so that it is a wonder to see a thief escape away in any City, town or village. Upon the sea near unto the shore many are taken, and look even as they are taken, so be they first whipped, and afterward laid in prison, where shortly after they all die for hunger and cold. At that time when we were in prison, there died of them above threescore and ten. If happily any one, having the means to get food, do escape, he is set with the condemned people, and provided for as they be by the King, in such wise as hereafter it shallbe said. Their whips be certain pieces of canes, cloven in the middle, in such sort that they seem rather plain then sharp. He that is to be whipped lieth grovelong on the ground: upon his thighs the hangman layeth on blows mightily with these canes, that the standers by tremble at their cruelty. Ten stripes draw a great deal of blood, 20. or 30. spoil the flesh altogether, 50. or 60. will require long time to be healed, and if they come to the number of one hundred, then are they incurable. The Louteas observe moreover this: when any man is brought before them to be examined, they ask him openly in the hearing of as many as be present, be the offence never so great. Thus did they also behave themselves with us: For this cause amongst them can there be no false witness, as daily amongst us it falls out. This good cometh thereof, that many being always about the judge to hear the evidence, and bear witness, the process cannot be falsified, as it happeneth sometimes with us. The Moors, Gentiles, and jews have all their sundry oaths, the Moors do swear by their Mossafos, the Brachmen by their Fili, the rest likewise by the things they do worship. The Chineans though they be wont to swear by heaven, by the Moon, by the Sun, and by all their Idols, in judgement nevertheless they swear not at all. If for some offence an oath be used of any one, by and by with the lest evidence he is tormented, so be the witnesses he bringeth, if they tell not the truth, or do in any point disagree, except they be men of worship and credit, who are believed without any further matter: the rest are made to confess the truth by force of torments and whips. Besides this order observed of them in examinations, they do fear so much their King, and he where he maketh his abode keepeth them so low, that that they dare not once stir. Again, these Louteas as great as they be, notwithstanding the multitude of Notaries they have, not trusting any others, do writ all great processes and matters of importance themselves. Moreover one virtue they have worthy of great praise, and that is, being men so well regarded and accounted as though they were princes, yet they be patiented above measure in giving audience. We poor strangers brought before them might say what we would, as all to be lies and fallaces that they did writ, ne did we stand before them with the usual ceremonies of that Country, yet did they bear with us so patiently, that they caused us to wonder, knowing specially how little any advocate or judge is wont in our Country to bear with us. For wheresoever in any Town of Christendom should be accused unknown men as we were, I know not what end the very innocents cause would have: but we in a heathen Country, having our great enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Town, wanting an interpreter, ignorant of that Country language, did in the end see our great adversaries cast into prison for our sake, and deprived of their Offices and honour for not doing justice, yea not to escape death: for, as the rumour goeth, they shallbe beheaded. Somewhat is now to be said of the laws that I have been able to know in this Country, and first, no theft or murder is at any time pardoned: adulterers are put in prison, and the fact once proved, are condemned to die, the woman's husband must accuse them: this order is kept with men & women found in that fault, but thieves and murderers are imprisoned as I have said, where they shortly die for hunger and cold. If any one happily escape by bribing the Jailer to give him meat, his process goeth further, and cometh to the Court where he is condemned to die. Sentence being given, the prisoner is brought in public with a terrible band of men that lay him in Irons hand and foot, A pillo●y board. with a board at his neck one handful broad, in length reaching down to his knees, cloven in two parts, and with a hole one handful downward in the table fit for his neck, the which they enclose up therein, nailing the board fa●t together; one handful of the board standeth up behind in the neck: The sentence and cause wherefore the feston was condemned to die, is written in that part of the table that standeth before. This ceremony ended, he is laid in a great prison in the company of some other condemned people, the which are found by the king as long as they do live. The board aforesaid so made tormenteth the prisoners very much, keeping them both from rest, & eke letting them to eat commodiously, their hands being manacled in irons under that board, so that in fine there is no remedy but death. In the chief Cities of every shire, as we have erst said, there be four principal houses, in each of them a prison: but in one of them, where the Taissu maketh his abode, there is a greater and a more principal prison then in any of the rest: and although in every City there be many, nevertheless in three of them remain only such as be condemned to die. Their death is much prolonged, for that ordinarily there is no execution done but once a year, though many die for hunger and cold, as we have seen in this prison. Execution is done in this manner. The Chian, to wit, the high Commissioner or Lord chief justice, at the years end goeth to the head City, where he heareth again the causes of such as be condemned. Many times he delivereth some of them, declaring the board to have been wronfully put about their necks: the visitation ended, he chooseth out seven or eight, not many more or less of the greatest malefactors, the which, to fear and keep in awe the people, are brought into a great market place, where all the great Louteas meet together, and after many ceremonies and superstitions, as the use of the Country is, are beheaded. This is done once a year: who so escapeth that day, may be sure that he shall not be put to death all that year following, and so remains at the king's charges in the greater prison. In that prison where we lay were always one hundred and more of these condemned people, besides them that lay in other prisons. These prisons wherein the condemned caytifes do remain are so strong, that it hath not been herded, that any prisoner in all China hath escaped out of prison, for in deed it is a thing impossible. The prisons are thus builded. First all the place is mightily walled about, the walls be very strong and high, the gate of no less force: within it three other gates, before you come where the prisoners do lie, there many great lodgings are to be seen of the Louteas, Notaries, Parthions, that is, such as do there keep watch and ward day and night, the court large and paved, on the one side whereof standeth a prison, with two mighty gates, wherein are kept such prisoners as have committed enormous offences. This prison is so great, that in it are streets and Market places wherein all things necessary are sold. Yea some prisoners live by that kind of trade, buying and selling, and letting out beds to hire: some are daily sent to prison, some daily delivered, wherefore this place is never voided of 7. or eight hundred men that go at liberty. Into one other prison of condemned people shall you go at three iron gates, the court paved and vaunted round about, and open above as it were a cloister. In this cloister be eight rooms with iron doors, and in each of them a large gallery, wherein every night the prisoners do lie at length, their feet in the stocks, their bodies hampered in huge wooden grates that keep them from sitting, so that they lie as it were in a cage, sleep if they can: in the morning they are loosed again, that they may go into the court. Notwithstanding the strength of this prison, it is kept with a garrison of men, part whereof watch within the house, part of them in the court, some keep about the prison with lanterns and watch-bels answering one another five times every night, and giving warning so loud, that the Loutea resting in a chamber not near thereunto, may hear them. In these prisons of condemned people remain some 15, other 20. years imprisoned, not executed, for the love of their honourable friends that seek to prolong their lives. Many of these prisoners be shoemakers, and have from the king a certain allowance of rise: some of them work for the keeper, who suffereth them to go at liberty without fetters and boards, the better to work. Howbeit when the Loutea calleth his check roll, & with the keeper vieweth them, they all wear their liveries, that is, boards at their necks, yronned hand and foot. When any of these prisoners dieth, he is to be seen of the Loutea and Notaries, brought out of a gate so narrow, that there can but one be drawn out there at once. The prisoner being brought forth, one of the aforesaid Parthions striketh him thrice on the head with an iron sledge, that done he is delivered unto his friends, if he have any, otherwise the king hireth men to carry him to his burial in the fields. Thus adulterers and thieves are used. Such as be imprisoned for debt once known, lie there until it be paid. The Taissu or Loutea calleth them many times before him by the virtue of his office, who understanding the cause wherefore they do not pay their debts, appoints them a certain time to do it, within the compass whereof if they discharge not their debts being debtor indeed, than they be whipped and condemned to perpetual imprisonment: if the creditors be many, and one is to be paid before another, they do, contrary to our manner, pay him first of whom they last borrowed, and so ordinarily the rest, in such sort that the first lender be the last receiver. The same order is kept in paying legacies: Of like the first lender's be the more wealthy. the last named receiveth his portion first. They account it nothing to show favour to such a one as can do the like again: but to do good to them that have little or nothing, that is worth thanks, therefore pay they the last before the first, for that their intent seemeth rather to be virtuous then gainful. When I said, that such as be committed to prison for theft and murder were judged by the Court, I meant not them that were apprehended in the deed doing, for they need no trial, but are brought immediately before the Tutan, who out of hand giveth sentence. Other not taken so openly, which do need trial, are the malefactors put to execution once a year in the chief cities, to keep in awe the people: or condemned, do remain in prison, looking for their day. thieves being taken are carried to prison from one place to another in a chest upon men's shoulders, hired therefore by the king, the chest is 6. handfuls high, the prisoner sitteth therein upon a bench, the cover of the chest is two boards, amid them both a pillery-like hole, for the prisoners neck, there sitteth he with his head without the chest, and the rest of his body within, not able to move or turn his head this way or that way, nor to pluck it in: the necessities of nature he voideth at a hole in the bottom of the chest, the meat he eateth is put into his mouth by others. There abideth ●● day and night during his whole journey: if happily his porters stumble, or the chest do jog or be set down carelessly, it turneth to his great pains that sitteth therein, all such motions being unto him hanging as it were. Thus were our companions carried from Cinceo, 7. ●aies journey, never taking any rest as afterward they told us, & their greatest grief was to stay by the way: as soon as they came, being taken out of the chests, they were not able to stand on their feet, and two of them died shortly after. When we lay in prison at Fuquieo, Fuquieo. we came many times abroad, & were brought to the palaces of noble men, to be seen of them & their wives, for that they had never seen any Portugal before. Many things they asked us of our Country, and our fashions, & did writ every thing, for they be curious in novelties above measure. Here●●●ofore● The gentlemen show great courtesy unto strangers, and so did we find at their hands, and because that many times we were brought abroad into the City, somewhat will I say of such things as I did see therein, being a gallant City, and chief in one of the 13. shires aforesaid. The City Fuquieo is very great, & mightily walled with square stone both within and without, and, as it may seem by the breadth thereof, filled up in the middle with earth, laid over with brick & covered with tile, after the manner of porches or galleries, that one might dwell therein. The stairs they use are so easily made, that one may go them up and down a horsbacke, as eftsoons they do: the streets are paved, as already it hath been said: there be a great number of Merchants, every one hath written in a great table at his door such things as he hath to sel. In like manner every artisan painteth out his craft: the market places be large, great abundance of all things there be to be sold. The city standeth upon water, many streams run through it, the banks pitched, & so broad that they serve for streets to the cities use. Over the streams are sundry bridges both of timber & stone, which being made level with the streets, hinder not the passage of the barges too and fro, the channels are so deep. Where the streams come in and go out of the city, be certain arches in the wall, there go in and out their Parai, Parai. that is a kind of barges they have, & that in the day time only: at night these arches are closed up with gates, so do they shut up all the gates of the City. These streams and barges do ennoblish very much the City, and make it as it were to seem another Venice. The buildings are even, well made, high, not lofted, except it be some wherein merchandise is laid. It is a world to see how great these cities are, and the cause is, for that the houses are built even, as I have said, & do take a great deal of room. One thing we see in this city that made us all to wonder, and is worthy to be noted: namely, over a porch at the coming in to one of the aforesaid 4. houses, which the king hath in every shire for his governors, as I have erst said● standeth a tower built upon 40. pillars, each one whereof is but one stone, each one 40. handfuls or spans long: in breadth or compass 12, as many of us did measure them. Besides this● their greatness is such in one piece, that it might seem impossible to work them: they be moreover cornered, and in colour, length and breadth so like, that the one nothing differeth from the other. This thing made us all to wonder very much. We are wont to call this country China, and the people Chineans, but as long as we were prisoners, not hearing amongst them at any time that name, I determined to learn how they were called: and asked sometimes by them thereof, for that they understood us not when we called them Chineans, I answered them, that all the inhabitants of India named them Chineans, wherefore I prayed them that they would tell me, for what occasion they are so called, whether peradventure any city of there's bore that name. Hereunto they always answered me, that they have no such name, nor ever had. Then did I ask them what name the whole Country beareth, & what they would answer being asked of other nations what countrymen they were? It was told me that of ancient time in this country had been many kings, & though presently it were all under one, each kingdom nevertheless enjoyed that name it first had, these kingdoms are the provinces I spoke of before. In conclusion they said, that the whole country is called Tamen, Tamen the proper name of China. & the inhabitants Tamegines, so that this name China or Chineans, is not herded of in that country. I think that the nearness of another province thereabout called Cochinchina, & the inhabitants thereof Cochinesses, first discovered before China was, lying not far from Malacca, did give occasion to each of the nations, of that name Chineans, as also the whole country to be named China. But their proper name is that aforesaid. I have herded moreover that in the City of Nanquim re●aineth a table of gold, and in it written a king's name, as a memory of that residence the kings were wont to keep there. This table standeth in a great palace, covered always, except it be on some of their festival days, at what time they are wont to let it be seen, covered nevertheless as it is, all the nobility of the City going of duty to do it every day reverence. The like is done in the head Cities of all the other shires in the palaces of the Ponchiassini, wherein these aforesaid tables do stand with the kings name written in them, although no reverence be done thereunto but in solemn feasts. Poch●n, o●, Pachin. I have likewise understood that the City Pachin, where the king maketh his abode, is so great, that to go from one side to the other, besides the Suburbs, the which are greater than the City itself, it requireth one whole day a horseback, going hackney pace. In the suburbs be many wealth merchants of all sorts. They told me furthermore that it was moted about, and in the motes great store of fish, whereof the king maketh great gains. Their enemies. It was also told me that the king of China had no king to wage battle withal, besides the Tartars, with whom he had concluded a peace more than 80. years ago. Nevertheless their friendship was not so great, that the one nation might marry with the other. Marriage of the ki●●s children. And demanding with whom they married, they said, that in old time the Chinish kings when they would marry their daughters, accustomed to make a solemn feast, whereunto came all sorts of men. The daughter that was to be married, stood in a place where she might see them all, and look whom she liked best, him did she choose to husband, and if happily he were of a base condition, he become by and by a gentleman: but this custom hath been left long since. Now a days the king marrieth his daughters at his own pleasure, with great men of the kingdom: the like order he observeth in the marriage of his sons. They have moreover one thing very good, and that which made us all to marvel at them being Gentiles: namely, that there be hospitals in all their Cities, always full of people, we never see any poor body beg. 〈◊〉 speaketh 〈◊〉 ●re of all 〈◊〉 but o● 〈…〉 s, for 〈…〉 places 〈◊〉 beg 〈◊〉. ●s 〈…〉 ready 〈◊〉 ming 〈◊〉 of trees. We therefore asked the cause of this: answered it was, that in every City there is a great circuit, wherein be many houses for poor people, for blind, lame, old folk, not able to travail for age, nor having any other means to live. These folk have in the aforesaid houses ever plenty of rice during their lives, but nothing else. Such as be received into these houses, come in after this manner. When one is sick, blind or lame, he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassis, and proving that to be true he writeth, he remains in the aforesaid great lodging as long as he liveth: besides this they keep in these places swine and hens, whereby the poor be relieved without going a begging. I said before that China was full of rivers, but now I mind to confirm the same anew: for the farther we went into the Country, the greater we found the rivers. Sometimes we were so far off from the sea, that where we came no sea fish had been seen, and salt was there very dear, of fresh water fish yet was there great abundance, and that fish very good: they keep it good after this manner. Where the rivers do meet, and so pass into the sea, there lieth great store of boats, specially where no salt-water cometh, and that in March and April. These boats are so many that it seemeth wonderful, ne serve they for other then to take small fish. By the rivers sides they make leyres of fine and strong nets, that lie three handfuls under water, and one above ●o keep and nourish their fish in, until such time as other fishers do come with boats, bringing for that purpose certain great chests lined with paper, able to hold water, wherein they carry their fish up and down the river, every day renewing the chest with fresh water, and selling their fish in every City, town and village where they pass, unto the people as they need it: most of them have net leyres to keep fish in always for their provision. Where the greater boats cannot pass any further forward, they take lesser, and because the whole Country is very well watered, there is so great plenty of divers sorts of fish, that it is wonderful to see: assuredly we were amazed to behold the manner of their provision. Their fish is chief nourished with the ●●ng of Bufles and oxen, 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉. that greatly fatteth it. Although I said their fishing to be in March and April at what time we see them do it, nevertheless they told us that they fished at all times, for that usually they do feed on fish, wherefore it behoveth them to make their provision continually. He speaketh of Fuquien shire. When we had passed Fuquien, we went into Quicin shire, where the fine clay vessel is made, as I said before: and we came to a City, the one side whereof is built upon the foot of a hill, whereby passeth a river navigable: there we took boat, and went by water toward the Sea: on each side of the river we found many Cities, Towns and villages, wherein we see great store of merchandise, but specially of fine clay: there did we land by the way to buy victuals and other necessaries. Going down this river Southward, we were glad that we drawn near unto a warmer Country, from whence we had been far distant: this Country we passed through in eight days, for our journey lay down the stream. Before that I do say any thing of that shire we came into, I will first speak of the great City of Quicin, wherein always remains a Tutan, that is a governor, as you have seen, though some Tutans do govern two or three shires. That Tutan that was condemned for our cause, of whom I spoke before, was born in this Country, but he governed Foquien shire: nothing it availed him to be so great an officer. This Country is so great, that in many places where we went, there had been as yet no talk of his death, although he were executed a whole year before. At the City Quanche whither we came, Alàs Ce●●bi. the river was so great that it seemed a Sea, though it were so little where we took water, that we needed small boats. One day about 9 of the clock, beginning to row near the walls with the stream, we came at noon to a bridge made of many barges, overlinked all together with two mighty chains. There stayed we until it was late, but we see not one go either up thereon or down, except two Louteas that about the going down of the Sun, came and set them down there, the one on one side, the other on the other side. Then was the bridge opened in many places, and barges both great and small to the number of six hundred began to pass: those that went up the stream at one place, such as came down at an other. When all had thus sh●t the bridge, than was it shut up again. We hear say that every day they take this order in all principal places of merchandise, for paying of the Custom unto the king, specially for salt, whereof the greatest revenues are made that the king hath in this Country. The King's reserved. The passages of the bridge where it is opened, be so near the shore, that nothing can pass without touching the same. To stay the barges at their pleasure, that they go no further forward, are used certain iron instruments. The bridge consists of 112. barges, there stayed we until the evening that they were opened, lothsomely oppressed by the multitude of people that came to see us, so many in number, that we were enforced to go aside from the bank until such time as the bridge was opened: howbeit we were nevertheless thronged about with many boats full of people. And though in other Cities and places where we went, the people came so importunate upon us, that it was needful to withdraw ourselves: yet were we here much more molested for the number of people: & this bridge is the principal way out of the City unto another place so well inhabited, that were it walled about● they might be compared to the City. When we had shot the bridge, we kept along the City until it was night, and then met we with an other river that joined with this, we rowed up that by the walls until we came to another bridge gallantly made of barges, but lesser a great deal then that other bridge over the greater stream: here stayed we that night, and other two days with more quiet, being out of the press of the people. These rivers do meet without at one corner point of the City. In either of them were so many barges great and small, that we all thought them at the lest to be above three thousand: the greater number thereof was in the lesser river, where we were. Among the rest here lay certain greater vessels, called in their language Parai, Parai. that serve for the Tutan, when he taketh his voyage by other rivers that join with this, towards Pachin, where the king maketh his abode. For, as many times I have erst said, all this Country is full of rivers. Desirous to see those Parai we got into some of them, where we found some chambers set forth with gilded beds very richly, other furnished with tables and seats, and all other things so neat and in perfection, that it was wonderful. Quiacim shire, as far as I can perceive, lieth upon the South. On that side we kept at our first entry thereinto, travailing not far from the high mountains we see there. Ask what people dwelleth beyond those mountains, it was told me that they be thieves & men of a strange language. And because that unto sundry places near this river the mountains do approach, whence the people issuing down do many times great harm, this order is taken at the entry into Quiacim shire. To guard this river whereon continually go to & fro Parai great & small fraught with salt, fish powdered with pepper, Fish powdered with pepper. and other necessaries for that country, they do lay in divers places certain Parai, and great barges armed, wherein watch and ward is kept day and night on both sides of the river, for the safety of the passage, & security of such Parai as do remain there, though the travailers never go but many in company. In every road there be at the lest thirty, in some two hundred men, as the passage requireth. This guard is kept usually until you come to the City Onchio, where continually the Tutan of this shire, and eke of Cantan, maketh his abode. From that City upward, where the river waxeth more narrow, and the passage more dangerous, there be always armed one hundred and fifty Parai, to accompany other vessels fraught with merchandise, and all this at the King's charges. This seemed to me one of the strangest things I did see in this Country. When we lay at Fuquien, we did see certain Moors, who known so little of their se●te, that they could say nothing else but that Mahomet was a Moor, my father was a Moor, and I am a Moor, with some other words of their Alcoran, wherewithal, in abstinence from swine's flesh, they live until the devil take them all. This when I see, & being sure that in many Chinish Cities the relics of Mahomet are kept, as soon as we came to the City where these fellows be, I informed myself of them, and learned the truth. ☞ Great ships coming from the North. These Moors, as they told me, in times past came in great ships fraught with merchandise from Pachin ward, to a port granted unto them by the king, as he is wont to all them that traffic into this Country, where they being arrived at a little Town standing in the havens mouth, in time converted unto their se●t the greatest Loutea there. When that Loutea with all his family was become Moorish, the rest began likewise to do the same. In this part of China the people be at liberty, every one to worship and follow what him liketh best. Wherefore no body took heed thereto, until such time as the Moors perceiving that many followed them in superstition, and that the Loutea favoured them, they began to forbidden wholly the eating of swine's flesh. But all these countrymen and women choosing rather to forsake father and mother, then to leave off eating of pork, by no means would yield to that proclamation. For besides the great desire they all have to eat that kind of meat, many of them do live thereby: and therefore the people complained unto the Magistrates, accusing the Moors of a conspiracy pretended betwixt them and the Loutea against their king. In this country, as no suspicion, not not one traitorous word is long born withal, so was the king speedily advertised thereof, who gave commandment out of hand that the aforesaid Loutea should be put to death, and with him the Moors of most importance: the other to be laid first in prison, and afterward to be sent abroad into certain Cities, where they remained perpetual slaves unto the king. To this City came by hap men and women threescore and odd, who at this day are brought to five men and four women, for it is now twenty years since this happened. Their offspring passeth the number of two hundredth, and they in this City, as the rest in other Cities whither they were sent, have their * That is their temples. Moscheas, whereunto they all resort every Friday to keep their holy day. But, as I think, that will no longer endure, then while they do live that came from thence, for their posterity is so confused, that they have nothing of a Moor in them but abstinence from swine's flesh, and yet many of them do eat thereof privily. They tell me that their native Country hath name Camarian, a firm land, wherein be many kings, and the Indish country well known unto them. It may so be: It should seem by their voyage to be Cardandan in Ortelius. for as soon as they did see our servants (our servants were Preuzaretes) they judged them to be Indians: many of their words sounded upon the Persian tongue, but none of us could understand them. I asked them whether they converted any of the Chinish nation unto their sect: they answered me, that with much a do they converted the women with whom they do marry, yielding me no other cause thereof, but the difficulty they find in them to be brought from eating swine's flesh and drinking of wine. I am persuaded therefore, that if this Country were in league with us, forbidding them neither of both, it would be an easy matter to draw them to our Religion, from their superstition, whereat they themselves do laugh when they do their idolatry. ☞ A Northern Sea. I have learned moreover that the Sea, whereby these Moors that came to China were wont to travail, is a very great gulf, that falls into this Country out from Tartary and Persia, leaving on the other side all the Country of China, and land of the Mogores, It seemeth they came up the river from the Caspian sea. drawing always toward the South● and of all likelihood it is even so, because that these Moors, the which we have seen, be rather brown then white, whereby they show themselves to come from some warmer Country than China is near to Pachin, where the rivers are frozen in the Winter for cold, At Cacan. rivers overfrosen in China. and many of them so vehemently, that carts may pass over them. Ali Auoins Tartars. We did see in this City many Tartars, Mogores, Brames, and Laoynes, both men and women. The Tartars are men very white, good horsemen and archers, confining with China on that side where Pachin standeth, separated from thence by great mountains that are betwixt these kingdoms. Mount Vsont. Over them be certain ways to pass, and for both sides, Castles continually kept with Soldiers: in time past the Tartars were wont always to have wars with the Chineans, but these fourscore years passed they were quiet, until the second year of our imprisonment. The Mogores be in like manner white, Mogores. and heathen, we are advertised that of one side they border upon these Tartars, and confine with the Persian Tartars on the other side, whereof we saw in them some tokens, as their manner of clotheses, and that kind of hat the Saracens do wear. The Moors affirmed, that where the king lieth, there be many Tartars and Mogores, that brought into China certain blewes of great value: Blewes of great price in China. all we thought it to be Vanil of Cambaia wont to be sold at Ormus. So that this is the true situation of that Country, not in the Northparts, as many times I have herded say, confining with Germany. Brames. As for the Brames we have seen in this city Chenchi certain men & women, amongst whom there was one that came not long since, having as yet her hair tied up after the Pegues fashion: this woman, and other more with whom a black Moor damsel in our company had conference, and did understand them well enough, had dwelled in Pegu. This new come woman, imagining that we meant to make our abode in that city, bid us to be of good comfort, for that her country was not distant from thence above five days journey, and that out of her country there lay a high way for us home into our own. Being asked the way, she answered that the first three days the way lieth over certain great mountains & wilderness, afterward people are met withal again. Thence two days journey more to the Brames country. Wherefore I do conclude, that Chenchi is one of the confines of this kingdom, Southward from Chenchi to the sea. separated by certain huge mountains, as it hath been already said, that lie out towards the South. In the residue of these mountains standeth the province of Sian, the Laoyns country, Camboia, Campaa, and Cochinchina. Auoins. This city, Chenchi. chief of other sixteen, is situated in a pleasant plain abounding in all things necessary, sea-fish only excepted, for it standeth far from the sea: of fresh fish so much store, that the market places are never empty. The walls of this city are very strong and high: one day did I see the Louteas thereof go upon the walls to take the view thereof, born in their seats which I spoke of before, accompanied with a troop of horsemen that went two and two: It was told me they might have go three & three. We have seen moreover, that within this aforesaid City the king hath more than a thousand of his kin lodged in great palaces, in diverse parts of the City: their gates be red, and the entry into their houses, that they may be known, for that is the king's colour. These Gentlemen, according to their nearness in blood unto the king, as soon as they be married receive their place in honour: this place neither increaseth nor diminisheth in any respect as long as the king liveth, the king appoints them their wives and family, allowing them by the month all things necessary abundantly, as he doth to his governors of shires and Cities, howbeit, not one of these hath as long as he liveth any charge or government at all. They give themselves to eating and drinking, and be for the most part burly men of body, insomuch that espying any one of them whom we had not seen before, we might know him to be the King his cousin. They be nevertheless very pleasant, courteous, and fair conditioned: neither did we found, all the time we were in that city, so much honour and good entertainment any where as at their hands. They bid us to their houses to eat and drink, and when they found us not, or we were not willing to go with them, they bid our servants and slaves, causing them to sit down with the first. Notwithstanding the good lodging these Gentlemen have, so commodious that they want nothing, yet are they in this bondage, that during life they never go abroad. The cause, as I did understand, wherefore the king so useth his cousins is, that none of them at any time may rebel against him: and thus he shutteth them up in three or four other cities. Most of them can play on the Lute, and to make that kind of pastime peculiar unto them only, all other in the cities where they do live be forbidden that instrument, the Courtesans and blind folk only excepted, who be musicians and can play. This king furthermore, for the greater security of his Realm and the avoiding of tumults, letteth not one in all his country to be called Lord, except he be of his blood. Many great estates and governors there be, that during their office are lodged Lordlike, and do bear the port of mighty Princes: but they be so many times displaced and other placed a new, that they have not the time to become corrupt. True it is that during their office they be well provided for, as afterward also lodged at the king's charges, and in pension as long as they live, paid them monthly in the cities where they devil by certain officers appointed for that purpose. The king than is a Lord only, not one besides him as you have seen, except it be such as be of his blood. A Nephew likewise of the king, the king's sister's son, lieth continually within the walls of the city in a strong palace built Castle wise, even as his other cousins do, remaining always within doors, served by Cunuches, never dealing with any matters. On their festival days, new moons, & full moons the magistrates make great banquets, and so do such as be of the king his blood. The king's Nephew hath to name Vanfuli, his palace is walled about, the brickwall is not high but foursquare, and in circuit nothing inferior to the walls of Goa, Goa is a city of the Portugals in the East Indies. the outside is painted read, in every square a gate, and over each gate a tower made of timber excellently well wrought: before the principal gate of the four that openeth into the high street no Loutea, be he never so great, may pass on horseback, or carried in his seat. Amid this quadrangle standeth the palace where that Nobleman lieth, doubtless worth the sight, although we came not in to see it. By report the roofs of the towers and house are glazed green, & the greater part of the quadrangle set with savage trees, as Okes, Chestnuts, Cypress, Pineapples, Cedars, and other such like that we do want, after the manner of a wood, wherein are kept Stags, Oren, and other beasts, for that Lord his recreation never going abroad as I have said. One pre-eminence this city hath above the rest where we have been, & that of right, as we do think, that besides the multitude of market places wherein all things are to be sold through every ●●ree●e continually are cried all things necessary, as flesh of all sorts, freshfish, herbs, oil, vinegar, meat, rise: in summa, all things so plentifully, that many houses need no servants, every thing being brought ●o their doors. Most part of the merchants remain in the surburbes, for that the cities are shut up every night, as I have said. The merchants therefore, the better to attend their business, do choose rather to make their abode without in the suburbs then within the city. I have seen in this river a pretty kind of fishing, not to be omitted in my opinion, and therefore I will set it down. The king hath in many rivers good store of barges full of sea-crowes that breed, Odericus writeth of the like. are fed, and do die therein, in certain cages, allowed monthly a certain provision of rise. These barges the king bestoweth upon his greatest magistrates, giving to some two, to some three of them as he thinketh good, to ●ish therewithal after this manner. At the hour appointed to fish, all the barges are brought together in a circle, where the river is shallow, and the crows tied together under the wings are let leap down into the water, some under, some above, worth the looking upon: each one, as he hath filled his bag, goeth to his own barge and emptieth it, which done, he returns to fish again. Thus having taken good store of fish, they set the crows at liberty, and do suffer them to fish for their own pleasure. There were in that city where I was, twenty barges at the lest of these aforesaid crows. I went almost every day to see them, yet could I never be thoroughly satisfied to see so strange a kind of fishing. Of the Island japan, and other little Isles in the East Ocean. By R. wills. THe extreme part of the known world unto us in the noble Island Giapan, written otherwise japon and japan. This Island standeth ●n the East Ocean, beyond all Asia, betwixt Cathayo and the West Indies six and thirty degrees Northward from the Equinoctial line, in the same clime with the South part of Spain and Portugal, distant from thence by sea six thousand leagues: the travail thither, both for civil discord, great piracy, and often ship wracks is very dangerous. This country is ●illie and pestered with snow, wherefore it is neither so warm as Portugal, nor yet so wealth, as far as we can learn, wanting oil, butter, cheese, milk, eggs, sugar, honey, vinegar, saffron, cinnamon and pepper. Barley-branne the Islanders do use in stead of salt: medicinable things wholesome for the body have they none at all. Nevertheless in that Island sundry fruits do grow, not much unlike the fruits of Spain: Great store of ●ner mines. and great store of Silver mines are therein to be seen. The people are tractable, civil, witty, courteous, without deceit, in virtue and honest conversation exceeding all other nations lately discovered, but so much standing upon their reputation, that their chief Idol may be thought honour. The contempt thereof causeth among them much discord and debate, manslaughter and murder: even for their reputation they do honour their parents, keep their promises, abstain from adultery and robberies, punishing by death the lest robbery done, holding for a principle, that whosoever stealeth a trifle, will, if he see occasion, steal a greater thing. It may be theft is so severely punished of them, for that the nation is oppressed with scarcity of all things necessary, and so poor, that even for misery they strangle their own children, preferring death before want. These fellows do neither eat nor kill any foul. They live chiefly by fish, herbs, and fruits, so healthfully, that they die very old. Of Rice and Wheat there is no great store. No man is ashamed there of his poverty, neither be their gentlemen therefore less honoured of the meaner people, neither will the poorest gentleman there match his child with the base sort for any gain, so much they do make more account of gentry then of wealth. The greatest delight they have is in armour, each boy at fourteen years of age, be he born gentle or otherwise, hath his sword and dagger: very good archers they be, contemning all other nations in comparison of their manhood and prowess, putting not up one injury be it never so small in word or deed, among themselves. They feed moderately, but they drink largely. The use of vines they know not, their drink they make of Rice, utterly they do abhor dices, and all games, accounting nothing more vile in a man, then to give himself unto those things that make us greedy and desirous to get other men's goods. If at any time they do swear, for that seldom they are wont to do, they swear by the Sun: many of them are taught good letters, wherefore they may so much the sooner be brought unto Christianity. Each one is contented with one wife: they be all desirous to learn, & naturally inclined unto honesty & courtesy: godly talk they listen unto willingly, especially when they understand it thoroughly. Their government consists of 3 estates. The first place is due unto the high Priest, by whose laws & decrees all public and private matters appertaining to religion are decided. The sects of their clergy men, whom they do call Bonzi, be of no estimation or authority except the high Priest by letters patent do confirm the same: be confirmeth and alloweth of their Tundi, who be as it were Bishops, although in many places they are nominated by sundry Princes. These Tundi are greatly honoured of all sorts: they do give benefices unto inferior ministers, and do grant licences for many things as to eat flesh upon those days they go in pilgrimage to their Idols with such like privileges. Finally, this high Priest wont to be choose in China for his wisdom and learning, made in japan for his gentry and birth, hath so large a Dominion and revenues so great, that eftsoon he beardeth the perie Kings and Princes there. Their second principal Magistrate, in their language Vo, is the chief Herehaught, made by succession and birth, honoured as a God. This Gentleman never toucheth the ground with his foot without for fa●ing of his office, he never goeth abroad out of his house, nor is at all times to be seen. At home he is either carried about in a litter, or else he goeth in wooden Chopines a foot high from the ground: commonly he si●teth in his chair with a sword in one side, and a bow and arrows in the other, next his body he weareth black, his outward garments be read, all shadowed over with Cypress, at his cap hung certain Lambeaur much like unto a Bishop's Mitre, his forehead is painted white and read, he eateth his meat in earthen dishes. This Herehaught determineth in all japan the diverse titles of honour, whereof in that Island is great plenty, each one particularly known by his badge, commonly seen in sealing up their letters, and daily altered according to their degrees. About this Vo every Noble man hath his Solicitor, for the nation is so desirous of praise and honour, that they strive among themselves who may bribe him best. By these means the Herehaught groweth so rich, that although he have neither land nor any revenues otherwise, yet may he be accounted the wealthiest man in all japan. For three causes this great Magistrate may lose his office: first, if he touch the ground with his foot, as it hath been already said: next, if he kill any body: thirdly, if he be found an enemy unto peace and quietness, howbeit neither of these aforesaid causes is sufficient to put him to death. Their third chief officer is a judge, his office is to take up and to end matters in controversy, to determine of wars and peace, that which he thinketh right, to punish reliefs, wherein he may command the noble men to assist him upon pain of forfeiting their goods: nevertheless at all times he is not obeyed, for that many matters are ended rather by might and arms, then determined by law. Other controversies are decided either in the Temporal Court, as it seemeth good unto the Princes, or in the Spiritual consistory before the Tundi. Rebels are executed in this manner, especially if they be noble men or officers. The king look what day he giveth sentence against any one, the same day the party, wheresoever he be, is advertised thereof● and the day told him of his execution. The condemned person asketh of the messenger whether it may be lawful for him to kill himself: the which thing when the king doth grant, the party taking it for an honour, putteth on his best apparel and lancing his body a cross from the breast down all the belly, murdereth himself. This kind of death they take to be without infamy, neither do their children for their father's crime so punished, lose their goods. But if the king reserve them to be executed by the hangman, then flocketh be together his children, his servants, and friends home to his house, to preserve his life by force. The king committeth the fetching of him out unto his chief Judge, who first setteth upon him with bow and arrows, and afterward with pikes and swords, until the rebel and all his family be slain to their perpetual ignominy and shame. The Indie-writers make mention of sundry great cities in this Island, as Cangoxima a haven town in the South part thereof, and Meaco distant from thence three hundred leagues northward, the royal seat of the king and most wealth of all other towns in that Island. The people thereabouts are very noble, and their language the best japonish. In Meaco are said to be ninety thousand houses inhabited and upward, a famous University, and in it five principal Colleges, besides closes & cloisters of Bonzi, Leguixil, and Hamacata, that is, Priests, Monks and Nuns. Other five notable Universities there be in japan, namely, Coia, Negur, Homi, Frenoi, and Bandu. The first four have in them at the lest three thousand & five hundred scholars: in the fift are many more. For Bandu province is very great and possessed with six princes, five whereof are vassals unto the sixt, yet he himself subject unto the japonish king, usually called the great king of Meaco: lesser schools there be many in divers places of this Island. And thus much specially concerning this glorious Island, among so many barbarous nations and rude regions, have I gathered together in one sum, out of sundry letters written from thence into Europe, by no less faithful reporters than famous travelers. For confirmation whereof, as also for the knowledge of other things not contained in the primisses, the curious readers may peruse these 4 volumes of Indian matters written long ago in Italian, and of late compendiously made latin, by Petrus Maffeius my old acquainted friend, entituling the same, De rebus japonicis. Petrus Maffeius de rebus japonicis. One whole letter out of the fift book thereof, specially entreating of that country. I have done into English word for word in such wise as followeth. Aloisius Froes to his companions in jesus Christ that remain in China and India. THe last year, dear brethren, I written unto you from Firando, how Cosmus Turrianus had appointed me to travail to Meaco to help Gaspar Vilela, for that there the harvest was great, the labourers few, and that I should have for my companion in that journey Aloisius Almeida. It seemeth now my part, having by the help of God ended so long a voyage, to signify unto you by letter such things specially as I might think you would most delight to know. And because at the beginning Almeida and I so parted the whole labour of writing letters betwixt us. that he should speak of our voyage, and such things as happened therein, I should make relation of the Meachians estate, & writ what I could well learn of the japans manners and conditions: setting aside all discourses of our voyage, that which standeth me upon ● will discharge in this Epistle, that you considering how artificially, how cunningly, under the pretext of religion, that crafty adversary of mankind leadeth and draweth unto perdition the japanish minds, blinded with many superstitions and ceremonies, may the more pity this Nation. The inhabiters of japan, as men that never had greatly to do with other Nations, in their Geography divided the whole world into three parts, japan, Sian, and China. And albeit the japans received out of Sian and China their superstitions and cermonies, yet do they nevertheless contemn all other nations in comparison of themselves, and standing in their own conceit do far prefer themselves before all other sorts of people in wisdom and policy. Touching the situation of the country and nature of the soil, unto the things estsooneserst written, this one thing I will add: in these islands, the summer to be most hot, the winter extreme cold. In the kingdom of Canga, as we call it, falls so much snow, that the houses being buried in it, the inhabitants keep within doors certain months of the year, having no way to come forth except they break up the tiles. Whirlwinds most vehement, earthquakes so common, that the japans dread such kind of fears little or nothing at all. The country is full of silver mine's otherwise barren, not so much by fault of nature, as through the slothfulness of the inhabitants: howbeit Oxen they keep and that for tillage sake only. The air is wholesome, the waters good, the people very fair and well bodied: bate headed commonly they go, procuring baldness with sorrow and tears, eft 'zounds rooting up with pinsars all the hair of their heads as it groweth, except it be a little behind, the which they knot and keep with all diligence. Even from their childhood they wear daggers and swords, the which they use to lay under their pillows when they go to bed: in show courteous and affable, in deed haughty and proud. They delight most in warlike affairs, and their greatest study is arms. Man's apparel diversely colovered is worn down half the legs and to the elbows: women's attire made handsomely like unto a vail, is somewhat longer: all manner of dicing and these they do eschew. The machant, although he be wealth, is not accounted of. Gentlemen, be they never so poor, retain their place: most precisely they stand upon their honour and worthiness, ceremoniously striving among themselves in courtesies and fair speeches. Wherein if any one happily be less careful than he should be, even for a trifle many times he getteth evil will. Want, though it trouble most of them, so much they do detest, that poor men cruelly taking pity of their infants newly home, especially girls, do many times with their own feet strangle them. Noble men, and other likewise of meaner calling generally have but one wife a piece, by whom although they have issue, yet for a trifle they divorce themselves from their wives, and the wives also sometimes from their husbands, to marry with others. After the second degree cousins may there lawfully marry. Adoption of other men's children is much used among them. In great towns most men and women can writ and read. This Nation feedeth sparingly, their usual meat is rice and salads, and near the sea side fish. They feast one another many times, wherein they use great diligence, especially in drinking one to another, insomuch that the better sort, lest they might rudely commit some fault therein, do use to read certain books written of duties and ceremonies appertaining unto banquets. To be delicate and fine, they put their meat into their mouths with little forks, accounting it great rudeness to touch it with their fingers: winter & summer they drink water as hot as they may possibly abide it. Their houses are in danger of fire, but finely made and clean, laid all over with strawe-pallets, whereupon they do both sit in stead of stools, and lie in their clotheses with billets under their heads. For fear of defiling these pallets, they go either barefoot within doors, or wear straw pantofles on their buskins when they come abroad, the which they lay aside at their return home again. Gentlemen for the most part do pass the night in banqueting, music, & vain discourses, they sleep the day time. In Meaco and Sacaio there is good store of beds, but they be very little, and may be compared unto our pues. In bringing up their children they use words only to rebuke them, admonishing as diligently and advisedly boy's of six or seven years of age, as though they were old men. They are given very much to entertain strangers, of whom most curiously they love to ask even in trifles what for rain nations do, and their fashions. Such arguments and reasons as be manifest, and are made plain with examples, do greatly persuade them. They detest all kind of theft, whosoever is taken in that fault may be slain freely of any body. Not public prisons, no common gayles, no ordinary justicers: privately each householder hath the hearing of matters at home in his own house, and the punishing of greater crimes that deserve death without delay. Thus usually the people is kept in awe and fear. About four hundred years past (as in their old records we find) all japan was subject unto one Emperor whose royal seat was Meaco, in the japonish language called Cubucama. But the nobility rebelling against him, by little and little have taken away the greatest part of his dominion, howbeit his title continually remaineth and the residue in some respect dor make great account of him still, acknowledging him for their superior. Thus the Empire of japan, in times passed but one alone, is now divided into sixty six kingdoms, the only cause of civil wars continually in that Island, to no small hindrance of the Gospel, whilst the kings that devil near together invade one another, each one coveting to make his kingdom greater. Furthermore in the city Meaco is the palace of the high Priest, whom that nation honoureth as a God, he hath in his house 366 Idols, one whereof by course is every night set by his side for a watchman. He is thought of the common people so holy, that it may not be lawful for him to go upon the earth: if happily he do set one foot to the ground, he loses his office. He is not served very sumptuously he is maintained by alms. But his alms are very good. The heads and beards of his ministers are shaven, they have name Cangues, and their authority is great throughout all japan. The Cubucama useth them for Ambassadors to decide controversies betwixt princes and to end their wa●tes, whereof they were wont to make very great gain. It is now two years since or there about, that one of them came to Bungo, to entreat of peace betwixt the king thereof and the king of Amanguzzo. This Agent favouring the king of Bungo his cause more than the other, brought to pass that the foresaid king of Bungo should keep two kingdoms, the which he had taken in wars from the king of Amanguzzo. Wherefore he had for his reward of the king of Bungo above 30000 ducats. And thus far hereof. I come now to other superstitions and ceremonies, that you may see, dear brethren, that which I said in the beginning, how subtly the devil hath deceived the japonish nation, and how diligent and ready they be to obey & worship him. And first, all remembrance and knowledge not only of Christ our Redeemer, but also of that one God the maker of all things is clean extinguished and utterly abolished out of the japans hearts. Moreover their superstitious sects are many, whereas it is lawful for each one to follow that which liketh him best: but the principal sects are two, namely the Amidans and Xacaians. Wherefore in this country shall you see many monasteries, not only of Bonzii men, but also of Bonziae women diversly attired, for some do we are white under, and black upper garments, other go appareled in ash colour, and their Idol hath to name Denichi: from these the Amidanes differ very much. Again the men Bonzii for the most part devil in sumptuous houses, and have great revenues. These fellows are chaste by commandment, marry they may not upon pain of death. In the midst of their Temple is erected an altar, whereon standeth a wooden Idol of Amida, naked from the girdle upward, with holes in his ears after the manner of Italian gentlewomen sitting on a wooden rose goodly to behold. They have great libraries, and halls for them all to dine and sup together, and bells wherewith they are at certain hours called to prayers. In the evening the superintendant giveth each one a theme for meditation. After midnight before the altar in their Temple they do say Matins as it were out of Xaca his last book, one quire one verse, the other quire an other. Early in the morning each one giveth himself to meditation one hour: they shave their heads and beards. Their cloisters be very large, and within the precinct thereof, Chapels of the Fotoquiens, for by that name some of the japanish Saints are called: their holy days yearly be very many. Most of these Bonzii be gentlemen, for that the japanish nobility charged with many children, use to make most of them Bonzii, not being able to leave for each one a partrimony good enough. The Bonzii most covetously bend, know all the ways how to come by money. They cell unto the people many scrolls of paper, by the help whereof the common people thinketh itself warranted from all power of the devils. They borrow likewise money to be repaid with great usury in an other world, giving by obligation unto the lender an assurance thereof, the which departing out of this life he may carry with him to hell. Inambuxu. There is another great company of such as are called Inambuxu, with curled and staring hair. They make profession to find out again things either lost or stolen, after this sort. They set before them a child whom the devil invadeth, called up thither by charms: of that child then do they ask that which they are desirous to know. These men's prayers both good and bad are thought greatly to prevail, insomuch that both their blessings and their curses they cell unto the people. The novices of this order, before they be admitted, go together two or three thousand in a company, up a certain high mountain to do penance there, three score days voluntarily punishing themselves. In this time the devil showeth himself unto them in sundry shapes: and they like young graduals, admitted as it were fellows into some certain company, are set forth with white ●assels hanging about their necks, and black Bonnets that scarcely cover any more than the crown of their heads. Thus attired they range abroad in all japan, to set out themselves and their cunning to sale, each one beating his basin which he carrieth always about with him, to give notice of their coming in all towns where they pass. Genguis. There is also an other sort called Genguis, that make profession to show by soothsaying where stolen things are, and who were the thieves. These devil in the top of an high mountain, black in the face: for the continual heat of the sun, for the cold winds, and rains they do continually endure. They marry but in their own tribe and line: the report goeth that they be horned beasts. They climb up most high rocks and hills, and go over very great rivers by the only art of the devil, who to bring those wretch's the more into error, biddeth them to go up a certain high mountain, where they stand miserably gazing and earnestly looking for him as long as the devil appoints them. At the length at nonetide or in the evening cometh that devil, whom they call Amida among them to show himself unto them: this show breeds in the brains and hearts of men such a kind of superstition, that it can by no means be rooted out of them afterward. The devil was wont also in another mountain to show himself unto the japanish Nation. Who so was more desirous than other to go to heaven and to enjoy Paradise, thither went he to see that sight, and having seen the devil followed him (so by the devil persuaded) into a den until he came to a deep pit. Into this pit the devil was wont to leap, and to take with him his worshipper whom he there murdered. This deceit was thus perceived. An old man blinded with this superstition, was by his son dissuaded from thence, but all in vain. Wherefore his son followed him privily into that den with his bow & arrows, where the devil gallantly appeared unto him in the shape of a man. Whilst the old man falls down to worship the devil, his son speedily shooting an arrow at the spirit so appearing, struck a Fox in stead of a man, so suddenly was that shape altered. This old man his son tracking the Fox so running away, came to that pit whereof I spoke, and in the bottom thereof he found many bones of dead men, deceived by the devil after that sort in time past. Thus delivered he his father from present death, and all other from so pestilent an opinion. There is furthermore a place bearing name Coia, very famous for the multitude of Abbeys which the Bonzii have therein. The beginner and founder whereof is thought to be one Combendaxis a subtle crafty fellow, that got the name of holiness by cunning speech, although the laws and ordinances he made were altogether devilish: he is said to have found out the japanish letters used at this day. In his latter years this Sim subtle buried himself in a four square grave, four cubits deep, severely forbidding it to be opened, for that then he died not, but rested his body wearied with continual business, until many thousand thousand of years were passed, after the which time a great learned man named Mirozu should come into japan, and then would he rise up out of his grave again. About his tomb many lamps are lighted, sent thither out of diverse provinces, for that the people are persuaded that whosoever is liberal and beneficial towards the beautifying of that monument, shall not only increase in wealth in this world, but in the life to come be safe through Combendaxis help. Such as give themselves to worship him, live in those Monasteries or Abbeys with shaven heads, as though they had forsaken all secular matters, whereas in deed they wallow in all sorts of wickedness and lust. In these houses, the which are many (as I said) in number, do remain 6000 Bonzii, or thereabouts besides the multitude of lay men, women be restrained from thence upon pain of death. Another company of Bonzii dwelleth at Fatonochaiti. They teach a great multitude of children all tricks & sleights of guile & theft: whom they do found to be of great towardness, those do they instruct in all the petigrues of princes, and fashions of the nobility, in chivalry and eloquence, and so sand them abroad into other provinces, attired like young princes, to this end, that feigning themselves to be nobly born, they may with great sums of money borrowed under the colour and pretence of nobility return again. Wherefore this place is so infamous in all japan, that if any scholar of that order be happily taken abroad, he incontinently dieth for it. Nevertheless these cousiners leave not daily to use their wonted wickedness and knavery. North from japan, three hundred leagues out of Meaco, A warlike people 300 leagues to the North of Meaco. lieth a great country of savage men clothed in beasts skins, rough bodied, with huge beards and monstrous muchaches, the which they hold up with little forks as they drink. These people are great drinkers of wine, fierce in wars, and much feared of the japans: being hurt in fight, they wash their wounds with salt water, other Surgery have they none. In their breasts they are said to carry looking glasses: their sword they tie to their heads, in such wise, that the handle do rest upon their shoulders. Service and ceremonies have they none at all, only they are wont to worship heaven. To Aquita a great town in that japonish kingdom, which we call Gevano, they much resort for merchandise, and the Aquitanes likewise do travel into their country, howbeit not often, for that there many of them are slain by the inhabiters. Much more concerning this matter I had to writ: The japanish funerals. but to avoid tediousness I will come to speak of the japans madness again, who most desirous of vain glory do think then specially to get immortal fame, when they procure themselves to be most sumptuously and solemnly buried: their burials and obsequys in the city Meaco are done after this manner. About one hour before the dead body be brought forth, a great multitude of his friends appareled in their best array go before unto the fire, with them go their kinswomen and such as be of their acquaintance, clothed in white (for that is the mourning colour there) with a changeable coloured vail on their heads. Each woman hath with her also, according to her ability, all her family trimmed up in white mockado: the better sort and wealthier women go in litters of Cedar artificially wrought and richly dressed. In the second place marcheth a great company of footmen sumptuously appareled. Then afar off cometh one of these Bonzii master of the ceremonies for that superstition, bravely clad in silks and gold, in a large and high litter excellently well wrought, accompanied with 30 other Bonzii or thereabouts, wearing hats, linen albes, and fine black upper garments. Then attired in ash colour (for this colour also is mourning) with a long torch of Pineaple, he showeth the dead body the way unto the fire, jest it either stumble or ignorantly go out of the way. Well near 200 Bonzii follow him singing the name of that devil the which the party deceased chief did worship in his life time, and there withal a very great basin is beaten even to the place of fire in stead of a well. Then follow two great paper baskets hanged open at staves ends full of paper roses diversly coloured, such as bear them do march but slowly, shaking ever now and then their staves, that the aforesaid flowers may fall down by little and little as it were drops of rain: and be whirled about with wound. This shower say they is an argument that the soul of the dead man is go to paradise. After all this, eight beardless Bonzii orderly two and two drag after them on the ground long spears, the points backward, with flags of one cubit a piece, wherein the name also of that idol is written. Then there be carried 10 lanterns trimmed with the former inscription, overcast with a fine vail, and candles burning in them. Besides this, two young men clothed in ash colour bear pineaple torches, not lighted, of three foot length, They burn● their dead. the which torches serve to kindle the fire wherein the dead corpses is to be burned. In the same colour follow many other that wear on the crowns of their heads fair, little, three square, black lethrens caps tied fast under their chins (for that is honourable amongst them) with papers on their heads, wherein the name of the devil I spoke of, is written. And to make it the more solemn, after cometh a man with a table one cubit long, one foot broad, courred with a very fine white vail, in both sides whereof is written in golden letters the aforesaid name. At the length by four men is brought forth the corpse sitting in a gorgeous litter clothed in white, hanging down his head and holding his hands together like one that prayed: to the rest of his apparel may you add an upper gown of paper, written full of that book the which his God is said to have made, when he lived in the world, by whose help and merits commonly they do think to be saved. The dead man his children come next after him most gallantly set forth, the youngest whereof carrieth likewise a pineaple torch to kindle the fire. Last of all followeth a great number of people in such caps as I erst spoke of. When they are all come to the place appointed for the obsequy, all the Bonzii with the whole multitude for the space of one hour, beating pans and basons with great clamours, call upon the name of that devil, the which being ended, the Obsequy is done in this manner. In the midst of a great quadrangle railed about, hanged with course linen, and agreeably unto the four parts of the world made with four gates to go in and out at, is digged a hole: in the hole is laid good store of wood, whereon is raised gallantly a waved roof: before that stand two tables furnished with divers kinds of meats, especially dry Figs, Pomegranates and Tarts good store, but neither Fish nor Flesh: upon one of them standeth also a chaffer with coals, and in it sweet wood to make perfumes. When all this is ready, the cord wherewith the litter was carried, is thrown by a long rope into the fire: as many as are present strive to take the rope in their hands, using their aforesaid clamours, which done, they go in procession as it were round about the quadrangle thrice. Then setting the litter on the wood built up ready for the fire that Bonzius who then is master of the ceremonies, saith a verse that no body there understandeth, whirling thrice about over his head a torch lighted, to signify thereby that the soul of the dead man had neither any beginning, n● shall have at any time an end, and throweth away the torch. Two of the dead man his children, or of his near kin, take it up again, and standing one at the East side of the litter, the other at the West, do for honour and reverence reach it to each other thrice over the dead corpse, and so cast it into the pile of wood: by and by they throw in oil, sweet wood, and other perfumes, accordingly as they have plenty, and so with a great flame bring the corpses to ashes: his children in the mean while putting sweet wood into the chaffer at the table with odours, do solemnly and religiously worship their father as a Saint: which being done, the Bonzii are paid each one in his degree. The master of the ceremonies hath for his part five ducats, sometimes ten, sometimes twenty, the rest have teen Iul●es a piece, or else a certain number of other presents called Caxae. The meat that was ordained, as soon as the dead corpse friends and all the Bonzii are go, is left for such as served at the obsequy, for the poor and impotent lazars. The next day return to the place of obsequy the dead man his children, his kindred and friends, who gathering up his ashes, bones, and teeth, do put them in a gilded pot, and so carry them home, to be set up in the same pot covered with clot, in the midst of their houses. Many Bonzii return likewise to these private funerals, and so do they again the seventh day: then carry they out the ashes to be buried in a place appointed, laying thereupon a four square stone, wherein is written in great letters drawn all the length of the stone, the name of that devil the which the dead man worshipped in his life time. Every day afterward his children resort unto the grave with roses and warm water that the dead corpse thirst not. Nor the seventh day only, but the seventh month and year, within their own houses they renew this obsequy, to no small commodities and gain of the Bonzii: great rich men do spend in these their funerals 3000 ducats or thereabouts, the meaner sort two or three hundred. Such as for poverty be not able to go to that charges, are in the night time dark long without all pomp and ceremonies buried in a dunghill. They have another kind of burial, especially near the Sea side, for them that be not yet dead. These fellows are such, as having religiously with much devotion worshipped Amida, now desirous to see him, do slay themselves. And first they go certain days begging alms, the which they thrust into their sleeves, then preach they in public a sermon unto the people, declaring what they mind to do, with the great good liking of all such as do hear them: for every body wondereth at such a kind of holiness. Then take they hooks to cut down briers and thorns that might hinder them in their way to heaven, and so embark themselves in a new vessel, tying great stones about their necks, arms, ●oines, thighs, and feet: thus they launching out into the main Sea be either drowned there, their ship bouged for that purpose, or else do cast themselves overboard headlong into the Sea. The empty bark is out of hand set a fire for honour's sake by their friends that follow them in another boat of their own, thinking it blasphemy that any mortal creature should afterward once touch the bark that had been so religiously hallowed. Truly when we went to Meaco, eight days before we came to the isle of Hiu at Fore town, six men and two women so died. To all such as die so the people erecteth a Chapel, and to each of them a pillar and a pole made of Pineaple for a perpetual monument, hanging up many shreds of paper in sticks all the roof over, with many verses set down in the walls in commendation of that blessed company. Wherefore unto this place both day and night many come very superstitiously in pilgrimage. It happened even then as Aloisius Almeida and I went to christian a child we travailed that way at what time four or five old women came forth out of the aforesaid chapel with beads in their hands (for in this point also the devil counterfaiteth Christianity) who partly scorned at us for folly, partly frowned and taunted at our small devotion, for passing by that holy monument without any reverence or worship done thereunto at all. It remains now we speak two or three words of those Sermons the Bonzii are wont to make, not so many as ours in number, but assuredly very well provided for. The Pulpit is erected in a great temple with a silk Canopy over it, therein standeth a costly seat, before the seat a table with a bell and a book. At the hour of Sermon each sec● of the japans resorteth to their own doctors in divers Temples. Up goeth the doctor into the Pulpit, and being set down, after that he hath lordlike looked him about, signifieth silence with his bell, and so readeth a few words of that book we spoke of, the which he expoundeth afterward more at large. These preachers be for the most part eloquent, and apt to draw with their speech the minds of their hearers. Wherefore to this end chiefly (such is their greediness) tendeth all their talk, that the people be brought under the colour of godliness to enrich their monasteries, promising to each one so much the more happiness in the life to come, how much the greater costs and charges they be at in Church matters and obsequys: notwithstanding this multitude of superstitious Sects and companies, and the diversitice thereof amongst themselves: yet in this principally all their Superintendents do travel so to persuade their Novices in their own tales and lies, that they think nothing else truth, nothing else sure to come by everlasting salvation, nothing else worth the hearing. Whereunto they add other subtleties, as in going gravity, in countenance, apparel, and in all outward show, comeliness. Whereby the japans minds are so nous●ed in wicked opinions, & do conceive thereby such trust and hope of everlasting salvation, that not only at home, but also abroad in every corner of the town continually almost they run over their beads, humbly ask of Amida and Xaca, wealth, honour, good health, and everlasting joys. Thus then, dear brethren, may you think how greatly they need the help of God, that either do bring the Gospel into this country, or receiving it brought unto them, do forsake idolatry and join themselves with Christ, being assaulted by so many snares of the devil, troubled with the daily dissuasions of their Bonzii, and finally, so injuriously, so hardly, so sharply vexed of their kindred and friends, that except the grace of God obtained by the sacrifices and prayers of the Catholic church do help us, it cannot be choose but that the faith and constancy of many, if not of all, in these first beginnings of our churches, will greatly be put in jeopardy. So much the more it standeth you upon that so earnestly long for the health of souls, to commend specially these japanish flocks unto our Lord We came to Sacaio the eight and twenty day of january: Aloisius Almeida first for business, but afterward let by sickness, stayed there some while, but I parting the next day from thence came thirteen leagues off to Meaco the last of januarie. Of my coming all the Christians took great comfort, but specially Gaspar Vilela who in 6 years had seen none of our company at Meaco: his years are not yet forty, but his grey hairs show him to be seventy, so vehemently is his little body afflicted and worn with extreme cold. He speaketh japanish so skilfully after the phrase of Meaco (the which for the renown of this people and royal seat of the king is best accounted of) that he doth both confess and preach in that language. Certain godly books also he hath done into that speech, not omitting to translate other as laisure suffereth him. To make an end, our Lord for his goodness vouchsafe to preserve us all continually, and to give us aid both rightly to interpret his will, and well to do the same. From Meaco the 19 of February 1565. Other such like matter is handled both in other his letters, and also in the Epistles written by his companions to be seen at large in the aforesaid volume. Among the rest this seemed in my judgement one of the principal, and therefore the rather I took upon me to do it into English. Of the Isles beyond japan in the way from China to the Moluccas. Among other Isles in the Asian sea betwixt Cantan a Chinish haven in Cathaio & the Moluccas, much spo●en of in the Indian histories and painted out in Maps, A●●●. Ainan and Santianum are very famous. Ainan standeth 19 degrees on this side of the Equinoctial line near China, from whence the Chinish nation have their provision for shipping and other necessaries requisite for their Navy. There stayed Balthasar Gagus a great traveller 5 months, who describeth that place after this manner. Ainan is a goodly country full of Indian first-fruits & all kind of victuals, De reb. Iab●●. 4● besides great store of it wells and pearl, well inhabited, the towns built of stone, the people rude in conditions, appareled in divers coloured rugs, with two o●e horns, as it were, made of fine cypress hanging down about their ears, and a pair of sharp cyzers at their foreheads. The cause wherefore they go in such attire I could not understand, except it be for that they do sergeant the devil in the form of a bru●e beast, offering themselves up to him. Santianum. Santianum is an isle near unto the haven Cantan in the confines likewise of China, famous for the death of that worthy traveller and godly professor and painful doctor of the Indian nation in matters concerning religion, Francis Xavier, who after great labours, many injuries, and calamities infinite suffered with much patience, singular joy and gladness of mind, departed in a cabin made of bows and rushes upon a desert mountain, no less void of all worldly commodities, then endued with all spiritual blessings, out of this life, the 2 day of December, the year of our Lord 1552. after that many thousand of these Easterlings were brought by him to the knowledge of Christ. Of this holy man, his particular virtues, and specially travel, and wonderful works in that region, of other many little Isles (yet not so little, but they may right well be written of at laisure) all the latter histories of the Indian regions are full. An excellent treatise of the kingdom of China, and of the estate and government thereof: Printed in Latin at Macao a city of the Portugals in China, An. Dom. 1590. and written Dialoguewise. The speakers are Linus, Leo, and Michael. Linus. COncerning the kingdom of China (Michael) which is our next neighbour, we have herded and ●a●ly do hear so many reports, that we are to request at your hands rather a true than a large discourse and narration thereof. And if there be aught in your knowledge besides that which by continual rumours is waxed sta●e among us, we will right gladly give diligent ear unto it. Michael. Because the report of this most famous kingdom is grown so common among us, reducing divers and mani●olo particulars into order, I will especially aim at the truth of things received from the fathers of the society, which even now at this present are conversant in China. The situation and litotes of China. First of all therefore it is not unknown, that of all parts of the main continent this kingdom of China is situate most Easterly: albeit certain islands, as our native japon, & the isle of Manilia stand more Easterly than China itself. As touching the limits & bounds of this kingdom, we may appoint the first towards the West to be a certain I'll commonly called Hainan, which standeth in 19 degrees of Northerly latitude. For the continent next adjoining unto this isle trendeth towards the East, and that especially, where the promontory of the city called Nimpo or Liampo doth extend itself. Howbeit, from that place declining Northward, it stretcheth forth an huge length, insomuch that the farthest Chinian inhabitants that way do behold the North pole elevated, at lest 50 degrees, and perhaps more also: whereupon a man may easily conjecture (that I may speak like an Astronomer) how large the latitude of this kingdom is, when as it containeth about more than 540 leagues in direct extension towards the North. But as concerning the longitude which is accounted from East to West, it is not so exactly found out, that it may be distinguished into degrees. Howbeit certain it is, Chinian Cosmographers. that according to the Map wherein the people of China describe the form of their kingdom, the latitude thereof doth not much exceed the longitude. This kingdom therefore is, without all peradventure, of all earthly kingdoms the most large and spacious: for albeit divers other kings under their jurisdiction containing in dimensions more length & breadth then all China, do possess very many kingdoms & far distant asunder: yet none of them all enjoyeth any one kingdom so large and so ample, as the most puissant king of China doth. Now, if we shall make enquiry into his revenues and tributes, The rich revenues of the king of China. true it is, that this king, of all others, is endued with the greatest and the richest, both in regard of the fertility & greatness of his dominions, & also by reason of the severe collection and exaction of his duties: yea, tributes are imposed upon his subjects, not only for lands, houses, and impost of merchandise, but also for every person in each family. It is likewise to be understood, that almost no lord or potentate in China hath authority to levy unto himself any peculiar revenues, or to collect any rents within the precincts of his signiories, all such power belonging only unto the king: whereas in Europe the contrary is most commonly seen, as we have before signified. In this most large kingdom are contained 15 provinces, Fifteen great provinces in China. every one of which were in itself sufficient to be made one great kingdom. Six of these provinces do border upon the sea, namely (that I may use the names of the Chinians themselves) Coantum, Foquien, Chequiam, Nanquin, Xantum, Paquin: the other 9 be inland provinces, namely, Quiansi, Huquam, Honan, Xiensi, Xansi, Suchuon, Queieheu, I●nan, Coansi. Among all the foresaid provinces, two are allotted for the king's court and seat royal, The seats royal all of the king of China. that is to say, Paquin for his court in the North, and Nanquin for his court in the South. For the kings of China were wont to be resident altogether at the South court: but afterward, by reason of the manifold and cruel wars moved by the Tartars, they were constrained to defixe their princely seat and habitation in that ex●reme province of the North. Whereupon it cometh to pass, that those Northern confines of the kingdom do abound with many more fortresses, martial engines, and garrisons of soldiers. Leo. I have herded, amongst those munitions, a certain strange and admirable brickwall reported of, The warlike munitions of China, & a marvelous brickwall. wherewith the people of China do repress and drive back the Tartars attempting to invade their territories. Michael. Certes that brickwall which you have herded tell of is most worthy of admiration; for it runneth alongst the borders of three Northerly provinces, Xiensi, Xansi, and Paquin, and is said to contain almost three hundred leagues in length, and in such sort to be built, that it hindereth not the courses and streams of any rivers, their channels being overthwarted and fortified with wonderful bridges and other defences. Yet is it not unlikely, that the said brickwall is built in such sort, that only low and easy passages be therewith stopped and environed; but the mountains running between those low passages are, by their own natural strength, and inaccessible height, a sufficient fortification against the enemy. Linus. Tell us (Michael) whether the kingdom of China be so frequented with inhabitants, as we have often been informed, or no? Michael. It is (Linus) in very deed a most populous kingdom, Abundance of inhabitants 〈◊〉 China. as I have been certified from the fathers of the society: who having seen sundry provinces of Europe renowned for the multitude of their inhabitants, do notwithstanding greatly admire the infinite swarms of people in China. Howbeit these multitudes are not pell-mell and confusively dispersed over the land, but most conveniently and orderly distributed in their towns and famous cities: of which assemblies there are divers kinds among the Chinians. For they have certain principal cities called by the name of Fu● other inferior cities called Cheu: Cities and towns. and of a third kind also named Hien, which be indeed walled towns, but are not privileged with the dignities and prerogatives of cities. To these may be added two other kinds of lesser towns, which are partly villages, and partly garrisons of soldiers. Of the first and principal kind is that most noble city standing near unto the port of Macao; called by the Chinians Coanchefu, but by the Portugals commonly termed Cantam, which is rather the common name of the province than a word of their proper imposition. Unto the third kind appertaineth a town, which is yet nigher unto the port of Macao, called by the Portugal's Ansam, but by the Chinians Hiansanhien. A● the foresaid provinces therefore have their greater cities named Furio, & their lesser cities called Cheu, unto both of which the other towns may be added. Moreover, in every province there is a certain principal city which is called the Metropolitan thereof, wherein the chief magistrates have their place of residence, as the principal city by me last mentioned, which is the head of the whole province called Coantum. The number of the greater cities throughout the whole kingdom is more than 150● and there is the same or rather a greater multitude of inferior cities. Of walled towns not endued with the privileges of cities there are more than 1120: the villages & garrisons can scarce be numbered: over & besides the which convents it is incredible what a number of country farms or granges there be: for it is not easy to found any place desert or voided of inhabitants in all that land. Now in the sea, in rivers, & in barks there are such abundance of people, and of whole families inhabiting, that even the Europaeans themselves do greatly wonder thereat: The Chinian rivers greatly inhabited. insomuch that some (albeit beyond measure) have been persuaded that there are as many people dwelling upon the water as upon the land. Neither were they induced so to think altogether without probability: for whereas the kingdom of China is in all parts thereof interfused with commodious rivers, & in many places consists of waters, barges & boats being everywhere very common, it might easily be supposed, that the number of watermen was equal unto the land-inhabitants. Howbeit, that is to be understood by amplification, whereas the cities do swarm so full with citizens & the country with peasants. Leo. The abundance of people which you tell us of seemeth very strange: whereupon I conjecture the soil to be fertile, the air to be wholesome, and the whole kingdom to be at peace. Michael. You have (friend Leo) full judicially conjectured those three: Wholesome a●re, plenty & peace in China. for they do all so excel, that which of the three in this kingdom be more excellent; it is not easy to discern. And hence it is that this common opinion hath been rife among the Portugals, namely, that the kingdom of China was never vis●●ed with those three most heavy & sharp scourges of mankind, war, famine, & pestilence. But that opinion is more common than true: sithence there have been most terrible intestine and civil wars, as in many and most authentical histories it is recorded: sithence also that some provinces of the said kingdom, even in these our days, Chinian s●or●es● have been afflicted with pestilence and contagious diseases, and with famine. Howbeit, that the foresaid three benefits do mightily flourish and abound in China, it cannot be denied. For (that I may first speak of the salubrity of the air) the fathers of the society themselves are witnesses, that scarcely in any other realm there are so many found that live unto decrepit and extreme old age: so great a multitude is there of ancient and grave personages: neither do they use so many confections and medicines, nor so manifold and sundry ways of curing diseases, as we see accustomed in Europe. For amongst them they have no Phlebotomy or letting of blood: but all their cures, as ours also in japon, are achieved by fasting, decoctions of herbs, & light or gentle potions. But in this behalf let every nation please themselves with their own customs. Now, in fruitfulness of soil this kingdom certes doth excel, far surpassing all other kingdoms of the East: yet is it nothing comparable unto the plenty and abundance of Europe, as I have declared at large in the former treatises. But the kingdom of China is, in this regard, so highly extolled, because there is not any region in the East parts that aboundeth so with merchandise, and from whence so much traffic is sent abroad. For whereas this kingdom is most large & full of navigable rivers, so that commodities may easily be conveyed out of one province into antother: The city of Coanchesu, aliens Cantam. the Portugals do found such abundance of wares within one and the same City, (which perhaps is the greatest Mart throughout the whole kingdom) that they are verily persuaded, that the same region, of all others, most aboundeth with merchandise: which notwithstanding is to be understood of the oriental regions: albeit there are some kinds of merchandise, wherewith the land of China is better stored then any other kingdom. This region affords especially sundry kinds of metals, of which the chief, both in excellency & in abundance, is gold, Great abundance of gold in China. whereof so many Pezoes' are brought from China to India, and to our country of japon, that I herded say, that in one and the same ship, this present year, 2000 such pieces consisting of massy gold, as the Portugals commonly call golden loaves, were brought unto us for merchandise: and one of these loaves is worth almost 100 ducats. Hence it is that in the kingdom of China so many things are adorned with gold, as for example, beds, tables, pictures, images, litters wherein nice and dainty dames are carried upon their servants backs. Neither are these golden loaves only bought by the Portugals, but also great plenty of gold-twine and leaves of gold: for the Chinians can very cunningly beat and extenuate gold into plates and leaves. There is also great store of silver, Great store of silver. whereof (that I may omit other arguments) it is no small demonstration, that every year there are brought into the city commonly called Cantam by the Portugal merchants to buy wares, at the lest 400 Sestertium thereof, and yet nothing in a manner is conveyed out of the Chinian kingdom: because the people of China abounding with all necessaries, are not greatly inquisitive or desirous of any merchandise from other kingdoms. I do here omit the Silver mines● whereof there are great numbers in China, albeit there is much circumspection used in digging the silver thereout: for the king standeth much in fear lest it may be an occasion to stir up the covetous and greedy humour of many. Now their silver which they put to uses is for the most part passing fine, and purified from all dross, and therefore in trying it they use great diligence. What should I speak of their iron, copper, lead, tin, and other metals, and also of their quicksilver? Of all which in the realm of China there is great abundance, and from thence they are transported into divers countries. Hereunto may be added the wonderful store of pearls, Pearls. which, at the isle of Hainan, are found in shell-fish taken very cunningly by certain divers, and do much enlarge the king's revenues. But now let us proceed unto the Silk or Bombycine fleece, whereof there is great plenty in China: Great store of silk in China. so that even as the husbandmen labour in manuring the earth, and in sowing of Rice; so likewise the women do employ a great part of their time in preserving of silkworms, and in keeming and weaving of Silk. Hence it is that every year the King and Queen with great solemnity come forth into a public place, the one of them touching a plough, and the other a Mulberry tree, with the leaves whereof Silkworms are nourished: and both of them by this ceremony encouraging both men and women unto their vocation and labour: whereas otherwise, all the whole year throughout, no man besides the principal magistrates, may once attain to the sight of the king. Of this Silk or Bombycine fleece there is such abundance, that three ships for the most part coming out of India to the port of Macao, & at the lest one every year coming unto us, Silk brought into japon. are laden especially with this freight, and it is used not only in India, but carried even unto Portugal. Neither is the Fleet itself only transported thence, but also divers & sundry stuffs woven thereof, for the Chinians do greatly excel in the Art of weaving, and do very much resemble our weavers of Europe. Moreover the kingdom of China aboundeth with most costly spices & odours, and especially with cinnamon (albeit not comparable to the cinnamon of Zeilan) with camphire also & musk, Spices, Camphire, & musk. which is very principal & good. Musk deriveth his name from a beast of the same name (which beast resembleth a Beaver) from the parts whereof bruised & putrefied proceedeth a most delicate & fragrant smell which the Portugals highly esteem, commonly calling those parts of the foresaid beasts (because they are like unto the gorges of souls) Papos, & convey great plenty of them into India, & to us of japon. But who would believe, that there were so much gossipine or cottonwool in China; cotton-wool, whereof Calicut-cloth is made. whereof such variety of clotheses are made like unto linen; which we ourselves do so often use, & which also is conveyed by sea into so many regions● Let us now entreat of that earthen or pliable matter commonly called porcelaine, which is pure white, & is to be esteèmed the best stuff of that kind in the whole world: whereof vessels of all kinds are very curiously framed. I say, it is the best earthen matter in all the world, for three qualities; Three qualities of porcelaine. namely, the cleanness, the beauty, & the strength thereof. There is indeed other matter to be found more glorious, and more costly, but none so free from uncleanness, and so durable: this I add, in regard of glass, which indeed is immaculate and clean, but may easily be broken in pieces. This matter is digged, not throughout the whole region of China, but only in one of the fifteen provinces called Quiansi, wherein continually very many artificers are employed about the same matter: neither do they only frame thereof smaller vessels, as dishes, platters, saltseller's, ewers, and such like, but also certain huge tons, and vessels of great quantity, being very finely and cunningly wrought, which, by reason of the danger and difficulty of carriage, are not transported out of the realm, but are used only within it, and especially in the king's court. The beauty of this matter is much augmented by variety of picture, which is laid in certain colours upon it, while it is yet new, gold also being added thereunto, which maketh the foresaid vessels to appear most beautiful. It is wonderful how highly the Portugal's do esteem thereof, seeing they do, with great difficulty, transport the same, not only to us of japon and into India, but also into sundry provinces of Europe. Unto the merchandise abovementioned may be added divers and sundry plants, Plants. the roots whereof be right wholesome for men's bodies, and very medicinable, which are brought unto our Isles of japon, and unto many other islands, amongst the which that wood may be reckoned, which (by a synecdoche) is called The wood of China, being of notable force to expel out of men's bodies those humours, which would breed contagious diseases. To these you may add sugarcanes (for in the realm of China there is great store of excellent sugar) which is conveyed by the Portugals very plentifully, Sugar. both into our country, and also into India. My speeches uttered immediately before concerned merchandise only, in regard whereof this kingdom is beneficial not to itself alone, but most profitable to many other nations also. As for those first-fruits which pertain to yearly sustenance and common food, they can scarce be numbered: China in a manner destitute of corn, wine, & oil. albeit, of those three commodities which they of Europe so greatly accounted of; namely of corns, vines, and olives the land of China is not very capable: for the Chinians know not so much as the name of an Olive tree (out of the fruit whereof oil is expressed) neither yet the name of a vine. The province of Paquin is not altogether destitute of wine, but whether it be brought from other places, or there made, I am not able to say: although it aboundeth with many other, and those not unpleasant liquors, which may serve in the stead of wine itself. Now, as touching corn, there is indeed wheat ●owen in all the provinces, howbeit rise is in far more use and request than it: and so in regard of these two commodities profitable for man's life; namely, wine and corn; the kingdom of China and our country of japon may be compared together. Leo. You have discoursed (Michael) of the fruitfulness of China, whereof I have often herded, that it is no less pleasant than fruitful, and I have been especially induced so to think, at the sight of the Chinian maps. Chinian maps. Michael. The thing itself agrees right well with the picture: for they that have seen the mediterran or inner parts of the kingdom of China, do report it to be a most amiable country, adorned with plenty of woods, with abundance of first-fruits and grass, and with wonderful variety of rivers, wherewith the Chinian kingdom is watered like a garden; divers of which rivers do naturally flow, and others by art and industry are derived into sundry places. But now I will entreat of the tranquillity and peace of China, after I have spoken a word or two concerning the manners of the inhabitants. This nation is endued with excellent wit and dexterity for the attaining of all arts, and, being very constant in their own customs, they lightly regard the customs or fashions of other people. The dispositions & manners of the Chinians. They use one and the same kind of vesture, yet so, that there is some distinction between the apparel of the magistrate & of the common subject. They all of them do wear long hair upon their heads, and, after the manner of women, do curiously keame their dainty locks hanging down to the ground, and, having twined and bond them up, they cover them with calls, wearing sundry caps thereupon, according to their age and condition. It seemeth that in old time one language was common to all the provinces: notwithstanding, by reason of variety of pronunciation, it is very much altered, and is divided into sundry idioms or proprieties of speech, according to the divers provinces: howbeit, among the magistrates, and in public assemblies of judgement, there is one and the very same kind of language used throughout the whole realm, Their loyalty unto their superiors. from the which (as I have said) the speech of each province differeth not a little. Moreover this people is most loyal and obedient unto the king and his magistrates, which is the principal cause of their tranquillity & peace. For whereas the common sort do apply themselves unto the discretion and beck of inferior magistrates, and the inferior magistrates of the superior, and the superior magistrates of the king himself, framing and composing all their actions and affairs unto that level: a world it is to see, in what equability and indifferency of justice all of them do lead their lives, and how orderly the public laws are administered. Which thing not withstanding shall be handled more at large, when we come to entreat of the government. Their laborious industry. Linus. Tell us now (Michael) of the industry of that people, whereof we have herded great reports. Michael. Their industry is especially to be discerned in manuary arts and occupations, and therein the Chinians do surpass most of these Easterly nations. For there are such a number of artificers ingeniously and cunningly framing sundry devices out of gold, silver, and other metals, as like wise of stone, wood, and other matters convenient for man's use, that the streets of cities being replenished with their shops and fine workmanship, are very wonderful to behold. Besides whom also there are very many Painters, Painting. using either the pencil or the needle (of which the last sort are called Embrotherers) and others also that curiously work golde-twine upon clot either of linen or of cotton: whose operations of all kinds are diligently conveyed by the Portugals into India. Their industry doth no less appear in founding of guns and in making of gunpowder, Guns. whereof are made many rare and artificial fireworks. To these may be added the art of Printing, Printing. albeit their letters be in manner infinite and most difficult, the portraitures whereof they cut in wood or in brass, and with marvelous facility they daily publish huge multitudes of books. Unto these mechanical & illiberal crafts you may add two more; Navigation. that is to say, navigation and discipline of war; both of which have been in ancient times most diligently practised by the inhabitants of China: for (as we have before signified in the third dialogue) the Chinians sailing even as far as India, subdued some part thereof unto their own dominion: howbeit afterward, lest they should diminish the forces of their realm by dispersing them into many provinces, altering their counsel, they determined to contain themselves within their own limits: within which limits (as I have said) there were in old time vehement and cruel wars, both between the people of China themselves, and also against the Tartarian king, The Tartars tyranized over China. who invaded their kingdom, and by himself and his successors, for a long season, usurped the government thereof. Howbeit the kings of the Tartarian race being worn out, and their stock and family being utterly abolished, the Chinians began to lift up their heads, and to advance themselves, enjoying for these 200 years last past exceeding peace and tranquillity, and at this day the posterity of the same king that expelled the Tartars, with great dignity weareth the crown, and wieldeth the royal sceptre. Albeit therefore the people of China (especially they that inhabit Southerly from the province of Paquin) are, for the most part, by reason of continual ease and quiet, grown effeminate, and their courage is abated, notwithstanding they would prove notable and brave soldiers, if they joined use and exercise unto their natural fortitude. As a man may easily observe in them, that maintain continual wars against the most barbarous and cruel Tartars. Howbeit in this kingdom of China there is so great regard of military discipline, Military discipline. that no city nor town there is destitute of a garrison, the captains and governors keeping each man his order; which all of them, in every province, are subject unto the king's lieutenant general for the wars, whom they call Chumpin, and yet he himself is subject unto the Tu●an or viceroy. Let us now come unto that art, which the Chinians do most of all profess, and which we may, not unfitly, call literature or learning. The literature of China. For although it be commonly reported, that many liberal sciences, and especially natural and moral philosophy are studied in China, and that they have Universities there, wherein such ingenuous arts are delivered and caught, yet, for the most part, this opinion is to be esteemed more popular than true: but I will declare, upon what occasion this conceit first grew. The people of China do, above all things, profess the art of literature; and learning it most diligently, they employ themselves a long time and the better part of their age therein. For this cause, in all cities and towns, yea, and in petty villages also, there are certain schoolmasters hired for stipends to instruct children: and their literature being (as ours in japon is also) in manner infinite, their children are put to school even from their infancy and tender years, from whence notwithstanding such are taken away, as are judged to be unfit for the same purpose, and are trained up to merchandise or to manuary sciences: but the residue do so dedicated themselves to the study of learning, that (a strange thing it is to consider) being conversant in the principal books, they will easily tell you, if they be asked the question, how many letters be contained in every page, and where each letter is placed. Now, for the greater progress and increase of learning, they (as the manner is in Europe) do appoint three degrees to the attaining of noble sciences; Three degrees in learning. that is to say, the lowest, the middle degree, and the highest. Graduates of the first degree are called Siusai, of the second Quiugin, and of the the third Chinzu. And in each city or walled town there is a public house called the School, and unto that all they do resort from all private and pe●y-schooles that are minded to obtain the first degree; The first degree. where they do amplify a sentence or theme propounded unto them by some magistrate: and they, whose stile is more elegant and refined, are, in each city, graced with the first degree. Of such as aspire unto the second degree trial is made only in the metropolitan or principal city of the province, The second degree. whereunto, they of the first degree, every third year, have recourse, and, in one public house or place of assembly, do, the second time, make an oration of another sentence obscurer than the former, and do undergo a more severe examination. Now, there is commonly such an huge multitude of people, that this last year, in the foresaid famous city of Cantam, by reason of the incredible assembly of people flocking to that public act or commencement, at the first entrance of the doors, there were many trodden under foot, and quelled to death, as we have been most certainly informed. Moreover they that sue for the highest degree are subject unto a most severe and exact censure, The third and highest degree. whereby they are to be examined at the King's Court only, and that also every third year next ensuing the said year wherein graduates of the second degree are elected in each province, and, a certain number being prescribed unto every particular province, they do ascend unto that highest pitch of dignity, which is in so great regard with the king himself, that the three principal graduates do, for honour's sake, drink off a cup filled even with the Kings own hand, and are graced with other solemnities. Note the extraordinary honour, vouchsafed by the great King of China upon his learned graduates. Out of this order the chief magistrates are choose: for after that they have attained unto this third degree, being a while trained up in the laws of the realm, and in the precepts of urbanity, they are admitted unto divers functions. Neither are we to think that the Chinians be altogether destitute of other arts. For, as touching moral philosophy, all those books are fraught with the precepts thereof, which, for their instructions sake, are always conversant in the hands of the foresaid students, wherein such grave and pithy sentences are set down, that, in men voided of the light of the Gospel, more can not be desired. They have books also that entreat of things and causes natural, Natural philosophy. but herein it is to be supposed, that aswell their books as ours do abound with errors. There be other books among them, that discourse of herbs and medicines, and others of chivalry and martial affairs. Neither can I here omit, that certain men of China (albeit they be but few, and rare to be found) are excellent in the knowledge of astronomy, Excellent astronomers in China. by which knowledge of there's the days of the new moon incident to every month are truly disposed and digested, and are committed to writing and published: besides, they do most infallibly foretell the eclipses of the Sun and Moon: and whatsoever knowledge in this art we of japon have, it is derived from them. Leo. We do freely confess that (Michael) sithence our books entreating of the same art are, a great part of them, written in the characters or letters of China. But now, instruct you us as touching their manner of government, wherein the Chinians are said greatly to excel. Michael. That, that, in very deed, is their chief art, and unto that all their learning and exercise of letters is directed. Whereas therefore, in the kingdom of China, The politic government of China. one only king bears rule over so many provinces, it is strange what a number of Magistrates are by him created to administer public affairs. For (to omit them which in each Town and City have jurisdiction over the townsmen and citizens) there are three principal Magistrates in every province. Three principal magistrates in each province. The first is he that hath to deal in cases criminal, and is called Ganchasu: the second is the King's Fosterer, and is called Puchinsu: the third is the Lieu-tenant general for the wars, named, as we said before, Chumpin. These three therefore have their place of residence in the chief City of the province: and the two former have certain associates of their own order, but of inferior authority, appointed in divers Cities and Towns, unto whom, according to the variety of causes, the Governors of Towns, and the Majors of Cities do appeal. Howbeit the three forenamed Magistrates are in subjection unto the Tu●an, that is, the Uiceroy, ordained in each province. And all these Magistrates bear office for the space of three years together; yet so, that for the governing of each province, not any of the same province, but strangers, that is, men of another province, are selected: whereof it cometh to pass, that the judges may give sentence with a far more entire and incorrupt mind, then if they were among their own kinsfolk and allies. Over and besides all these, there is an annual or yearly Magistrate, which is called Chaien, whose duty it is to make inquisition of all crimes, and especially the crimes of Magistrates, and also to punish common offences: but concerning the faults of the great magistrates to admonish the king himself. Of this order, every year, are sent out of the King's Court, for each province, one; and going over all the Cities and Towns thereof, they do most diligently ransack and search out all crimes, and upon them which are imprisoned they inflict due punishment, or, being found not guilty, they dismiss them unpunished. Hence it is, that all Magistrates greatly fearing to be called in question by the Chaien ar● well kept within the limits of their callings. Besides all these Magistrates there is at either Court, namely in the North, and in the South, a Senate or honourable assembly of grave counsellors, Two Senates or Counsels continually held in China. unto the which, out of all provinces, according to the nearness and distance of the place, affairs of greater weight and moment are referred, and by their authority divers Magistrates are created: howbeit the managing and expedition of principal affairs is committed unto the Senate of Paquin. Moreover there are every year certain Magistrates appointed in each province, to go unto the king: and every third year all the Governors of Cities and of Towns do visit him at once, what time trial is made of them that aspire unto the third degree: The causes of peace in China. upon which occasion there is at the same time an incredible number of people at the King's Court. By reason of this excellent order and harmony of Magistrates placed one under another, it can scarce be imagined, what sweet peace and tranquillity flourisheth throughout the whole realm, especially sithence, after speedy inquisition, people that are guilty be put (as the manner is there) to the punishment of the bastonado: neither yet are suits or actions any long time delayed. Learning the only step to honour in China. Also it is not to be omitted, that for the obtaining of any dignity or magistracy, the way is open, without all respect of gentry or blood, unto all men, if they be learned, and especially if they have attained unto the third and highest degree aforesaid. Neither can it be expressed how obedient and dutiful the common sort are unto their Magistrates, and with what magnificence and pomp the said Magistrates come abroad: for the most part of them have fifty or threescore Sergeants attending upon them, and going before them, two and two in a rank: The stately & formidable procession of the Chinian magistrates. some of them carrying Halberds, Maces, and Battleaxes: some trailing iron chains upon the ground: others holding great rods or staves of a certain kind of reed, wherewith malefactors are punished, in their hands: and two there are that carry, enclosed in a case, the Kings seal peculiar for each office: and many others also, that show sundry spectacles unto the people: whereunto may be added the horrible outcries and shouts, which between while they utter, to strike a terror into the hearts of all men: and at length come the Magistrates themselves, being carried in a throne upon the backs of four men, six men, or eight men, The houses of the Chinian magistrates. according to the dignity of their office. Now, as concerning their houses, they are very large and stately, being built and furnished with all necessary stuff, at the Kings own cost, in the which, so long as their magistracy lasteth, they lead a brave and an honourable life. The said houses are without variety of stories one above another, which in the kingdom of China and in our Isles of japon also are not ordinarily used for habitation, but either to keep watch and ward, or else for solace and recreations sake (for the which purposes, eight most lofty ●urrets of nine stories high are built) or else for the defence of Cities. Howbeit in other regards these buildings do show forth no small magnificence: for they have their cisterns for the receipt of rainwater, which are adorned with beautiful trees, set in order, round about them: and they have also their places designed for the administration of justice, and divers other convenient rooms to bestow their wives and families in. Within the doors of the foresaid habitations a certain number of Sergeants and officers, having cabins or little houses allotted them on both sides, do always give their attendance; and so long as matters of judgement are in deciding, they be always ready at hand, that, at the direction of the Magistrates they may either beaten malefactors, or by torments constrain them to tell the truth. The magistrates barges. The said Magistrates also have their peculiar barges wherein to take the water; being in breadth and length not much unlike to the galleys of Europe, but for swiftness and multitude of oars, far inferior unto them. The rowers, sitting upon galleries without the hatches or compass of the barge, do move it on forward with their oars: whereupon it cometh to pass, that the middle part of the barge affordeth sufficient room for the Magistrates themselves to abide in, containing chambers therein almost as convenient and handsome, as in any of their foresaid public houses, together with butteries and kitchens, and such other places necessary for the provision and stowage of victuals. Leo. All these things agreed right well with the reports, which we have herded of the stately and renowned kingdom of China: I would now right gladly know somewhat concerning the order which is observed in the obtaining of magistracies. Michael. You have inquired of a matter most worthy to be known, which I had almost omitted to entreat of. The manner of electing magistrates in China. The Chinians therefore do use a kind of gradation in advancing men unto sundry places of authority, which for the most part is performed by the Senators of Paquin. For first they are made judges of Towns: then of Cities: afterward they are elected to be of that order, which decreeth punishments in cases criminal without further appeal, or of their order, that are the king's fosterers. And in both of these Orders, which are very honourable, Degrees unto honour. there are many places and degrees, so that from the inferior place they must ascend unto the superior, until they have attained unto the highest dignity of all: and immediately after that they come to be Uiceroyes, Howbeit this gradation is not always accomplished in one and the same province, but in changing their offices they change places and provinces also. Moreover, next after the office of Uiceroy they are capable to be choose Senators of Nanquin, and last of all to be elected into the Senate of Paquin. Now, there is such an order and method observed in the ascending unto these dignities, that all men may easily conjecture, what office any one is to undertake. And there is so great diligence and celerity used for the substitution of one into the room of another, that, for the same purpose, messengers are dispatched by land, upon swift post-horses, unto divers provinces, Kiding post. almost twenty days journey from the Kings Court. And, to be short, there is such district severity in degrading those that unjustly or negligently demean themselves, from an honourable unto an inferior and base office, or altogether in depriving them of the king's authority; that all Magistrates do stand in fear of nothing in the world more than of that. The same order, almost, is observed among the Captains and Lieutenants general for the wars: except only in them, that their birth and offspring is respected: for many there be, Martial dignities. who descending by parentage from such men as have in times past achieved brave exploits in warfare, so soon as they come to sufficient years, are created Centurions, Colonels, and Governors, until at las● they attain to be Lieutenants general and Protectors of some whole province: who notwithstanding (as I have said) are in all things subject unto the Uiceroy. All the foresaid Magistrates both of war and of peace have a set number of attendants allotted unto them, enjoying a stipend, and carrying certain ensigns and peculiar badges of their office: and (besides the ordinary watch, which soldiers appointed for the same purpose do in the night season, after the City gates be shut, keep in their forts) wheresoever any Magistrate is, either at his house or in his barge, the said attendants striking upon a cymbal of brass, at certain appointed times, do keep most circumspect and continual watch and ward about his person. Linus. You have (Michael) sufficiently discoursed of the Magistrates: inform us now of the king himself, whose name is so renowned and spread abroad. Michael. Concerning this matter I will say so much only as by certain rumours hath come to my knowledge: The king of China. for of matters appertaining unto the king's Court we have no eye-witnesses, sithence the fathers of the society have not as yet proceeded unto Paquin, who so soon as (by God's assistance) they shall there be arrived, will by their letters more fully advertise us. The king of China therefore is honoured with wonderful reverence and submission throughout his whole Realm: and whensoever any of his chief Magistrates speaketh unto him, he calleth him VAN-SVI, Van-Sui. signifying thereby that he wisheth ten thousand of years unto him. The succession of the kingdom dependeth upon the blood royal: The succession of the crown. for the elder son born of the kings first and lawful wife obtaineth the kingdom after his father's decease: neither do they deprive themselves of the kingly●authority in their life time (as the manner is in our islands of japon) but the custom of Europe is there observed. Now, that the safety and life of the king may stand in more security, his younger brethren, The king's younger brethren. and the rest born of concubines are not permitted to live in the king's Court: but places of habitation are by the king himself assigned unto them in divers provinces far distant asunder, where they devil most commodiously, being comparable unto kings for their buildings and revenues: howbeit they exercise no authority over the people, but all the government of those Cities wherein they devil, concerns the Magistrates, who notwithstanding have the said Princes in high regard and honour, and do visit them twice in a month, and salute them kneeling upon their knees, and vowing their faces down to the earth: and yet they communicate nothing unto them as touching the administration of the Commonwealth. These are they which may properly be called the Peers or Princes of the Realm of China: for they derive their houses and revenues unto their posterity, and so are these royal families continually preserved. But to return unto the king himself, he is most chary in observing the Chinian laws and customs, and diligently exerciseth himself in learning so much as concerns his estate, showeth himself daily unto his chief Magistrates, and communeth of matters appertaining to the public commodity of the Realm. His palace is of wonderful largeness and capacity, out of the which he very seldom takes his progress; and whensoever he doth so, there are twelve chariots brought forth, Twelve chariots. all of them most like one to another both in workmanship and in value, that no man may discern in which the king himself is placed. He followeth in religion especially the opinions of the Magistrates, The idolatrous religion of the king. attributing divine power unto heaven and earth as unto the parents of all, and with great solemnity sacrificing unto them. He hath divers most sumptuous Temples dedicated unto his ancestors, whereunto likewise he ascribeth divine honour, and yet ceaseth he not to favour Priests of other sects, yea he erecteth Temples unto their Patrons, endowing them with most rich revenues; and so often as any urgent necessity requireth, he enjoins continual fasting and prayers unto them: and after this sorthe doth in a manner patronise all the idolatrous sects of his Realm, and showing himself ready to embrace any false religion whatsoever, he liveth in sundry and manifold kinds of superstition. Out of all the former particulars by me alleged, you may easily conjecture that the administration of the kingdom of China doth, The civil government of China most agreeable to the instance of nature. for the most part, agreed with the instinct of nature, authority being committed, not unto rude and unskilful people, but unto such as have been conversant in the use and exercise of learning, yea, and in promoting learned men unto magistracies, great consideration is had of their wisdom, justice, and of other virtues esteemed by the Chinians: wherefore the way being open for all men, without any respect of degree or parentage, to obtain any of the foresaid dignities, it can not be but that this most mighty and famous kingdom must needs enjoy exceeding peace and tranquillity. Leo. I would now (Michael) right gladly understand, what kind of urbanity or civil demeanour both the common people and the Magistrates do use one towards another: for it is not likely that where such due administration of justice is, common civility, which so well beseemeth all men, should be wanting. Michael. The five virtues principally esteemed among the Chinians. You have hit even the very nail on the head: for among the five virtues, which the Chinians principally regard, urbanity or courtesy is one; the rest are piety, a thankful remembrance of benefits, true dealing in contracts or bargains, and wisdom in achieving of matters: with the praises and commendations of which virtues the Chinian books are full fraught. Now as touching their urbanity, ●rbanity. it is much unlike unto ours in japan, and unto that of Europe: howbeit under two principal kinds the rule of their urbanity or courtesy may be comprehended: whereof one is observed between equals, and the other between superiors and inferiors. For when men of equal dignity meet together, they stand bending their backs, and bowing their heads down to the ground, and this they do either once or twice, or sometimes thrice. Now, when the inferior meets with his superior, the said inferior, for the most part kneeling lowly on his knees, inclineth his countenance down to the earth. But how often and when this obeizance is to be performed it is wonderful what a number of rules and prescriptions are set down, which to recount would require a long time. Somewhat also I will say as touching their piety, and especially of the piety which they use towards their parents, The Chinians great piety towards their parents. which verily is so exceeding great, that for the space of three whole years together, the sons being clad in mourning vestures do bewail the death of their parents, which duty is performed not only by the common sort, but even by all the Magistrates themselves, and that most curiously and diligently. And, that all men may wholly give their attendance unto this business, it is provided by a most inviolable law among the Chinians, that Magistrates, upon the death of their parents, must forthwith renounce their authority, and three whole years, for the performance of their father's exequys, must betake themselves unto a private kind of living: which also is most duly put in practice by the Senators of the Kings own Council. For albeit a man be right gracious in the eyes of his Prince, yea, and such an one, as upon whom the administration of the Realm doth principally depend; yet having herded of the death of his parents, that is, of his father or his mother, he hies himself immediately home to solemnize their funerals: insomuch that if the king would retain him still in his office, he should be esteemed by the people, as a transgressor of the laws and customs of China: A memorable story. which accident (as it is recorded) in ancient times fell out even so. For whenas a certain king most familiarly used a certain Senator of his about the managing and expedition of public affairs, and understanding well how necessary the help of his foresaid Senator was, would gladly, after the death of his father, have retained him still in his office: yet a certain other man, being a well-willer unto the Chinian laws, could in no case abide it, but checking his Prince with sharp rebukes, objected the transgression of the law against him. The king waxing wrath menaced present death unto the man: but when the party being no whit daunted with the terror of death, persisted still in his sayings, the king changing his determination dismissed the Senator to mourn for his father, but as for his reprehender he advanced him unto an higher dignity. Linus. I perceive (Michael) that drawing to an end of these dialogues, and being weary of your long race, you begin to affect brevity: yet let it not seem troublesome unto you to speak somewhat of the religion of China, The religion of China. which only thing seems to be wanting in this present dialogue. Michael. I confess indeed that I endeavour to be brief, not so much in regard of wearisomeness, as for fear lest I have been over tedious unto you: howbeit I will not fail but accomplish that which I have undertaken, and (according to your request) add somewhat more concerning religion. Whereas therefore the kingdom of China hath hitherto been destitute of true religion, and now the first beginnings thereof are included in most narrow bounds, that nation being otherwise a people most ingenious, and of an extraordinary and high capacity, hath always lived in great errors and ignorance of the truth, being distracted into sundry opinions, and following manifold sects. And among these sects there are three more famous than the rest: Three principal sects among the Chinians. the first is of them that profess the doctrine of one Confucius a notable philosopher. This man (as it is reported in the history of his life) was one of most upright and incorrupt manners, whereof he written sundry treatises very pithily and largely, which above all other books, are seriously read and perused by the Chinians. The same doctrine do all Magistrates embrace, and others also that give their minds to the study of letters, a great part whereof Confucius is said to have invented: Confucius author of the first sect. and he is had in so great honour, that all his followers and clients, upon the days of the new and full Moon, do assemble themselves at the common School, which I have above mentioned, and before his image, which is worshipped with burning of incense and with tapers, they do thrice bend their knees, and bow their heads down to the ground; which not only the common scholars, but the chief Magistrates do perform. The sum of the foresaid doctrine is, The sum of Confucius his doctrine. that men should follow the light of nature as their guide, and that they should diligently endeavour to attain unto the virtues by me before mentioned: and lastly, that they should employ their labour about the orderly government of their families and of the Commonwealth. All these things are in very deed praisewoorthy, if Confucius had made any mention of almighty God and of the life to come, and had not ascribed so much unto the heavens, and unto fatal necessity, nor yet had so curiously entreated of worshipping the images of their forefathers. In which regard he can very hardly or not at all be excused from the crime of idolatry: notwithstanding it is to be granted, that none other doctrine among the Chinians approacheth so near unto the truth as this doth. The second sect is of them which follow the instructions of Xaquam, or as the Chinians call him Xequiam, Xequiam author of the second sect, whose followers are called Ce● or Bonzi. whose opinions, because they are well known amongst us, it were bootless for me to repeat; especially sithence, in the Catechism composed by our grave visitor, they are notably refuted. This doctrine do all they embrace, which are in China called Cen, but with us at japon are named Bonzi. For this I do briefly and by the way give you to understand, Note. that all words of the Chinians language are of one syllable only, so that if there be any word that consists of more syllables than one, it consists also of more words than one. These sectaries called Cen do shave their beards and their heads, and do for the most part, together with divers of their associates, inhabit the Temples of Xaquam, or of others which in regard of the same profession have in their Calendars been canonised for Saints, and do rehearse certain prayers after their manner, either upon books or beads, using other ceremonies after the manner of our Bonzi. These men have some inkling of the life to come, and of the rewards of good men, and the punishments of the wicked: howbeit all their assertions are fraught with errors. The third sect is of them which are called Ta●zu: The third sect. and those do imitate a certain other man, to be adored, as they think, for his holiness. These also are Priests after their kind, howbeit they let their hair grow, and do in other observations differ from the former. Now, because the sect of Confucius is the most famous of all the three, and the two other sects called Cen and Ta●zu are not much addicted unto learning, their religion prevailing only among the common sort, the Priests of both the said sects do lead a most base and servile life amongst the Chinians, insomuch that they kneel down before the Magistrates, and are not permitted to sit beside them, and sometimes, if the Magistrate please, are abased unto the punishment of the bastonado: whereas in our Isles of japon it is far otherwise, Priest, even of false religion, being had in so great honour among us. Leo. I herded also (Michael) that the Saraceni superstition takes place in China: The superstition of the Saraceni. now, whether it doth or not, you can resolve us. Michael. That foreign superstition was brought into China what time the Tartars invaded the kingdom, and usurped the government thereof. All the Saracens therefore in China are originally descended of the Tartars, who, because they were an infinite number, could not utterly be expelled and rooted out of the kingdom, but remaining still there, have propagated their posterity, though not their religion. These therefore are soldiers for the greater part of them, and sometimes do obtain martial dignities: and except a few ceremonies of their superstition which is now become stolen and almost worn out, they do live altogether after the Chinians fashion, their predecessors being brought into the same kingdom about four hundred years ago. Linus. Now (Michael) let us hear you say somewhat of the Christian religion, which as we hope hath set most happy footing in that kingdom. Michael. I could say much concerning those most wished and acceptable beginnings, were they not already published in japon by the letters of the fathers: Christian religion planted in China. howbeit I will make a brief rehearsal of all things, that I may not seem altogether to have abandoned this labour. You know that from the time wherein the fathers of the society arrived in our islands, to the end they might augment Christian religion, they were in like sort most careful how they might insinuate themselves into the innermost parts of the kingdom of China. In the midst of this endeavour and travel Francis Xavier, a most devout man of the foresaid society, departed out of this present life at the isle of Sancian (which some call Sangiam) leaving an example unto the rest of his associates, how they should likewise do their b●st to plant the religion of Christ in that nation's This man was seconded by others, who used all means, and left no practice unattempted, that they might bring these good beginnings unto a prosperous issue: howbeit they were greatly hindered by reason of an ancient custom in China, An ancient custom worthy the observation. in regard whereof they do not without great difficulty and circumspection admit any strangers into their dominions, except those which having a long time executed the office of ambassadors do ordinarily every third year present themselves before the king: in the admission of whom likewise there is marvelous care used, that they may not easily espy and become acquainted with the affairs of the Realm. Hereunto may be added, that the Chinians are great contemners of other nations, The Chinians contemn other nations. and most constant observers of their own laws and customs: in all which respects it came to pass, that there was wonderful labour and diligence employed above thirty years together, only to get an entrance, until in the year one thousand five hundred fourscore and three, two fathers of the foresaid society, that had pretty skill in the letters and language of China, utterly despairing of man's help, and depending upon the providence of almighty God, obtained licence of the Tutan or Uiceroy to build them an house and a Church in the City of Xa●quin, which by reason of the commodiousness thereof is the seat of the Uiceroy himself. This work being begun, the said fathers of the society, for the novelty thereof, were a few years right well entreated by the Magistrates: insomuch that two others out of India had free and easy access unto them, one couple remaining still in their foresaid house at Xauquin, and the other two taking their journey for the inner provinces, to convert more people unto the faith: who notwithstanding afterward, other Magistrates not approving of their attempts, were constrained to retire. Now all the time wherein the foresaid father's abode at Xauquin (being more than five years) certain of the common people were restrained from false superstition to Christian religion, and seventy people were baptised. But the enemy of mankind, who omitteth none opportunity for the hindrance of Christian religion, suggested into the minds of the Chinians (being, as I said, of their own nature, a people estranged from the traffic and acquaintance of other nations, and always being too too suspicious of strangers) that they should exhibit letters of supplication unto the Caien and the Tutan their principal Magistrates, to have the fathers expelled out of Xauquin: which Magistrates repairing unto their foresaid house and Church entered consultation how they might banish them out of the said City of Xauquin: in which thing verily they used great moderation, not any way offending or exasperating the minds of the fathers, but only signifying that they had regard unto the estate of their Commonwealth. For the Tutan or Uiceroy calling the fathers unto him, and (to let pass other accidents) using courteous and familiar conference with them, declared by many arguments, that their habitation in the City of Xauquin was not convenient, especially sithence so many Magistrates resorted unto that City, who would take great offence at the presence of strangers. For the which cause he persuaded them to accept some part of the money which they had bestowed in the building of their house, and so to return either home into their own country, or unto the port of Macao. Howbeit, such was the instant supplication of the fathers, and so worthy of compassion, that the Tutan or Uiceroy, in the extreme and mediterrane borders of the province of Coantum, assigned unto them a new habitation at the city called Xaucheo, commending them also to a certain Magistrate, who was come from the same place to salute him. Thither therefore the said fathers, not without great sorrow and grief of the Christians, hied themselves, and as we are informed by their last letters, they have even now laid the foundation of their first building, and have also written that they are like to live much more peaceably and conveniently for the propagating of Christian religion. These be the first beginnings of Christianity in China, where, even as in other places of the Christian Commonwealth, the seed is to be sown with great labour and tears, that acceptable first-fruits may be reaped with gladness. Leo. It is even as you have said (Michael) and now for this your pleasant and eloquent discourse we do acknowledge ourselves much bound unto you. A Letter written from Goa, the principal City of all the East Indies, by one Thomas Stevens an English man, and sent to his father, M. Thomas Stevens: Anno 1579. AFter most humble commendations: These shall be to crave your daily blessing, with like commendations unto my mother; and withal, to certify you of my being: according to your will and my duty. I written unto you taking my journey from Italy to Portugal, which letters I think are come to your hands, so that presuming thereupon, I think I have the less need at this time to tell you the cause of my departing, which nevertheless in one word I may conclude, if I do but name obedience. I came to Lisbon toward the end of March, eight days before the departure of the ships, so late that if they had not been stayed about some weighty matters, they had been long go before our coming: insomuch that there were others ordained to go in our places, that the king's provision and ours also might not be in vain. Nevertheless our sudden coming took place, and the fourth of April five ships departed for Goa, wherein besides shipmen and soldiers, there were a great number of children which in the seas bear out better their men, and no marvel, when that many women also pass very well. The setting forth from the port I need not to tell how solemn it is with trumpets, and shooting of ordinance, you may easily imagine it, considering that they go in the manner of war. The tenth of the foresaid month we came to the sight of Porto Santo near unto Madera, where an English ship set upon ours (which was then also alone) with a few shots, which did no harm, but after that our ship had laid out her greatest ordinance, they strait departed as they came. The English ship was very fair and great, which I was sorry to see so ill occupied, for she went roving about, so that we see her again at the Canarian Isles, unto the which we came the thirteenth of the said month, and good leisure we had to wonder at the high mountain of the Island Tenerif, for we wandered between that and great Canaria four days by reason of contrary winds: and briefly, such evil weather we had until the fourteenth of May, that they despaired to compass the Cape of Good hope that year. Nevertheless, taking our voyage between Guinea and the islands of Capo Verde, without seeing of any land at all, we arrived at length unto the coast of Guinie, which the Portugals so call, chief that part of the burning zone, which is from the sixt degree unto the Equinoctial, in which parts they suffered so many inconveniences of heats, and lack of winds, that they think themselves happy when they have passed it: for sometimes the ship standeth there almost by the space of many days, sometime she goeth, but in such order that it were almost as good to stand still. And the greatest part of this coast not clear, but thick and cloudy, full of thunder and lightning, and rain so unwholesome, that if the water stand a little while, all is full of worms, and falling on the meat which is hanged up, it maketh it strait full of worms. Along all that coast we often times see a thing swimming upon the water like a cock's comb (which they call a ship of Guinea) but the colour much fairer; which comb standeth upon a thing almost like the swimmer of a fish in colour and bigness, and beareth underneath in the water, strings, which save it from turning over. This thing is so poisonous, that a man cannot touch it without great peril. In this coast, that is to say, from the sixt degree unto the Equinoctial, we spent no less than thirty days, partly with contrary winds, partly with calm. The thirtieth of May we passed the Equinoctial with contentation, directing our course aswell as we could to pass the promontory, but in all that gulf, & in all the way beside, we found so often calms, that the expertest mariners wondered at it. And in places where are always wont to be most horrible tempests, we found most quiet calms which was very troublesome to those ships which be the greatest of all other, and cannot go without good winds. Insomuch, that when it is tempest almost intolerable for other ships, and maketh them main all their sails, these hoist up, and sail excellent well, unless the waters be too too furious, which seldom happened in our navigation. You shall understand, that being passed the line, they cannot straightway go the next way to the promontory: but according to the wind, they draw always as near South as they can to put themselves in the latitude of the point, which is 35 degrees and an half, and then they take their course towards the East, and so compass the point. But the wind served us so, that at 33 degrees we did direct our course toward the point or promontory of Good hope. You know that it is hard to sail from East to West, or contrary, because there is no fixed point in all the sky, whereby they may direct their course, wherefore I shall tell you what helps God provided for these men. There is not a fowl that appeareth, or sign in the air, or in the sea, which they have not written, which have made the voyages heretofore. Wherefore, partly by their own experience, and pondering withal what space the ship was able to make with such a wind, and such direction, and partly by the experience of others, whose books and navigations they have, they guess whereabouts they be, touching degrees of longitude, for of latitude they be always sure: but the greatest and best industry of all is to mark the variation of the needle or compass, The variation of the compass. which in the Meridian of the Island of S. Michael, which is one of the Azores in the latitude of Lisbon, is just North, and thence swerveth towards the East so much, that betwixt the Meridian aforesaid, and the point of Africa it carrieth three or four quarters of 32. And again in the point of Africa, a little beyond the point that is called Cape das Agulias (in English the needles) it returns again unto the North, and that place passed, it swerveth again toward th● West, as it did before proportionally. Signs about the Cape of Bo●a Speransa. As touching our first signs, the nearer we came to the people of Africa, the more strange kinds of fowls appeared, insomuch that when we came within no less than thirty leagues (almost an hundred miles) and six hundred miles as we thought from any Island, as good as three thousand fowls of sundry kinds followed our ship: some of them so great that their wings being opened from one point to the other, contained seven spans, as the Mariners said. A marvelous thing to see how God provided, so that in so wide a sea these fowls are all fat, and nothing wanteth them. The Portugals have named them all according to some propriety which they have: some they call Rushtailes, because their tails be not proportionable to their bodies, but long and small like a rush, some forked tails because they be very broad and forked, some Velvet sleeves, because they have wings of the colour of velvet, and bow them as a man boweth his elbow. This bird is always welcome, for he appeareth nearest the Cape●, I should never make an end if I should tell all particulars: but it shall suffice briefly to touch a few, which yet shall be sufficient, if you mark them, to give occasion to glorify almighty God in his wonderful works, and such variety in his creatures. And to speak some what of fish in all places of calm, especially in the burning zone, near the line (for without we never see any) there waited on our ship fish as long as a man, Fish on the sea coast of A●●●ca. which they call Tuberones, they come to eat such things as from the ship fall into the sea, not refusing men themselves if they light upon them. And if they find any meat tied in the sea, they take it for there's. These have waiting on them six or seven small fish (which never departed) with guards blue and green round about their bodies, like comely serving men: and they go two or three before him, and some on every side. Moreover, they have other fish which cleave always unto their body, and seem to take such superfluities as grow about them, and they are said to enter into their bodies also to purge them if they need. The Mariners in time past have eaten of them, but since they have seen them eat men their stomachs abhor them. Nevertheless, they draw them up with great hooks, & kill of them as many as they can, thinking that they have made a great revenge. There is another kind of fish as big almost as a herring, which hath wings and flieth, and they are together in great number. These have two enemies, the one in the sea, the other in the air. In the sea the fish which is called Albocore, as big as a Salmon, followeth them with great swiftness to take them. This poor fish not being able swim fast, for he hath no fins, but swimmeth with moving of his tail, shutting his wings, lifts himself above the water, and flieth not very high: the Albocore seeing that, although he have no wings, yet he giveth a great leap out of the water, and sometimes catcheth him, or else he keepeth himself under the water going that way on as fast as he flieth. And when the fish being weary of the air, or thinking himself out of danger, returns into the water, the Albocore meeteth with him: but sometimes his other enemy the sea-crow, catcheth him before he falls. Note. With these and like sights, but always making our supplications to God for good weather and salvation of the ship, we came at length unto the point, so famous & feared of all men: but we found there no tempest, only great waves, where our Pilot was a little overseen: for whereas commonly all other never come within sight of land, but seeing signs ordinary, and finding bottom, go their way sure and safe, he thinking himself to have wind at will, shot so nigh the land that the wind turning into the South, and the waves being exceeding great, rolled us so near the land, that the ship stood in less than 14 fathoms of water, no more than six miles from the Cape, which is called Das Agulias, and there we stood as utterly cast away: for under us were rocks of main stone so sharp, and cutting, that no anchor could hold the ship, the shore so evil, that nothing could take land, and the land itself so full of Tigers, and people that are savage, and killers of all strangers, that we had no hope of life nor comfort, but only in God and a good conscience. Notwithstanding, after we had lost anchors, hoising up the sails for to get the ship a coast in some safer place, or when it should please God, it pleased his mercy suddenly, where no man looked for help, to fill our sails with wound from the land, & so we escaped, thanks be to God. And the day following, being in the place where they are always wont to catch fish, we also fallen a fishing, and so many they cook, that they served all the ship for that day, and part of the next. And one of them pulled up a coral of great bigness and price. Coral. For there they say (as we see by experience) that the corals do grow in the manner of stalks upon the rocks in the bottom, and wax hard and read. The day of peril was the nine and twentieth of july. And you shall understand that, the Cape passed, there be two ways to India: Two ways beyond the cap● of Good ho●e. one within the isle of S. Laurence, which they take willingly, because they refresh themselves at Mosambique a fortnight or a month, not without great need, and thence in a month more land in Goa. The other is without the isle of S. Laurence, which they take when they set forth so late, and come so late to the point, that they have no time to take the foresaid Mosambique, and then they go heavily, because in this way they take no port. And by reason of the long navigation, and want of food and water, they fall into sundry diseases, their gums wax great, and swell, and they are feign to cut them away, their legs swell, and all the body becometh sore, and so benumbed, that they can not stir hand nor foot, and so they die for weakness, others fall into fluxes and agues, and die thereby. And this way it was our chance to make: yet though we had more than one hundred and fifty sick, there died not passed seven and twenty; which loss they esteemed not much in respect of other times. Though some of ours were diseased in this sort, yet, thanks be to God, I had my health all the way, contrary to the expectation of many: God sand me my health so well in the land, if it may be to ●is honour and service. This way is full of privy rocks and quicksands, so that sometimes we dared not sail by night, but by the providence of God we see nothing, nor never found bottom until we came to the coast of India. When we had passed again the line, and were come to the third degree or somewhat more, we see crabs swimming on the water that were read as though they had been sodden: but this was no sign of land. After, about the eleventh degree, the space of many days, more than ten thousand fish by estimation followed round about our ship, whereof we caught so many, that for fifteen days we did eat nothing else, and they served our turn very well: for at this time we had neither meat nor almost any thing else to eat, our navigation growing so long that it drawn near to seven months, where as commonly they go it in five, I mean when they sail the inner way. But these fish were not sign of land, They commonly sail from Lisbon to Goa in 5 months. but rather of deep sea. At length we took a couple of birds, which were a kind of Hawks, whereof they joyed much, thinking that they had been of India, but indeed they were of Arabia, as we found afterward. And we that thought we had been near India, were in the same latitude near Zocotora, an isle in the mouth of the Read sea. But there God sent us great winds from the North-east or Northnortheast, whereupon unwillingly they bore up toward the East, and thus we went ten days without seeing sign of land, whereby they perceived their error: for they had directed their course before always North-east, coveting to multiply degrees of latitude, but partly the difference of the Needle, and most of all the running seas, Running seas very dangerous. which at that time ran Northwest, had drawn us to this other danger, had not God sent us this wind, which at length waxed larger, and restored us to our right course. These running seas be so perilous that they deceive the most part of the governors, and some be so little curious, contenting themselves with ordinary experience, that they care not to seek out any means to know when they serve, neither by the compass, nor by any other trial. The first sign of land were certain fowls which they known to be of India: the second, boughs of palms and sedges: the third, snakes swimming on the water, and a substance which they call by the name of a coin of money, as broad and as round as a groat, wonderfully printed and stamped of nature, like unto some coin. And these two last signs be so certain, Certain signs of land. that the next day af●er, if the wind serve, they see land, which we did to our great joy, when all our water (for you know they make no beer● in those parts) and victuals began to fail us. And to Goa we came the four and twentieth day of October, They arriu●d at Goa the 24 of October. there being received with passing great charity. The people be tawny, but not disfigured in their lips & noses, as the Moors and Caffres of Ethiopia. They that be not of reputation, or at lest the most part, go naked, saving an apron of a span long, and as much in breadth before them, and a lace two fingers broad before them, girded about with a string and no more: and thus they think them as well as we with all our trimming. Of the first-fruits and trees that be here I cannot now speak, for I should make another letter as long as this. For hitherto I have not seen a tree here, whose like I have seen in Europe● the vine●excepted, which nevertheless here is to no purpose, so that all the wines are brought out of Portugal. The drink of this country is good water, or wine of the Palm tree, or of a fruit called Cocos. And this shall suffice for this time. If God sand me my health, I shall have opportunity to writ to you once again. Now the length of my letter compelleth me to take my leave: and thus I wish your most prosperous health. From Goa the tenth of November, 1579. Your loving son Thomas Stevens. A brief relation of the great magnificence and rich traffic of the kingdom of Pegu beyond the East India, written by Frey Peter of Lisbon, to his cousin Frey Diego of Lisbon, from Cochin. I Received your letters in the harbour of Damaon by a caravel of advise that came from Malacca, which brought shot, powder, and other provision for the furnishing of four galleys and a great gallion, which are now in building, The coast of India greatly troubled with Moors. to keep our coast for fear of great store of men of war, being moors, which trouble us very sore. At that instant when I received your letters I was newly come from the kingdom of Pegu, where I had remained one year and an half, and from thence I departed to the city of Cochin in October 1587. The news which I can certify you of concerning these countries are: That this king of Pegu is the mightiest king of men, & the richest that is in these parts of the world: for he bringeth into the field at any time, when he hath wars with other princes, above a million of fight men: howbeit they be very lean and small people, and are brought unto the field without good order. He is lord of the Elephants, and of all the gold and silver mines, and of all the pearls and precious stones: Abundance of gold, silver, pearls, & precious stones in Pegu. so that he hath the greatest store of treasure that ever was herded of in these parts. The country people call him The God of truth and of justice. I had great conference with this king, and with the head captain of the Portugals, which is one of the country. They demanded of me many questions as touching the law and faith of jesus Christ, and as touching the Ten Commandments. And the king gave his consent that our Order should build a Church in his country, which was half builded; but our perverse and malicious Portugals plucked it down again: for whereas it is a country wherein our nation gain very much by their commodities, they fearing that by the building of this Church there would be greater resort thither, and so their trade should be impaired, if their great gains should be known unto others than those which found this country out first, The great gain of the Portugals in Pegu. therefore they were so unwilling that the building of this Church should go forward. Our Portugals which are here in this realm are worse people than the Gentiles. I preached divers times among those heathen people; but being obstinate they say, that as their fathers believed so they will believe: for if their forefathers went to the devil so they will. Whereupon I returned back again to our monastery to certify our father provincial of the estate of this New found country. It is the best and richest country in all this East India; Pegu the best & richest country in all the East India. and it is thought to be richer than China. I am afraid that the wars which his Majesty hath with England will be the utter undoing and spoil of Spain: for these countries likewise are almost spoilt with civil wars, which the Moors have against the Gentiles: for the kings here are up in arms all the country over. Here is an Indian which is counted a Prophet, which hath prophesied that there will a Dragon arise in a strange country, A prophesy of an Indian against Spain. which will do great hurt to Spain. How it will fall out, only God doth know. And thus I rest: from this monastery of Cochin the 28 of December, 1589. Your good cousin and assured friend friar Peter of Lisbon. A voyage with three tall ships, the Penelope Admiral, the Merchant royal Vice-admiral, and the Edward Bonaventure Rereadmirall, to the East Indies, by the Cape of Buona Speransa, to Quitangone near Mosambique, to the Isles of Comoro and Zanzibar on the backside of Africa, and beyond Cape Comori in India, to the Isles of Nicubar and of Gomes Polo within two leagues of Sumatra, to the islands of Pulo Pinaom, and thence to the maineland of Malacca, begun by M. George Raymond, in the year 1591., and performed by M. james Lancaster, and written from the mouth of Edmund Barker of Ipswich, his lieutenant in the said voyage, by M. Richard Hakluyt. OUr fleet of the three tall ships abovenamed departed from Plymouth the 10 of April 1591., and arrived at the Canarie-ilands the 25 of the same, from whence we departed the 29 of April. The second of May we were in the height of Cape Blanco. The fift we passed the tropic of Cancer. The eight we were in the height of Cape Verde. All this time we went with a fair wind at North-east, always before the wind until the 13 of the same month, when we came within 8 degrees of the Equinoctial line, where we met with a contrary wind. Here we lay off and on in the sea until the sixt of june, on which day we passed the said li●e. While we lay thus off and on, we took a Portugal Caravel laden by merchants of Lisbon for Brasile, in which Caravel we had some 60 tons of wine, 1200 jars of oil, about 100 jars of olives, certain barrels of capers, three fats of peason, with divers other necessaries fit for our voyage: which wine, oil, olives and capers were better to us then gold. We had two men died before we passed the line, and divers sick, which took their sickness in those hot climates: for they be wondered unwholesome from 8 degrees of Northerly latitude unto the line, at that time of the year: for we had nothing but Ternadoes, with such thunder, lightning, and rain, that we could not keep our men dry 3 hours together, Three occasions of sickness near the line. which was an occasion of the infection among them, and their eating of salt victuals, with lack of clotheses to shifted them. After we passed the line, we had the wound still at Eastsoutheast, which carried us along the coast of Brasil 100 leagues from the main, till we came in 26 degrees to the Southward of the line, where the wound came up to the North, at which time we did accounted, that the Cape of Buona esperansa did bear of us East and by South, betwixt 900 and 1000 leagues. Passing this gulf from the coast of Brasil unto the Cape we had the wound often variable as it is upon our coast, but for the most part so, that we might lie our course. The 28 of july we had sight of the foresaid Cape of Buona esperansa: until the 31 we lay off and on with the wound contrary to double the Cape, hoping to double it, & so to have go seventy leagues further to a place called Agoada de S. Bras, before we would have sought to have put into any harbour. But our men being weak and sick in all our ships, we thought good to seek some place to refresh them. With which consent we bore up with the land to the Northward of the Cape, and going along the shore, we espied a goodly Bay with an Island lying to Seawards' of it, into which we did bear, and found it very commodious for our ships to ride in. This Bay is called Agoada de Saldanha, Agoada de Saldanha. lying 15 leagues Northward on the hither side of the Cape. The first of August being Sunday we came to an anchor in the Bay, sending our men on land, and there came unto them certain black Saluages very brutish which would not stay, but retired from them. For the space of 15 or 20 days we could found no relief but only fowls which we killed with our pieces, which were crane's and geese: there was no fish but muscles and other shellfish, which we gathered on the rocks. After 15 or 20 days being here, our Admiral went with his pinnace unto the Island which lieth off this Bay, where he found great store of Penguines & seals, Great store of Penguins and Seals. whereof he brought good plenty with him. And twice after that we sent certain of our men, which at both times brought their bots' lading unto our ships. After we had been here some time, we got here a Negro, whom we compelled to march into the country with us, making signs to bring us some cattle; but at this time we could come to the sight of none, so we let the Negro go with some trifles. Within 8 days after, he with 30 or 40 other Negroes, brought us down some 40 bullocks and oxen, with as many sheep: Bullocks, ox, and sheep, dog-cheap. at which time we bought but few of them. But within 8 days after they came down with as many more, & then we bought some 24 oxen with as many sheep. We bought an ox for two knives, a stirke for a knife, and a sheep for a knife, and some we bought for less value than a knife. The oxen be very large and well fleshed; but not fat. The sheep are very big and very good meat, they have no will on their backs but hair, and have great tails like the sheep in Syria. There be divers sorts of wild beasts, as the Antilope, (whereof M. Lancaster killed one of the bigness of a young colt) the read & fallow Deer, with other great beasts unknown unto us. Here are also great store of overgrowen monkeys. As touching our proceeding upon our voyage, it was thought good rather to proceed with two ships well manned, then with three evil manned: for here we had of sound and whole men but 198, of which there went in the Penelope with the admiral 101, and in the Edward with the worshipful M. captain Lancaster 97. We left beh●●d 50 men with the Royal merchant, whereof there were many prettily well recovered, of which ship was master and governor Abraham Kendal, which for many reasons we thought good to sand home. The disease that hath consumed our men hath been the scurvy. Our soldiers which have not been used to the Sea, have best held out; but our mariners dropped away, which (in my judgement) proceedeth of their evil diet at home. Six days after our sending back for England of the Merchant Royal from Agoada de Saldanha, our Admiral M. captain Raimond in the Penelope, and M. james Lancaster in the Edward Bonaventure, set forward to double the Cape of Buona esperansa, Cape de Buona Speransa doubled. which they did very speedily. But being passed as far as Cape does Corrientes, Cape does Corrientes. the 14 of September we were encounter with a mighty storm and extreme gusts of wound, wherein we lost our General's company, Here they are severed from the Penelope. and could never hear of him nor his ship any more, though we did our best endeavour to seek him up and down a long while, and stayed for him certain days at the Island of Comoro, where we appointed to stay one for another. Four days after this uncomfortable separation in the morning toward ten of the clock we had a terrible clap of thunder, which slay four of our men outright, Four men slain with a clap of thunder their necks being wrung in souder without speaking any word, and of 94 men three was not one untouched, whereof some were stricken blind, others were bruised in their legs & arms, and others in their breasts, so that they voided blood two days after, others were drawn out at length as though they had been racked. But (God be thanked) they all recovered saving only the four which were slain out right. Also with the same thunder our main mast was torn very grievously from the head to the deck, and some of the spikes that were ten inches into the timber, were melted with the extreme heat theereof. From thence we shaped our course to the North-east, and not long after we fallen upon the Northwest end of the mighty Island of S. Laurence: The Shouldst of S. Laurence. which one of our men espied by God's good blessing late in the evening by Moon light, who seeing afar of the breaking of the Sea, and calling to certain of his fellows, asked them what it was: which eftsoons told him that it was the breaking of the Sea upon the Shouldst. Whereupon in very good time we cast about to avoid the danger which we were like to have incurred. Thus passing on forward, it was our luck to overshoote Mozambique, and to fall with a place called Quitangone two leagues to the Northward of it, Quitangone near Mozanbique. and we took three or four Barks of Moors, which Barks in their language they call Pangaias, laden with Millio, hens, and ducks, with one Portugal boy, going for the provision of Mozambique. Within few days following we came to an Island an hundred leagues to the North-east of Mozambique called Comoro, The I'll of Comoro. which we found exceeding full of people, which are moors of tawny colour and good stature, but they be very treacherous and diligently to be taken heed of. Here we desired to store ourselves with water, whereof we stood in great need, and sent sixteen of our men well armed on shore in our boat: whom the people suffered quietly to land and water, and divers of them with their king came aboard our ship in a gown of crimosine Satin pinked after the Moorish fashion down to the knee, whom we entertained in the best manner, and had some conference with him of the state of the place and merchandises, using our Portugal boy which we had taken before for our interpreter, and in the end licenced the king and his company to departed, and sent our men again for more water, who then also dispatched their business, & returned quietly: the third time likewise we sent them for more, which also returned without any harm. And though we thought ourselves furnished, yet our master William Mace of Radcliffe pretending that it might be long before we should find any good watering place, would needs go himself on shore with thirty men, much against the will of our captain, and he and 16 of his company, 32 of our men betrayed at the isle of Como●o. together with one boat which was all that we had, and 16 others that were a washing over-against our ship, were betrayed of the perfidious Moors, and in our sight for the most part slain, we being not able for want of a boat to yield them any succour. From hence with heavy hearts we shaped our course for Zanzibar the 7 of November, Zanzibar Island. where shortly after we arrived and made us a new boat of such boards as we had within board, and rid in the road until the 15 of February, where, during our abode, we saw divers Pangaias or boats, which are pinned with wooden pings, and sowed together with Palmito cords, and calked with the husks of ●ocos shells beaten, whereof they make Occam. At length a Portugal Pangaia coming out of the harborough of Zanzibar, A Portugal factory in Zanzibar. where they have a small factory, sent a Canoa with a Moor which had been christened, who brought us a letter wherein they desired to know what we were, and what we sought. We sent them word we were Englishmen come from Don Antonio upon business to his friends in the Indies: with which answer they returned, and would not any more come at us. Whereupon not long after we manned out our boat and took a Pangaia of the Moors, which had a priest of there's in it, which in their language they call a Sheriff: whom we used very courteously: which the king took in very good part, having his priests in great estimation, and for his deliverance furnished us with two months victuals, during all which time we detained him with us. These Moors informed us of the false and spiteful dealing of the Portugals towards us, The treason of the Portugals towards the English. which made them believe that we were cruel people and men-eaters, and willed them if they loved their safety in no case to come near us. Which they did only to cut us off from all knowledge of the state and traffic of the country. While we road from the end of November until the middle of February in this harbour, which is sufficient for a ship of 500 tuns to ride in, we set upon a Portugal Pangaia with our boat, but because it was very little, & our men not able to stir in it, we were not able to take the said Pangaia, which was armed with 10 good shot like our long fouling pieces. This place for the goodness of the harbour and watering, and plentiful refreshing with fish, An excellent place for refreshing. whereof we took great store with our nets, and for sundry sorts of first-fruits of the country, as Cocos and others, which were brought us by the Moors, as also for oxen and hens, is carefully to be songht for by such of our ships, as shall hereafter pass that way. But our men had need to take good heed of the Portugals: for while we lay here the Portugal Admiral of the coast from Melinde to Mozambique, came to view and to betray our boat if he could have taken at any time advantage, A galley Frigate. in a galley Frigate of ten tons with 8 or 9 oars on a side. Of the strength of which Frigate and their treacherous meaning we were advertised by an Arabian Moor which came from the king of Zanzibar divers times unto us about the delivery of the priest aforesaid, and afterward by another which we carried thence along with us: for wheresoever we came, our care was to get into our hands some one or two of the countries to learn the languages and states of those parts where we touched. Another thunderclap. Moreover, here again we had another clap of thunder which did shake our foremast very much, which we fished and repaired with timber from the shore, whereof there is good store thereabouts of a kind of trees some forty foot high, which is a read and tough wood, and as I suppose, a kind of Cedar. Here our Surgeon Arnold negligently catching a great heat in his head being on land with the master to seek oxen, fallen sick and shortly died, Heat in the head deadly. which might have been cured by letting of blood before it had been settled. Letting of blood very necessary. Before our departure we had in this place some thousand weight of pitch, or rather a kind of grey and white gum like unto frankincense, as clammy as turpentine, which in melting groweth as black as pitch, and is very brittle of itself, but we mingled it with oil, whereof we had 300 jars in the prize which we took to the Northward of the Equinoctial, not far from Guinie, bond for Brasil. Six days before we departed hence, the Cape merchant of the factory written a letter unto our captain in the way of friendship, as he pretended, requesting a jar of wine, and a jar of oil, and two or three pounds of gunpowder, which letter he sent by a Negro his man, and Moor in a Canoa: we sent him his demands by the Moor, but took the Negro along with us because we understood he had been in the East Indies and known somewhat of the country. By this Negro we were advertised of a small Bark of some thirty tons (which the Moors call a junco) which was come from Goa thither laden with Pepper for the factory and service of that kingdom. A junco laden with pepper and brugs. Thus having trimmed our ship as we lay in this road, in the end we set forward for the coast of the East India, the 15 of February aforesaid, intending if we could to have reached to Cape Comori, which is the headland or Promontory of the main of Malavar, and there to have lain off and on for such ships as should have passed from Zeilan, Sant Tom, Bengala, Pegu, Malacca, the Moluccoes, the coast of China, and the isle of japan, which ships are exceeding wealth and riches. But in our course we were very much deceived by the currents that set into the gulf of the Read sea along the coast of Melinde. The currents set ●o the Northward. And the winds shortening upon us to the North-east and Easterly, kept us that we could not get off, and so with the putting in of the currents from the Westward, set us in further unto the Northward within four score leagues of the isle of Zocotora, Zocotora. far from our determined course and expectation. But here we never wanted abundance of Dolphins, Bonitoes and flying fish. Now while we found ourselves thus far to the Northward, and the time being so far spent, we determined to go for the Read sea, or for the Island of Zocotora, both to refresh ourselves, and also for some purchase. But while we were in this consultation, the wind very luckily came about to the Northwest and carried us directly toward Cape Comori. Before we should have doubled this Cape, we were determined to touch at the islands of Mamale, The Isles of Mamale. of which we had advertisement, that one had victuals, standing in the Northerly latitude of twelve degrees. Howbeit it was not our good luck to find it, which fallen out partly by the obstinacy of our master: for the day before we fallen with part of the islands the wound came about to the South-west, and then shifting our course we miss it. So the wound increasing Southerly, we feared we should not have been able to have doubled the Cape, which would have greatly hazarded our casting away upon the coast of India, the Winter season and Western Monsons' already being come in, which Monsons' continued on that coast until August. Nevertheless it pleased God to bring the wound more Westerly, & so in the month of May 1592. we happily doubled Cape Comori without sight of the coast of India. Cape Comori doubled 1592. From hence thus having doubled this Cape, we directed our course for the islands of Nicubar, The Isles of Nicubar. which lie North and South with the Western part of Sumatra, and in the latitude of 7 degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctial. From which Cape of Comori unto the aforesaid islands we ran in six days with a very large wound though the weather were foul with extreme rain and gusts of winds. These islands were miss through our master's default for want of due observation of the South star. And we fallen to the Southward of them within the sight of the islands of Gomes Polo, The Isles of Gomes Polo. which lie hard upon the great Island of Sumatra the first of june, and at the North-east side of them we lay two or three days becalmed, hoping to have had a Pilot from Sumatra, Sumatra. within two leagues whereof we lay off and on. Now the Winter coming upon us with much contagious weather, we directed our course from hence with the islands of Pulo Pinaou, The Isles of Pulo Pinaou. (where by the way is to be noted that Pulo in the Malaian tongue signifieth an Island) at which islands we arrived about the beginning of june, where we came to an anchor in a very good harbour between three islands: at which time our men were very sick and many fallen. Here we determined to stay until the Winter were overpast. This place is in 6 degrees and a half to the Northward, and some five leagues from the main between Malacca and Pegu. Here we continued until the end of August. Our refreshing in this place was very small, only of oysters growing on rocks, great wilks, and some few fish which we took with our hooks. Here we landed our sick men on these uninhabited islands for their health, nevertheless 26 of them died in his place, whereof john Hall our master was one, and M. Rainold Golding another, a merchant of great honesty and much discretion. In these islands are abundance of trees of white wood, Trees fit for masts. so right and tall, hat a man may make masts of them being an hundred foot long. The winter passed and having watered our ship and fitted her to go to Sea, we had left us but 33 men and one boy, of which not past 22 were found for labour and help, and of them not past a third part sailors: thence we made sail● to seek some place of refreshing, and went over to the main of Malacca. Malacca. The next day we came to an anchor in a Bay in six fathoms water some two leagues from the shore. Then master james Lancaster our captain, and M. Edmund Barker his lieutenant, and other of the company manning the boat, went on shore to see what inhabitants might be found. And coming on land we found the tracking of some barefooted people which were departed thence not long before: for we saw their fire still burning, but people we saw none, nor any other living creature, save a certain kind of foul called ox birds, which are a grey kind of Sea-foule, like a Snite in colour, but not in beak. Of these we killed some eight dozen with haile-shot being very tame, and spending the day in search, returned toward night aboard. The next day about two of the clock in the afternoon we espied a Canoa which came near unto us, but would not come aboard us, having in it some sixteen naked Indians, with whom nevertheless going afterward on land, we had friendly conference and promise of victuals. The next day in the morning we espied three ships, Three Ships of Pegu laden with pepper. Martabam. being all of burden 60 or 70 tons, one of which we made to strike with our very boat: and understanding that they were of the town of Martabam, which is the chief haven town for the great city of Pegu, and the goods belonging to certain Portugal jesuits and a Biscuit baker a Portugal, we took that ship & did not force the other two, because they were laden for merchants of Pegu, but having this one at our command, we came together to an anchor. The night following all the men except twelve, which we took into our ship, being most of them born in Pegu, fled away in their boat, leaving their ship and goods with us. The next day we weighed our anchor and went to the Leeward of an Island hard by, and took in her lading being pepper, which she and the other two had laden at Pera, Pera. which is a place on the main 30 leagues to the South. Besides the aforesaid three ships, we took another ship of Pegu laden with pepper, and perceiving her to be laden with merchants goods of Pegu only, we dismissed her without touching any thing. Thus having stayed here 10 days and discharged her goods into the Edward, which was about the beginning of September, our sick men being somewhat refreshed and lusty, with such relief as we had found in this ship, we weighed anchor, determining to run into the straits of Malacca to the islands called Pulo Sambilam, Pulo Sambilam. which are some five and forty leagues Northward of the city of Malacca, to which islands the Portugals must needs come from Goa or S. Thome, for the Malucos, China, and japan. And when we were there arrived, we lay too and again for such shipping as should come that way. A ship of Negapatan taken. Thus having spent some five days, upon a Sunday we espied a sail which was a Portugal ship that came from Negapatan a town on the main of India over-against the North-east part of the isle of Zeilan; and that night we took her being of 250 tons: she was laden with Rice for Malacca. Captain Lancaster commanded their captain and master aboard our ship, and sent Edmund Barker his lieutenant and seven more to keep this prize, who being aboard the same, came to an anchor in thirty fathoms water: for in that channel three or four leagues from the shore you shall find good ankorage. Being thus at an anchor and keeping out a light for the Edward, another Portugal ship of Sant Thome of four hundred tons, A ship of S. Thome. came and ankered hard by us. The Edward being put to Leeward for lack of help of men to handle her sails, was not able the next morning to fetch her up, until we which were in the prize with our boat, went to help to man our ship. Then coming aboard we went toward the ship of Sant Thome, but our ship was so foul that she escaped us. After we had taken out of our Portugal prize what we thought good, we turned her and all her men away except a Pilot and four Moors. We continued here until the sixt of October, at which time we met with the ship of the captain of Malacca of seven hundred tons which came from Goa: The galleon of Malacca of 700 taken. we shot at her many shot, and at last shooting her mainyard through, she came to an anchor and yielded. We commanded her Captain, Master, Pilot and Purser to come aboard us. But the Captain accompanied with one soldier only came, and after certain conference with him, he made excuse to fetch the Master and Purser, which he said would not come unless he went for them: but being got from us in the edge of the evening, ●he with all the people which were to the number of about three hundred men, women and children, got a shore with two great boats and quite abandoned the ship. At our coming aboard we found in her sixteen pieces of brass, and three hundred butts of Canary wine, and Nipar wine, which is made of the palm trees, and raisin wine which is also very strong: as also all kind of Haberdasher wares, Wares fit to car● into the East India. as hats, read caps knit of Spanish wool, worsted stockings knit, shoes, velvets, taffetas, chamlets, and silks, abundance of suckets, rice, Venice glasses, certain papers full of false and sergeant stones which an Italian brought from Venice to deceive the rude Indians withal, abundance of playing cards, two or three packs of French paper. Whatsoever become of the treasure which usually is brought in royals of plate in this gallion, we could not found it. After that the mariners had disordredly peeled this rich ship, the Captain because they would not follow his commandment to unlade those excellent wines into the Edward, abandoned her & let her drive at Sea, taking out of her the choicest things that she had. And doubting the forces of Malaca, we departed thence to a Bay in the kingdom of junsalaom, The kingdom of junsalaom. which is between Malacca and Pegu eight degrees to the Northward, to seek for pitch the trim our ship. Here we sent our soldier, which the captain of the aforesaid galion had left behind him with us, because he had the Malaian language, to deal with the people for pitch, which he did faithfully, and procured us some two or three quintals with promise of more, and certain of the people came unto us. We sent commodities to their king to barter for Amber-griese, and for the horns of Abath, Ambergreese. The horns of Abath. whereof the king only hath the traffic in his hands. Now this Abath is a beast which hath one horn only in her ●orehead, and is thought to be the female Unicorn, The female Unicorn. and is highly esteemed of all the Moors in those parts as a most sovereign remedy against poison. We had only two or three of these horns which are of the colour of a brown grey, and some reasonable quantity of Amber-griese. At last the king went about to betray our Portugal with our merchandise: but he to get aboard us, told him that we had gilded armour, shirts of mail and halberds, which things they greatly desire: Some small quantity hereof may be carried to pleasure those kings. for hope whereof he let him return aboard, and so he escaped the danger. Thus we left this coast and went back again in sight of Sumatra, and thence to the islands of Nicubar, where we arrived and found them inhabited with Moors, They arrive at the Isles of Nicubar, which are inhabited by Moors. and after we came to an anchor, the people daily came aboard us in their Canoas', with hens, Cocos, plantans and other first-fruits: and within two days they brought unto us royals of plate, giving us them for Calicut clot: which royals they find by diving for them in the Sea, which were lost not long before in two Portugal ships which were bond for China and were cast away there. They call in their language the Coco Calambe● the Plantain Pison, a Hen ●am, a Fish Iccan, a Hog Babee. They return homeward. From thence we returned the 21 of November to go for the Island of Zeilan, They arrive at Zeilan. and arrived there about the third of December 1592. and ankered upon the Southside in six fathoms water, where we lost our anchor, the place being rocky and foul ground. Then we ran along the South-west part of the said Island, to a place called Punta del Gall, where we ankered, determining there is have remained until the coming of the Bengala Fleet of seven or eight ships, and the Fleet of Pegu of two or three sails, and the Portugal ships of Tanaseri being a great Bay to the Southward of Martabam in the kingdom of Siam: Tanaseri in the kingdom of Siam. which ships, by divers intelligences which we had, were to come that way within fourteen days to bring commodities to serve the Caraks, which commonly departed from Cochin for Portugal by the midst of januarie. The commodities of the ships which come from Bengala be fine pavilions fo● beds, Commodities of Bengala. wrought quilts, fine Calicut clot, Pintadoes and other fine works, and Rice, and they make this voyage twice in the year. Those of Pegu bring the chiefest stones, Commodities of Pegu. as Rubies and Diamonds, but their chief freight is Rice and certain clot. Those of Tanaseri are chief freighted with Rice and Nipar wine, Commodities of Tanaseri. which is very strong, and in colour like unto rock water somewhat whitish, and very hot in taste like unto Aqua vitae. Being shot up to the place aforesaid, called Punta del Gall, we came to an anchor in foul ground and lost the same, and lay all that night a drift, because we had now but two anchors left us, which were unstocked and in hold. Whereupon our men took occasion to come home, our Captain at that time lying very sick more like die then to live. In the morning we set our foresail determining to lie up to the Northward and there to keep ourselves to and again out of the current, which otherwise would have set us off to the Southward from all known land. A great current to the Southward. Thus having set our foresail, and in hand to set all our other sails to accomplish our aforesaid determination, our men made answer that they would take their direct course for England and would stay there no longer. Now seeing they could not be persuaded by any means possible, the captain was constrained to give his consent to return, leaving all hope of so great possibilities. Thus the eight of December 1592. we see sail for the Cape of Buona Speransa, passing by the islands of Maldiva, and leaving the mighty Island of S. Laurence on the starreboord or Northward in the latitude of 26 degrees to the South. In our passage over from S. Laurence to the main we had exceeding great store of Bonitoes and Albocores, which are a greater kind of fish: A notable relief of fish taken. of which our captain, being now recovered of his sickness, took with an hook as many in two or three hours as would serve forty people a whole day. And this skole of fish continued with our ship for the space of five or six weeks, all which while we took to the quantity aforesaid, which was no small refreshing to us. In February 1593. we fallen with the Eastermost land of Africa at a place called Baia de Agoa some 100 leagues to the North-east of the Cape of Good Hope: Baia de Agoa. and finding the winds contrary, we spent a month or five weeks before we could double the Cape. They double the Cape of Buona Speransa. After we had doubled it in March following, we directed our course for the Island of Santa Helena, and arrived there the third day of April, where we stayed to our great comfort nineteen days: in which mean space some one man of us took thirty goodly Congers in one day, and other rocky fish and some Bonitoes. After our arrival at Santa Helena, S. Helena. I Edmund Barker went on shore with four or five Peguins or men of Pegu which we had taken, and our Surgeon, where in an house by the Chapel I found an Englishman one john Segar of Bury in Suffolk, john Segar an Englishman left 18 months alone in the isle of Santa Helena. who was left there eighteen months before by Abraham Kendal, who put in there with the Royal merchant, and left him there to refresh him on the Island, being otherwise like to have perished on shipboard: and at our coming we found him as fresh in colour and in as good plight of body to our seeming as might be, but crazed in mind and half out of his wits, as afterward we perceived: for whether he were put in fright of us, not knowing at first what we were, A miraculous effect of extreme fear or extreme joy. whether friends or foes, or of sudden joy when he understood we were his old consorts and countrymen, he become idle-headed, and for eight days space neither night nor day took any natural rest, and so at length died for lack of sleep. Here two of our men, whereof the one was diseased with the scurvy, and the other had been nine months sick of the flux, in short time while they were on the Island, recovered their perfect health. We found in this place great store of very wholesome and excellent good green figs, oranges, and lemons very fair, The description of the commodities of the isle of santa Hele●a. abundance of goats and hogs, and great plenty of partridges, Guiniecocks, and other wild fowls. Our mariners some what discontented being now watered and having some provision of fish, contrary to the will of the captain, would strait home. The captain because he was desirous to go for Phernambuc in Brasil, granted their request. And about the 12 of April 1593. we departed from S. Helena, and directed our course for the place aforesaid. The next day our captain calling upon the sailors to finish a foresail which they had in hand, some of them answered that unless they might go directly home, they would lay their hands to nothing; whereupon he was constrained to follow their humour. And from thencefoorth we directed our course for our country, which we kept until we came 8 degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctial, between which 8 degrees and the line, we spent some six weeks, with many calm and contrary winds at North, and sometimes to the Eastward, & sometimes to the Westward: which loss of time and expense of our victuals, whereof we had very small store, made us doubt to keep our course: and some of our men growing into a mutiny threatened to break up other men's chests, to the overthrow of our victuals and all ourselves, for every man had his share of his victuals before in his own custody, that they might be sure what to trust to, and husband it more thriftily. Our captain seeking to prevent this mischief, being advertised by one of our company which had been at the isle of Trinidada in M. Chidleis voyage, that there we should be sure to have refreshing, hereupon directed his course to that Island, and not knowing the currents, we were put past it in the night into the gulf of Paria in the beginning of june, The gulf of Paria, or Bocca del Dragoo● passed. A good note. wherein we were 8 days, finding the current continually setting in, and oftentimes we were in 3 fathoms water, and could found no going out until the current had put us over to the Westernside under the main land, where we found no current at all, and more deep water; and so keeping by the shore, the wound off the shore every night did help us out to the Northward. Being clear, within four or five days after we fallen with the isle of Mona where we ankred and road some eighteen days. The I'll of Mona. In which time the Indians of Mona gave us some refreshing. And in the mean space there arrived a French ship of Cane in which was captain one Monsieur de Barbaterre, of whom we bought some two butts of wine and bread, and other victuals. Then we watered and fitted our ship, and stopped a great leak which broken on us as we were beating out of the gulf of Pana. And having thus made ready our ship to go to Sea, we determined to go directly for newfoundland. But before we departed, there arose a storm the wind being Northerly, which put us from an anchor and forced us to the Southward of Santo Domingo. This night we were in danger of shipwreck upon an Island called Savona, The I'll of Savona environed with flats. which is environed with flats lying 4 or 5 miles off: yet it pleased God to clear us of them, & so we directed our course Westward along the Island of Santo Domingo, and doubled Cape Tiberon, Cape de Tiberon. and passed through the old channel between S. Domingo and Cuba for the cape of Florida: And here we met again with the French ship of Caen, whose Captain could spare us no more victuals, as he said, but only hides which he had taken by traffic upon those Islands, The old channel passed. wherewith we were content and gave him for them to his good satisfaction. After this, passing the Cape of Florida, and clear of the channel of Bahama, we directed our course for the bank of Newfoundland. Thus running to the height of 36 degrees, and as far to the East as the Isle of Bermuda the 17 of September finding the winds there very variable, contrary to our expectation and all men's writings, we lay there a day or two the wind being northerly, and increasing continually more and more, it grew to be a storm and a great fleet of wound: which continued with us some 24 hours, with such extremity, as it carried not only our sails away being furled, but also made much water in our ship, so that we had six foot water in hold, and having freed our ship thereof with baling, the wind shifted to the Northwest and become dullerd: but presently upon it the extremity of the storm was such that with the labouring of our ship we lost our foremaste, and our ship grew as full of water as before. The storm once ceased, and the wind contrary to go our course, we fallen to consultation which might be our best way to save our lives. Our victuals now being utterly spent, & having eaten hides 6 or 7 days, we thought it best to bear back again for Dominica, & the Islands adjoining, knowing that there we might have some relief, whereupon we turned back for the said Islands. They return back to the West Indies. But before we could get thither the wind scanted upon us, which did greatly endanger us for lack of fresh water and victuals: so that we were constrained to bear up to the Westward to certain other Islands called the Nueblas' or cloudy islands, towards the isle of S. ivan de porto Rico, where at our arrival we found land-crabs and fresh water, and tortoises, which come most on land about the full of the moon. Here having refreshed ourselves some 17 or 18 days, and having got some small store of victuals into our ship, we resolved to return again for Mona: Five English men le●t on the Nueblas'. upon which our determination five of our men left us, remaining still on the Isles of Nueblas' for all persuasions that we could use to the contrary, which afterward came home in an English ship. From these Isles we departed and arrived at Mona about the twentieth of November 1593., and there coming to an anchor toward two or three of the clock in the morning, the Captain, and Edmund Barker his Lieutenant with some few others went on land to the houses of the old Indian and his three sons, thinking to have got some food, our victuals being all spent, and we not able to proceed any further until we had obtained some new supply. We spent two or three days in seeking provision to carry aboard to relieve the whole company. And coming down to go aboard, the wind then being northerly and the sea somewhat grown, they could not come on shore with the boat, which was a thing of small succour and not able to row in any rough sea, whereupon we stayed until the next morning, thinking to have had less wind and safer passage. The ship lost by driving away. But in the night about twelve of the clock our ship did drive away with five men and a boy only in it, our carpenter secretly cut their own cable, leaving nineteen of us on land without boat or any thing, to our great discomfort. In the midst of these miseries reposing our trust in the goodness of God, which many times before had succoured us in our greatest extremities, we contented ourselves with our poor estate, and sought means to preserve our lives. And because one place was not able to sustain us, we took our leaves one of another, dividing ourselves into several companies. The greatest relief that we six which were with the Captain could find for the space of nine and twenty days was the stalks of purslane boiled in water, Great famine. and now and then a pompion, which we found in the garden of the old Indian, who upon this our second arrival with his three sons stolen from us, and kept himself continually aloft in the mountains. After the end of nine and twenty days we espied a French ship, which afterward we understood to be of deep, called the Luisa, whose Captain was one Mounsieur Felix, unto whom we made a fire, at sight whereof he took in his top sails, bore in with the land; and showed us his flag, whereby we judged him French: so coming along to the Western end of the Island there he ankered, we making down with all speed unto him. At this time the Indian and his three sons came done to our Captain Master james Lancaster, and w●nt along with him to the ship. This night he went aboard the French man, who gave him good entertainment, and the next day fetched eleven more of us aboard entreating us all very courteously. This day came another French ship of the same town of Diepe● Two ships of deep. which remained there until night expecting our other seven men's coming down: who, albeit we caused certain pieces of ordinance to be shot off to call them, yet came not down. Whereupon we departed thence● being divided six into one ship, and six into another, and leaving this Island, departed for the Northside of Saint Domingo, where we remained until April following 1494, and spent some two months in traffic with the inhabitants by permission for hides and other merchandises of the Country. The French traffic in S. Domingo. In this mean wh●le there came a ship of New-haven to the place where we were, whereby we had intelligence of our seven men which we left behind us at the Isle of Mona: which was, that two of them broke their necks with centring to take fowls upon the cliffs, other three were slain by the Spaniards, which came from Saint Domingo, upon knowledge given by our men which went away in the Edward, the other two this man of New-haven had with him in his ship, which escaped the Spaniards bloody hands. From this place Captain Lancaster and his Lieutenant Master Edmund Barker, shipped themselves in another ship of deep, the Captain whereof was one john La No, which was ready first to come away, M. Lancaster returns to deep, and so to England. and leaving the rest of their company in other ships, where they were well entreated, to come after him, on sunday the seventh of Apill 1594 they set homeward, and disbocking through the Caijcoes from thence arrived safely in deep within two and forty days after, on the 19 of May, where after we had stayed two days to refresh ourselves, and given humble thanks unto God, and unto our friendly neighbours, we took passage for Rye and landed there on Friday the 24 of May 1594, having spent in this voyage three years, six weeks and two days, which the Portugals perform in half the time, chiefly because we lost our fit time and season to let forth in the beginning of our voyage. We understood in the East Indies by certain Portugals which we took, that they have lately discovered the coast of China to the latitude of nine and fifty degrees, finding the sea still open to the Northward: giving great hope of the North-east or Northwest passage. Witness Master james Lancaster. Certain remembrances of an intended voyage to brasil, and the River of Plate, by the Edward Cotton, a ship of 260 Tons of Master Edward Cotton of Southampton, which perished through extreme negligence near Rio grandee in Guinie, the 17 of july 1583. ARticles of Covenants agreed upon between Edward Cotton Esquire, owner of the good ship called the Edward Cotton of Southampton, and of all the merchandises in her laden, of the one part, and William Huddie gentleman, Captain of the said ship, john Hooper his Lieutenant, john Foster Master, Hugh Smith Pilot for the whole voyage, and William Cheesman merchant, on the other part. 1 TO observe and keep the daily order of Common prayer aboard the ship, and the company to be called thereunto, at the lest once in the day, to be pronounced openly. 2 Item, that they be ready with the first fair wind, to set sail and sails in the voyage, and not to put into any port or harbour, but being forcibly constrained by weather, or other apparent and urgent cause. 3 Item, that they take in, at or about the Isles of Cape Verde, to the quantity of 25 or 30 tuns of salt, to be employed among other the owner's merchandise, at Santos, and S. Vincent, to his only behoof, and the rest of the salt, so much as shall be needed for victual, and for saving of the hides to be kept aboard, & the same salt to be provided either at the fishermen's hands near the said Isles for truck of commodities, or else to be taken in at the aforesaid Isles, at the discretion of the abovenamed. 4 Item, upon the due performance of this voyage, the owner bindeth himself by this deed, to yield unto any such of the company, as shall refuse their shares before they departed from the coast of England, 20 marks a single share, for the duty of the whole voyage, making not above 75. shares single in the whole. 5 Item, the company according as they be appointed by the officers of the said ship above named, shall at all times be most ready to do their painful indevor, not only aboard, but in all labours at the land, according to the direction given by the abdue named officers, upon pain of forfeiture of their shares and wages, the same to be divided amongst the company. 6 Item, that the shares be taken at their return out of all the train oil, and hides of the seals, and of all other commodities got by their handy labour, and of the salt that shall be bended and other commodities, at, or near the coast of brasil, to allow after 9 li. the tun freight, whereof one third to go to the company. 7 Item, that if any man shall practise by any devise or devices whatsoever, to altar the voyage from the true purpose and intent of the owner, viz. to make their first port at Santos, and Saint Vincent, and there to revictuall and traffic, and from thence to the river of Plate to make their voyage by the train, and hide of the seals, with such other commodities as are there to be had, according as the owner, with divers that have government in the said ship, are bond to her highness by their deeds obligatory in great sums, that all such practisers, upon due proof made, shall lose their whole entertainment due by shares or otherwise for this said voyage to be adjudged by the Captain, his Lieutenant, the Master, Pilot, and merchant, or three of them at the lest, whereof the Captain to be one. 8 Item, that the pinnace be ready at all times to serve the merchants turn upon his demand, to take in wares and commodities, and to carry and recary to and from the shore, when, and as often as need shall be, and to give due attendance at the merchant and merchants ditection, during the whole voyage. 9 Item, that no head or chief officer being set down for such an officer under the hand of the owner, at the going to sea of the said ship, shall or may be displaced from his said place or office, without great cause, and his misdemeanour to be adjudged by the Captain, and his Lieutenant, the Master, the Pilot, and the merchant, or by the consent of three of them at the lest. 10 Item, that upon the return of the ship to the coast of England, the Master and Pilot put not into any port or harbour, to the Westward of Southampton, but forced by weather, or such like urgent cause. William Huddie. john Hooper. Hugh Smith. john Foster. William Cheesman. A direction as well for the Captain, and other my friends of the ship, as especially for William Cheesman Merchant, for the voyage to the river of Plate. AT your coming to the Isle of Saint Sebastian, The Isle of S. Sebastian. upon the coast of brasil, you shall according to your discretions, make sale of such commodities, as you may think will be thereabouts well vented, and likewise to buy commodities without making longer stay there then your victuals be providing, but rather to bespeak commodities against your return from the river of Plate, especially of Amber, Sugar, Gr●ene ginger, Cotton wool, and some quantity of the peppers of the country there. Also for Parats and Monkeys, and the beast called Serrabosa. Also you shall barrel up of the beef called Perune, two or three barrels, and to loose no good opportunity, to gather of the Indian figs, and the grains of them to preserve dry, in such quantity as conveniently may be done: and touching the making of the train, and preserving of the hides, I leave it wholly to the order and the discretion of the chief of the company. Also that in any road where the ship shall ride upon the coast of America, trial be made with the drags, for the pearl Oysters, and the same being taken, to be opened and searched for pearl in the presence of the Captain, his Lieutenant, the Master, the Pilot, and merchant, or three of them, whereof the Captain or his Lieutenant to be one, and to remain in the custody of the Captain and merchant. under two locks, either of them to have a key to his own lock, and that a true inventory be delivered also to the Master and Pilot of the said pearl or other jewels of price got in the said voyage, to the intent that no party be defrauded of his due, and that no concealment be made of any such thing upon forfeiture, the party to loose his share and duty for the voyage that shall so conceal and not reveal it unto the officers above named. Also to do your best endeavour to try for the best Ore of gold, silver, or other rich metals whatsoever. Forget not also to bring the kernels and seeds of strange plants with you, the Palmito with his fruit enclosed in him. Serve God, keep good watch, and stand always upon your guard. Edward Cotton. These things being thus ordered, and the ship of the burden of 260 tons, with 83 men of all sorts furnished, and fully appointed for the voyage, began to set sail from Hurst Castle upon Friday the 20 of May, Anno 1583, and the 17 day of july ensuing fallen with the coast of Guinie, to take in fresh water, where, through mere dissolute negligence, she perished upon a sand, with the most part of the men in her, as appeareth by the confession of one that escaped, the substance and tenor whereof is this. The confession of William Bends Master's Mate in the Edward Cotton, the 21 of October, Ann. 1584. HE saith, that the 17 day of july, Anno 1583. having some lack of fresh water, they put room upon the coast of Guinie, where they were set upon a sand about 8 leagues from the shore, and this Examinate, with 29 more, got into the pinnace, who arrived in an Island, being desolate of people, and five miles in compass, where they rested 18 days through force of weather, having naught to eat but grass. The rest of the company the ship being split in two, and in quarters, got them into one of the after quarters, and by the help of raftes came also a shore into another Island near to Rio grand, R●o grand. where they all died as he supposeth. The other 30 in the pinnace, at the end of 18 days, departed that Island, and came to Saint Domingo, where coming on shore, they were taken of the Moors, & stripped naked. And they buried one Cox an old man alive, not withstanding his pitiful lamentation and sk●●kings: Sue Cox an old English man buried alive by the Moors of Rio grand in Guinea. the rest having Rice and water allowed them, lived there a certain time. This Examinate was at last sold to a Portugal, with whom he dwelled the space of a quarter of a year, and in the end, a Portugal Caravel coming thither, his master laded the same with Negroes, and he obtained leave of his master to go in the same Caravell, & by that means arrived at Lisbon, and from thence came into England the 17 of October, 1584., leaving behind him of his company alive, Richard Hacker, john Baker, john Matthew, and a boy, with two others which were go beyond Saint Domingo: all which, as he says, were so sick and diseased, that he judgeth them to be long before this time dead. The escape of the Primrose a tall ship of London, from before the town of Bilbao in Biscay: which ship the Corregidor of the same Province, accompanied with 97 Spaniards, offered violently to arrest, and was defeated of his purpose, and brought prisoner into England. Whereunto is added the King's Commission for a general imbargment or arrest of all English, Netherlandish, and Easterlings ships, written in Barcelona the 19 of May 1585. IT is not unknown unto the world what danger our English ships have lately escaped, how sharply they have been entreated, and how hardly they have been assaulted: so that the valiancy of those that managed them is worthy remembrance. And therefore in respect of the courageous attempt and valiant enterprise of the ship called the Primrose of London, which hath obtained renown, I have taken in hand to publish the truth thereof, to the intent that it may be generally known to the rest of the English ships, that by the good example of this the rest may in time of extremity adventure to do the like: to the honour of the Realm, and the perpetual remembrance of themselves: The manner whereof was as followeth. VUon Wednesday being the six and twentieth day of May 1585., the ship called the Primrose being of one hundred and fifty tons, lying without the bay of Bilbao, having been there two days, there came a Spanish pinnace to them, wherein was the Corregidor and six others with him: these came aboard the Primrose, seeming to be Merchants of Biscay, or such like, bringing Cherries with them, and spoke very friendly to the Master of the ship, whose name was Foster, and he in courteous wise bade them welcome, making them the best cheer that he could with beer, beef, and biscuit, wherewith that ship was well furnished: and while they were thus in hanquetting with the Master, four of the seven departed in the said Pinnace, and went back again to Bilbao: the other three stayed, and were very pleasant for the time. But Master Foster misdoubting some danger secretly gave speech that he was doubtful of these men what their intent was; nevertheless he said nothing, nor seemed in any outward wise to mistrust them at all. Forthwith there came a shipboate wherein were seventy people being Merchants and such like of Biscay: and besides this boat, there came also the Pinnace which before had brought the other three, in which Pinnace there came four and twenty, as the Spaniards themselves since confessed. These made towards the Primrose, and being come thither, there came aboard the Corregidor with three or four of his men: but Master Foster seeing this great multitude desired that there might no more come aboard; but that the rest should stay in their boats which was grunted: nevertheless they took small heed of these words; for on a sudden they came forth of the boat, entering the ship, every spaniard taking him to his Rapier which they brought in the boat, with other weapons, and a drum wherewith to triumph over them. Thus did the Spaniards enter the ship, plunging in fiercely upon them, some planting themselves under the dick, some entering the Cabbe●s, and a multitude attending their prey. Then the Corregidor having an officer with him which bore a white wand in his hand, said to the master of the ship: Yield yourself, for you are the king's prisoner: whereat the Master said to his men, We are betrayed. Then some of them set daggers to his breast, and seemed in furious manner as though they would have slain him, meaning nothing less than to do any such act, for all that they sought was to bring him and his men safe alive to ●hore. Whereat the Master was amazed, and his men greatly discomfited to see themselves ready to be conveyed even to the slaughter: notwithstanding some of them respecting the danger of the Master, and seeing how with themselves there was no way but present death if they were once landed among the Spaniards, they resolved themselves either to defend the Master, and generally to shun that danger, or else to die and be buried in the midst of the sea, rather than to suffer themselves to come into the tormentor's hands: and therefore in very bold and manly sort some ●ooke them to their javelinings, lances, boarspears, and shot, which they had set in readiness before, and having five Calievers ready charged, which was all the small shot they had, those that were under the hatches or the grate did shoot up at the Spaniards that were over their heads, which shot so amazed the Spaniards on the sudden, as they could hardly tell which way to escape the danger, fearing this their small shot to be of greater number than it was: others in very manlike sort dealt about among them, showing themselves of that courage with boarspears and lances, that they dismayed at every stroke two or three Spaniards. Then some of them desired the Master to command his men to cease and hold their hands, but he answered ●hat such was the courage of the English Nation in defence of their own lives, that they would stay them and him also: and therefore it lay not in him to do it. Now did their blood run about the ship in great quantity, some of them being shot in between the legs, the bullets issuing forth at their breasts, some cut in the head, some thrust into the body, and many of them very sore wounded, so that they came not so fast in on the one side, but now they tumbled as fast over board on both sides with their weapons in their hands, some falling into the sea, and some getting into their boats, making haste towards the City. And this is to be noted, that although they came very thick thither, there returned but a small company of them, neither is it known as yet how many of them were slain or drowned, only one English man was then slain, whose name was john Tristram, and six other hurt. It was great pity to behold how the Spaniards lay swimming in the sea, and were not able to save their lives. Four of them taking hold of the ship were for pity's sake taken up again by Master Foster and his men, not knowing what they were: all the Spaniards bosoms were stuffed with paper, to defend them from the shot, and these four having some wounds were dressed by the surgeon of the ship. One of them was the Corregidor himself, who is governor of a hundred Towns and Cities in Spain, his living by his office being better than six hundred pound yearly. This skirmish happened in the evening about six of the clock, after they had laden twenty Tun of goods and better out of the said ship: which goods were delivered by two of the same ship, whose names were john Burrell, and john Brodbanke, who being on shore were apprehended and stayed. After this valiant enterprise of eight and twenty English men against 97 Spaniards, they see it was in vain for them to stay and therefore set up sails, and by God's providence avoided all danger, brought home the rest of their goods, and came thence with all expedition: The Corregidor of Bilbao taken and brought to London. and (God be thanked) arrived safely in England near London on Wednesday being the 8 day of june, 1585. In which their return to England the Spaniards that they brought with them offered five hundred crowns to be set on shore in any place: which, seeing the Master would not do, they were content to be ruled by him and his company, and craved mercy at their hands. And after Master Foster demanded why they came in such sort to betray and destroy them, the Corregidor answered, that it was not done only of themselves, but by the commandment of the king himself; and calling for his hose which were wet, did pluck forth the king's Commission, by which he was authorised to do all that he did: The Copy whereof followeth, being translated out of Spanish. The Spanish king's commission for the general imbargment or arrest of the English, etc. LIcentiat de Escober, my Corregidor of my Signory of Biskay, I have caused a great fleet to be put in readiness in the haven of Lisbon, and the river of S●uill. There is required for the Soldiers, armour, victuals, and munition, that are to be employed in the same great store of shipping of all sorts against the time of service, and to the end there may be choice made of the best, upon knowledge of their burden and goodness; I do therefore require you, that presently upon the arrival of this carrier, and with as much dissimulation as may be (that the matter may not be known until it be put in execution) you take order for the staying and arresting (with great foresight) of all the shipping that may be found upon the coast, and in the ports of the said Signory, excepting none of Holland, Zealand, Easterland, Germany, England, and other Provinces that are in rebellion against me, saving those of France which being little, and of small burden and weak, are thought unfit to serve the turn. And the stay being thus made, you shall have a special care that such merchandise as the said ships or hu●kes have brought, whether they be all or part unladen, may be taken out, and that the armour, munition, tackles, sails, and victuals may be safely bestowed, as also that it may be well foreseen, that none of the ships or men may escape away. Which things being thus executed, you shall advertise me by an express messenger, of your proceeding therein: And sand me a plain and distinct declaration of the number of ships that you shall have so stayed in that coast and parts, whence every one of them is, which belong to my Rebels, what burden & goods there are, and what number of men is in every of them, and what quantity they have of armour, ordinance, munition, victuals, tackle and other necessaries, to the end that upon sight hereof, having made choice of such as shall be fit for the service, we may further direct you what you shall do. In the mean time you shall presently see this my commandment put in execution, and if there come thither any more ships, you shall also 'cause them to be stayed and arrested after the same order, using therein such care and diligence, as may answer the trust that I repose in you, wherein you shall do me great service. Dated at Barcelona the 29 of May. 1585. And thus have you herded the truth and manner thereof, wherein is to be noted the great courage of the master, and the loving hearts of the servants to save their master from the danger of death: yea, and the care which the master had to save so much of the owner's goods as he might, although by the same the greatest is his own loss in that he may never travel to those parts any more without the loss of his own life, nor yet any of his servants: for if hereafter they should, being known they are like to taste of the sharp torments which are there accustomed in their Holy-house. And as for their terming English ships to be in rebellion against them, it is sufficiently known by themselves, and their own consciences can not deny it, but that with love, unity, and concord, our ships have ever been favourable unto them, and as willing to pleasure their King, as his subjects any way willing to pleasure English passengers. The Letters patents or privileges granted by her Majesty to certain Noble men and Merchants of London, for a trade to Barbary, in the year 1585. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. to the Treasurer & Barons of our Exchequer, and to all Majors, sheriffs, constables, customers, collectors of our customs and subsidies, controllers, searchers, and keepers of our havens and creeks, ports and passages, within this our realm of England and the dominions of the same, and to all our officers, ministers and subjects, and to all other whosoever to whom it shall or may appertain, and to every of them greeting. Whereas it is made evidently and apparently known unto us, that of late years our right trusty and right well-beloved councillors, Ambrose earl of Warwick, and Robert Earl of Leicester, and also our loving and natural subjects, Thomas Starkie of our city of London Alderman, jerard Gore the elder, and all his sons, Thomas Gore the elder, Arthur Atie gentleman, Alexander Auenon, Richard Staper, William jennings, Arthur Dawbeney, William Sherington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthony Garrard, Robert How, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, john Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Laurence, Nicholas Style, Oliver Stile, William Bond, Henry Farrington, john Tedcastle, Walter Williams, William Brune, john Suzan, john Newton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afield, Robert Washborne, Reinold Guy, Thomas Hitchcocke, George Lydiat, john Cartwright, Henry Paiton, john Boldroe, Robert Bowyer, Anthony dassel, Augustine Lane, Robert Lion, and Thomas Dod, all of London, Merchants now trading into the Country of Barbary, in the parts of Africa, under the government of Mulai Hammet Sheriff, Emperor of Morocco, and king of Fez and Sus, have sustained great and grievous losses, and are like to sustain greater if it should not be prevented: In tender consideration whereof, and for that divers Merchandise of the same Countries are very necessary and convenient for the use and defence of this our Realm of England, and for divers other causes us specially moving, minding the relief and benefit of our said subjects, and the quiet traffic and good government to be had, and used among them in their said trade, of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion have given and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant unto the said Earls of Warwick and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, jerard Gore the elder, Arthur Atie gentleman, Alexander Auenon, Richard Staper, William jennings, Arthur Dawbenie, William Sherington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthony Gerrard, Robert How, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, john Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Laurence, Nicholas Style, Oliver Stile, William Bond, Henry Farrington, john Tedcastle, Walter Williams, William Brune, john Suzan, john Newton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afild, Robert Washborne, Rainold Guy, Thomas Hitchcocke, George Lidiate, john Cartwright, Henry Payton, john Baldroe, Robert Bowyer, Anthony dassel, Augustine Lane, Robert Lion, and Thomas Dod, that they and every of them by themselves, or by their factors or servants, and none others, shall and may, for, and during the space of 12. years, have and enjoy the whole freedom and liberty in the said traffic or trade, unto or from the said country of Barbary, or to or from any part thereof, for the buying and selling of all manner of wares and merchandises whatsoever, that now or accustomably heretofore have been brought or transported, from, or to the said country of Barbary, or from or to any of the cities, towns, places, ports, roads, havens, harbours or creeks of the said country of Barbary, any law, statute, grant, matter, customs or privileges, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And for the better establishing, ordering and governing of the said Earls of Warwick and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, etc. abovesaid, their factors, servants and assigns in the trade aforesaid, we for us our heirs and successors, do by these presents give and grant full licence to the said Thomas Starkie, jerard Gore the elder, and the rest aforesaid, and to every of them from time to time, during the said term of twelve years, at their pleasures to assemble and meet together in any place or places convenient within our city of London, or elsewhere, to consult of, and for the said trade, and with the consent of the said Earl of Leicester, to make and establish good and necessary orders and ordinances, for, and touching the same, and all such orders and ordinances so made, to put in ure and execute, and them or any of them with the consent of the said Earl of Leicester, to altar, change and make void, and if need be, to make new, as at any time during the said term, they or the most part of them then living and trading, shall find convenient. Provided always, that the ordinances or any of them be not contrary or repugnant to the laws, statutes or customs of this our Realm of England. And to the intent that they only to whom the said liberty of traffic is granted by these our Letters patents, and none other our Subjects whatsoever, without their special consent and licence before had, should during the said term have trade or traffic for any manner of merchandises, to, or from the said country of Barbary, or to, or from any City, town, place, port, harbour or creak within the said country of Barbary, to, or out of our said Realms and dominions, we do by these presents straight charge, command, and prohibit all and every our Subjects whatsoever, other then only the said Earls of Warwick and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, and the rest abovesaid, and every of them by themselves, or by their Factors or servants during the ●aide term, to trade or traffic, for or with any merchandise, to, or from the said Country of Barbary, or to, or from any the dominions of the same, as they tender our favour, and will avoid our high displeasure, and upon pain of imprisonment of his and their bodies, at our will and pleasure, and of forfeiting all the merchandises, or the full value thereof, wherewith they or any of them during the said term, shall trade or traffic to or from the said country of Barbary, or to, or from the dominions of the same, contrary to this our privilege and prohibition, unless it be by and with the express licence, consent, and agreement of the said Earls of Warwick and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, jerard Gore the elder, and all his sons, Thomas Gore the elder, Arthur Atie gentleman, Alexander Auenon, Richard Straper, William jennings, Arthur Dawbnie, William Sherington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthony Gerrard, Robert How, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, john Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Laurence, Nicholas Style, Oliver Stile, William Bond, Henry Farington, John Tedcastle, Walter Williams, William Brune, john Suzan, john Newton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afield, Robert Washborne, Rainold Guy, Thomas Hitchcock, George Lidiate, etc. or by, and with the express licence and consent of the more part of them then living and trading, first had and obtained, so always, that the said Earl of Leicester be one, if he be living. And we further for us our heirs and successors of our special grace, mere motion and certain knowledge, do grant to the said Earls of Warwick and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, and the rest abovesaid, and to every of them, that nothing shall be done, to be of force or validity touching the said trade or traffic, or the exercise thereof, without or against the consent of the said Earls, Thomas Starkie, (and the others before named) during the time of these our Letters patents for 12. years as aforesaid. And for that the said Earls, Thomas Starkie, etc. and every of them aforesaid should not be prevented or interrupted in this their said trade, we do by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, straight prohibit and forbidden all manner of person or people, as well strangers of what nation or country soever, as our own Subjects, other then only the said Earls, Thomas Starkie, etc. and every of them as aforesaid, that they nor any of them from henceforth during the said term of 12. years, do or shall bring, or cause to be brought into this our Realm of England, or to any the dominions thereof, any manner of merchandises whatsoever growing, or being made within the said Country of Barbary, or within any the dominions thereof, unless it be by and with the licence, consent and agreement of the said Earls, Thomas Starkie, etc. or with the consent and licence of the more part of them then living, first had and obtained, so always that the said Earl of Leicester (if he be living) be one, under the pain that every one that shall offend or do against this our present prohibition here last above mentioned in these presents, shall forfeit and loose all and singular the said merchandises to be landed in any our realms and dominions, contrary to the tenor and true meaning of this our prohibition in that behalf provided: the one moiety of all and every which said forfeitures whatsoever mentioned or specified in these our present Letters patents, shallbe to us our heirs & successors: And the other moiety of all and every the said forfeitures, we do by these presents of our certain knowledge and mere motion, clearly and wholly for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant unto the said Earls, Thomas Starkie, etc. And these our Letters patents, upon the only sight thereof, without any further warrant, shall be sufficient authority to our Treasurer of England for the time being, to our Barons of the Exchequer, and to all other our officers that shall have to deal in this behalf, to make full allowance unto the said Earls, Thomas Starkie, etc. their deputies or assigns of the one moiety of all and singular the goods, merchandises and things whatsoever mentioned in these our present Letters patents, to be forfeited at any time or times during the said term of twelve years: which said allowance we do straight charge and command from time to time to be made to the said Earls, Thomas Starkie, etc. and to every of them accordingly, without any manner of delay or denial of any of our officers whatsoever, as they tender our favour and the furtherance of our good pleasure. And we do straight charge and command, and by these presents prohibit all and singular Customers and Collectors of our customs & subsidies, and controllers of the same, of, and within our City and port of London, and all other ports, creeks, & places within this our Realm of England, and every of them, that they ne any of them take or perceive, or cause, or suffer to be taken, received, or perceived for us & in our name, or to our use, or to the uses of our heirs or successors of any person or people, any sum or sums of money, or other things whatsoever during the said term of 12. years, for, and in the name & lieu or place of any custom, subsidy & other thing or duties to us, our heirs or successors due or to be due for the customs & subsidies of any merchandises whatsoever growing, being made or coming out of the said country of Barbary, or out of the dominions thereof, nor make, cause, nor suffer to be made any entry into our or their books of customs & subsidies, nor make any agreement for the subsidies and customs, of, and for any the said merchants, saving only with, & in the name of the said Earls, Thomas Starkie, etc. or the most part of them, as they and every of them will answer at their uttermost perils to the contrary. And for the better and more sure observation of this our grant, we will, and grant for us our heirs & successors by these presents, that the Treasurer & barons of our Exchequer for the time being, by force of this our grant or enrolment thereof in the said court, at all & every time & times during the said term of 12. years, at & upon request made unto them by the said Earls, Thomas Starkie, etc. or by the atturneiss, factors, deputies or assigns of them, or the most part of them then living and trading, shall and may make & direct under the seal of the said Exchequer, one or more sufficient writ or writs, close or patents, unto every or any of our said customers, collectors or controllers of our heirs an● successors in all and every, or to any port or ports, creak, haven, or other places within this our realm of England, as the said Earls, Thomas Starkie, etc. or any the atturneiss, factors, deputies or assigns of them or the most part of them then living and trading; shall at any time require, commanding and straight charging them and every of them, that they nor any of them at any time or times during the said term of 12. years, make any entry of any wares or merchandises whatsoever, growing, being made or coming out or from the said country of Barbary, or the dominions thereof, nor receive or take any custom, subsidy or other entry, or make any agreement for the same, other then with or in the name of the said Earls, Thomas Starkie etc. the factor or factors, deputies or assigns of them or the most part of them then living and trading, according to this our grant, and the true meaning thereof, and according to our said will and pleasure before in these presents declared. In witness whereof we have caused these our Letters to be made patents. Witness ourself at Westminster the 5. day of july in the 27. year of our reign. The embassage of Master Henry Roberts, one of the sworn Esquires of her majesties person, from her highness to Mulai Hamet Emperor of Morocco and the King of Fez, and Sur, in the year 1585.: who remained there as Liger for the space of 3. years. Written briefly by himself. Upon an incorporation granted to the Company of Barbary Merchants resident in London, I Henry Roberts one of her majesties sworn Esquires of her person, was appointed her highness messenger, and Agent unto the aforesaid Mulai Harner Emperor of Morocco, king of Fez and Sus. And after I had received my Commission, instructions, and her majesties letters, I departed from London the 14. of August in the year 1585. in a tall ship called the Ascension, in the company of the Minion and Hopewell, and we all arrived in safety at Azafi a port of Barbary, the 14. of September next following. The Alcaide of the town (being the king's officer there, and as it were Mayor of the place) received me with all humanity and honour, according to the custom of the Country, lodging me in the chiefest house of the town, from whence I dispatched a messenger (which in their language they call a Trottero) to advertise the Emperor of my arrival: who immediately gave order, and sent certain soldiers for my guard and conduct, and horses for myself, and mules for mine own and my companies carriages. Thus being accompanied with M. Richard Euans, Edward Salcot, and other English Merchants resident there in the Country, with my train of Moors and carriages, I came at length to the river of Tensist, which is within four miles of Morocco: and there by the water side I pitched my tents under the Olive trees: where I met with all the English Merchants by themselves, and the French and Flemish, and divers other Christians, which attended my coming. And after we had dined, & spent out the heat of the day, about four of the clock in the afternoon we all set forward toward the City of Morocco, where we arrived the said day, being the 14. of September, and I was lodged by the emperors appointment in a fair house in the judaria or jury, which is the place where the jews have their abode, and is the fairest place, and quietest lodging in all the City. After I had reposed myself 3. days, I had access to the king's presence, delivered my message and her majesties letters, and was received with all humanity, and had favourable audience from time to time for three years: during which space I abode there in his Court, as her majesties Agent and Ligier: and whensoever I had occasion of business I was admitted either to his Majesty himself, or to his vice Roy, whose name was Alcayde Breme Saphiana, a very wise and discreet person, and the chiefest about his Majesty. The particulars of my service, for divers good and reasonable causes. I forbear here to put down in writing. After leave obtained, and an honourable reward bestowed by the Emperor upon me, I departed from his Court at Morocco the 18. of August 1588. toward a garden of his, which is called Shersbonare, where he promised me I should stay but one day for his letters: howbeit, upon some occasion I was stayed until the 14. of September at the king's charges, with 40. or 50. shot attending upon me for my guard and safety. From thence at length I was conducted with all things necessary to the port of Santa Cruz, being six days journey from Morocco, and the place where our ships do commonly take in their lading, where I arrived the 21. of the same month. In this port I stayed 43. days, and at length the second of November I embarked myself, and one Marshok Reiz a Captain and a Gentleman, which the Emperor sent with me upon an embassage to her Majesty: and after much torment and foul weather at Sea, yer Newyeres day I came on land at S. jews in Cornwall, from whence passing by land both together up towards London, we were met without the city with the chiefest merchants of the Barbary Company, wri● mounted all on horseback, to the number of 40. or 50. horse, and so the Ambassador and myself being both in Coche, entered the city by torchlight, on Sunday at night the 12. of january 1589. Este es un traslado bien y fielment sacado da una carta real del Rey Muley Hamet de Fes y Emperador de Marruecoes, cuyo tenor es este, que Segue. COn el number de Dios piadoso y misericordioso, etc. El sieruo de Dios soberano, el conquistador per su causa, el successor ensalçado por Dios, Emperador de los Moros, hijo del Emperador de los Moros, jariffe, Haceni, el que perpetue su honra, y ensalçe sum estado. Se pone este nuestro real mandado en manos de los criados de nuestras altas puertas los mercadore: Yngleses; para qûe por el sepan todos los que la present vieren, come nuestro alto Conseio les anpara con el favour de Dios de todo aquello, que les enpeciere y dannare en qualquiera manera, que fueren offendidos, y en qualquiera viaie, que fueren, ninguno les captivarà en estos nuestros reynos, y puertos, y lugares, que anos pertenescen: y que les cubre el anporo de nuestro podor de qualquiera fatiga; y ningun los impida con mano de enemistad, ni se darà causa, de que se agravien en qualquiera manera con el favour de Dios y de su amparo. Y mandamos à los Alcaydes de los nuestros puertos y fortalezas, y à los que en estos nuestros reynos tie●en cargo, y à toda la gente common, que no les alleguen en ninguna manera, con orden, de que scene offendidos en ninguna manera; y esto serà necessariament: Que es escrita en los medios dias de Rabel, segundo anno de nueve çientoes, y noventa y seys. Concorda el dia d'esta carta con veynte dias de Março del anno de mill y quiniento y ochenta y siete, lo qual yo Abdel Rahman el Catan, interpret per su Magestad faquè, y romançe de verbo ad verbum, common en el se contiene, y en Fee dello firmo de my number, fecho ut supra. Abdel Rahman el Casan. This is a copy well and truly translated of an edict of Muley Hamet king of Fez and Emperor of Morocco, whose tenor is as followeth: to wit, That no Englishmen should be molested or made slaves in any part of his Dominions, obtained by the aforesaid M. Henry Roberts. The same in English. IN the Name of the pitiful and the merciful God, etc. The servant of the supreme God, the conqueror in his cause, the successor advanced by God, the Emperor of the Moors, the son of the Emperor of the Moors, the jariffe, the Haçeny, whose honour God long increase and advance his estate. This our princely commandment is delivered into the hands of the English merchants, which remain in the protection of our stately palaces: to the end that all men which shall see this present writing, may understand that our princely counsel will defend them by the favour of God, from anything that may impeach or hurt them in what sort soever they shallbe wronged: and that, which way soever they shall travail, no man shall take them captives in these our kingdoms, ports, and places which belong unto us, which also may protect and defend them by our authority from any molestation whatsoever: and that no man shall hinder them by laying violent hand upon them, and shall not give occasion that they may be grieved in any sort by the favour and assistance of God. And we charge and command our officers of our havens and fortresses, and all such as bear any authority in these our dominions, and likewise all the common people, that in no wise they do molest them, in such sort that they be no way offended or wronged. And this our commandment shall remain inviolable, being registered in the midst of the month of Rabel in the year 996. The date of this letter agreeth with the 20. of March 1587. which I Abdel Rahman el Catan, interpreter for his Majesty, have translated and turned out of the Arabian into Spanish word for word as is contained therein: and in witness thereof have subscribed my name as aforesaid. Abdel Rahman el Catan. En number de Dios el piadoso piadador. Orantion de Dios sober nuestro Sennor y Propheta Mahumet, y los allegadoes à el. A letter of Mulai Hamet to the Earl of Leicester. EL sieruo de Dios, y muy guerrero, y ensalsado por la graçia de Dios, Myra Momanyu, hijo de Myra Momanyu, nieto de Myra Momanyu, el jarif, el Hazeny, que Dios sustenga sus reynos, y enhalse siu mandadoes, para el Sennor muy affamado y muy illustre, muy estimado, el Conde de Leycester, despues de dare las loores devidas à Dios, y las oraçiones, y saludes devidas à le Propheta Mahumet. Seruirà esta por oshazer saber que llego a qui à nuestrà real Corte unestra carta, y entendimos loveless que en ella se contiene. Y unestro Ambaxador, que aqui està en nuestra corte me dio à entender la causa de la tardança de los rèhenes hasta agora: el qual descuentò reçebimos, y nos damos por satisfechos. Y quanta à lo que à nosesori●eys por causa de ivan Herman, y lo m●smo que nos ha' dicho el Ambaxador sober el, ants que llegasse vuestra carta por laquexa del ambaxador, que se ania quexado del, ya aniamos mandado prender lo. y assi queda aora preso, y quedera, hasta que sele haga la justicia que mas se le hade hazer. Y con tanto nuestro Sennor os tenga en su guardia. Hecha en nuestra corte real en Marruecoes, que Dios sostenga, el 28. dias del mes de Remodan anno 996. In the Name of the merciful and pitiful God. The blessing of God light upon our lord and prophet Mahumet, and those that are obedient unto him. THe servant of God both mighty in war and mightily exalted by the grace of God Myra Momanyn, the son of Myra Momanyn, the jariff, the Hazeni, whose kingdoms God maintain and advance his authority: Unto the right favous, right noble, & right highly esteemed Earl of Leicester, after due praises given unto God, & due blessings and salutations rendered unto the prophet Mahumet. These are to give you to understand, that your letters arrived here in our royal Court, and we well perceive the contents thereof. And your Ambassador which remains here in our Court told me the cause of the slowness of the gauges or pledges until this time: which reckoning we accept of, and hold ourselves as satisfied. And as touching the matter whereof you writ unto us concerning john Herman, and the self same complaint which your Ambassador hath made of him, before the coming of your letter, we had already commanded him to be taken upon the complaint which your Ambassador had made of him, whereupon he still remains in hold, and shall so continued until further justice be done upon him according to his desert. And so our Lord keep you in his safeguard. Written at our royal court in Morocco, which God maintain, the 20. day of the month Remodan, Anno ‖ Which is with us 1587. 996. The Queen's majesties letters to the Emperor of Morocco. MVy alto, y muy poderoso Sennor, Auiendo entendido de part de nuestro Agente lafoy mucha afition, y volontad, The Queen's letters to the Emperor. que nos teneys, y quanta honra, y favour le hazeys por amor nuestro, par a dare nos tanto mayor testimonio de vuestra amistad, hemos recebido de lo uno y de lo otro muy grand contento, y satisfation: y assy no podemos dexar de agradesceroslo, common mereceys. Vuestras cartas hemos tambien recibido, y con ellas holgadonos infinitament, por venir de part de un Principe, à quien tenemos tanta obligation. Nuestro Agente nos ba escripto sober ciertas cosas, que desseays ser os embiadas de aqui: Y, a●nque queriamos poder os en ello pontualment complazer, common pidi●, ha' succedido, que las guerras, en que stamoral present occupadas, nonos lo consienten deal todo: Hemos però mandado, que se os satisfaga en part, y conform à lo que por agora la necessitad nos permite, common mas particularment os loveless declararà nuestro Agente: esperando, que lo reciberreys en buena part, y conform all animo, con que os lo concedemos. Y porque nos ha' sido referido, que aveys prometido de proceder contra un ivan Herman vassallo nuestro, (el qual nos ha' gravement offendido) de la manera, que or loveless demandaremos avemos dado orden à nuestro dicho Agente de de●irosmas parcularment lo que desseamos ser hecho a cerca deste negacio, rogando os, que loveless mandeys assicomplir: y que seays seruido de favorescer siempre all dicho Agente, y tener lo ●u buen credito, common hasta agora aveys hecho, sin permiter, que nadie us hagamando de parecer a cerca de las calumnias, que le podrax lenantar, ny dudar, que not complamoes muy por en●ero todo, lo que de nuestra part os prometiere. Nuestro Sennor guard vostra muy alta y muy podarosa persona. Hecha en nuestra Corte Real de Greenwich a 20. de julio 1587. The same in English. RIght high and mighty Prince, Having understood from our Agent the great affection and good will which you bear us, and how great honour and favour you show him for our sake, to the end to give us more ample testimony of your friendship, we have received very great contentment & satisfaction, aswell of the one as of the other: and withal we could not omit to magnify you, according to your desert. We have also received your letters, and do not a little rejoice thereof, because they come from a prince unto whom we are so much beholden. Our Agent hath written unto us concerning certain things which you desire to be sent unto you from hence. And albeit we wish that we could particularly satisfy you, as you desire, yet it is fallen out, that the wars, wherein at this present we be busied, will not suffer us fully to do the same: nevertheless, we have commanded to satisfy you in part, and according as the present necessity doth permit us, as our Agent will declare unto you more particularly, hoping you will receive it in good part, and according to the good will wherewith we grant the same. And because it hath been signified unto us that you have promised to proceed in justice against one john Herman our subject, john Herman an English rebel. which hath grievously offended us, in such sort as we have sent ●ord unto you, we have given order to our said Agent to inform you more particularly in tha● which we desire to be done in this business, praying you also to command the same to be put in execution: and that it would please you always to favour our said Agent and to hold him in good credit, as you have done hitherto, not suffering yourself to be changed in your opinion, for all the false reports which they may raise against him, nor to doubt that we will not accomplish at large all that he shall promise' you on our behalf. Our Lord keep and preserve your right high and mighty person. Written in our royal Court at Greenwich the 20. of july 1587. A voyage to the Azores with two pinases, the one called the Serpent, and the other the Mary Spark of Plymouth, both of them belonging to Sir Walter Ralegh, written by john Euesham Gentleman, wherein were taken the governor of the Isle of Saint Michael, and Pedro Sarmiento governor of the Straitss of Magalanes, in the year 1586. THe 10. of june 1586. we departed from Plymouth with two Pinases, the o●e named the Serpent, of the burden of 35. Tons, and the other the Mary Spark of Plymouth of the burden of 50. Tuns, both of them belonging to sir Walter Ralegh knight; and directing our course towards the coast of Spain, & from thence towards the Isles of the Azores, we ●ooke a small bark laden with Sumacke and other commodities, wherein was the governor of S. Michael's Island, The governor of S. Michael taken prisoner. being a Portugal, having other Portugals and Spaniards with him. And from thence we sailed to the Island of Graciosa, to the West ward of the Island of Tercera, where we descried a sail, and bearing with her we found her to be a Spaniard: But at the first not greatly respecting whom we took, so that we might have enriched ourselves ● which was the cause of this our travail, and for that we would not be known of what nation we were, we displayed a white silk ensign in our main top, which they seeing, made account that we had been some of the king of Spain's Armadas, lying in wait for English men of war: but when we came within shot of her, we took down our white flag; and spread abroad the Cross of S. George, which when they see, it made them to fly as fast as they might, but all their haste was in vain, for our ships were swifter of sail than they, which they fearing, did presently cast their ordinance and small shot with many letters, and the draft of the Straitss of Magelan into the Sea, and thereupon immediately we took her, wherein we also took a gentleman of Spain, named Pedro Sarmiento, Pedro Sarmiento the governor of the Straitss of Magelan taken prisoner. governor of the Straitss of Magelan, which said Pedro we brought into England with us, and presented him to our sovereign Lady the Queen. After this, lying off and about the Islands, we descried another sail, and bearing after her, we spent the main mast of our Admiral, but yet in the night our Uiceadmirall took her, being laden with fish from Cape Blank, A ship laden with fish taken and released again. the which ship we let go again for want of men to bring her home. The next day we descried two other sails, the one a ship and the other a Caravel, to whom we gave chase, which they seeing, with all speed made in under the Isle of Graciosa, to a certain Fort there for their succour, where they came to an anchor, and having the wind of us we could not hurt them with our ships, but we having a small boat, which we called a light horseman, wherein myself was, being a Musqueter, and four more with Calivers, and four that rowed, came near unto the shore against the wind, which when they see us come towards them they carried a great part of their merchandise on land, whither also the men of both vessels went and landed, and as soon as we came within Musquee shot, they began to shoot at us with great ordinance and small shot, and we likewise at them, and in the end we boarded one ship wherein was no man left, One of the ships taken, and sent away with 2. people. so we ●●t her cables, hoist her sails, and sent her away with two of our men, and the other 7. of us passed more near unto the shore, and boarded the Caravel, The Caravel is taken. which did ride within a stones cast from the shore, and so near the land that the people did cast stones at us, but yet i●despight of them all we took her, and one only Negro therein● and cutting her cables in the hawse we hoist her sails, and being becalmed under ●he land, we were constrained to row her out with our boat, the Fort still shooting at us, and the people on land with Muskets and calivers, to the number of ● 50. or thereabouts: and we answered them with the small force we had; In the time of which our shooting, the shot of my Musket being a cross harre-shot happened to strike the gunner of the fort to death, even as he was giving level to one of his great pieces, and thus we parted from them without any loss or hurt on our side. And now, having taken these five sa●les of ships, we did as before, turn away the ship with the fish, without hurting them, and from one of the other ships we took her main Mast to serve our Admiral's turn, and so sent her away putting into her all the Spaniards and Portugals, The prizes sent home. (saving that gentleman Pedro Sarmiento, with three other of the principal men and two Negroes) leaving them all within sight of land, with bread and water sufficient for 10. days if need were. Thus setting our course for England, being off the Islands in the height of 41. degrees, or there about, one of our men being in the top descried a sail, than 10. sail, than 15. whereupon it was concluded to send home those prizes we had, and so left in both our Pinasses not above 60. men. Two Caracks, 10. Galleons, 12. small ships. Thus we returned again to the Fleet we had descried, where we found 24. sail of ships, whereof two of them were Caracks, the one of 1200. and the other of a 1000 tons, and 10. Galleons, the rest were small ships and Caravels all laden with Treasure, spices, and sugars, with which 24. ships we with two small Pinasses did fight, and kept company the space of 32. hours, continually fight with them and they with us, but the two Caracks kept still betwixt the Fleet and us, that we could not take any one of them, so wanting powder, we were forced to give them over against our wills, for that we were all wholly bend to the gaining of some of them, but necess●ie compelling us, and that only for want of powder, without loss of any of our men, (which was a thing to be wondered at considering the inequality of number) at length we gave them over. Thus we again set our course for England, The 2. pinasses return for England. and so came to Plymouth within 6. hours after our prizes, which we sent away 40. hours before us, where we were received with triumphant joy, not only with great Ordinance then shot off, but with the willing hearts of all the people of the Town, and of the Country thereabouts; and we not sparing our Ordinance (with the powder we had left) to requited and answer them again. And from thence we brought our prizes to Southampton, where sir Walter Ralegh being our owner, rewarded us with our shares. Our prizes were laden with sugars, Elephants teeth, wax, hides, rice, brasil, and Cuser, as by the testimony of john Euesham himself, Captain Whiddon, Thomas Rainford, Benjamin Wood, William Cooper Master, William Cornish Master, Thomas Drake Corporal, john lad gunner, William Warefield gunner, Richard Moon, john Drawn, Richard Cooper of Harwich, William Bears of Ratcliff, john Row of Saltash, and many others, may appear. A brief relation of the notable service performed by Sir Francis Drake upon the Spanish Fleet prepared in the Road of Cadiz: and of his destroying of 100 sail of barks; Passing from thence all along the coast to Cape Sacre, where also he took certain Forts: and so to the mouth of the River of Lisbon, and thence crossing over to the Isle of Sant Michael, supprized a mighty Carack called the Saint Philip coming out of the East India, which was the first of that kind that ever was seen in England: Performed in the year 1587. HEr Majesty being informed of a mighty preparation by Sea begun in Spain for the invasion of England, by good advise of her grave and prudent Counsel thought it expedient to prevent the same. Whereupon she caused a Fleet of some 30. sails to be rigged and furnished with all things necessary. Over that Fleet she appointed General sir Francis Drake (of whose manifold former good services she had sufficient proof) to whom the caused 4. ships of her Navy royal to be delivered, to wit, The Bonaventure wherein himself went as General; the Lion under the conduct of Master William Borough Controller of the Navy; the Dread-nought under the command of M. Thomas Venner; and the Rainbow, captain whereof was M. Henry Bellingham: unto which 4. ships two of her pinasses were appointed as haud-maids. There were also added unto this Fleet certain tall ships of the City of London, of whose especial good service the General made particular mention in his private Letters directed to her Majesty. This Fleet set sail from the sound of Plymouth in the month of April towards the coast of Spain. The 16. of the said month we met in the latitude of 40. degrees with two ships of Middle-borough, which came from Cadiz; by which we understood that there was great store of warlike provision at Cadiz & thereabouts ready to come for Lisbon. Upon this information our General withal speed possible, bending himself thither to cut off their said forces and provisions, upon the 19 of April entered with his Fleet into the Harbour of Cadiz: where at our first entering we were assailed over against the Town by six Galleys, which notwithstanding in short time retired under their fortress. There were in the Road 60. ships and divers other small vessels under the fortress: there fled about 20. French ships to Port Real, and some small Spanish vessels that might pass the sholdes. At our first coming in we sunk with our shot a ship of Raguza of a 1000 tons, furnished with 40. pieces of brass and very richly laden. There came two Galleys more from S. Mary port, and two from Porto Real, which shot freely at us, but altogether in vain: for they went away with the blows well beaten for their pains. Before night we had taken 30. of the said ships, & become Masters of the Road, in despite of the Galleys, which were glad to retire them under the Fort: in the number of which ships there was one new ship of an extraordinary hugeness in burden above 1200. tons, belonging to the marquess of Santa Cruz being at that instant high Admiral of Spain. Five of them were great ships of Biskay, whereof 4. we fired, as they were taking in the King's provision of victuals for the furnishing of his Fleet at Lisbon: the fift being a ship about 1000 tons in burden, laden with Iron-spi●es, nails, iron hoops, horseshoes, and other like necessaries bond for the West Indies we fired in like manner. Also we took a ship of 250. tons laden with wines for the King's provision, which we carried out to the Sea with us, and there discharged the said wines for our own store, and afterward set her on fire. Moreover we took 3. Flyboats of 300. tons a piece laden with biscuit, whereof one was half unladen by us in the harborough, and there fired, and the other two we took in our company to the Sea. Likewise there were fired by us ten other ships which were laden with wine, raisins, figs, oils, wheat, & such like. To conclude, the whole number of ships and barks (as we suppose) then burned, sunk, and brought away with us, amounted to 30. at the lest, being (in our judgement) about 10000 tons of shipping. There were in sight of us at Porto Real about 40. ships, besides those that fled from Cadiz. We found little ease during our abode there, by reason of their continual shooting from the Galleys, the fortresses, and from the shore: where continually at places convenient they planted new ordinance to offend us with: besides the inconvenience which we suffered from their ships, which, when they could defend no longer, they set on fire to come among us. Whereupon when the flood came we were not a little troubled to defend us from their terrible fire, which nevertheless was a pleasant sight for us to behold, because we were thereby eased of a great labour, which lay upon us day and night, in discharging the victuals, and other provisions of the enemy. Thus by the assistance of the Almighty, and the invincible courage and industry of our General, this strange and happy enterprise was achieved in one day and two nights, to the great astonishment of the King of Spain, which bread such a corrosive in the heart of the Marquis of Santa Cruz high Admiral of Spain, that he never enjoyed good day after, but within few months (as may justly be supposed) died of extreme grief and sorrow. Thus having performed this notable service, we came out of the Road of Cadiz on the Friday morning the 21. of the said month of April, with very small loss not worth the mentioning. After our departure ten of the Galleys that were in the Road came out, as it were in disdain of us, to make some pastime with their ordinance, at which time the wound scanted upon us, whereupon we cast about again, and stood in with the shore, & came to an anchor within a league of the town; where the said Galleys, for all their for●er bragging, at length suffered us to ride quietly. We now have had experience of Gally-fight: wherein I can assure you, that only these 4. of her majesties ships will make no account of 20. Galleys, if they may be alone, and not busied to guard others. There were never Galleys that had better place and fit opportunity for their advantage to fight with ships: but they were still forced to retire, we riding in a narrow gut, the place yielding no better, and driven to maintain the same, until we had discharged and fired the ships, which could not conveniently be done but upon the flood, at which time they might drive clear of us. Thus being victualled with bread and wine at the enemies cost for divers months (besides the provisions that we brought from home) our General dispatched Captain Cross into England with his letters, giving him further in charge to declare unto her Majesty all the particularities of this our first enterprise. After whose departure we shaped our course toward Cape Sacre, and in the way thither we took at several times of ships, barks, and Caravels well near an hundred, laden with hoops, gally-oares, pipe-staves, & other provisions of the king of Spain, for the furnishing of his forces intended against England, all which we burned, having dealt favourably with the men and sent them on shore. We also spoilt and consumed all the fisherboats and nets thereabouts, to their great hindrance; and (as we suppose) to the utter overthrow of the rich fishing of their Tunies for the same year. At length we came to the aforesaid Cape Sacre, where we went on land; and the better to enjoy the benefit of the place, and to ride in harborough at our pleasure, we assailed the same castle, and three other strong holds, which we took some by force and some by surrender. Thence we came before the haven of Lisbon ankering near unto Cascais, where the Marquis of Santa Cruz was with his Galleys, who seeing us chase his ships a shore, & take and carry away his barks and Caravels, was content to suffer us there quietly to tarry, and likewise to departed, and never charged us with one cannon-shot. And when our General sent him word that he was there ready to exchange certain bullets with him, the marquess refused his challenge, sending him word, that he was not then ready for him, nor had any such Commission from his King. Our General thus refused by the Marquis, and seeing no more good to be done in this place, thought it convenient to spend no longer time upon this coast: and therefore with consent of the chief of his Company he shaped his course toward the Isles of the Aço●es, and passing towards the Isle of Saint Michael, within 20. or 30. leagues thereof, it was his good fortune to meet with a Portugal Carak called Sant Philip, The Carack called the Sanct Philip taken. being the same ship which in the voyage outward had carried the 3. Princes of japan, that were in Europe, into the Indies. This Carak without any great resistance he took, bestowing the people thereof in certain vessels well furnished with victuals, and sending them courteously home into their Country: and this was the first Carak that ever was taken coming forth of the East Indies; which the Portugals took for an evil sign, because the ship bore the Kings own name. The riches of this prize seemed so great unto the whole Company (as in truth it was) that they assured themselves every man to have a sufficient reward for his travel: and thereupon they all resolved to return home for England: which they happily did, and arrived in Plymouth the same Summer with their whole Fleet and this rich booty, to their own profit and due commendation, and to the great admiration of the whole kingdom. And here by the way it is to be noted, that the taking of this Carak wrought two extraordinary effects in England: first, that it taught others, that Caracks were no such bugs but that they might be taken (as since indeed it hath fallen out in the taking of the Madre de Dios, and fyreing and sinking of others) and secondly in acquainting the English Nation more generally with the particularities of the exceeding riches and wealth of the East Indies: whereby themselves and their neighbours of Holland have been encouraged, being men as skilful in Navigation and of no less courage than the Portugals to share with them in the East Indies, where their strength is nothing so great as heretofore hath been supposed. A Patent granted to certain Merchants of Exeter, and others of the West parts, and of London, for a trade to the River of Senega and Gambra in Guinea, 1588. ELlizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, etc. To our Treasurer and Admiral of England, our Treasurer and Barons of our Exchequer, and all and every our Officers, minister's and subjects whatsoever, greeting. Whereas our well-beloved subjects William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicolas Spicer, and john Doricot of our City of Exeter merchants, john Young of Coliton in our country of Devon merchant, Richard Doderige of Barnestable in our said County of Devon Merchant, Anthony dassel, and Nicolas Turner of our City of London Merchants, have been persuaded and earnestly moved by certain Portugal's resident within our Dominions, to undertake and set forward a voyage to certain places on the coast of Guinea: Videlicet, from the Northermost part of the River commonly called by the name of the River of Senega, and from and within that River all along that coast unto the Southermost part of another River commonly called by the name of Gambra, A former voyage to Gambra. and within that River: which, as we are informed, they have already once performed accordingly: And for that we are credibly given to understand that the further prosecuting of the same voyage, and the due and orderly establishing of an orderly traffic and trade of merchandise into those Countries, will not only in time be very beneficial to these our Realms and dominions, but also be a great succour and relief unto the present distressed estate of those Portugals, who by our princely favour live and continued here under our protection: And considering that the adventuring and enterprising of a new trade cannot be a matter of small charge and hazard to the adventurers in the beginning: we have therefore thought it convenient, that our said loving subjects William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, john Doricot, john Young, Richard Doderige, Anthony dassel, and Nicholas Turner, for the better encouragement to proceed in their said adventure and trade in the said Countries, shall have the sole use and exercise thereof for a certain time. In consideration whereof, and for other weighty reasons and considerations us specially moving, of our special grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, we have given and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors do give and grant unto the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, john Doricot, john Young, Richard Doderide, Anthony dassel and Nicholas Turner, and to every of them, and to such other our Subjects as they or the most part of them shall think convenient to receive into their Company and society, to be the traders with them into the said Countries, that they and every of them by themselves or by their servants or Factors and none others, shall and may for and during the full space and term of ten years next ensuing the date of these presents, have and enjoy the free and whole traffic, trade and feat of merchandise, to and from the said Northermost part of the said River, commonly called by the name of the River of Senega: and from and within that River all along the coast of Guinea, unto the Southermost part of the said River, commonly called by the name of the River of Gambra, and within that River also. And that they the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, john Doricot, john Young, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassel and Nicholas Turner, & every of them, by themselves or by their servants or Factors, & such as they or the most part of them shall receive into their Company and society, to be traders with them into the said Countries (as is aforesaid) and none others, shall and may, for, and during the said space and term of 10. years, have and enjoy the sole & whole traffic or trade of merchandise into and from the said places afore limited and described, for the buying & selling, bartering and changing of and with any goods, wares, and merchandises whatsoever, to be vented had or found, at or within any the cities, towns, or places situated or being in the countries, parts & coasts of Guinea before limited, any law, statute, or grant, matter, custom or privileges to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And for the better ordering, establishing, & governing of the said society and Company in the said trade and traffic of merchandises, & the quiet, orderly & lawful exercise of the same, We for us, our heirs, and successors, do by these presents give and grant full licence and authority unto the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, john Doricot, john Young, Richard Doderige, Anthony dassel, and Nicholas Turner, and to such others as they shall receive into their said society and company to be traders into the said countries, as is aforesaid, and to every of them, that they or the most part of them shall and may at all convenient times at their pleasures, assemble and meet together in any place or places convenient, aswell within our city of Exeter, as elsewhere within this our Realm of England, or other our dominions, during the said term of ten year, to consult of, for, and concerning the said trade and traffic of merchandise, and from time to time to make, ordain, and establish good, necessary, and reasonable orders, constitutions, and ordinances, for, and touching the same trade. And all such orders, constitutions, and ordinances so to be made, to put in ure and execute, and them, or any of them, to altar, change, and make void, and, if need be, to make new, as at any time, during the said term of ten years, to them, or the most part of them then trading, as is aforesaid, shall be thought necessary and convenient. Unto all and every which said orders, constitutions, and ordinances, they, and every of them, and all other people which shall hereafter be received into the said society and Company, shall submit themselves, and shall well and duly observe, perform, and obey the same, so long as they shall stand in force, or else shall pay and incur such forfeitures, pains, and penalties, for the breach thereof, and in such manner and form, and to such uses & intents, as by the said orders, constitutions, and ordinances shall be assessed, limited and appointed. So always, as the same orders, constitutions and ordinances, be not repugnant or contrary to the laws, statutes, and customs of this Realm of England, nor any penalty to exceed the reasonable form of other penalties, assessed by the Company of our Merchants, named Adventurers. And to the intent that they only, to whom the said power and liberty of traffic and trade of merchandise is granted by these our letters patents aforesaid, and none others whatsoever, without their special consent and licence before had, shall, during the said term of ten years, use, or have trade or traffic, with or for any manner of goods or merchandises, to and from the said coasts or parts of Guinea afore limited: We do by these presents, by our royal and supreme authority, straight charge and command, that no person, or people whatsoever, by themselves, or by their factors, or servants, during the said term of 10. years, shall in any wise trade or traffic, for or with any goods or merchandises, to or from the said coasts and parts of Guinea afore limited, other than the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, john Doricot, john Young, Richard Doderige, Anthony dassel, and Nicholas Turner, and such as from time to time, they, or the most part of them, shall receive into their society or company, to be traders with them, as is aforesaid, as they tender our favour, and will avoid our high displeasure, and upon pain of imprisonment of his or their bodies, at our will and pleasure, ●nd to loose and forfeit the ship or ships, and all the goods, wares, and merchandises, wherewith they, or any of them shall, during the said term of 10. years, trade, or traffic to or from the sa●d Countries, or any part thereof, according to the limitation above mentioned, contrary to our express prohibition and restraint, in that behalf. And further, we do by these presents give and grant full power and authority to the said William Braily, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, john Doricot, john Young, Richard Doderige, Anthony dassel, and Nicholas Turner, and to such other people, as they shall receive into their society and company, to be traders with them, as is aforesaid, and the most part of them, for the time being: that they, and every of them, by themselves, their factors, deputies, or assigns, shall and may, from time to time, during the said term of 10. years, attach, arrest, take, and seize all, and all manner of ship, and ships, goods, wares, and merchandises whatsoever, which shall be brought from, or carried to the said coasts and parts of Guinea afore limited, contrary to our will and pleasure, and the true meaning of the same, declared and expressed in these our letters patents. Of all and every which said for features whatsoever, the one third part shall be unto us, our heirs, and successors, and another third part thereof we give and grant by these presents, for and towards the relief of the said Portugal's continuing here under our protection, as is aforesaid. And the other third part of all the same for features, we do by these presents, of our certain knowledge and mere motion, for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant clearly and wholly unto the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, john Doricot, john Young, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassel, and Nicholas Turner, and such other people, as they shall receive into their society, and company, as is aforesaid. And these our letters patents, or the enrolment or exemplification of the same, without any further or other warrant, shall from time to time, during the said ten years, be a sufficient warrant and authority to our Treasurer of England, for the time being, and to the barons of our Exchequer, and to all other our officers and ministers whatsoever, to whom it shall or may appertain, to allow, deliver, and pay one third part of all the said forfeitures, to the use of the said Portugals, and one other third part of the same forfeitures, to the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, john Doricot, john Young, Richard Doderige, Anthony dassel, and Nicholas Turner, and such other people, as they shall receive into their society and Company, to be traders with them, as aforesaid, to their own proper use and behoof: which said allowances and payments thereof, our will and pleasure is, and we do straight charge and command, to be from time to time duly made and performed accordingly, without any delay or denial of any our officers aforesaid, or any other our officers or ministers whatsoever. And we do straight charge and command, and by these presents prohibit all and singular our customers, collectors, and farmers of our Customs and subsidies, and controllers of the same, of and within our ports of the city of London, and the City of Exeter, and all other ports, creeks, and places, within this our Realm of England, and every of them, and all other our officers and ministers whatsoever, which have or shall have any dealing or intermeddling, touching our said Customs and subsidies, that they, ne any of them by themselves, their clerks, deputies, or substitutes, or any of them take or receive, or in any wise cause or suffer to be taken or received for us, or in our name, or to our use, or for, or in the names or to the uses of our heirs or successors, of any person, or people, any sum or sums of money, or other things whatsoever, during the said term of ten years, for, or in the name, am, or place of any Custom, subsidy, or other thing or duty, to us, our heirs, or successors, due, or to be due, for the Customs or subsidies of any such goods, wares, or merchandises, to be transported, carried, or brought to or from the privileged places, before in these presents mentioned, or any of them: nor make, nor cause to be made any entry into, or of the books of subsidies or customs, nor make any agreement for the Customs or subsidies, of, or for any goods, wares, or merchandises, to be sent to, or returned from any the privileged places, before in these presents mentioned, saving only with, and in the name, and by the consent of the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, john Doricot, john Young, Richard Doderige, Antony Dassel, and Nicholas Turner, or of some of them, or of such as they or the most part of them shall receive into their society and Company, as aforesaid. Provided always, that if at any time hereafter, we ourselves, by our writing signed with our proper hand, or any six or more of our privy Counsel, for the time being, shall, by our direction, and by writing signed and subscribed with their hands, signify and notify to the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, john Doricot, john Young, Richard Doderige, Anthony dassel, and Nicholas Turner, or to any of them, or to any other, whom they, or the most part of them shall receive into their Company and society, as is aforesaid, or otherwise to our officers in our ports of Exeter, or Plymouth, by them to be notified to such as shall have interest in this special privilege, that our will and pleasure is, that the said trade and traffic shall cease, and be no longer continued into the said coasts and parts of Guinea before limited: then immediately from and after the end of six months next ensuing, after such signification & notification so to be given to any of the said Company and society, as is aforesaid, or otherwise to our Officers in our ports of Exeter or Plimouth● by them to be notified to such as shall have interest in this special privilege, these our present letters Patents, and our grant therein contained shall be utterly void, and of none effect, ne validity in the law, to all intents and purposes: any thing before mentioned to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Witness ourself at Westminster, the third day of May, in the thirtieth year of our Reign 1588. A voyage to Benin beyond the Country of Guinea, set forth by Master Bird and Master Newton Merchants of London, with a ship called the Richard of Arundel, and a Pinnace; Written by james Welsh, who was chief Master of the said voyage, begun in the year 1588. Upon the twelft of October we weighed our anchors at Ratcliff and went to Blackwall. And the next day sailing from thence● by reason of contrary wind and weather, we made it the 25. of October before we were able to reach Plymouth, and there we stayed (to our great expense of victuals) for lack of wind and weather unto the 14. of December. On Saturday the said 14. of December we put from thence, and about midnight were thwart of the Lizart. Thursday the second of january we had sight of the land near Rio del oro, God be thanked, Rio del oro is in 22. degrees, and 47. min. and there had 22. degrees of latitude, and 47. minutes. The third of january we had sight of Cavo de las Barbas, Cavo de las Barbas. and it bore Southeast five leagues off. The 4. we had sight of the Crosiers in the morning. Crosiers. Tuesday the 7. day we had sight of Cavo verde, and I find this place to be in latitude 14. degrees, Cavo Verde, in 14 degr. 43. m. and 43. minutes, being 4. leagues from the shore. Friday the 17. Cavo de Monte bore of us North Northeast, Cavo de Monte. we sounded and had 50. fathom black oase, and at 2. of the clock it bore North Northwest 8. leagues off. And Cavo Mensurado bore of us East and by South, Cavo Mensurado. and we went North-east with the main: here the currant setteth to the East Southeast alongst the shore, and at midnight we sounded and had 26. fathom black oase. The 18. in the morning we were thwart of a la●d much like Cavo verde, and it is as I judge 9 leagues from Cavo Mensurado; it is a hill sadlebacked, and there are 4. or 5. one after another: and 7. leagues to the Southward of that, we see a row of hills sadlebacked also, and from Cavo Mensurado are many mountains. Rio de Sestos. Cavo does Baixos. The 19 we were thwart Rio de Sestos, and the 20. Cavo does Baixos was North & by West 4. leagues of the shore, and at afternoon there came a boat from the shore with 3. Negroes, from a place (as they say) called Tabanoo. Tabanoo. And towards evening we were thwart of an Island, and a great many of small Islands or rocks to the Southward, and the currant came out of the Southerboord: we sounded and had 35. fathoms. The 21. we had a flat hill that bore North Northeast of us, and we were from the shore 4. leagues, and at 2. a clock in the afternoon we spoke with a Frenchman riding near a place called Ratire, A French ship at Ratire. and another place hard by called Crua. Crua. This Frenchman carried a letter from us to M. Newton: we laid it on hull while we were writing of our letter; and the current set us to the Southward a good pace alongst the shore South Southeast. A currant to the South-eastward. The 25. we were in the height of the bay that is to the Westward of Capo de Tres puntar's the currant did set East Northeast. The 28. we lay six glasses a hull tarrying for the pinnace. The last of january the middle part of Cape de tres puntas was thwart of us three leagues at seven of the clock in the morning: Cape de tres puntas. and at eight the pinnace came to an anchor: and we proved that the current setteth to the Eastward: and at six at night the uttermost land bore East and by South 5. leagues, and we went South-west, and South-west and by South. Saturday the first of February 1588. we were thwart of a Round foreland, which I take to be the Eastermost part of Capo de tres puntas: and within the said Round foreland was a great bay with an Island in the said bay. The Castle of Mina. The second of February we were thwart of the Castle of Mina, and when the third glass of our Lookout was spent, we spied under our Larbord-quarter one of their Boats with certain Negroes, and one Portugal in the Boat, we would have had him to come aboard, but he would not. And over the castle upon the high rocks we did see as it might be two watch-houses, Two white watch-houses●. and they did show very white: and we went eastnortheast. The 4 in the morning we were thwart a great high hill, and up into the land were more high ragged hills, and those 3 reckoned to be but little short of Monte Redondo. Monte Redondo. Then I reckoned that we were 20 leagues Southeast-ward from the Mina, and at 11 of the clock I saw two hills within the land, these hills I take to be 7 leagues from the first hills. And to seaward of these hills is a bay, and at the east end of the bay another hill, and from the hills the lands lie very low. We went Eastnortheast, and East and by North 22 leagues, and then East along the shore. The 6 we were short of Villa longa, and there we met with a Portugal Caravell. The 7 a fair temperate day, and all this day we road before Villa longa. Villa longa. The 8 at noon we set sail from Villa longa, and ten leagues from thence we ankered again and stayed all that night in ten fathom water. The 9 we set sail, and all alongst the shore were very thick woods, Rio de Lagoa. and in the afternoon we were thwart a river, & to the Eastward of the river a little way off was a great high bush-tree as though it had no leaves, and at night we ankered with fair and temperate weather. The 10 we set sail and went East, and East and by South 14 leagues along the shore, which was so full of thick woods, that in my judgement a man should have much to do to pass through them, and towards night we ankered in 7 fathom with fair weather. The 11 we sailed East and by South, and three leagues from the shore we had but 5 fathom water, and all the wood upon the land was as even as if it had been cut with a pair of gardeners shears, and in running of two leagues we discerned a high tuft of trees upon the brow of a land, which showed like a purpose head, and when we came at it, it was but part of the land, and a league further we see a head-land very low and full of trees, and a great way from the land we had very shallow water, Very shallow water. than we lay South into the sea, because of the sands for to get into the deep water, and when we found it deep, we ankered in five fathom thwart the river of jaya, in the rivers mouth. The 12 in the morning we road still in the rivers mouth. This day we sent the pinnace and the boat on land with the merchants, but they came not again until the next morning. The shallowest part of this river is toward the West, where there is but 4 fathom and a half, and it is very broad. The next morning came the boat aboard, and they also said it was Rio de jaya. Rio de jaya. Here the currant setteth Westward, and the Eastermost land is higher than the Westermost. Thursday the 13● we set sail, and lay South Southeast along the shore, where the trees are wonderful even, and the East shore is higher than the West shore, and when we had sailed 18 leagues we had sight of a great river, than we ankered in three fathom and a half, and the currant went Westward. This river is the river of Benin, Rio Benin. and two leagues from the main it is very shallow. The 15 we sent the boat and pinnace into the river with the merchants, and after that we set sail, because we road in shallow water, and went Southsoutheast, and the starbord tack aboard until we came to five fathom water, where we road with the currant to the Westward: A currant Westward. then came our boat out of the harbour and went aboard the pinnace. The West part of the land was high browed much like the head of a Gurnard, and the Eastermost land was lower, and had on it three tufts of treeslike stacks of wheat or corn, and the next day in the morning we saw but two of those trees, by reason that we went more to the Eastward. And here we road still from the 14 of February until the 14 of April, with the wind at Southwest. The 16 of February we road still in 5 fathoms and the currant ran still to the Westward, the wind at South-west, and the boat and pinnace came to us again out of the river, and told us that there was but ten foot water upon the bar. Ten foot water upon the bar of Rio de Benin. All that night was drowsy, and yet reasonable temperate. The 17 a close day the wind at Southwest. Our merchants weighed their goods and put them aboard the pinnace to go into the river, and there came a great currant out of the river and set to the Westward. The 18 the merchants went with the boat and pinnace into the river with their commodities. This day was close and drowsy, with thunder, rain and lightning. The 24 a close morning and temperate, and in the afternoon the boat came to us out of the river from our merchants. Twesday the 4 of March, a close sultry hot morning, the currant went to the Westward, and much troubled water came out of the river. The 16 our pinnace came a board and Anthony Ingram in her, & she brought in her 94 bags of pepper, and 28 Elephants teeth, and the Master of her and all his company were sick. Sickness among our men This was a temperate day and the wind at Southwest. The 17. 18. and 19 were fair temperate weather and the wind at Southwest. This day the pinnace went into the river again, and carried the Purser and the Surgeon. The 25 of the said month 1589 we sent the boat into the river. The 30 our pinnace came from Benin, and brought sorrowful news, that Thomas Hemsted was dead and our Captain also, The death of the Captain. and she brought with her 159 Cerons or sacks of pepper and Elephants teeth. Pepper & Elephants teeth. Note that in all the time of our abiding here, in the mouth of the river of Benin, and in all the coast hereabout, it is fair temperate weather, when the wind is at Southwest. And when the wind is at Northeast and Northerly, than it raineth, with lightning and thunder, and is very intemperate weather. The 13 of April 1589 we set sail home wards in the name of jesus. In the morning we sailed with the wind at South-west, and lay West and by North, but it proved calm all that night, and the currant Southeast. The 14 the river of Benin was North-east 7 leagues from the shore, and there was little wind and towards night calm. The 17 a fair temperate day the wind variable, and we had of latitude four degrees and 20 minutes. The 25 a fair temperate day the wind variable, and here we had three degrees & 29 minutes of latitude. The 8 of May we had sight of the shore, which was part of Cavo de Monte, but we did not think we had been so far, but it came so to pass by reason of the currant. In this place M. A deceityfull currant. Tow●son was in like manner deceived with the currant. The 9 we had sight of Cavo de monte. The 17 a dark drowsy day, this was the first night that I took the North star. The 26 a temperate day with little wind, and we were in 12 degrees and 13 minutes of latitude. The 30 we met a great sea out of the Northwest. The 6 of june we found it as temperate as if we had been in England, & yet we were within the height of the sun, for it was declined 23 degrees, and 26 minutes to the Northward, and we had 15 degrees of latitude. The 8 fair and temperate as in England, here we met with a counter sea, out of the Southborde. The 15 a fair temperate day, the wind variable, here we had 18 degrees and fifty nine minutes. The 12 of july in 30 degrees of latitude we met with great store of rockweed, which did stick together like clusters of grapes, Rockweed or Saragasso all along the sea. and this continued with us until the 17 of the said month, and then we see no more, at which 17 day we were in two and thirty degrees six and forty minutes of latitude. The 25 at six of the clock in the morning, we had sight of the Isle of Pike, it bore North and by East from us, we being 15 leagues off. The 27 we spoke with the post of London and she told us good news of England. The nine and twentieth we had sight of the Island of Cueruo, and the 30 we see the Island of Flores. The 27 of August in 41 degrees of latitude we see 9 sail of Britons, and three of them followed us until noon, and then gave us over. The 30 we had sight of Cape ●inisterre. The eight of September at night we put into Plymouth sound, and road in Causon bay all night. The 9 we put into Catwater and there stayed until the 28 of September, by reason of want of men and sickness. The nine and twentieth we set sail from Plymouth, and arrived at London the second of October 1589. The commodities that we carried in this voyage were clothe both linen & woollen, iron work of sundry sorts, Manillios or bracelets of copper, glass beads, and coral. The commodities that we brought home were pepper and Elephants teeth, oil of palm, clot made of Cotton wool very curiously woven, and clot made of the bark of palm trees. Their money is pretty white shells, for gold and silver we see none. They have also great store of cotton growing: their bread is a kind of roots, they call it Inamia, Inamia, a kind of bread in Benin. and when it is well sodden I would leave our bread to eat of it, it is pleasant in eating, and light of digestion, the root thereof is as big as a man's arm. Our men upon fish-days had rather eat the roots with oil and vinegar, then to eat good stockfish. There are great store of palm trees, out of the which they gather great store of wine, Wine of palm trees. which wine is white and very pleasant, & we should buy two gallons of it for 20 shells. They have good store of soap, and it smelleth like beaten violets. Also many pretty fine mats and baskets that they make, and spoons of Elephants teeth very curiously wrought with divers proportions of fowls and beasts made upon them. There is upon the coast wonderful great lightning and thunder, in so much as I never heard the like in no Country, for it would make the deck or hatches tremble under our feet, and before we were well acquainted with it, we were fearful, but God be thanked we had no harm. The people are very gentle and loving, and they go naked both men and women until they be married, and then they go covered from the middle down to the knees. They would bring our men earthen pots of the quantity of two gallons, full of honey and honey combs for 100 shells. They would also bring Abundance of honey. great store of Oranges and Plantans which is a fruit that groweth upon a tree, and is very like unto a Cucumber but very pleasant in eating. It hath pleased God of his merceifull goodness to give me the knowledge how to preserve fresh water with little cost, which did serve us six months at the sea, & when we came into Plymouth it was much wondered at, of the principal men of the town, who said that there was not sweeter water in any spring in Plymouth. Thus both God provide for his creatures, unto whom be praise now and for evermore, Amen. The voyage set forth by M. john Newton, and M. john Bird merchants of London to the kingdom and City of Benin in Africa, with a ship called the Richard of Arundel, and a pinnace, in the year 1588. briefly set down in this letter following, written by the chief Factor in the voyage to the foresaid Merchants at the time of the ships first arrival at Plymouth. WOrshipful Sirs, the discourse of our whole proceeding in this voyage will ask more time and a person in better health than I am at this present, so that I trust you will pardon me, till my coming up to you: in the mean time let this suffice. Whereas we departed in the month of December from the coast of England with your good ship the Richard of Arundel and the pinnace, we held on our direct course towards our appointed port, and the 14 day of February following we arrived in the haven of Benin, where we found not water enough to carry the ship over the bar, so that we left her without in the road, and with the pinnace & ship boat, into which we had put the chiefest of our merchandise, we went up the river to a place called Goto, Goto in Benin. where we arrived the 20 of February, the foresaid Goto being the nearest place that we could come to by water, to go for Benin. From thence we presently sent Negroes to the king, to certify him of our arrival, and of the cause of our coming thither: who returned to us again the 22 day with a noble man in their company to bring us up to the City, and with 200 Negroes to carry out commodities: hereupon the 23 day we delivered our merchandise to the king's Factor, & the 25 day we came to the great City of Benin, The great city of Benin. where we were well entertained: The six & twenty day we went to the Court to have spoken with the king, which (by reason of a solemn feast then kept amongst them) we could not do: but yet we spoke with his Veadore, or chief man, that hath the dealing with the Christians: and we conferred with him concerning our trading, who answered us, that we should have all things to our desire, both in pepper and Elephants teeth. The first of March, we were admitted to the king's presence, and he made us the like courteous answer for our traffic: the next day we went again to the Court, where the foresaid Veadore showed us one basket of green pepper, and another of dry in the stalks: we desired to have it plucked from the stalks and made clean, who answered, that it would ask time, but yet in should be done: and that against another year it should be in better readiness, & the reason why we found it so unprepared was, because in this king's time no Christians had ever resorted thither, to lad pepper. The next day there were sent us 12 baskets, and so a little every day until the 9 of March at which time we had made upon 64 serons of pepper, and 28 Elephants teeth. In this time of our being at Benin (our natures at this first time not so well acquainted with th●● climate) we fallen all of us into the disease of the fever, whereupon the Captain sent me down with those goods which we already had received, to the rest of our men at Goto: where being arrived, I found all the men of our pinnace sick also, and by reason of their weakness not able to convey the pinnace and goods down to the place where our ship road: but by good hap within two hours after my coming to Goto, the boat came up from the ship, to see how all things stood with us, so that I put the goods into the boat, and went down towards the ship: but by that time I was come aboard, many of our men died: namely, Master Benson, the Cooper, the Carpenter, & 3 or 4 more, & myself was also in such a weak state that I was not able to return again to Benin. Whereupon I sent up Samuel Dunne, and the Chirurgeon with him to our men, that were about to let them blood, if it were thought needful: who at their coming to Benin, found the Captain and your son William Bird dead, and Thomas Hempsteede very weak, who also died within two days after their coming thither. This sorrowful accident caused them with such pepper and teeth, as they could then found, speedily to return to the ship, as by the Cargason will appear: at their coming away the Veadore told them, that if they could or would stay any longer time, he would use all possible expedition to bring in more commodities: but the common sickness so increased and continued amongst us all, that by the time our men which remained were come aboard, we had so many sick and dead of our company, that we looked all for the same hap, and so thought to lose both our ship, life, country and all. Very hardly and with much ado could we get up our anchors, but yet at the last by the mercy of God having got them up, but leaving our pinnace behind us, we got to sea, and set sail, which was upon the 13 of April. After which by little and little our men began to gather up their crumbs and to recover some better strength: and so sailing betwixt the Islands of Cape Verde, and the main we came to the Islands of the Azores upon the 25 of july, where our men began a fresh to grow ill, and divers died, among whom Samuel Dun was one, and as many as remained living were in a hard case: but in the midst of our distress, it fallen so well out, by God's good providence, that we met with your ship the Bark Burr, on this side the North cape, which did not only keep us good company, but also sent us six fresh men aboard, without whose help, we should surely have tasted of many inconveniences. But by this good means we are now at the last arrived in Plymouth, this 9 day of September: and for want of better health at this time, I refer the further knowledge of more particularities, till my coming to London. Yours to command Anthony Ingram. The second voyage to Benin, set forth by Master john Newton, and Master john Bird Merchants of London in the year 1590. with a ship called the Richard of Arundel of the burden of one hundredth tons, and a small pinnace, in which voyage Master james Welsh was chief Master. THe third of September 1590. we set sail from Ratclife, and the 18 of the said month we came into Plymouth sound, and the two and twentieth we put to sea again, and at midnight we were off the Lisart, and so passed on our voyage until the 14 of October, on which day we had sight of ●orteue●tura one of the Canary Islands, which appeared very ragged as we sailed by it. The 16 of October, in the latitude of 24 degrees and nine minutes we met with a great hollow sea, the like whereof I never see on this coast, and this day there came to the ships side a monstrous great fish (I think it was a Gobarto) which put up his head to the sleep tubs where the cook was in shifting the victuals, whom I thought the fish would have carried away. The 21 in this latitude of 18 degrees we met with a countersea out of the North board, and the last voyage in this very place we had the countersea out of the South, being very calm weather as now it is also. The 24 we had sight of Cavo Verde, and the 25 we met with a great hollow sea out of the North, which is a common sign that the wind will be Northerly, A token of a Northerly wind. and so it proved. The 15 of November we met with three currants out of the West and Northwest, one after another, with an hours time between each currant. This was in the latitude of 6 degrees and 42 minutes. Great currants. The 18 day we met with two other great currants out of the South-west, and the 20 we said another current out of the North-east, and the 24 we had a great current out of the Southsouthwest, and at 6 of the clock towards night we had 3 currents more. The 27 we thought that we had go at the lest 2 leagues and a half every watch, and it fallen out that we sailed but one league every watch for the space of 24 hours, by means of a great billow and current that came still out of the South. The 5 of December in setting the watch we cast about and lay East North-east, and North-east, and here in 5 degrees and a half our pinnace lost us wilfully. The 7 at the going down of the Sun we see a great black spot in the Sun, and the 8. day both at rising and setting we see the like, which spot to our seeming was about the bigness of a shilling, being in 5 degrees of latitude, and still there came a great billow out of the southerboord. The 14 we sounded and had 15 fathom water and gross read sand, and 2 leagues from the shore the currant set Southeast along the shore with a billow still out of the southerboord. The 15 we were thwart a rock somewhat like the Newstone in England, it was 2 leagues from us, here we sounded and had 27 fathom, but the rock is not above a mile from the shore, and a mile farther we see another rock, Two rocks. and between them both broken ground; here we sounded and had but 20 fathom and black sand, and we might see plain that the rocks went not along the shore, but from the land to the seaward, and about 5 leagues to the Southward we saw a great day, here we had 4 degrees and 27 minutes. The 16 we met with a French ship of Hunfleur, A French ship of Hunfleur. who rob our pinnace, we sent a letter by him, and this night we see another spot in the Sun at his going down. And towards evening we were thwart of a river, and right over the river was a high tuft of trees. The 17 we ankered in the rivers mouth, and then we found the land to be Cavo de las Palmas, Cavo de las Palmas. and between us & the cape was a great ledge of rocks, one league and a half into the sea, and they bore to the West of the Cape, we see also an Island of the point of the foreland, thus it wa●ed night that we could perceive no more of the land, but only that it trended in like a bay, where there runneth a stream as if it were in the river of Thames, and this was the change day of the Moon. The 19 a fair temperate day, and the wound South, we went East, and the land a stern of us West, and it showed low by the water side like Islands, this was the east of Cavo de las Palmas, and it trended in with a great sound, and we went East all night, and in the morning we were but 3 or 4 leagues from the shore. The 20 we were thwart of a river called Rio de los Barbos'. Rio de los Barbos'. The 21 we went along the shore East, & 3 or 4 leagues to the West of Cavo de tres puntas, I found the bay to be set deeper than it is by 4 leagues, and at 4 of the clock the land begun to show high, and the first part of it full of Palm trees. The 24 still going by the shore, the land was very low and full of trees by the water side, and at 12 of the clock we ankered thwart of the river called, Rio de Boilas. Rio de Boilas. Here we sent our boat a shore with the merchants, but they dared not put into the river because of a great billow that continually broke at the entrance upon the bar. The 28 we sailed alongst the shore, and ankered at night in seven fathom because a great current would have put us back, which came from the East Southeast from Papuas. Papuas. The 29 at noon we were thwart of Arda, Arda. and there we took a Caravel but the men were fled on land, than we went aboard her, but she had nothing in her but only a little oil of Palm trees, and a few roots. The next morning our Captain and merchants went to meet Portugals, that came in a boat to speak with us, where they communed about the buying of the Caravell of our men again, and the Portugals promised that we should have for the Caravell, certain bullocks and Elephants teeth, and they gave us one tooth and one bullock presently, and said they would bring us the rest the next day. The first of januarie our Captain went on land to speak with the Portugals, januarie. but when he see they did dissemble, he came aboard again, and presently we unrigged the Caravell, and set her on fire before the town. Then we set sail and went along the coast, where we see a Date tree, the like whereof is not in all that coast upon the water side, also we fallen on ground a little in one place: Thus we went to Villa longa, and there ankered. Villa longa. The third we were as far shot as Rio de Lagoa, Rio de Lagoa. where our merchants went a shore and upon the bar they found 3 fathom flat, but they went not in because it was late. There is also to the Eastward of this river a Date tree higher than all the rest of the other trees thereabouts. Thus we went along the coast, and every night ankered, & all the shore as we went was full of trees and thick woods. The 6 day in the morning it was very foggy, so that we could not see the land, and at three of the clock in the afternoon it cleared up, & then we found ourselves thwart of the river of jaya, The river of jaya. and when we found the shallow water, we bore into the sea South, as we did the voyage before, and came to an anchor in five fathom water. The next day we set sail again, and towards noon we were thwart of the river of Benin in four fathom water. The river of Benin. The 10 day our Captain went on land with the shallop at 2 a clock in the afternoon. All this week it was very foggy every day until ten a clock, and all this time hitherto hath been as temperate as our summer in England. This day we went into the road and ankered, & the west point of the road bore East north-east of us, we riding in four fathom water. Goto. The 21 a fair temperate day, this day M. Hassald went to the town of Goto, to hear news of the Captain. The Caravell bringeth teeth aboard. The 23 came the Caravell, and Samuel in her, and she brought 63 Elephants teeth, and three bullocks. The 28 a fair temperate day, and towards night there fallen much rain, lightning, and thunder, this day our boat came aboard from Goto. 298. sacks of pepper. The 24 of February, we took in 298 Cerons or sacks of pepper, and 4 Elephants teeth, and the wind was at Southeast. And the 26 we put the rest of our goods into the Caravell, and M. Hassald went with her to Goto. The 5 of March the Caravel came again & brought 21 Cerons of pepper, & 4 Elephants teeth. The 9 of April our Caravell came aboard with water for our provision for the sea, and this day also we lost our shallop. Three spouts. The 17 a drowsy rainy day, and in the afternoon we see 3 great spouts of rain, two on our larbord side, and one right with the ships head, but God be thanked, they came not at us, and this day we took in the last of our water for the sea, and the 26 we victualled our Caravell to go with us to the sea. They returned homeward. The 27 we set sail to go homeward with the wind at South-west, and at two a clock in the afternoon, the river of Benin was North-east 8 leagues from us. The 3 of May we had such a terrible gust with rain, lightning & thunder, that it tore and split our fore sail, and also the Caravels foresail and maine-sayle, with the wound at Southeast. The 12 a fair temperate day, much like our ●ommer mornings in England, being but one degree & a half from the line, but at midnight we had a cruel gust of rain, & the wound at north-east. The 24 we were South from from Cavo de las Palmas ●7 leagues. Brava. The first of july we had sight of the Island of Brava, and it bore East 7 leagues off, and this Island is one of the Islands of Cavo Verde. The 13 of August we spoke with the Queenees ships, the Lord Thomas Howard being Admiral, and sir Richard Greenevill Uiceadmirall. They kept us in their company until the 15 day at night, themselves lying a hull, in weight for purchase 30 leagues to the South-west of the Island of Flores. We departed in company of a prize. The 15 we had leave to departed with a flyboat laden with sugar that came from Sant Thome, which was taken by ●he Queen's ships, whereof my Lord Admiral gave me great charge, not to leave her until she were harboured in England. Coruo. The three and twentieth the North-east part of the Island of Coruo bore of us East and by South six leagues off. The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plymouth that came out of the West Indies, but she could tell us no news. The next day we had sight of another sail, this day also one of our company named M. Wood died. The 23 we spoke with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland, whereof Master ivy was Master. The second of October we met with a ship of Newcastle which came from Newfoundland, and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish. The 6 we had sight of Silly, and with rain and wind we were forced to put into S. Mary's sound, where we stayed all night, and 4 days after. The 11 we set sail again, and coming out had three fathom upon the bar at a high water, than we lay out Southeast, through Crow-sand, and shortly after we had sight of the lands end, and at ten of the clock we were thwart of the Lysart. The 13 we were put into Dartmouth, and there we stayed until the 12 of December. From thence we put out with the wind at West, and the 18 of December, God be praised, we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames, where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper, 150 Elephants teeth, and 32 barrels of oil of Palm trees. The commodities that we carried out this second voyage were Broad clot, Kerseys, Bays, Linen clot, Iron unwrought, Bracelets of Copper, Coral, Hawks bells, Horsetailes, Hats, and such like. This voyage was more comfortable unto us then the first, because we had good store of fresh water, and that very sweet: for as yet we have very good water in the ship which we brought out of the river of Benin the first day of April 1591. and it is at this day (being the 7 of june 1592.) to be seen aboard the ship as clear and as sweet as any fountain can yield. In this voyage we sailed 350 leagues within half a degree of the equinoctial line, It is more temperate under the equinoctial, then on the co●st of Guinie & Benin. and there we found it more temperate, then where we road. And under the line we did kill great store of small Dolphines, and many other good fish, and so did we all the way, which was a very great refreshing unto us, and the fish never forsook us, until we were to the Northwards of the islands of Azores, and then we could see no more fish, but God be thanked we met with good company of our country ships which were great comfort unto us, being five months before at Sea without any company. By me james Welsh master of the Richard of Arundel, in both these voyages to the river of Benin. An Advertisement sent to Philip the second king of Spain from Angola by one balthasar Almeida de Sousa, touching the state of the foresaid country, written the 21 of May, 1591. THe 26 of july I certified your majesty by john Frere de Bendanha your majesties paymaster and commissioner, with the governor Paulo Dias, Paulo Dias Governor of Angola. which is lately deceased, of all things that happened the 28 of December in the year last past 1590. Now I thought it convenient to advertise your majesty what hath fallen out since that time, which is as followeth. The governor Luis Serrano encamped himself eight leagues from Cabasa, where the Negro king dwelleth, with 350 Portugal soldiers: & afterward being there encamped, it happened that the king of Matamba sent a strong and mighty army, & in warlike manner, The king of Matamba. with strange inventions for the said purpose. So the king of Angola gave this other king battle, and the governor sent 114 soldiers Portugals to help the said king of Angola: 114 Portugals slain in Angola. in which battle it was the will of God that our army was overthrown and all slain, as well our Portugals as the Moors which took part with them. So with this overthrow it happened that this realm the second time hath rebelled against your majesty. Hereupon the Governor assembling the rest of his Portugal soldiers, to the number of 250 altogether, went to Amasanguano, Amasanguano the Portugal● abode in Angol● which is now his place of abode. Moreover, besides the manifold losses which have be fallen the Portugals in this realm, your majesty hath sustained other great misfortunes both in your lands and goods. And because I cannot personally come to certify your majesty thereof, I thought it good to writ some part of the same whereby your majesty may understand the estate of this country. This realm, for the most part thereof hath twice been won, and twice lost for want of good government. For here have been many governors which have pretended to do justice, but have pitifully neglected the same, and practised the clean contrary, and this I know to be most true. The only way to reduce a rebellious kingdom unto obedience. But the only way to recover this realm, and to augment your majesties lands, goods and treasure, must be by sending some noble and mighty man to rule here, which must bring authority from your majesty, and by taking straight order that every captain which doth conquer here may be rewarded according to his deserts. Likewise your majesty must sand hither 2000 good soldiers, with munition and sufficient store of provision for them. And by this means your highness shall know what yearly revenue Angola will yield unto your coffers, and what profit will grow thereof. Otherwise your majesty shall reap but little benefit here. If with my presence I may do your majesty any service in giving information of the state of this realm, as one which have had experience thereof, and have seen the order of it, upon the understanding of your majesties pleasure herein, I will do my best endeavour. And the cause wherefore I have not done this heretofore hath been, An usual trick of lewd goue●●nours. by reason that the Governors of this realm would suffer none of the captains which have conquered this country to inform your majesty of that which is needful for your service, and the augmenting of this conquest. Our lord preserve your catholic person with increase of many kingdoms, and the augmentation of your crown. Written in the conquest of the realm of Angola the 21 of May 1591. Your majesties most loyal subject, balthasar Almeida de So●za. A true discourse written (as is thought) by Colonel Antony Winkfield employed in the voyage to Spain and Portugal, 1589. sent to his particular friend, & by him published for the better satisfaction of all such as having been seduced by particular report, have entered into conceits tending to the discredit of the enterprise and Actors of the same. ALthough the desire of advancing my reputation caused me to withstand the many persuasions you used to hold me at home, & the pursuit of honourable actions drawn me (contrary to your expectation) to neglect that advise, which in love I know you gave me: yet in respect of the many assurances you have yielded me of your kindest friendship, I cannot suspect that you will either love or esteem me the less, at this my return: and therefore I will not omit any occasion which may make me appear thankful, or discharge any part of that duty I own you; which now is none other then to offer you a true discourse how these wars of Spain and Portugal have passed since our going out of England the 18 of April, till our return which was the first of july. Wherein I will (under your favourable pardon) for your further satisfaction, as well make relation of those reasons which confirmed me in my purpose of going abroad, as of these accidents which have happened during our abode there; thereby hoping to persuade you that no light fancy did draw me from the fru●●ion of your dearest friendship, but an earnest desire, by following the wars to make myself more worthy of the same. Having therefore determinately purposed to put on this habit of a soldier, I grew doubtful whether to employ my time in the wars of the low Countries, which are in auxiliary manner maintained by her majesty, or to follow the fortune of this voyage, which was an adventure of her and many honourable personages, in revenge of unsupportable wrongs offered unto the estate of our country by the Castilian king: in arguing whereof, I found that by how much the challenger is reputed before the defendant, by so much is the journey to be preferred before those defensive wars. For had the duke of Parma his turn been to defend, as it was his good fortune to invade: from whence could have proceeded that glorious honour which these late wars have laid upon him, or what could have been said more of him, then of a Respondent (though never so valiant) in a private Duel? Even, that he hath done no more than by his honour he was tied unto. For the gain of one town or any small defeat giveth more renown to the Assailant, than the defence of a country, or the withstanding of twenty encounters can yield any man who is bond by his place to guard the same: whereof as well the particulars of our age, especially in the Spaniard, as the reports of former histories may assure us, which have still laid the fame of all wars upon the invader. And do not ours in these days live obscured in Flanders, either not having wherewhithall to manage any war, or not putting on arms, but to defend themselves when the enemy shall procure them? Whereas in this short time of our Adventure, we have wone a town by escalade, battered & assaulted another, overthrown a mighty prince's power in the field, landed our army in 3 several places of his kingdom, marched 7 days in the heart of his country, lain three nights in the suburbs of his principal city, beaten his forces into the gates thereof, and possessed two of his frontier Forts, as shall in discourse thereof more particularly appear: whereby I conclude, that going with an invader, and in such an action as every day giveth new experience, I have much to vaunt of, that my fortune did rather carry me thither then into the wars of Flanders. Notwithstanding the vehement persuasions you used with me to the contrary, the grounds whereof sithence you received them from others, you must give me leave to acquaint you with the error you were led into by them, who labouring to bring the world into an opinion that it stood more with the safety of our estate to bend all our forces against the prince of Parma, then to follow this action by looking into the true effects of this journey, will judicially convince themselves of mistaking the matter. For, may the conquest of these countries against the prince of Parma be thought more easy for us alone now, than the defence of them was 11 years ago, with the men and money of the Queen of England? the power of the Monsieur of France? the assistance of the principal states of Germany? and the nobility of their own country? Can not an army of more than 20000 horse, & almost 30000 foot, beaten Don john de Austria out of the country, who was possessed of a very few frontier towns? & shall it now be laid upon her majesties shoulders to remove so mighty an enemy, who hath left us but 3 whole parts of 17 unconquered? It is not a journey of a few months, nor an auxiliary war of few years that can damnify the king of Spain in those places where we shall meet at every 8 or 10 mile's end with a town, which will cost more the winning then will yearly pay 4 or 5 thousand men's wages, where all the country is quartered by rivers which have no passage unfortified, and where most of the best soldiers of Christendom that be on our adverse party be in pension. But our army, which hath not cost her majesty much above the third part of one years expenses in the Low countries, hath already spoilt a great part of the provision he had made at the Groin of all sorts, for a new voyage into England; burned 3 of his ships, whereof one was the second in the last years expedition called S. ivan de Colorado; taken from him above 150 pieces of good artillery; cut off more than 60 hulks and 20 French ships well maned fit and ready to serve him for men of war against us, laden for his store with corn, victuals, masts, cables and other merchandises; slain and taken the principal men of war he had in Galitia; made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman, Conde de Fuentes, General of his forces in Portugal, shamefully run at Peniche; laid along of his best Commanders in Lisbon; and by these few adventures discovered how easily her majesty may without any great adventure in short time pull the Tyrant of the world upon his knees, as well by the disquieting his usurpation of Portugal as without difficulty in keeping the commodity of his Indies from him, by sending an army so accomplished, as may not be subject to those extremities which we have endured: except he draw, for those defences, his forces out of the Low countries and disfurnish his garrisons of Naples & Milan, which with safety of those places he may not do. And yet by this mean he shall rather be enforced thereunto, than by any force that can be used there against him: wherefore I directly conclude that this proceeding is the most safe and necessary way to be held against him, and therefore more importing then the war in the Low countries. Yet hath the journey (I know) been much misliked by some, who either thinking too worthily of the Spaniards valour, too indifferently of his purposes against us, or too unworthily of them that undertook this journey against him, did think it a thing dangerous to encounter the Spaniard at his own home, a thing needless to proceed by invasion against him, a thing of too great moment for two subjects of their quality to undertake: And therefore did not so advance the beginnings as though they hoped for any good success thereof. The chances of wars be things most uncertain: for what people soever undertake them, they are in deed as chastisements appointed by God for the one side or the other. For which purpose it hath pleased him to give some victories to the Spaniards of late years against some whom he had in purpose to ruin. But if we consider what wars they be that have made their name so terrible, we shall found them to have been none other then against the barbarous Moors, the naked Indians, and the unarmed Netherlanders, whose yielding rather to the name than act of the Spaniards, hath put them into such a conceit of their mightiness, as they have considerately undertaken the conquest of our monarchy, consisting of a people united & always held sufficiently warlike: against whom what success their invincible army had the last year, as our very children can witness, so I doubt not but this voyage hath sufficiently made known what they are even upon their own dunghill, which, had it been set out in such sort as it was agreed upon by their first demand, it might have made our nation the most glorious people of the world. For hath not the want of 8 of the 12 pieces of artillery, which were promised unto the Adventure, lost her majesty the possession of the Groin and many other places, as hereafter shall appear, whose defensible rampires were greates than our battery (such as it was) cold force: and therefore were left unattempted? It was also resolved to have sent 600 English horses of the Low countries, whereof we had not one, notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transportation hither: and that may the army assembled at Puente de Burgos thank God of, as well as the forces of Portugal, who foreran us 6 days together: Did we not want 7 of the 13 old Companies, which we should have had from thence; four of the 10 dutch Companies; & 6 of their men of war for the sea, from the Hollanders: which I may justly say we wanted, in that we might have had so many good soldiers, so many good ships, and so many able bodies more than we had? Did there not upon the first thinking of the journey divers gallant Courtiers put in their names for adventurers to the sum of 10000 it, who seeing it went forward in good earnest, advised themselves better, and laid the want of so much money upon the journey? Was there not moreover a round sum of the adventure spent in levying, furnishing, and maintaining 3 months 1500 men for the service of Berghen, with which Companies the Mutinies of Oftend were suppressed, a service of no small moment? What misery the detracting of the time of our setting out, which should have been the 1 of February, did lay upon us, too many can witness: and what extremity the want of that months victuals which we did eat, during the month we lay at Plymouth for a wound, might have driven us unto, no man can doubt of, that knoweth what men do live by, had not God given us in the end a more prosperous wound and shorter passage into Galitia then hath been often seen, where our own force & fortune revictualled us largely: of which cross winds, that held us two days after our going out, the General's being weary, thrust to Sea in the same, wisely choosing rather to attend the change thereof there, then by being in harbour to loose any part of the better, when it should come by having their men on shore: in which two days 25 of our companies shipped in part of the fleet were scattered from us, either not being able or willing to double Vshant. These burdens laid upon our Generals before their going out, they have patiently endured, and I think they have thereby much enlarged their honour: for having done thus much with the want of our artillery, 600 horse, 3000 foot, 20000 li. of their adventure, and one months victuals of their proportion, what may be conjectured they would have done with their full compliment? For the loss of our men at sea, since we can lay it on none but the will of God, what can be said more, then that it is his pleasure to turn all those impediments to the honour of them against whom they were intended: and he will still show himself the Lord of hosts in doing great things by them, whom many have sought to obscure: who if they had let the action fall at the height thereof in respect of those defects, which were such especially for the service at land, as would have made a mighty subject stoop under them, I do not see how any man could justly have laid any reproach upon him who commanded the same, but rather have lamented the iniquity of this time, wherein men whom foreign countries have for their conduct in service worthily esteemed of, should not only in their own country not be seconded in their honourable endeavours, but mightily hindered, even to the impairing of their own estates, which most willingly they have adventured for the good of their countries: whose worth I will not value by my report, jest I should seem guilty of flattery (which my soul abhorreth) & yet come short in the true measure of their praise. Only for your instruction against them who had almost seduced you from the true opinion you hold of such men, you shall understand that General Norris from his book was trained up in the wars of the Admiral of France, and in very young years had charge of men under the earl of Essex in Ireland: which with what commendations he then discharged, I leave to the report of them who observed those services. Upon the breach betwixt Don john & the States, he was made Colonel general of all the English force's there present, or to come, which he continued 2 years: he was then made Marshal of the field under Conte Hohenlo: and after that, General of the army in Friesland: at his coming home in the time of Monsieurs government in Flanders, he was made lord Precedent of Munster in Ireland, which he yet holdeth, from whence within one year he was sent for, & sent General of the English forces which her majesty then lent to the Low countries, which he held till the earl of Leicester's going over. And he was made Marshal of the field in England, the enemy being upon our coast, and when it was expected the crown of England should have been tried by battle. All which places of commandment which never any Englishman successively attained unto in foreign wars, and the high places her majesty hath thought him worthy of, may suffice to persuade you, that he was not altogether unlikely to discharge that which he undertook. What fame general Drake hath got by his journey about the world, by his adventures to the west Indies, & the scourges he hath laid upon the Spanish nation, I leave to the Southern parts to speak of, & refer you to The Book extant in our own language treating of the same, & beseech you considering the weighty matters they have in all the course of their lives with wonderful reputation managed, that you will esteem them not well informed of their proceed, that think them insufficient to pass through that which they undertook, especially having go thus far in the view of the world, through so many encumbrances, & disappointed of those agreements which led them that rather to undertake the service. But it may be you will think me herein either to much opinionated of the voyage, or conceited of the Commanders, the labouring thus earnestly to advance the opinion of them both, have not so much as touched any part of the misorders, weakness & wants that have been amongst us, whereof they that returned did plentifully report. True it is, I have conceived a great opinion of the journey, & do think honourably of the Commanders: for we found in greatest antiquities, that many Commanders have been received home with triumph for less merit, & that our own country hath honoured men heretofore with admiration for adventures unequal to this: it might therefore in those days have seemed superfluous to extend any man's commendations by particular remembrances, for that then all men were ready to give every man his due. But I hold it most necessary in these days, sithence every virtue finds her direct opposite, & actions worthy of all memory are in danger to be enviously obscured, to denounce the praises of the action, and actors to the full, but yet no further then with sincerity of truth, & not without grieving at the injury of this time, wherein is enforced a necessity of Apologies for those men & matters, which all former times were accustomed to entertain with the greatest applause that might be. But to answer the reports which have been given out in reproach of the actors and action by such as were in the same: let no man think otherwise, but that they, who fearing the casual accidents of war had any purpose of returning, did first advise of some occasion that should move them thereunto: and having found any whatsoever did think it sufficiently just, in respect of the earnest desire they had to seek out matter that might colour their coming home. Of these there were some, who having noted the late Flemish wars did find that many young men have go over and safely returned soldiers within few months, in having learned some words of Art used in the wars, and thought after that good example to spend like time amongst us: which being expired they began to quarrel at the great mortality that was amongst us. The neglect of discipline in the Army, for that men were suffered to be drunk with the plenty of wines. The scarcity of Surgeons. The want of carriages for the hurt and sick: and the penury of victuals in the Camp: Thereupon divining that there would be no good done: And that therefore they could be content to loose their time, and adventure to return home again. These men have either conceived well of their own wits (who by observing the passages of the war were become sufficient soldiers in these few weeks, & did long to be at home, where their discourses might be wondered at) or missing of their Portagues and Milrayes which they dreamt on in Portugal, would rather return to their former manner of life, then attend the end of the journey. For seeing that one hazard brought another; and that though one escaped the bullet this day it might light upon him tomorrow, the next day, or any day; and that the war was not confined to any one place, but that every place brought forth new enemies, they were glad to see some of the poor soldiers fall sick, that fearing to be infected by them they might justly desire to go home. The sickness I confess was great, because any is too much. Answer to th● fir●t. But hath it been greater then is ordinary amongst Englishmen at their first entrance into the wars, whither soever they go to want the fullness of their flesh pots? Have not ours decayed at all times in France, with eating young first-fruits and drinking new wines? have they not abundantly perished in the Low countries with ●old, and rawness of the air, even in their garrisons? Have there not more died in London in six months of the plague, then double our Army being at the strongest? And could the Spanish Army the last year (who had all provisions that could be thought on for an Army, and took the fittest season in the year for our Climate) avoid sickness amongst their soldiers? May it then be thought that ours could escape there, where they found inordinate heat of weather, and hot wines to distemper them withal? But can it be, that we have lost so many as the common sort persuade themselves we have? It hath been proved by strick examinations of our musters, that we were never in our fullness before our going from Plymouth 11000. soldiers, not above 2500. Mariners. It is also evident that there returned above 6000. of all sorts, as appeareth by the several payments made to them since our coming home. And I have truly showed you that of these numbers very near 3000. forsook the Army at the Sea, whereof some passed into France and the rest returned home. So as we never being 13000. in all, and having brought home above 6000. with us, you may see how the world hath been seduced, in believing that we have lost 16000 men by sickness. To them that have made question of the government of the wars (little knowing what appertaineth thereunto in that there were so many drunkards amongst us) I answer, Answer to th● second. that in their government of shires and parishes, yea in their very households, themselves can hardly bridle their vassals from that vice. For we see it is a thing almost impossible, at any your Fairs or public assemblies to find any quarter thereof sober, or in your Towns any Alepoles unfrequented: And we observe that though any man having any disordered people in their houses, do lock up their drink and set Butlers upon it, that they will yet either by indirect means steal themselves drunk from their Master's tables, or run abroad to seek it. If then at home in the eyes of your justices, Majors, Preachers, and Masters, and where they pay for every pot they take, they cannot be kept from their liquor: do they think that those base disordered people whom themselves sent unto us, as living at home without rule, who hearing of wine do long for it as a dainty that their purses could never reach to in England, and having it there without money even in their houses where they lie & hold their guard, can be kept from being drunk; and once drunk, held in any order or time, except we had for every drunkard an officer to attend him? But who be they that have run into these disorders? Even our newest men, our youngest men, and our idelest men, and for the most part our slovenly priest men, whom the justices (who have always thought unworthily of any war) have sent out as the scum and dregss of their country. And those were they, who distempering themselves with these hot wines, have brought in that sickness, which hath infected honester men than themselves. But I hope, as in other places the recovery of their diseases doth acquaint their bodies with the air of the countries where they be, so the remainder of these which have either recovered, or passed without sickness will prove most fit for Martial services. Answer to the third. If we have wanted Surgeons, may not this rather be laid upon the captains (who are to provide for their several Companies) then upon the Generals, whose care hath been more general. And how may it be thought that every captain, upon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an adventure, could provide themselves of all things expedient for a war, which was always wont to be maintained by the purse of the prince. But admit every captain had his Surgeon: yet were the want of curing never the less: for our English Surgeons (for the most part) be unexperienced in hurts that come by shot; because England hath not known wars but of late, from whose ignorance proceeded this discomfort, which I hope will warn those that hereafter go to the wars to make preparation of such as may better preserve men's lives by their skill. Answer to the fourth. From whence the want of carriages did proceed, you may conjecture in that we marched through a country neither plentiful of such provisions, nor willing to part from any thing: yet this I can assure you, that no man of worth was left either hurt or sick in any place unprovided for. And that the General commanded all the mules & asses that were laden with any baggage to be unburdened and taken to that use: and the earl of Essex and he for money hired men to carry men upon pikes. And the earl (whose true virtue and nobility, as it doth in all other his actions appear, so did it very much in this) threw down his own stuff, I mean apparel & necessaries which he had there, from his own carriages, and let them be left by the way, to put hurt and sick men upon them. Of whose honourable deservings I shall not need here to make any particular discourse, for that many of his actions do hereafter give me occasion to observe the same. Answer to the fift. And the great complaint that these men make for the want of victuals may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of the war; for if to feed upon good bieves, muttons & goats, be to want, they have endured great scarcity at land, whereunto they never wanted, two days together, wine to mix with their water, nor bread to eat with their meat (in some quantity) except it were such as had vowed rather to starve then to stir out of their places for food: of whom we had too many, who if their time had served for it, might have seen in many camps in the most plentiful countries of the world for victuals, men daily die with want of bread and drink in not having money to buy, nor the country yielding any good or healthful water in any place; whereas both Spain and Portugal do in every place afford the best water that may be, and much more healthful than any wine for our drinking. And although some have most injuriously exclaimed against the small provisions of victuals for the sea, rather grounding the same upon an evil that might have fallen, than any that did light upon us: yet know you this, that there is no man so forgetful, that will say they wanted before they came to the Groin, that whosoever made not very large provisions for himself & his company at the Groin, was very improvident, where was plentiful store of wine, beef and fish, & no man of place prohibited to lay in the same into their ships, wherewith some did so furnish themselves, as they did not only in the journey supply the wants of such as were less provident than they, but in their return home made a round commodity of the remainder thereof. And that at Cascais there came in such store of provisions into the Fleet out of England, as no man that would have used his diligence could have wanted his due proportion thereof, as might appear by the remainder that was returned to Plymouth, and the plentiful sale thereof made out of the merchants ships after their coming into the Thames. But lest I should seem unto you too studious in confuting idle opinions, or answering frivolous questions, I will address me to the true report of those actions that have passed therein: wherein I protest, I will neither hide any thing that hath happened against us, nor attribute more to any man or matter, than the just occasions thereof lead me unto: wherein it shall appear that there hath been nothing left undone by the Generals which was before our going out undertaken by them, but that there hath been much more done than was at the first required by Don Antonio, who should have reaped the fruit of our adventure. Our men land within a mile of the Groin the 20 of April After 6 days sailing from the coast of England, & the 5 after we had the wound good being the 20 of April in the evening, we landed in a bay more than an English mile from the Groin, in our long boats and pinnasses without any impeachment: from whence we presently marched toward the town, within one half mile we were encountered by the enemy, who being charged by ours, retired into their gates. For that night our army lay in the villages, houses & mills next adjoining, and very near round about the town, into the which the galleon named S. john (which was the second of the last years Fleet against England) one hulk, two smaller ships and two Galleys which were found in the road, did heat upon us and upon our Companies as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning. General Norris having that morning before day viewed the Town, found the same defended on the land side (for it standeth upon the neck of an Island) with a brickwall upon a dry ditch: whereupon he resolved to try in two places what might be done against it by escalade, and in the mean time advised for the landing of some artillery to beaten upon the ships and galleys, that they might not annoyed us: which being put in execution, upon the planting of the first piece the galleys abandoned the road, and betook them to ferol, not far from thence: and the Armada being beaten with the artillery and musketers that were placed upon the next shore, left her playing upon us. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the companies, and other provisions ready for the surprise of the base town, which was effected in this sort. There were appointed to be landed 1200 men under the conduct of Colonel Huntley, and Captain Fe●ner the Uiceadmirall, on that side next fronting us by water in long boats and pinnesses, wherein were placed many pieces of artillery to beaten upon the town in their approach: at the corner of the brickwall which defended the other water side, were appointed Captain Richard Wingfield Lieutenant Colonel to General Norris, and Captain Samson Lieutenant Colonel to General Drake to enter at low water with 500 men if they found it passable, but if not, to betake them to the escalade, for they had also ladders with them: at the other corner of the brickwall which joined to that side that was attempted by water, were appointed Colonel umpton, and Colonel Bret with 300 men to enter by escalade. All the companies which should enter by boat being embarked before the low water, and having given the alarm, Captain Wingfield and Captain Samson betook them to the escalde, for they had in commandment to charge all at one instant. The boats landed without any great difficulty: yet had they some men hurt in the landing. Colonel Bret and Colonel umpton entered their quarter without encounter, not fluding any defence made against them: for Captain Hinder being one of them that entered by water, at his first entry, with some of his own company whom he trusted well, betook himself to that part of the brickwall, which he cleared before that they offered to enter, and so still scoured the brickwall till he came on the back of them who maintained the fight against Captain Wingfield and Captain Samson; who were twice beaten from their ladders, and found very good resistance, till the enemies perceiving ours entered in two places at their backs, were driven to abandon the same. The reason why that place was longer defended than the other, is (as Don ivan de Luna who commanded the same affirmeth) that the en●my that day had resolved in council how to make their defences, if they were approached: and therein concluded, that, if we attempted it by water, it was not able to be held, and therefore upon the discovery of our boats, they of the high town should make a signal by fire from thence, that all the low town might make their retreat thither: but they (whether troubled with the sudden terror we brought upon them, or forgetting their decree) ●mitted the fire, which made them guard that place till we were entered on every side. Then the to●ne being entered in three several places with an huge cry, the inhabitants betook them to the high town: which they might with less peril do, for that ours being strangers there, known not the way to cut them off. The rest that were not put to the sword in fury, fled to the rocks in the Island, and others hide themselves in chambers and sellers, which were every day found out in great numbers. Among those Don ivan de Luna, a man of very good commandment, having hidden himself in a house, did the the next morning yield himself. There was also taken that night a commissary of victuals called ivan de Vera, who confessed that there were in the Groin at our entry 500 soldiers being in seven companies which returned very weak (as appeareth by the small numbers of them) from the journey of England, namely: Under Don ivan de Luna. Don Diego Barran, a bastard son of the Marquis of Santa Cruz; his company was that night in the galleon. Don Antonio de Herera then at Madrid. Don Pedro de Manriques brother to the Earl of Paxides. Don jeronimo de Mourray of the Order of S. ivan, with some of the town were in the fort. Don Gomez de Caramasal then at Madrid. Captain Manço Caucaso de Socas. Also there came in that day of our landing from Retanzas the companies of Don ivan de Mosalle, and Don Pedro pour de Leon. Also he says that there was order given for baking of 300000 of biscuit, some in Batansas, some in Ribadeo, and the rest there. There were then in the town 2000 pipes of wine, and 150 in the ships. That there were lately come unto the Marquis of Seralba 300000 ducats. That there were 1000 jars of oil. A great quantity of beans, pease, wheat, and fish. That there were 3000 quintals of beef. And that not twenty days before, there came in three barks laden with match & harquebusses. Some others also found favour to be taken prisoners, but the rest falling into the hands of the common soldiers, had their throats cut, to the number of 500, as I conjecture, first and last, after we had entered the tow●e; and in the entry thereof there was found every cellar full of wine, whereon our men, by inordinate drinking, both grew themselves for the present senseless of the danger of the shot of the town, which hurt many of them being drunk, & took the first ground of their sickness; for of such was our first and chiefest mortality. There was also abundant store of victuals, salt, and all kind of provision for shipping and the war: which was confessed by the said Commissary of victuals taken there, to be the beginning of a magasin of all sorts of provision for a new voyage into England: whereby you may conjecture what the spoil thereof hath advantaged us, and prejudiced the king of Spain. The next morning about eight of the clock the enemies abandoned their ships. And having overcharged the artillery of the gallion, left her on fire, which burned in terrible sort two days together, the fire and overcharging of the pieces being so great, as of fifty that were in her, there were not above sixteen taken out whole; the rest with overcharge of the powder being broken, and melted with heat of the fire, were taken out in broken pieces into divers ships. The same day was the cloister on the South side of the town entered by us, which joined very near to the brickwall of the town, out of the chambers and other places whereof we beaten into the same with our musketeers. The next day in the afternoon there came down some 2000 men, gathered together out of the country, even to the gates of the town, as resolutely (led by what spirit I know not) as though they would have entered the same: but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there, wherein were slain about eighteen of there's, they took them to their heels in the same disorder they made their approach, and with greater speed than ours were able to follow: notwithstanding we followed after them more than a mile. The second day Colonel Huntley was sent into the country with three or four hundred men, who brought home very great store of cows and sheep for our relief. The third day in the night the General had in purpose to take a long munition-house builded upon their brickwall, opening towards us, which would have given us great advantage against them; but they knowing the commodity thereof for us, burned it in the beginning of the evening; which put him to a new council: for he had likewise brought some artillery to that side of the town. During this time there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the town; which, had it not been by the care of the Generals heedily seen unto, and the fury thereof prevented by pulling down many houses which were most in danger, as next unto them, had burned all the provisions we found there, to our wonderful hindrance. The fourth day were planted under the guard of the cloister two demy-canons, and two culverins against the town, defended or gabbioned with a cross brickwall, thorough the which our battery lay; the first and second tire whereof shook all the brickwall down, so as all the ordinance lay open to the enemy, by reason whereof some of the canoneers were shot and some slain. The Lieutenant also of the ordinance, M. Spencer, was slain fast by Sir Edward Norris, Master thereof: whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed unto him, never left that place, till he received direction from the General his brother to cease the battery, which he presently did, leaving a guard upon the same for that day; and in the night following made so good defence for the place of the battery, as after there were very few or none annoyed therein. That day Captain Goodwin had in commandment from the General, that when the assault should be given to the town, he should make a proffer of an escalade on the other ●ide, where he held his guard: but he (mistaking the signal that should have been given) attempted the same long before the assault, and was shot in the mouth. The same day the General having planted his ordinance ready to batter, caused the town to be summoned; in which summons they of the town shot at our Drum: immediately after that there was one hanged over the brickwall, and a parley desired; wherein they gave us to understand, that the man hanged was he that shot at the Drum before: wherein also they entreated to have fair wars, with promise of the same on their parts. The rest of the parley was spent in talking of Don ivan de Luna, and some other prisoners, and somewhat of the rendering of the town, but not much, for they listened not greatly thereunto. General Norris having by his skilful view of the town (which is almost all seated upon a rock) found one place thereof mineable, did presently set workmen in hand withal; who after three days labour (and the seventh after we were entered the base town) had bedded their powder, but indeed not far enough into the brickwall. Against which time the breach made by the canon being thought assaultable, and companies appointed as well to enter the same, as that which was expected should be blown up by the mine: namely, to that of the canon, Captain Richard Wingfield, and Captain Philpot, who lead the General's foot-companie, with whom also Captain York went, whose principal commandment was over the horsemen. And to that of the Mine, Captain john Samson, and Captain Anthony Wingfield Lieutenant Colonel to the Master of the Ordinance, with certain selected out of divers Regiments. All these companies being in arms, and the assault intended to be given in all places at an instant, fire was put to the train of the mine; but by reason the powder broke out backwards in a place where the cave was made too high, there could be nothing done in either place for that day. During this time Captain Hinder was sent with some choose out of every company into the country for provisions, whereof he brought in good store, and returned without loss. The next day Captain Anthony Samson was sent out with some 500 to fetch in provisions for the army, who was encountered by them of the country, but he put them to flight, and returned with good spoil. The same night the Miners were set to work again, who by the second day after had wrought very well into the foundation of the brickwall. Against which time the companies aforesaid being in readiness for both places (General Drake on the other side, with two or three hundred men in pinnesses, making proffer to attempt a strong fort upon an Island before the town, where he left more than thirty men) fire was given to the train of the mine, which blew up half the tower under which the powder was planted. The assailants having in charge upon the effecting of the mine presently to give the assault, performed it accordingly; but too soon: for having entered the top of the breach, the other half of the tower, which with the first force of the powder was only shaken and made lose, fallen upon our men: under which were buried about twenty or thirty, then being under that part of the tower. This so amazed our men that stood in the breach, not knowing from whence that terror came, as they forsook their Commanders, and left them among the ruins of the mine. The two Ensigns of General Drake and Captain Anthony Wingfield were shot in the breach, but their colours were rescued: the Generals by Captain sampson's Lieutenant, and Captain Wingfield● by himself. Among them that the brickwall fallen upon, was Captain Sydenham pitifully lost; who having three or four great stones upon his lower parts, was held so fast, as neither himself could stir, nor any reasonable company recover him. Notwithstanding the next day being found to be alive, there was ten or twelve lost in attempting to relieve him. The breach made by the canon was wonderfully well assaulted by them that had the charge thereof, who brought their men to the push of the pike at the top of the breach. And being ready to enter, the lose earth (which was indeed but the rubbish of the outside of the brickwall) with the weight of them that were thereon s●ipped outwards from under their feet. Whereby did appear half the brickwall unbattered. For let no man think that culverin or demy-canon can sufficiently batter a defensible rampire: and of those pieces which we had; the better of the demy-canons at the second shot broke in her carriages, so as the battery was of less force, being but of three pieces. In our retreat (which was from both breaches thorough a narrow lane) were many of our men hurt: and Captain Dolphin, who served very well that day, was hurt in the very breach. The failing of this attempt, in the opinion of all the beholders, and of such as were of best judgement, was the fall of the mine; which had doubtless succeeded, the rather, because the approach was unlooked for by the enemy in that place, and therefore not so much defence made there as in the other; which made the General grow to a new resolution: for finding that two days battery had so little beaten their brickwall, and that he had no better preparation to batter withal: he known in his experience, there was no good to be done that way; which I think he first put in proof, to try if by that terror he could get the upper town, having no other way to put it in hazard so speedily, and which in my conscience had obtained the town, had not the defendants been in as great peril of their lives by the displeasure of their king in giving it up, as by the bullet or sword in defending the same. For that day before the assault, in the view of our army, they burned a cloister within the town, and many other houses adjoining to the castle, to make it more defensible: whereby it appeared how little opinion themselves had of holding it against us, had not God (who would not have us suddenly made proud) laid that misfortune upon us. Hereby it may appear, that the four canons, and other pieces of battery promised to the journey, and not performed, might have made her Majesty mistress of the Groin: for though the mine were infortunate, yet if the other breach had been such as the earth would have held our men thereon, I do not think but they had entered it thoroughly at the first assault given: which had been more than I have herded of in our age. And being as it was, is no more than the Prince of Parma hath in winning of all his towns endured, who never entered any place at the first assaults nor above three by assault. The next day the General hearing by a prisoner that was brought in, that the Conde de Andrada had assembled an army of eight thousand at Puente de Burgos, six miles from thence in the way to Petance, which was but the beginning of an army: in that there was a greater levy ready to come thither under the Conde de Altemira, either in purpose to relieve the Groin, or to encamp themselves near the place of our embarking, there to hinder the same; for to that purpose had the marquess of Seralba written to them both the first night of our landing, as the Commissary taken then confessed, or at the lest to stop our further entrance into the Country, (for during this time, there were manies incursions made of three or four hundred at a time, who burned, spoiled, and brought in victuals plentifully) the General, I say, hearing of this army, had in purpose the next day following to visit them, against whom he carried but nine Regiments: in the vanguard were the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Edward Norris, and Colonel Sidney: in the Battle, that of the General, of Colonel Lane, and Colonel Medkerk: and in the Rearward, Sir Henry Norris, Colonel Huntley, and Colonel Brets' Regiments; leaving the other five Regiments with General Drake, for the guard of the Cloister and Artillery. About ten of the clock the next day, being the sixt of May, half a mile from the camp, we discovering the enemy, Sir Edward Norris, who commanded the vanguard in chief, appointed his Lieutenant Colonel Captain Anthony Wingfield to command the shot of the same, who divided them into three troops; the one he appointed to Captain Middleton to be conducted in a way on the left hand: another to Captain Erington to take the way on the right hand, and the body of them (which were musketeers) Captain Wingfield took himself, keeping the direct way of the march. But the way taken by Captain Middleton met a little before with the way held by Captain Wingfield, so as he giving the first charge upon the enemy, was in the instant seconded by Captain Wingfield, who beaten them from place to place (they having very good places of defence, and cross walls which they might have held long) till they betook them to their bridge, which is over a creak coming out of the Sea, builded of stone upon arches. On the foot of the further side whereof, lay the Camp of the enemy very strongly entrenched, who with our shot beaten to the further end of the bridge, Sir Edward Norris marching in the point of the pikes, without stay passed to the bridge, accompanied with Colonel Sidney, Captain Hinder, Captain Fulford, and divers others, who found the way clear over the same, but through an incredible volley of shot; for that the shot of their army flanked upon both sides of the bridge, the further end whereof was barricaded with barrels: but they who should have guarded the same, seeing the proud approach we made, forsook the defence of the barricade, where Sir Edward entered, and charging the first defendant with his pike, with very earnestness in overthrusting, fell, and was grievously hurt at the sword in the head, but was most honourably rescued by the General his brother, accompanied with Colonel Sidney, and some other gentlemen: Captain Hinder also having his Cask shot off, had five wounds in the head and face at the sword: and Captain Fulford was shot into the left arm at the same encounter: yet were they so thoroughly seconded by the General, who thrust himself so near to give encouragement to the attempt (which was of wooderfull difficulty) as their bravest men that defended that place being overthrown, their whole army fallen presently into rout, The notable overthrow given to the Spaniards at Puente de Burgos. of whom our men had the chase three miles in four sundry ways, which they betook themselves unto. There was taken the Standard with the King's arms, and born before the General. How many two thousand men (for of so many consisted our vanguard) might kill in pursuit of four sundry parties, so many you may imagine fell before us that day. And to make the number more great, our men having given over the execution, and returning to their stands, found many hidden in the Uineyards and hedges, which they dispatched. Also Colonel Medkerk was sent with his regiment three miles further to a Cloister, which he burned and spoilt, wherein he found two hundred more, & put them to the sword. There were slain in this fight on our side only Captain Cooper, and one private soldier; Captain Barton was also hurt upon the bridge in the eye. But had you seen the strong baricades they had made on either side of the bridge, and how strongly they lay encamped thereabouts, you would have thought it a rare resolution of ours to give so brave a charge upon an army so strongly lodged. After the fury of the execution, the General sent the vanguard one way, and the battle another, to burn and spoil; so as you might have seen the country more than three mile's compass on fire. There was found very good store of munition and victuals in the Camp, some plate and rich apparel, which the better sort left behind, they were so hotly pursued. Our sailors also landed in an Island next adjoining to our ships, where they burned and spoilt all they found. Thus we returned to the Groin, bringing small comfort to the enemy within the same, who shot many times at us as we marched out; but not once in our coming back again. The next day was spent in shipping our artillery landed for the battery, and of the rest taken at the Groin, which had it been such as might have given us any assurance of a better battery, or had there been no other purpose of our journey but that, I think the General would have spent some more time in the siege of the place. The two last nights, there were that undertook to fire the higher town in one place, where the houses were builded upon the brickwall by the water side; but they within suspecting as much, made so good defence against us, as they prevented the same. In our departure there was fire put into every house of the low town, insomuch as I may justly say, there was not one house left standing in the base town, or the cloister. The next day, being the eight of May, we ●mbarked our army without loss of a man, which (had we not beaten the enemy at Puente de Burgos) had been impossible to have done; for that without doubt they would have attempted something against us in our embarking: as appeared by the report of the Commissary aforesaid, who confessed, that the first night of our landing the Marquis of Seralba written to the Conde de Altemira, the Conde de Andrada, and to Terneis de Santisso, to bring all the forces against us that they could possible raise, thinking no way so good to assure that place, as to bring an army thither, where withal they might either besiege us in their base town, if we should get it, or to lie between us and our place of embarking, to fight with us upon the advantage; for they had above 15000 soldiers under their commandments. After we had put from thence, we had the wind so contrary, as we could not under nine days recover the Burlings: in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earl of Essex, and with him M. Walter Devereux his brother (a Gentleman of wonderful great hope) Sir Roger William's Colonel general of the footmen, Sir Philip Butler, who hath always been most inward with him, and Sir Edward Wingfield, came into the fleet. The Earl having put himself into the journey against the opinion of the world, and as it seemed to the hazard of his great fortune, though to the great advancement of his reputation, (for as the honourable carriage of himself towards all men doth make him highly esteemed at home; so did his exceeding forwardness in all services make him to be wondered at amongst us) who, I say, put off in the same wind from Falmouth, that we left Plymouth in, where he lay, because he would avoid the importunity of messengers that were daily sent for his return, and some other cause's more secret to himself, not knowing (as it seemed) what place the Generals purposed to land in, had been as far as Cadiz in Andaluzia, and lay up and down about the South Cape, where he took some ships laden with corn, and brought them unto the fleet. Also in his return from thence to meet with our fleet, he fallen with the islands of Bayon; and on that side of the river which Cannae standeth upon, he, with Sir Roger Williams, and those Gentlemen that were with him went on shore, with some men out of the ship he was in, whom the enemy, that held guard upon that coast, would not abide, but fled up into the country. The 16 day we landed at Peniche in Portugal, under the shot of the castle, and above the waste in water, more than a mile from the town, wherein many were in peril of drowning, by reason the wind was great, and the sea went high, which overthrew one boat, wherein five and twenty of Captain Dolphins men perished. The enemy being five companies of Spaniards under the commandment of the Conde de Fuentes, sallied out of the town against us, and in our landing made their approach close by the water side. But the Earl of Essex with Sir Roger Williams, and his brother, having landed sufficient number to make two troops, left one to hold the way by the water side, and led the other over the Sandhils; which the enemy seeing, drawn there's likewise further into the land; not, as we conjectured, to encounter us, but indeed to make their speedy passage away: notwithstanding, they did it in such sort, as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonel general under Captain jackson, they stood the same even to the push of the pike: in which charge and at the push, Captain Robert Piew was slain. The enemy being fled further than we had reason to follow them, all our companies were drawn to the town; which being unfortified in any place, we found undefended by any man against us. And therefore the General caused the castle to be summoned that night; which being abandoned by him that commanded it, a Portugal named Antonio de Aurid, being possessed thereof, desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was landed, whereupon he would deliver the same; which he honestly performed. There was taken out of the castle some hundred shot and pikes, which Don Emanuel furnished his Portugals withal, and twenty barrels of powder: Peniche taken. so as possessing both the town and the castle, we rested there one day; wherein some Friars and other poor men came unto their new king, promising in the name of their country next adjoining, that within two days he should have a good supply of horse and foot for his assistance. That day we remained there, the General's company of horses were unshipped. The Generals there fully resolved, that the Army should march over land to Lisbon under the conduct of General Norris; and that General Drake should meet him in the river thereof with the Fleet; that there should be one Company of foot left in guard of the Castle, and six in the ships: also that the sick & hurt should remain there with provisions for their cures. The General, to try the event of the matter by expedition, the next day began to march in this sort: his own Regiment, and the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Henry Norris, Colonel Lane, and Colonel Medkerk, in the vanguard: General Drake, Colonel Devereux Sir Edward Norris, and Colonel Sidneiss in the battle: Sir james Hales, Sir Edward Wingfield, Colonel Vmptons', Colonel Huntley's, and Colonel Brets' in the arrereward. By that time our army was thus marshaled, General Drake, although he were to pass by Sea, yet to make known the honourable desire he had of taking equal part of all fortunes with us, stood upon the ascent of an hill, by the which our battalions must of necessity march, and with a pleasing kindness took his leave severally of the Commanders of every regiment, wishing us all most happy success in our journey over the land, with a constant promise that he would, if the injury of the weather did not hinder him, meet us in the river of Lisbon with our fleet. The want of carriages the first day was such, as they were enforced to carry their munition upon men's backs, which was the next day remedied. In this march Captain Crispe the Provost Martial caused one who (contrary to the Proclamation published at our arrival in Portugal) had broken up an house for pillage, to be hanged, with the cause of his death upon his breast, in the place where the act was committed: which good example providently given in the beginning of our march, caused the commandment to be more respectiuly regarded all the journey after, by them whom fear of punishment doth only hold within compass. The camp lodged that night at Lorinha: the next day we had intelligence all the way, that the enemy had made head of horse and foot against us at Torres Vedras, which we thought they would have held: but coming thither the second day of our march, not two hours before our vanguard came in, they left the town and the castle to the possession of Don Antonio. There began the greatest want we had of victuals, especially of bread, upon a commandment given from the General, that no man should spoil the country, or take any thing from any Portugal: which was more respectively observed, than I think would have been in our own country, amongst our own friends and kindred: but the country (contrary to promise') wholly neglected the provision of victuals for us, whereby we were driven for that time into a great scarcity. Which moved the Colonel general to call all the Colonels together, and with them to advise for some better course for our people: who thought it best, first to advertise the king what necessity we were in, before we should of ourselves altar the first institution of abstinence. The Colonel general having acquainted the General herewith, with his very good allowance thereof, went to the king; who after some expostulations used, took the more careful order for our men, and after that our army was more plentifully relieved. The third day we lodged our army in three sundry villages, the one battalion lying in Exarama de los Cavalleros, another in Exarama do Obispo, and the third in San Sebastian. Captain York who commanded the General's horse company, in this march made trial of the valour of the horsemen of the enemy; who by one of his Corporals charged with eight horses thorough 40 of them, & himself thorough more than 200 with some forty horses: who would abide him no longer than they could make way from him. The next day we marched to Lores, and had divers intelligences that the enemy would tarry us there: for the Cardinal had made public promise to them of Lisbon, that he would fight with us in that place, which he might have done advantageously; for we had a bridge to pass over in the same place: but before our coming he dislodged, notwithstanding it appeared unto us that he had in purpose to encamp there; for we found the ground staked out where their trenches should have been made: and their horsemen with some few shot showed themselves upon an hill at our ●●mming into that village; whom Sir Henry Norris (whose regiment had the point of the vanguard) thought to draw unto some fight, and therefore marched without sound of drum, and somewhat faster than ordinary, thereby to get near them before he were discovered, for he was shadowed from them by an hill that was between him and them: but before he could draw his companies any thing near, they retired. General Drakes regiment that night, for the commodity of good lodging, drawn themselves into a village, more than one English mile from thence, and near the enemy: who not daring to do any thing against us in four days before, took that occasion, and in the next morning fallen down upon that regiment, crying, Viva el Rey Don Antonio, which was a general salutation thorough all the Country as they came: whom our young Soldiers (though it were upon their guard, and before the watch were discharged) began to entertain kindly, but having got within their guard, they fallen to cut their throats: but the alarm being taken innards, the officers of the two next Companies, whose Captains (Captain Sydnam and Captain Young) were lately dead at the Groin, brought down their colours and pikes upon them in so resolute manner, as they presently drove them to retire with loss: they killed of ours at their first entrance fourteen, and hurt six or seven. The next day we lodged at Aluelana within three miles of Lisbon, where many of our soldiers drinking in two places of standing waters by the way were poisoned, and thereon presently died. Some do think it came rather by eating of honey, which they found in the houses plentifully. But whether it were by water or by honey, the poor men were poisoned. That night the Earl of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams went out about eleven of the clock with 1000 men to lie in ambuscade near the town, and having laid the same very near, sent some to give the alarm unto the enemy: which was well performed by them that had the charge thereof, but the enemy refused to issue after them, so as the Earl returned assoon as it was light without doing any thing, though he had in purpose, and was ready to have given an honourable charge on them. The 25 of May in the evening we came to the suburbs of Lisbon: at the very entrance whereof Sir Roger Williams calling Captain Anthony Wingfield with him, took thirty shot or thereabouts, and first scoured all the streets till they came very near the town; where they found none but old folks and beggars, crying, Viva el Rey Don Antonio, and the houses shut up: for they had carried much of their wealth into the town, and had fired some houses by the water side, full of corn and other provisions of victuals, lest we should be benefited thereby, but yet left behind them great riches in many houses. The four regiments that had the vanguard that day, which were Colonel Devereux, Sir Edward Norris, Colonel Sidneys, and General Drakes (whom I name as they marched) the Colonel general caused to hold guard in the nearest streets of the Suburbs: the battle and the arreward stood in arms all the night in the field near to Alcantara. Before morning Captain Wingfield, by direction from the Colonel general Sir Roger Williams, held guard with Sir Edward Norris his regiment in three places very near the town brickwall, and so held the same till the other regiments came in the morning. About midnight they within the town burned all their houses that stood upon their brickwall either within or without, lest we possessing them, might thereby greatly have annoyed the town. The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted (but not without peril) to take a Church called S. Antonio, which joined to the brickwall of the town, and would have been a very evil neighbour to the town: but the enemy having more easy entry into it then we, gained it before us. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering the battle and arrereward in the Suburbs called Bona Vista, and in placing musketeers in houses, to front their shot upon the brickwall, who from the same scoured the great streets very dangerously. By this time our men being thoroughly weary with our six days march, and the last night's watch, were desirous of rest; whereof the enemy being advertised, about one or two of the clock sallied out of the town, and made their approach in three several streets upon us, but chief in Colonel Brets' quarter: who (as most of the army was) being at rest, with as much speed as he could, drawn his men into arms, and made head against them so thoroughly, as himself was slain in the place, Captain Carsey shot thorough the thigh, of which hurt he died within four days after, Captain Car slain presently, and Captain Cave hurt (but not mortally) who were all of his regiment. This resistance made aswell here, as in other quarters where Colonel Lane and Colonel Medkerk commanded, put them to a sudden foul retreat; insomuch, as the Earl of Essex had the chase of them even to the gates of the high town, wherein they left behind them many of their best Commanders: their troop of horsemen also came out, but being charged by Captain York, withdrew themselves again. Many of them also left the streets, and betook them to houses which they found open: for the Sergeant maior Captain Wilson slay in one house with his own hands three or four, and caused them that were with him to kill many others. Their loss I can assure you did triple ours, aswell in quality as in quantity. During our march to this place, General Drake with the whole fleet was come into Cascais, and possessed the town without any resistance: many of the inhabitants at their discovery of our navy, fled with their baggage into the mountains, and left the town for any man that would possess it, till General Drake sent unto them by a Portugal Pilot which he had on board, to offer them all peaceable kindness, so far forth as they would accept of their King, and minister necessaries to the army he had brought; which offer they joyfully embraced, and presently sent two chief men of their town, to signify their loyalty to Don Antonio, and their honest affections to our people. Whereupon the General landed his companies not far from the Cloister called San Domingo, but not without peril of the shot of the castle, which being guarded with 65 Spaniards, held still against him. As our fleet were casting anchor when they came first into that road, there was a small ship of Brasil that came from thence, which bore with them, and seemed by striking her sails, as though she would also have anchored: but taking her fittest occasion hoist again, and would have passed by the river, but the General presently discerning her purpose, sent out a pinnace or two after her, which forced her in such sort, as she ran herself upon the Rocks: all the men escaped out of her, and the lading (being many chests of sugar) was made nothing worth, by the salt water. In his going thither also, he took ships of the port of Portugal, which were sent from thence, with fifteen other from Pedro Vermendes Xantes Sergeant maior of the same place, laden with men and victuals to Lisbon: the rest that escaped put into Setwel. The next day it pleased General Norris to call all the Colonels together, and to advise with them, whether it were more expedient to tarry there to attend the forces of the Portugal horse and foot, whereof the King had made promise, and to march some convenient number to Cascais to fetch our artillery and munition, which was all at our ships, saving that which for the necessity of the service was brought along with us: whereunto, some carried away with the vain hope of Don Antonio, that most part of the town stood for us, held it best to make our abode there, and and to sand some 3000 for our artillery: promising to themselves, that the enemy being well beaten the day before, would make no more sallies: some others (whose unbelief was very strong of any hope from the Portugal) persuaded rather to march wholly away, then to be any longer carried away with the opinion of things, whereof there was so little appearance. The General not willing to leave any occasion of blot to be laid upon him for his speedy going from thence, nor to loose any more time by attending the hopes of Don Antonio; told them, that though the expedition of Portugal were not the only purpose of their journey, but an adventure therein (which if it succeeded prosperously, might make them sufficiently rich, and wonderful honourable) and that they had done so much already in trial thereof, as what end soever happened, could nothing impair their credits: yet in regard of the King's last promise, that he should have that night 3000 men armed of his own Country, he would not for that night dislodge. And if they came, thereby to make him so strong, that he might sand the like number for his munition, he would resolve to try his fortune for the town. But if they came not, he found it not convenient to divide his forces, by sending any to Cascais, and keeping a remainder behind, sithence he see them the day before so boldly sally upon his whole army, and known that they were stronger of Soldiers armed within the town, than he was without: and that before our return could be from Cascais, they expected more supplies from all places, of Soldiers: for the Duke of Bragança, and Don Francisco de Toledo were looked for with great relief. Whereupon his conclusion was, that if the 3000 promised came not that night, to march wholly away the next morning. It may be here demanded, why a matter of so great moment should be so flenderly regarded, as that the General should march with such an army against such an enemy, before he known either the fullness of his own strength, or certain means how he should abide the place when he should come to it. Wherein I pray you remember the Decrees made in the Council at Peniche, and confirmed by public protestation the first day of our march, that our navy should meet us in the river of Lisbon, in the which was the store of all our provisions, and so the mean of our tarriance in that place, which came not, though we continued till we had no munition left to entertain a very small fight. We are also to consider, that the King of Portugal (whether carried away with imagination by the advertisements he received from the Portugals, or willing by any promise to bring such an army into his Country, thereby to put his fortune once more in trial) assured the General, that upon his first landing, there would be a revolt of his subjects: whereof there was some hope given at our first entry to Peniche, by the manner of the yielding of that town and fort, which made the General think it most convenient speedily to march to the principal place, thereby to give courage to the rest of the Country. The Friars also and the poor people that came unto him promised, that within two days the gentlemen and others of the Country would come plentifully in: within which two days came many more Priests, and some very few gentlemen on horseback; but not till we came to Torres Vedras: where they that noted the course of things how they passed, might somewhat discover the weakness of that people. There they took two days more; and at the end thereof referred him till our coming to Lisbon, with assurance, that so soon as our army should be seen there, all the inhabitants would be for the King and fall upon the Spaniards. After two night's tarriance at Lisbon, the King, as you have herded, promised a supply of 3000 foot, and some horse: but all his appointments being expired, even to the last of a night, all his horse could not make a cornet of 40, nor his foot furnish two ensigns fully, although they carried three or four colours: and these were altogether such as thought to enrich themselves by the ruin of their neighbours: for they committed more disorders in every place where we came by spoil, than any of our own. The General, as you see, having done more than before his coming out of England was required by the King, and given credit to his many promises, even to the breach of the last, he desisted not to persuade him to stay yet nine days longer: in which time he might have engaged himself further, then with any honour he could come out of again, by attempting a town fortified, wherein were more men armed against us, than we had to oppugn them withal, our artillery and munition being fifteen miles from us, and our men then declining; for there was the first show of any great sickness amongst them. Whereby it seemeth, that either his prela●y did much abuse him in persuading him to hopes, whereof after two or three days he see no semblance: or he like a silly lover, who promises himself favour by importuning a coy mistress, thought by our long being before his town, that in the end taking pity on him, they would let him in. What end the Friars had by following him with such devotion, I know not, but sure I am, the Laity did respite their homage till they might see which way the victory would sway; fearing to show themselves apparently unto him, lest the Spaniard should after our departure (if we prevailed not) call them to accounted: yet sent they under hand messages to him of obedience, thereby to save their own, if he become King; but indeed very well contended to see the Spaniards and us try by blows, who should carry away the crown. For they be of so base a mould, as they can very well subject themselves to any government, where they may live free from blows, and have liberty to become rich, being loath to endure hazard either of life or goods. For dared they have put on any minds thoroughly to revolt, they had three wonderful good occasions offered them during our being there. Themselves did in general confess, that there were not above 5000 Spaniards in that part of the Country, of which number the half were out of the town till the last day of our march: during which time, how easily they might have prevailed against the rest, any man may conceive. But upon our approach they took them all in, and combined themselves in general to the Cardinal. The next day after our coming thither, when the sally was made upon us by their most resolute Spaniards, how easily might they have kept them out, or have given us the gate which was held for their retreat, if they had had any thought thereof? And two days after our coming to Cascais, when 6000 Spaniards and Portugals came against us as far as S. julians' by land, as you shall presently hear (all which time I think there were not many Spaniards left in the town) they had a more fit occasion to show their devotion to the King, than any could be offered by our tarrying there. And they could not doubt, that if they had shut them out, but that we would have fought with them upon that advantage, having sought them in Galitia upon disadvantage to beaten them: and having taken so much pains to seek them at their own houses, whereof we gave sufficient testimony in the same accident. But I think the fear of the Spaniard had taken so deep impression within them, as they dared not attempt any thing against them upon any hazard. For, what civil country hath ever suffered themselves to be conquered by so few men as they were; to be deprived of their natural King, and to be tyrannised over thus long, but they? And what country, living in slavery under a stranger whom they naturally hate, having an army in the field to fight for them and their liberty, would lie still with the yoke upon their necks, attending if any strangers would unburden them, without so much as rousing themselves under it, but they? They will promise' much in speeches, for they be great talkers, whom the General had no reason to distrust without trial, and therefore marched on into their country: but they performed little in action, whereof we could have had no proof without this thorough trial. Wherein he hath discovered their weakness, and honourably performed more than could be in reason expected of him: which had he not done, would not these maliguers, who seek occasions of slander, have reported him to be suspicious of a people, of whose infidelity he had no testimony: and to be fearful without cause, if he had refused to give credit to their promises without any adventure? Let no frivolous questionist therefore further inquire why he marched so many days to Lisbon, and tarried there so small a while. The next morning, seeing no performance of promise kept, he gave order for our marching away; himself, the Earl of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams remaining with the stand that was made in the high street, till the whole army was drawn into the field, and so marched out of the town, appointing Captain Richard Wingfield, and Captain Anthony Wi●gfield in the arr●reward of them with the shot; thinking that the enemy (as it was most likely) would have issued out upon our rising; but they were otherwise advised. When we were come into the field, every battalion fallen into that order which by course appertained unto them, and so marched that night unto Cascais. Had we marched thorough his Country as enemies, our Soldiers had been well supplied in all their wants: but had we made enemies of the Suburbs of Lisbon, we had been the richest army that ever went out of England: for besides the particular wealth of every house, there were many Warehouses by the water side full of all sorts of rich merchandises. In our march that day the galleys which had somewhat, but not much, annoyed us at Lisbon, (for that our way lay along the river) attended us till we were past S. julians', bestowing many shot amongst us, but did no harm at all, saving that they struck off a gentleman's leg, & killed the Sergeant majors moil under him. The horsemen also followed us afar off, and cut off as many sick men as were not able to hold in march, nor we had carriage for. After we had been two days at Cascais, we had intelligence by a Friar, that the enemy was marching strongly towards us, and then came as far as S. julian: which news was so welcome to the Earl of Essex and the Generals, as they offered every one of them to give the messenger an hundred crowns if they found them in the place; for the General desiring nothing more than to fight with them in field room, dispatched that night a messenger with a trumpet, by whom he written a cartel to the General of their army, wherein he gave them the lie, in that it was by them reported that we dislodged from Lisbon in disorder and fear of them (which indeed was most false) for that it was five of the clock in the morning before we fallen into arms, and then went in such sort, as they had no courage to follow out upon us. Also he challenged him therein, to meet him the next morning with his whole army, if he dared attend his coming, and there to try out the justness of their quarrel by battle: by whom also the Earl of Essex (who preferring the honour of the cause, which was his countries, before his own safety) sent a particular cartel, offering himself against any of there's, if they had any of his quality; or if they would not admit of that; si●e, eight, or ten, or as many as they would appoint, should meet so many of there's in the head of our battle to try their fortunes with them; and that they should have assurance of their return and honourable entreaty. The General accordingly made all his army ready by three of the clock in the morning and marched even to the place where they had encamped, but they were dislodged in the night in great disorder, being taken with a sudden fear that we had been come upon them, as the General was the next day certainly informed: so as the Trumpet followed them to Lisbon, but could not get other answer to either of his letters, but threatening to be hanged, for daring to bring such a message. Howbeit the General had caused to be written upon the backside of their passport, that if they did offer any violence unto the messengers, he would hung the best prisoners he had of there's: which made them to advise better of the matter, and to return them home; but without answer. After our army came to Cascais, and the castle summoned, the Castellan thereof granted, that upon five or six shot of the canon he would deliver the same, but not without sight thereof. The G●n●rall thinking that his distress within had been such for want of men or victuals as he could not hold it many days, because he see it otherwise defensible enough, determined rather to make him yield to that necessity, then to bring the cannon, and therefore only set a guard upon the same, lest any supply of those things which he wanted should be brought unto them. But he still standing upon those conditions, the General about two days before he determined to go to Sea, brought three or four pieces of battery against it: upon the first tire whereof he surrendered, and compounded to go away with his baggage and arms: he had one canon, two culverins, one basilisk, and three or four other field pieces, threescore and five Soldiers, very good store of munition, and victuals enough in the Castle; insomuch as he might have held the same longer than the General had in purpose to tarry there. One company of footman was put into the guard thereof, till the artillery was taken out, and our army embarked; which without having that fort, we could not without great peril have done. When we were ready to set sail (one half of the fort being by order from the General blown up by mine) the company was drawn away. During the time we lay in the road, our fleet began the second of june, and so continued six days after to fetch in some hulks to the number of threescore, of Dansik, Stetin, Rostock, Lubeck & Hamburgh, laden with Spanish goods, and as it seemed for the king's provision, and going for Lisbon: their principal lading was Corn, Masts, Cables, Copper, and Wax: amongst which were some of great burden wonderful well builded for sailing, which had no great lading in them, and therefore it was thought that they were brought for the king's provision, to reinforce his decayed navy: whereof there was the greater likelihood, in that the owner of the greatest of them which carried two misnes, was known to be very inward with the Cardinal, who rather than he would be taken with his ships, committed himself unto his small boat, wherein he recovered S. Sebastian's: into the which our men, that before were in flieboats, were shipped, and the flieboats sent home with an offer of corn, to the value of their hire. But the wind being good for them for Rochel, they chose rather to loose their corn then the wind, and so departed. The General also sent his horses with them, and from thence shipped them into England. The third of june, Colonel Devereux and Colonel Sidney, being both very sick, departed for England, who in the whole journey had showed themselves very forward to all services, and in their departure very unwilling to leave us: that day we embarked all our army, but lay in the road until the eight thereof. The sixt day the Earl of Essex, upon receipt of letters from her Majesty, by them that brought in the victuals, presently departed towards England, with whom Sir Roger Williams was very desirous to go, but found the Generals very unwilling he should do so, in that he bore the next place unto them, and if they should miscarry, was to command the army. And the same day there came unto us two small barks that brought tidings of some other ships come out of England with victuals, which were passed upwards to the Cape: for meeting with whom, the second day after we set sail for that place, in purpose after our meeting with them to go with the Isles of Açores, the second day, which was the ninth, we met with them coming back again towards us, whose provision little answered our expectation. Notwithstanding we resolved to continued our course for the islands. About this time was the Merchant Royal, with three or four other ships, sent to Peniche, to fetch away the companies that were left there; but Captain Barton having received letters from the Generals that were sent overland, was departed before, not being able by reason of the enemies speedy marching thither, either to bring away the artillery, or all his men, according to the direction those letters gave him; for he was no sooner go, than the enemy possessed the town and castle, and shot at our ships as they came into the road. At this time also was the Ambassador from the Emperor of Morocco, called Reys Hamet Bencasamp, returned, and with him M. Cyprian, a Gentleman of good place and desert, was sent from Don Antonio, and Captain Ousley from the Generals to the Emperor. The next morning the nine galleys which were sent not five days before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening of the river of Lisbon (which being joined with the other twelve that were there before, though we lay hard by them at S. julians', dared never make any attempt against us) upon our departure from thence were returning home, and in the morning being a very dead calm, in the dawning thereof, fallen in the wind of our fleet, in the uttermost part whereof they assailed one straggling bark of Plymouth, of the which Captain Caverley being Captain of the land company, with his Lieutenant, the Master, and some of the Mariners abandoned the ship, and betook them to the shipboats, whereof one, in which the Master and the Captain were, was overrun with the galleys, and they drowned. There were also two hulks straggled far from the strength of the other ships, which were so calmed, as neither they could get to us, nor we to them, though all the great ships towed with their boats to have relieved them, but could not be recovered; in one of which was Captain Minshaw with his company, who fought with them to the last, yea after his ship was on fire, which whether it was fired by himself or by them we could not well discern, but might easily judge by his long and good fight, that the enemy could not but sustain much loss: who setting also upon one other hulk wherein was but a Lieutenant, and he very sick, were by the valour of the Lieutenant put off, although they had first beaten her with their artillery, and attempted to board her. And seeing al●o one other hulk a league off, a stern of us, they made towards her; but finding that she made ready to fight with them, they dared not further attempt her: whereby it seemed, their loss being great in the other fights, they were loath t● proceed any further. From that day till the 19 of june, our direction from the General was, that if the wound were Northerly, we should ply for the Açores; but if Southerly, for the Isles of Bayon. We lay with contrary winds about that place and the Rock, till the Southerly wind prevailing carried us to Bayon: part of our ships to the number of 25, in a great wind which was two days before, having lost the Admirals and fleet, according to their direction, fallen in the morning of that day with Bayon, among whom was Sir Henry Norris in the Aid; who had in purpose (if the Admirals had not come in) with some 500 men out of them all to have landed, and attempted the taking of Vigo. The rest of the fleet held with General Drake, who though he were two days before put upon those islands, cast off again to sea for the Açores: but remembering how unprovided he was for that journey, and seeing that he had lost company of his great ships, returned for Bayon, and came in there that night in the evening, where he passed up the river more than a mile above Vigo. The next morning we landed as many as were able to fight, which were not in the whole above 2000 men, (for in the 17 days we continued on board we had cast many of our men overboard) with which number the Colonel general marched to the town of Vigo, near the which when he approached, he sent Captain Anthony Wingfield with a troop of shot to enter one side of the same, Vigo taken. who found upon every streets end a strong barricade, but altogether abandoned; for having entered the town, he found but one man therein, but might see them making way before him to Bayon. On the other side of the town entered General Drake with Captain Richard Wingfield, whose approach on that side (I think) made them leave the places they had so artificially made for defence: there were also certain ships sent with the Uiceadmirall to lie close before the town, to beaten upon the same with their artillery. In the afternoon were sent 300 under the conduct of Captain Petuin and Captain Henry Pour, to burn another village betwixt that and Bayon, called Borsis, and as much of the country as the day would give them leave to do; which was a very pleasant rich valley: but they burned it all, houses and corn, as did others on the other side of the town, both that and the next day, so as the country was spoilt seven or eight miles in length. There was found great store of wine in the town, but not any thing else: for the other days warning of the ships that came first in, gave them a respite to carry all away. The next morning by break of the day the Colonel general (who in the absence of the Generals that were on board their ships, commanded that night on shore) caused all our companies to be drawn out of the town, Vigo burned. and sent in two troops to put fire in every house of the same: which done, we embarked again. This day there were certain Mariners which (without any direction) put themselves on shore, on the contrary side of the river from us for pillage; who were beaten by the enemy from their boats, and punished by the Generals for their offer, in going without allowance. The reasons why we attempted nothing against Bayon were before showed to be want of artillery, and may now be alleged to be the small number of our men: who should have go against so strong a place, manned with very good soldiers, as was showed by ivan de Vera taken at the Groin, who confessed that there were six hundred old Soldiers in garrison there of Flanders, and the Tercios of Naples, lately also returned out of the journey of England, Under the leading of Capitan Puebla. Christofero Vasques de Viralta a soldier of Flanders. Don Pedro Camascho, del tercio de Napoles. Don Francisco de Cespedes. Cap. ivan de Solo, del tercio de Naples. Don Diego de Cassava. Cap. S●uban. Also he saith there be 18 pieces of brass, and four of iron, lately laid upon the walls of the town, besides them that were there before. The same day the General's seeing what weak estate our army was drawn into by sickness, determined to man and victual twenty of the best ships for the islands of Açores with General Drake, to see if he could meet with the Indian fleet, and General Norris to return home with the rest: And for the shifting of men and victuals accordingly, purposed the next morning to fall down to the islands of Bayon again, and to remain there that day. But General Drake, according to their appointment, being under sail never struck at the islands, but put strait to sea; whom all the fleet followed saving three and thirty, which being in the river further than he, and at the entrance out of the same, finding the wind and tide too hard against them, were enforced to cast anchor there for that night; amongst whom, by good fortune, was the Foresight, and in her sir Edward Norris. And the night following, General Norris being driven from the rest of the Fleet by a great storm, (for all that day was the greatest storm we had all the time we were out) came again into the islands, but not without great peril, he being forced to trust to a Spanish Fisherman (who was taken two days b●fore at sea) to bring him in. The next morning he called a council of as many as he found there, holding the purpose he had concluded with sir Francis Drake the day before, and directed all their courses for England, tarrying there all that day to water and help such with victuals as were left in wonderful distress by having the victuals that came last, carried away the day before to sea. The next day he set sail, and the 10 day after, which was the 2 of july came into Plymouth, Their return to Plymouth. where he found sir Francis Drake and all the Queen's ships, with many of the others, but not all: for the Fleet was dispersed into other harbours, some led by a desire of returning from whence they came, and some being possessed of the hulks, sought other Ports from their Generals ●ie, where they might make their private commodity of them, as they have done to their great advantage. Presently upon their arrival there, the Generals dissolved all the army saving 8 companies which are yet held together, giving every soldier five shillings in money, and the arms he bore to make money of, which was more than could by any means be due unto them: for they were not in service three months, in which time they had their victuals, which no man will value at l●sse then half their pay, for such is the allowance in her majesties ships to her mariners, so as there remained but 10 shillings a month more to be paid, for which there was not any private man but had apparel and furniture to his own use, so as every common soldier discharged, received more in money, victuals, apparel and furniture, than his pay did amount unto. Notwithstanding, there be even in the same place where those things have passed, that either do not or will not conceive the soldiers estate, by comparing their poverty and the shortness of the time together, but lay some injuries upon the Generals and the action. Where, and by the way, but especially here in London, I found there have been some false prophets go before us, telling strange tales. For as our country doth bring forth many gallant men, who desirous of honour do put themselves into the actions thereof, so doth it many more dull spirited, who though their thoughts reach not so high as others, yet do they listen how other men's acts do pass, and either believing what any man will report unto them, are willingly carried away into errors, or tied to some greater man's faith, become secretaries against a noted truth. The one sort of these do take their opinions from the highway side, or at the furthest go no further than Paul's to inquire what hath been done in this voyage: where, if they meet with any, whose capacity before their going out could not make them live, nor their valour maintain their reputation, and who went only for spoil, complaining on the hardness and misery thereof, they think they are bond to give credit to these honest men who were parties therein, and in very charity become of their opinions. The others to make good the faction they are entered into, if they see any of those malcontents (as every journey yieldeth some) do run unto them like tempting spirits to confirm them in their humour, with assurance that they foresaw before our going out what would become thereof. Be you not therefore too credulous in believing every report: for you see there have been many more beholders of these things that have passed, than actors in the same; who by their experience, not having the knowledge of the ordinary wants of the war, have thought, that to lie hard, not to have their meat well dressed, to drink sometimes water, to watch much, or to see men die and be slain, was a miserable thing; and not having so given their minds to the service, as they are any thing instructed thereby, do for want of better matter discourse ordinarily of these things: whereas the journey (if they had with that judgement seen into it, which their places required) hath given them far more honourable purpose and argument of discourse. These men's discontentments and misliking before our coming home have made me labour thus much to instruct you in the certainty of every thing, because I would not willingly have you miscarried in the judgements of them, wherein you shall give me leave somewhat to dilate upon a question, A worthy question dilated. which I only touched in the beginning of my letter, namely, whether it be more expedient for our ●state to maintain an offensive war against the king of Spain in the Low countries, or as in this journey, to offend him in his nearer territories, seeing the grounds of arguing thereof are taken from the experience which the actions of this journey have given us. There is no good subject that will make question, whether it be behooveful for us to hold friendship with these neighbours of ours or not, aswell in respect of the infinite proportion of their shipping, which must stand either with us or against us; as of the commodity of their harbours, especially that of Vlishing, by the favour whereof our Navy may continually keep the Narrow seas, and which would harbour a greater Fleet against us, than the Spaniard shall need to annoyed us withal, who being now distressed by our common enemy, I think it most expedient for our safety to defend them, and if it may be, to give them a reentry into that they have o● late years lost unto him. The one without doubt her majesty may do without difficulty, and in so honourable sort as he shall never be able to dispossess her or them of any the towns they now hold. But if any man think that the Spaniard may be expelled from thence more speedily or conveniently by keeping an army there, then by sending one against him into his own country: let him foresee of how many men and continual supplies that army must consist, and what intolerable expenses it requireth. And let him think by the example of the duke of Alva, when the prince of Orange had his great army against him; and of Don ivan, when the States had their mighty assembly against him, how this wise enemy, with whom we are to deal, may but by prolonging to fight with us, leave us occasions enough for our army within few months to mutiny and break; or by keeping him in his towns leave us a spoiled field: where though our provision may be such of our own as we starve not, yet is our weakness in any strange country such, as with sickness and misery we shall be dissolved. And let him not forget what a continual burden we hereby lay upon us, in that to repossess those countries which have been lately lost, will be a war of longer continuance than we shall be able to endure. In the very action whereof, what should hinder the king of Spain to bring his forces home unto us? For it is certain he hath long since set down in council, that there is no way for him wholly to recover those Low countries, but by bringing the war upon England itself, which hath always assisted them against him: and that being determined, and whereunto he hath been vehemently urged by the last years loss he sustained upon our coasts, and the great dishonour this journey hath laid upon him; no doubt if we shall give him respite to do it, but he will mightily advance his purpose, for he is richly able thereunto, and wonderful desirous of revenge. To encounter wherewith, I wish even in true and honest zeal to my Country, that we were all persuaded that there is no such assured means for the safety of our estate, as to busy him with a well furnished army in Spain, which hath so many goodly Bays open, as we may landlord without impeachment as many men as shall be needful for such an invasion. And having an army of 20000 royally furnished there, we shall not need to take much care for their payment: for shall not Lisbon be thought able to make so few men rich, when the Suburbs thereof were found so abounding in riches, as had we made enemy of them, they had largely enriched us all? Which with what small loss it may be wone, is not here to show; but why it was not wone by us, I have herein showed you. Or is not the spoil of Si●●l sufficient to pay more than shall be needful to be sent against it, whose defence (as that of Lisbon) is only force of men, of whom how many may for the present be raised, is not to be esteemed, because we have discovered what kind of men they be, even such as will never abide ours in field, nor dare withstand any resolute attempt of ours against them: for during the time we were in many places of their country, they cannot say that ever they made 20 of our men turn their faces from them. And be there not many other places of less difficulty to spoil, able to satisfy our forces? But admit, that if upon this alarm that we have given him, he tendering his natural and nearest soil before his further remmooved of governments, do draw his forces of old soldiers out of the Low countries for his own defence, is not the victory then wone by drawing and holding them from thence, for the which we should have kept an army there at a charge by many parts greater than this, and not stirred them? Admit further our army be impeached from landing there, yet by keeping the Sea, and possessing his principal roads, are we not in possibility to meet with his Indian merchants, and very like to prevent him of his provisions coming out of the East countries; without the which, neither the subject of Lisbon is long able to live, nor the king able to maintain his Navy? For though the country of Portugal do some years found themselves corn, yet are they never able to victual the lest part of that City. And albeit the king of Spain be the richest prince in Christendom, yet can he neither draw cables, hew masts, nor make powder out of his metals, but is to be supplied of them all from thence. Of whom (some will hold opinion) it is no reason to make prize, because they be not our enemies: and that our disagreeance with them will impeach the trade of our merchants, and so impoverish our country. Of whose mind I can hardly be drawn to be: For if my enemy fight with me do break his sword, so as I thereby have the advantage against him; what shall I think of him that putteth a new sword into his hand to kill me withal? And may it not be thought more ●itting for us in these times to lose our trades of Cloth, then by suffering these mischiefs, to put in hazard whether we shall have a country left to make clot in or no? And yet though neither Hamburgh, Embden, nor Stood do receive our clot, the necessary use thereof in all places is such, as they will found means to take it from us with our sufficient commodity. And admit (which were impossible) that we damnify him neither at sea nor land (for unless it be with a much more thightie army than ours, he shall never be able to withstand us) yet shall we by holding him at his home, free ourselves from the war at our own walls: the benefit whereof let them consider that best can judge, and have observed the difference of invading, and being invaded; the one giving courage to the soldier, in that it doth set before him commodity and reputation; the other a fearful terror to the countryman, who if by chance he play the man, yet is he never the richer: and who knowing many holes to hide himself in, will try them all before he put his life in peril by fight: whereas the invader casts up his account before he goeth out, and being abroad must fight to make himself way, as not knowing what place or strength to trust unto. I will not say what I observed in our countrymen when the enemy offered to assail us here: but I wish that all England known what terror we gave to the same people that frighted us, by visiting them at their own houses. Were not Alexander's fortunes great against the mighty Darius, only in that his Macedonians thirsted after the wealth of Persia, and were bond to fight it out to the last man, because the last man known no safer way to save himself then by fight? Whereas the Persians either trusting to continued still masters of their wealth by yielding to the invader, began to practise against their own king: or having more inward hopes, did hide themselves even to the last, to see what course the Conqueror would take in his Conquest. And did not the advise of Scipio, though mightily impugned at the first, prove very sound and honourable to his country? Who seeing the Romans wonderfully amazed at the nearness of their enemy's Forces, and the losses they daily sustained by them, gave counsel rather by way of diversion to carry an army into Africa, and there to assail, then by a defensive war at home to remain subject to the common spoils of an assailing enemy. Which being put in execution drawn the enemy from the gates of Rome, and Scipio returned home with triumph: albeit his beginnings at the first were not so fortunate against them, as ours have been in this small time against the Spaniard. The good success whereof may encourage us to take arms resolutely against him. And I beseech God it may stir up all men that are particularly interested therein, to bethink themselves how small a matter will assure them of their safety, by holding the Spaniard at a Bay, so far of: whereas, if we give him leave quietly to hatch and bring forth his preparations, it will be with danger to us all. He taketh not arms against us by any pretence of title to the crown of this realm, nor led altogether with an ambitious desire to command our country, but with hatred towards our whole Nation and religion. Her majesties Sceptre is already given by Bull to another, the honours of our Nobility are bestowed for rewards upon his attendants, our Clergy, our Gentlemen, our Lawyers, yea all men of what condition soever are offered for spoil unto the common soldier. Let every man therefore, in defence of the liberty and plenty he hath of long enjoyed, offer a voluntary contribution of the smallest part of their store for the assurance of the rest. It were not much for every justice of peace, who by his blue coat protecteth the properest and most serviceable men at every muster from the wars, to contribute the charge that one of these idle men do put him to for one year: nor for the Lawyer, who rises by the dissensions of his neighbours, to take but one years gifts (which they call Fees) out of his coffers. What would it hinder every officer of the Exchequer, and other of her majesties courts, who without check do suddenly grow to great wealth, honestly to bring forth the mystical commodity of one years profits? Or the Clergy, who look precisely for the Tenths of every man's increase, simply to bring forth the Tenth of one years gathering, and in thankfulness to her Majesty, (who hath continued for all our safeties a most chargeable war both at land & sea) bestow the same for her honour & their own assurance, upon an army which may make this bloody enemy so to know himself and her majesties power, as he shall bethink him what it is to move a stirring people? Who, though they have received some small check by the sickness of this last journey, yet doubt I not, but if it were made known, that the like voyage were to be supported by a generality, (that might and would bear the charge of a more ample provision) but there would of all sorts most willingly put themselves into the same: some carried with an honourable desire to be in action, and some in love of such would affectionately follow their fortunes; some in thirsting to revenge the death and hurts of their brethren, kindred, and friends: and some in hope of the plentiful spoils to be found in those countries, having been there already and returned poor, would desire to go again, with an expectation to make amendss for the last: and all, in hatred of that cowardly proud Nation, and in contemplation of the true honour of our own, would with courage take arms to hazard their lives against them, whom every good Englishman is in nature bond to hate as an implacable enemy to England, thirsting after our blood, and labouring to ruin our land, with hope to bring us under the yoke of perpetual slavery. Against them is true honour to be got, for that we shall no sooner set foot in their land, but that every step we tread will yield us new occasion of action, which I wish the gallantry of our Country rather to regard then to follow those soft unprofitable pleasures wherein they now consume their time and patrimony. And in two or three towns of Spain is the wealth of all Europe gathered together, which are the Magasins of the first-fruits and profits of the East and West Indies, whereunto I wish our young able men, who, (against the liberty they are born unto) term themselves Serving men, rather to bend their desires and affections, then to attend their double livery and 40 shillings by the yeere-wages, and the reversion of the old Copyhold, for carrying a dish to their master's table. But let me here reprehend myself and crave pa●don for entering into a matter of such state and consequence, the care whereof is already laid upon a most grave and honourable counsel, who will in their wisdoms foresee the dangers that may be threatened against us. And why do I labour to disquiet the security of these happy gentlemen, & the trade of those honest serving men, by persuading them to the wars when I see the profession thereof so slenderly esteemed? For though all our hope of peace be frustrate, and our quarrels determinable by the sword: though our enemy hath by his own forces and his pensionaries industry, confined the united Provinces into a narrow room, & almost disunited the same: if he be now in a good way to harbour himself in the principal havens of France, from whence he may front us at pleasure: yea though we are to hope for nothing but a bloody war, nor can trust to any help but Arms; yet how far the common sort are from reverencing or regarding any people of conduction, was too apparent in the return of this our journey, wherein the base and common soldier hath been tolerated to speak against the Captain, and the soldier and Captain against the Generals, and wherein mechanical and men of base condition do dare to censure the doings of them, of whose acts they be not worthy to talk. The ancient grave degree of the Prelacy is upheld, though Martin ra●le never so much, & the Lawyer is after the old manner worshipped, whosoever inveigh against him. But the ancient English honour is taken from our men of war, & their profession in disgrace, though never so necessary. Either we commit idolatry to Neptune, and will put him alone still to fight for us as he did the last year, or we be enchanted with some devilish opinions, that travel nothing more than to diminish the reputation of them, upon whose shoulders the burden of our defence against the enemy must lie when occasion shall be offered. For whensoever he shall set foot upon our land, it is neither the preaching of the Clergy that can turn him out again, nor the pleading of any Lawyers that can remove him out of possession: not, than they will honour them whom now they think not on, and then must those men stand between them and their perils, who are now th●ught unworthy of any estimation. May the burning of one town (which cost the king then being six times as much as this hath done her majesty, wherein were lost seven times as many men as in any one service of this journey, and tarried not the tenth part of our time in the enemy's Country) be by our elders so highly reputed and sounded out by the history of the Realm; and can our voyage be so meanly esteemed, wherein we burned both towns and Countries without the loss of forty men in any such attempt? Did our kings in former times reward some with the greatest titles of honour for overthrowing a number of poor Scots, who, after one battle lost, were never able to reinforce themselves against him; and shall they in this time who have overthrown our mighty enemy in battle, and taken his royal Standard in the field, besieged the marquess of Saralba 15 days together, that should have been the General of the Army against us, brought away so much of his artillery (as I have before declared) be unworthily esteemed of? Is it possible that some in some times should receive their reward for looking upon an enemy, and ours in this time not receive so much as thanks for having beaten an enemy at handy strokes? But it is true that no man shall be a prophet in his Country: and for my own part I will lay aside my Arms till that profession shall have more reputation, and live with my friends in the country, attending either some more fortunate time to use them, or some other good occasion ●o make me forget them. But what? shall the blind opinion of this monster, a beast of many heads, (for so hath the generality of old been termed) 'cause me to neglect the profession from whence I challenge some reputation, or diminish my love to my country, which hitherto hath nourished me? Not, it was for her sake I first took arms, and for her sake I will handle them so long as I shall be able to use them: not regarding how some men in private conventicles do measure men's estimations by their own humours; nor how every popular person doth give sentence on every man's actions by the worst accidents. But attending the gracious aspect of our dread Sovereign, who never yet left virtue unrewarded: and depending upon the justice of her most rare and grave advisors, who by their heedy looking into every man's worth, do give encouragement to the virtuous to exceed others in virtue: and assuring you that there shall never any thing happen more pleasing unto me, then that I may once again be a party in some honourable journey against the Spaniard in his own country, I will cease my complaint: and with them that deserve beyond me, patiently endure the unadvised censure of our malicious reproovers. If I have seemed in the beginning hereof troublesome unto you, in the discovering of those impediments, and answering the slanders which by the vulgar malicious and mutinous sort are laid as blemishes upon the journey, and reproaches upon the Generals (having indeed proceeded from other heads:) let the necessity of conserving the reputation of the action in general, & the honours of our Generals in particular, be my sufficient excuse: the one having by the virtue of the other made our country more dreaded & renowned, than any act that ever England undertook before. Or if you have thought my persuasive discourse long in the latter end; let the affectionate desire of my countries good be therein answerable for me. And such as it is I pray you accept it, as only recommended to yourself, and not to be delivered to the public view of the world, lest any man take offence thereat; which some particular men may seem justly to do, in that having deserved very well, I should not herein give them their due commendations: whereas my purpose in this private discourse hath been only to gratify you with a touch of those principal matters that have passed, wherein I have only taken notes of those men who either commanded every service, or were of chiefest mark: if therefore you shall impart the same to one, and he to another, and so it pass through my hands, I know not what constructions would be made thereof to my prejudice; for that the Hare's ears may happily be taken for horns. Howbeit I hold it very necessary (I must confess) that there should be some true manifestation made of these things: but be it far from m● to be the author thereof, as very unfit to deliver my censure of any matter in public, & most unwilling to have my weakness discovered in private. And so I do leave you to the happy success of your accustomed good exercises, earnestly wishing that there may be some better acceptance made of the first-fruits of your studies, than there hath been of our hazards in the wars. From London the 30 of August 1589. The voyage of the right honourable George earl of Cumberland to the Azores, etc. Written by the excellent Mathematician and Engineer master Edward Wright. THe right honourable the Earl of Cumberland having at his own charges prepared his small Fleet of four Sails only, viz. The Victory one of the Queen's ships royal; the Meg and Margaret small ships; (one of which also he was forced soon after to sand home again, finding her not able to endure the Sea) and a small Caravell, and having assembled together about 400 men (or fewer) of gentlemen, soldiers, and sailors, embarked himself and them, and set sail from the Sound of Plymouth in Devonshire, the 18 day of june 1589. being accompanied with these captains and gentlemen which hereafter follow. Captain Christopher Lister a man of great resolution, captain Edward Careless, alias Wright, who in sir Francis Drakes West-Indian voyage to S. Domingo and Carthagena, was captain of the Hope. Captain Boswell, M. mervin, M. Henry Long, M. Partridge, M. Norton, M. William Mounson captain of the Meg, and his vice-admiral, now sir William Mounson, M. Pigeon captain of the Caravell. About 3 days after our departure from Plymouth we met with 3 French ships, whereof one was of Newhaven, another of S. Malos, and so finding them to be Leaguers & lawful Prizes, we took them and sent two of them for England with all their loading, which was fish for the most part from newfoundland, saving that there was part thereof distributed amongst our small Fleet, as we could found Stowage for the same: and in the third, all their men were sent home into France. The same day & the day following we met with some other ships, whom (when after some conference had with them, we perceived plainly to be of Roterodam and Emden, bond for Rochel) we dismissed. The 28 and 29 days we met divers of our English ships, returning from the Portugal voyage which my lord relieved with victuals. The 13 day of july being Sunday in the morning, we espied 11 ships without sight of the coast of Spain, in the height of 39 degrees, whom we presently prepared for, & provided to meet them, having first set forth captain Mounson in the Meg, before us, to descry whence they were. The Meg approaching near, there passed some shot betwixt them, whereby, as also by their Admiral and Uiceadmirall putting forth their flags, we perceived that some fight was likely to follow. Having therefore fitted ourselves for them, we made what hast we could towards them with regard always to get the wound of them, and about 10 or 11 of the clock, we came up to them with the Victory. But after some few shot & some little fight passed betwixt us, they yielded themselves, & the masters of them all came aboard us, showing their several Passports from the cities of Hamburg and Lubeck, from Breme, Pomerania and Calais. They had in them certain bags of Pepper & cinnamon, which they confessed to be the goods of a jew in Lisbon, which should have been carried by them into their country to his Factor there, and so finding it by their own confession to be lawful Prize, the sane was soon after taken and divided amongst our whole company, the value whereof was esteemed to be about 4500 pounds, at two shillings the pound. The 17 day the foresaid ships were dismissed, but 7 of their men that were willing to go along with us for sailors, we took to help us, and so held on our course for the Azores. The 1 of August being Friday in the morning, we had sight of the Island of S. Michael, being one of the Eastermost of the Azores toward which we sailed all that day, and at night having put forth a Spanish flag in our maintop, that so they might the less suspect us, we approached near to the chief town and road of that Island, where we espied 3 ships riding at anchor and some other vessels: all which we determined to take in the dark of the night, and accordingly attempted about 10 or 11 of the clock, sending our boats well manned to cut their cables and hawsers, and let them drive into the sea. Our men coming to them, found the one of those greatest ships was the Falcon of London being there under a Scottish Pilot who bore the name of her as his own. But 3 other small ships that lay near under the castle there, 3 ships forcibly towed out of harbour. our men let lose and towed them away unto us, most of the Spaniards that were in them leaping overboard and swimming to shore with loud and lamentable outcries, which they of the town hearing were in an uproar, and answered with the like crying. The castle discharged some great shot at our boats, but shooting without mark by reason of the darkness they did us no hurt. The Scots likewise discharged 3 great pieces into the air to make the Spaniards think they were their friends and our enemies, and shortly after the Scottish master, & some other with him, came aboard to my lord doing their duty, and offering their service, etc. These 3 ships were fraught with wine and Sallet-oile from Sivil. The same day our Caravel chased a Spanish Caravel to shore at S. Michael, which carried letters thither, by which we learned that the Caraks were departed from Tercera 8 days before. The 7 of August we had sight of a little ship which we chased towards Tercera with our pinnace (the weather being calm) and towards evening we overtook her, there were in her 30 tons of good Madera wine, certain woollen clot, silk, taffeta, etc. The 14 of August we came to the Island of Flores, where we determined to take in some fresh water and fresh victuals, such as the Island did afford. So we manned our boats with some 120 men and rowed towards the shore; whereto when we approached the inhabitants that were assembled at the landing place, put forth a flag of truce, whereupon we also did the like. When we came to them, my Lord gave them to understand by his Portugal interpreter, that he was a friend to their king Don Antonio, and came not any way to injury them, but that he meant only to have some fresh water and fresh victuals of them, by way of exchange for some provision that he had, as oil, wine, or pepper, to which they presently agreed willingly, & sent some of their company for beeves and sheep, and we in the mean season marched. Southward about a mile to Villa de Santa Cruz, from whence all the inhabitants young and old were departed, and not any thing of value left. We demanding of them what was the cause hereof, they answered, Fear; as their usual manner was when any ships came near their coast. We found that part of the Island to be full of great rocky barren hills and mountains, little inhabited by reason that it is molested with ships of war which might partly appear by this town of Santa Cruz (being one of their chief towns) which was all ruinous, and (as it were) but the relics of the ancient town which had been burned abou● two years before by certain English ships of war, as the inhabitants there reported. At evening as we were in rowing towards the Victory, an huge fish pursued us for the space well nigh of two miles together, distant for the most part from the boats ster●e not a spears length, and sometimes so near that the boat stroke upon him, the tips of whose fins about the ghils (appearing often times above the water) were by estimation 4 or 5 yards asunder, and his jaws gaping a yard and an half wide, which put us in fear of overturning the pinnace, but God be thanked (rowing as hard as we could) we escaped. When we were about Flores a little ship called the Drake, brought us word that the Caraks were at Tercera, of which news we were very glad, & sped us thicherward with all the speed we could: and by the way we came to Fayal road the seven and twentieth day of August, after sun set, where we espied certain ships riding at anchor, to whom we sent in our skiff with Captain Lister and Captain Monson in her to discover the roaders: and lest any danger should happen to our boat, we sent in likewise the Sawsie-Iacke and the small Caravell; but the wound being off the shore, the ships were not able to fet it so nigh as the Spaniards ride, which nevertheless the boat did, and clapped a ship aboard of two hundred and fifty tons, which carried in her fourteen cast pieces, and continued fight alone with her for the space of one hour until the coming up of other boats to the rescue of her, which were sent from the ships, and then a fresh boarding her again one boat in the quarter, another in the house, we entered her on the one side, and all the Spaniards leapt overboard on the other, save ivan de Palma the Captain of her and two or three more, and thus we become possessors of her. This ship was mored to the Castle which shot at us all this while: the only hurt which we received of all this shot was this, that the master of our Caravell had the calf of his leg shot away. This ship was laden with Sugar, Ginger, and hides lately come from S. ivan de Puerto Rico; after we had towed her clear off the castle, we rowed in again with our boats, and fetched out five small ships more, one laden with hides, another with Elephant's teeth, grains, coco-nuts, and goats skins come from Guinie, another with woad, and two with dogge-fish, which two last we let drive in the sea making none accounted of them. The other four we sent for England the 30 of August. At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with us some other small men of war, as Master john davis, with his ship, Pinnace, and Boat, Captain Markesburie with his ship, whose owner was Sir Walter Ralegh, the Bark of Lime, which was also consorted with us before. The last of August in the morning we came in sight of Tercera, being about some nine or ten leagues from shore, where we espied coming towards us, a small boat under sail, which seemed somewhat-strange unto us, being so far from land, and no ship in sight, to which they might belong: but coming near, they put us out of doubt, showing they were English men (eight in number) that had lately been prisoners in Tercera, An escape of 8. Englishmen from Tercera. and finding opportunity to escape at that time, with that small boat committed themselves to the sea, under God's providence, having no other yard for their main sail, but two pipe staves tied together by the ends, and no more provision of victuals, than they could bring in their pockets and bosoms. Having taken them all into the Victory, they gave us certain intelligence, that the Carackes' were departed from thence about a week before. Thus being without any further hope of those Caraks, we resolved to return for fayal, with intent to surprise the town, but until the ninth of September, we had either the wind so contrary, or the weather so calm, that in all that time, we made scarce nine or ten leagues way, lingering up and down not far from Pico. The tenth of September, being Wednesday in the afternoon, we came again to Fayal road. Whereupon immediately my Lord sent Captain Lister, with one of Graciola (whom Captain Munson had before taken) and some others, towards Fayal, whom certain of the Inhabitants met in a boat, and came with Captain Lister to my Lord, to whom he gave this choice: either to suffer him quietly to enter into the platform there without resistance, where he and his company would remain a space without offering any injury to them, that they (the Inhabitants) might come unto him and compound for the ransom of the Town: or else to stand to the hazard of war. With these words they returned to the town: but the keepers of the platform answered, that it was against their oath and allegiance to king Philip to give over without fight. Whereupon my Lord commanded the boats of every ship, to be presently manned, and soon after landed his men on the sandy shore, under the side of an hill, about half a league to the Northwards from the platform: upon the top of which hill certain horsemen and footmen showed themselves, and other two companies also appeared, with ensigns displayed, the one before the town upon the shore by the sea side, which marched towards our landing place, as though they would encounter us; the other in a valley to the Southwards of the platform, as if they would have come to help the Townsmen: during which time, they in the platform also played upon us with great Ordinance. Notwithstanding my L. (having set his men in order) marched along the sea shore, upon the sands, betwixt the sea & the town towards the platform for the space of a mile or more, The taking of the town and platform of Fayal, & then the shore growing rocky, & permitting no further progress without much difficulty, he entered into the town & passed through the street without resistance, unto the platform; for those companies before mentioned at my Lo. approaching, were soon dispersed, and suddenly vanished. Likewise they of the platform, being all fled at my Lords coming thither, left him and his company to scale the walls, to enter and take possession without resistance. In the mean time our ships ceased not to batter the foresaid Town and Platform with great shot, till such time as we see the Red-Crosse of England flourishing upon the Forefront thereof. A description of the town of Faial. This Fayal is the principal town in all that is land, & is situate directly over against the high and mighty mountain Pico, lying towards the West Northwest from that mountain, being divided therefrom by a narrow Sea, which at that place is by estimation about some two or three leagues in breadth between the Isles of Fayal and Pico. The town contained some three hundred households, their houses were fair and strongly builded of lime and stone, and double covered with hollow tiles much like our roofe-tyles, but that they are less at the one end then at the other. Every house almost had a cistern or well in a garden on the back side: in which gardens grew vines (with ripe clusters of grapes) making pleasant shadows, and Tobacco now commonly known and used in England, wherewith their women there dye their faces radish, to make them seem fresh and young: Pepper Indian and common; figge-trees bearing both white and read figs: Peach trees not growing very tall: Oranges, Lemons, Quinces, Potato-roots, etc. Sweet wood (Cedar I think) is there very common, even for building and fixing. My Lord having possessed himself of the town and platform, and being careful of the preservation of the town, gave commandment, that no mariner or soldier should enter into any house, to make any spoil thereof. But especially he was careful that the Churches and houses of religion there should be kept inviolate, which was accordingly performed, through his appointment of guarders and keepers for those places: but the rest of the town either for want of the former inhibition, or for desire of spoil & prey, was rifled, & ransacked by the soldiers & mariners, who scarcely left any house unsearched, out of which they took such things as liked them, as chests of sweet wood, chairs, clot, coverlets, hangings, bedding, apparel: and further ranged into the country, where some of them also were hurt by the inhabitants. The Friary there containing and maintaining thirty Franciscan Friars (among whom we could not find any one able to speak true Latin) was builded by a Friar of Angra in Tercera of the same order, about the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and six. The tables in the hall had seats for the one side only, and were always covered; as ready at all times for dinner or supper. From Wednesday in the afternoon, at which time we entered the town, till Saturday night, we continued there, until the Inhabitants had agreed and paid for the ransom of the town, two thousand ducats, most part whereof was Church-place. We found in the platform eight and fifty iron pieces of Ordinance, whereof three and twenty (as I remember) or more were ready mounted upon their carriages, between Barricado's, upon a platform towards the seaside, all which Ordinance we took, and set the platform on fire, and so departed: My Lord having muited to dinner in the Victory, on the Sunday following, so many of the Inhabitants as would willingly come (save only Diego Gomes the Governor, who came but once only to parley about the ransom) only four came and were well entertained, and solemnly dismissed with sound of drum and trumpets, and a peal of Ordinance: to whom my Lord delivered his letter subscribed with his own hand, importing a request to all other Englishmen to abstain from any further molesting them, save only for fresh water, and victuals necessary for their intended voyage. During our abode here (viz. the 11 of September) two men came out of Pico which had been prisoners there: Also at Fayal we set at liberty a prisoner translated from S. jago, who was cousin to a servant of Don Anthonio king of Portugal in England: These prisoners we detained with us. On Monday we sent our boats a shore for fresh water, which (by reason of the rain that fallen the former night) came plentifully running down the hills, and would otherwise have been hard to be got there. On Tuesday likewise having not yet sufficiently served our turns, we ●ent again for fresh water, which was then not so easy to be got as the day before, by reason of a great wind: which in the afternoon increased also in such sort, that we thought it not safe to ride so near the land; whereupon we weighed anchor and so departed Northwest and by west, alongst the coast of Fayal Island. Some of the Inhabitants coming aboard to us this day, told us that always about that time of the year such wind's West Southwest blew on that coast. This day, as we sailed near Saint George's Island, a huge fish lying still a little under water, or rather even there with, appeared hard by a head of us, the sea breaking upon his back, which was black coloured, in such sort as deeming at the first it had been a rock, and the ship stemming directly with him, we were put in a sudden fear for the time: till soon after we see him move out of the way. The 16 of September in the night it lightened much, whereupon there followed great winds and rain, which continued the 17 18 19 20 and 21 of the same. The 23 of September we came again into Faial road to weigh an anchor which (for haste and fear of foul weather) we had left there before, where we went on shore to see the town, the people (as we thought) having now settled themselves there again: but notwithstanding many of them through too much distrustfulness, departed and prepared to departed with their packets at the first sight of us: until such time as they were assured by my Lord, that our coming was not any way to injury them, but especially to have fresh water, and some other things needful for us, contenting them for the same. So then we viewed the Town quietly, and bought such things as we desired for our money as if we had been in England. And they helped to fill us in fresh water, receiving for their pains such satisfaction as contented them. The 25 day we were forced again to departed from thence, before we had sufficiently watered, by reason of a great tempest that suddenly arose in the night, in so much, that my Lord himself soon after midnight raised our men out of their Cabins to weigh anchor, himself also together with them haling at the Capsten, and after cheering them up with wine. The next day we sent our Caravell and the Sawsie-Iacke to the road of Saint Michael, to see what they could espy: we following after them upon the 27 day, plying to and fro, came within sight of S. Michael, but by contrary winds the 28 29 and 30 days we were driven to leeward, and could not get near the Island. The first of October we sailed alongst Tercera, and even against brasil (a promontory near to Angra the strongest Town in that Island) we espied some boats coming to the Town, and made out towards them: but being near to the land they ran to shore and escaped us. In the afternoon we came near to Graciosa, whereupon my Lord forthwith sent Captain Lister to the Islanders, to let them understand that his desire was only to have water and wine of them, and some fresh victuals, and not any further to trouble them. They answered they could give no resolute answer to this demand, until the Governors of the Island had consulted thereupon, and therefore desired him to sand again to them the next day. Upon the second day of October early in the morning, we sent forth our long boat and Pinnace, with empty Cask, and about some fifty or sixty men together with the Margaret, and Captain davis his ship: for we now wanted all the rest of our consortes. But when our men would have landed, the Islanders shot at them, and would not suffer them. And troops of men appeared upon land, with ensigns displayed to resist us: So our boats rowed alongst the shore, to find some place where they might landlord, not with too much disadvantage: our ships and they still shooting at the Islanders: but no place could be found where they might landlord without great peril of losing many of their lives, and so were constrained to retire without receiving any answer, as was promised the day before. We had three men hurt in this conflict, whilst our boats were together in consulting what was best to be done: two of them were strooken with a great shot (which the Islanders drawn from place to place with Oxen) wherewith the one lost his hand, and the other his life within two or three days after: the third was shot into his neck with a small shot, without any great hurt. With these news our company returned back again at night, whereupon preparation was made to go to them again the next day: but the day was far spent before we could come near them with our ship: neither could we find any good ground to anchor in, where we might lie to batter the Town, and further we could find no landing place, without great danger to lose many men: which might turn not only to the overthrow of our voyage, but also put the Queen's ship in great peril for want of men to bring her home. Therefore my Lord thought it best to writ to them to this effect: That he could not a little marvel at their inhumanity and cruelty which they had showed towards his men, seeing they were sent by him unto them in peaceable manner, to receive their answer which they had promised to give the day before: and that were it not for Don Antonio their lawful king his sake, he could not put up so great injury at their hands, without just revengement upon them: notwithstanding for Don Antonio his sake, whose friend he was, he was yet content to sand to them once again for their answer: At night Captain Lister returned with this answer from them. That their Gunner shot off one of their pieces, which was charged with powder only, and was stopped; which our men thinking it had been shot at them, shot again, and so began the fight: and that the next morning they would sand my Lord a re●olute answer to his demand, for as yet they could not know their governors mind herein. The next morning there came unto us a boat from the shore with a flag of truce, wherein were three of the chief men of the Island, who agreed with my Lord that he should have of them sixty butts of wine, and fresh victuals to refresh himself and his company withal: but as for fresh water, they could not satisfy our need therein, having themselves little or none, saving such as they saved in vessels or cisterns when it rained, and that they had rather give us two tons of wine than one of water: but they requested that our soldiers might not come on shore, for they themselves would bring all they had promised to the waterside, which request was granted, we keeping one of them aboard with us until their promise was performed, and the other we sent to shore with our empty Cask, and some of our men to help to fill, and bring them away with such other provision as was promised: so the Margaret, Captain davis his ship, and another of Weymouth stayed riding at anchor before the Town, to take in our provision. This ship of Weymouth came to us the day before, and had taken a rich Prize (as it was reported) worth sixteen thousand pound, which brought us news that the West-Indian Fleet was not yet come, but would come very shortly. But we with the Victory put off to sea, and upon Saturday the fourth of October, we took a French ship of Saint Malo (a city of the unholy league) laden with fish from Newfound land: which had been in so great a tempest, that she was constrained to cut her main mast overboard for her safety, and was now coming to Graciosa, to repair herself. But so hardly it befallen her, that she did not only not repair her former losses, but lost all that remained unto us. The chief of her men we took into our ship, and sent some of our men, mariners, and soldiers into her to bring her into England. Upon the Sunday following at night, all our promised provision was brought unto us from Gra●iosa: and we friendly dismissed the Islanders with a peal of Ordinance. Upon Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, we plied to and fro about those Islands, being very rough weather. And upon Thursday at night, being driven some three or four leagues from Tercera, we see fifteen sail of the West-Indian Fleet coming into the Haven at Angra in Tercera. But the wind was such, that for the space of four days after, though we lay as close by the wind as was possible, yet we could not come near them. In this time we lost our late French Prize, not being able to lie so near the wind as we, and herded no more of her till we came to England where she safely arrived. Upon Monday we came very near the havens mouth, being minded to have run in amongst them, and to have fetched out some of them if it had been possible: But in the end this enterprise was deemed too dangerous, considering the strength of the place where they road, being haled and towed in nearer the town, at the first sight of our approaching, and lying under the protection of the Castle of brasil, on the one side (having in it five and twenty pieces of Ordinance) and a fort on the other side wherein were 13 or 14 great brass pieces. Besides, when we came near land the wind proved too scant for us to attempt any such enterprise. Upon Tuesday the fourteenth of October we sent our boat to the road to sound the depth, to see if there were any ankoring place for us, where we might lie without shot of the Castle and Fort, and within shot of some of those ships, that we might either make them come out to us, or sink them where they lay. Our boat returned having found out such a place as we desired, but the wind would not suffer us to come near it, and again if we could have ankored there, it was thought likely that they would rather run themselves a ground to save their lives and liberties, and some of their goods, then come forth to lose their liberties and goods to us their enemies. So we shot at them to see if we could reach them, but it fallen far short. And thus we departed, thinking it not probable that they would come forth so long as we watched for them before the havens mouth, or within sight of them. For the space of five days after we put off to sea, and lay without sight of them, and sent a pinnace to lie out of sight close by the shore, to bring us word if they should come forth. After a while the Pinnace returned and told us that those ships in the Haven had taken down their sails, and let down their top masts: so that we supposed they would never come forth, till they perceived us to be quite go. Wherefore upon the 20 of October, hearing that there were certain Scottish ships at Saint Michael, we sailed thither, and found there one Scottish roader, and two or three more at Villa Franca, the next road a league or two from the town of S. Michael, to the Eastwards: of whom we had for our relief some small quantity of wine (viz. some five or six butts of them all) and some fresh water, but nothing sufficient to serve our turn. Upon Tuesday the one and twentieth of October, we sent our long boat to shore for fresh water at a brook a little to the Westwards from Villa Franca. But the Inhabitants espying us came down with two Ensigns displayed, and about some hundred and fifty men armed, to withstand our landing. So our men having spent all their powder upon them in attempting to land, and not being able to prevail at so great odds, returned frustrate. From hence we departed towards Saint Mary's Island, minding to water there, and then to go for the coast of Spain. For we had intelligence that it was a place of no great force, and that we might water there very well: therefore upon Friday following, my Lord sent Captain Lister, and Captain Amias Preston now Sir Amias Preston (who not long before came to us out of his own ship, and she losing us in the night, he was forced to carry still with us) with our long boat and Pinnace, and some sixty or seventy shot in them, with a friendly letter to the Islanders, that they would grant us leave to water, and we would no further trouble them. So we departed from the Victory for the Island, about nine of the clock in the forenoon, and rowed freshly until about 3 a clock afternoon. At which time our men being something weary with rowing, and being within a league or two of the shore, and 4 or 5 leagues from the Victory, they espied (to their refreshing) two ships riding at anchor hard under the town, whereupon having shifted some 6 or 7 of our men into Captain davis his boat, being too much pestered in our own, and retaining with us some 20 shot in the pinnace, we made way towards them with all the speed we could. By the way as we rowed we see boats passing betwixt the roaders and the shore, and men in their shirts swimming and wading to shore, who as we perceived afterwards, were labouring to set those ships fast on ground, and the Inhabitants as busily preparing themselves for the defence of those roaders, their Island, and themselves. When we came near them, Captain Lister commanded the Trumpets to be sounded, but prohibited any shot to be discharged at them, until they had direction from him: But some of the company, either not well perceiving or regarding what he said, immediately upon the sound of the Trumpets discharged their pieces at the Islanders, which for the most part lay in trenches and fortified places unseen, to their own best advantage: who immediately shot likewise at us, both with small and great shot, without danger to themselves: Notwithstanding Captain Lister earnestly hastened forward the Sailors that rowed, who began to shrink at that shot, flying so fast about their ears, and himself first entering one of the ships that lay a little further from shore then the other, we speedily followed after him into her, still plying them with our shot. And having cut in sunder her Cables and Hawsers, towed her away with our Pinnace. In the mean time Captain davis his boat overtook us and entered into the other ship, which also (as the former) was forsaken by all her men: but they were constrained to leave her & to come again into their boat (whilst shot and stones from shore flew fast amongst them) finding her to stick so fast a ground, that they could not stir her: which the Townsmen also perceiving, and seeing that they were but few in number, and us (busied about the other ship) not coming to aid them, were preparing to have come and taken them. But they returned unto us, and so together we came away towards the Victory, towing after us the Prize that we had now taken, which was lately come from brasil, laden with Sugar. In this fight we had two men slain and 16 wounded: and as for them, it is like they had little hurt, lying for the most part behind stone walls, which were builded one above another hard by the sea side, upon the end of the hill whereupon the Town stood betwixt two valleys. Upon the top of the hill lay their great Ordinance (such as they had) wherewith they shot leaden bullets, whereof one pierced through our Prizes side, and lay still in the ship without doing any more harm. The next day we went again for water to the same Island, but not knowing before the inconvenience and disadvantage of the place where we attempted to land, we returned frustrate. The same night the 25 of October we departed for S. George's Island for fresh water, whither we came on Monday following October 27, and having espied where a spout of water came running down: the pinnace and long boat were presently manned and sent under the conduct of Captain Preston, and Captain Munson, by whom my Lord sent a letter to the Islanders as before, to grant us leave to water only, and we would no further trouble them: notwithstanding our men coming on shore found some of the poor Islanders, which for fear of us hide themselves amongst the rocks. And on Wednesday following our boats returned with fresh water, whereof they brought only six tons for the Victory, alleging they could get no more, thinking (as it was supposed) that my Lord having no more provision of water and wine, but only 12 tons, would not go for the coast of Spain, but strait for the coast of England, as many of our men greatly desired: notwithstanding my Lord was unwilling so to do, and was minded the next day to have taken in more water: but through roughness of the seas and wind, and unwillingness of his men it was not done. Yet his Hon. purposed not to return with so much provision unspent, and his voyage (as he thought) not yet performed in such sort as might give some reasonable contentment or satisfaction to himself and others. Therefore because no more water could now conveniently be got, and being uncertain when it could be got, and the time of our staying aboard also uncertain, the matter being referred to the choice of the whole company, whither they would carry longer, till we might be more sufficiently provided of fresh water, or go by the coast of Spain for England, with half so much allowance of drink as before, they willingly agreed that every mess should be allowed at one meal but half so much drink as they were accustomed (except them that were sick or wounded) and so to go for England, taking the coast of Spain in our way, to see if we could that way make up our voyage. Upon Saturday Octob. 31 we sent the Margaret (because she leaked much) directly for England, together with the Prize of Brasile which we took at S. Marry, and in them some of our hurt and wounded men or otherwise sick were sent home as they desired, for England: but Captain Monson was taken out of the Meg into the Victory. So we held on our course for the coast of Spain with a fair wind and a large which before we seldom had. And upon Twesday following being the 4 of novemb. we espied a sail right before us, which we chased till about three a clock in the afternoon, at which time we overtaking her, she struck sail, and being demanded who was her owner and from whence she was, they answered, a Portugal, and from Pernanbucke in Brasile. She was a ship of some 110 tuns burden, freighted with 410 chests of Sugar, and 50 Kintals of Brasill-wood, every Kintall containing one hundred pound weight: we took her in latitude nine and twenty degrees, about two hundred leagues from Lisbon westwards: Captain Preston was presently sent unto her, who brought the principal of her men aboard the Victory, and certain of our men, mariners and soldiers were sent aboard her. The Portugals of this Prize told us that they see another ship before them that day about noon. Having therefore dispatched all things about the Prize aforesaid, and left our long boat with Captain davis, taking his lesser boat with us, we made way after this other ship with all the sails we could bear, holding on our course due East, and giving order to Captain davis his ship and the Prize that they should follow us due East, and that if they had sight of us the morning following they should follow us still: if not, they should go for England. The next morning we espied not the sail which we chased, and Captain davis his ship and the Prize were behind us out of sight: but the next Thursday the sixt of November (being in latitude 38 degrees 30 minutes, and about sixty leagues from Lisbon westwards) early in the morning Captain Preston descried a sail some two or three leagues a head of us, after which we presently hastened our chase, and overtook her about eight or nine of the clock before noon. She came lately from Saint Michael's road, having been before at brasil laden with Sugar and Brasile. Having sent our boat to them to bring some of the chief of their men aboard the Victory, in the mean time whilst they were in coming to us one out of the main top espied another sail a head some three or four leagues from us. So immediately upon the return of our boat, having sent her back again with some of our men aboard the prize, we pursued speedily this new chase, with all the sails we could pack on, and about two a clock in the afternoon overtook her: she had made provision to fight with us, having hanged the sides of the ship so thick with hides (wherewith especially she was laden) that musket shot could not have pierced them: but year we had discharged two great pieces of our Ordinance at her, she struck sail, and approaching nearer, we ask of whence they were, they answered from the West-indieses, from Mexico, and Saint john de low (truly called Vlhua●) This ship was of some three or four hundred tons, and had in her seven hundred hides worth ten shillings a piece: six chests of Cochinell, every chest holding one hundred pound weight, and every pound worth six and twenty shillings and eight pennies, and certain chests of Sugar and China dishes, with some plate and silver. The Captain of her was an Italian, and by his behaviour seemed to be a grave, wise, and civil man: he had put in adventure in this ship five and twenty thousand ducats. We took him with certain other of her chiefest men (which were Spaniards) into the Victory: and Captain Lister with so many other of the chiefest of our Mariners, soldiers, and sailors as were thought sufficient, to the number of 20. or there abouts, were sent into her. In the mean time (we staying) our other prizes which followed after, came up to us. And now we had our hands full and with joy shaped our course for England, for so it was thought meetest, having now so many Portugals, Spaniards and French men amongst us, that if we should have taken any more prizes afterwards, we had not been well able to have manned them without endangering ourselves. So about 6. of the clock in the afternoon (when our other prize had overtaken us) we set sail for England. But our prizes not being able to bear us company without sparing them many of our sails, which caused our ship to roll and wallow, in such sort that it was not only ve●y troublesome to us, but, as it was thought, would also have put the main Mast in danger of falling overboard: having acquainted them with these inconveniences, we gave them direction to keep their courses together, following us, and so to come to Portsmouth. We took this last prize in the latitude of 39 degrees, and about 46. leagues to the Westwards from The Rock. She was one of those 16. ships which we see going into the haven at Angra in Terçera, October 8. Some of the men that we took out of her told us, that whilst we were plying up and down before that haven, as before was showed, expecting the coming forth of those ships, three of the greatest and best of them, at the appointment of the Governor of Terçera, were unloden of their treasure and merchandise. And in every of them were put three hundred Soldiers, which were appointed to have come to lay the Victory aboard in the night, and take her: but when this should have been done the Victory was go out of their sight. Now we went meerily before the wind with all the sails we could bear, insomuch that in the space of 24. hours, we sailed near 47. leagues, that is sevenscore English miles, betwixt Friday at noon and Saturday at noon (notwithstanding the ship was very foul, and much grown with long being at Sea) which caused some of our company to make account they would see what running at Tilt there should be at Whitehall upon the Queen's day. Others were imagining what a Christmas they would keep in England with their shares of the prizes we had taken. But so it befallen, that we kept a cold Christmas with the Bishop and his clerks (rocks that lie to the Westwards from Silly, and the Western parts of England:) For soon after the wound scanting came about to the Eastwards (the worst part of the heavens for us, from which the wind could blow) in such sort, that we could not fetch any part of England. And hereupon also our allowance of drink, which was scant enough before, was yet more more scanted, because of the scarcity thereof in the ship. So that now a man was allowed but half a pint at a meal, and that many times cold water, and scarce sweet. Notwithstanding this was an happy estate in comparison of that which followed: For from half a pint we came to a quarter, and that lasted not long neither, so that by reason of this great scarcity of drink, and contrariety of wind, we thought to put into Ireland, there to relieve our wants. But when we came near thither, lying at hull all night (tarrying for the daylight of the next morning, whereby we might the safelier bring our ship into some convenient harbour there) we were driven so far to leeward, that we could fetch no part of Ireland, so as with heavy hearts and sad cheer, we were constrained to return back again, and expect till it should please God to sand us a fair wind either for England or Ireland. In the mean time we were allowed every man three or four spoons full of vinegar to drink at a meal: for other drink we had none, saving only at two or three meals, when we had in stead hereof as much wine, which was wringed out of Wine-lees that remained. With this hard fare (for by reason of our great want of drink, we dared eat but very little) we continued for the space of a fortnight or thereabouts: Saving that now and then we feasted for it in the mean time: And that was when there fallen any hail or rain: the hailstones we gathered up and did eat them more pleasantly than if they had been the sweetest Comfits in the world; The raine-drops were so carefully saved, that so near as we could, not one was lost in all our ship. Some hanged up sheets tied with cords by the four corners, and a weight in the midst that the water might run down thither, and so be received into some vessel set or hanged underneath: Some that wanted sheets, hanged up nakins, and clouts, and watched them till they were thorough wet, then wring and sucking out the water. And that water which fallen down and washed away the filth and soiling of the ship, trod under foot, as bad as running down the kennel many times when it raineth, was not lost I warrant you, but watched and attended carefully (yea sometimes with strife and contention) at every scupper-hole, and other place where it ran down, with dishes, pots, cans, and jars, whereof some drink hearty draughts even as it was, mud and all, without tarrying to cleanse or settle it: Others cleansed it first, but not often, for it was so thick and went so slowly thorough, that they might ill endure to tarry so long, and were loath to lose too much of such precious stuff: some licked with their tongues (like dogs) the boards under feet, the sides, rails, and Masts of the ship: others that were more ingenious, fastened girdles or ropes about the Masts, daubing tallow betwixt them a●d the Mast (that the rain might not run down between) in such sort, that those ropes or girdles hanging lower on the one side then on the other, a spout of leather was fastened to the lowest part of them, that all the rain drops that came running down the Mast, might meet together at that place, and there be received. He● that got a can of water by these means was spoken of, sued to, and envied as a rich man, Quàm pulchrum dig●o monstrari & dicier hic est? Some of the poor Spaniards that we had taken (who notwithstanding had the same allowance that our own men had) would come and crave of us, for the love of God, but so much water as they could hold in the hollow of their hand: and they had it, notwithstanding our great extremity, to teach them some humanity in stead of their accustomed barbarity, both to us and other nations heretofore. They put also bullets of lead into their mouths to slake their thirst. Now in every corner of the ship were herded the lamentable cries of sick and wounded men sounding woefully in our ears, crying out and pitifully complaining for want of drink, being ready to die, yea many dying for lack thereof, so as by reason of this great extremity we lost many more men, than we had done all the voyage before: having before this time been so well and sufficiently provided for, that we lived in manner as well and healthfully, and died as few as if we had been in England, whereas now lightly every day some were cast overboard. But the second day of December 1589. was a festival day with us, for than it reigned a good pace, and we saved some pretty store of rain water (though we were well wet for it, and that at midnight) and filled our skins full besides: notwithstanding it were muddy and bitter with washing the ship, but (with some sugar which we had to sweeten it withal) it went merrily down, yet remembered we and wished for with all our hearts, many a Conduit, pump, spring, & stream of clear sweet running water in England: And how miserable we had accounted some poor souls whom we had seen driven for thirst to drink thereof, and how happy we would now have thought ourselves if we might have had our fills of the same: yet should we have fared the better with this our poor feasting, if we might have had our meat and drink (such and so much as it was) stand quietly before us: but beside all the former extremities, we were so tossed and turmoiled with such horrible stormy and tempestuous weather, that every man had best hold fast his Can, cup, and dish in his hands, yea and himself too, many times, by the ropes, rails, or sides of the ship or else he should soon find all under feet. Herewith our main sail was torn from the yard and blown overboard quite away into the sea without recovery, and our other sails so rend and torn (from side to side some of them) that hardly any of them escaped hole. The raging waves and foaming surges of the sea came rolling like mountains one after another, and overraked the waste of the ship like a migtie river running over it, whereas in fair weather it was near 20. foot above the water, that now we might cry out with the princely Prophet Psalm 107. vers. 26. They mount up to heaven, and descend to the deep, so that their soul melteth away for trouble: they ●eele too and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and all their cunning is go. With this extremity of foul weather the ship was so tossed and shaken, that by the craking noise it made, and by the leaking which was now much more than ordinary, we were in great fear it would have shaken in sunder, so that now also we had just cause to pray a little otherwise then the Poet, though marring the verse, yet mending the meaning. Deus maris & Coeli, quid enim nisi vota supersunt, solvere quassatae parcito membra ratis. Notwithstanding it pleased God of his great goodness to deliver us out of this danger. Then forthwith a new main sail was made and fastened to the yard, and the rest repaired as time and place would suffer: which we had no sooner done, but yet again we were troubled with as great extremity as before, so that again we were like to have lost our new main sail, had not Master William Antony the Master of the ship himself (when none else would or dared) ventured with danger of drowning by creeping along upon the main yard (which was let down close to the rails) to gather it up out of the sea, and to fasten it thereto, being in the mean while oft-times ducked over head and ears into the sea. These storms were so terrible, that there were some in our company, which confessed they had go to seas for the space of 20. years, and had never seen the like, and vowed that if ever they returned safe home, they would never come to Sea again. The last of November at night we met with an English ship, out of which (because it was too late that night) it was agreed that we should have had the next morning two or three Tons of wine, which, as they said, was all the provision of drink they had, save only a Butt or two, which they must needs reserve for their own use: but after that, we herded of them no more, till they were set on ground upon the coast of Ireland, where it appeared that they might have spared us much more than they pretended they could, so as they might well have relieved our great necessities, and have had sufficient for themselves besides, to bring them into England. The first of December at night we spoke with another English ship, and had some beer out of her, but not sufficient to carry us into England, so that we were constrained to put into Ireland, the wind so serving. The next day we came to an anchor, not far from the S. Kelmes under the land & wind, where we were somewhat more quiet, but (that being no safe harbour to ride in) the next morning we went about to weigh anchor, but having some of our men hurt at the Capsten, we were feign to give over and leave it behind, holding on our course to Ventre haven, where we safely arrived the same day, that place being a very safe and convenient harbour for us, that now we might sing as we had just cause, They that go down to the Sea, etc. So soon as we had ankered here my Lord went forthwith to shore, and brought presently fresh water and fresh victuals, as Muttons, pigs, hens, etc. to refresh his company withal. Notwithstanding himself had lately been very weak, and tasted of the same extremity that his Company did: For in the time of our former want, having a little fresh water left him remaining in a pot, in the night it was broken, and the water drunk and dried up. Soon after the sick and wounded men were carried to the next principal Town, called Dingenacusli, being about three miles distant from the foresaid haven, where our ship road, to the Eastwards, that there they might be the better refreshed, and had the Chirurgeons daily to attend upon them. Here we well refreshed ourselves whilst the Irish harp sounded sweetly in our ears, and here we, who for the former extremities were in manner half dead, had our lives (as it were) restored unto us again. This Dingenacush is the chief Town in all that part of Ireland, it consists but of one main street, from whence some smaller do proceed on either side. It hath had gates (as it seemeth) in times passed at either end to open and shut as a Town of war, and a Castle also. The houses are very strongly built with thick stone walls, and narrow windows like unto Castles: for as they confessed, in time of trouble, by reason of the wild Irish or otherwise, they used their houses for their defence as Castles. The castle and all the houses in the Town, save four, were wone, burned, and ruinated by the Earl of Desmond. These four houses fortified themselves against him, and withstood him and all his power perforce, so as he could not win them. There remains yet a thick stone brickwall that passeth overthwart the midst of the street which was a part of their fortification. Notwithstanding whilst they thus defended themselves, as some of them yet alive confessed, they were driven to as great extremities as the jews, besieged by Titus the Roman Emperor, insomuch that they were constrained to eat dead men's carcases for hunger. The Town is now again somewhat repaired, but in effect there remain but the ruins of the former Town. Commonly they have no chimneys in their houses, excepting them of the better sort, so that the smoke was very troublesome to us, while we continued there. Their fuel is turfs, which they have very good, and whinnes or furs. There groweth little wood thereabouts, which maketh building chargeable there: as also want of lime (as they reported) which they are feign to fetch from far, when they have need thereof. But of stones there is store enough, so that with them they commonly make their hedges to part each man's ground from other; and the ground seemeth to be nothing else within but rocks and stones: Yet it is very fruitful and plentiful of grass, and grain, as may appear by the abundance of cows and cattle there: insomuch that we had good muttons (though somewhat less than ours in England) for two shillings or five groats a piece, good pigs and hens for 3. pennies a piece. The greatest want is industrious, painful, and husbandly inhabitants to till and trim the ground: for the common sort, if they can provide sufficient to serve from hand to mouth, take no further care. Of money (as it seemeth) there is very small store amongst them, which perhaps was the cause that made them double and triple the prizes of many things we bought of them, more than they were before our coming thither. Good land was here to be had for four pennies the Acre yearly rend. There are Mines of Alum, Mines in Irel●nd. Tin, brass, and iron. S●ones we saw there as clear as Crystal, naturally squared like Diamonds. That part of the Country is all full of great mountains and hills, from whence came running down the pleasant streams of sweet fresh running water. The natural hardness of that Nation appeareth in this, that their small children run usually in the midst of Winter up and down the streets barefoot and barelegged, with no other apparel (many times) save only a mantel to cover their nakedness. The chief Officer of their Town they call their Sovereign, who hath the same office and authority among them that our Majors have with us in England, and hath his Sergeants to atten● upon him, and bear the Mace before him as our Majors. We were first entertained at the Sovereign's house, which was one of those 4. that withstood the Earl of Desmond in his rebellion. They have the same form of Common prayer word for word in Latin, that we have here in England. Upon the Sunday the Sovereign cometh into the Church with his Sergeant before him, and the Sheriff and others of the Town accompany him, and there they kneel down every man by himself privately to make his prayers. After this they rise and go out of the Church again to drink, which being done, they return again into the Church, and then the Minister beginneth prayers. Their manner of baptizing differeth something from ours: part of the service belonging thereto is repeated in Latin, and part in Irish. The Minister taketh the child in his hands, and first dippeth it backward, and then forward, over head and ears into the cold water in the midst of Winter, whereby also may appear their natural hardness, (as before was specified.) They had neither Bell, drum, nor trumpet, to call the Parishioners together, but they expect till their Sovereign come, and then they that have any devotion follow him. They make their bread all in cakes, and, for the tenth part, the bakers bake for all the town. We had of them some 10. or 11. Tons of beer for the Victory, but it proved like a present purgation to them that took it, so that we chose rather to drink water than it. The 20. of December we loosed from hence, having well provided ourselves of fresh water, and other things necessary, being accompanied with sir Edw. Dennie, his Lady, and two young sons. This day in the morning my Lord going ashore to dispatch away speedily some fresh water that remained for the Victory, the wind being very fair for us, brought us news that there were 60. Spanish prizes taken and brought to England. For two or three days we had a fair wind, but afterwards it scanted so, that (as I said before) we were feign to keep a cold Christmas with The Bishop and his clerk. After this we met with an English ship, that brought us joyful news of 91. Spanish prizes that were come to England: and sorrowful news withal, that the last and best prize we took, had suffered shipwreck at a place upon the coast of Cornwall which the Cornish men call Als Effe●ne, that is, Hel-cliffe, and that Captain Lister and all the men in the ship were drowned, Captain Lister drowned. save 5. or 6. the one half English, the other Spanish that saved themselves with swimming: but notwithstanding much of the goods were saved, and reserved for us, by sir Francis Godolphin, and the worshipful gentlemen of the Country there. My Lord was very sorry for Captain Lister's death, wishing that he had lost his voyage to have saved his life. The 29. of December we met with another ship, that told us the sane news, and that sir Mar●in Frobisher, & Captain Reymond had taken the Admiral and vice-admiral of the Fleet that we espied going to Terçera haven. But the Admiral was sunk with much leaking, near to the Idy Stone, a rock that lieth over against Plymouth sound, and the men were saved. This ship also certified us that Captain Prestons ship had taken a prize laden with silver. My Lord entered presently into this ship, & went to Falmouth, and we held on our course for Plymouth. At night we came near to the Ram-head (the next Cape Westwards from Plymouth sound) but we were afraid to double it in the night, misdoubting the scantness of the wind. So we stood off to Sea half the night, and towards morning had the wind more large, and made too little spare thereof● that partly for this cause, and partly through mistaking of the land, we were driven so much to lee-wards, that we could not double that Cape: Therefore we returned back again, and came into Falmouth haven, where we struck on ground in 17. foot water: but it was a low t●●●, and ready again to flow, and the ground soft, so as no hurt was done. Here with gladness we set foot again upon the English ground (long desired) and refreshed ourselves with keeping part of Christmas upon our native soil. The valiant fight performed by 10. Merchant's ships of London, against 12. Spanish galleys in the Straitss of Gibraltar, the 24. of April 1590. IT is not long since sundry valiant ships appertaining to the Merchants of London, were freighted & rigged forth, some for Venice, some for Constantinople, & some to sundry other places of traffic, among whom these ensuing met within the Straitss of Gibraltar, as they were taking their course homewards, having before escaped all other danger. The first whereof was the Solomon appertaining to M. Alderman Ba●nam of London, and M. Bond, and M. Twyd of Harwich; which went forth the first day of February last. February 1590. The second was the Margaret and john belonging to M. Wa●s of London: The third was the Minion: The fourth was the Ascension. The fif●h was the Centurion of Master Cordal: The sixt the Violet: the seventh the Samuel: the eight the Cresscent: the ninth the Elizabeth: and the 10. was the Richard belonging to M. Duffield. All these ships being of notable and approved service, coming near to the mouth of the Straitss hard by the coast of Barbary, descried twelve tall Galleys bravely furnished and strongly provided with men and munition, ready to seize upon these English ships: which being perceived by the Captains and Masters thereof, we made speedy preparation for the defence of ourselves, still waiting all the night long for the approaching of the enemy. In the morning early being the Tuesday in Easter week, and the 24 of April 1590. according to our usual customs, we said Service and made our prayers unto Almighty God, beseeching him to save us from the hands of such tyrants as the Spaniards, whom we justly imagined to be, and whom we known and had found to be our most mortal enemies upon the Sea. And having finished our prayers, and set ourselves in a readiness, we perceived them to come towards us, and that they were indeed the Spanish Galleys that lay under the conduct of Andre Doria, who is Viceroy for the King of Spain in the Straitss of Gibraltar, and a notable known enemy to all Englishmen. So when they came somewhat nearer unto us, they waved us a main for the King of Spain, and we waved them a main for the Queen of England, at which time it pleased Almighty God greatly to encourage us all in such sort, as that the nearer they came the lose we feared their great multitudes and huge number of men, which were planted in those Galleys to the number of two or three hundred men in each Galley. And it was thus concluded among us, that the four first and tallest ships should be placed hindmost, and the weaker & smallest ships foremost, and so it was performed, every man being ready to take part of such success as it should please God to sand. At the first encounter the Galleys came upon us very fiercely, yet God so strengthened us, that if they had been ten times more, we had not feared them at all. Whereupon the Solomon being a hot ship, and having sundry cast pieces in her, gave the first shot in such a sour sort, as that it shared away so many men as sat on the one side of a Galley, and pierced her through in such manner, as that she was ready to sink, which made them to assault us the more fiercely. Whereupon the rest of our ships, especially the four chiefest, namely, the Margaret and john, the Minion, and the Ascension followed, and gave a hot charge upon them, and they at us, where began a hot and fierce battle with great valiancy the one against the other, and so continued for the space of six hours. A fight of six hours long. About the beginning of this our fight there came two Flemings to our Fleet, who seeing the force of the Galleys to be so great, the one of them presently yielded, struck his sails, A faint-hearted Fleming. and was taken by the Galleys, whereas if they would have offered themselves to have fought in our behalf and their own defence, they needed not to have been taken so cowardly as they were to their cost. The other Fleming being also ready to perform the like piece of service began to vail his sails, and intended to have yielded immediately. But the Trumpeter in that ship plucked forth his falchion and stepped to the Pilot at the helm, and vowed that if he did not speedily put off to the English Fleet, and so take part with them, he would presently kill him: which the Pilot for fear of death did, and so by that means they were defended from present death, and from the tyranny of those Spaniards, which doubtless they should have found at their hands. Thus we continued in fight six hours and somewhat more, wherein God gave us the upper hand, and we escaped the hands of so many enemies, who were constrained to fly into harbour and shroud themselves from us, and with speed to seek for their own safety. This was the handy work of God, who defended us all from danger in such sort, as that there was not one man of us slain. And in all this fierce assault made upon us by the Spanish power, we sustained no hurt or damage at all more than this, that the shrouds and backe●stay of the Solomon, who gave the first and last shot, and galled the enemy shrewdly all the time of the battle, were clean stricken off. The battle being reased, we were constrained for want of wound to stay and waft up and down, and then went back again to Tition in Barbary, which is six leagues off from Gibral●ar, and when we came thither we found the people wondrous favourable to us, who being but Moors and heathen people showed us where to have fresh water and all other necessaries for us. And there we had such good entertainment, as if we had been in any place of England. The governor was one that favoured us greatly, whom we in respect of his great friendship presented with gifts and such commodities as we had in our custody, which he wonderfully well accepted of: and here we stayed four days. After the battle was ceased, which was on Easter Tuesday, we stayed for want of wind before Gibraltar, until the next morning, where we were becalmed, and therefore looked every hour when they would have sent forth some fresh supply against us, but they were far unable to do it, for all their Galleys were so sore battered, that they dared not come forth of the harbour, by reason of our hot resistance which they so lately before had received. Yet were they greatly urged thereunto by the Governor of the said Town of Gibraltar. At our being at Tition in Barbary, there we herded report of the hurt that we had done to the Galleys, for at our coming from them we could not well discern any thing at all by reason of the smoke which the powder had made: there we herded that we had almost spoilt those twelve Galleys by shooting them clean through, that two of them were ready to sink, and that we had s●aine of their men such great abundance, as that they were not able to furnish forth any more Galleys at all for that year. Thus after we came from Tition, we assayed to departed the Strait three several times, but could not pass, yet, God be thanked, the fourth time we came safely away, and so sailed with a pleasant wind until we came upon the coast of England, which was in the beginning of the month of july 1590. The valiant fight performed in the Strait of Gibraltar, by the Centurion of London, against five Spanish Galleys, in the month of April 1591. IN the month of November 1590., there were sundry ships appertaining to several Merchants of London, which were rigged and fraught forth with merchandise, for sundry places within the Strait of Gibraltar: who, together having wind and weather, which oft-time fallen out very uncertain, arrived safely in short space, at such places as they desired. Among whom was the Centurion of London, a very tall ship of burden, yet but weakly manned, as appeareth by this discourse following. This aforesaid ship called The Centurion safely arrive at Marseils, where after they had delivered their goods, they stayed about the space of five weeks, and better, and then took in lading, intending to return to England. Now when the Centurion was ready to come away from Marseils, there were sundry other ships of smaller burden which entreated the Master thereof, (whose name is Robert Bradshaw, dwelling at Limehouse) to stay a day or two for them, until they were in a readiness to departed with them, thereby persuading them, that it would be far better for them to stay and go together in respect of their assistance, then to departed of themselves without company, and so happily for want of aid fall into the hands of their enemies in the Spanish Galleys. Upon which reasonable persuasion, not withstanding that this ship was of such sufficiency as they might hazard her in the danger of the Sea, yet they stayed for those little ships, according to their request, who together did put to Sea from Marseils, and vowed in general not to fly one from another, if they should happen to meet with any Spanish Galleys. These small ships, accompanied with the Centurion, sailing along the coast of Spain, were upon Easter day in the Strait of Gibraltar suddenly becalmed, where immediately they see sundry Galleys make towards them, in very valiant and courageous sort: the chief Leaders and soldiers in those Galleys bravely appareled in silk coats, with their silver whistles about their necks, and great plumes of feathers in their hats, who with their Calivers shot at the Centurion so fast as they might: so that by 10. of the clock and somewhat before, they had boarded the Centurion, who before their coming had prepared for them, and intended to give them so sour a welcome as they might. And thereupon having prepared their close sights, and all things in a readiness, they called upon God, on whom only they trusted: and having made their prayers, and cheered vp●●●e another to sight so long as life endured, they began to discharge their great Ordinance upon the Galleys, but the little ships dared not come forward, but lay aloof, while five Galleys had boarded them● yea and with their grappling irons made their Galleys fast to the said ship called the Centurion. The Galleys were grappled to the Centurion in this manner, two lay on one side, and two on another, and the Admiral lay full in the stern, which galled and battered the Centurion so sore, that her main Mast was greatly weakened, her sails filled with many holes, and the Mizzen and stern made almost unserviceable. During which time there was a sore and deadly fight on both sides, in which the Trumpet of the Centurion sounded forth the deadly points of war, and encouraged them to fight manfully against their adversaries: on the contrary part, there was no warlike Music in the Spanish Galleys, but only their whistels of silver, which they sounded forth to their own contentment: in which fight many a Spaniard was turned into the Sea, and they in multitudes came crawling and hung upon the side of the ship, intending to have entered into the same, but such was the courage of the Englishmen, that so fast as the Spaniards did come to enter, they gave them such entertainment, that some of them were glad to tumble alive into the Sea, being remediless for ever to get up alive. In the Centurion there were in all, of men and boys, forty and eight, who together fought most valiantly, and so galled the enemy, that many a brave and lusty Spaniard lost his life in that place. The Centurion was fired five several times, with wild fire and other provision, which the Spaniards threw in for that purpose: yet, God be thanked, by the great and diligent foresight of the Master it did no harm at all. In every of the Galleys there were about 200. soldiers: who together with the shot, spoilt, rend, and battered the Centurion very sore, shot through her main Mast, and slay 4. of the men in the said ship, the one of them being the Master's mate. Ten other people were hurt, by means of splinters which the Spaniards shot: yea, in the end when their provision was almost spent, they were constrained to shoot at them hammers, and the chains from their slaves, and yet God be thanked, they received no more damage: but by spoiling and overwearying of the Spaniards, the Englishmen constrained them to ungrapple themselves, and get them going: and sure if there had been any other fresh ship or succour to have relieved and assisted the Centurion, they had slain, sunk, or taken all those Galleys and their Soldiers. The Dolphin lay a loof off and dared not come near, while the other two small ships fled away, so that one of the Galleys went from the Centurion and set upon the Dolphin, which ship immediately was set on fire with their own powder, whereby both men and ship perished: but whether it was with their good wills or not, that was not known unto the Centurion, but sure, if it had come forward, and been an aid unto the Centurion, it is to be supposed that it had not perished. Five hours and a half this fight continued, in which time both were glad to departed only to breath themselves, but when the Spaniards were go, they never dared return to fight: yet the next day six other Galleys came and looked at them, but dared not at any hand meddle with them. Thus God delivered them from the hands of their enemies, and gave them the victory: for which they hearty praised him, and not long after safely arrived in London. ☞ There were present at this fight Master john Hawes Merchant, and sundry other of good account. A report of the truth of the fight about the Isles of Açores, the last of August 1591. betwixt the Revenge, one of her majesties ships, and an Armada of the king of Spain; Penned by the honourable Sir Water Ralegh knight. BEcause the rumours are diversly spread, as well in England as in the Low countries and elsewhere, of this late encounter between her majesties ships and the Armada of Spain; and that the Spaniards according to their usual manner, fill the world with their vainglorious vaunts, making great appearance of victories, when on the contrary, themselves are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured; thereby hoping to possess the ignorant multitude by anticipating & forerunning false reports: It is agreeable with all good reason, for manifestation of the truth, to overcome falsehood and untruth; that the beginning, continuance and success of this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenuil, and other her majesties Captains, with the Armada of Spain; should be truly set down and published without partiality or false imaginations. And it is no marue●le that the Spaniard should seek by false and slanderous pamphlets, advisoes and Letters, to cover their own loss, and to derogate from others their due honours, especially in this fight being performed far off: seeing they were not ashamed in the year 1588. when they purposed the invasion of this land, to publish in sundry languages in print, great victories in words, which they pleaded to have obtained against this Realm; and spread the same in a most false sort over all parts of France, Italy, and elsewhere. When shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to all Nations, how their Navy which they termed invincible, consisting of 140. sail of ships, not only of their own kingdom, but strengthened with the greatest Argosies, Portugal Caracks, Florentines, and huge hu●ks of other Countries, were by 30. of her Majesties own ships of war, and a few of our own Merchants, by the wise, valiant, and advantageous conduct of the L. Charles Howard high Admiral of England, beaten and shuffled together; even from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland, where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes, with his mighty ship; from Portland to Cales, where they lost Hugo de Moncado, with the Gallias of which he was Captain, and from Cales, driven with squibs from their anchors, where thased out of the sight of England, round about Scotland and Ireland. Where for the sympathy of their barbarous religion, hoping to find succour and assistance, a great part of them were crushed against the rocks, and those other that landed, being very many in number, were notwithstanding broken, slain, and taken, and so sent from village to village coupled in halters, to be shipped into England. Where her Majesty of her Princely and invincible disposition, disdaining to put them to death, and scorning either to retain or entertain them: they were all sent back again to their countries, to witness and recount the worthy achievements of their invincible and dreadful Navy: Of which the number of Soldiers, the fearful burden of their ships, the commanders names of every squadron, with all other their magasines of provisions, were put in print, as an Army and Navy unresistible, and disdaining prevention. With all which so great and terrible an ostentation, they did not in all their sailing round about England, so much as sink or take one ship, Bark, Pinnace, or Cockbote of ours: or ever burned so much as one sheepecote of this land. Whenas on the contrary, Sir Francis Drake, with only 800. soldiers not long before, landed in their Indies, and forced Sant-Iago, Santo Domingo, Cartagena, and the forts of Florida. And after that, Sir john Norris marched from Peniche in Portugal, with a handful of soldiers, to the gates of Lisbon, being above 40 English miles. Where the Earl of Essex himself and other valiant Gentlemen braved the City of Lisbon, encamped at the very gates; from whence, after many days abode, finding neither promised party, nor provision to batter; they made retreat by land, in despite of all their Garrisons, both of horse & foot. In this sort I have a little digressed from my first purpose, only by the necessary comparison of there's and our actions: the one covetous of honour without vaunt of ostentation; the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their own affairs, and by false rumours to resist the blasts of their own dishonours, as they will not only not blush to spread all manner of untruths: but even for the lest advantage, be it but for the taking of one poor adventurer of the English, will celebrated the victory with bonfires in every town, always spending more in faggots, than the purchase was worth they obtained. When as we never thought it worth the consumption of two billets, when we have taken eight or ten of their Indian ships at one time, and twenty of the brasil fleet. Such is the difference between true valour, and ostentation: and between honourable actions, and frivolous vain glorious vaunts. But now to return to my purpose. The L. Thomas Howard with six of her majesties ships, six victuallers of London, the Bark Ralegh, & two or three other Pinnaces riding at anchor near unto Flores, one of the Westerly islands of the Azores, the last of August in the afternoon, had intelligence by one Captain Middleton of the approach of the Spanish Armada. Which Middleton being in a very good sailor had kept them company three days before, of good purpose, both to discover their forces the more, as also to give advise to my L. Thomas of their approach. He had no sooner delivered the news but the fleet was in sight: many of our ships companies were on shore in the Island; some providing ballast for their ships; others filling of water and refreshing themselves from the land with such things as they could either for money, or by force recover. By reason whereof our ships being all pestered and rummaging every thing out of order, very light for want of ballast, and that which was most to our disadvantage, the one half part of the men of every ship sick, and utterly unserviceable: for in the Revenge there were ninety diseased: in the Bonaventure, not so many in health as could handle her main sail. For had not twenty men been taken out of a Bark of sir George Careys, his being commanded to be sunk, and those appointed to her, she had hardly ever recovered England. The rest, for the most part, were in little better state. The names of her majesties ships were these as followeth, the Defiance, which was Admiral, the Revenge Uiceadmirall, the Bonaventure commanded by Captain Cross, the Lion by George Fenner, the Foresight by M. Thomas Vavasour, and the Crane by Duffild. The Foresight & the Crane being but small ships; only the other were of the middle size; the rest, besides the Bark ●alegh, commanded by Captain Thin, were victuallers, and of small force or none. The Spanish fleet having shrouded their approach by reason of the Island; were now so soon at hand, as our ships had scarce time to way their anchors, but some of them were driven to let slip their Cables and set sa●le. Sir Richard Grinuile was the last that weighed, to recover the men that were upon the Island, which otherwise had been lost. The L. Thomas with the rest very hardly recovered the wind, which Sir Richard Grinuile not being able to do, was persuaded by the Master and others to cut his main sail, and cast about, and to trust to the sailing of the ship; for the squadron of Siui● were on his weather bow. But Sir Richard utterly refused to turn from the enemy, alleging that he would rather choose to die, then to dishonour himself, his country, and her majesties ship, persuading his company that he would pass through the two squadrons, in despite of them, and enforce those of Siuil to give him way. Which he performed upon divers of the foremost, who, as the Mariners term it, sprung their luffe, and fallen under the lee of the Revenge. But the other course had been the better, and might right well have been answered in so great an impossibility of prevailing. Notwithstanding out of the greatness of his mind, he could not be persuaded. In the mean while as he attended those which were nearest him, the great San Philip being in the wind of him, and coming towards him, becalmed his sails in such sort, as the ship could neither make way, nor feel the helm: so huge and high carged was the Spanish ship, being of a thousand and five hundredth tuns. Who after laid the Revenge aboard. When he was thus ber●ft of his sails, the ships that were under his ●ee luffing up, also laid him aboard: of which the nert was the Admiral of the Biscayne's, a very mighty and puissant ship commanded by Bri●tandona. The said Philip carried three tire of ordinance on a side, and eleven pieces in every ●ire. She shot eight forth rightout of her chase, besides those of her stern ports. After the Revenge was entangled with this Philip, four other boarded her; two on her larboard, and two on her starboard. The fight thus beginning at three of the clock in the afternoon, continued very terrible all that evening. But the great San Philip having received the lower tire of the Revenge, discharged with cross bar shot, shifted herself with all diligence from her sides, utterly misliking her first entertainment. Some say that the ship foundered, but we cannot report it for truth, unless we were assured. The Spanish ships were filled with companies of soldiers, in some two hundred besides the mariners; in some five, in others eight hundredth. In ours there were none at all beside the mariners, but the servants of the commanders and some few voluntary gentlemen only. After many interchanged volies of great ordinance and small shot, the Spaniards deliberated to enter the Revenge, and made divers attempts, hoping to force her by the multitudes of their armed soldiers and Musketters, but were still repulsed again and and again, and at all times beaten back into their own ships, or into the seas. In the beginning of the fight, the George Noble of London having received some shot thorough her by the Armadas, fallen under the lee of the Revenge, and asked Sir Richard what he would command him, being but one of the victuallers and of small force: Sir Richard bid him save himself, and leave him to his fortune. After the fight had thus, without intermission, continued while the day lasted and some hours of the night, many of our men were slain and hurt, and one of the great Galleons of the Armada, and the Admiral of the Hulks both sunk, and in many other of the Spanish ships great slaughter was made. Some writ that sir Richard was very dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight, and lay speechless for a time ere he recovered. But two of the Revenges own company, brought home in a ship of Lime from the Islands, examined by some of the Lords, and others, affirmed that he was never so wounded as that he forsook the upper deck, till an hour before midnight; and then being shot into the body with a Musket as he was a dressing, was again shot into the head, and withal his Chirurgeon wounded to death. This agreeth also with an examination taken by sir Francis Godolphin, of four other mariners of the same ship being returned, which examination, the said sir Francis sent unto master William Killegr●e, of her majesties privy Chamber. But to return to the fight, the Spanish ships which attempted to board the Revenge, as they were wounded and beaten off, so always others came in their places, she having never less then two mighty Galleons by her sides, and aboard her: So that ere the morning, from three of the clock the day before, there had fifteen several Armadas assailed her; and all so ill approved their entertainment, as they were by the break of day, far more willing to hearken to a composition, then hastily to make any more assaults or entries. But as the day increased, so our men decreased: and as the light grew more and more● by so much more grew our discomforts. For none appeared in sight but enemies, saving one small ship called the Pilgrim, commanded by jacob Whiddon, who hovered all night to see the success: but in the morning bearing with the Revenge, was hunted like a hare amongst many ravenous hounds, but escaped. All the powder of the Revenge to the last barrel was now spent, all her pikes broken, forty of her best men slain, and the most part of the rest hurt. In the beginning of the fight she had but one hundredth free from sickness, and fourscore & ten sick, laid in hold upon the Ballast. A small troop to man such a ship, & a weak garrison to resist so mighty an army. By those hundred all was sustained, the vol●is, boordings, and enterings of fifteen ships of war, besides those which beaten her at large. On the contrary, the Spanish were always supplied with soldiers brought from every squadron: all manner of Arms and powder at will. Unto ours there remained no comfort at all, no hope, no supply either of ships, men, or weapons; the Masts all beat●n over board, all her tackle cut asunder, her upper work altogether razed, and in effect evened she was with the water, but the very foundation or bottom of a ship, nothing being left over head ●ither for flight or defence. Sir Richard finding himself in this distress, and unable any longer to make resistance, having endured in this fifteen hours fight, the assault of fifteen several Armadas, all by turns aboard him, and by estimation eight hundred shot of great Artillery, besides many assaults and entries; and that himself and the ship must needs be possessed by the enemy, who were now all cast in a ring round about him (The Revenge not able to move one way or other, but as she was moved with the waves and billow of the sea) commanded the Master gunner, whom he known to be a most resolute man, to split and sink the ship; that thereby nothing might remain of glory or victory to the Spaniards: seeing in so many hours fight, and with so great a Navy they were not able to take her, having had fifteen hours time, above ten thousand men, & fifty and three sail of men of war to perform it withal: The Spanish 53. sail. and persuaded the company, or as many as he could induce, to yield themselves unto God, and to the mercy of none else; but as they had, like valiant resolute men, repulsed so many enemies, they should not now shorten the honour of their Nation, by prolonging their own lives for a few hours, or a few days. The Master gunner readily condescended and divers others; but the Captain and the Master were of another opinion, and besought Sir Richard to have care of them: alleging that the Spaniard would be as ready to entertain a composition, as they were willing to offer the same: and that there being divers sufficient and valiant men yet living, and whose wounds were not mortal, they might do their Country and prince acceptable service hereafter. And whereas Sir Richard had alleged that the Spaniards should never glory to have taken one ship of her Majesty, seeing they had so long and so notably defended themselves; they answered, that the ship had six foot water in hold, three shot under water, which were so weakly stopped, as with the first working of the sea, she must needs sink, and was besides so crushed and bruised, as she could never be removed out of the place. And as the matter was thus in dispute, and Sir Ricard refusing to harken to any of those reasons; the Master of the Revenge (while the Captain wan unto him the greater party) was convoyd aboard the General Don Alfonso Baçan. Who (finding none over hasty to enter the Revenge again, doubting lest Sir Richard would have blown them up and himself, and perceiving by the report of the Master of the Revenge his dangerous disposition) yielded that all their lives should be saved, the company sent for England, & the better sort to pay such reasonable ransom as their estate would ●eare, and in the mean season to be free from Galley or imprisonment. To this he so much the rather condescended as well, as I have said, for fear of further loss and mischief to themselves, as also for the desire he had to recover Sir Richard Greenuil; whom for his notable valour he seemed greatly to honour and admire. When this answer was returned, and that safety of life was promised, the common sort being now at the end of their peril, the most drawn back from Sir Richard and the Master gunner, being no hard matter to dissuade men from death to life. The Master gunner finding himself and Sir Richard thus prevented and mastered by the greater number, would have slain himself with a sword, had he not been by force withheld and locked into his Cabin. Then the General sent many boats aboard the Revenge, and divers of our men fearing Sir Richard's disposition, stolen away aboard the General and other ships. Sir Richard thus overmatched, was sent unto by Alfonso Baçan to remove out of the Revenge, the ship being marvelous unsavoury, filled with blood and bodies of dead, and wounded men like a slaughter house. Sir Richard answered that he might do with his body what he list, for he esteemed it not, and as he was carried out of the ship he swooned, and reviving again desired the company to pray for him. The General used Sir Richard with all humanity, and left nothing unattempted that tended to his recovery, highly commending his valour and worthiness, and greatly bewailing the danger wherein he was, being unto them a rare spectacle, and a resolution seldom approved, to see one ship turn toward so many enemies, to endure the charge and boarding of so many huge Armadas, and to resist and repel the assaults and entries of so many soldiers. All which and more is confirmed by a Spanish Captain of the same Armada, and a present actor in the fight, who being severed from the rest in a storm, was by the Lion of London a small ship taken, and is now prisoner in London. The general commander of the Armada, was Don Alphonso Baçan, brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz. The admiral of the Biscaine squadron, was Britandona. Of the squadron of Sivil, Marquis of Arumburch. The Hulks and Flybotes were commanded by Luis Coutinho. There were slain and drowned in this fight, well near one thousand of the enemies, a●d two special commanders Don Luis de saint john, and Don George de Prunaria de Mallaga, as the Spanish captain confesseth, besides divers others of special account, whereof as yet report is not made. The Admiral of the Hulks and the Ascension of Sivil were both sunk by the side of the Revenge; one other recovered the road of Saint Michael, and sunk also there; a fourth ran herself with the shore to save her men. Sir Richard died as it is said, the second or third day aboard the General, and was by them greatly bewailed. What become of his body, whether it were buried in the sea or on the land we know not: the comfort that remaineth to his friends is, that he hath ended his life honourably in respect of the reputation won to his nation and country, and of the same to his posterity, and that being dead, he hath not outlived his own honour. For the rest of her majesties ships that entered not so far into the fight as the Revenge, the reasons and causes were these. There were of them but six in all, whereof two but small ships; the Revenge engaged past recovery: The Island of Flores was on the one side, 53 sail of the Spanish, divided into squadrons on the other, all as full filled with soldiers as they could contain: Almost the one half of our men sick and not able to serve: the ships grown foul, unroomaged, and scarcely able to bear any sail for want of ballast, having been six months at the sea before. If all the rest had entered, all had been lost: for the very hugeness of the Spanish fleet, if no other violence had been offered, would have crushed them between them into shivers. Of which the dishonour and loss to the Queen had been far greater than the spoil or harm that the enemy could any way have received. Notwithstanding it is very true, that the Lord Thomas would have entered between the squadrons, but the rest would not condescend; and the master of his own ship offered to leap into the sea, rather than to conduct that her majesties ship and the rest to be a prey to the enemy, where there was no hope nor possibility either of defence or victory. Which also in my opinion had ill sorted or answered the discretion and trust of a General, to commit himself and his charge to an assured destruction, without hope or any likelihood of prevailing: thereby ●o diminish the strength of her majesties Nany, and to enrich the pride and glory of the enemy. The Foresight of the Queens commanded by M. Thomas Vavisor performed a very great fight, and stayed two hours as near the Revenge as the weather would permit him, not forsaking the fight, till he was like to be encompassed by the squadrons, & with great difficulty cleared himself. The rest gave divers voleiss of shot, and entered as far as the place permitted, and their own necessities, to keep the weather gage of the enemy, until they were parted by night. A few days after the fight was ended, and the English prisoners dispersed into the Spanish and Indie ships, there arose so great a storm from the West and Northwest, that all the fleet was dispersed, as well the Indian fleet which were then come unto them, as the rest of the Armada that attended their arrival, of which 14. sail together with the Revenge, and in her 200 Spaniards, were cast away upon the Isle of S. Michael. So it pleased them to honour the burial of that renowned ship the Revenge, not suffering her to perish alone, for the great honour she achieved in her life time. On the rest of the Islands there were cast away in this storm, 15 or 16 more of the ships of war: and of an hundred and odd sail of the Indie fleet, expected this year in Spain, what in this tempest, and what before in the bay of Mexico, and about the Bermudas, there were 70 and odd consumed and lost, with those taken by our ships of London, besides one very rich Indian ship, which set herself on fire, being boarded by the Pilgrim, and five other taken by master Wats his ships of London, between the Havana and Cape S. Antonio. The fourth of this month of November we received letters from the Tercera, affirming that there are 3000 bodies of men remaining in that Island, saved out of the perished ships: & that by the Spaniards own confession, there are 10000 cast away in this storm, besides those that are perished between the islands and the main. Thus it hath pleased God to fight for us, and to defend the justice of our cause, against the ambitious and bloody pretences of the Spaniard, who seeking to devour all nations, are themselves devoured. A manifest testimony how injust and displeasing, their attempts are in the sight of God, who hath pleased to witness by the success of their affairs, his mislike of their bloody and injurious designs, purposed and practised against all Christian princes, over whom they seek unlawful and ungodly rule and Empery. One day or two before this wrack happened to the Spanish fleet, when as some of our prisoners desired to be set on shore upon the Islands, hoping to be from thence transported into England, which liberty was formerly by the General promised: One Morris Fitz john, son of old john of Desmond, a notable traitor, cousin germane to the late Earl of Desmond, was sent to the English from ship to ship, to persuade them to serve the King of Spain. The arguments he used to induce them were these. The increase of pay which he promised to be trebled: advancement to the better sort: and the exercise of the true Catholic Religion, and safety of their souls to all. For the first, even the beggarly and unnatural behaviour of those English and Irish rebels, that served the King in that present action, was sufficient to answer that first argument of rich pay. For so poor and beggarly they were, as for want of apparel they stripped their poor Country men prisoners out of their ragged garments, worn to nothing by six months' service, and spared not to despoil them even of their bloody shirts, from their wounded bodies, and the very shoes from their feet; A notable testimony of their rich entertainment and great wages. The second reason was hope of advancement if they served well, and would continued faithful to the King. But what man can be so blockishly ignorant ever to expect place or honour from a foreign King, having no other argument or persuasion than his own disloyalty; to be unnatural to his own Country that bread him; to his parents that begat him, and rebellious to his true Prince, to whose obedience he is bond by oath, by nature, and by Religion? Not, they are only assured to be employed in all desperate enterprises, to be held in scorn and disdain ever among those whom they serve. And that ever traitor was either trusted or advanced I could never yet read, neither can I at this time remember any example. And no man could have less becomed the place of an Orator for such a purpose, than this Morris of Desmond. For the Earl his cozen being one of the greatest subjects in that kingdom of Ireland, having almost whole Countries in his possession; so many goodly Manors, castles, and lordships; the Count Palatine of Kerry, five hundred gentlemen of his own name and family to follow him, besides others (all which he possessed in peace for three or four hundred years) was in less than three years after his adhering to the Spaniards and rebellion, beaten from all his holds, not so many as ten gentlemen of his name left living, himself taken and beheaded by a soldier of his own nation, and his land given by a Parliament to her Majesty, and possessed by the English: His other cozen Sir john of Desmond taken by Master john Zouch, and his body hanged over the gates of his native City to be devoured by ravens: the third brother Sir james hanged, drawn, and quartered in the same place. If he had withal vaunted of his success of his own house, no doubt the argument would have moved much, and wrought great effect; which because he for that present forgot, I thought it good to remember in his behalf. For matter of Religion it would require a particular volume, if I should set down how irreligiously they cover their greedy and ambitious pretences, with that veil of piety. But sure I am, that there is no kingdom or commonwealth in all Europe, but if they be reform, they then invade it for religion sake: if it be, as they term Catholic, they pretend title; as if the Kings of Castille were the natural heirs of all the world: and so between both, no kingdom is unsought. Where they dare not with their own forces to invade, they basely entertain the traitors and vacabonds of all Nations; seeking by those and by their runagate jesuits to win parts, and have by that mean ruined many Noble houses and others in this land, and have extinguished both their lives and families. What good, honour, or fortune ever man yet by them achieved, is yet unheard of, or unwritten. And if our English Papists do but look into Portugal, against which they have no pretence of Religion, how the Nobility are put to death, imprisoned, their rich men made a pray, and all sorts of people captived; they shall find that the obedience even of the Turk is easy and a liberty, in respect of the slavery and tyranny of Spain. What have they done in Sicill, in Naples, Milan, and in the Low countries; who hath there been spared for Religion at all? And it cometh to my remembrance of a certain Burger of Antwerp, whose house being entered by a company of Spanish soldiers, when they first sacked the City, he besought them to spare him and his goods, being a good Catholic, and one of their own party and faction. The Spaniards answered, that they known him to be of a good conscience for himself, but his money, plate, jewels, and goods, were all heretical, and therefore good prize. So they abused and tormented the foolish Fleming, who hoped that an Agnus Dei had been a sufficient target against all force of that holy and charitable nation. Neither have they at any time as they protest invaded the kingdoms of the Indies and Peru, and elsewhere, but only led thereunto, rather to reduce the people to Christianity, then for either gold or Empery. When as in one only Island called Hispaniola, they have wasted thirty hundred thousand of the natural people, besides many million else in other places of the Indies: a poor and harmless people created of God, and might have been won to his knowledge, as many of them were, and almost as many as ever were persuaded thereunto. The story whereof is at large written by a Bishop of their own nation called Bartholomew de las Casas, and translated into English and many other languages, entitled The Spanish cruelties. Who would therefore repose trust in such a nation of ravenous strangers, and especially in those Spaniards which more greedily thirst after English blood, then after the lives of any other people of Europe, for the many overthrows and dishonours they have received at our hands, whose weakness we have discovered to the world, and whose forces at home, abroad, in Europe, in India, by sea and land, we have even with handfuls of men and ships, overthrown and dishonoured. Let not therefore any English man, of what religion soever, have other opinion of the Spaniards, but that those whom he seeketh to win of our Nation, he esteemeth base and traitorous, unworthy people, or unconstant fools: and that he useth his pretence of religion, for no other purpose but to bewitch us from the obedience of our natural Prince; thereby hoping in time to bring us to slavery and subjection, and then none shall be unto them so odious, and disdained as the traitors themselves, who have sold their Country to a stranger, and forsaken their faith and obedience contrary to nature & religion; and contrary to that human and general honour, not only of Christians, but of heathen and irreligious nations, who have always sustained what labour soever, and embraced even death itself, for their country, Prince, or commonwealth. To conclude, it hath ever to this day pleased God to prospero and defend her Majesty, to break the purposes of malicious enemies, of forsworn traitors, and of injust practices and invasions. She hath ever been honoured of the worthiest kings, served by faithful subjects, and shall by the favour of God, resist, repel, and confounded all whatsoever attempts against her sacred person or kingdom. In the mean time let the Spaniard and traitor vaunt of their success, and we her true and obedient vassals, guided by the shining light of her virtues, shall always love her, serve her, and obey her to the end of our lives. A particular note of the Indian fleet, expected to have come into Spain this present year of 1591. with the number of ships that are perished of the same: according to the examination of certain Spaniards lately taken and brought into England by the ships of London. THe fleet of Nova Hispania, at their first gathering together and setting forth, were two and fifty sails. The Admiral was of six hundred tons, and the Vice Admiral of the same burden. Four or five of the ships were of nine hundred and 1000 tons a piece, some five hundred, and some four hundred and the lest of two hundred tuns. Of this fleet 19 were cast away, and in them 2600 men by estimation, which was done along the coast of Nova Hispania, so that of the same fleet there came to the Havana but 33 sails. The fleet of Terra Firma were, at their first departure from Spain, fifty sails, which were bond for Number de Dios, where they did discharge their lading, and thence returned to Cartagena, for their health's sake, until the time the treasure was ready they should take in, at the said Number de Dios. But before this fleet departed, some were go by one or two at a time, so that only 23 sails of this fleet arrived in the Havana. At the Havana there met 33 sails of Nova Hispania. 23 sails of Terra Firma. 12 sails of San Domingo. 9 sails of the Hunduras. The whole 77 ships, joined and set sails all together at the Havana, the 17 of july, according to our account, and kept together until they came into the height of thirty five degrees, which was about the tenth of August, where they found the wind at Southwest changed suddenly to the North, so that the sea coming out of the South-west, and the wound very violent at North, they were put all into great extremity, and then first lost the General of their fleet, with 500 men in her; and within three or four days after, an other storm rising, there were five or six other of the biggest ships cast away with all their men, together with their Uiceadmirall. And in the height of 38. degrees, about the end of August, grew another great storm, in which all the fle●t saving 48. sails were cast away: which 48. sails kept together, until they came in sight of the Islands of Coruo and Flores, about the fift or sixt of September, at which time a great storm separated them: of which number fifteen or sixteen were after seen by these Spaniards to ride at anchor under the Tercera; and twelve or fourteen more to bear with the Island of S. Michael; what become of them after that these Spaniards were taken cannot yet be certified; their opinion is, that very few of thee fleet are escaped, but are either drowned or taken. And it is otherways of late certified, that of this whole fleet that should have come into Spain this year, being one hundred twenty and three sail, there are arrived as yet but five and twenty. This note was taken out of the examination of certain Spaniards, that were brought into England by six of the ships of London, which took s●uen of the above named Indian Fleet, near the Islands of Açores. A report of Master Robert Flicke directed to Master Thomas Bromley, Master Richard Staper, and Master Cordall concerning the success of a part of the London supplies sent to my Lord Thomas Howard to the Isles of the Azores, 1591. Worshipful, my hearty commendations unto you premised: By my last of the twelfth of August from this place I advertised you particularly of the accidents of our Fleet until then. It remaineth now to relate our endeavours in accomplishing the order received for the joining with my Lord Thomas Howard, together with the success we have had. Our departure from hence was the seventeenth of August, the wind not serving before. The next day following I caused a Flag of Counsel to be put forth, whereupon the Captains and Masters of every ship came aboard, and I acquainted them with my Commission, firmed by the Right honourable the Lords of her majesties Counsel, and with all the advertisements of Sir Edward Denny, of my lords determination to remain threescore leagues to the West of Fayal, spreading North and South betwixt thirty seven and a half or thirty eight and a half degrees. And not finding him in this height to repair to the Isles of Flores and Coruo, where a Pinnace of purpose should stay our coming until the last of August, with intent after that day to repair to the coast of Spain, about the height of The Rock, some twenty or thirty leagues of the shore. The which being advisedly considered of, having regard unto the shortness of time, by reason of our long abode in this place, and the uncertainty of the weather to favour us, it was generally held for the best and securest way to meet with my Lord, to bear with the height of The Rock, without making any stay upon the coast, and so directly for the Islands which was accordingly fully agreed and performed. The 28 day we had sight of the Burling, and the 29 being thwart of Peniche, the wind serving us, without any stay we directed our course West for the Islands. The 30 day we met with Captain Royden in the Red-Rose, sometime called the Golden Dragon, separated from my Lord of Cumberland in a storm: who certified us of 50 sails of the Spanish kings Armadas to be go for the islands, but could not inform us any news of my Lord Thomas Howard, otherwise then upon presumption to remain about the Islands, and so we continued our course the wind standing with us. The 4 of September we recovered Tercera, and ranged along all the Islands, both on the South and North sides the space of four days: during which time it was not our hap to meet with any shipping, whereby either to understand of my Lord, or of the Indian Fleet: hereupon we directed our course to the West from Fayal, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny. The 11 day in the plying to the Westwards we descried a sail out of our main top, and in the afternoon between two and three of the clock having raised her hull, the weather become calm, so that the ship could not fetch her. I sent off my skiff thoroughly manned, furnished with shot and swords, The Cherubin, and the Margaret and john doing the like. Upon this the sail stood off again, and the night approaching, our boats lost her and so returned. In this our pursuit after the sail the Centurion being left a stern, the next morning we miss her, and spent that day in plying up and down seeking her. And for as much as every of the ships had received order, that, if by extremity of weather or any other mischance they should be severed from our Fleet, they should meet and join at Flores, we, according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny, proceeded to the finding of my Lord Thomas Howard, being in the height appointed and not a●le to hold the same by reason of extreme tempests which forced us to the Isles of Flores and Coruo, which we made the 14 day in the morning, and there also joined again with the Centurion, whose company before we had lost: who declared unto us that the 12 day, being the same day they lost us, they met with five and forty sails of the Indian Fleet. The same night upon these news we came to an anchor between Flores and Coruo, and the morrow following at the break of day, a flag of Counsel being put out the Captains & Masters came aboard me: where, for the desire to understand some tidings of my Lord, as also the supplying of our want of water, it was thought good to sand our boats ●urnished on shore, under the conduct of Captain Brothus, and then it was also ordered after our departure thence to range along the Southsides of the Islands to the end we might either understand of my Lord, or ●lse light on the Indian fleet; and in the missing of our purpose to direct our course for Cape Sant Vincente. The boats, according to the foresaid determination, being sent on shore, it chanced that The costly riding uttermost in the road, did weigh to bring herself more near among us for the succour of the boats sent off, and in opening the land discovered two sails, which we in the road could not perceive: whereupon she gave us a warning piece, which caused us to wave of our boats back, and before they could recover our ships, the descried ships appeared unto us, towards the which we made with all haste, and in a very happy hour, as it pleased God. In that we had not so soon cleared the land, and spoken with one of them, which w●s a Bark of Bristol, who had also sought my Lord in the heigths appointed and could not find him, but a violent storm arose, A violent storm. in such manner, as if we had remained in the road, we had been in danger of perishing: and the same extremely continued during the space of threescore hours. In which storm I was separated from our Fleet, except the Cherubin and the costly, which kept company with m●e. And so sailing among the islands, I viewed the road of Fayal, and finding no Roaders there, went directly for the Isle Tercera. The nin●teenth day in the morning coming unto the same with intent to edge into the Road, a tempest arose and scanted the wind, that we could not seize it: from the which being driven we fallen among certain of the Indian Fleet, which the said storm dispersed, and put them from the road: wher●upon myself with the other two ships in company gave several chaces, and thereby lost the company each of other. In following our chase above noon we made her to strike and yield, being a Portugal, A Portugal Prise taken. laden with hides, salsaperilla and Anile. At this very instant we espied another, and taking our Prize with us followed her, A rich West-India Prise taken. and somewhat before night obtained her, named the Conception, Francisco Spinola being Captain, which was laden with hides, Cochonillio, and certain raw s●lke. And for that the seas were so grown, as neither with boat nor ship they were to be boarded, we kept them till fit opportunity. The same night a little before day there happened another into our company, supposing us by our two prizes to be of their Fleet, which we until the morning dissembled. The 20 day in the morning, the sail being shot somewhat a head of us, having a special care for the safe keeping of the two former, we purposed to 'cause our Prizes to put out more sail thereby to keep them near in giving chase to the other: unto the which the Master would not harken nor be persuaded, but that they would follow us: by the which his wilfulness by such time as we had caused the other to yield, and sent men aboard, the Conception, Francisco Spinola Captain being brought a stern, and having got the wind of us, stood off with all her sails bearing, so as we were forced to make a new chase of her: and had not the wind enlarged upon us we had lost her. In the pursuit before we recovered her and brought ourselves again in company of our other Prizes, the whole day was spent, and by this means we lost the opportunity of that day, the weather fitly serving to board the Portugal Prize, which was in great distress, and made request to take them being ready to sink, and, as we well perceived, they ceased not to pump day and night: the which ship to all our judgements the same night perished in the sea. The one and twenty day the Conception, whereof Francisco Spinola was Captain, being also in a leak, and the same still increasing notwithstanding the continual pumping, in such sort as not to be kept long above water, I took and discharged out of her two and forty chests of Cochonillio and silks, and so left her with 11 foot water in hold, and her furniture and 4700 hides, unto the seas. The other Prize which we have brought into the harbour is named Nostra Senn●●●●e los remedios, whereof Francisco Aluares is Captain, laden with 16 chests of Cochonillio, certain fardels of raw silk, and about 4000 hides. Upon the discharge of the goods your worships shall be particularly advertised thereof. In the boarding of the Prizes the disorder of the company was such, as that they letted not presently besides the rifling of the Spaniards to break open the chests and to purloin such money as was in them: notwithstanding that it was ordered at convenient leisure to have go aboard myself, and there in the presence of three or four witnesses to have taken a just account thereof, and the same to have put in safe keeping, according to the effects of articles received in this behalf. And whereas there w●re also certain sums of money taken from the company which they had thus purloined and embeseled, and the same with some other parcels brought aboard my ship, amounting unto 2129 pezoes & a half, the company as pillage due unto them demanded to have the same shared, which I refused, & openly at the main mast read the articles firmed by my Lord Treasurer and my lord Admiral, whereby we aught to be directed, and that it was not in me any way to dispose thereof until the same were finally determined at home. Hereupon they mutined and at last grew into such fury, as that they would have it or else break down the cabbine, which they were also ready to put in practice, whereby I was forced to yield, lest the Spaniards which we had aboard being many perceiving the same, might have had fit opportunity to rise against us, which, after their brawls were appeased, they sought to have put in execution. By the last advise from Castille the General of the king's Armada which is lately come to sea hath received commandment to join his Fleet with those of the Indies, and for to stay altogether at Tercera until the 15 of October: for that 6 pataches with 7 or 8 million of the king's treasure will come by that time, or else they stay their coming from Havana until january next, or the king's further pleasure therein to be known. These Pataches are said to be of 300 tuns the piece, and to carry 30 pieces of brass, and also of sail reported to have the advantage of any shipping. There perished of the Indies Fleet sunk in the sea before their coming to Flores 11 sails, whereof the General was one, and not one man saved. And it is by the Spaniards themselves presupposed that the storms which we had at Flores & at Tercera have devoured many more of them, whereof in part we were eye witnesses. And so what by the seas and our men of war I presume that of 75 sails that came from Havana, half of them will never arrive in Spain. The 11 day of October at night we came to anchor in the sound of Plymouth, and the next morning with our Prize came into Cattewater: for which God be thanked: for that a vehement storm arose, and with such fury increased, as that the Prize was forced to cut over her main mast: otherwise with the violence of the storm, her ground tackle being bad, she had driven on shore: which was the most cause that moved me to put in here; intending now here to discharge the goods without further adventure, and have certified thus much unto my Lord Admiral, and therewith also desired to understand the direction of the Lords of the Counsel together with yours, insomuch as my Lord Thomas Howard is not returned. How the rest of our consorts which were separated from us by weather have sped, or what Prizes they have taken, whereof there is much hope by reason of the scattering of the West Indian Fleet, as yet we are able to say nothing. And thus expecting your answer, and for all other matters referring me unto the bearer Captain Furtho, I end. Plymouth the 24 of October, 1591. Your worship's loving friend Robert Flicke. A large testimony of john Huighen van Linschoten Hollander, concerning the worthy exploits achieved by the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, By Sir Martin Frobisher, Sir Richard Greenuile, and divers other English Captains, about the Isles of the Açores, and upon the coasts of Spain and Portugal, in the years 1589, 1590., 1591., etc. recorded in his excellent discourse of voyages to the East and West Indies. cap. 96. 97. and 99 THe 22 of july 1589 about Evening, being by the Islands of Flores & Coruo, we perceived 3 ships that made towards us, which came from under the land, which put us in great fear: for they came close by our Admiral, and shot divers times at him, and at another ship of our company, whereby we perceived them to be Englishmen, for they bore an English flag upon their main● tops, but none of them showed to be above 60 tons in greatness. About Evening they followed after us, and all night boar lanterns with candles burning in them at their sternes, although the Moon shined. The same night passing hard by the Island of Fayal, the next day being between the Island of S. George that lay on our right hand, and the small Island called Graciosa on our left hand, we espied the 3 English ships still following us that took counsel together, whereof one sailed backward, thinking that some other ship had come after us without company, & for a time was out of sight, but it was not long before it came again to the other two, wherewith they took counsel & came all 3 together against our ship, because we lay in the lee of all our ships, & had the Island of S. George on the one side in stead of a sconce, thinking to deal so with us, that in the end we should be constrained to run upon the shore, whereof we wanted not much, and in that manner with their flags openly displayed, came lustily towards us, sounding their Trumpets, and sailed at the lest three times about us, beating us with Musket and Caliver, and some great pieces, and did us no hurt in the body of our ship, but spoiled all our sails and ropes, and to conclude, we were so plagued by them, that no man dared put forth his head, and when we shot off a piece, we had at the lest an hours work to lad it again, whereby we had so great a noise and cry in the ship, as if we had all been cast away, whereat the English men themselves began to mock us, and with a thousand testing words called unto us. In the mean time the other ships hoist all their sails, and did the best they could to sail to the Island of Tercera, not looking once behind them to help vs● doubting they should come too late thither, not caring for us, but thinking themselves to have done sufficiently so they saved their own stakes, whereby it may easily be seen what company they keep one with the other, and what order is among them. In the end the English men perceiving small advantage against us, (little knowing in what case and fear we were, as also because we were not far from Tercera) left us, which made us not a little to rejoice, as thinking ourselves to be risen from death to life, although we were not well assured, neither yet void of fear till we lay in the road before Tercera, and under the safety of the Portugese's fort, and that we might get thither in good time we made all the sails we could: on the other side we were in great doubt, because we known not what they did in the Island, nor whether they were our friends or enemies, and we doubted so much the more, because we found no men of war nor any Carvels of advise from Portugal, as we made our accounts to do, that might convoy us from thence, or give us advise, as in that country ordinarily they use to do: and because the English men had been so victorious in those parts, it made us suspect that it went not well with Spain: they of the Island of Tercera were in no less fear than we, for seeing our fleet, they thought us to be Englishmen, and that we came to overrun the Island, because the 3. Englishmen had bond up their flags, and came in company with us: for the which cause the Island sent out two Carvels that lay there with advise from the king, for the Indian ships that should come thither. Those Carvels came to view us, and perceiving what we were, made after us, whereupon the English ships left us, and made towards them, because the Carvels thought them to be friends, and shunned them not, as supposing them to be of our company, but we shot four or five times and made signs unto them that they should make towards the Island, which they presently did. The Englishmen perceiving that, did put forward into the sea, & so the Carvels boarded us telling us that the men of the Island were all in arms, as having received advise from Portugal, that Sir Francis Drake was in readiness, and would come unto those Islands. The likewise brought us news of the overthrow of the Spanish fleet before England, and that the English men had been before the gates of Lisbon: whereupon the king gave us commandment that we should put into the Island of Tercera, and there lie under the safety of the Castle until we received further advise what we should do, or whether we should sail: for that they thought it too dangerous for us to go to Lisbon. Those news put our fleet in great fear, and made us look upon each other not knowing what to say, as being dangerous for them to put into the road, because it lieth open to the sea: so that the Indian ships, although they had express commandment from the king, yet they dared not anchor there, but only used to come thither, and to lie to and fro, sending their boats on land to fetch such necessaries as they wanted, without ankering: but being by necessity compelled thereunto, as also by the king's commandment, and for that we understood the Earl of Cumberland not to be far from those Islands with certain ships of war, we made necessity a virtue, and entering the road, ankered close under the Castle, staying for advise and order from the king, to perform our voyage, it being then the 24. of july, and S. james day. The day before the Earl of Cumberland with 6. or 7. ships of war, sailed by the Island of Tercera, and to their great good fortune passed out of sight, so that they dispatched themselves in all haste, and for the more security, took with them 4. hundred Spaniards, of those that lay in Garrison in the Island, and with them they sailed towards Lisbon, having a good wound: so that within 11 days after they arrived in the river of Lisbon with great gladness & triumph: for if they had stayed but one day longer before they had entered the river, they had all been taken by Captain Drake, who with 40 ships came before Cascais, at the same time that the Indian ships cast anchor in the river of Lisbon, being guarded thither by divers Galleys. While I remained in Tercera, the Earl of Cumb. came to S. Marry, to take in fresh water, and some other victuals: but the inhabitants would not suffer him to have it, but wounded both himself & diverse of his men, whereby they were forced to departed without having any thing there. The Earl of Cumberland while I lay in Tercera, came unto the Isle of Graciosa, where himself in person, with seven or eight in his company went on land, ask certain beasts, hens, and other victuals, with wine and fresh water, which they willingly gave him, and therewith he departed from thence, without doing them any hurt: for the which the inhabitants thanked him, and commended him for his courtesy, and keeping of his promise. The same time that the Earl of Cumberland was in the Island of Graciosa, he came likewise to fayal, where at the first time that he came, they began to resist him, but by reason of some controversy among them, they let him land, where he razed the Castle to the ground, and sunk all their Ordinance in the sea, taking with him certain Caravels and ships that lay in the road, with provision of all things that he wanted: and therewith departed again to sea. Whereupon the king caused the principal actors therein to be punished, and sent a company of soldiers thither again, which went out of Tercera, with all kind of warlike munition, and great shot, making the foretresse up again, the better to defend the Island, trusting no more in the Portugals. The 99 Chapter. THe ninth of October 1589. there arrived in Tercera fourteen ships that came from the Spanish Indies, laden with Cochenile, Hides, Gold, Silver, Pearls, and other rich wares. They were fifty in company, when they departed out of the Haven of Havana, whereof, in their coming out of the Channel, eleven sunk in the same Channel by foul weather, the rest by a storm were scattered and separated one from the other. The next day there came another ship of the same company, that sailed close under the Island, so to get into the Road: where she met with an English ship that had not above three cast pieces, and the Spaniards 12. They fought a long time together, which we being in the Island might stand and behold: whereupon the Governor of Tercera sent two boats of Musketeers to help the ship: but before they could come at her, the English ship had shot her under water, and we see her sink into the Sea with all her sails up, and not any thing seen of her above the water. The Englishmen with their boat saved the Captain and about thirty others with him, but not one pennyworth of the goods, and yet in the ship there was at the lest to the value of two hundred thousand ducats in Gold, Silver, and Pearls, the rest of the men were drowned which might be about fifty people, among the which were some Friars and women, which the Englishmen would not save. Those that they had saved they set on land: and then they sailed away. The seven and twentieth of the same month, the said fourteen ships having refreshed themselves in the Island departed from Tercera toward Seville, and coming upon the coast of Spain they were taken by the English ships that lay there to watch for them, two only excepted which escaped away, and the rest were wholly carried into England. About the same time the Earl of Cumberland with one of the Queen's ships, and five or six more, kept about those Islands and came oftentimes so close under the Island, and to the Road of Angra, that the people on land might easily tell all his men that he had aboard, and knew such as walked on the Hatches: they of the Island not once shooting at them, although they might easily have done it, for they were within Musket shot both of the town and fort. In these places he continued for the space of two months, and sailed round about the Islands, and landed in Graciosa and Fayal, as in the description of those Islands I have already declared. Here he took divers ships and Caravels, which he sent into England: so that those of the Island dared not once put forth their heads. At the same time about three or four days after the Earl of Cumberland had been in the Island of Fayal, and was departed from thence, there arrived in the said Island of Fayal six Indian ships, whose General was one ivan Dorives: and there they discharged in the Island 4 million of gold and silver. And having with all speed refreshed their ships, fearing the coming of the Englishmen they set sail, and arrived safely in S. Lucar● not meeting with the enemy, to the great good luck of the Spaniards and hard fortune of the Englishmen: for that within less than two days after the gold and silver was laden again into the Spanish ships, the Earl of Cumberland sailed again by that Island: so that it appeared that God would not let them have it, for if they had once had sight thereof, without doubt it had been there's, as the Spaniards themselves confessed. In the month of November there arrived in Tercera two great ships, which were the Admiral and Uiceadmirall of the Fleet laden with silver, who with stormy weather were separated from the Fleet, and had been in great torment and distress, and ready to sink: for they were forced to use all their Pumps: so that they wished a thousand times to have met with the Englishmen to whom they would willingly have given their silver and all that ever they brought with them, only to save their lives. And although the Earl of Cumberland lay still about those Islands, yet they met not with him, so that after much pain and labour they got into the Road before Angra, where with all speed they unladed and discharged above five million of silver, all in pieces of 8 or 10 pound great: so that the whole Ray lay covered with plates and chests of silver, full of Ryales of eight, most monderfull to behold, (each million being ten hundred thousand ducats,) besides pearls, gold, and other stones, which were not registered. The Admiral and chief commander of those ships and Fleet called Alvaro Flores de Quiniones was sick of the Neapolitan disease, and was brought to land, whereof not long after he died in Sivillia. He brought with him the King's broad seal and full authority to be General and chief commander upon the Seas, and of all Fleets or ships, and of all places and Islands, or lands wheresoever he came: whereupon the governor of Tercera did him great honour, and between them it was concluded, perceiving the weakness of their ships, and the danger of the Englishmen, that they would sand the ships empty with soldiers to convey them, either to Seville or Lisbon, where they could first arrive, with advise unto his Majesty of all that had passed, and that he would give order to fetch the silver with good and safe convoy. Whereupon the said Alvaro Flores stayed there, under colour of keeping the silver, but specially because of his disease, and for that they were afraid of the Englishmen. This Alvaro Flores had alone for his own part above 50000 ducats in pearls, which he showed unto us, & sought to cell them or barter them with us for spices or bills of exchange. The said two ships see sail with 3 or 4 hundred men, as well soldiers as others that came with them out of India, and being at sea had a storm, wherewith the Admiral burst and sunk in the sea, & not one man saved. The Uiceadmirall cut down her mast, and ran the ship on ground hard by Serwal, where it burst in pieces, some of the men saving themselves by swimming, that brought the news, but the rest were drowned. In the same month there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies, and being within half a mile of the Road of Terceras they met with an English ship, which, after they had fought long together, took them both. About 7 or 8 months before, there had been an English ship in Tercera, that under the name of a Frenchman came to traffic in the Island, there to lad woad, and being discovered was both ship and goods confiscated to the king's use, and all the men kept prisoners: yet went they up and down the streets to get their livings, by labouring like slaves, being in deed as safe in that Island, as if they had been in prison. But in the end upon a Sunday, all the Sailors went down behind the hills called Bresil: where they found a Fisherboat, whereinto they got and rowed into the sea to the Earl of Cumberlands ships, which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Island, and ankered with his ships about half a mile from the Road of Angra, hard by two small Islands, which lie about a bases shot from the Island and are full of Goats, Dear and Sheep, belonging to the inhabitants of the Island of Tercera. Those Sailors known it well, and thereupon they rowed unto them with their boats, and lying at anchor that day, they fetched as many Goats and sheep as they had need of: which those of the town and of the Island well see and beheld, yet dared not once go forth: so there remained no more on land but the Master and the Merchant of the said English ship. This Master had a brother in law dwelling in England, who having news of his brother's imprisonment in Tercera, got licence of the Queen of England to set forth a ship, there with to see if he could recover his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of them, and so to redeem his brother that lay prisoner in Tercera, and he it was that took the two Spanish ships before the Town, the Master of the ship aforesaid standing on the shore by me, and looking upon them, for he was my great acquaintance. The ships being taken that were worth 300 thousand ducats, he sent all the men on land saving only two of the principal Gentlemen, which he kept aboard thereby to ransom his brother: and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken, with a letter to the Governor of Tercera: wherein he written that he should deliver him his brother, & he would sand the 2 Gentlemen on land: if not, he would sail with them into England, as indeed he did, because the Governor would not do it, saying that the Gentlemen might make that suit to the king of Spain himself. This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with us, and the Englishmen likewise, where he showed us all the manner of their fight, much commending the order and manner of the Englishmens fight, as also their courteous using of him: but in the end the English Pilot likewise stolen away in a French ship, without paying any ransom as yet. In the month of januarie 1590. there arrived one ship alone in Tercera, that came from the Spanish Indies, and brought news that there was a Fleet of a hundred ships which put out from the Firm land of the Spanish Indies, and by a storm were driven upon the coast called Florida, where they were all cast away, she having only escaped, wherein there were great riches, & many men lost, as it may well be thought: so that they made their account, that of 220 ships that for certain were known to have put out of Nova Spagna, S. Domingo, Havana, Capo verde, Brasilia, Guinea, etc. in the year 1589. to sail for Spain & Portugal, there were not above 14 or 15 of them arrived there in safety, all the rest being either drowned, burst or taken. In the same month of january there arrived in Tercera 15 or 16 ships that came from Sivil, which were most Flieboats of the Low countries, and some Britons that were arrested in Spain: these came full of soldiers, and well appointed with munition, to lad the silver that lay in Tercera, and to fetch Aluares de Flores by the king's commandment into Spain. And because that time of the year there are always storms about those islands, therefore they dared not enter into the road of Tercera, for that as than it blew so great a storm that some of their ships that had ankred were forced to cut down their masts, and were in danger to be lost: and among the rest a ship of biscay ran against the land and was stricken in pieces, but all the men saved themselves. The other ships were forced to keep the sea and separate themselves one from the other, where wound and weather would drive them until the 15 of March for that in all that time they could not have one day of fair weather to anchor in, whereby they endured much misery, cursing both the silver and the Island. This storm being past, they chanced to meet with a small English ship of about 40 tons in bigness, which by reason of the great wound could not bear all her sails: so they set upon her and took her, and with the English flag in their Admiral's stern, they came as proudly into the haven as if they had conquered all the realm of England: but as the Admiral that bore the English flag upon her stern was entering into the road, there came by chance two English ships by the Island that paid her so well for her pains, that they were forced to cry Misericordia, and without all doubt had taken her, if she had been but a mile further in the sea: but because she got under the Fortress, which also began to shoot at the Englishmen, they were forced to leave her, and to put further into the sea, having slain five or six of the Spaniards. The Englishmen that were taken in the small ship were put under batches, and coupled in bolts, and after they had been prisoners 3 or 4 days, there was a Spanish ensign-baerer in the ship that had a brother slain in the Fleet that came for England, who as then minding to revenge his death, and withal to show his manhood on the English captives that were in the English ship, which they had taken, as is aforesaid, took a poiniard in his hand and went down under the hatches, where finding the poor Englishmen sitting in bolts, with the same poiniard he stabbed six of them to the heart: which two others of them perceiving, clasped each other about the middle, because they would not be murdered by him, & threw themselves into the sea and there were drowned. This act was of all the Spaniards much disliked and very ill taken, so that they carried the Spaniard prisoner unto Lisbon, where being arrived, the king of Spain willed he should be sent into England, that the Queen of England might use him as she thought good: which sentence his friends by entreaty got to be reversed, notwithstanding he commanded he should without all favour be beheaded: but upon a good Friday the Cardinal going to mass, all the captains and Commanders made so great entreaty for him, that in the end they got his pardon. This I thought good to note, that men might understand the bloody & dishonest minds of the Spaniards when they have men under their subjection. The same two English ships which followed the Spanish Admiral till he had got the Fort of Tercera, as I said before, put into the sea, where they met with another Spanish ship being of the same Fleet, that had likewise been scattered by the storm and was only missing, for the rest lay in the road. This small ship the Englishmen took, and sent all the men on shore, not hurting any of them: but if they had known what had been done unto the foresaid English captives, I believe they would soon have revenged themselves, as afterward many an innocent soul paid for it. This ship thus taken by the Englishmen, was the same that was taken and confiscated in the Island of Tercera by the Englishmen that got out of the Island in a fisher boat (as I said before) and was sold unto the Spaniards that as then came from the Indies, wherewith they sailed to S. Lucar, where it was also arrested by the duke, and appointed to go in company to fetch the silver in Tercera, because it was a ship that sailed well, but among the Spaniards Fleet it was the meanest of the company. By this means it was taken from the Spaniards and carried into England, and the owners had it again when they least thought of it. The 19 of March the aforesaid ships being 19 in number, set sail, having laden the king's silver, and received in Alvaro Flores de Quiniones, with his company and good provision of necessaries, munition and soldiers that were fully resolved (as they made show) to fight valiantly to the last man before they would yield or loose their riches: and although they set their course for S. Lucar, the wound drove them unto Lisbon, which (as it seemed) was willing by his force to help them, and to bring them thither in safety, although Alvaro de Flores, both against the wound and weather would perforce have sailed to Saint Lucar, but being constrained by the wound and importunity of the sailors that protested they would require their losses and damages of him, he was content to sail to Lisbon: from whence the silver was by land carried unto Sivil. At Cape S. Vincent there lay a Fleet of 20 English ships to watch for the Armada, so that if they had put into S. Lucar, they had fallen right into their hands, which if the wound had served they had done. And therefore they may say that the wound hath lent them a happy voyage: for if the Englishmen had met with them, they had surely been in great danger, and possibly but few of them had escaped, by reason of the fear where with they were possessed, because fortune or rather God was wholly against them: which is a sufficient cause to make the Spaniards out of heart, & to the contrary to give the Englishmen more courage, and to make them bolder for that they are victorious, stout and valiant: and seeing all their enterprises do take so good effect, that thereby they are become lords and masters of the sea, and need care for no man, as it well appeareth by this brief discourse. The 7 of August 1590. a navy of English ships was seen before Tercera, being 20 in number, and 5 of them the Queen's ships: their General was one Martin Frobisher, as we after had intelligence. They came purposely to watch for the Fleet of the Spanish Indies, and for the Indian ships, and the ships of the countries in the West: which put the Islanders in great fear, specially those of Fayal, for that the Englishmen sent a trumpet to the Governor to ask certain wine, flesh, and other victuals for their money and good friendship. They of Fayal did not only refuse to give ear unto them, but with a shot killed their messenger or trumpeter: which the Englishmen took in evil part, sending them word that they were best to look to themselves and stand upon their guard, for they meant to come and visit them whether they would or no. The Governor made them answer, that he was there in the behalf of his majesty of Spain, and that he would do his best to keep them out, as he was bond: but nothing was done, although they of Fayal were in no little fear, sending to Tercera for aid, from whence they had certain barks with powder and munition for war, with some biscuit and other necessary provision. The 30 of August we received very certain news out of Portugal, that there were 80 ships put out of the Groin laden with victuals, munition, money and soldiers, to go for Britain to aid the Catholics and Leaguers of France against the king of Navarre. At the same time two Netherlands hulks coming out of Portugal to Tercera being half the Seas over, met with 4 of the Queen's ships, their General being sir john Hawkins, that stayed them, but let them go again without doing them any harm. The Netherlanders reported, that each of the Queen's ships had 80 pieces of Ordinance, and that captain Drake lay with 40 ships in the English channel watching for the army of the Groin: and likewise that there lay at the Cape S. Vincent ten other English ships, that if any ships escaped from the islands, they might take them. These tidings put the Islanders in great fear, lest if they failed of the Spanish fleet and got nothing by them, that then they would fall upon the islands, because they would not return empty home, whereupon they held straight watch, sending advise unto the king what news they herded. The first of September there came to the Island of S. Michael a Portugal ship out of the haven of Phernambuck in Brasile, which brought news that the Admiral of the Portugal Fleet that came from India, having miss the Island of S. Helena, was of necessity constrained to put into Phernambuck, although the king had expressly under a great penalty forbidden him so to do, because of the worms that there do spoil the ships. The same ship wherein Bernardin Ribero was Admiral the year before 1589. sailed out of Lisbon into the Indies, with 5 ships in her company, whereof but 4 got into India, the 5 was never herded of, so that it was thought to be cast away: the other four returned safe again into Portugal, though the Admiral was much spoilt, because he met with two English ships that fought long with him, and slay many of his men, but yet he escaped from them. The 5 of the same month there arrived in Tercera a caravel of the Island of Coruo, & brought with her 50 men that had been spoilt by the Englishmen who had set them on shore in the Island of Coruo, being taken out of a ship that came from the Spanish Indies, they brought tidings that the Englishmen had taken 4 more of the Indian ships, & a caravel with the king of Spain's letters of advise for the ships coming out of the Portugal Indies, & that with those which they had taken, they were at the lest 40 English ships together, so that not one bark escaped them, but fell into their hands, & that therefore the Portugal ships coming out of India dared not put into the islands, but took their course under 40 & 42 degrees, and from thence sailed to Lisbon, shimning likewise the cape S. Vincent, otherwise they could not have had a prosperous journey of it, for that as then the sea was full of English ships. Whereupon the king advised the fleet lying in Havana in the Spanish Indies ready to come for Spain, that they should stay there all that year till the next year, because of the great danger they might fall into by the Englishmen, which was no small charge, & hindrance to the fleet, for that the ships that lie there do consume themselves, and in a manner eat up one another, by reason of the great number of people, together with the scarcity of all things, so that many ships chose rather one by one to adventure themselves alone to get home, then to stay there: all which fallen into the Englishmens hands, whereof divers of the men were brought into Tercera, Great hanock of Spaniards. for that a whole day we could see nothing else, but spoilt men set on shore, some out of one ship, some out of another, that pity it was to see all of them cursing the Englishmen & their own fortunes, with those that had been the causes to provoke the Englishmen to fight, and complaining of the small remedy and order taken therein by the king of Spain's officers. The 19 of the same month there came to Tercera a Caravel of Lisbon, with one of the king's officers, to 'cause the goods that were saved out of the ship which came from Malacca (for that which we stayed there) to be laden and sent to Lisbon. And at the same time there put out of the Groin one Don Alonso de Baçan, with 40 great ships of war to come unto the islands, there to watch for the fleet of the Spanish & Portugal Indies, and the goods of the Malacca ship being laden, they were to convoy them all together into the river of Lisbon: but being certain days at sea, always having a contrary wound, they could not get unto the islands, only two of them that were scattered from the fleet, arrived at Tercera, and not finding the fleet, they presently returned to seek them: in the mean time the king changed his mind, & caused the fleet to stay in India, as I said before: and therefore he sent word unto Don Alonso de Baslan, that he should return again to the Groin, which he presently did (without doing any thing, nor once approaching near the islands, saving only the two foresaid ships, for he well known that the Englishmen lay by the Island of Coruo, but he would not visit them: and so he returned to the haven the Groin, whereby our goods that came from Malacca were yet to ship, and trussed up again, and forced to stay a more fortunate time with patience perforce. The 23 of October there arrived in Tercera a Caravel with advise out of Portugal, that of 5 ships which in the year 1590. were laden in Lisbon for the Indies, 4 of them were turned again to Portin. After they had been 4 months abroad, & that the Admiral, wherein the Uiceroy called Mathias d'Albukerk sailed, had only got to India, as afterward news thereof was brought over-land, having been at the lest 11 months at sea & never see land, and came in great misery to Malacca. In this ship there died by the way 280 men, according to a note by himself made, and sent to the Cardinal at Lisbon, with the names & surnames of every man, together with a description of his voyage, & the misery they had endured, which was only done, because he would not loose the government of India: and for that cause he had sworn either to loose his life, or to arrive in India, as in deed he did afterwards, but to the great danger, loss and hindrance of his company, that were forced to buy it with their lives, & only for want of provision, as it may well be thought: for he known full well that if he had returned back again into Portugal as the other ships did, he should have been cassiered from his Indian regiment, because the people began already to murmur at him for his proud & lofty mind. And among other things that showed his pride the more, behind above the gallery of his ship, he caused Fortune to be painted, & his own picture with a staff standing by her, as it were threatening Fortune, with this pos●e, Quero que vencas, that is, I will have thee to overcome: which being read by the Cardinal & other gentlemen (that to honour him brought him aboard his ship) it was thought to be a point of exceeding folly: but it is no strange matter among the Portugals: for they above all others must of force let the fool peep out of their sleeves, specially when they are in authority, for that I known the said Mathias d'Albukerk in India, being a soldier and a captain, where he was esteemed and accounted for one of the best of them, & much honoured, and beloved of all men, as behaving himself courteously to every man, whereby they all desired that he might be Uiceroy. But when he once had received his patent with full power & authority from the king to be Uiceroy, he changed so much from his former behaviour, that by reason of his pride, they all began to fear and curse him, and that before he departed out of Lisbon, as it is often seen in many men that are advanced unto state and dignity. The 20 of januarie 1591. there was news brought out of Portugal into Tercera, that the Englishmen had taken a ship that the king had sent into the Portugal-Indies, with advise to the Uiceroy for the returning again of the 4 ships that should have go to India, & because the ships were come back again, that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be, having likewise in ready money 500 thousand ducats in royals of 8, besides other wares. It departed from Lisbon in the month of November 1590. & met with the Englishmen, with whom for a time it fought, but in the end it was taken and carried into England with men & all, yet when they came there, the men were set at liberty, and returned into Lisbon, where the captain was committed prisoner; but he excused himself and was released, with whom I spoke myself, & he made this report unto me. At the same time also they took a ship that came from the Mine laden with gold, & 2 ships laden with pepper & spices that were to sail into Italy, the pepper only that was in them, being worth 170 thousand ducats: all these ships were carried into England, & made good prize. In the month of july 1591. there happened an earthquake in the Island of S. Michael, which continued from the 26 of july, to the 12 of August, in which time no man dared stay within his house but fled into the fields, fasting & praying with great sorrow, for that many of their houses fell down, and a town called Villa Franca, was almost clean razed to the ground, all the cloisters & houses shaken to the earth; and therein some people slain. The land in some places rose up, and the cliffs removed from one place to another, and some hills were defaced and made even with the ground. The earthquake was so strong, that the ships which lay in the road and on the sea, shaked as if the world would have turned round: there sprung also a fountain out of the earth, from whence for the space of 4 days, there flowed a most clear water, & after that it ceased. At the same time they herded such thunder & noise under the earth, as if all the devils in hell had been assembled together in that place, wherewith many died for fear. The Island of Tercera stooke 4 times together, so that it seemed to turn about, but there happened no misfortune unto it. Earthquakes are common in those islands, for about 20 years passed there happened another earthquake, wherein a high hill that lieth by the same town of Villa Franca, fallen half down, & covered all the town with earth, and killed many men. The 25 of August the king's Armada coming out of Ferol arrived in Tercera being in all 30 ships, Biskaines, Portugals and Spaniards, and 10 dutch flieboats that were arrested in Lisbon to serve the king, besides other small ships & pataxoes, that came to serve as messengers from place to place, and to discover the seas. This navy came to stay for, and convoy the ships that should come from the Spanish Indies, and the flieboats were appointed in their return home, to take in the goods that were saved in the lost ship that came from Malacca, and to convoy them to Lisbon. The 13 of September the said Armada arrived at the Island of Coruo, where the Englishmen with about 16 ships as then lay, staying for the Spanish fleet, whereof some or the most part were come, and there the English were in good hope to have taken them. But when they perceived the king's army to be strong, the Admiral being the lord Thomas Howard, commanded his Fleet not to fall upon them, nor any of them once to separate their ships from him, unless he gave commission so to do: notwithstanding the vice-admiral sir Richard Greenuil being in the ship called the Revenge, went into the Spanish fleet, and shot among them doing them great hurt, & thinking the rest of the company would have followed, which they did not, but left him there, & sailed away: the cause why could not be known. Which the Spaniards perceiving, with 7 or 8 ships they boarded her, but she withstood them all, fight with them at the lest 12 hours together and sunk two of them, one being a new double Flieboat of 600 tons, and Admiral of the Flieboats, the other a Biscain: but in the end by reason of the number that came upon her, she was taken, but to their great loss: for they had lost in fight and by drowning above 400 men, and of the English were slain about 100, Sir Richard Greenuil himself being wounded in his brain, whereof afterwards he died. He was carried into the ship called S. Paul, wherein was the Admiral of the fleet Don Alonso de Baçan: there his wounds were dressed by the Spanish surgeons, but Don Alonso himself would neither see him nor speak with him: all the rest of the captains and gentlemen went to visit him, and to comfort him in his hard fortune, wondering at his courage and stout heart, for that he showed not any sign of faintness nor changing of colour; but feeling the hour of death to approach, he spoke these words in Spanish, and said: Here die I Richard Greenuil with a joyful & quiet mind, for that I have ended my life as a true soldier aught to do, that hath fought for his country, Queen, religion and honour, whereby my soul most joyful departeth out of this body, & shall always leave behind it an everlasting fame of a valiant & true soldier that hath done his duty as he was bond to do. When he had finished these or such other like words, he gave up the Ghost, with great & stout courage, & no man could perceive any true sign of heaviness in him. This sir Rich. Greenuil was a great and a rich gentleman in England, & had great yearly revenues of his own inheritance, but he was a man very unquiet in his mind, and greatly affected to war; insomuch as of his own private motion he offered his service to the Queen: he had performed many valiant acts, and was greatly feared in these islands, and known of every man, but of nature very severe, so that his own people hated him for his fierceness, & spoke very hardly of him: for when they first entered into the fleet or Armada, they had their great sail in a readiness, and might possibly enough have ●ailed away, for it was one of the best ships for sail in England, and the master perceiving that the other ships had left them, & followed not after, commanded the great sail to be cut that they might make away: but sir Rich. Greenuil threatened both him & all the rest that were in the ship, that if any man laid hand upon it, he would 'cause him to be hanged, and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight & in the end were taken. He was of so hard a complexion, that as he continued among the Spanish captains while they were at dinner or supper with him, he would carouse 3 or 4 glasses of wine, and in a bravery take the glasses between his teeth and crash them in pieces & swallow them down, so that oftentimes the blood ran out of his mouth without any harm at all unto him: & this was told me by divers credible people that many times stood and beheld him. The Englishmen that were left in the ship, as the captain of the soldiers, the master and others were dispersed into divers of the Spanish ships that had taken them, where there had almost a new fight arisen between the Biscains and the Portugals: while each of them would have the honour to have first boarded her, so that there grew a great noise and quarrel among them, one taking the chief ensign, and the other the flag, and the captain and every one held his own. The ships that had boarded her were altogether out of order, and broken, and many of their men hurt, whereby they were compelled to come into the Island of Tercera, there to repair themselves: where being arrived, I and my chamberfelow, to hear some news, went aboard one of the ships being a great Biscain, and one of the 12 Apostles, whose captain was called Bartandono, that had been General of the Biscains in the fleet that went for England. He seeing us called us up into the gallery, where with great courtesy he received us, being as then set at dinner with the English captain that sat by him, and had on a suit of black velvet, but he could not tell us any thing, for that he could speak no other language but English and Latin, which Bartandono also could a little speak. The English captain got licence of the governor that he might come on land with his weapon by his side, and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Island, being of that ship whereof the sailors got away, as I said before. The governor of Tercera bade him to dinner, and showed him great courtesy. The master likewise with licence of Bart●ndono came on land and was in our lodging, and had at the least● 10 or 12 wounds, as well in his head as on his body, whereof after that being at sea between Lisbon & the islands he died. The captain written a letter, wherein he declared all the manner of the fight, and left it with the English merchant that lay in our lodging, to sand it to the lord Admiral of England. This English captain coming unto Lisbon, was there well received and not any hurt done unto him, but with good convoy sent to Setwal, and from thence sailed into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prisoners. The Spanish army stayed at the Island of Coruo till the last of September, to assemble the rest of the fleet together, which in the end were to the number of 140 sails of ships partly coming from India, and partly of the army, and being altogether ready to sail to Tercera in good company, there suddenly rose so hard & cruel a storm, that those of the islands did affirm, that in man's memory there was never any such seen or herded off before: for it seemed the sea would have swallowed up the islands, the water mounting higher than the cliffs, which are so high that it amasseth a man to behold them: but the sea reached above them, and living fish were thrown upon the land. This storm continued not only a day or two with one wound, but 7 or 8 days continually, the wound turning round about in all places of the compass, at the jest twice or thrice during that time, and all alike, with a continual storm and tempest most terrible to behold, even to us that were on shore, much more than to such as were at sea: so that only on the coasts and cliffs of the Island of Tercera, there were above 12 ships cast away, and not only upon the one side, but round about it in every corner, whereby nothing else was herded but complaining, crying, lamenting & telling, here is a ship broken in pieces against the cliffs, and there another, and all the men drowned: so that for the space of 20 days after the storm, they did nothing else but fish for dead men that continually came driving on the shore. Among the rest was the English ship called the Revenge, The wrack of the Revenge. that was cast away upon a cliff near to the Island of Tercera, where it broke in an hundred pieces & sunk to the ground, having in her 70 men Galegos, Biscains, and others, with some of the captive Englishmen, whereof but one was saved that got up upon the cliffs alive, and had his body and head all wounded, and he being on shore brought us the news desiring to be shrinen, & thereupon presently died. The Revenge had in her divers fair brass pieces that were all sunk in the sea, which they of the Island were in good hope to weigh up again the next Summer after. Among these ships that were cast away about Tercera, was likewise a Flieboat, one of those that had been arrested in Portugal to serve the king, called the white Dove, the master of her was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland, add there were in her 100 soldiers, as in every one of the rest there were. He being overruled by the captain that he could not be master of his own, sailing here and there at the mercy of God, as the storm drove him, in the end came within the sight of the Island of Tercera, which the Spaniards perceiving thought all their safety only to consist in putting into the road, compelling the Master and the Pilot to make towards the Island, although the master refused to do it, saying, that they were most sure there to be cast away and utterly spoiled: but the captain called him drunkard and Heretic, and striking him with a staff, commanded him to do as he would have him. The Master seeing this and being compelled to do it, said: well than my Masters, seeing it is the desire of you all to be cast away. I can but loose one life, and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shore, and was on that side of the Island, where there was nothing else but hard stones and rocks, as high as mountains, most terrible to beholde● where some of the inhabitants stood with long ropes and cork bond at the end thereof, to thro● them down unto the men, that they might lay hold upon them, and save their lives: but few of them got so near, most of them being cast away, and smitten in pieces before they could get to the brickwall. The ship sailing in this manner (as I said before) towards the Island, and approaching to the shore, the master being an old man, and full of years, called his son that was in the ship with him, and having embraced one another, and taken their last farewell, the good old father willed his son not to take care for him, but seek to save himself; for (said he) son thou art young, & mayest have some hope to save thy life, but as for me it is no great matter (I am old) what become of me, and therewith each of these shedding many tears, as every loving father and kind child may well consider, the ship fallen upon the cliffs, and broke in pieces, the father on the one side, the son on the other side falling into the sea, each laying hold upon that which came next to hand, but to no purpose; for the sea was so high and furious, that they were all drowned, and only fourteen or fifteen saved themselves by swimming, with their legs and arms half broken and out of joint, among which was the Master's son, and four other Dutch boys: the rest of the Spaniards and Sailors, with the Captain and Master● were drowned. Whose heart would not melt with tears to behold so grievous a sight, specially considering with himself that the greatest cause thereof was the beastliness and insolency of the Spaniards, as in this only example may well be seen: Whereby may be considered how the other ships sped, as we ourselves did in part behold, and by the men that were saved did hear more at large, as also some others of our countrymen that as then were in the like danger can well witness. On the other islands the loss was no less than in Tercera: for on the Island of Saint George there were two ships cast away: on the Island of Pico two ships: on the Island of Gratiosa three ships: and besides those there came every where round about divers pieces of broken ships, and other things fleeting towards the islands, wherewith the sea was all covered most pitiful to behold. On the Island of S. Michael there were four ships cast away, and between Tercera and S. Michael three more were sunk, which were seen and herded to cry out; whereof not one man was saved. The rest put into the sea without masts, all torn and rend: so that of the whole fleet and armada, being 140 ships in all, there were but 32 or 33 arrived in Spain and Portugal, Above ●00 Spanish and Portugal ships drowned. yea, and those few with so great misery, pain and labour, that not two of them arrived there together, but this day one, and to morrow another, next day the third, and so one after the other to the number aforesaid. All the rest were cast away upon the islands, and overwhelmed in the Sea● whereby may be considered what great loss and hindrance they received at that time: for by many men's judgements it was esteemed to be much more than was lost by their army that came for England; and it may well be thought, and presumed, that it was no other but a just plague purposely sent by God upon the Spaniards, and that it might truly be said, the taking of the Revenge was justly revenged upon them, and not by the might or force of man, but by the power of God, as some of them openly said in the isle of Tercera, that they believed verily God would consume them, and that he took part with the Lutherans and heretics: saying further that so soon as they had thrown the dead body of the Uiceadmirall Sir Richard Greenfield overboard, they verily thought that as he had a devilish faith and religion, and therefore the devils loved him, so he presently sunk into the bottom of the sea, and down into hell, where he raised up all the devils to the revenge of his death: and that they brought so great storms and torments upon the Spaniards, because they only maintained the Catholic & Romish religion. Such and the like blasphemies against God, they ceased not openly to utter, without being reproved of any man therein, nor for their false opinions: but the most part of them rather said and affirmed, that of truth it must needs be so. As one of those Indian fleets put out of Nova Spagna, there were 35 of them by storm and tempest cast away and drowned in the Sea, being 50 in all; so that but 15 escaped. Of the fleet that came from Santo Domingo there were 14 cast away, coming out of the channel of Havana, whereof the Admiral and Uiceadmirall were two of them: and from Terra Firma in India there came two ships laden with gold and silver, that were taken by the Englishmen: and before the Spanish army came to Coruo, the Englishmen at times had taken at the lest 20 ships, that came from S. Domingo, India, Brasilia, etc. and were all sent into England. A relation sent by Melchior Petoney to Nigil de Moura at Lisbon, from the Island and Castle of Arguin, standing a little to the Southward of Cape Blanco, in the Northerly latitude of 19 degrees, concerning the rich and secret trade from the inland of Africa thither: Anno 1●91. AS concerning the trade to this Castle and Island of Arguin, your worship is to understand, that if it would please the king's majesty to sand hither two or three caravels once in a year with Flanders and Spanish commodities, as Bracelets of glass, Commodities fit for Arguin. Knives, Bells, linen-cloth, Looking-glasses, with other kinds of small wares, his highness might do great good here. For 50 leagues up into the land the Moors have many exceeding rich gold mines; insomuch that they bring down their gold to this Castle to traffic with us: and for a small trifle they will give us a great wedge of gold. Wedges of gold given for small trifles. And because here is no trade, the said Moors carry their gold to Fez being 250 leagues distant from hence, and there do exchange the same for the foresaid kinds of commodities. By this means also his majesty might stop that passage, and keep the king of Fez from so huge a mass of gold. Scarlet-clothes, and fine Purples are greatly accepted of in these parts. Scarlet & fine Purple clot greatly accepted. It is a most fer●●le country within the land, and yieldeth great store of Wheat, flesh of all kinds, and abundance of first-fruits. Therefore, if it were possible, you should do well to deal with his majesty, either himself to sand a couple of caravels, or to give your worship leave to traffic here: for here is a very good harbour where ships may ride at anchor hard by the Castle. A good harbour before the Castle of Arguin. The country where all the golde-mines are is called The kingdom of Darha. In this kingdom are great store of cities and towns; and in every city and town a Captain with certain soldiers; which Captains are lords and owners of the said towns. Concerning this kingdom read Leo Africanus a little after the beginning of his 6 boo●e. One city there is called Couton, another Xanigeton, as also the cities of Tubguer, Azegue, Amader, Quaherque, and the town of Faroo. The which towns and cities are very great and fairly built, being inhabited by rich Moors, and abounding with all kind of cattle, Barley, and Oats. And here is such plenty of gold found upon the sands by the rivers side, that the said Moors usually carry the same Northward to Morocco, and Southward to the city of Tombuto in the land of Negroes, which city standeth about 300 leagues from the kingdom of Darha; and this kingdom is but 60 leagues from this Island and Castle of Arguin. Wherefore I beseech your worship to put his majesty in remembrance hereof; for the said cities and towns are but ten days journey from hence. I hearty wish that his majesty would sand two or three merchants to see the state of the Country, who might travel to the aforesaid cities, to understand of their rich trade. For any man may go safe and come safe from those places. And thus without troubling of your worship any further, I humbly take my leave. From the Island and Castle of Arguin the 20 of january 1591.. Your worship's servant Melchior Petoney. The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the rivers of Senega and Gambra adjoining upon Guinea, 1591., with a discourse of the treasons of certain of Don Antonio his servants and followers. BY virtue of her majesties most gracious charter given in the year 1588., and in the thirtieth year of her highness reign, certain English merchants are granted to trade, in and from the river of Senega to and in the river of Gambra, on the Western coast of Africa. The chiefest places of traffic on that coast between these rivers, are these: 1 Senega river: The commodities be hides, gum, elephants teeth, a few grains, ostrich feathers, amber-griece, and some gold. 2 Beseguiache, a town by Capo Verde * The names of the chief● places of traffic between Senega & Gambra. leagues from Senega river: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth. 3 Refisca Vieio, a town 4 leagues from Beseguiache: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now and then. 4 Palmerin, a town 2 leagues from Refisca: The commodities be small hides, and a few elephants teeth now and then. 5 Porto d'Ally, a town 5 leagues from Palmerin: The commodities be small hides, teeth, amber-griece, and a little gold: and many Portugals are there. 6 Candimal, a town half a league from Porto d' Ally: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now and then. 7 Palmerin, a town 3 leagues from Candimal: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now and then. 8 joala, a town 6 leagues from Palmerin: The commodities be hides, beware, elephants teeth, rice, and some gold: and many Spaniards and Portugals are there. 9 Gambra river: The commodities are rice, wax, hides, elephants teeth, and gold. The Frenchmen of deep and New-haven have traded thither above thirty years: and commonly with four or five ships a year, whereof two small barks go into the river of Senega. Our trade hither began 1587. The other were wont (until within these four years, that our ships came thither) to ride with their ships in the road of Porto d' Ally and so sent their small shaloups of six or eight tons to some of these places on the Sea coast before repeated. Where in all places generally they were well beloved and as courteously entertained of the Negroes, as if they had been naturally born in the country. And very often the Negroes come into France and return again, which is a further increasing of mutual love and amity. Since our coming to that coast the Frenchmen ride with their ships at Refisca Vieio, and suffer us to anchor with our ships at Porto d' Ally. The Frenchmen never use to go into the river of Gambra: Gambra a river of secret & rich trade concealed. which is a river of secret trade and riches concealed by the Portugals. For long since one Frenchman entered the river with a small bark which was betrayed, surprised, and taken by two galleys of the Portugals. In our second voyage and second year there were by vile treacherous means of the Portugals and the king of the Negroes consent in Porto d'Ally and joala about forty Englishmen cruelly slain and captived, The second voyage. Forty Englishmen traitorously slain and captived. and most or all of their goods confiscated: whereof there returned only two, which were the merchants. And also by procurement of Pedro Gonsalues, one of Don Antonio the king's servants, Thomas Dassel and others had been betrayed, if it had not pleased almighty God to reveal the same, whereby it was prevented. From the South side of Senega river on the Sea coast unto about Palmerin is all one kingdom of negroes. The king's name is Melick Zamba, who dwelleth two days journey within the land from Refisca. The 12 of November 1591., I Richard Rainolds & Thomas Dassel factors in a ship called the Nightingale of London of 125 tons, and a pinnace called the Messenger of 40 tons arrived near unto Capo Verde at a little Island called The Island of liberty. Cape Verde. At this Island we set up a small pinnace, with which we carry our merchandise on land when we traffic. And in the mean time Thomas Dassel went with the great pinnace to traffic with Spaniards or Portugals in Porro d'Ally or joala. Over against the said Island on the main is an habitation of the Negroes called Besegueache. Besegueache. The alcaide or governor thereof with a great train came aboard in their canoas to receive the king's duties for ankerage and permitting the quiet setting up of our pinnace: who liked passing well that no Portugal came in the ship, saying, we should be better thought of by the king and people, if we never did bring Portugal, but come of ourselves as the Frenchmen ever did and do. And to purchase the more love, I Richard Rainolds gave him and all his company courteous entertainment. Also upon his entreaty, having sufficient pledge aboard. I and others went on land with him. At this instant there was great war between this alcaide and another governor of the next province. Nevertheless upon our arrival truce was taken for a space; and I with our company conducted among both enemies to the governors house in Besegueache, Besegueache. and were gently and friendly feasted after their manner, and with some presents returned safe aboard again. The next day the alcaide came aboard again, to will me to sand some iron and other commodities in the boat to traffic with the Negroes, and also requested me that I would go to Refisca with the ship; which I did. And one thing I noted, that a number of Negroes attended the alcaides landing in warlike manner with bows and poisoned arrows, darts poisoned, and swords, (because that the enemies by reason of the truce taken were there also to view the ship) who for the most part approached to him kneeling down and kissed the back of his hand. The 17 of November we weighed anchor; and by reason no French ship was yet come, I went to the road of Refisca: where I sent for the alcaides interpreters, who came thither aboard, and received of me the king's duties for to have free traffic with the Negroes, with whom daily I exchanged my iron & other wares for hides and some elephants teeth, finding the people very friendly and tractable. And the next day after our arrival I went up into the land about three miles to the town of Refisca, Refisca. where I was friendly used and well entertained of the alcaide, and especially of a young nobleman called Conde Amar Pattay, who presented me with an ox for my company, goats and some young kids, assuring me that the king would be glad to hear of the arrival of a Christians ship, whom they called Blancos, that is, white men: especially of an English ship. And so daily the young Conde came with a small company of horsemen to the sea side, feasting me very kindly and courteously. And the fift of December he with his train came aboard to see the ship; which to them seemed wonderful, as people that seldom had seen the like: who told me that his messenger from the king was returned; and the king rejoiced much to hear that English men were come with a ship to trade in his ports; and being the first Englishman that ever came with a ship, I was the better welcome; promising that I or any Englishman hereafter should be well entreated & found good dealing at their hands. And further the Conde on the king's behalf and his own, earnestly requested, that before my departure of the coast I would return again to his road to confer with him for the better continuance and confirming of amity between them and Englishmen: which I agreed unto. And so showing him and his company the best friendship and courtesy I could, he went on shore, and should have had the honour of our ordinance but that he desired the contrary, being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of the guns, which they did greatly admire. Porto Dally. The 13 of December at night we weighed anchor, and arrived the 14 day at the road of Porto d' Ally, which is another kingdom: the king thereof is called Amar Meleck, & son to Meleck Zamba the other king, and dwelleth a days journey and an half from Porto d' Ally. When we had ankered, the king's kinsmen being governors, with all the officers of that town came aboard to receive all duties for the ship & licence to traffic due to the king; who there generally seemed to be very glad that no Portugal was come in our ship out of England; saying it was the king's pleasure we should bring none hereafter; for that the king did esteem them as people of no truth; and complained of one Francisco de Costa servant to Don Antonio, how he had often and the last year also abused and deluded their king Amar Meleck in promising to bring him certain things out of England, which he never performed, and deemed that to be the cause of his staying behind this voyage, and that neither Spaniard nor Portugal could abide us, but reported very badly and gave out hard speeches tending to the defamation & great dishonour of England: and also affirmed that at the arrival of an English ship called The Command, of Richard Kelley of Dartmouth, The Command a ship of Richard Kelley. one Pedro Gonsalues a Portugal that came in the said ship from Don Antonio reported unto them, that we were fled out of England and come away upon intent to rob and do great spoil upon this coast to the Negroes and Portugals, The monstrous lies of a Portugal. and that Thomas Das●el had murdered Francisco de Acosta since our coming from England, who was coming to their king in our ship with great presents from Don Antonio, and desired that at our arrival stay might be made of our goods and ourselves in secret manner; which they denied, not giving credit to his report, having been often abused by such frivolous and slanderous speeches by that nation; telling me their king was sorry for the former murder and captivity of our nation, and would never yield to the like, having the Portugals and Spaniards in general hatred ever since, and conceiveth much better of our country and us, than these our enemies report of. For which I yielded them hearty thanks, assuring them they should find great difference between the loyalty of the one and disloyalty of the other: and so paid their duties: and for that it was the chief place of trade, Port Dally the chief place of trade. I showed them how I was resolved to go to their king with certain presents which we had brought out of England; which we determined for the more honour and credit of our country, and augmenting of their better affection toward us. joala. All this while Thomas Dassel was with our great pinnace at the town of joala, being in the kingdom of king jocoel Lamiockeric, traffiking with the Spaniards & Portugals there. And the forenamed Pedro Gonsalues, which came out of England, was there also with other English merchants about the business of Rich. Kelley; and as it should seem, for that he could not obtain his mischievous pretended purpose against Thomas Dassel and others at the town of Porto d' Ally, where I Richard Rainolds remained, he attempted with consent of other Portugals which were made privy to his intent to betray the said Thomas Dassel at this town, & had with bribes seduced the chief commanders and Negroes to effect his wicked & most villainous practise: which as God would, was revealed to the said Thomas Dassel by Rich. Cape an Englishman and servant to the forenamed Rich. Kelley; to whom this said Pedro Gonsalues had disclosed his secret treachery, willing him with all expedition to stand upon his guard. Whereupon Thomas Dassel went aboard a small English bark called The Cherubin of Lime, The Cherubin of Lime at joala. and there one john Payva a Portugal and servant of Don Antonio declared, that if he & one Garcia a Portugal of the said town would have consented with Pedro Gonsalues, the said Thomas Dassel had been betrayed long before. And upon this warning Thomas Dassel the next day having got three Portugals aboard, advised for our better securities to sand two on land, & detained one with him called Villa nova, telling them that if the next day by eight of the clock, they would bring Pedro Gonsalues aboard ●o him, he would release the said Villa nova, which they did not. And Thomas Dassel having intelligence that certain Negroes and Portugals were ridden post over-land Porto d' Ally with intent to have Richard Rainolds and his company stayed on land, being doubtful what friendship soever the unconstant Negroes professed (by reason they be often wavering being overcome with drinking wine) how they would deal, to prevent the dangerous wiles that might be effected in the road by Portugals, and for better strength, the 24 of December he came with his pinnace & Portugal to ride in the road of Porto d' Ally, where our great ship the Nightingale was: who was no sooner arrived but he had news also from the shore from john Baily Anthony Dassels servant, who was there with our goods detained by the Portugals means, that above 20 Portugals and Spaniards were come from joala by land, and Pedro Gonsalues in their company, to take order for the releasing of Villa nova. So having had conference two or three days with the Commanders, the Negroes, some Spaniards, and some Portugals, in the end by due examination of the matter the Negroes seeing how vilely Pedro Gonsalues had dealt, he being in their power, said he should suffer death or be tortured, for an example to others. But we in recompense of his cruelty pitied him and showed mercy, desiring the Negroes to entreat him well though undeserved: and thereupon the Commanders brought him aboard the pinnace to Thomas Dassel to do with him what he would: where at his coming from the shore, for lavish speeches which he used of Princes, he was well buffeted by a Spaniard, and might have been slain, if for our sakes he had not been rescued. While I went on shore with Villa nova, the said Pedro Gonsalues confessed unto Thomas Dassel that he did inquire of some Negroes and Portugals if he might not stay him and his goods in the land, Note. and that he did nothing but by commission from his king by his letters which he received from London in Dartmouth after we were departed from London, for that we presumed to come to Guinea to traffic without a servant of his; and further, that he had power or procuration from Francisco de Costa the Portugal that stayed behind in England to detain the goods of Anthony Dassel in Guinea. By consent of M. Francis Tucker, john Browbeare, and the rest of the factors of Richard Kelley, with whom this Pedro Gonsalues came, for avoiding further mischief that might be practised, we agreed that the say Pedro Gonsalues should stay aboard our ship, and not go any more on land until they departed. So the ninth of january he was delivered aboard to go for England in the same ship wherein he came; who was all the time of his abode in our ship both courteously and friendly used at my hands, much against the mariners wills, who could not abide such a wicked creature and caitive, that is nourished and relieved in our country, and yet by villainous means sought the destruction of us all. The Spaniards and Portugals though they be dissemblers and not to be trusted, when they perceived how king Amar Melicks Negroes befriended and favoured us, and that it would be prejudicial to their trade for divers respects, if we should any way be injuried, renounced the said practices, detesting the author, and protested to defend us in such cases with all faithfulness; desiring we would, as the king of Negroes had commanded us, never bring Portugal with us more: using this phrase in disdain of such as came out of England, let your Portugals be bars of iron: for in truth in regard of the rich trade maintained by Frenchmen and by us of late, they esteem more of one bar of iron then of twenty Portugals which we should bring out of England: who at their coming thither very subtly disadvantage us, and do great hurt to every party. At the beginning of these broils the king Amar Melick had sent his chief secretary and three horses for me Richard Rainolds: but I denied to go by reason of the hurley burley, though I might have had Negroes of account for pledges aboard: yet we sent the presents unto the king; who so soon as he understood the cause why I came not to him, being sorry and offended thereat, commanded presently by proclamation, that no injury should be offered us in his dominions by his own people, or suffered to be done by Spaniards or Portugals. And if the Negroes joining to his kingdom should confederate with the Spaniards and Portugals to molest or trouble us; that his subjects the Negroes should be ready to aid, succour and defend us. In which people appeared more confident love and good will towards us, than ever we shall find either of Spaniards or Portugals, though we should relieve them of the greatest misery that can be imagined. In the river of Senega not Spaniard or Portugal use to trade: and only one Portugal called Ganigoga dwelleth far within the river, who was married to a king's daughter. In the towns of Porto d' Ally and joala, being towns of chiefest trade, and in the towns of Canton and Cassan in the river of Gambra are many Spaniards and Portugals resident by permission of the Negroes; who have rich trades there along the coast, San Domingo. especially to San Domingo and Rio grand, Rio grand. not far distant from Gambra river; whither they transport the iron which they buy of Frenchmen and us, and exchange it for Negroes; Note this trade. which be carried continually to the West Indies in such ships as came from Spain. Also by the governors order and Renters of Ca●●el de Mina and other places, where gold is, upon the coast of Guinea, they have a place limited how far they must go to trade within the river of Gambra; and further they may not go upon pain of confiscation of their goods, and loss of life: for that the Renters themselves sand at certain times their own barks within the river to such places, where as they have great store of gold. A rich trade for gold in Rio grand. And in all these places hereabouts, where we use to trade, they have no Fort, Cas●le, or place of strength, but only trading by the Negroes safeconduct and permission. And the most part of the Spaniards and Portugals that be resident in these places be ●anished men or fugitives, for committing most heinous crimes and incestuous acts, their life & conversation being agreeable; and they are of the basest behaviour that we have ever seen of these nations in any other country. A brief relation concerning the estate of the cities and provinces of Tombuto and Gago written in Morocco the first of August 1594, and sent to M. Anthony Dassel merchant of London. MY hearty commendations premised: your letter of late I received, and found that you would have me discover unto you the estate & quality of the countries of Tombuto and Gago. And that you may not think me to slumber in this action, wherein you would be truly and perfectly resolved, you shall understand, that not ten days passed here came a Ca●●ia of the Andoluzes home from Gago, and another principal Moor, whom the king sent thither at the first with Alcaide Hamode, and they brought with them thirty mules laden with gold. I see the same come into the Alcasava with mine own eyes: and these men themselves came not poor, but with such wealth, that they came away without the king's commandment; and for that cause the king will pay them no wages for the time they have been there. On the other side they dare not ask the king for any wages. And when Alcaide Hamode see that the Cahaia of the Andoluzes would not stay in Gago with him, he thought good to sand these thirty mules laden with gold by him, with letters of commendations, by which the king smelled their riches that they brought with them: and this was the cause of the king's displeasure towards them. So now there remains in Gago Alcaide Hamode, and Alcaide jawdara, and Alcaide Bucthare. And here are in a readiness to departed in the end of this next September Alcaide Monsor, Ben Abdrahaman Allies, Monsor Rico with five thousand men, most of the fe●tilase, that is to say, of fier-mach, & muskets. There is go good s●ore of reds & yellows: and this year here was want of the same commodity; Commodities for Gago. but I trust the next year will be no want. But in fine the king doth prospero well in those parts, and here are many pledges come hither, and namely three of the king's sons of Gago and the justice; I see them come in with the treasure. Now when Alcaide Monsor cometh to Gago, the which will be in january next, then returns hither Alcaide Hamode with all the treasure, and Alcaide Monsor is to keep Gago until the king take further order. And thus much for Gago. Thus not having any other thing to writ at this present, I commend you to the merciful tuition of the almighty. From Morocco the first of August 1594. Your assured friend Laurence Madoc. Another brief relation concerning the late conquest and the exceeding great riches of the cities and provinces of Tombuto and Gago, written from Morocco the 30 August 1594. to M. Anthony Dassel merchant of London aforesaid. Loving friend M. Dassel, two of your letters I have received, one by the ship called The Amity, the other by The Concord: the chiefest matter therein was to be satisfied of the king of Morocco his proceed in Guinea. Therefore these are to let you understand that there went with Alcaide Hamode for those parts seventeen hundred men: who passing over the sands, for want of war perished one third part of them: and at their coming to the city of Tombuto, Tombuto taken the Negroes made some resistance; but to small purpose, for that they had no defence but with their asagays or javelinings poisoned. So they took it, and proceeded to the city of Gago, Gago taken. where the Negroes were in number infinite, and meant to stand to the uttermost for their country: but the Moors slay them so fast, that they were feign to yield, and do pay tribute by the year. The rent of Tombuto is 60 quintals of gold by the year; the goodness whereof you know. What rent Gago will yield, you shall know at the Spring, for then Alcaide Hamode cometh home, The rent of Tombuto is come by the cafelow or carovan, which is, as above is mentioned, 60 quintals. The report is, that Mahomed bringeth with him such an infinite treasure as I never herded of: it doth appear that they have more gold than any other part of the world beside. The Alcaide winneth all the country where he goeth without fight, and is going down towards the sea coast. This king of Morocco is like to be the greatest prince in the world for money, if he keep this country. But I make account assoon as the king of Spain hath quietness in Christendom, he will thrust him out: for that the king's force is not great as yet; but he means to be stronger. There is a camp ready to go now with a viceroy: the speech is with 3000 men: but I think they will be hardly 2000; for by report, 3000 men are enough to conquer all the country: for they have no defence of importance against an enemy. I think Hamode will be returned home in january or thereabouts: for he stayeth but for the coming of the viceroy. muley Balasen the king's son of Morocco was slain in Guinea by his own men, and they were presently killed, because they should tell ●o tales. And thus leaving to trouble you, I commit you to God, who prospero you in all your proceed. From Morocco the first of August 1594. Yours to command for ever Laurence Madoc. Of these two rich cities and kingdoms of Tombuto and Gago Leo Africanus writeth at large in the beginning of his seventh book of the description of Africa, which worthy work is to be annexed unto the end of this second volume. A brief extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton, and others, for traffic between the river of Nonnia and the rivers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea, in the year 1592. IN May the 34 year of our gracious sovereign Queen Elizabeth, a patent of special licence was granted to Thomas Gregory of Tanton in the county of Somerset, and to Thomas Pope, and certain other merchants to traffic into Guinea from the Northermost part of the river of Nonnia to the Southermost parts of the rivers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona, and to other parts aswell to the Southeast as to the Northwest, for a certain number of leagues therein specified which amount to an hundred or thereabouts. Which patent was granted for the term of ten years: as appeareth at large in the said patent recorded in the Rolls in her majesties Chancery. The manner of the taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksilver & the Pope's bulls, bond for the West Indies, by M. Thomas White in the Amity of London. 1592. THe 26 of july 1592., in my returning out of Barbary in the ship called the Amity of London, being in the height of 36 degrees or thereabouts, at four of the clock in the morning we had sight of two ships, being distant from us about three or four leagues: by seven of the clock we fetched them up, and were with in gunshot: whose boldness, having the king of Spain's arms displayed, did make us judge them rather ships of war, then laden with merchandise. And as it appeared by their own speeches, they made full account to have taken us: it being a question among them, whether it were best to carry us to S. Lucar, or to Lisbon. We waved each other a main. They having placed themselves in warlike order one a cables length before another, we began the fight. In the which we continued, so fast as we were able to charge and discharge, the space of five hours, being never a cables length distant either of us from other. In which time we received divers shot both in the hull of our ship, masts, and sails, to the number of 32 great, besides 500 musket shot and harquebusses a crock at the lest, which we told after the fight. And because we perceived them to be stout, we thought good to board the Biscaine, which was on head the other: where lying aboard about an hour, and plying our ordinance and small shot; in the end we stowed all his men. Now the other in the slieboat, thinking we had entered our men in their fellow, bore room with us, meaning to have laid us aboard, and so to have entrapped us betwixt them both: which we perceiving, fitted our ordinance so for him, as we quit ourselves of him, and he boarded his fellow: by which means they both fallen from us. Then presently we kept our lose, hoist our topsails, and weathered them, and came hard aboard the flieboat with our ordinance prepared, and gave he● our whole broad side, with the which we slay divers of their men; so as we might see the blood run out at the scupper holes. After that we cast about, and new charged all our ordinance, and came upon them again, willing them to yield, or else we would sink them: whereupon the one would have yielded, which was shot between wind and water; but the other called him traitor. Unto whom we made answer, that if he would not yield presently also, we would sink him first. And thereupon he understanding our determination, presently put out a white flag, and yielded, and yet refused to strike their own sails, Mark this o●●e. for that they were sworn never to strike to any Englishman. We than commanded their captains and masters to come aboard us; which they did. And after examination & stowing them, we sent certain of our own men aboard them, and struck their sails, and manned their ships: finding in them both 126 people living, & 8 dead, besides those which they themselves had cast overboard. So it pleased God to give us the victory being but 42 men and a boy, whereof 2 were killed and 3 wounded: for the which good success we give God the only praise. These two rich prizes laden with 1400 chests of quicksilver with the arms of Castille and Leon fastened upon them, and with a great quantity of bulls or indulgences, and guilded Missals or Service books, with an hundred tons of excellent wines, we brought shortly after into the river of Thames up to Blacke-wall. By the taking of this quicksilver, about 1400 chests, the king of Spain loseth for every quintal of the same a quintal of silver, that should have been delivered him by the masters of the mines there, which amounteth to 600000 pounds. Moore by taking of his bulls, to wit, two million and 72 thousand for living and dead people for the provinces of Nova Hispania, jucatan, Guatimala, the Honduras, and the Philippinas, taxed at two reals the piece. And more for eighteen thousand bulls taxed at four reals, amounteth all to 107700 pounds. Summa totalis 707700 li. Moore there were taken ten fardels of gil● missals and breviaries sent for the king's account. So the hindrance that the king receiveth by the loss of his bulls and quicksilver amounteth as is abovesaid: besides the lacking of his wines, about 100 tons, whereby his fleet is disappointed of a great part of their provision. A true report of the honourable service at Sea performed by Sir john Burrough Knight, Lieutenant general of the fleet prepared by the honour. Sir Walter Ralegh Knight, Lord warden of the Stanneries of Cornwall and Devon. Wherein chief the Santa Clara of Biscay, a ship of 600 tons was taken, and the two East Indian caraks, the Santa Cruz and the Madre de Dios were forced, the one burned, and the other taken and brought into Dartmouth the seventh of September, 1592. SIr Walter Ralegh upon commission received from her Majesty for an expedition to be made to the West Indies, slacked not his uttermost diligence to make full provision of all things necessary, as both in his choice of good ships, and sufficient men to perform the action evidently appeared. For his ships which were in number 14 or 15, those two of her Majesties, the Garland & the Foresight were the chiefest; the rest either his own or his good friends or adventurers of London. For the gentlemen his consorts and officers, to give them their right, they were so well qualitied in courage, experience, & discretion, as the greatest prince might repute himself happy to be served with their like. The honour of Lieutenant general was imposed upon sir john Burrough, a gentleman, for his manifold good and heroical parts, thought every way worthy of that commandment: with whom after sir W. R. returned was joined in commission sir Martin Frobisher, who for his special skill & knowledge in marine causes had formerly carried employments of like or greater place. The rest of the captains, soldiers, and sailors were men of notable resolution, and for the most part such as heretofore had given to the world sufficient proof of their valour in divers services of the like nature. With these ships thus manned sir Walter Ralegh departed towards the West country, there to store himself with such further necessaries as the state of his voyage did needfully require: where the Westerly winds blowing for a long time contrary to his course, bond and constrained him to keep harbour so many weeks, that the fittest season for his purpose was go, the minds of his people much altered, his victuals consumed; and withal, her Majesty understanding how crossly all this sorted, began to call the proceeding of this preparation into question: insomuch that, whereas the sixt of May was first come before sir Walter could put to sea, the very next day Martin Frobisher in a pinnace of my lord Admirals called The Disdain, met him, and brought to him from her Majesty letters of revocation, with commandment to relinquish (for his own part) the intended attempt, and to leave the charge and conduct of all things in the hands of sir john Burrough and sir Martin Frobisher. But sir Walter finding his honour so far engaged in the undertaking of this voyage, as without proceeding he see no remedy either to salve his reputation, or to content those his friends which had put in adventures of great sums with him; and making construction of the Queen's letters in such sort as if her commandment had been propounded in indifferent terms, either to advance forward or to retire, at his own discretion; would in no case yield to leave his fleet now under sail. Wherefore continuing his course into the sea, he met within a day or two, with certain sails lately come from Spain: among which was a ship appertaining to Monsieur Gourdon governor of Caleis, and found aboard her one M. Nevel Davies an Englishman, who having endured a long and miserable captivity for the space of twelve years, partly in the inquisition in Spain, was now by good fortune escaped, and upon return to his country. This man, among other things, reported for certain, that there was little hope of any good this year to be done in the West India; considering that the king of Spain had sent express order to all the ports both of the islands and of Terra firma, that no ship should stir that year, nor any treasure be laid aboard for Spain. But neither this unpleasant relation nor aught else could stay his proceed, until a tempest of strange and uncouth violence arising upon Thursday the 11 of May, when he was a thwart the Cape Finister, had so scattered the greater part of the fleet, and sunk his boats and pinnesses, that as the rest were driven and severed, some this way and some that, sir Walter himself being in the Garland of her Majesty was in danger to be swallowed up of the Sea. Whereupon sir W. Ralegh finding that the season of the year was too far go to proceed with the enterprise which he had upon Panama, having been held on the English coast from February till May, and thereby spent three months victuals; and considering withal, that to lie upon the Spanish coast or at the islands to attend the return of the East or West Indian fleets was rather a work of patience than aught else: he gave directions to sir john Burgh and sir M. Frobisher to divide the fleet in two parts; sir M. with the Garland, cap. George Gifford, cap. Henry Thin, cap. Grenuile and others to lie off the South cape, thereby to amaze the Spanish fleet, and to hold them on their own coast; while sir I Burgh, captain Robert Cross, captain Tomson, & others should attend at the islands for the caraks or any other Spanish ships coming from Mexico or other parts of the West Indies. Which direction took effect accordingly; for the king of Spain's Admiral receiving intelligence that the English fleet was come on the coast, attended to defend the South parts of Spain, & to keep himself as near sir Mart. Frobisher as he could, to impeach him in all things which he might undertake; and thereby neglected the safeconduct of the caraks; with whom it fared as hereafter shall appear. Before the fleet severed themselves they met with a great Biscain on the Spanish coast called Santa Clara a ship of 600 tons. The Santa Clara a Biscain ship of 600 tons taken. The noise of the artillery on both sides being herded, immediately they drawn to their fleet; where after a reasonable hot fight, the ship was entered and mastered, which they found freighted with all sorts of small ironwork, as horse-shoes, nails, ploughshares, iron bars, spikes, bolts, locks, gimbols, & such like, valued by us at 6000 or 7000 li. but worth to them triple the value. This Biscain was sailing towards S. Lucar, there to take in some further provision for the West India. This ship being first roomaged, and after sent for England, our fleet coasted along towards the Southcape of S. Vincent, and by the way, about the Rock near Lisbon, sir john Burrough in the Robucke spying a sail afar off, gave her present chase; which being a flieboat and of good sail, drawn him far Southwards before he could fetch her; but at last she came under his lee and struck sail. The master of which flieboat coming aboard him, confessed that the king indeed had prepared a great fleet in S. Lucar and Cadiz, and (as the report in Spain was currant) for the West Indies. But in deed the Spanish king had provided this fleet upon this counsel. He received intelligence, that sir Walter Ralegh was to put out strong for the West India: to impeach him, and to ranconter his force he appointed this fleet; although looking for the arrival of his East Indian caraks, he first ordained those ships to waft them from the Açores. But persuading himself, that if the fleet of sir Walter Ralegh did go for the West India, than the islands should have none to infested them but some small men of war, which the caraks of themselves would be well able to match; his order was to Don Alonso de Baçan brother to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and General of his armada, to pursue sir Welter's fleet, and to confront him, what course soever he held. And that this was true, our men in short time by proof understood: for sir john Burrough, not long after the taking of his last prize the flieboat, as he sailed back again towards the rest of his company, discovered the Spanish fleet to seaward of him: which having likewise espied him betwixt them and the shore, made full account to bring him safe into Spanish harbour; and therefore spread themselves in such sort before him, that indeed his danger was very great: for both the liberty of the sea was brought into a narrow strait, and the shore being enemy could give him no comfort of relief: so that trusting to Gods help only and his good sail, he thrust out from among them in spite of all their force, and to the notable illusion of all their cunning, which they showed to the uttermost, in laying the way for his apprehension. But now sir john Burrough having happily escaped their clutches, Sir john Burrough in great danger of the Spanish fleet. finding the coast guarded by this fleet, and knowing it was but folly to expect a meeting there with sir Martin Frobisher (who understanding of this armada aswell as himself, would be sure not to come that way) began to shape his course to the Açores according to sir W. Raleghs direction, and came in sight of S. Michael, The I'll of S. Michael. running so near by Villa Franca, that he might easily discern the ships lying there at anchor. divers small caravels both here and between S. George's and the Pike in his course toward Flores he intercepted; divers small ships taken. of which no great intelligence for his affairs could be understood. Arriving before Flores upon Thursday the 21 of june, towards evening, accompanied only with captain Caufield and the Master of his ship, the rest not being yet arrived, he made towards the shore with his boat, finding all the people of of Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz a village in the isle of Flores. a village of that Island, in arms, fearing their landing, and ready marshaled to defend their town from spoil. Sir john contrariwise made signs of amity unto them by advancing a white flag, a common token of peace, which was answered again of them with the like: whereupon ensued intercourses of good friendship; and pledges were taken on both sides, the captain of the town for them, and captain Caufield for ours: so that whatsoever our men wanted, which that place could supply either in fresh water, victuals, or the like, was very willingly granted by the inhabitants: and good leave had they to refresh themselves on shore as much and as often as they would without restraint. At this Santa Cruz sir john Burrough was informed, that indeed there was among them no expectation of any fleet to come from the West, but from the East, News of the East Indian caraks. that no longer since then three days before his arrival a carak was passed by for Lisbon, and that there were four caraks more behind, of one consort. Sir john being very glad of this news, stayed no longer on shore, but presently embarked himself, having only in company a small bark of threescore tons belonging to one M. Hopkins of Bristol. In the mean while that these things thus passed at Flores, part of the rest of the English fleet, which sir john Burrough had left upon the coast of Spain, drawn also towards the Açores: and whereas he quickly at sea had discovered one of the caraks, the same evening he might descry two or three of the Earl of Cumberlands ships (whereof one M. Norton was captain) which having in like sort kenned the carak, pursued her by that course which they see her to run towards the islands. But on no side was there any way made by reason of a great calm which yielded no breath to spread a sail. Insomuch that fitly to discover her what she was, of what burden, force, and countenance, sir john Burrough took his boat, and rowed the space of three miles, to make her exactly: and being returned, he consulted with the better sort of the company then present, upon the boarding her in the morning. But a very mighty storm arising in the night, the extremity thereof forced them all to weigh anchors, yet their care was such in wrestling with the weather not to loose the carak, that in the morning, the tempest being qualified, and our men bearing again with the shore, they might perceive the carak very near the land, and the Portugals confusedly carrying on shore such things as they could any manner of way convey out of her; and seeing the haste our men made to come upon them, forsook her: but first, A carak called The Santa Cruz set on fire. that nothing might be left commodious to our men, set fire to that which they could not carry with them, intending by that means wholly to consume her; that neither glory of victory nor benefit of ship might remain to ours. And lest the approach and industry of the English should bring means to extinguish the flame, thereby to preserve the residue of that which the fire had not destroyed; being four hundred of them in number and well armed, they entrenched themselves on land so near to the carak, that she being by their forces protected, and our men kept aloof off, the fire might continued to the consumption of the whole. This being noted by sir john Burrough he soon provided a present remedy for this mischief. For landing one hundred of his men, An hundred of our men land. whereof many did swim and wade more than breast high to shore, and easily scattering those that presented themselves to guard the coast, he no sooner drawn toward their new trenches, but they fled immediately, leaving as much as the fire had spared to be the reward of our men's pains. Here was taken among others one Vincent Fonseca a Portugal, Purser of the carak, with two others, one an Almain and the second a Low-dutchman, canoneers: who refusing to make any voluntary report of those things which were demanded of them, had the torture threatened, the fear whereof at the last wrested from them this intelligence, that within fifteen days three other greater caraks then that lately fired would arrive at the same Island: and that being five caraks in the fleet at their departure from Goa, to wit, the Buen jesus admiral, the Madre de Dios, the S. Bernardo, the S. Christophoro, and the S. Cruz, (whose fortune you have already herded) they had received special commandment from the king not to touch in any case at the Island of S. Helena, where the Portugal caraks in their return from the East India were always till now wont to arrive to refresh themselves with water and victuals. And the king's reason was; because of the English men of war, who (as he was informed) lay there in wait to intercept them. If therefore their necessity of water should drive them to seek supply anywhere, he appointed them Angola in the main of Africa, Angola a new watering place for the caraks. with order there to stay only the taking in of water to avoid the inconuenice of infections, whereunto that hot latitude is dangerously subject. The last rendezvous for them all was the Island of Flores, where the king assured them not to miss of his armada thither sent of purpose for their wasting to Lisbon. Upon this information sir john drawn to counsel, meeting there captain Norton, captain Dounton, captain Abraham Cock, captains of three ships of the Earl of Cumberland, M. Tomson of Harwich cap. of the Dainty of sir john Haukins, one of sir W. Raleghs fleet, and M. Christopher Newport cap. of the Golden dragon newly returned from the West India, and others. These being assembled, he communicated with them what he had understood of the foresaid examinates, and what great presumptions of truth their relation did carry: wishing that forasmuch as God & good fortune had brought them together in so good a season, they would show the uttermost of their endeavours to bring these Easterlings under the lee of the English obedience. Hereupon a present actors on all sides followed not to part company or leave of those seas till time should present cause to put their consultatious in execution. The next day her majesties good ship the Foresight commanded by sir Rob. Cross came in to the rest: and he like wise informed of the matter was soon drawn into this service. Thus sir john with all these ships departing thence 6 or 7 leagues to the West of Flores, they spread themselves abroad from the North to the South, each ship two leagues at the lest distant from another. By which order of extension they were able to discover the space of two whole degrees at sea. In this sort they lay from the 29 of june to the third of August, what time cap. Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak called the Madre de Dios, one of the greatest receipt belonging to the crown of Portugal. The Dainty being of excellent sail got the start of the rest of our fleet, and began the conflict somewhat to her cost, with the slaughter and hurt of divers of her men. Within a while after, sir john Burrough in the Robucke of sir W. Raleghs, was at hand to second her, who saluted her with shot of great ordinance, and continued the fight within musket shot assisted by cap. Tomson and cap. Newport till sir R. Cross vice-admiral of the fleet came up being to lee ward, at whose arrival sir I Burgh demanded of him what was best to be done, who answered, that if the carak were not boarded she would recover the shore and fire herself as the other had done. Whereupon sir I Burgh concluded to entangle her; and sir R. Cross promised also to fasten himself to her together at the instant; which was performed: but after a while sir john Burgh receiving a shot with a canon perier under water, and ready to sink, desired sir R. C. to fall off, that he might also clear himself, and save his ship from sinking, which with difficulty he did; for both the Roebuck and the Foresight were so entangled, as with much ado could they clear themselves. The same evening sir R. Cross finding the carak then sure & drawing near the Island persuaded his company to board her again, or else there was no hope to recover her: who after many excuses & fears, were by him encouraged, and so fallen athwart her foreships all alone; and so hindered her sailing that the rest had time to come up to his succour, & to recover the carak year she recovered the land: The Madre de Dios taken. and so toward the evening after he had fought with her alone three hours single, my lord of Cumberlands two ships came up, & with very little loss entered with sir R. Cross, who had in that time broken their courages, and made the assault easy for the rest. The general having disarmed the Portugals, and stowed them for better security on all sides, first had presented to his eyes the true proportion of the vast body of this carak, which did then and may still justly provoke the admiration of all men not formerly acquainted with such a sight. But albeit this first appearance of the hugeness thereof yielded sights enough to entertain our men's eyes; yet the pitiful object of so many bodies slain and dismembered could not but draw each man's eye to see, and heart to lament, and bands to help those miserable people, whose limbs were so torn with the violence of shot, and pain made grievous with the multitude of wounds. No man could almost step but upon a dead carcase or a bloody floor, but specially about the helm, where very many of them fallen suddenly from stirring to dying. For the greatness of the stirrage requiring the labour of twelve or fourteen men at once, and some of our ships beating her in at the stern with their ordinance often times with one shot slay four or five labouring on either side of the helm; whose rooms being still furnished with fresh supplies, and our artillery still playing upon them with continual volleys, it could not be but that much blood should be shed in that place. Whereupon our General moved with singular commiseration of their misery, sent them his own chirurgeons, denying them no possible help or relief that he or any of his company could afford them. Among the rest of those, Exceeding humanity showed to the enemy. whose state this chance had made very deplorable, was Don Fernando de Mendoça Grand captain and Commander of this Carake: who indeed was descended of the house of Mendoça in Spain; but being married into Portugal, lived there as one of that nation; a gentleman well strike in years, well spoken, of comely parsonage, of good stature, but of hard fortune. In his several services against the Moors he was twice taken prisoner, and both times ransomed by the king. In a former voyage of return from the East India he was driven upon the Baxos or sands of juda near the coast of Cephala, being then also captain of a carrack which was there lost, and himself, though escaping the sea-danger, yet fallen into the hands of infidels on land; who kept him under long and grievous servitude. Once more the king carrying a loving respect to the man, and desirous to better his condition, was content to let him try his fortune in this Easterly navigation, and committed unto him the conduct of this carrack, wherein he went from Lisbon General of the whole fleet, and in that degree had returned, if the Vice-rey of Goa embarked for Portugal in the Bon jesus had not, by reason of his late office, been preferred. Sir john intending not to add too much affliction to the afflicted, moved with pity and compassion of human misery, in the end resolved freely to dismiss this captain & the most part of his followers to their own country, and for the same purpose bestowed them in certain vessels furnished with all kinds of necessary provision. This business thus dispatched, good leisure had he to take such view of the goods as conveniency might afford. And having very prudently (to cut off the unprofitable spoil & pillage whereunto he see the minds of many inclined) seized upon the whole to her majesties use, after a short & slender rummaging & searching of such things as first came to hand, he perceived that the wealth would arise nothing disanswerable to expectation; but that the variety and grandeur of all rich commoties would be more than sufficient to content both the adventurers desire & the soldiers travel. And here I cannot but enter into the consideration and acknowledgement of God's great favour towards our nation, who by putting this purchase into our hands hath manifestly discovered those secret trades & Indian riches, which hitherto lay strangely hidden, and runningly concealed from us; whereof there was among some few of us some small and unperfect glimpse only, which now is turned into the broad light of full and perfect knowledge. Whereby it should seem that the will of God for our good is (if our weakness could apprehended it) to have us communicate with them in those East Indian treasures, & by the erection of a lawful traffic to better our means to advance true religion and his holy service. The carrack being in burden by the estimation of the wise and experienced no less than 1600 tons had full 900 of those stowed with the gross bulk of merchandise, the rest of the tonnage being allowed, partly to the ordinance which were 32 pieces of brass of all sorts, partly to the passengers and the victuals, which could not be any small quantity, considering the number of the people betwixt 600 and 700, and the length of the navigation. To give you a taste (as it were) of the commodities, A brief catalogue of the sundry rich commodities of the Madre de Dios. it shall suffice to deliver you a general particularity of them, according to the catalogue taken at Leaden hall the 15 of September 1592. Where upon good view it was found, that the principal wares after the jewels (which were no doubt of great value, though they never came to light) consisted of spices, drugs, silks, calicos, quilts, carpets and colours, etc. The spices were pepper, cloves, maces, nutmegs, cinnamon, green ginger: the drugs were beniamim, frankincense, galingale, mirabolans, aloes zocotrina, camphire: the silks, damasks, taffatas, sarcenets, altobassos, that is, sergeant clot of gold, unwrought China silk, sleaved silk, white twisted silk, curled cypress. The calicos were book-calicos, calico-launes, broad white calicos, fine starched calicos, course white calicos, brown broad calicos, brown course calicos. There were also canopies, and course diaper-towels, quilts of course-sarcenet and of calico, carpets like those of Turkey; whereunto are to be added the pearl, musk, civer, and amber-griece. The rest of the wares were many in number, but less in value; as elephants teeth, porcelaine vessels of China, coco-nuts, hides, eben-wood as black as jet, bedsleds of the same, clot of the rinds of trees very strange for the matter, and artificial in workmanship. All which piles of commodities being by men of approved judgement rated but in reasonable sort amounted to no less than 150000 li. sterling, which being divided among the adventurers (whereof her Majesty was the chief) was sufficient to yield contentment to all parties. The cargazon being taken out, and the goods freighted in ten of our ships sent for London, to the end that the bigness, height, length, breadth, and other dimensions of so huge a vessel might by the exact rules of Geometrical observations be truly taken, The capacity and dimensions of the Madre de Dios. both for present knowledge, and derivation also of the same unto posterity, one M. Robert Adams, a man in his faculty of excellent skill, omitted nothing in the description, which either his art could demonstrate, or any man's judgement think worthy the memory. After an exquisite survey of the whole frame he found the length from the beak-head to the stern (whereupon was erected a lantern) to contain 165 foot. The breadth in the second close deck whereof she had three, this being the place where there was most extension of breadth, was 46 foot and 10 inches. She drawn in water 31 foot at her departure from Cochin in India, but not above 26 at her arrival in Dartmouth, being lightened in her voyage by divers means, some 5 foot. She carried in height 7 several stories, one main Orlop, three close decks, one forecastle, and a spardecke of two floors a piece. The length of the keel was 100 foot, of the mainmast 121 foot, and the circuit about at the partners 10 foot 7 inches, the mainyard was 106 foot long. By which perfect commensuration of the parts appeareth the hugeness of the whole, far beyond the mould of the biggest shipping used among us either for war or receipt. Don Alonso de Baçan having a great Fleet and suffering these two caracks, the Santa Cruz to be burned, and the Madre de Dios to be taken, was disgraced by his prince for this negligence. The firing and sinking of the stout and warlike Carack called Las Cinque Llaguas, or, The five Wounds, by three tall Ships set forth at the charges of the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland and his friends: Written by the discreet and valiant captain M. Nicholas Downton. IN the latter end of the year 1593. the right honourable Earl of Cumberland, at his own charges and his friends, prepared 3 ships all at equal rate, and either of them had like quantity of victuals, and like numbers of men, there being embarked in all 3 ships 420 men of all sorts. The Royal Exchange went as Admiral, Besides these 3 ships there was a pinnace called the Violet, of the Why not I wherein M. George Cave was captain. The May-flower Uiceadmirall under the conduct of William Anthony: and the Samson, the charge whereof it pleased his honour to commit unto me Nicholas Dounton. Our directions were sent us to Plymouth, and we were to open them at sea. The sixt of April 1594 we set sail in the sound of Plymouth, directing our course toward the coast of Spain. The 24 of the said month at the Admiral's direction we divided ourselves East and West from each other, being then in the height of 43 degrees, with commandment at night to come together again. The 27 day in the morning we descried the May-flower and the little Pinnace with a Prize that they had taken, being of Viana in Portugal, and bond for Angola in Africa. Commodities fit for Angola. This Bark was of 28 tons, having some 17 people in the same. There were in her some 12 Butts of Galicia wine, whereof we took into every ship a like part, with some Ruske in chests and barrels, with 5 butts of blue course clot, and certain course linen-cloth for Negroes shirts, which goods were divided among our fleet. The 4 of May we had sight of our Pinnace, and the Admiral's Shallop which had taken three Portugal Caravels, whereof they had sent two away and kept the third. The second of june we had sight of S. Michael. The third day in the morning we sent our small pinnace, which was of some 24 tons, with the small Caravell which we had taken at the Burlings to range the road of all the islands, to see if they could get any thing in the same: appointing them to meet us W.S.W. 12 leagues from Faiall. Their going from us was to no purpose. They miss coming to us when we appointed, as also we miss them, when we had great cause to have used them. The 13 of june we met with a mighty Carack of the East Indies, called Las cinque Llagas, or The five wounds. The May-flower was in fight with her before night. I, in the Samson, fetched her up in the evening, and as I commanded to give her the broad side, as we term it, while I stood very heedfully prying to discover her strength: and where I might give counsel to board her in the night when the Admiral came up to us, and as I remember at the very first shot the discharges at us, I was shot in a little above the belly, whereby I was made unserviceable for a good while after, without touching any other for that night. Yet by means of an honest truehearted man which I had with me, one captain Grant, nothing was neglected: until midnight when the Admiral came up, the May-flower, and the Samson never left by turns to ply her with their great ordinance; but then captain Cave wished us to stay till morning, at what time each one of us should give her three bouts with our great ordinance, & so should clap her a board: but in deed it was long lingered in the morning until 10 of the clock before we attempted to board her. The Admiral laid her a board in the mid ship: the May-flower coming up in the quarter, as it should seem, to lie at the stern of the Admiral on the larboard side. The captain of the said May-flower was slain at the first coming up: whereby the ship fallen to the stern of the out-licar of the Carack, which (being a piece of timber) so wounded her foresail, that they said they could come no more to fight, I am sure they did not, but kept aloof from us. The Samson went aboard on the bow, but having not room enough, our quarter lay on the Exchanges bow, and our bow on the Caracks' bow. The Exchange also at the first coming had her captain M. Cave shot into both the legs, the one whereof he never recovered, so he for that present was not able to do his office, and in his absence he had not any that would undertake to lead out his company to enter upon the enemy. My friend captain Grant did lead my men on the Caracks' side, which being not manfully backed by the Exchanges men, his forces being small, made the enemy bolder than he would have been, whereby I had six men presently slain and many more hurt, which made them that remained unhurt to return aboard, and would never more give the assault. I say not but some of the Exchanges men did very well, and many more (no doubt) would have done the like, if there had been any principal man to have put them forward, and to have brought all the company to the fight, and not to have run into corners themselves. But I must needs say, that their ship was as well provided for defence, as any that I have seen. And the Portugals peradventure encouraged by our stock working, prased the men and had Barricado's made, where they might stand without any danger of our shot. They plied us also very much with six, so that most of our men were burned in some place or other: & while our men were putting out of the fire, they would ever be plying them with small shot or darts. This unusual casting of fire did much dismay many of our men and made them draw back as they did. When we had not men to enter, we plied our great ordinance much at them as high up as they might be mounted, for otherwise we did them little harm, and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle being close by her, we fired a mat on her beak-head, which more and more kindled, and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit, and from the mat up to the wood of the bow-sprit, and thence to the topsail yard, which fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger, and to make show of parley. But they that had the charge before encouraged them making show, that it might easily be put out, and that it was nothing. Whereupon again they stood stiffly to their defence. A none the fire grew so strong, that I see it beyond all help, although she had been already yielded to us. Then we desired to be off from her, but had little hope to obtain our desire; nevertheless we plied water very much to keep our ship well. In deed I made little other reckoning for the ship, myself, and divers hurt men, then to have ended there with the Carack, but most of our people might have saved themselves in boats. And when my care was most, by God's providence only, by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and sail, and the ropes about the spritsaile-yard of the Carack, whereby we were fast entangled, we fallen apart, with burning of some of our sails which we had then on board. The Exchange also being farther from the fire, afterward was more easily cleared, and fallen off from abaft. And as soon as God had put us out of danger; the fire got into the forecastle, where, I think, was store of Benjamin, and such other like combustible matter, for it flamed and ran over all the Carack at an instant in a manner. The Portugals leapt overboard in great numbers. Then sent I captain Grant with the boat, with leave to use his own discretion in saving of them. So he brought me aboard two gentlemen, the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira, which (as appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first book of the worthy history of Huighen de Linschoten) was governor of Moçambique and Cesala, in the year 1582. and since that time had been likewise a governor in a place of importance in the East Indies. And the ship wherein he was coming home was cast away a little to the East of the Cape of Buona Speranza, and from thence he traveled over-land to Moçambique, and came as a passenger in this Carack. The other was called Bras Carrero, and was captain of a Carack which was cast away near Moçambique, and came likewise in this ship for a passenger. Also three men of the inferior sort we saved in our boat, only these two we clothed and brought into England. The rest which were taken up by the other ship boats, we set all on shore in the isle of Flores, except some two or three Negroes, whereof one was born in Moçambique, and another in the East Indies. This fight was open off the Sound between Faial and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward. The people which we saved told us that the cause why they would not yield, was, because this Carack was for the king, end that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the country for that year in her, and that the captain of her was in favour with the king, and at his return into the Indies should have been Uiceroy there. And withal this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within board nor without, and was more like a ship of war then otherwise: moreover, she had the ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Moçambique, and the company of her, together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a little to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza. Yet through sickness which they caught at Angola, where they watered, they say, they had not now above 150 white men, but Negroes a great many. They likewise affirmed that they had three noblemen and three ladies in her, but we found them to differ in most of their talk. All this day and all the night she burned, but the next morning her powder which was lowest being 60 barrels blew her abroad, so that most of the ship did swim in parts above the water. Some of them say, that she was bigger than the Madre de Dios, and some, that she was less: but she was much undermasted, and undersoiled, yet she went well for a ship that was so foul. The shot which we made at her in great Ordinance before we laid her aboard might be at seven bouts which we had, and six or 7 shot at about, one with another, some 49 shot● the time we lay aboard might be two hours. The shot which we discharged aboard the Carack might be some twenty S●cars. And thus much may suffice concerning our dangerous conflict with that unfortunate Carack. The last of june after long traversing of the seas we had sight of another mighty Carack, which diverse of our company at the first took to be the great S. Philip the Admiral of Spain, but the next day being the first of july fetching her up we perceived her indeed to be a Carack, which after some few shot bestowed upon her we summoned to yield; but they standing stoutly to their defence utterly refused the same. Wherefore seeing no good could be done without boarding her I consulted what course we should take in the boarding. But by reason that we which were the chief Captains were partly slain and partly wounded in the former conflict, and because of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions, our valiant and resolute determinations were crossed: and to conclude a long discourse in few words, the Carack escaped our hands. After this attending about Coruo & Flores for some West Indian purchase, and being disappointed of our expectation, and victuals growing short, we returned for England, where I arrived at Portesmouth the 28 of August. The casting away of the Toby near Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape Sprat without the Strait of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbary. 1593.. THe Toby of London a ship of 250 tons manned with fifty men, the owner whereof was the worshipful M. Richard Staper, being bond for Livorno, Zante and Patras in Morea, being laden with merchandise to the value of 11 or 12 thousand pounds sterling, set sail from Blackwall the 16 day of August 1593., and we went thence to Portesmouth where we took in great quantity of wheat, and set sail forth of Stokes bay in the Isle of Wight, the 6. day of October, the wind being fair: and the 16 of the same month we were in the height of Cape S. Vincent, where on the next morning we descried a sail which lay in try right a head of us, to which we gave chase with very much wind, the sail being a Spaniard, which we found in fine so good of sail that we were feign to leave her and give her over. Two days after this we had sight of mount Chiego, which is the first highland which we descry on the Spanish coast at the entrance of the Strait of Gibraltar, where we had very foul weather and the wind scant two days together. Here we lay off to the sea. The Master, whose name was George Goodlay, being a young man, and one which never took charge before for those parts, was very proud of that charge which he was little able to discharge, neither would take any counsel of any of his company, but did as he thought best himself, & in the end of the two days of foul weather cast about, and the wind being fair, bore in with the straits mouth. The 19 day at night he thinking that he was farther of the land than he was, bore sail all that night, & an hour and an half before day had ran our ship upon the ground on the coast of Barbary without the strait four leagues to the South of Cape Espartel. Whereupon being all not a little astonished, the Master said unto us, I pray you forgive me; for this is my fault and no man's else. The company asked him whether they should cut off the main mast: no said the Master we will hoist out our boat. But one of our men coming speedily up, said, Sirs, the ship is full of water, well said the Master, than cut the mayne-mast over board: which thing we did with all speed. But the after part suddenly split a sunder in such sort that no man was able to stand upon it, but all fled upon the foremast up into the shrouds thereof, and hung there for a time: but seeing nothing but present death approach (being so suddenly taken that we could not make a raft which we had determined) we committed ourselves unto the Lord and began with doleful time and heavy hearts to sing the 12 Psalm. Help Lord for good and godly men etc. Howbeit before we had finished four verses the waves of the sea had stopped the breaths of most of our men. For the foremast with the weight of our men & the force of the sea fallen down into the water, and upon the fall thereof there were 38 drowned, and only 12 by God's providence partly by swimming and other means of chests got on shore, which was about a quarter of a mile from the wrack of the ship. The master called George Goodley, and William Palmer his mate, both perished. M. Caesar also being captain and owner was likewise drowned: none of the officers were saved but the carpenter. We twelve which the Lord had delivered from extreme danger of the Sea, at our coming ashore fallen in a manner into as great distress. At our first coming on shore we all fallen down on our knees, praying the Lord most humbly for his merciful goodness. Our prayers being done, we consulted together what course to take, seeing we were fallen into a desert place, & we traveled all that day until night, sometimes one way and sometimes another, and could find no kind of inhabitants; only we see where wild beasts had been, and places where there had been houses, which after we perceived to have been burned by the Portugals. So at night falling into certain groves of olive trees, we climbed up and sat in them to avoid the danger of lions and other wild beasts, whereof we see many the next morning. The next day we traveled until three of the clock in the afternoon without any food, but water and wild date roots: then going over a mountain, we had sight of Cape Espartel; whereby we known somewhat better which way to travel, and then we went forward until we came to an hedgerow made with great long canes; we spied and looked over it, and beheld a number of men aswell horsemen as footmen, to the number of some five thousand in skirmish together with small shot and other weapons. And after consultation what we were best to do, we concluded to yield ourselves unto them, being destitute of all means of resistance. So rising up we marched toward them, who espying us, forthwith some hundred of them with their javelinings in their hands came running towards us as though they would have run us thorough: howbeit they only strooke us flatling with their weapons, and said that we were Spaniards: and we told them that we were Englishmen; which they would not believe yet. By and by the conflict being ended, and night approaching, the captain of the Moors, a man of some 56 years old, came himself unto us, and by his interpreter which spoke Italian, asked what we were, and from whence we came. One Thomas Henmer of our company which could speak Italian, declared unto him that we were merchants, and how by great misfortune our ship, merchandise, & the greatest part of our company were pitifully cast away upon their coast. But he voided of humainity & all manhood, for all this, caused his men to strip us out of our apparel even to our shir●s to see what money and jewels we had about us: which when they had found to the value of some 200 pounds in gold and pearls they gave us some of our apparel again, and bread and water only to comfort us. The next morning they carried us down to the shore where our ship was cast away, which was some sixteen miles from that place. In which journey they used us like their slaves, making us (being extreme weak) to carry their stuff, and offering to beaten us if we went not so fast as they. We asked them why they used us so: and they replied, that we were their captives: we said we were their friends, and that there was never Englishman captive to the king of Morocco. So we came down to the ship, and lay there with them seven days, while they had got all the goods they could, and then they parted it amongst them. After the end of these seven days the captain appointed twenty of his men well armed, to bring us up into the country: and the first night we came to the side of a river called Alarach, where we lay on the grass all that night: so the next day we went over the river in a frigate of nine oars on a side, the river being in that place above a quarter of a mile broad: and that day we went to a town of ●hirty houses, called Totteon: there we lay four days having nothing to feed on but bread and water; and then we went to a town called Cassuri, and there we were delivered by those twenty soldiers unto the Alcaide, which examined us what we were: and we told him. He gave us a good answer, and sent us to the jews house, where we lay seven days. In the mean while that we lay here, there were brought thither twenty Spaniards and twenty Frenchmen, which Spaniards were taken in a conflict on land, but the Frenchmen were by foul weather cast on land within the Straitss about Cape de Gate, and so made captives. Thus at the seven days end we twelve Englishmen, the twelve French, and the twenty Spaniards were all conducted toward Morocco with nine hundred soldiers horsemen and fotmen, and in two days journey we came to the river of Fez, where we lodged all night, being provided of tents. The next day we went to a town called Salle, and lay without the town in tents. From thence we traveled almost an hundred miles without finding any town, but every night we came to fresh water, which was partly running water and sometime rain water. So we came at last within three miles of the city of Morocco, where we pitched our tents: and there we mat with a carrier which did travel in the country for the English merchants; and by him we sent word unto them of our estate: and they returned the next day unto us a Moor, which brought us victuals, being at that instant very feeble and hungry; and withal sent us a letter with pen, ink, and paper, willing us to writ unto them what ship it was that was cast away, and how many and what men there were alive. For said they we would know with speed, for to morrow is the king's court: and therefore we would know, for that you should come into the city like captives. But for all that we were carried in as captives and with ropes about our necks as well English as the French and Spaniards. And so we were carried before the king: and when we came before him he did commit us all to ward, where w●e lay 15 days in close prison: and in the end we were cleared by the English Merchants to their great charges: for our deliverance cost them 700 ounces, every ounce in that country containing too shillings. And when we came out of prison we went to the Alfandica, where we continued eight weeks with the English merchants. At the end of which time being well appareled by the bounty of our merchants we were conveyed down by the space of eight days journey to S. Cruz, where the English ships road: where we took shipping about the 20 of March, two in the Anne Francis of London, and five more of us five days after in the Expedition of London, and two more in a Flemish flieboat, and one in the Mary Edward also of London, other two of our number died in the country of the bloodie-fluxe: the one at our first imprisonment at Morocco, whose name was George Hancock, and the other at S. Cruz, whose name was Robert Swancon, whose death was hastened by eating of roots and other unnatural things to slake their raging hunger in our travail, and by our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents. Thus of fifty people through the rashness of an unskilful Master ten only survived of us, and after a thousand miseries returned home poor, sick, and feeble into our country. Richard johnson. William Williams Carpenter. john Durham. Abraham Rouse. john Matthewes. Thomas Henmore. john Silvester. Thomas Whiteing. William Church. john Fox. The letters of the Queen's most excellent Majesty sent by one Laurence Aldersey unto the Emperor of Aethiopia, 1597. Inuictissimo potentissimóque Abassenorum regi, magnóque utriusque Aethiopiae imperatori etc. ELizabetha dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae regina, fidei defensor etc. summo ac potentissimo AEthiopiae imperatori salutem. Quod ab omnibus qui ubiuìs terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibusque praestari par & aequum est, ut quanquàm maximo locorum interuallo dissiti, & moribus ac legibus discrepantes, communem tamen generis humani societatem tueri & conseruare, mutuaque, ut occasio ferret, charitatis & benevolentiae officia velint exercere: in eo nos de vestra fide atque humanitate spem certissimam concipientes, huic subito nostro Laurentio Alderseio in regnum vestrum proficiscenti, hasce literas nostras, quibus & nostra erga vos benevolentia testata sit, & illum hinc profectum esse construe, potissimùm vobis indicandas dedimus. Qui cùm orbis terrarum perscrutandi cognoscendique study permotus, multis antehàc regionibus peragratis, iam tandem in eas regiones, quae vestrae ditionis sunt, longum, periculosumque iter instituat: cùm ipse existimavit, tum nos etiam sumus in eadem opinion, ad incolumitatem suam, atque etìam ad gratiam apud vos, plurimum illi profuturum, si diplomate nostro munitus, beneuolen●iae nostrae & profectionis hinc suae testimonium ad vos deferret. Nam cum summus ille mundi conditor rectorque praepotens deus, regibus principibusque qui suam vicem gerunt, orbem terrarum, suis cuique finibus pro rata portione designatis, regendum atque administrandum dederit; eoque munere ius quoddam inter eos fraternae necessitudinis, aeternumque foedus ab illis colendum sanxerit: non erit (ut arbitramur) ingratum vobis, cùm benevolentiae nostrae significationem, tàm immensa maris ac terrarum spatia transgressam, ab ultima Britannia ad vos in Aethiopiam perferri intellexeritis. Nobisque rursùs ericiucundum, cùm subditorum nostrorum praedicatione, ab ipsis Nili fontibus, & ab ijs regionibus quae solis cursum definiunt, fama vestri nominis ad nos recurret. Erit igitur humanitatis vestrae huic subdito nostro eam largiri gratiam, ut in ditionem vestram sub presidio ac tutela vestri nominis intrare, ibique saluus & incolumis manner possit: quod ipsum etiam ab aliis principibus, per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit, magnoperè petimus, nobisque ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus: neque tamèn maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus, quàm vicissìm omnium principum subditis, omniumque gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrimè concedimus. Datum Londini quinto die Novembris: anno regni nostri tricesimo nono: annoque Dom. 1597. The same in English. To the most invincible and puissant king of the Abassens, the mighty Emperor of Aethiopia the higher and the lower. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith etc. To the most high and mighty Emperor of Aethiopia greeting. Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all kings and princes of what lands or nations soever, be they never so much dissevered in place or differing in customs and laws, to maintain and preserve the common society of mankind, and, as occasion shall be offered, to perform mutual duties of charity and benevolence: we for that cause conceiving most undoubted hope of your princely fidelity and courtesy, have given unto this our subject Laurence Aldersey intending to travel into your dominions, these our letters to be delivered without fail unto your Highness, to the end they may be a testimony of our good will towards you and of our said subject his departure from England. Who, after his travels in many foreign countries, being as yet inflamed with a desire more thoroughly to survey and contemplate the world, and now at length to undertake a long and dangerous journey into your territories and regions: both the said Laurence thought, and ourselves also deemed, that it would very much avail him, as well for his own safety as for the attaining of your favour, if, being protected with our broad seal, he might transport unto your Highness a testimony of our loving affection & of his departure from hence. For sithence almighty God the highest creator and governor of the world hath allotted unto kings and princes his vicegerents over the face of the whole earth, their designed portions and limits to be ruled and administered by them; and by this his gift hath established among them a certain law of brotherly kindness, and an eternal league by them to be observed: it will not (we hope) seem unpleasant unto your highness, when you shall have intelligence of our loving letters sent so huge a distance over sea and land; even from the farthest realm of England unto you in Aethiopia. On the other side ourselves shall take great solace and delight, when as by the relation of our own subjects, the renown of your name shall be brought unto us from the fountains of Nilus, and from those regions which are situate under the Southern Tropike. May it please you therefore of your princely clemency to vouchsafe so much favour on this our subject, that he may, under the safeguard, and protection of your name, enter into your highness dominions, and there remain safe and free from danger. Which favour and courtesy we do likewise most earnestly request at the hands of other princes, through whose signiories our said subject is to pass; and we shall esteem it as done unto ourself and for our honour's sake. Neither do we require any greater favour in this behalf, than we are upon the like occasion most ready to grant unto the subjects of all princes and the people of all Nations, traveling into our dominions. Given at London the fift day of November, in the thirty and ninth year of our reign: and in the year of our Lord 1597. THE THIRD AND LAST VOLUME OF THE VOYAGES, NAVIGATIONS, Traffics, and Discoveries of the English Nation, and in some few places, where they have not been, of strangers, performed within and before the time of these hundred years, to all parts of the Newfound world of America, or the West Indies, from 73. degrees of Northerly to 57 of Southerly latitude: As namely to Engronland, Meta Incognita, Estotiland, Tierra de Labrador, Newfoundland, up The grand bay, the gulf of S. Laurence, and the River of Canada to Hochelaga and Saguenay, along the coast of Arambec, to the shores and manes of Virginia and, Florida, and on the West or backside of them both, to the rich and pleasant countries of Nueva Biscaya, Cibola, Tiguex, Cicuic, Quivira, to the 15. provinces of the kingdom of New Mexico, to the bottom of the gulf of California, and up the River of Buena Guia: And likewise to all the yles both small and great lying before the cape of Florida, The bay of Mexico, and Tierra firma, to the coasts and Inlands of New Spain, Tierra firma, and Guiana, up the mighty Rivers of Orenoque, Dessekebe, and Marannon, to every part of the coast of Brasil, to the River of Plate, through the Straitss of Magellan forward and backward, and to the South of the said Straitss as far as 57 degrees: And from thence on the backside of America, along the coasts, harbours, and capes of Chili, Peru, Nicaragua, Nueva Espanna, Nueva Galicia, Culiacan, California, Nova Albion, and more Northerly as far as 43. degrees: Together with the two renowned, and prosperous voyages of Sir Francis Drake and M. Thomas Candish round about the circumference of the whole earth, and divers other voyages intended and set forth for that course. Collected by RICHARD HAKLVYT Preacher, and sometimes student of Christ-Church in Oxford. ¶ Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and ROBERT BARKER. ANNO DOM. 1600. map jehovah To the right honourable sir Robert Cecil knight, principal Secretary to her Majesty, master of the Court of Wards and Liveries, and one of her majesties most honourable privy Council. RIght honourable, your favourable acceptance of my second volume of The English voyages offered unto you the last year, your perusing of the same at your convenient leisure, your good testimony of myself and of my travails therein, together with the infallible signs of your earnest desire to do me good, which very lately, when I thought lest thereof, broke forth into most bountiful and acceptable effects: these considerations have thoroughly animated and encouraged me to present unto your prudent censure this my third and last volume also. The subject and matter herein contained is the fourth part of the world, which more commonly then properly is called America: but by the chiefest authors The new world. New, in regard of the new and late discovery thereof made by Christopher Colon, alias Columbus, a Genovois by nation, in the year of grace 1492. And world, in respect of the huge extension thereof, which to this day is not thoroughly discovered, neither within the Inland nor on the coast, especially toward the North and Northwest, although on the hither side it be known unto us for the space of five thousand leagues at the lest, counting and considering the trending of the land, and for 3000. more on the backside in the South Sea from the Straight of Magellan to Cape Mendoçino and Nova Albion. So that it seemeth very fitly to be called A new world. Howbeit it cannot be denied but that Antiquity had some kind of dim glimpse, and unperfect notice thereof. Which may appear by the relation of Plato in his two worthy dialogues of Timaeus and Critias under the discourse of that mighty large island called by him Atlantis, lying in the Ocean sea without the Straight of Hercules, now called the Straight of Gibraltar, being (as he there reporteth) bigger than Africa & Asia: And by that of Aristotle in his book De admirandis auditionibus of the long navigation of certain Carthaginians, who sailing forth of the aforesaid Straight of Gibraltar into the main Ocean for the space of many days, in the end found a mighty and fruitful island, which they would have inhabited, but were forbidden by their Senate and chief governors. Moreover, above 300. years after these we have the testimony of Diodorus Siculus lib. 5. cap. 7. of the like mighty island discovered in the Western Ocean by the Tyrrheni, who were forbidden for certain causes to inhabit the same by the foresaid Carthaginians. And Seneca in his tragedy entitled Medea foretold above 1500. years past, that in the later ages the Ocean would discover new worlds, and that the isle of Thule would no more be the uttermost limit of the earth. For whereas Virgile had said to Augustus Caesar, Tibi seruiat ultima Thule, alluding thereunto he contradicteth the same, and says, N●c sit terris ultima Thule. Yea Tertullian one of our most ancient and learned divines, in the beginning of his treatise de Pallio alludeth unto Plato his Western Atlantis, which there by another name he calleth Acon, saying, Aeon in Atlantico nunc quaeritur. And in his 40. chapter de Apologetico he reporte●h the same to be bigger than all Africa and Asia. Of this Newworld and every special part thereof in this my third volume I have brought to light the best & most perfect relations of such as were chief actors in the particular discoveries and searches of the same, giving unto every man his right, and leaving every one to maintain his own credit. The order observed in this work is far more exact, then heretofore I could attain unto: for whereas in my two former volumes I was enforced fo● lack of sufficient store, in divers places to use the method of time only (which many worthy authors on the like occasion are enforced unto) being now more plentifully ●urnished with matter, I always follow the double order of time and place. Wherefore proposing unto myself the right situation of this New world, I begin at the extreme Northern limit, and put down successively in one rank or classis, according to the order aforesaid, all such voyages as have been made to the said part: which coming all together, and following orderly one upon another, do much more lighten the reader's understanding, and confirm his judgement, then if they had been scattered in sundry corners of the work. Which method I observe from the highest North to the lowest South. Now where any country hath been but seldom haunted, or any extraordinary and chief action occurreth, if I find one voyage well written by two several people, sometimes I make no difficulty to set down both those journals, as finding divers things of good moment observed in the one, which are quite omitted in the other. For commonly a soldier observeth one thing, and a mariner another, and as your honour knoweth, Plus vident oculi, quàm oculus. But this course I take very seldom and sparingly. And albeit my work do carry the title of The English voyages, aswell in regard that the greatest part are there's, and that my travail was chief undertaken for preservation of their memorable actions, yet where our own men's experience is defective, there I have been careful to supply the same with the best and chiefest relations of strangers. As in the discovery of the Grand Bay, of the mighty river of S. Laurence, of the countries of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay, of Florida, and the Inland of Cibola, Tiguex, Cicuic, and Quivira, of The gulf of California, & the Northwesterne sea-coast to Cabo Mendoçino and Sierra Nevada: as also of the late & rich discovery of 15. provinces on the backside of Florida and Virginia, the chiefest whereof is called the kingdom of New Mexico, for the wealth, civil government, and populousness of the same. Moreover, because since our wars with Spain, by the taking of their ships, and sacking of their towns and cities, most of all their secrets of the West Indies, and every part thereof are fallen into our people's hands (which in former time were for the most part unknown unto us,) I have used the uttermost of my best endeavour, to get, and having got, to translate out of Spanish, and here in this present volume to publish such secrets of there's, as may any way avail us or annoyed them, if they drive and urge us by their sullen insolences, to continued our courses of hostility against them, and shall cease to seek a good and Christian peace upon indifferent and equal conditions. What these things be, and of how great importance your honour in part ma● understand, if it please you to vouchsafe to read the Catalogues containing the 14. principal heads of this work. Whereby your honour may farther perceive that there is no chief river, no port, no town, no city, no province of any reckoning in the West Indies, that hath not here some good description thereof, aswell for the inland as the seast-coast. And for the knowledge of the true breadth of the Sea between Nova Albion on the Northwest part of America, and the isle of japan lying over against the kingdoms of Coray and China, which until these four years was never revealed unto us, being a point of exceeding great consequence, I have here inserted the voyage of one Francis Gualle a Spaniard made from Acapulco an haven on the South sea on the coast of New Spain, first to the Philippinas, and then to the city of Macao in China, and homeward from Macao by the yles of japan, and thence to the back of the West Indies in the Northerly latitude of 37. degrees ½. In which course between the said ylands and the main he found a wide and spacious open Ocean of 900. leagues broad, which a little more to the Northward hath been set out as a Straight, and called in most maps The Straight of Anian. In which relation to the viceroy he constantly affirmeth three several times, that there is a passage that way unto the North parts of Asia. Moreover, because I perceive by a letter directed by her Majesty to the Emperor of China (and sent in the last Fleet intended for those parts by The South Sea under the charge of Benjamin Wood, chief set out at the charges of sir Robert Duddeley, a gentleman of excellent parts) that she useth her princely mediation for obtaining of freedom of traffic for her merchants in his dominions, for the better instruction of our people in the state of those countries, I have brought to light certain new advertisements of the late alteration of the mighty monarchy of the confronting isle of japan, and of the new conquest of the kingdom of Coray, not long since tributary to the king of China, by Quabacondono the monarch of all the yles and princedoms of japan; as also of the Tartars called jezi, adjoining on the East & Northeast parts of Coray, where I think the best utterance of our natural and chief commodity of clot is like to be, if it please God hereafter to reveal unto us the passage thither by the Northwest. The most exact and true information of the North parts of China I find in an history of Tamerlan, which I have in French, set out within these six years by the abbot of Mortimer, dedicated to the French king that now reigneth, who confesseth that it was long since written in the Arabian tongue by one Alhacen a wise and valiant Captain, employed by the said mighty prince in all his conquests of the foresaid kingdom. Which history I would not have failed to have translated into English, if I had not found it learnedly done unto my hand. And for an appendix unto the end of my work, I have thought it not impertinent, to exhibit to the grave and discreet judgements of those which have the chief places in the Admiralty and marine causes of England, Certain brief extracts of the orders of the Contractation house of Sivil in Spain, touching their government in sea-matters; together with The straight and severe examination of Pilots and Masters before they be admitted to take charge of ships, aswell by the Pilot mayor, and brotherhood of ancient Masters, as by the King's reader of The lecture of the art of Navigation, with the time that they be enjoined to be his auditors, and some part of the questions that they are to answer unto. Which if they find good and beneficial for our seamen, I hope they will gladly embrace and imitate, or finding out some fit course of their own, will seek to bring such as are of that calling unto better government and more perfection in that most laudable and needful vocation. To leave this point, I was once minded to have added to the end of these my labours a short treatise, which I have lying by me in writing, touching The curing of hot diseases incident to traveilers in long and Southern voyages, which treatise was written in English, no doubt of a very honest mind, by one M. George Wateson, and dedicated unto her sacred Majesty. But being careful to do nothing herein rashly, I showed it to my worshipful friend M. doctor Gilbert, a gentleman no less excellent in the chiefest secrets of the Mathematics (as that rare jewel lately set forth by him in Latin doth evidently declare) then in his own profession of physic: who assured me, after he had perused the said treatise, that it was very defective and unperfect, and that if he might have leisure, which that argument would require, he would either writ something thereof more advisedly himself, or would confer with the whole College of the Physicians, and set down some order by common consent for the preservation of her majesties subjects. Now as the foresaid treatise touched the cure of diseases growing in hot regions, so being requested thereunto by some in authority they may add their judgements for the cure of diseases incident unto men employed in cold regions, which to good purpose may serve our people's turns, if they chance to prosecute the intermitted discovery by the Northwest, whereunto I find divers worshipful citizens at this present much inclined. Now because long since I did foresee, that my profession of divinity, the care of my family, and other occasions might call and divert me from these kind of endeavours, I have for these 3. years last passed encouraged and furthered in these studies of cosmography and foreign histories, my very honest, industrious, and learned friend M. JOHN PORY, one of special skill and extraordinary hope to perform great matters in the same, and beneficial for the common wealth. Thus Sir I have portrayed out in rude lineaments my Western Atlantis or America: assuring you, that if I had been able, I would have limned her and set her out with far more lively and exquisite colours: yet, as she is, I humbly desire you to receive her with your wont and accustomed favour at my hands, who always will remain most ready and devoted to do your honour any poor service that I may; and in the mean season will not fail unfeignedly to beseech the Almighty to power upon you the best of his temporal blessings in this world, and after this life ended with true and much honour, to make you partaker of his joys eternal. From London the first of September, the year of our Lord God 1600. Your Honour's most humble to be commanded, RICHARD HAKLVYT, Preacher. ¶ A general Catalogue divided, according to the method observed in this present volume, into 14. special branches, briefly containing all the Voyages, Navigations, Traffics, and Discoveries of the English nation, and (where they have not b●ne, or not perfectly discovered) of strangers, within the said volume entreated of, which have been performed to every part of America hitherto known or discovered by any Christian: whereunto are annexed in their due and proper places, all the Patents, discourses, ruttiers, letters, advertisements, instructions, observations, and other particulars incident or belonging to the foresaid Voyages. THe most ancient voyage and discovery of the West Indies performedly Madoc the son of Owen Guined prince of North Wales, Anno 1170; taken out of the history of Wales, etc. Pag. 1. The testimonies and relations immediately ensuing upon this voyage. THe verses of Meredith the son of Rhesus making mention of Madoc the son of Owen Guined, and of his Navigation unto unknown lands. pag. 1 The offer of the discovery of the West Indi●s by Christopher Columbus to K. Henry the 7. February the 13. Anno 1488; with the King's acceptance of the said offer. pag. 2 Another testimony concerning the foresaid offer made by Bar●holomew Columbus to K. Henry the seventh, on the behalf of his brother Chris●●pher Columbus. pag. 3. & 4. A catalogue of the English voyages undertaken for the finding of a Northwest passage, to the North parts of America, to Meta incognita, and the backside of Groenland, as far as 72. degrees, and 12. minutes. THe voyage of Sebastian Cabota to the North part of America, for the discovery of a North west passage, as far as 58. degrees of latitude, and from thence back again all along the coast, till he fallen with some part of Florida anno 1497; confirmed by 6. testimonies: The first taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabota cut by Clement Adam●s; the second used by Galeacius Butrigarius the Pope's legate, and reported by him; the third out of the preface of Baptista Ramusius before his third volume of Navigations; the 4. out of the third decade of Peter Marty rab Angleria; the 5. out of the general history of Lopez de Gomara; and the 6. out of Fabians chronicle. pag. 6.7.8, and 9 The first voyage of M. Martin Frobisher to the Northwest for the search of a passage to China anno 1576. pag. 29. & 57 The second voyage of M. Martin Frobisher to the West and Northwest regions, in the year 1577. pag. 32. and 60. The third and last voyage of M. Martin Frobisber for the discovery of a Northwest passage, in the ye●e 1578. Pag. 39 and 74. The first voyage of M. john davis for the discovery of a Northwest passage, 1585. pag. 98. The second voyage of M john davis for the discovery of the Northwest pass. 1586. pag. 103. The voyage and course which the Sunshine a bark of 50, tons, & the Northstarre a small pinnace, being 2. vessels of the Fleet of M. john davis, held, after he had sent them from him to discover a passage between Groenland and Isleland, 1587. pag. 111 The voyage of M. Nicolas Zeno and M. Anthony his brother, to the yles of Friesland, Island, Engronland, Estotiland, Drogeo, and Icaria, begun in the year 1380. pag. 121. The patents, letters, discourses, observations, and dependences upon the Northwestern voyages next before mentioned. THe letters patents of K. Henry the 7. granted unto john Cabot and his 3. sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, for the discovery of new and unknown lands, Anno 1495. pag. 4 The signed bill of K. Henry the 7. on the behalf of john Cabot. pag. 5● & 6 A brief extract concerning the discovery of Newfoundland. pag. 10 The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota, constituting him Grand pilot of England, Anno 1549. pag. 10 A discourse written by sir Humphrey Gilbert knight, to prove a passage by the Northwest to Cataya, and the East Indies. pag. 11 Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to prove all parts of the world habitable, and thereby to confute the position of the five Zones. pag. 48 A letter of M. Martin Frobisher to certain Englishmen, which were treacherously taken by the Saluages of Meta incognita in his first voyage. pag. 70 Articles and orders prescribed by M. Martin Frobisher to the Captains and company of every ship, which accompanied him in his last Northwestern voyage. pag. 75 A general and brief description of the country and condition of the people, which are found in Meta incognita. pag. 93 The letters patents of her Majesty granted to M. Adrian Gilbert and others for the search and discovery of a Northwest passage to China. pag. 96 A letter of M. I davis to M. Wil Sanderson of London, concerning his second voyage. p. 108 A letter of M. john davis to M. Wil Sanderson of London, concerning his 3. voyage. p. 114 A traverse-booke of M. john davis containing all the principal notes and observations taken in his third and last voyage to the Northwest. pag. 115 A report of M. john davis concerning his three voyages made for the discovery of the Northwest passage taken out of a treatise of his entitled The world's hydrographical description. pag. 119 A testimony of Ortelius for the credit of the history of M. Nicolas, & M. Antonio Zeni. p. 128. A catalogue of sundry voyages made to Newfoundland, to the isles of Ramea and the isle of Assumption, otherwise called Natiscotec, as also to the coasts of Cape Briton and Arambec. THe voyage of two ships, whereof the one was called The Dominus vobiscum, set out the 20 of May 1527, for the discovery of the North parts. pag. 129 The voyage of M. Whore, and divers other gentlemen to Newfoundland, and Cape Briton, in the year 1536. pag. 129 The voyage of Sir Humphrey Gilbert to Newfoundland An. 1583. pag. 143,165 The first discovery of the isle of Ramea, made by for Monsieur de la court pre Ravillon & grandpre, with the ship called The Bonaventure, to kill and make trane-oile of the beasts called The Morses, with great teeth, Anno 1591. pag. 189 The voyage of the ship called The Marigold of M. Hill of Redriffe, unto Cape Briton and beyond, to the latitude of 44 degrees and a half, Anno 1593. pag. 191 The voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham, to the isle of Ramea, in the year 1593. pag. 193 The voyage of The Grace of Bristol, up into the gulf of S. Laurence to the Northwest of Newfoundland, as far as the isle of Assumption or Natiscotec, Anno 1594. pag. 194 The voyage of M. Charles Leigh, and divers others, to Cape Briton and the isle of Ramea, 1597. pag. 195 The patents, discourses, letters, advertisements, and other observations incident to the voyages unto Newfoundland next before rehearsed. An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffic into Newfoundland and Iseland, made Anno 2. Edwardi sexti. pag. 131 A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Middle Temple, containing a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland, by M. Antony Parkhurt, 1578. pag. 133 The letters patents granted by her Majesty to sir Humphrey Gilbert knight, for inhabiting some part of America 1578. pag. 135 A learned and stately Poem written in Latin Hexamiters by Stephanus Parmenius Budeius, concerning the voyage of sir Humphrey Gilbert to Newfound-land● for the planting of an English colony there, containing also a brief remembrance of certain of our principal English capt●ines by sea. pag. 138 Orders agreed upon by the Captains and Masters, to be observed by the fleet of sir Humphrey Gilbert. pag. 147 A brief relation of Newfoundland, and the commodities thereof. pag. 152 Reckonings of the Master and Master's mate of the Admiral of sir Humphrey Gilbert in their course from cape Raze to cape Briton, and to the Isle of Sablon. pag. 155 The manner how the said Admiral was lost. pag. 156 A letter of the learned Hungarian Stephanus Parmenius Budeius to master Richard Hakluyt the collector of these voyages. pag. 161. & 16● A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth master of the ship called The Delight, which went as Admiral of sir Humphrey hearts fleet for the discovery of Norumbega 1583: written in excuse of the casting away the said ship and the men, imputed to his oversight. pag. 163 A discourse of the necessity and commodity of planting English colonies upon the North paytes of America. pag. 165 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford, encouraging him in the study of Cosmography, and furthering of new discoveries, 1582. pag. 181 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Thomas Aldworth merchant, and at that time Mayor of the city of Bristol, concerning their adventure in the Western discovery 1582. pag. 182 A letter written from master Aldworth merchant and mayor of the city of Bristol, to the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham, concerning a voyage intended for the discovery of the coast of America lying to the South-west of cape Briton 1583. pag. 182 A brief and summary discourse upon a voyage intended to the hithermost parts of America, written by master Christopher Carlisle 1583. pag. 182 Articles set down by the committees appointed on the behalf of the company of the Moscovian merchants, to confer with master Carlisle upon his intended discovery of the hithermost parts of America. pag. 188 A letter sent to the right honourable sir William Cecil Lord Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England etc. from master Thomas james of Bristol, concerning the discovery of the Isle of Ramea 1591. pag. 19● A brief note of the Morse, and of the use thereof. pag. 191 Certain observations touching the countries and places where master Charles Leigh touched in his voyage to cape Briton, and to the Isle of Ramea anno 1597. pag. 200 A catalogue of certain voyages made for the discovery of the gulf of Saint Laurence to the West of Newfoundland, and from thence up the river of Canada, to Hochelaga, Saguenay, and other places. THe first voyage of jaques Cartier of Saint Malo, to Newfoundland, the gulf of Saint Laurence, and the Grand Bay, Anno 1534. pag. 201 The second voyage of jaques Cartier by the Grand bay up the river of Canada to Hochelaga, Anno 1535. pag. 212 The third voyage of jaques Cartier unto the countries of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay, Anno 1540 pag. 232 The voyage of john Francis de la Roche knight, lord of Roberual, with three tall ships to the countries of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay, 1542. pag. 240 Certain notes and observations depending upon the voyages next before mentioned, together with an excellent Ruttier for some part of Newfoundland, for The grand bay, and the River of Canada. divers words of the language spoken in New France, with the interpretation thereof. pag. 211. and 231. A description of the river and haven of Saint Croix. pag. 234 A description of the 3. saults or falls of water in the river of Canada. pag. 235 A letter written to M. john Groute student in Paris by jaques Noel of Saint Malo the nephew of jaques Cartier touching the discovery of his uncle in the parts of Canada 1587. pag. 236 Part of another letter written by jaques Noel of Saint Malo to the foresaid M. john Groute student in Paris. pag. 236 An excellent ruttier showing the course from bell isle, Carpont, and the Grand bay, up the river of Canada for the space of 230 leagues, observed by john Alphonse of Xanctoigne, chief Pilot to Monsieur Roberual, 1542. pag. 237 A description of the Saluages in Canada. pag. 242 A catalogue of the voyages and navigations of the English nation to Virginia, and of the several discoveries thereof, chief at the charges of the honourable sir Walter Ralegh knight. THe first voyage made to the coast of Virginia by M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlow, 1584. pag. 246 The second voyage made to Virginia by sir Richard Grinuile for sir Walter Ralegh. Anno 1585.: at what time the first colony of English was there left under the government of M. Ralph Lane, now knight. pag. 251 The third voyage to Virginia made by a ship sent in the year 1586. for the relief of the colony planted in Virginia, at the sole charges of sir Walter Ralegh. pag. 265 The fourth voyage made to Virginia with 3. ships, Anno 1587. wherein was transported the second colony. p●g. 280 The fifth voyage to Virginia made by master john White in the year 1590. pag. 288 The letters patents, discourses, observations, and advertisements belonging to the foresaid voyages made unto Virginia. THe letters patents granted by the Queen's Majesty to sir Walter Ralegh, for the discovering, and planting of new lands and countries, Anno 1584. pag. 243 The names of those, aswell gentlemen as others, that remained one whole year in Virginia, under the government of M. Ralph Lane. pag. 254 An extract of M. Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt esquire, and another Gentleman of the middle Temple from Virginia 1585. pag. 255 An account of the particular employments of the Englishmen left in Virginia by S. Richard Grinuile under M. Ralph Lane their general, from the 17. of August 1585. until the 1●. of june 1586. at which time they departed the country. pag. 255 A briefs and true report of the commodities aswell merchantable as others, which are to be found and raised in the country of Virginia, written by M. Thomas Harriot: together with Master Ralph Lane his approbation thereof in all points. pag. 266 A description of the nature and manners of the people of Virginia. pag. 276 The names of all ●he men, women, and children which safely arrived in Virginia, and remained to inhabit there Anno 1587. pag. 287 A letter of M. john White to M. Richard Hakluyt written in February 1593. pag. 287 A catalogue of certain voyages to the coast and inland of Florida. THe voyage of john de Verrazzano a Florentine to the coast of Florida, sailing from thence Northerly to the latitude of 50. degrees, Anno 1524. pag. 295 The voyage of captain john Ribault to Florida● 1562. pag. 308 The voyage of captain René Laudonniere to Florida 1564. where he fortified and inhabited two Summers, and one whole winter. pag. 319 A second voyage of captain john Ribault to Florida 1565. pag. 349 The voyage of captain Dominique Gourgues to Florida 1567. where he most valiantly, justly, and sharply revenged the bloody and inhuman massacre committed by the Spaniards upon his countrymen, in the year 1565. pag. 356 divers particulars worthy the consideration, intermingled among the voyages of Florida. AN Epistle Dedicatory to sir Wal●er Ralegh● prefixed by master Richard Hakluyt before the history of Florida, which he translated out of French 1587. pag. 301 The Preface of master René Laudonniere before the said History. page 303 A description of the West Indies in general, but more chief & particularly of Florida. pag. 304 An oration of captain john Ribault to his company. pag. 312 An oration of Laudonniere to his mutinous soldiers. pag. 336 A letter of the lord admiral of France unto M. Laudonniere. pag. 351 The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard, whom sir Francis Drake brought from S. Augustine's in Florida, touching the state of those parts. pag. 361 The relation of Nicolas Burgoignon, alias Holy, whom sir Francis Drake brought also from S. Augustine's. pag. 361 A catalogue of certain voyages made from Nueva Galicia and Nueva Biscaya in New Spain to the 15 provinces of New Mexico, and to Cibola, and Quivira. THe voyage of friar Marco de Niça from the town of S. Michael in the province of Culiacan, to the kingdom of Cevola or Cibola, situate about 30 degrees of latitude to the North of Nueva Espanna, begun the 7 of March, 1539. pag. 366 The voyage of Francis Vasquez de Coronado from Nueva Galicia to Cibola, Acuco, Tiguex, Quivira, & to the Western Ocean: begun the 22 of April, 1540 pag. 373, & 380 The voyage of friar Augustin R●is to the 15 provinces of New Mexico, begun in the year 1581. pag. 383, & 389 The voyage of Antonio de Espejo from the valley of S. Bartholomew in Nueva Galicia to the foresaid 15 provinces of New Mexico, begun the 10 of novemb. 1582. pag. 383, & 390 The discourses, letters, etc. depending upon the former voyages to New Mexico, Cibola and Quivira. A Brief discourse of the famous cosmographer M. john Baptista Ramusius, concerning the three voyages of friar Marco de Niça, Francis Vasquez de Coronado, and that of Fernando Alarchon, etc. pag. 362 An extract of a letter of C. Francis Vasquez de Coronado, written from Culiacan the 8 of March 1539, to a secretary of Don Antonio de Mendoça the viceroy of Nueva Espanna. pag. 362 A letter of the said Francis Vasquez de Coronado governor of Nueva Galicia, to Don Antonio de Mendoça the viceroy of Nueva Espanna, written from Culiacan the 8 of March, 1539. pag. 363 A letter written by Don Antonio de Mendoça viceroy of Nueva Espanna to the emperor Charles the fift. pag. 364 A testimony of Francis Lopez de Gomara, concerning the strange crookbacked oxen, the great sheep, and the mighty dogs of Quivira. pag. 308 A letter intercepted of Bartholomew deal Canon, written from Mexico the 30 of May 1590., to Francis Hernandez of Sivil, concerning the speedy building of two strong forts in S. ivan de ullua, and Vera Cruz, as also touching the notable new and rich discovery of Cibola or New Mexico, 400 leagues Northwest of Mexico. pag. 396 Certain voyages made for the discovery of the gulf of California, and of the sea-coast on the Northwest or backside of America. THe voyage of the right worshipful knight Francisco de Vlloa, with 3 ships set forth at the charges of the right noble Fernando Cortes, by the coasts of Nueva Galicia, & Culiacan, into the gulf of California, called El mar vermejo, as also on the backside of Cape California, as far as 30 degrees, begun from Acapulco the 8 of july, 1539. p. 397 The voyage and discovery of Fernando Alarchon, made by the order of the R. H. Don Antonio de Mendoça viceroy of New Spain, to the very bottom of the gulf of California, and 85 leagues up the river of Buena Guia, begun the 9 of May, 1540 pag. 425 The voyage and course which sir Francis Drake held from the haven of Guatulco, on the backside of Nueva Espanna, to the Northwest of California, as far as 43 degrees, & from thence back again to 38 degrees, where in a very good harbour he graved his ship, entrenched himself on land, called the country by the name of Nova Albion, and took possession thereof on the behalf of her Majesty. pag. 440 The memorable voyage of Francis Gualle a Spanish captain and pilot, undertaken at the appointment of the viceroy of New Spain, from the haven of Acapulco in the said province, to the islands of the Luçones or the Philippinas, unto the haven of Manilla, and from thence to the haven of Macao in China; and from Macao by the Lequeos, the isles of japan, and other isles to the East of japan, and likewise by the Northwest part of America in 37 degrees and ½ b●cke again to Acapulco, begun the 10 of March 1582, & ended 1584. Out of which voyage, besides great probabilities of a North, Northwest, or North-east passage, may evidently be gathered, that the sea between japan and America is by m●ny hundred leagues broader, and the land between Cape Mendoçino and Cape California, is many hundred leagues narrower, than we ●inde them to be in the ordinary maps and relations. pag. 442 An extract of a Spanish letter written from Pueblo de los Angeles in Nueva Espanna in October 1597, touching the discovery of the rich islands of California, being distant eight days sailing from the main. pag. 439 A catalogue of divers voyages made by English men to the famous city of Mexico, and to all or most part of the other principal provinces, cities, towns, and places throughout the great and ●arge kingdom of New Spain, even as far as Nicaragna and Panamá, and from thence to Perú, etc. THe voyage of Robert Tomson merchant into New Spain in the year 1555. pa. 447 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham to Sant ivan de ullua in the bay of Mexico, and from thence to the city of Mexico, Anno 1564. pag. 447 The memorable voyage of M. john Chilton to all the principal parts of Nueva Espanna, and to divers places in Perú, begun ●rom Cadiz in Andaluzia, in March 1568. pa. 455 The voyage of Henry Hawks merchant to Nueva Espanna (in which country he traveled for the space of five years, and observed many notable things) written at the request of M. Richard Hakluyt of Eyton in the county of Hereford esquire, 1572. pag. 462 The voyage of Miles Philip's one of the company put on shore by sir john Hawkins, 1568, a little to the North of Panuco; from whence he traveled to Mexico, and afterward to sundry other places, having remained in the country 15 or 16 years together, & noted many things most worthy the observation. pag. 469 The travels of job Hortop set on land by sir john Hawkins 1586 in the bay of Mexico, somewhat to the North of Panuco before mentioned. pag. 487 A relation of the haven of Tecuanapa, a most convenient place for building of ships, situate upon the South sea not farr● from Nicaragua. pag. 495 A catalogue of the principal English voyages to all the isles called Las Antillas', and to the four grea●er islands of Sant ivan de Puerto ●ico, Hespaniola, jamaica, and Cuba, and Northward thorough the Lucayos: as also along the coasts of Tierra firma, Nombre de dios, Veragua, the Honduras, the coast of jucatan, to the po●t of San● ivan de ullua, and the coast of Panu●o, etc. THe voyage of sir Thomas Pert, and Sebastian Cabot in the year 1516, to Brasil, Santo Domingo, and Sant ivan de Puerto rico. pag. 498 The voyage of Thomas Tison an English man to the West Indies before the year 1526. pag. 500 The first voyage of the right worshipful and valiant knight sir john Hawkins, sometimes treasurer of her majesties navy royal, made to the West Indies in the year 1562. pag. 500 The second voyage made by the R. W. sir john Hawkins knight with the jesus of Lubec, one of her majesties ships, and the Solomon, and two barks, to the coast of Guinie, & from thence to the isle of Dominica, all along the coast of Tierra firma, & so homewards about the cape of S. Anton upon the West end of Cuba, & thorough the channel of Bahama; Begun 1564. pag. 501 The third troublesome voyage of the right worshipful sir john Hawkins, with the jesus of Lubec, the Minion, and four other ships, to the parts of Guinea, and the coasts of Tierra firma, and Nueva Espanna, Anno 1567., & 1568. pag. 521 The first voyage attempted and set forth by the valiant and expert captain M. Francis Drake, with a ship called The Dragon, and another ship & a pinnace, to Number de Dios and Dariene, about the year 1572. pag. 525 The voyage of john Oxnam of Plymouth to the West India, and over the straight of Dariene into the South sea, Anno 1575. pag. 526 The voyage of M. Andrew Barker of Bristol with two ships, the one called The Ragged staff, and the other The Bear, to the coast of Tierra firma, and the bay of the Honduras in the West Indies, Anno 1576. pag. 528 The famous expedition of sir Francis Drake to the West Indies, wherein were t●ken the cities of saint jago, saint Domingo, Cartagena, with the Fort and town of saint Augustin in Florida, in the years 1585., and 1586. pag. 5●4 The voyage of William Michelson and William Mace of Ratcliff, master of a ship called The Dog, made to the bay of Mexico, anno 1589. pag. 557 The voyage and valiant fight of The Content, a ship of the right honourable sir George Carey knight, L. Hunsdon, L. Chamberlain, Captain of the honourable band of her Majesties' Pensioners, and Governor of the Isle of Wight, etc. 1591. pag. 555 The voyage of M. Christopher Newport with a fleet of 3. ships and a Pinnace to the Isles of Dominica, Saint ivan de puerto rico, Hispaniola, and to the Bay of the Honduras, begun in january 1591. pag. 567 The voyage of M. William king Captain (M. Moor, M. How, & M. Boreman being owners) in the Solomon of 200. tons, and the jane Bonaventure of 40. tons, set forth from Ratcliff 1592. pag. 570 The voyage of Henry May one of M. james Lancaster his company, in his navigation to the East Indies 1591., & 1592.: who in his return with M. Lancaster by the yles of Trinidad, Mona, & Hispaniola, was about Cape Tiburon taken into a French ship under the conduct of Capitan de la barbotiero, which ship was cast away upon the yles of Bermuda: where all the company that escaped drowning remained for certain months, built themselves a bark, sailed to Newfoundland, and so home 1593. pag. 573. & 574 The voyage of sir Robert Duddelo● to the isle of Trinidad and the coast of Paria: with his return homeward by the yles of Granata Santa Cruz● Sant ivan de puerto rico, Mona, Zacheo, the sholdes called Abre ojos, and the isle of Bermuda. Anno 1594. & 1595. pag. 574 The voyage of sir Amias Preston and Captain George summers to the West Indies, begun in March 1595: wherein divers ylands, cities, towns, and forts were part taken and ransomed, and part burned. pag. 578 The last voyage of sir Francis Drake & sir john Hawkins, intended for some special services on the ylands and main of the West Indies, Anno 1595. In which voyage both the foresaid knights died by sickness. pag. 583 The voyage of si● Antony Shirley to S. jago, Dominica, Margarita, along the coast of Tierra firma, to the isle of jamaica, the bay of the Honduras, 30. leagues up Rio dolce, and homeward by Newfoundland, 1596. pag. 598 The voyage of M. William Parker of Plymouth to Margarita, jamaica, Truxillo, Puerto de cavallos, etc. with his surprise of Campeche, the chief town of jucatan. An. 1596, 1597. p. 602 The discourses, letters, intelligences, observations, and principal rut●iers belonging to the voyages next before mentioned. THe opinion of Don Alvaro Baçan marquess of Santa Cruz, and high admiral of Spain, touching the fl●et of sir Francis Drake lying at the isles of Bayona on the coast of Galicia, written in Li●bon the ●6 of October 1585., after the account of Spain. pag. 532 A resolution of the principal land-captains, which accompanied sir Francis Drake in his memorable voyage to the West Indies, 1585.; what course they thought most expedient to be taken. Given at Cartagena the 17 of February 1585. pag. 543 A relation of the surveying, new buildings finishing, making, and mending of certain ports, harbours● forts, and cities in the West Indies: written by Baptista Antonio the king of Spain's surveyor in those parts 1587. pag. 548 Twelve Spanish letters written from divers places of the islands and of the main land, aswell of Nueva Espanna, as of Tierra firma and Perú, intercepted by the ships of the worshipful M. john Wats, disclosing many secrets touching the aforesaid countries, and the state of the South sea, and the trade to the Philippinas. pag. 557. and the pages following. The interpretation of certain words of the language of Trinidad annexed to the voyage of sir Robert Duddeley. pag. 577 A libel of Spanish lies written by Don Bernaldino delgadillo de Auellaneda, general of the king of Spain's armada, concerning some part of the last voyage of sir Francis Drake: together with a confutation thereof by M. Henry Savile, etc. * Or, Villa Villa●●● pag. 591, & 593. An excellent ruttier for the islands of ●he West Indies, and for Tierra firma, and Nueva Espanna. pag. 603 A principal ruttier containing most particular directions to sail from Saint Lucar in Andaluzia, by the Canaries, the Antillas', and the other greater Isles Westward of them, to Saint ivan de ullua in Nueva Espanna. pag. 613 A declaration of the Capes and Islands aswell of Madera, the Canaries, and The west Indies, as of the Açores, and the Isles of Cabo Verde. pag. 624. A declaration of the longitudes or Western and Eastern distances from Spain to New Spain in America, and from thence back again to Spain. pag. 626 A catalogue of certain voyages made for the discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful empire of Guiana, by sir Walter Ralegh, and others at his charges and appointment. THe voyage of sir Walter Ralegh himself to the Isle of Trinidad, where he took the city of Saint josepho, and Don Antonio de Berreo the captain thereof: from whence with a barge and certain boats he passed up the bay of Guanipa, the river of Amana one of the mouths of the great Orenoque, the main river of Orenoque itself, and other rivers, for the space of 400. miles: and in his return homeward sacked & burned the town of Cumaná 1595. pag. 631 The second voyage to Guiana performed and written in the year 1596. by Laurence K●ymis gentleman. pag. 672 The 3. voyage set forth by sir Walt●r Ralegh to Guiana with a pinnace called The Wat, begun in the year 1596. written by M. Thomas Masham a gentleman of the company. pag. 692 The Epistles, Discourses, Intercepted letters, Observations, and Intelligences, preceding and depending upon the voyages to Guiana. THe Epistle Dedicatory of sir Walter Ralegh to the right honourable the L. Charles Howard knight of the Garter, etc. and sir Robert Cecil, councillor etc. pag. 627 The Epistle of sir Walter Ralegh to the reader. pag. 629 An advertisement to the Reader concerning certain letters of the Spaniards intercepted at Sea. pag. 662 Four several testimonies concerning the rich Empire of Guiana, called by the Spaniards, El Nuevo Dorado, collected out of certain Spanish letters taken at sea by captain George Popham anno 1594. pag. 663 Four personal reports of certain Spaniards and of a Frenchman, concerning El Nuevo Dorado. 665. and 666 The Epistle of master Laurence Keymis to the reader. pag. 667 De Guiana carmen Epicum. pag. 668 A table of the names of the rivers, nations, towns, and Caciques or captains, which were discovered in the voyage of M. Laurence Keymis before mentioned. pag. 687 A catalogue of the names of those worthy Spaniards that have sought to discover and conquer Guiana. pag. 690 An advertisement of M. Laurence Keymis to the reader. pag. 691 Three testimonies of josepho de Acosta concerning the mighty river of Amazons, or Orellana, and of the downfall of waters at the head thereof called El Pongo, and likewise of the Empire of Dorado or Guiana, and of the golden country of Paytiti. pag. 698 A brief description of the foresaid river of Amazons or Orellana, and of the countries thereabouts, as also of the sea of fresh water, taken out of an ancient discourse written by Martin Fernandez de Ençiça. pag. 699 Certain voyages, navigations, and traffics both ancient and of late, to divers places upon the coast of brasil. THe first voyage of M. William Hawkins of Plymouth, father unto sir john Hawkins to Brasil Anno 1530. pag. 700 The second voyage of M. William Hawkins to Brasil, 1532. pag. 700 The voyage of M. Robert Reniger & M. Tho. Borey to Brasil, in the year 1540 p. 701 The voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil 1542. pag. 701 The voyage of M. Stephan Hare in the Minion of London to Brasil anno 1580. pag. 704 The prosperous voyage of Master james Lancaster to the town of Fernambuck in Brasil, 1594. pag. 708 The letters, discourses, instructions, observations, and ruttiers, depending upon the voyages to Brasil. A Letter written to M. Richard Staper by john Whithal from Santos in Brasil, the 26. of june, 1578. pag. 701 A letter of the adventurers for Brasil sent to john Whithal dwelling at Santos, by the Minion of London, dated the 24. of October 1580. pag. 703 An intercepted letter of Francis Suarez to his brother Diego Suarez dwelling in Lisbon, written from the river of jenero in Brasil in june 1596. concerning an exceeding rich trade newly begun between that place and Peru by the way of the river of Plate, with small barks of 30. or 40. tons. pag. 706 An intercepted letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualho the governor of Paraiva in the most Northern part of Brasil 1597. to Philip the second King of Spain, concerning the conquest of Rio grand, etc. pag. 716 A special note concerning the currents of the sea between the Cape of Buena Esperança, and the coast of Brasilia. pag. 719 An excellent ruttier describing the course to be kept from Cabo verde to the coast of Brasil, and all along the said coast from Fernambuck to the river of Plate. pag. 719 A ruttier from the river of Plate to the Straitss of Magellan. pag. 724. A note of two voyages of Englishmen into the River of Plate. A Voyage of two Englishmen to the river of Plate in the company of Sebastian Cabota, 1527. pag. 726 The voyage of M. john Drake after his departure from M. Fenton, up the river of Plate 1582. pag. 726 A Ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the isle of Santa Catelina unto the mouth of the river of Plate, and all along up within the said river, and what arms & mouths it hath to enter into it, as far as it is navigable with small barks. pag. 728. A Catalogue of divers English voyages, some intended and some performed to the Straitss of Magellan, the South sea, along the coasts of Chili, Peru, Nicaragua, and Nuéua Galicia, to the headland of California, and to the Northwest thereof as far as 43. degrees, as likewise to the yles of the Ladrones, the Philippinas, the Malucos, and the javas; and from thence by the Cape of Bu●na Esperanza and the isle of Santa Helena (the whole globe of the earth being circompassed) home again into England. THe famous voyage of sir Francis Drake into the South sea, and therehence about the globe of the whole earth, begun Anno 1577. pag. 742 The voyage of Nunno de silva a Portugal Pilot taken by sir Francis Drake at the yles of Cabo Verde, and carried along with him as far as the haven of Guatulco upon the coast of New Spain: with his confession made to the Viceroy of Mexico of all matters that befallen, during the time that he accompanied sir Francis Drake. pag. 742 The voyage of M. john Winter into the South sea by the Straight of Magellan in consort with sir Francis Drake, begun in the year 1577. he being the first Christian that ever repassed the said Straight. pag. 748 The voyage of M. Edward Fenton and M. Luke Ward his vice-admiral with 4. ships, intended for China, but performed only to the coast of Brasil, as far as 33. degrees of Southerly latitude; begun in the year 1582. pag. 757 The voyage of M. Robert Withrington, and M. Christopher Lister intended for the South sea, with two tall ships set forth at the charges of the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, but performed only to the Southerly latitude of 44. degrees, begun Anno 1586. pag. 762 The prosperous voyage of M. Thomas Candish esquire into the South sea, and so round about the circumference of the whole earth, begun in the year 1586. and finished 1588. pag. 803 The voyage of the Delight a ship of Bristol one of the consorts of M. john Chidley esquire, and M. Paul Wheel, made to the Straitss of Magellan, begun in the year 1589. pag. 840 The last voyage of M. Thomas Candish intended for the South sea, the Philippinas, and the coast of China, with three tall ships, and two barks, begun 1591. pag. 842 The principal observations, discourses, instructions, letters, ruttiers, and intelligences belonging to the voyages immediately going before. THe names of the kings of java, at the time of sir Francis Drakes being there. pag. 742 Certain words of the natural language of java, with the interpretation thereof. pag. 742 The confession of Nunno de silva, a Portugal pilot, taken by sir Francis Drake, which he made to the viceroy of Mexico, concerning the proceeding of sir Francis Drake, etc. 157●. pag. 742 A letter written in the South sea by sir Francis Drake unto his consort M. john Winter. 748 Instructions given by the R.H. the lords of the council, to M. Edward Fenton esquire, for the order to be observed in the voyage recommended unto him for the East Indies and Cathay, April 9 1582. pag. 754 A discourse of the West indies and the South sea, written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal, containing divers memorable ma●ters not to be found in any other writers, and continued unto the year 1587. pag. 778 Certain rare and special notes most properly belonging to the voyage of M. Thomas Candish about the world; concerning the latitudes, sounding, lying of lands, distances of places, the variation of the compass, and other notable observations, diligently taken by M. Thomas Fuller of Ipswich. pag. 825 A letter of M. Thomas Candish to the R. H. the old Lord Hunsdon, L. Chamberlain, one of her majesties most honourable privit council, touching the success of his voyage round about the world. 837 Certain notes or references taken out of a large map of China, brought home by M. Thomas Candish 1588. 837 A petition made in the straight of Magellan by certain of the company of the Delight of Bristol, unto Robert Burnet the Master of the said ship, and one of the consorts of M. Chidley the 12 of February 1589. pag. 840 The testimonial of the company of the Desire, a ship of M. Can●ishes fleet in his last voyage, touching the losing of their general, which appeareth to have been utterly against their meanings. 845 The letters of the Queen's most excellent Majesty sent in the year 1596, to the emperor of China, by M. Richard Allot and M. Thomas Bromefield, merchants of London, who were embarked in the fleet, whereof M. Benjamin Wood was general. pag. 852 Three several testimonies concerning the mighty kingdom of Coray, tributary to the king of China, and bordering upon his North-east frontiers: and also touching the wars of Quabacondono the monarch of japan against China, by the way of Coray. pag. 854 A brief note concerning an extreme Northerly province of japan, called Zuegara, situate 30 days journey from M●acó, & also of a certain nation of Tartars, called jezi, inhabiting on the main to the North of China. pag. 861 Advertisements touching the ships that go from Siuil to the Indies of Spain, together with some sea-orders of the Contractation house of Sivil. pag. 862 The order of the Carena given to the ships that go out of Spain to the West Indies. pag. 864. The examination of the Masters and Pilots which sail in the fleets of Spain to the West Indies, written in Spanish by Pedro Dias a Spanish Pilot. pag. 864, and 866 THE THIRD AND LAST Volume of the principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffics and Discoveries of the English Nation made to the Northwest, West, and Southwest parts of the World, with the Letters, Privileges, Discourses, Observations, and other necessary things concerning the same. The most ancient Discovery of the West Indies by Madoc the son of Owen Guyneth Prince of North-wales, in the year 1170: taken out of the history of Wales, lately published by M. David Powel Doctor of Divinity. AFter the death of Owen Guyneth, his sons fallen at debate who should inherit after him: for the elder son born in matrimony, Edward or jorwerth Drwydion, was counted unmeet to govern, because of the maim upon his face: and howel that took upon him all the rule was a base son, begotten upon an Irish woman. Therefore David gathered all the power he could, and came against Howel, and fight with him, slay him; and afterwards enjoyed quietly the whole land of North-wales, until his brother Iorwer●hs son came to age. Madoc another of Owen Guyneth his sons left the land in contention betwixt his brethren, Madoc the ●on of Owen Guyneth. & prepared certain ships, with men and munition, and sought adventures by Seas, sailing West, and leaving the coast of Ireland so far North, that he came unto a land unknown, where he see many strange things. This land must needs be some part of that Country of which the Spaniards affirm themselves to be the first finders since Hannos time. Humf. Lloyd. Whereupon it is manifest that that country was by Britain's discovered, long before Columbus led any Spaniards thither. Of the voyage and return of this Madoc there be many fables feigned, as the common people do use in distance of place and length of time rather to augment then to diminish: but sure it is there he was. And after he had returned home, and declared the pleasant and fruitful countries that he had seen without inhabitants, and upon the contrary part, for what barren & wild ground his brethren and nephews did murder one another, he prepared a number of ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to live in quietness: The second voyage of Madoc the son of Owen Guyneth. and taking leave of his friends, took his journey thitherward again. Therefore it is to be supposed that he and his people inhabited part of those countries: for it appeareth by Francis Lopez de Gomara, Gomara. lib. 2. cap. 16. that in Acuzamil and other places the people honoured the cross. Whereby it may be gathered that Christians had been there before the coming of the Spaniards. But because this people were not many, they followed the manners of the land which they came unto, & used the language they found there. This Madoc arriving in that Western country, unto the which he came in the year 1170, M. Powels addition. left most of his people there, and returning back for more of his own nation, acquaintance & friends to inhabit that fair & large country, went thither again with ten sails, as I found noted by Gutyn Owen. Gutyn Owen. I am of opinion that the land whereunto he came was some part of the West Indies. Carmina Meredith filij Rhesi mentionem facientia de Madoco filio Oweni Guynedd, & de sua navigatione in terras incognitas. Vixit hic Meredith circiter annum Domini 1477. MAdoc wife, mwyedic wed, jawn genau, Owyn Guynedd: Ni fynnum dir, fie enaid oedd Na da mawr, and y moroedd. The same in English. Madoc I am the son of Owen Gwynedd These verses I received of my learned friend M. William Camden. With stature large, and comely grace adorned: Not lands at home nor store of wealth me please, My mind was whole to search the Ocean seas. The offer of the discovery of the West Indies by Christopher Columbus to king Henry the seventh in the year 1488 the 13 of February: with the king's acceptation of the offer, & the cause whereupon he was deprived of the same: recorded in the thirteenth chapter of the history of Don Fernand Columbus of the life and deeds of his father Christopher Columbus. CHristophoro Colon temendo, se pariment i Re di Castiglia non assentissero alla sua impresa, non gli bisognasse proporla di nuovo à qualche altro pr●ncipe, & cosis in cio passasse lungo tempo; mando in Inghilterra un suo fratello, che haveua appresso d● se, chiamato Bartholomeo Colon: i'll qual, quantunque non havesse lettere Latin, erà però huomo pra●tico, & giudicioso nelle cose deal mare, & sapea molto been far cart da navigare, & sphere, & altri instrumenti di quella professione, come dal suo fra●ello era instrutto. Partito adunque Bartholomeo Colon per Inghilterra, volley la sua sort, i desk in man di cor sali, i quali lo spogliarono insieme con gli altri della sua nave. Per lafoy qual cosa, & per la sua povertà & infirmità, che in cosi diverse terre lo assalirono crudelment, prolungo per gran tempo la sua ambasciata, fin che, aquistata un poco di faculta con le cart, ch' ei fabricava, comincio a far pratiche co ' il Re Enrico settimo, padre de 〈…〉 all present regna: a cui appresentò un mappamondo● nel quale erano scritti questi versi, che frale sue scripture Io trovas, & dame saranno qui posts piu tosto per le antichità, che per la loro eleganza. Terrarum quicunque cupis foeliciter oras Noscere, cuncta decens doctè pictura docebit, Quam Strabo affirmat, Ptolomaeus, Plinius, atque Isidorus: non una tamen sententia cuique. Pingitur hîc etiam nuper sulcata carinis Hispanis Zona illa, priùs incognita genti Torrida, quae tandem nunc est notissima multis. Et piu di sotto diceva. Pro Authore sive Pictore. janua cui patriae est nomen, cui Bartholomaeus Columbus de Terra Rubra, opus edidit istud, Londonijs anno Domini 1480 atque insuper anno Octavo, decimáque die cùm tertia mensis Februarij. Laudes Christo cantentur abundè. Et, percioche awertirà alcuno, che dice Columbus de Terra Rubra, dico, che medesimament Io viddi alcune sotto scritioni dell Ammiraglio, primo che acquistasse loveless stato, ou ' egli si sotto scriveua, Columbus de Terra Rubra. Ma, tornando all Re d' Inghilterra, dico, che, da lui il mappamondo veduto, & cio che le Ammiraglio gli offeriva, con allegro volto accettò la sua offetia, & mandolo a chiamare. Ma, percioche Dio l' haveua per Cas●iglia serba●a, gial' Ammiraglio in quel tempo era andato, & tornato con la vi●toria della sua impresa, secondo che per ordine si raccon●erà. Lasciarò hora di raccontar ciò, che Bartolomeo Colon haveua negociato in Inghilterra, & tornarò all' Ammiraglio, etc. The same in English. CHristopher Columbus fearing lest if the king of Castille in like manner (as the king of Portugal had done) should not condescend unto his enterprise, he should be enforced to offer the same again to some other prince, & so much time should be spent therein, sent into England a certain brother of his which he had with him, whose name was Bartholomew Columbus, who, albeit he had not the Latin tongue, yet nevertheless was a man of experience and skilful in Sea causes, and could very well make sea cards & globes, and other instruments belonging to that profession, as he was instructed by his brother. Wherefore after that Bartholomew Columbus was departed for England, his luck was to fall into the hands of pirates, which spoilt him with the rest of them which were in the ship which he went in. Upon which occasion, and by reason of his poverty and sickness which cruelly assaulted him in a country so far distant from his friends, he deferred his embassage for a long while, The occasion why the West Indies were not discovered for England. until such time as he had got somewhat handsome about him with making of Sea cards. At length he began to deal with king Henry the seventh the father of Henry the eight, which reigneth at this present: unto whom he presented a map of the world, wherein these verses were written, which I found among his papers: and I will here set them down, rather for their antiquity then for their goodness. Thou which desirest easily the coasts of lands to know, This comely map right learnedly the same to thee will show: Which Strabo, Pliny, Ptolomew and Isodore maintain: Yet for all that they do not all in one accord remain. Here also is set down the late discovered burning Zone By Portugeses, unto the world which whilom was unknown, Whereof the knowledge now at length thorough all the world is blown. And a little under he added: For the Author of the Drawer. He, whose dear native soil height stately Genua, Even he whose name is Bartholomew Colon de Terra Rubra, The year of Grace a thousand and four hundred and fourscore A●d eight, and on the thirteenth day of February more, In London published this work. To Christ all laud therefore. And because some peradventure may observe that he calleth himself Columbus de Terra Rubra, King Henry the seventh his acceptation of Columbus offer. I say, that in like manner I have seen some subscriptions of my father Christopher Columbus, before he had the degree of Admiral, wherein he signed his name thus, Columbus de Terra Rubra. But to return to the king of England, I say, that after he had seen the map, and that which my father Christopher Columbus offered unto him, he accepted the offer with joyful countenance, and sent to call him into England. But because God had reserved the said offer for Castille, Columbus was go in the mean space, and also returned with the performance of his enterprise, as hereafter in order shall be rehearsed. Now will I leave off from making any farther mention of that which Bartholomew Colon had negotiated in England, and I will return unto the Admiral, etc. Another testimony taken out of the 60 chapter of the foresaid history of Ferdinando Columbus, concerning the offer that Bartholomew Columbus made to king Henry the seventh on the behalf of his brother Christopher. TOrnato adunque le Ammiraglio dallo scoprimento di Cuba & di Giamaica, trouò nella Spag●uola Bartolomeo Colon suo fratello, quello, che era già andato a trattare accordo col Re d' Inghilterra sopra lo scoprimento delle Indie, come di sopra habiam detto. Questo pois, ritornandosen● verso Castiglia con capitoli conceduti, haveua inteso a Parigi dal re Carlo di Francia, le Ammiraglio suo fratello haver gia scoperte le Indie: per che gli sovenne perpoter far i'll Viag gio di cento scuds. Et, Auengache per cotal nuova egli si fosse molto affrettato, per arri●ar le Ammiraglio in Spagna, quando non dimeno giunse a Siviglia, egli era gia tornato all Indie co ' 17 navigli. perch, per esseguir quanto ei gli havea lasciato, di subito all principio dell' anno del 1494 sen' ando ai Re Catholici, menando seco Don Diego Colon, mio fratello, & me ancora, accioche seruissimo di paggial serenissimo principe Don Giovanni, il qual viva in gloria, si come have a commandato la Catholica Reina donna Isabel, che alhora era in Vagliadolid. Tosto adunque che noi giungemmo, i Re chiamarono Don Bartolomeo, & mandaronlo alla Spagnuola country navi, etc. The same in English. CHristopher Columbus the Admiral being returned from the discovery of Cuba and jamaica, found in Hispaniola his brother Bartholomew Columbus, who before had been sent to entreat of an agreement with the king of England for the discovery of the Indies, as we have said before. This Bartholomew therefore returning unto Castille, with the capitulations granted by the king of England to his brother, understood at Paris by Charles the king of France, that the Admiral his brother had already performed that discovery: whereupon the French king go unto the said Bartholomew an hundred French crowns to bear his charges into Spain. And albeit he made great haste upon this good news to meet with the Admiral in Spain, yet at his coming to Siuil his brother was already returned to the Indies with seventeen sail of ships. Wherefore to fulfil that which he had left him in charge in the beginning of the year 1494 he repaired to the Catholic princes, taking with him Diego Colon my brother and me also, which were to be preferred as Pages to the most excellent Prince Don john, who now is with God, according to the commandment of the Catholic Queen Lady Isabella, which was then in Validolid. assoon therefore as we came to the Court, the princes called for Don Bartholomew, and sent him to Hispaniola with three ships, etc. THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, NAVIGATIONS, and Discoveries (intended for the finding of a Northwest passage) to the North parts of America, to Meta incognita, and the backside of Gronland, as far as 72 degrees and 12 minutes: performed first by Sebastian Cabota, and since by Sir Martin Frobisher, and M. john Davis, with the Patents, Discourses, and Advertisements thereto belonging. The Letters patents of King Henry the seventh granted unto john Cabot and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius for the discovery of new and unknown lands. HEnricus Dei gratia rex Angliae, & Franciae, & Dominus Hiberniae, omnibus, ad quos praesentes literae nostrae pervenerint, salutem. Notum sit & manifestum, quod dedimus & concessimus, ac per praesentes damus & concedimus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, dilectis nobis joanni Caboto civi Vene●iarum, Lodovico, Sebastiano, & Sancio, filijs dicti joannis, & eorum ac cuius● bet eorum haeredibus & deputatis, plenam ac liberam authoritatem, facultatem & potestatem navigandi ad omnes parts, regiones, & sinus maris orientalis, occidentalis, & septentrionalis, sub banneris, vexillis, & insignijs nostris, cum quinque navibus sive navigijs, cuiuscúnque portiturae & qualitatis existant, & cum tot & tantis nautis & hominibus, quot & quantos in dictis navibus secum ducere voluetint, suis & eorum proprijs sumptibus & expensis, ad inveniendum, discooperiendum, & investigandum quascun que insulas, patrias, regiones sive provincias gentilium & infidelium quorumcúnque, in quacunque part mundi positas, quae Christianis omnibus ante haec tempora fuerint incognitae. Concessimus etiam eisdem & eorum cuilibet, eorúmque & cuiuslibet eorum haeredibus & deputatis, ac licentiam dedimus ad affigendum praedictas banneras nostras & insignia in quacunque villa, oppido, castro, insula seu terra firma à se noviter inventis. Et quòd praenominatus joannes, & filij eiusdem, seu haeredes & eorum deputati, quascunque huiusmodi villas, castra, oppida, & insulas à se inventas, quae fubiugari, occupari, possideri possint, subiugare, occupare, possidere valeant tanquam vasalli nostri, & gubernatores, locatenentes, & deputati eorundem, dominium, titulum & jurisdictionem earundem villarum, castrorum, oppidorum, insularum, ac terrae firmae sic inventorum nobis ac quirendo. Ita tamen, ut ex omnibus fructibus, proficuis, emolumentis, commodis, lucris, & obuentionibus ex huiusmodi navigatione provenientibus, prae●atus johannes, & filij ac haeredes, & eorum deputati, teneantur & sint obligati nobis pro omni viagio suo, toties quoties ad portum nostrum Bristolliae applicuerint (ad quem omnino applicare teneantur & sint astricti) deductis omnibus sumptibus & impensis necessarijs per eosdem factis, quintam partem capitalis lucri facti, sive in mercibus, sive in pecunijs persoluere: Dantes nos & concedentes eisdem suisque haeredibus & deputatis, ut ab omni solutione custumarum omnium & singulorum bonorum & mercium, quas secum reportarint ab illis locis sic noviter inventis, liberi sint & immunes. Et insuper dedimus & concessimus eisdem ac suis haeredibus & deputatis, quòd terrae omnes firmae, insulae, villae, oppida, castra, & loca quaecunque a se inventa, quotquot ab eyes inveniri contigem, ●on possint ab alijs quibusuis nostris subditis frequentari seu visitari, absque licentia praedictorum joannis & eius filiorum, suorúmque deputatorum, sub poena amissio●s tam navium quàm bonerum omnium quorumcun que ad ea locasic inventa navigare praesumentium. Volentes & strictissimè mandantes omnibus & singulis nostris subditis, tam in terra quàm in mari constitutis, v● praesato joanni, & eius filijs ac deputatis, bonam assistentiam faciant, & tam in armandis navibus se● navigijs, quàm in provisione commeatus & victualium pro sua pecunia emendorum, atque alia●um omnium rerum sibi providendarum pro dicta navigatione sumenda suos omnes favores & auxilia impertiant. In ovius rei ●estimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Ann. Dom. 1495. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium quinto die Martij anno regni nostri undecimo. The same in English. HEnry by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting. Be it known that we have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant for us and our heirs, to our well beloved john Cabot citizen of Venice, to Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius, sons of the said john, and to the heirs of them, and every of them, and their deputies, full and free authority, leave, and power to sail to all parts, countries, and seas of the East, of the West, and of the North, under our banners and ensigns, with five ships of what burden or quantity soever they be, and as many mariners or men as they will have with them in the said ships, upon their own proper costs and charges, to seek out, discover, and find whatsoever isles, countries, regions or provinces of the heathen and infidels whatsoever they be, and in what part of the world soever they be● which before this time have been unknown to all Christians: we have granted to them, and also to every of them, the heirs of them, and every of them, and their deputies, and have given them licence to set up our banners and ensigns in every village, town, castle, isle, or maineland of them newly found. And that the aforesaid john and his sons, or their heirs and assigns may subdue, occupy and possess all such towns, cities, castles and isles of them found, which they can subdue, occupy and possess, as our vassals, and lieutenants, getting unto us the rule, title, and jurisdiction of the same villages, towns, castles, & firm land so found. Yet so that the aforesaid john, and his sons and heirs, and their deputies, be held and bound of all the first-fruits, profits, gains, and commodities growing of such navigation, for every their voyage, as often as they shall arrive at our port of Bristol (at the which port they shall be bond and held only to arrive) all manner of necessary costs and charges by them made, Bristol thought the meetest port for Western discoveries. being deducted, to pay unto us in wares or money the fift part of the capital gain so got. We giving and granting unto them and to their heirs and deputies, that they shall be free from all paying of customs of all and singular such merchandise as they shall bring with them from those places so newly found. Freedom from custom. And moreover, we have given and granted to them, their heirs and deputies, that all the firm lands, isles, villages, towns, castles and places whatsoever they be that they shall chance to find, may not of any other of our subjects be frequented or visited without the licence of the foresaid john and his sons, and their deputies, under pain of forfeiture aswell of their ships as of all and singular goods of all them that shall presume to sail to those places so found. Willing, and most straight commanding all and singular our subjects aswell on land as on sea, to give good assistance to the aforesaid john and his sons and deputies, and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships or vessels, as in provision of food, and in buying of victuals for their money, and all other things by them to be provided necessary for the said navigation, they do give them all their help and favour. In witness whereof we have caused to be made these our Letters patents. Witness ourself at Westminster the fift day of March, in the eleventh year of our reign. Billa signata anno 13 Henrici septimi. REx tertio die Februarij, anno 13, licentiam de dit joanni Caboto, A record of the rolls touching the voyage of john Ca●ot and Sebastian his son. quod ipse capere possit sex naves Anglicanas, in aliquo portu, sive portibus regni Ang●iae, ita quod sint deportagio 200. doliorum, vel subtùs, cum apparatu requisito, & quod recipere possit in dictas naves omnes tales magistros, marinarios, & subditos regis, qui cumeo exire volverint, etc. The same in English. THe king upon the third day of February, in the 13 year of his reign, gave licence to john Cabo● to take six English ships in any haven or havens of the realm of England, being of the burden of 200 tons, or under, with all necessary furniture, and to take also into the said ships all such masters, mariners, and subjects of the king as willingly will go with him, etc. An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement Adams, concerning his discovery of the West Indies, which is to be seen in her majesties privy gallery at Westminster, and in many other ancient merchant's houses. ANno Domini 1497 joannes Cabotus Venetus, & Sebastianus illius filius eam terram fecerunt perviam, quam nullus priùs adire ausus fuit, die 24 Junii, circiter horam quintam bene manè. Hanc autem appellavit Terram primùm visam, credo quod ex mari in eam partem primùm oculos inie●erat. Nam que ex adverso sira est insula, eam appellavit insulam Divi joannis, hac opinor ratione, quòd a perta fuit eo diem qui est sacer Divo joanni Baptistae: Huius incolae pelles animalium, exwiásque fera●um pro indumentis habent, easque tanti faciunt, quanti nos vestes preciosissimas. Cùm bellum gerunt, utuntur a●cu, sagittis, hastis, spiculis, clavis ligneis & fundis. Tellus sterilis est, neque ullos fructus affert, ex quo fit, ut ursis albo colore, & ceruis inusitatae apud nos magnitudinis referta sit: piscibus abundar, ijsque sane magnis, quales sunt lupi marini, & quos salmones vulgus appellat; soleae autem reperiuntur tam longae, ut ulnae mensuram excedant. Imprimis autem magna est copia eorum piscium, quos vulgari sermon vocant bacalaos. Gignuntur in ea insula accipitres ita nigti, ut coruorum similitudinem mirum in modum exprimant, perdices autem & aquilae sunt nigri coloris. The same in English. IN the year of our Lord 1497 john C●bot a Venetian, and his son Sebastian (with an English fleet set out from Bristol) discovered that land which no man before that time had attempted, on the 24 of june, about five of the clock● early in the morning. This land he called Prima vista, that is to say, First seen, because as I suppose it was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea. That Island which lieth out before the land, he called the Island of S. john upon this occasion, as I think, because it was discovered upon the day of john the Baptist. The inhabitants of this Island use to wear beasts skins, and have them in as great estimation as we have our finest garments. In their wars they use bows, arrows, pikes, darts, wooden clubs, and slings. The sail is barren in some places, & yieldeth little fruit, but it is full of white bears, and stags far greater than ours. It yieldeth plenty of fish, and those very great, as seals, and those which commonly we call salmon: there are soles also above a yard in length: but especially there is great abundance of that kind of fish which the Savages call baccalaos. In the same Island also there breed hawks, but they are so black that they are very like to ravens, as also their partridges, and eagles, which are in like sort black. A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discovery of part of the West India out of England in the time of king Henry the seventh, used to Galeacius Butrigarius the Pope's Legate in Spain, and reported by the said Legate in this sort. This discourse is taken out of the second volume of the voyages of Baptist● Ramusius. Do you not understand said he (speaking to certain Gentlemen of Venice) how to pass to India toward the Northwest, as did of late a citizen of Venice, so valiant a man, and so well practised in all things pertaining to navigations, and the science of cosmography, that at this present he hath not his like in Spain, insomuch that for his virtues he is preferred above all other pilots that sail to the West Indies, who may not pass thither without his licence, and is therefore called Piloto mayor, Sebastian Cabota Pilot mayor of Spain. that is, the grand Pilot. And when we said that we known him not, he proceeded, saying, that being certain years in the city of Sivil, and desirous to have some knowledge of the navigations of the Spaniards, it was told him that there was in the city a valiant man, a Venetian born named Sebastian Cabot, who had the charge of those things, being an expert man in that science, and one that could make Cards for the Sea with his own hand, and that by this report, seeking his acquaintance, he found him a very gentle person, who entertained him friendly, and showed him many things, and among other a large Map of the world, with certain particular Navigations, as well of the Portugals, as of the Spaniards, and that he spoke further unto him to this effect. When my father departed from Venice many years since to devil in England, to follow the trade of merchandises, he took me with him to the city of London, while I was very young, yet having nevertheless some knowledge of letters of humanity, and of the Sphere. And when my father died in that time when news were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genuese had discovered the coasts of India, whereof was great talk in all the Court of king Henry the 7. who then reigned, insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more divine than human, to sail by the West into the East where spices grow, by a way that was never known before, by this fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing. And understanding by reason of the Sphere, that if I should sail by way of the Northwest, I should by a shorter tract come into India, I thereupon caused the King to be advertised of my devise, who immediately commanded two Carvels to be furnished with all things appertaining to the voyage, which was as far as I remember in the year 1496. in the beginning of Summer. I began therefore to sail toward the Northwest, not thinking to find any other land than that of Cathay, & from thence to turn toward India, but after certain days I found that the land ran towards the North, which was to me a great displeasure. Nevertheless, sailing along by the coast to see if I could find any gulf that turned, I found the land still continent to the 56. degree under our Pole. And seeing that there the coast turned toward the East, despairing to find the passage, I turned back again, and sailed down by the coast of that land toward the Equinoctial (ever with intent to find the said passage to India) and came to that part of this firm land which is now called Florida, where my victuals failing, I departed from thence and returned into England, where I found great tumults among the people, and preparation for wars in Scotland: by reason whereof there was no more consideration had to this voyage. Whereupon I went into Spain to the Catholic king, and Queen Elizabeth, which being advertised what I had done, entertained me, and at their charges furnished certain ships, wherewith they caused me to sail to discover the coasts of Brasile, The second voyage of Cabot to the land of Brasil, and Rio de plata. where I found an exceeding great and large river named at this present Rio de la plata, that is, the river of silver, into the which I sailed and followed it into the firm land, more than six score leagues, finding it every where very fair, and inhabited with infinite people, which with admiration came running daily to our ships. Into this River run so many other rivers, that it is in manner incredible. After this I made many other voyages, which I now pretermit, and waxing old, I give myself to rest from such travels, because there are now many young and lusty Pilots and Mariners of good experience, by whose forwardness I do rejoice in the fruit of my labours, and rest with the charge of this office, The office of Pilot mayor. as you see. The foresaid Baptista Ramusius in his preface to the third volume of the Navigations, writeth thus of Sebastian Cabot. IN the latter part of this volume are put certain relations of john de Vararzana, Florentine, and of a great captain a Frenchman, and the two voyages of jaques Cartier a Briton, who sailed unto the land situate in 50. degrees of Latitude to the North, which is called New France, which lands hitherto are not thoroughly known, whether they do join with the firm land of Florida and Nova Hispania, or whether they be separated and divided all by the Sea as islands: and whether that by that way one may go by Sea unto the country of Cathaia. As many years past it was written unto me by Sebastian Cabota our Country man a Venetian, a man of great experience, and very rare in the art of Navigation, and the knowledge of cosmography, who sailed along and beyond this land of New France, at the charges of King Henry the seventh king of England: and he advertised me, that having sailed a long time West and by North, beyond those islands unto the Latitude of 67. degrees and an half, under the North pole, and at the 11. day of june finding still the open Sea without any manner of impediment, The great probability of this Northwest passage. he thought verily by that way to have passed on still the way to Cathaia, which is in the East, and would have done it, if the mutiny of the shipmaster and Mariners had not hindered him and made him to return homewards from that place. But it seemeth that God doth yet still reserve this great enterprise for some great prince to discover this voyage of Cathala by this way, which for the bringing of the Spiceries from India into Europe, were the most easy and shortest of all other ways hitherto found out. And surely this enterprise would be the most glorious, and of most importance of all other that can be imagined to make his name great, and fame immortal, to all ages to come, far more than can be done by any of all these great troubles and wars which daily are used in Europe among the miserable Christian people. Another testimony of the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the West and Northwest, taken out of the sixt Chapter of the third Decade of Peter Martyr of Angleria. SCrutatus est oras glaciales Sebastianus quidam Cabotus genere Venetus, sed à parentibus in Britanniam insulam tendentibus (uti moris est Venetorum, qui commercij causa terrarum omnium sunt hospites) transportatus penè infans. Duo is sibi navigia, propria pecunia in Britannia ipsa instruxit, & primò tendens cum hominibus tercentum ad Septentrionem donecetiam julio mens● vastas repererit glaciales moles pelago natantes, & lucem ferè perpetuam, tellure tamen libera, gelu liquefacto: quare coactus fuit, uti ait, vela vertere & occidentem sequi: tetendítque tantum ad meridiem littore seize incuruante, ut Herculei freti latitudinis fere gradus equarit: ad occidentémque profectus tantum est ut Cubam Insulam à laeva, longitudine graduum penè parem, habuerit. Is ea littora percurrens, quae Baccalaos appellavit, eosdem se reperisse aquarum, sed lenes delapsus ad Occidentem ait, quos Castellani, meridionales suas regiones adnavigantes, inveniunt. Ergò non modò verisimilius, sed necessatio concludendum est, vastos inter utrámque ignotam hactenus tellurem iacere hiatus, qui viam praebeant aquis ab oriente cadentibus in Occidentem. Quas arbitror impulsu coelorum circulariter agi in gyrum circa terre globum, non autem Demogorgone anhelante vomi, absorberique ut nonnulli senserunt, quod influxu, & refluxu forsan assentire daretur. Baccalaos, Cabotus ipse terras illas appellavit, eò quod in earum pelago tantam reperierit magnorum quorundam piscium, tynnos aemulantium, sic vocatorum ab indigenis, multitudinem, ut etiam illi interdum navigia detardarent. Earum Regionum homines pellibus tantum coopertos reperiebat, rationis haud quaquam expertes. Vrsorum inesse regionibus copiam ingentem refere, qui & ipsi piscibus vescantur. Inter densa namque piscium illorum agmina seize immergunt ursi, & singulos singuli complexos, unguibúsque inter squammas immissis in terram raptant, & comedunt. Proptereà minimè noxios hominibus visos esse ait. Orichalcum in plerisque locis se vidisse apud incolas praedicat. Familiarem habeo domi Cabotum ipsum, & contubernalem interdum. Vocatus namque ex Britannia à Rege nostro Catholico, post Henrici Maioris Britanniae Regis mortem, concurialis noster est, expectátque indies, ut navigia sibi parentur, quibus arcanum hoc naturae latens iam tandem detegatur. The same in English. THese North Seas have been searched by one Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian born, whom being yet but in manner an infant, his parents carried with them into England, having occasion to resort thither for trade of merchandise, as is the manner of the Venetians to leave no part of the world unsearched to obtain riches. He therefore furnished two ships in England at his own charges, and first with 300 men directed his course so far towards the North pole, that even in the month of july he found monstrous heaps of ice swimming on the sea, and in manner continual day light, yet see he the land in that tract free from ice, which had been melted by the heat of the Sun. Thus seeing such heaps of ice before him, he was enforced to turn his sails and follow the West, so coasting still by the shore, that he was thereby brought so far into the South, by reason of the land bending so much Southwards, that it was there almost equal in latitude, with the sea Fretum Herculeum, having the Northpole elevate in manner in the same degree. He sailed likewise in this tract so far towards the West, that he had the Island of Cuba on his left hand, in manner in the same degree of longitude. As he traveled by the coasts of this great land, (which he named Baccalaos) he says that he found the like course of the waters toward the West, A current toward the West. but the same to run more softly and gently then the swift waters which the Spaniards found in their Navigations Southward. Wherefore it is not only more like to be true, but aught also of necessity to be concluded that between both the lands hitherto unknown, there should be certain great open places whereby the waters should thus continually pass from the East unto the West: The people of Island say the Sea and ice setteth also West. Iona● Amgrimus. which waters I suppose to be driven about the globe of the earth by the uncessant moving and impulsion of the heavens, and not to be swallowed up and cast up again by the breathing of Demogorgon, as some have imagined, because they see the seas by increase and decrease to ebb and flow. Sebastian Cabot himself named those lands Baccalaos, because that in the Seas thereabouts he found so great multitudes of certain big fish much like unto Tunies, (which the inhabitants call Baccalaos) that they sometime stayed his ships. He found also the people of those regions covered with beasts skins, yet not without the use of reason. He also says there is great plenty of Bears in those regions which use to eat fish: for plunging themselves into the water, where they perceive a multitude of these fish to lie, they fasten their claws in their scales, and so draw them to land and eat them, so (as he says) the Bears being thus satisfied with fish, are not noisome to men. He declareth further, that in many places of these Regions he see great plenty of Copper among the inhabitants. Copper found in many places by Cabote. Cabot is my very friend, whom I use familiarly, and delight to have him sometimes keep me company in mine own house. For being called out of England by the commandment of the Catholic King of Castille, after the death of King Henry the seventh of that name King of England, he was made one of our council and Assistants, as touching the affairs of the new Indies, looking for ships daily to be furnished for him to discover this his secret of Nature. The testimony of Francis Lopez de Gomara a Spaniard, in the fourth Chapter of the second Book of his general history of the West Indies concerning the first discovery of a great part of the West Indies, to wit, from 58. to 38. degrees of latitude, by Sebastian Cabota out of England. HE which brought most certain news of the country & people of Baccalaos, says Gomara, was Sebastian Cabote a Venetian, which rigged up two ships at the cost of K. Henry the 7. of England, having great desire to traffic for the spices as the Portugeses did. He carried with him 300. men, and took the way towards Island from beyond the Cape of Labrador, until he found himself in 58. degrees and better. He made relation that in the month of july it was so cold, and the ice so great, that he dared not pass any further: that the days were very long, in a manner without any night, and for that short n●ght that they had, it was very clear. Cabot feeling the cold, turned towards the West, refreshing himself at Baccalaos: and afterwards he sailed along the coast unto 38. degrees, and from ●hence he shaped his course to return into England. A note of Sebastian Cabots first discovery of part of the Indies taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabians Chronicle not hitherto printed, which is in the custody of M. john Stow a diligent preserver of Antiquities. IN the 13. year of K. Henry the 7. (by means of one john Cabot a Venetian which made himself very expert and cunning in knowledge of the circuit of the world and islands of the same, as by a Sea card and other demonstrations reasonable he showed) the king caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol, to search for an Island, Cabots' voyage from Bristol wherein he discovered Newfound land, & the Northern parts of that land, and from thence as far almost as Florida. which he said he known well was rich, and replenished with great commodities: Which ship thus manned and victualled at the king's cost, divers Merchants of London ventured in her small stocks, being in her as chief patron the said Venetian. And in the company of the said ship, sailed also out of Bristol three or four small ships fraught with sleight and gross merchandises, as course clot, caps, laces, points & other trifles. And so departed from Bristol in the beginning of May, of whom in this majors time returned no tidings. Of three Savages which Cabot brought home and presented unto the King in the fourteenth year of his reign, mentioned by the foresaid Robert Fabian. THis year also were brought unto the king three men taken in the Newfound Island that before I spoke of, in William Purchastime being Mayor: These were clothed in beasts skins, & did eat raw flesh, and spoke such speech that no man could understand them, and in their demeanour like to bruit beasts, whom the King kept a time after. Of the which upon two years after, I see two appareled after ●he manner of Englishmen in Westminster palace, which that time I could not discern from Englishmen, till I was learned what they were, but as for speech, I herded none of them utter one word. A brief extract concerning the discovery of Newfoundland, taken out of the book of M. Robert thorn, to doctor Leigh, etc. I Reason, that as some sicknesses are hereditary, so this inclination or desire of this discovery I inherited from my father, which with another merchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the discoverers of the Newfoundlands; of the which there is no doubt (as now plainly appeareth) if the Mariners would then have been ruled, and followed their Pilots mind, but the lands of the West Indies, from whence all the gold cometh, had been ours; for all is one coast as by the Card appeareth, and is aforesaid. The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota, constituting him grand Pilot of England. EDwardus sextus Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae rex, omnibus Christi fidelibus, ad quos praesentes hae literae nostrae pervenerint, salutem. Sciatis quod nos in consideratione boni & acceptabilis seruitij, nobis per dilectum seruientem nostrum Sebastianum Cabo●am impensi atque impendendi, de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia, & mero motu nostro, nec non de advisamento, & consensu preclarissimi awnculi nostri Edwardi Ducis Somerseti personae nostre Gubernatoris, ac Regnorum, dominiorum, sub ditorúm que nostrorum protectoris, & caeterorum consiliariorum nostrorum, dedimus & concessimus, ac per praesentes damus, & concedimus eidem Sebastiano Cabotae, quandam annuitatem sive annualem reditum, centum sexaginta & sex librarum, tresdecim solidorum, & quatuor denariorum sterlingorum, habendam, gaudendam, & annuatim percipiendam p●aedictam annuitatem, sive annalem reditum eidem Sebastiano Cabote, durant vi●a sua naturali, de thesauro nostro ad receptum scacarij nostri Westmonasterij per manus the saviariorum, & Camerariorum nostrorum, ibidem pro tempore existentium, ad festa annuntiationis beatae Mariae Virgins, nativitatis sancti joannis Baptistae, Sancti Michaelis Archangeli, & Natalis Domini per aequales portiones soluendam. Et ulteriùs deuberiori gratia nostra, ac de advisamento, & consensu praedictis damus, & per presents concedimus prefato Sebastiano Cabotae, tot & tantas Denariorum summas, ad quot & quantas dicta annuitas sive annalis reditus centum sexaginta sex librarum, tresdecim solidorum, & quatuor denariorum, à festo sancti Michaelis Archangeli ultimò praeterito huc usque se extendit, & attingit, habendas & recipiendas prefato Sebastiano Cabotae & assignatis ●uis de thesauro nostro praedicto per manus predictorum Thesaurariorum, & Camerariorum nostrorum de dono nostro absque computo, seu aliquo alio nobis, hear dibus, vel successoribus nostris proinde reddendo, soluendo, vel faciendo: eo quòd expressa mentio, etc. Anno D. 1549. In cuius rei testimonium, etc. Teste Rege, apud Westmonasterium 6. die januarij, Anno 2. Regis Edwardi sexti. The same in English. EDward the sixt by the grace of God, King of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, to all Christian people to whom these presents shall come, sendeth greeting. Know ye that we, in consideration of the good and acceptable service done, and to be done, unto us by our beloved servant Sebastian Cabota, of our special grace, certain knowledge, mere motion, and by the advise and counsel of our most honourable uncle Edward duke of Somerset governor of our person, and Protector of our kingdoms, dominions, and subjects, and of the rest of our Counsel, have given & granted, and by these presents do give and grant to the said Sebastian Cabota, a certain annuity, or yearly revenue of one hundredth, threescore & six pounds, thirteen shillings four pennies sterling, to have, enjoy, and yearly receive the foresaid annuity, or yearly revenue, to the foresaid Sebastian Cabota during his natural life, out of our Treasury at the receipt of our Exchequer at Westminster, at the hands of our Treasurers & paymasters, there remaining for the time being, at the feasts of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin Mary, the Nativity of S. john Baptist, S. Michael the Archangel, & the Nativity of our Lord, to be paid by equal portions. And further, of our more special grace, and by the advise and consent aforesaid we do give, and by these presents do grant unto the aforesaid Sebastian Cabota, so many, and so great sums of money as the said annuity or yearly revenue of an hundredth, threescore and sixt pounds, thirteen shillings 4. pennies, doth amount and rise unto from the feast of S. Michael the Archangel last passed unto this present time, to be had and received by the aforesaid Sebastian Cabota, and his assigns out of our aforesaid Treasury, at the hands of our aforesaid Treasurers, and officers of our Exchequer of our free gift without account, or any thing else therefore to be yielded, paid, or made, to us, our heirs or successors, forasmuch as herein express mention is made to the contrary. In witness whereof we have caused these our Letters to be made patents: Witness the King at Westminster the sixt day of januarie, in the second year of his reign. The year of our Lord 1548. A discourse written by Sir Humphrey Gilbert Knight, to prove a passage by the Northwest to Cathaia, and the East Indies. The Table of the matters in every Chapter of this discourse. Capitulo I TO prove by authority a passage to be on the North side of America, to go to Cataia, China, and to the East India. Capitulo 2. To prove by reason a passage to be on the North side of America, to go to Cataia, Moluccae, etc. Capitulo 3. To prove by experience of sundry men's travails the opening of this Northwest passage, whereby good hope remains of the rest. Capitulo 4. To prove by circumstance, that the Northwest passage hath been sailed throughout. Capitulo 5. To prove that such Indians as have been driven upon the coasts of Germany came not thither by the Southeast, and South-west, nor from any part of Africa or America. Capitulo 6. To prove that the indians aforenamed came not by the North-east, and that there is no thorough passage navigable that way. Capitulo 7. To prove that these Indians came by the Northwest, which induceth a certainty of this passage by experience. Capitulo 8. What several reasons were alleged before the Queen's Majesty, and certain Lords of her highness privy Council, by M. Anth. jenkinson a Gentleman of great travail and experience, to prove this passage by the North-east, with my several answers then alleged to the same. Capitulo 9 How that this passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffic, than the other by the North-east, if there were any such. Capitulo 10. What commodities would ensue, this passage being once discovered. To prove by authority a passage to be on the Northside of America, to go to Cathaia, and the East India. Chapter I WHen I gave myself to the study of Geography, after I had perused and diligently scanned the descriptions of Europe, Asia & Africa, and conferred them with the Maps and Globes both antic and Modern: I came in fine to the fourth part of the world, commonly called America, which by all descriptions I found to be an Island environed round about with Sea, having on the Southside of it the frete or strait of Magellan, on the West side Marinell del Sur, which Sea runneth towards the North, separating it from the East parts of Asia, where the Dominions of the Cathaians are: On the East part our West Ocean, and on the North side the sea that severeth it from Groneland, thorough which Northern Seas the Passage lieth, which I take now in hand to discover. Plato in Timaeo, and in the Dialogue called Critias, discourseth of an incomparable great Island then called Atlantis, being greater than all Afrique and Asia, which lay Westward from the Straitss of Gibraltar, navigable round about: affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis did aswell enjoy the governance of all Afrique, and the most part of Europe, as of Atlantis itself. Also to prove Plato's opinion of this Island, and the inhabiting of it in ancient time by them of Europe, to be of the more credit; Marinaeus Siculus in his Chronicle of Spain, reporteth that there have been found by the Spaniards in the gold Mines of America, certain pieces of Money engraved with the Image of Augustus Caesar: which pieces were sent to the Pope for a testimony of the matter, by john Rufus Archbishop of Consentinum. Moreover, this was not only thought of Plato, but by Marsilius Ficinus, an excellent Florentine Philosopher, Crantor the Grecian, and Proclus, Proclus pag. 24. and Philo the famous jew (as appeareth in his ●ooke De Mundo, and in the Commentaries upon Plato) to be overflown and swallowed up with water, by reason of a mighty earthquake, and streaming down of the heavenly Floodgates. The like whereof happened unto some part of Italy, when by the forciblenes of the Sea, called Superum, it cut off Sicilia from the Continent of Calabria, as appeareth in justine, justine Lib● 4. in the beginning of his fourth book. Also there chanced the like in Zealand a part of Flanders. Plin●e, And also the Cities of Py●rha and Antissa, about Meotis palus: and also the City Burys, in the Corinthian bosom, commonly called Sinus Corinthiacus, have been swallowed up with the Sea, and are not at this day to be discerned: By which accident America grew to be unknown of long time, unto us of the later ages, and was lately discovered again, by Americus Vespucius, in the year of our Lord 1497. which some say to have been first discovered by Christophorus Columbus a Genuois, Anno 1492. The same calamity happened unto this Isle of Atlantis 600. and odd years before Plato his time, which some of the people of the Southeast parts of the world accounted as 9000. yeeres● for the manner than was to reckon the Moon her Period of the Zodiac for a year, which is our usual month, depending à Luminari mino●i. So that in these our days there can no other main or Island be found or judged to be parcel of this Atlantis, than those Western Islands, which bear now the name of America: countervailing thereby the name of Atlantis, in the knowledge of our age. Then, if when no part of the said Atlantis was oppressed by water, and earthquake, the coasts round about the same were navigable: A minore ad m●iu●. a far greater hope now remains of the same by the Northwest, seeing the most part of it was (since that time) swallowed up with water, which could not utterly take away the old deeps and channels, but rather, be an occasion of the enlarging of the old, and also an enforcing of a great many new: why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage and navigation from England to India? etc. seeing that Atlantis now called America, was ever known to be an Island, and in those days navigable round about, which by access of more water could not be diminished. Also Aristotle in his book De mundo, and the learned german Simon Gryneus in his annotations upon the same, says that the whole earth (meaning thereby, as manifestly both appear, Asia, Africa, and Europe, being all the countries then known) is but one Island, compassed about with the reach of the sea Atlantine: which likewise proveth America to be an Island, and in no part adjoining to Asia, or the rest. Strabo lib. 15. Also many ancient writers, as Strabo and others, called both the Ocean sea (which lieth East of India) Atlanticum pelagus, and that sea also on the West coasts of Spain and Africa, Mare Atlanticum: the distance between the two coasts is almost half the compass of the earth. So that it is incredible, as by Plato appeareth manifestly, that the East Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus of the mountain Atlas in Africa, or yet the sea adjoining to Africa, had the name Oceanus Atlanticus of the same mountain: V●lerius Anselmus in Catalogo ●nno●um & p●incipum. fol. 6. Gen. 9.10. but that those seas and the mountain Atlas were so called of this great Island Atlantis, and that the one and the other had their names for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas, sometime king thereof, who was japhet youngest son to Noah, in whose time the whole earth was divided between the three brethren, Sem, Cam, and japhet. Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northwest will be found favourable to this our enterprise, and am the rather emboldened to believe the same, for that I find it not only confirmed by Plato, Aristotle, and other ancient Philosophers: but also by all the best modern Geographers, as Gemma Frisius, Munsterus, Appianus, Hunterus, Gastaldus, Guyccardinus, Michael Tramasinus, Franciscus Demongenitus, Bernardus Pureanus, Andreas Vavasor, Tramontanus, Petrus Martyr, and also Ortelius, who doth coast out in his general Map set out Anno 1569, all the countries and Capes, on the Northwest side of America, from Ho●helaga to Cape de Paraman●ia: describing likewise the sea coasts of Cataia and Gronland, towards any part of America, making both Gronland and America, Islands disjoined by a great sea, from any part of Asia. All which learned men and painful travelers have affirmed with one consent and voice, that America was an Island: and that there lieth a great Sea between it, Cataia, and Grondland, by the which any man of our country, that will give the attempt, may with small danger pass to Cataia, the Moluccae, India, and all other places in the East, in much shorter time, then either the Spaniard, or Portugal doth, or may do, from the nearest part of any of ●heir countries within Europe. What moved these learned men to affirm thus much, I know not, or to what end so many and sundry travelers of both ages have allowed the same: We aught by reasons ●ight to have a re●erent opinion of worthy men. But I conjecture that they would never have so constantly affirmed, or notified their opinions therein to the world, if they had not had great good cause, and many probable reasons, to have lead them thereunto. Now lest you should make small account of ancient writers or of their experiences which traveled long before our times, reckoning their authority amongst fables of no importance: I have for the better assurance of those proofs, set down some part of a discourse, written in the Saxon tongue, and translated into English by M. Nowell servant to Sir William Cecil, lord Burleigh, and lord high treasurer of England. wherein there is described a Navigation, which one Ochther made, in the time of king Alfred, A Navigation of one Ochther made in king Alfreds time. King of Westsaxe Anno 871. the words of which discourse were these: He sailed right North, having always the desert land on the starboard, and on the Larbord the main sea, continuing his course, until he perceived that the coast bowed directly towards the East, or else the Sea opened into the land he could not tell how far, A perfect description of our Moscovia voyage. where he was compelled to stay until he had a western wind, or somewhat upon the North, and sailed thence directly East alongst the coast, so far as he was able in four days, where he was again enforced to tarry until he had a North wind, because the coast there bowed directly towards the South, or at lest opened he known not how far into the land, so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South, so far as he could travel in the space of five days, where he discovered a mighty river, which opened far into the land, and in the entry of this river he turned back again. Whereby it appeareth that he went the very same way, that we now do yearly trade by S. Nicholas into Moscovia, which way no man in our age known for certainty to be by sea, until it was since discovered by our English men, in the time of King Edward the sixt: By Sir Hugh Willoughby knight, Chancellor and Borough. but thought before that time that Groneland had joined to Normoria, Byarmia, etc. and therefore was accounted a new discovery, being nothing so indeed, as by this discourse of Ochther it appeareth. Nevertheless if any man should have taken this voyage in hand by the encouragement of this only author, he should have been thought but simple: considering that this Navigation was written so many years past, in so barbarous a tongue by one only obscure author, and yet we in these our days find by our own experiences his former reports to be true. How much more than aught we to believe this passage to Cataia to be, being verified by the opinions of all the best, both antic, and Modern Geographers, and plainly set out in the best and most allowed Maps, Charts, Globes, Cosmographical tables & discourses of this our age, and by the rest not denied, but left as a matter doubtful. To prove by reason, a passage to be on the Northside of America, to go to Cataia, etc. Chap. 3. FIrst, all seas are maintained by the abundance of water, so that the nearer the end any River, Experimented by our English fishers. Bay or Haven is, the shallower it waxeth, (although by some accidental bar, it is sometime found otherwise) But the farther you sail West from Island towards the place, where this fret is thought to be, the more deep are the seas: which giveth us good hope of continuance of the same Sea with Marinell del Sur, by some fret that lieth between America, Groneland and Cataia. 2 Also if that America were not an Island, but a part of the continent adjoining to Asia, either the people which inhabit Mangia, Anian, & Quinzay, etc. being borderers upon it, would before this time have made some road into it, hoping to have found some like commodities to their owne● 3 Or else the Scythians and Tartarians (which often times heretofore have sought far and near for new seats, Need makes the old wife to trot. driven thereunto through the necessity of their cold and miserable countries) would in all this time have found the way to America, and entered the same, had the passages been never so strait or difficult; the country being so temperate, pleasant and fruitful, in comparison of their own. But there was never any such people found there by any of the Spaniards, Portugals, or Frenchmen, who first discovered the Inland of that country: which Spaniards, or Frenchmen must then of necessity have seen some one civil man in America, considering how full of civil people Asia is: But they never see so much as one token or sign, that ever any man of the known part of the world had been there. 4 Furthermore it is to be thought, that if by reason of mountains, or other craggy places, the people neither of Cataia or Tartary could enter the country of America, or they of America have entered Asia if it were so joined: yet some one savage or wandering beast would in so many years have passed into it: but there hath not any time been found any of the beasts proper to Cataia, or Tartary etc. in America: nor of those proper to America, in Tartary, Cataia, etc. or any part of Asia. Which thing proveth America, not only to be one Island, and in no part adjoining to Asia: But also that the people of those countries, have not had any traffic with each other. 5 Moreover at the lest some one of those painful travelers, which of purpose have passed the confines of both countries, with intent only to discover, would as it is most likely have go from the one to the other: if there had been any piece of land, or Isthmos, to have joined them together, or else have declared some cause to the contrary. 6 But neither Paulus Venetus, who lived and dwelled a long time in Cataia, ever came into America, and yet was at the sea coasts of Mangia, over against it where he was embarked, and performed a great Navigation along those seas: Neither yet Verarzanus, or Franciscus Vasques de Coronado, who traveled the North part of America by land, ever found entry from thence by land to Cataia, or any part of Asia. The Sea hath three motions. 1 Motum ab oriente in occide●tem. 2 Motum fluxus & refluxus. 3 Motum circularem. Ad coeli motum elementa omnia (excepta ●e●●a) moventur. 7 Also it appeareth to be an Island, insomuch as the Sea runneth by nature circularly from the East to the West, following the diurnal motion of Primum Mobile, which carrieth with it all inferior bodies movable, aswell celestial as elemental: which motion of the waters is most evidently seen in the Sea, which lieth on the Southside of Africa, where the current that runneth from the East to the West is so strong (by reason of such motion) that the Portugals in their voyages Eastward to Calicut, in passing by Cap. de buona Sperança are enforced to make divers courses, the current there being so swift as it striketh from thence all along Westward upon the fret of Magellan, being distant from thence, near the fourth part of the longitude of the earth: and not having free passage and entrance thorough the fret towards the West, by reason of the narrowness of the said strait of Magellan, it runneth to salve this wrong (Nature not yielding to accidental restraints) all along the Eastern coasts of America, Northwards so far as Cape Fredo, being the farthest known place of the same continent towards the North: which is about 4800 leagues, reckoning there withal the trending of the land. 8 So that this current being continually maintained with such force, as jaques Cartier affirmeth it to be, who met with the same being at Baccalaos, as he sailed along the coasts of America, then either it must of necessity have way to pass from Cape Fredo, thorough this fret, Westward towards Cataia, being known to come so far, only to salve his former wrongs, by the authority before named: or else it must needs strike over, upon the coast of Island, Norway, Finmarke, and Lappia, (which are East from the said place about 360 leagues) with greater force than it did from Cape de buona Sperança, Posit● cau●a, poni●ur efferous. upon the fret of Magellan, or from the fret of Magellan to Cape Fredo, upon which coasts jaques Car●ier met with the same, considering the shortness of the Cut from the said Cape Fredo, to Island, Lappia, etc. And so the cause Efficient remaining, it would have continually followed along our coasts, through the narrow seas, which it doth not, but is digested about the North of Labrador, by some through passage there thorough this fret. The like course of the water in some respect happeneth in the Mediterrane sea (as affirmeth Conterenus) whereas the current which cometh from Tanais, Conteren●●● & Pontus Euxinus, running along all the coasts of Greece, Italy, France, and Spain, and not finding sufficient way out through Gibraltar, by means of the straightness of the fret it runneth back again along the coasts of Barbary, by Alexandria, Anatolia, etc. It may (peradventure) be thought that this course of the sea doth sometime surcease, and thereby impugn this principle, because it is not discerned all along the coast of America, in such sort as jaques Cartier found it: Whereunto I answer this: An objection answered. that albeit, in every part of the Coast of America, The sea doth evermore perform this circular motion, either in Suprema, or concava superficie aquae. or elsewhere this current is not sensibly perceived, yet it hath evermore such like motion, either in the uppermost or nethermost part of the sea: as it may be proved true, if you sink a sail by a couple of ropes, near the ground, fastening to the nethermost corners two gun chambers or other weights: by the driving whereof you shall plainly perceive, the course of the water, and current, running with such course in the bottom. By the like experiment, you may find the ordinary motion of the sea, in the Ocean: how far soever you be off the land. 9 Also there cometh another current from out the North-east from the Scythian Sea (as M. jenkinson a man of rare virtue, great travail and experience, told me) which runneth Westward towards Labrador, as the other did, which cometh from the South: The ice set westward every year from Island. Auth. jona A●●g●imo. so that both these currents, must have way thorough this our fret, or else encounter together and run contrary courses, in one line, but no such conflicts of streams, or contrary courses are found about any part of Labrodor, or Terra nova, as witness our yearly fishers, and other sailors that way, but is there digested, as aforesaid, and found by experience of Barnard de la Torre, to fall into Marinell del Sur. 10 Furthermore, the current in the great Ocean, could not have been maintained to run continually one way, from the beginning of the world unto this day, had there not been some thorough passage by the fret aforesaid, and so by circular motion be brought again to maintain itself: For the Tides and courses of the sea are maintained by their interchangeable motions: as fresh rivers are by springs, by ebbing and flowing, by rarefaction and condensation. So that it rests not possible (so far as my simple reason can comprehend) that this perpetual current can by any means be maintained, The flowing is occasioned by reason that the heat of the moon boileth, and maketh the water thin by way of rarefaction. but only by continual reaccesse of the same wa●er, which passeth thorough the fret, and is brought about thither again, by such circular motion as aforesaid. And the certain falling thereof by this fret into Marinell del Sur is proved by the testimony and experience, of Bernard de la Torre, who was sent from P. de la Natividad to the Moluccae, Anno domini 1542. by commandment of Anthony Mendoza, than Viceroy of Nova Hispania, which Bernard sailed 750. Leagues, on the Northside of the Aequator, and there met with a current, An experience to prove the falling of this current into Marinell del Sur. which came from the North-east the which drove him back again to Tidore. Wherefore, this current being proved to come from C. de buona Sperança to the fret of Magellan, and wanting sufficient entrance there, by narrowness of the strait, is by the necessity of nature's force, brought to Terra de Labrador, where jaques Cartier met the same, and thence certainly known, not to strike over upon Island, Lappia, etc. and found by Bernard de la Torre in Marinell del Sur, on the backside of America: therefore this current (having none other passage) must of necessity, fall out thorough this our fret into Marinell del Sur, and so trending by the Muluccae, China, and C. de buona Sperança, maintaineth itself by circular motion, which is all one in nature, with Motus ab Oriente in Occidentem. So that it seemeth, we have now more occasion to doubt of our return, then whether there be a passage that way, yea or not: which doubt, hereafter shall be sufficiently removed. Wherefore, in mine opinion, reason itself, grounded upon experience, assureth us of this passage, if there were nothing else to put us in hope thereof. But lest these might not suffice, I have added in this chapter following, some further proof hereof, by the experience of such as have passed some part of this discovery: and in the next adjoining to that the authority of those, which have sailed wholly, thorough every part thereof. To prove by experience of sundry men's travels, the opening of some part of this Northwest passage: whereby good hope remains of the rest. Chap. 3. PAulus Venetus, who dwelled many years in Cataia, affirmed that he sailed 1500 miles upon the coasts of Mangia, and Anian, towards the North-east: always finding the Seas open before him, not only as far as he went, but also as far as he could discern. 2 Also Franciscus Vasques de Coronado passing from Mexico by Cevola, through the country of Quivira, to Siera Nevada, found there a great sea, where were certain ships laden with Merchandise, carrying on their prows the pictures of certain birds called Alcatrarzi, Alcatrarzi be Pelicans. part whereof were made of gold, and part of silver, who signified by signs, that they were thirty days coming thither: which likewise proveth America by experience to be disjoined from Cataia, on that part by a great Sea, because they could not come from any part of America, as Natives thereof: for that, so far as is discovered, there hath not been found there any one Ship of that country. Baros lib. 9 Of his first Decas cap. 1. 3 In like manner, john Baros testifieth that the Cosmographers of China (where he himself had been) affirm that the Sea coast trendeth from thence North-east, to 50 degrees of Septentrional latitude, being the furthest part that way which the Portugals had then knowledge of: And that the said Cosmographers known no cause to the contrary, but that it might continued further. By whose experiences America is proved to be separate from those parts of Asia, directly against the same. And not contented with the judgements of these learned men only, I have searched what might be further said for the confirmation hereof. 4 And I found that Franciscus Lopez de Gomara affirmeth America to be an Island, and likewise Gronland: and that Gronland is distant from Lappia 40 leagues, and from Terra de Labrador, 50. 5 Moreover, Aluarus Nunnius a Spaniard, and learned Cosmographer, and jacobus Cartier, who made two voyages into those parts, and sailed 900 miles upon the North-east coasts of America do in part confirm the same. 6 Likewise Hieronymus Fracastorius, a learned Italian, and travailer in the North parts of the same land. 7 Also jaques Cartier having done the like, herded say at Hochelaga in Nova Francia, how that there was a great Sea at Saguinay, whereof the end was not known: which they presupposed to be the passage to Cataia, Written in the discourses of Navigation. Furthermore, Sebastian Cabota by his personal experience and travel hath set forth, and described this passage in his Charts, which are yet to be seen in the Queen's majesties privy Gallery at Whitehall, who was sent to make this discovery by king Henry the seventh, and entry the same fret: affirming that he sailed very far Westward, with a quart●r of the North, on the Northside of Terra de Labrador the eleventh of june, until he came to the Septentrional latitude of 67 degrees and a half, and finding the Seas still open, said, that he might, & would have go to Cataia, if the mutime of the Master and Mariners had not been. Now as these men's experience hath proved some part of this passage: so the chapter following shall put you in full assurance of the rest, by their experiences which have passed through every part thereof. To prove by circumstance that the Northwest passage hath been sailed throughout. Chap. 4. Quinq●e sensu●. 1 Vi●●s. 2 Audi●us. 3 Ol●a●ius. 4 Gustus. 5 Tactus. Singula●ia sensu, vni●●r●alia ve●ò ment pe●cipiuntur. THe diversity between bruit beasts and men, or between the wise and the simple is, that the one judgeth by sense only, and gathereth no surety of any thing that he hath not seen, felt, herded, tasted, or smelled: And the other not so only, but also finds the certainty of things by reason, before they happen to be tried. Wherefore I have added proofs of both sorts, that the one and the other might thereby be satisfied. 1 First, as Gemma Frisius reciteth, there went from Europe three brethren through this passage: whereof it took the name of Fretum trium fratrum. 2 Also Pliny affirmeth out of Cornelius Nepos, (who written 57 years before Christ) that there were certain Indians driven by tempest, upon the coast of Germany which were presented by the king of Suevia, unto Quintus Metellus Celer, the Proconsul of France. Lib. 2. cap. 66. 3 And Pliny upon the same saith, that it is no marvel though there be Sea by the North, where there is such abundance of moisture: which argueth that he doubted not of a navigable passage that way, through which those Indians came. 4 And for the better proof that the same authority of Cornelius Nepos is not by me wrested, to prove my opinion of the Northwest passage: you shall find the same affirmed more plainly in that behalf, by the excellent Geographer Dominicus Marius Niger, Pag. 590. who showeth how many ways the Indian sea stretcheth itself, making in that place recital of certain Indians, that were likewise driven through the North Seas from India, upon the coasts of Germany, by great tempest, as they were sailing in trade of merchandise. 5 Also while Frederic Barbarossa reigned Emperor, Anno Do. 1160. Avouched by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara in his history of India, lib. 1. cap. 10. there came certain other Indians upon the coast of Germany. 6 Likewise Othon in the story of the Goths affirmeth, that in the time of the german Emperors, there were also certain Indians cast by force of weather, upon the coast of the said country, which foresaid Indians could not possibly have come by the Southeast, South-west, nor from any part of Africa or America, nor yet by the North-east: therefore they came of necessity by this our Northwest passage. To prove that these Indians aforenamed came not by the Southeast, South-west, nor from any other part of Africa, or America. Cap. 5. FIrst, they could not come from the Southeast by the Cape de bona Sperança, because the roughness of the Seas there is such (occasioned by the currents and great winds in that part) that the greatest Armadas the king of Portugal hath, cannot without great difficulty pass that way, much less than a Canoa of India could live in those outrageous seas without shipwreck (being a vessel of very small burden) and have conducted themselves to the place aforesaid, being men unexpert in the Art of navigation. 2 Also, it appeareth plainly that they were not able to come from alongst the coast of Africa aforesaid, to those parts of Europe, because the winds do (for the most part) blow there Easterly off from the shore, and the current running that way in like sort, should have driven them Westward upon some part of America: for such winds and tides could never have led them from thence to the said place where they were found, nor yet could they have come from any of the country's aforesaid, keeping the seas always, without skilful mariners to have conducted them such like courses as were necessary to perform ●uch a voyage. 3 Presupposing also, if they had been driven to the West (as they must have been, coming that way) than they should have perished, wanting supply of victuals, not having any place (once leaving the coast of Africa) until they came to America, nor from America until they arrived upon some part of Europe, or the Islands adjoining to it, to have refreshed themselves. 4 Also, if (notwithstanding such impossibilities) they might have recovered Germany by coming from India by the Southeast, yet must they without all doubt have stricken upon some other part of Europe before their arrival there, as the Isles of the Açores, Portugal, Spain, France, England, Ireland, etc. which if they had done, it is not credible that they should or would have departed undiscovered of the inhabitants: but there was never found in those days any such ship or men but only upon the coasts of Germany, where they have been sundry times and in sundry ages cast a land: neither is it like that they would have committed themselves again to sea, if they had so arrived, not knowing where they were, nor whither to have go. 5 And by the South-west it is unpossible, because the current aforesaid which cometh from the East, This fift reason by later experience is proved utterly untrue. striketh with such force upon the fret of Magellan, and falls with such swiftness and fury into Marinell del Zur, that hardly any ship (but not possibly a Canoa, with such unskilful mariners) can come into our Western Ocean through that fret, from the West seas of America, as Magellans' experience hath partly taught us. 6 And further, to prove that these people so arriving upon the coast of Germany, were Indians, & not inhabiters of any part either of Africa or America, it is manifest, because the natives both of Africa and America neither had, That the Indians could not be natives either of Africa, or of America. or have at this day (as is reported) other kind of boats than such as do bear neither masts nor sails, (except only upon the coasts of Barbary and the Turks ships) but do carry themselves from place to place near the shore by the over only. To prove that those Indians came not by the North-east, and that there is no thorough navigable passage that way. Cap. 6. IT is likely that there should be no thorough passage by the North-east, whereby to go round about the world, because all Seas (as aforesaid) are maintained by the abundance of water, waxing more shallow and shelffie towards the end, as we found it doth by experience in Mar● Glaciali, towards the East, which breeds small hope of any great continuance of that sea, to be navigable towards the East, sufficient to sail thereby round about the world. Quicquid naturali loco privatur, quam ●●tissimè corrumpitur. 2 Also, it standeth scarcely with reason, that the Indians dwelling under Torrida Zona, could endure the injury of the cold air, about the Septentrional latitude of 80. degrees, under which elevation the passage by the North-east cannot be (as the often experience had of all the South parts of it showeth) seeing that some of the inhabitants of this cold climate (whose Summer is to them an extreme Winter) have been strooken to death with the cold damps of the air about 72 degrees, Qualis causa talis effectus, by an accidental mishap, and yet the air in such like Elevation is always cold, and too cold for such as the Indians are. 3 Furthermore, the plercing cold of the gross thick air so near the Pole will so stiffen and fur the sails and ship tackling, that no mariner can either hoist or strike them (as our experience far nearer the South, than this passage is presupposed to be, hath taught us) without the use whereof no voyage can be performed. 4 Also, the air is so darkened with continual mists and fogs so near the Pole, that no man can well see, either to guide his ship, or direct his course. 5 Also the compass at such elevation doth very suddenly vary, which things must of force have been their destructions, although they had been men of much more skill than the Indians are. Similium similis ●st ratio. 6 Moreover, all bay, gulfs, and rivers do receive their increase upon the flood, sensibly to be discerned on the one side of the shore or the other, as many ways as they be open to any main sea, as Mare Mediterraneum, Mare Rubrum, Sinus Persicus, Sinus Bodicus, Thamesis, and all other known havens or rivers in any part of the world, and each of them opening but on one part to the m●ine sea, do likewise receive their increase upon the flood the same way, and none other, which Mare Glaciale doth, only by the West; as M. jenkinson affirmed unto me: and therefore it followeth that this North-east sea, receiving increase but only from the West, cannot possibly open to the main Ocean by the East. 7 Moreover, the farther you pass into any sea towards the end of it, on that part which is shut up from the main sea (as in all those above mentioned) the less and less the tides rise and fall. The like whereof also happeneth in Mare Glaciale, which proveth but small continuance of that Sea toward the East. 8 Also, the further ye go toward the East in Mare Glaciale, the less salt the water is: which could not happen, if it were open to the salt Sea towards the East, as it is to the West only, Quicquid corrumpitur à contra●io corrumpitur. seeing Every thing naturally engendereth his like: and then must it be like salt throughout, as all the seas are, in such like climate and elevation. And therefore it seemeth that this North-east sea is maintained by the river Ob, and such like fresshets, Omne simile gignit sui simile. as Mare Goticum, and Mare Mediterraneum, in the uppermost parts thereof by the rivers Nilus, Danubius● Neper, Tanais, etc. 9 Furthermore, if there were any such sea at that elevation, of like it should be always frozen throughout (there being no tides to hinder it) because the extreme coldness of the air being in the uppermost part, and the extreme coldness of the earth in the bottom, the sea there being but of small depth, whereby the one accidental coldness doth meet with the other, and the Sun not having his reflection so near the Pole, but at very blunt angles, it can never be dissolved after it is frozen, notwithstanding the great length of their day: for that the sun hath no heat at all in his light or beams, but proceeding only by an accidental reflection, which there waits in effect. 10 And yet if the Sun were of sufficient force in that elevation, to prevail against this ice, yet must it be broken before it can be dissolved, which cannot be but through the long continuance of the sun above their Horizon, and by that time the Summer would be so far spent, and so great darkness and cold ensue, that no man could be able to endure so cold, dark, and uncomfortable a navigation, if it were possible for him then, and there to live. 11 Further, the ice being once broken, it must of force so drive with the winds and tides, that no ship can sail in those seas, seeing our Fishers of Island, and the New found land, are subject to danger through the great Islands of Ice which fleet in the Seas (to the sailors great danger) far to the South of that presupposed passage. 12 And it cannot be that this North-east passage should be any nearer the South, than before recited, for than it should cut off C●remissi, & Turbi Tartari, with Vzesucani, Chisani, and others from the Continent of Asia, which are known to be adjoining to Scythia, Tartary, etc. with the other part of the same Continent. And if there were any thorough passage by the North-east, yet were it to small end and purpose for our traffic, because no ship of great burden can Navigate in so shallow a Sea: and ships of small burden are very unfit & unprofitable, especially towards the blustering North, to perform such a voyage. To prove that the Indians aforenamed, came only by the Northwest, which induceth a certainty of our passage by experience. Cap. 7. IT is as likely that they came by the Northwest, as it is unlikely that they should come either by the Southeast, South-west, Northeast, or from any other part of Africa or America, and therefore this Northwest passage having been already so many ways proved, by disproouing of the others, etc. I shall the less need in this place, to use many words otherwise then to conclude in this sort, That they came only by the Northwest from England, having these many reasons to lead me thereunto. 1 First, the one half of the winds of the compass might bring them by the Northwest, be●ring always between two sheats, with which kind of sailing the Indians are only acquainted, not having any use of a bow lin●, or quarter wind, without the which no ship can possibly come either by the Southeast, South-west or Northeast, having so many sundry Capes to double, whereunto are required such change and shifted of winds. 2 And it seemeth likely that they should come by the Northwest, True, both in ventis obliquè flan●ibus, as also in ventis ex diametro spirantibus. because the coast whereon they were driven, lay East from this our passage, And all winds do naturally drive a ship to an opposite point from whence it bloweth, not being otherwise guided by Art, which the Indians do utterly want, & therefore it seemeth that they came directly through this our fret, which they might do with one wound. 3 For if they had come by the Cape de buona Sperança, then must they (as aforesaid) have fallen upon the South parts of America. 4 And if by the fret of Magellan, then upon the coasts of Africa, Spain, Portugal, France, Ireland or England. 5 And if by the North-east, then upon the coasts of Ceremissi, Tartarij, L●ppia, Island, Terra de Labrador, etc. and upon these coasts (as aforesaid) they have never been found. So that by all likelihood they could never have come without shipwreck upon the coasts of Germany, if they had first stricken upon the coasts of so many countries, wanting both Art and shipping to make orderly discovery, and altogether ignorant both in the Art of Navigation, and also of the Rocks, Flats, Sands or Havens of those parts of the world, which in most of these places are plentiful. 6 And further it seemeth very likely, that the inhabitants of the most part of those countries, by which they must have come any other way besides by the Northwest, being for the most part Anthropophagis, or men eaters, would have devoured them, slain them, or (at the lest wise) kept them as wonders for the gaze. So that it plainly appeareth that those Indians (which as you have herded in sundry ages were driven by tempest upon the shore of Germany) came only through our Northwest passage. 7 Moreover, the passage is certainly proved by a Navigation that a Portugal made, who passed through this fret, giving name to a Promontory far within the same, calling it after his own name, Promontorium Corterialis, near adjoining unto Polisacus flwius. 8 Also one Scolmus a Dane entered and passed a great part thereof. 9 Also there was one Saluaterra, a Gentleman of Victoria in Spain, that came by chance out of the West India's into Ireland, Anno 1568. who affirmed the Northwest passage from us to Cataia, constantly to be believed in America navigable. And further said in the presence of sir Henry Sidney (than lord Deputy of Ireland) in my hearing, that a Friar of Mexico, called Andrew Vrdaneta, more than eight years before his then coming into Ireland, told him there, that he came from Marinell del Sur into Germany through this Northwest passage, & showed Saluaterra (at that time being then with him in Mexico) a Sea Card made by his own experience and travel in that voyage, wherein was plainly set down and described this Northwest passage, agreeing in all points with Ortelius map. And further, this Friar told the king of Portugal (as he returned by that country homeward) that there was (of certainty) such a passage Northwest from England, and that he meant to publish the same: which done, the king most earnestly desired him not in any wise to disclose or make the passage known to any nation: For that (said the king) if England had knowledge and experience thereof, it would greatly hinder both the king of Spai●e and me. The words of the king of Portugal, to Andro Vrdaneta a Friar, touching the concealing of this Northwest passage from England to Cataia. This Friar (as Saluaterra reported) was the greatest Discoverer by sea, that hath been in our age. Also Saluaterra being persuaded of this passage by the friar Vrdaneta, and by the common opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting America, offered most willingly to accompany me in this Discovery, which of like he would not have done if he had stood in doubt thereof. And now as these modern experiences cannot be impugned, so, lest it might be objected that these things (gathered out of ancient writers, which written so many years past) might serve little to prove this passage by the North of America, because both America and India were to them then utterly unknown: An objection. to remove this doubt, let this susfise: That Aristotle (who was 300. years before Christ) named Mare Indicum. Aristotle lib. de mundo, cap. 2. Berosus lib. 5. Also Berosus (who lived 330 years before Christ) hath these words, Ganges in India. Also in the first chapter of Hester be these words, In the days of Assuerus which ruled from India to Aethiopia, which Assuerus lived 580 years before Christ. Also Quintus Curtius (where he speaketh of the conquests of Alexander) mentioneth India. Also, Arianus, Philostratus, and Sidrach in his discourses of the wars of the king of Bactria, and of Garaab, who had the most part of India under his government. All which assureth us, that both India and Indians were known in those days. These things considered, we may (in my opinion) not only assure ourselves of this passage by the Northwest, but also that it is navigable both to come and go, as hath been proved in part and in all, by the experience of divers, as Sebastian Cabota, Cor●erialis, the three brethren above named, the Indians, and Vrdaneta the Friar of Mexico, etc. And yet notwithstanding all this, there be some that have a better hope of this passage to Ca●aia by the North-east then by the West, whose reasons with my several answers ensue in the chapter following. Certain reasons alleged for the proving of a passage by the North-east, before the Queen's Majesty, and certain Lords of the Counsel, by Master Anthony jenkinson, with my several answers then used to the same. Cap. 8. BEcause you may understand as well those things alleged against me, as what doth serve for my purpose, I have here added the reasons of Master Anthony jenkinson a worthy gentleman, and a great traveler, who conceived a better hope of the passage to Cataia from us, to be by the North-east, then by the Northwest. He first said that he thought not to the contrary, but that there was a passage by the Northwest, The Northwest passage assented unto. according to mine opinion: but assured he was, that there might be found a navigable passage by the North-east from England, to go to all the East parts of the world, which he endeavoured to prove three ways. The first reason. The first was that he herded a Fisherman of Tartary say in hunting the Morce, that he sailed very far towards the Southeast, finding no end of the Sea: whereby he hoped a thorough passage to be that way. The answer or resolution. Whereunto I answered, that the Tartarians were a barbarous people, and utterly ignorant in the Art of Navigation, not knowing the use of the Sea Card, Compass or Star, which he confessed to be true: and therefore they could not (said I) certainly know the Southeast from the North-east, in a wide sea, and a place unknown from the sight of the land. Or if he sailed any thing near the shore, yet he (being ignorant) might be deceived by the doubling of many points and Capes, and by the trending of the land, albeit he kept continually alongst the shore. And further, it might be that the poor Fisherman through simplicity thought that there was nothing that way but sea, Vlsus nonnunquam fallitur in suo obiecto. because he see no land: which proof (under correction) giveth small assurance of a Navigable sea by the North-east, to go round about the world, For that he judged by the eye only, seeing we in this our clear air do accounted twenty miles a k●n at Sea. The second reason or allegation. His second reason is, that there was an Unicorns horn found upon the coast of Tartary, which could not come (said he) thither by any other means then with the tides, through some fret in the North-east of Mare Glaciale, there being no Unicorn in any part of Asia, saving in India and Cataia: which reason (in my simple judgement) forceth as little. The answer or resolution. First, it is doubtful whether those barbarous Tartarians do know an Unicorns horn, yea, or no: and if it were one, yet it is not credible that the Sea could have driven it so far, being of such nature that it will not swim. Also the tides running too and fro, would have driven it as far back with the ebb, as it brought it forward with the flood. There is also a beast called Asinus Indicus (whose horn most like it was) which hath but one horn like an Unicorn in his forehead, whereof there is great plenty in all the North parts thereunto adjoining, as in Lappia, Noruegia, Finmarke, etc. as jacobus Zieglerus writeth in his history of Scondia. And as Albertus saith, there is a fish which hath bu● one horn in his forehead like to an Unicorn, and therefore it seemeth very doubtful both from whence it came, and whether it were an Unicorns horn, yea, or no. His third and last reason was, The third and last reason or assertion. that there came a continual stream or current through Mare Glaciale, of such swiftness (as a Colmax told him) that if you cast any thing therein, it would presently be carried out of sight towards the West. Whereunto I answered, The answer or resolution. that there doth the like from Maeotis Palus, by Pontus Euxinus, Sinus Bosphorus, and along the coast of Graecia, etc. As it is affirmed by Contarenus, and divers others that have had experience of the same: and yet that Sea lieth not open to any main Sea that way, but is maintained by fresshets as by Tanais, Danubius, etc. In like manner is this current in Mare Glaciale increased and maintained by the Dwina, the river Ob, etc. Now as I have here briefly recited the reasons alleged, to prove a passage to Cataia by the North-east, with my several answers thereunto: so will I leave it to your judgement, to hope or despair of either at your pleasure. How that the passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffic, than the other by the East, if there were any such. Cap. 9 FIrst, by the North-east (if your winds do not give you a marvelous speedy & lucky passage) you are in danger (being so near the Pole) to be benighted almost the one half of the year, and what danger that were, to live so long comfortless, void of light, (if the ●old killed you not) each man of reason or understanding may judge. 2 Also Mangia, Quinzai, and the Moluccae are nearer unto us by the Northwest, Some doubt of this. then by the North-east, more than two five parts, which is almost by the half. 3 Also we may have by the West a yearly return, it being at all times navigable, whereas you have but 4. months in the whole year to go by the North-east: the passage being at such elevation as it is formerly expressed, for it cannot be any nearer the South. 4 Furthermore, it cannot be finished without divers win●rings by the way, having no havens in any temperate climate to harbour in there: for it is as much as we can well sail from hence to S. Nicholas, in the trade of Moscovia, and return in the navigable season of the year, & from S. Nicholas to Cerimissi Tartari, which stand at 80 degrees of the Septentrional latitude, it is at the lest 400 leagues, which amounteth scarce to the third part of the way, to the end of your voyage by the North-east. 5 And yet after you have doubled this Cape, if then there might be found a navigable Sea to carry you Southeast according to your desire, yet can you not winter conveniently, until you come to 60 degrees, and to take up one degree running Southeast, you must sail 24 leagues and three four parts, which amounteth to 495 leagues. 6 Furthermore, you may by the Northwest sail thither with all Easterly winds, and return with any Westerly winds, whereas you must have by the North-east sundry winds, and those proper, according to the lying of the coast and Capes, you shallbe enforced to double, which winds are not always to be had, when they are looked for: whereby your journey should be greatly prolonged, and hardly endured so near the Pole. As we are taught by sir Hugh Willoughby, who was frozen to death far nearer the South. 7 Moreover, it is very doubtful, whether we should long enjoy that trade by the North-east, if there were any such passage that way, the commodities thereof once known to the Moscovite, what privilege so ever he hath granted, seeing policy with the mass of excessive gain, to the enriching (so greatly) of himself and all his dominions would persuade him to presume the same, having so great opportunity to utter the commodities of those countries by the narve. But by the Northwest, we may safely trade without danger or annoyance of any prince living, Christian or Heathen, it being out of all their trades. 8 Also the Queen's majesties dominions are nearer the Northwest passage than any other great princes that might pass that way, and both in their going and return, they must of necessity secure themselves and their ships upon some part of the same, if any tempestuous weather should happen. Further, no princes navy of the world is able to encounter the Queen's majesties navy, as it is at this present: and yet it should be greatly increased by the traffic ensuing upon this discovery, for it is the long voyages that increase and maintain great shipping. Now it seemeth necessary to declare what commodities would grow thereby, if all these things were, as we have heretofore presupposed, and thought them to be: which next adjoining are briefly declared. What commodities would ensue, this passage once discovered. Cap. 10. FIrst, it were the only way for our princes, to possess the wealth of all the East parts (as they term them) of the world, which is infinite: a● appeareth by the experience of Alexander the great, in the time of his conquest of India, and other the East parts of the world, alleged by Quintus Curtius, which would be a great advancement to our country, a wonderful enriching to our prince, and an unspeakable commodity to all the inhabitants of Europe. 2 For through the shortness of the voyage, we should be able to cell all manner of merchandise, brought from thence, far better cheap then either the Portugal or Spaniard doth or may do. And further, we should share with the Portugal in the East, & the Spaniard in the West, by trading to any part of America, thorough Marinell del Sur, where they can no manner of way offend us. 3 Also we might sail to divers very rich countries, both civil and others, out of both their jurisdictions, trades and traficks, where there is to be found great abundance of gold, silver, precious stones, clot of gold, silks, all manner of spices, grocery wares, and other kinds of merchandise of an inestimable price, which both the Spaniard and Portugal, through the length of their journeys, cannot well attain unto. 4 Also we might inhabit some part of those countries, and settle there such needy people of our country, which now trouble the common wealth, and through want here at home are enforced to commit outrageous offences, whereby they are daily consumed with the gallows. 5 Moreover, we might from all the aforesaid places have a yearly return, inhabiting for our staple some convenient place of America, about Sierra Nevada, or some other part, whereas it shall seem best for the shortening of the voyage. 6 Beside uttering of our country commodities, which the Indians, etc. much esteem: as appeareth in Hester, where the pomp is expressed of the great king of India, Assuerus, who matched the coloured clotheses, wherewith his houses and tents were appareled, with gold and silver, as part of his greatest treasure: not mentioning either velvets, silks, clot of gold, clot of silver, or such like, being in those countries most plentiful: whereby it plainly appeareth in what great estimation they would have the clotheses of this our country, so that there would be found a far better vent for them by this means, than yet this realm ever had: and that without depending either upon France, Spain, Flanders, Portugal, Hamborow, Emden, or any other part of Europe. 7 Also, here we shall increase both our ships and mariners, without burdening of the state. 8 And also have occasion to set poor men's children to learn handy crafts, and thereby to make trifles and such like, which the Indians and those people do much esteem: by reason whereof, there should be none occasion to have our country cumbered with loiterers, vagabonds, and such like idle people. All these commodities would grow by following this our discovery, without injury done to any Christian prince, by crossing them in any of their used trades, whereby they might take any just occasion of offence. Thus have I briefly showed you some part of the grounds of mine opinion, trusting that you will no longer judge me fantastic in this matter: seeing I have conceived no vain hope of this voyage, but am persuaded thereunto by the best Cosmographers of our age, the same being confirmed both by reason and certain experiences. Also this discovery hath been divers times heretofore by others both offered, attempted, and performed. It hath been offered by Stephan Gomes unto Carolus the fift Emperor, in the year of our Lord God 1527, as Alphonso ullua testifieth in the story of Carolus life: who would have set him forth in it (as the story mentioneth) if the great want of money, by reason of his long wars had not caused him to su●cease the same. And the king of Portugal fearing lest the Emperor would have persevered in this his enterprise gave him to lea●e the ma●ter unattempted, the sum of 350000 crowns: This discovery offered. and it is to be thought that the king of Portugal would not have given to the Emperor such sums of money forages in moonshine. I● hath been attempted by Sebastian Cabota in the time of king Henry the seventh, by Corterialis the Portugall● and S●olmus the Da●e. This discovery attempted. And it hath been performed by three brethren, This discovery performed. the Indians aforesaid, and by Vrdaneta the Friar of Mexico. Also divers have offered the like unto the French king, who hath sent two or three times to have discovered the same: The discoverers spending and consuming their victuals in searching the gulfs and bays between Florida and Terra de Labrador, whereby the ice is broken to the after comers. So that the right way may now easily be found out in short time: and that with little jeopardy and less expenses. For America is discovered so far towards the North as Cape Frio, which is at 62 degrees, and that part of Grondland next adjoining is known to stand but at 72 degrees. The labour of this discovery shortened by other men's travel. So that we have but 10 degrees to sail North & South, to put the world out of doubt hereof● and it is likely that the king of Spain, and the king of Portugal would not have sit out all this while, but that they are sure to possess to themselves all that trade they now use, and fear to deal in this discovery, lest the Queen's Majesty having so good opportunity, and finding the commodity which thereby might ●nsue to the common wealth, would cut them off, and enjoy the whole traffic to herself, and thereby the Spaniards and Portugals, Why the kings of Spain and Portugal would not persever in this discovery. with their great charges, should beat the bush, and other men catch the birds: which thing they foreseeing, have commanded that no pilot of there's upon pain of death, should seek to discover to the Northwest, or plate out in any Sea carded any thorough passage that way by the Northwest. Now, and if you will indifferently compare the hope that remains, to animate me to this enterprise, with those likelihoods which Columbus alleged before Ferdinando the king of Castilia, to prove that there were such islands in the West Ocean, as were after by him and others discovered to the great commodity of Spain and all the world: you will think then this Northwest passage to be most worthy travel therein. For Columbus had none of the West islands set forth unto him, either in globe or card, neither yet once mentioned of any writer (Plato excepted, and the commentaries upon the same) from 942 years before Christ, until that day. Moreover, Columbus himself had neither seen America nor any other of the islands about it, neither understood he of them by the report of any other that had seen them, but only comforted himself with this hope, that the land had a beginning where the Sea had an ending: for as touching that which the Spaniards do writ of a Biscaine, which should have taught him the way thither, it is thought to be imagined of them, to deprive Columbus of his honour, being none of their country man, but a stranger born. And if it were true of the Biscaine, yet did he but rove at the matter, or (at the lest) gathered the knowledge of it, by conjectures only. And albeit myself have not seen this passage or any part thereof, but am ignorant of it as touching experience (as Columbus was before his attempt made) yet have I both the report, relation, and authority of divers most credible men, which have both seen and passed through some and every part of this discovery, besides sundry reasons for my assurance thereof: all which Columbus wanted. These things considered, & indifferently weighed together, with the wonderful commodities which this discovery may bring, especially to this realm of England: I must needs conclude with learned Baptista Ramusius, and divers other learned men, who said, that this discovery hath been reserved for some noble prince or worthy man, thereby to make himself rich, and the world happier desiring you to accept in good part this brief and simple discourse, written in haste, which if I may perceive that it shall not sufficiently satisfy you in this behalf, I will then impart unto you a large discourse, which I have written only of this discovery. And further, because it sufficeth not only to know that such a thing there is, without ability to perform the same, I will at leisure make you partaker of another simple discourse of navigation, wherein I have not a little traveled, to make myself as sufficient to bring these things to effect, as I have been ready to offer myself therein. And therein I have devised to amend the errors of usual sea cards, whose common fault is, to make the degrees of longitude in every latitude of one like bigness. And have al●o devised therein a Spherical instrument, with a compass of variation for the perfect knowing of the longitude. And a precise order to prick the sea card, together with certain infallible rules for the shortening of any discovery, to know at the first ●ntring of any fret, whether it lie open to the Ocean more ways than one, how far soever the sea stretcheth itself into the land. Desiring you hereafter never to mislike with me, for the taking in hand of any laudable and honest enterprise: for if through pleasure or idleness we purchase shame, the pleasure vanisheth, but the shame remains for ever. Pereas qui umbras times. And therefore to give me leave without offence, always to live and die in this mind, That he is not worthy to live at all, that for fear, or danger of death, shunneth his country's service, and his own honour: seeing death is inevitable, and the fame of virtue immortal. Wherefore in this behalf, Mutare vel timere sperno. Certain other reasons, or arguments to prove a passage by the Northwest, learnedly written by M. Richard wills Gentleman. Four famous ways there be spoken of to those fruitful and wealthy Islands, which we do usually call Moluccaes, continually haunted for gain, and daily traveled for riches therein growing. These islands, although they stand East from the Meridian, distant almost half the length of the world, in extreme heat, under the Equinoctial line, possessed of Infidels and Barbarians: yet by our neighbours great abundance of wealth there is painfully sought in respect of the voyage dearly bought, and from thence dangerously brought home unto us. Our neighbours I call the Portugals in comparison of the Molucchians for nearness unto us, for like situation Westward as we have, for their usual trade with us, for that the far Southeasterlings do know this part of Europe by no other name than Portugal, not greatly acquainted as yet with the other Nations thereof. Their voyage is very well understood of all men, and the Southeasterne way round about Africa by the Cape of Good hope more spoken of, 1 By the Southeast. better known and traveled, then that it may seem needful to discourse thereof any further. 2 By the South-west. The second way lieth Southwest, between the West India or South America, and the South continent, through that narrow strait where Magellan first of all men that ever we do read of, passed these latter years, leaving thereunto therefore his name. This way no doubt the Spaniards would commodiously take, for that it lieth near unto their dominions there, This is an error. could the Eastern current and leuan● winds as easily suffer them to return, as speedily therewith they may be carried thither: for the which difficulty, or rather impossibility of striving against the force both of wind and stream, this passage is little or nothing used, although it be very well known. 3 By the North-east. The third way by the North-east, beyond all Europe and Asia, that worthy and renowned knight sir Hugh Willoughby sought to his peril, enforced there to end his life for cold, congealed and frozen to death. And truly this way consists rather in the imagination of Geographers, then allowable either in reason, or approved by experience, as well it may appear by the dangerous trending of the Scythish Cape set by Ortelius under the 80 degree North, Ortel. tab. Asiae. 3. by the unlikely sailing in that Northern sea always clad with ice and snow, or at the least continually pestered therewith, if happily it be at any time dissolved: besides bays and shelves, the water waxing more shallow toward the East, that we say nothing of the foul mists and dark fogs in the cold clime, of the little power of the Sun to clear the air, of the uncomfortable nights, so near the Pole, five months long. 4 By the North-east. A fourth way to go unto these aforesaid happy islands Moluccae sir Humphrey Gilbert a learned and valiant knight discourseth of at large in his new passage to Cathayo. The enterprise of itself being virtuous, the fact must doubtless deserve high praise, and whensoever it shall be finished, the first-fruits thereof cannot be small: where virtue is guide, there is fame a follower, & fortune a companion. But the way is dangerous, the passage doubtful, the voyage not thoroughly known, and therefore gainsaid by many, after this manner. Ob. 1. First, who can assure us of any passage rather by the Northwest then by the North-east? do not both ways lie in equal distance from the North Pole? Stand not the North Capes of either continent under like elevation? Is not the Ocean sea beyond America farther distant from our Meridian by 30. or 40. degrees West, than the extreme points of Cathayo Eastward, if Ortelius general Card of the world be true? In Theatro. In the North-east that noble Knight Sir Hugh Willoughby perished for cold: and can you then promise' a passenger any better hap by the Northwest? Who hath go for trial sake at any time this way out of Europe to Cathayo? If you seek the advise herein of such as make profession in cosmography, Ob. 2. Ptolemy the father of Geography, and his elder children, will answer by their maps with a negative, concluding most of the Sea within the land, and making an end of the world Northward, near the 63. degree. The same opinion, when learning chief flourished, was received in the Romans time, as by their Poet's writings it may appear: tibi seruiat ultima Thyle, said Virgil, being of opinion, that Island was the extreme part of the world habitable toward the North. joseph Moletius an Italian, and Mercator a german, for knowledge men able to be compared with the best Geographers of our time, the one in his half Spheres of the whole world, the other in some of his great globes, have continued the West Indies land, even to the North Pole, and consequently, cut off all passage by sea that way. The same doctors, Mercator in other of his globes and maps, Moletius in his sea Card, nevertheless doubting of so great continuance of the former continent, have opened a gulf betwixt the W●st Indies and the extreme Northern land: but such a one, that either is not to be traveled for the causes in the first objection alleged, or clean shut up from us in Europe by Groenland: the South end whereof Moletius maketh firm land with America, the North part continent with Lappeland and Norway. Thirdly, Ob. 3. the greatest favourers of this voyage can not deny, but that if any such passage be, it lieth subject unto ice and snow for the most part of the year, whereas it standeth in the edge of the frosty zone. Before the Sun hath warmed the air, and dissolved the ice, each one well knoweth that there can be no sailing: the ice once broken through the continual abode the sun maketh a certain season in those parts, how shall it be possible for so weak a vessel as a ship is, to hold out amid whole Islands, as it were of ice continually beating on each side, and at the mouth of that gulf, issuing down furiously from the north, and safely to pass, when whole mountains of ice and snow shall be tumbled down upon her? Well, grant the West Indies not to continued continent unto the Pole, Ob. 4. grant there be a passage between these two lands, let the gulf lie nearer us than commonly in cards we find it set, namely, between the 61. and 64. degrees north, as Gemma Fr●sius in his maps and globes imagineth it, and so left by our countryman Sebastian Cabot in his table which the Earl of Bedford hath at Cheinies: Let the way be void of all difficulties, yet doth it not follow that we have free passage to Cathayo. For example's sake: You may trend all Norway, Finmarke, and Lappeland, and then bow Southward to Saint Nicholas in Moscovia: you may likewise in the Mediterranean Sea fetch Constantinople, and the mouth of Tanais: yet is there no passage by Sea through Moscovia into Pont Euxine, now called Mare Maggiore. Again, in the aforesaid Mediterranean sea, we sail to Alexandria in Egypt, the Barbarians bring their pearl and spices from the Moluccaes up the Read sea or Arabian gulf to Sues, scarcely three days journey from the aforesaid haven: yet have we no way by sea from Alexandria to the Moluccaes, for that Isthmos or little strait of land between the two seas. In like manner although the Northern passage be free at 61 degrees of latitude, and the West Ocean beyond America, usually called Marinell del Zur, known so be open at 40. degrees elevation from the Island japan, yea three hundred leagues Northerly above japan: yet may there be land to hinder the thorough passage that way by Sea, as in the examples aforesaid it falls out, Asia and America there being joined together in one continent. Ne can this opinion seem altogether frivolous unto any one that diligently peruseth our Cosmographers doings. josephus Molerius is of that mind, not only in his plain Hemispheres of the world, but also in his Sea card. The French Geographers in like manner be of the same opinion, as by their Map cut out in form of a Hart you may perceive: as though the West Indies were part of Asia. Which sentence well agreeth with that old conclusion in the Schools: Quicksands quid praeter Africam & Europam est, Asia est. Whatsoever land doth neither appertain unto Africa nor to Europe, is part of Asia. Furthermore it were to small purpose to make so long, Ob. 5. so painful, so doubtful a voyage by such a newfound way, if in Cathayo you should neither be suffered to land for silks and silver, nor able to fetch the Molucca spices and pearl for piracy in those Seas. Of a law denying all Aliens to enter into China, and forbidding all the inhabiters under a great penalty to let in any stranger into those countries, shall you read in the report of Galeotto Perera there imprisoned with other Portugals: as also in the japonish letters, how for that cause the worthy traveler Xavierus bargained with a Barbarian Merchant for a great sum of pepper to be brought into Canton, a port in China. The great and dangerous piracy used in those Seas no man can be ignorant of, that listeth to read the japonish and East Indian history. Ob. 6. Finally, all this great labour would be lost, all these charges spent in vain, if in the end our travelers might not be able to return again, and bring safely home into their own native country that wealth & riches, which they in foreign regions with adventure of goods, & danger of their lives have sought for. By the North-east there is no way, the Southeast passage the Portugals do hold as the Lords of those Seas. At the Southwest Magellans experience hath partly taught us, and partly we are persuaded by reason, how the Eastern current striketh so furiously on that strait, and falls with such force into that narrow gulf, that hardly any ship can return that way into our West Ocean out of Marinell del Zur. The which if it be true, as truly it is, than we may say that the aforesaid Eastern current or levant course of waters continually following after the heavenly motions, loses not altogether his force, but is doubled rather by an other current from out the North-east, in the passage between America and the North land, whither it is of necessity carried: having none other way to maintain itself in circular motion, & consequently the force and fury thereof to be no less in the strait of Anian, where it striketh South into Marinell del Zur, beyond America (if any such strait of Sea there be) then in Magellans fret, both straits being of like breadth: as in Belognine Zalterius table of new France, and in Don Diego Hermano de Toledo his Card for navigation in that regi●● we do f●●de precisely set down. Nevertheless to approve that there lieth a way to Cathayo at the Northwest from out of Europe, we have experience, namely of three brethren that went that journey, as Gemma Frisius recordeth, and left a name unto that strait, whereby now it is called Fretum trium fratrum. We do read again of a Portugal that passed this strait, of ●hom Master Frobisher speaketh, that was imprisoned therefore many years in Lisbon, to verify the old Spanish proverb, I suffer for doing well. Likewise Andrew Vrdaneta a Friar of Mexico came out of Marinell del Zur this way into Germanie● his Card (for he was a great Discoverer) made by his own experience and travel in that voyage, hath been seen by Gentlemen of good credit. Cic. 1. de orat. Arist. pri. Metaph. Now if the observation and remembrance of things breeds experience, and of experience proceedeth art, and the certain knowledge we have in all faculties, as the best Philosophers that ever were do affirm: truly the voyage of these aforesaid travelers that have go out of Europe into Marinell del Zur, and returned thence at the Northwest, do most evidently conclude that way to be navigable, and that passage free. So much the more we are so to think, for that the first principle and chief ground in all Geography, Lib. 1. Geog. Cap. 2. as Ptolemy says, is the history of travel, that is, reports made by travelers skilful in Geometry and Astronomy, of all such things in their journey as to geography do belong. It only then remains, that we now answer to those arguments that seemed to make against this former conclusion. Sol. 1. The first objection is of no force, that general table of the world set forth by Ortelius or Mercator, for it greatly skilleth not, being unskilfully drawn for that point: as manifestly it may appear unto any one that conferreth the same with Gemma Frisius his universal Map, with his round quartered card, with his globe, with Sebastian Cabota his cable, and Ortelius his general map alone, worthily preferred in this case before all Mercator & Ortelius other doings: for that Cabota was not only a skilful Seaman's but a long traveler, and such a one as entered personally that strait, sent by king Henry the seventh to make this aforesaid Discovery, as in his own discourse of navigation you may read in his card drawn with his own hand, that the mouth of the Northwesterne strait lieth near the 318. Meridian● between 61. and 64. degrees in the elevation, continuing the ●ame breadth about 10. degrees West, where it openeth Southerly more and more, until it come under the tropic of Cancer, and so runneth into Marinell del Zur, at the lest 18. degrees more in breadth there, than it was where it first began: otherwise I could as well imagine this passage to be more unlikely than the voyage to Moscovia, and more impossible than it for the far situation and co●tin●●nce thereof in the frosty clime: as now I can affirm it to be very possible and most likely in comparison thereof, for that it neither coasteth so far North as the Moscovian passage doth, neither is this strait so long as that, before it bow down Southerly towards the Sun again. Sol. 2. The second argument concludeth nothing. Ptolemy known not what was above sixteen degrees South beyond the Equinoctial line, he was ignorant of all passages Northward from the elevation of 63. degrees: he knew no Ocean sea beyond Asia, yet have the Portugals trended the cape of Good hope at the South point of Africa, and traveled to japan an Island in the East Ocean, between Asia & America: our merchants in the time of king Edward the sixt discovered the Moscovian passage farther North than Thyle, & showed Groenland not to be continent with Lappeland & Norway: the like our Northwesterne travelers have done, declaring by their navigation that way, the ignorance of all Cosmographers that either do join Groenland with America, or continued the West Indies with that frosty region under the north pole. As for Virgil he sang according to the knowledge of men in his time, as an other Poet did of the hot zone. Quarum quae media est, non est habitabilis aestu. ovid. ●. Meta. Imagining, as most men than did, Zonam torridam, the hot zone to be altogether dishabited for heat, though presently we know many famous and worthy kingdoms and cities in that part of the earth, and the Island of S. Thomas near AEthiopia, & the wealth Islands for the which chief all these voyages are taken in hand, to be inhabited even under the equinoctial line. To answer the third objection, Sol. 3. besides Cabota and all other travelers navigations, the only credit of M. Frobisher may suffice, who lately through all these Islands of ice, and mountains of snow, passed that way, even beyond the gulf that tumbleth down from the North, and in some places though he drew one inch thick ice, as he returning in August did, yet came he home safely again. The fourth argument is altogether frivolous & vain, Sol. 4. for neither is there any isthmos or straight of land between America and Asia, ne can these two lands jointly be one continent. The first part of my answer is manifestly allowed of by Homer, whom that excellent Geographer Strabo followeth, Lib. Geog. yielding him in this faculty the price. The author of that book likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Alexander, attributed unto Aristotle, is of the same opinion that Homer and Strabo be of, in two or three places. Dionysius in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath this verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So doth the Ocean Sea run round about the world: speaking only of Europe, Africa and Asia, as then Asia was traveled and known. No●e. With these Doctors may you join Pomponius Mela. cap. 2. lib. 1. Plinius lib. 2. cap. 67. and Pius 2. cap. 2. in his description of Asia. All the which writers do no less confirm the whole Eastern side of Asia to be compassed about with the sea, than Plato doth affirm in Timaeo, under the name Atlantis, the West Indies to be an Island, as in a special discourse thereof R. Eden writeth, Richard Eden. agreeable unto the sentence of Proclus, Marsilius Ficinus, and others. Out of Plato it is gathered that America is an Island. Homer, Strabo, Aristotle, Dionysius, Mela, Plinic, Pius 2. affirm the continent of Asia, Africa, & Europe, to be environed with the Ocean. I may therefore boldly say (though later intelligences thereof had we none at all) that Asia & the West Indies be not tied together by any Isthmos or strait of land, contrary to the opinion of some new Cosmographers, by whom doubtfully this matter hath been brought in controversy. And thus much for the first part of my answer unto the fourth objection. The second part, namely that America and Asia cannot be one continent, may thus be proved, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lib. 2. Meteor. cap. 1. The most Rivers take down that way their course, where the earth is most hollow and deep, writeth Aristotle: and the Sea (saith he in the same place) as it goeth further, so is it found deeper. Into what gulf do the Moscovian rivers Onega, Duina, Ob, power out their streams Northward out of Moscovia into the sea? Which way doth that sea strike? The South is main land, the Eastern coast waxeth more and more shallow: from the North, either naturally, because that part of the earth is higher Aristot. 2. Met. cap. 1. or of necessity, for that the forcible influence of some Northern stars causeth the earth there to shake off the Sea, as some Philosophers do think: or finally for the great store of waters engendered in that frosty and cold climate, that the banks are not able to hold them. Alber. in 2. Meteor. cap. 6. From the North, I say, continually falls down great abundance of water. So that this Northeasterne currant must at the length abruptly bow toward us South on the West side of Finmarke and Norway: or else strike down South-west above Groneland, or betwixt Groneland and Iseland, into the Northwest strait we speak of, as of congruence it doth, if you mark the situation of that Region, and by the report of M. Frobisher experience teacheth us. And M. Frobisher the further he travailed in the former passage, as he told me, the deeper always he found the Sea. Lay you now the sum hereof together. The rivers run where the channels are most hollow, the sea in taking his course waxeth deeper, the Sea waters fall continually from the North Southward, the Northeasterne current striketh down into the strait we speak of, and is there augmented with whole mountains of ice and snow falling down furiously out from the land under the North pole. Where store of water is, Plin. lib. ●● cap● 67. there is it a thing impossible to want Sea, where Sea not only doth not want, but waxeth deeper, there can be discovered no land. Finally, whence I pray you came the contrary tide, that M● Frobisher met withal after that he had sailed no small way in that passage, if there be any Isthmos or strait of land betwixt the aforesaid Northwesterne gulf, and Marinell del Zur, to join Asia and America together? That conclusion frequented in schools Quicquid preter, etc. was meant of the parts of the world then known, and so is it of right to be understood. Sol. 5. The fift objection requireth for answer wisdom and policy in the travailer, to win the Barbarians favour by some good means: and so to arm and strengthen himself, that when he shall have the repulse in one coast, he may safely travail to an other, commodiously taking his convenient times, and discreetly making choice of them with whom he will thoroughly deal. To force a violent entry, would for us Englishmen be very hard, considering the strength and valour of so great a Nation, far distant from us, and the attempt thereof might be most perilous unto the doers, unless their part were very good. Touching their laws against strangers, you shall read nevertheless in the same relations of Galeotto Perera, that the Cathaian king is wont to grant free access unto all foreigners that trade into his Country for Merchandise, and a place of liberty for them to remain in: as the Moors had, until such time as they had brought the Loutea or Lieutenant of that coast to be a circumcised Saracene: wherefore some of them were put to the sword, the rest were scattered abroad: at Fuquien a great city in China, certain of them are yet this day to be seen. As for the japans they be most desirous to be acquainted with strangers. The Portugeses though they were straightly handled there at the first, yet in the end they found great favour at the Prince his hands, insomuch that the Loutea or precedent that misused them was therefore put to death. The rude Indian Canoa halleth those seas, the Portugeses, the Saracenes, and Moors travail continually up and down that reach from japan to China, from China to Malacca, from Malacca to the Moluccaes: and shall an Englishman, better appointed then any of them all (that I say no more of our Navy) fear to sail in that Ocean? What seas at all do want piracy? What Navigation is there void of peril? Sol. 6● To the last argument. Our travailers need not to seek their return by the North-east, neither shall they be constrained, except they list, either to attempt Magellans strait at the South-west, or to be in danger of the Portugeses for the Southeast: they may return by the Northwest, that same way they do go forth, as experience hath showed. The reason alleged for proof of the contrary may be disproved after this manner. And first it may be called in controversy, whether any current continually be forced by the motion of Primum mobile, round about the world, or no? For learned men do diversly handle that question. The natural course of all waters is downward, wherefore of congruence they fall that way where they find the earth most low and deep: in respect whereof, it was erst said, the seas do strike from the Northern lands Southerly. Luc. lib. 1● Pha●sal. Uiolently the seas are tossed and troubled divers ways with the winds, increased and diminished by the course of the Moon, hoist up & down through the sundry operations of the Sun and the stars: finally, some be of opinion, that the seas be carried in part violently about the world, after the daily motion of the highest movable heaven, in like manner as the elements of air and fire, with the rest of the heavenly spheres, are from the East unto the West. And this they do call their Eastern current, What the Eastern current is. or levant stream. Some such current may not be denied to be of great force in the hot zone, for the nearness thereof unto the centre of the Sun, and blustering Eastern winds violently driving the seas Westward: howbeit, in the temperate climes, the Sun being further off, & the winds more divers, blowing as much from the North, the West and South, as from the East, this rule doth not effectually withhold us from travailing Eastward, neither be we kept ever back by the aforesaid Levant winds and stream. But in Magellans straight we are violently driven back Westward: Ergo, through the Northwesterne strait or Anian fret shall we not be able to return Eastward? It followeth not. The first, for that the northwesterne strait hath more searoome at the lest by one hundredth English miles, than Magellans fret hath, the only want whereof causeth all narrow passages generally to be most violent. So would I say in the Anian gulf, if it were so narrow as Don Diego and Zalterius have painted it out, any return that way to be full of difficulties, in respect of such straightness thereof, not for the nearness of the Sun, or Eastern winds, violently forcing that way any levant stream: But in that place there is more sea room by many degrees, if the Cards of Cabota, and Gemma Frisius, and that which Tramezine imprinted, be true. And hitherto reason see I none at all, but that I may as well give credit unto their doings, as to any of the rest. It must be Peregrinationis historia, that is, true reports of skilful travailers, as Ptolemy writeth, Lib. 1. Geog. Cap 2. that in such controversies of Geography must put us out of doubt. Ortelius in his universal tables, in his particular Maps of the West Indies, of all Asia, of the Northern kingdoms, of the East Indies, Mercator in some of his globes, and general Maps of the world, Moletius in his universal table of the Globe divided, in his sea Card, and particular tables of the East Indies, Zalterius, and Don Diego, with Ferdinando Bertely, and others, do so much differ from Gemma Frisius and Cabota, among themselves, and in divers places from themselves, concerning the divers situation and sundry limits of America, that one may not so rashly, as truly surmise, these men either to be ignorant in those points touching the aforesaid region, or that the Maps they have given out unto the world, were collected only by them, and never of their own drawing. The first Voyage of M. Martin Frobisher, to the Northwest, for the search of the strait or passage to China, written by Christopher Hall, Master in the Gabriel, and made in the year of our Lord 1576. THe 7. of june being Thursday, june. the two Barks, viz. the Gabriel, and the ‖ M. Matthew 〈◊〉 was Captain of the Michael. Michael & our Pinnace set sail at Ratcliff, and bore down to Detford, and there we anchored: the cause was, that our Pinnace burst her boultspri●, and for●m●st aboard of a ship that road at Detford, else we meant to have past that day by the Court then at Greenwich. The 8. day being Friday, about 12 of the clock we weighed at Detford, and set sail all three of us, and bore down by the Court, where we shot off our ordinance and made the best show we could: Her Majesty beholding the same, commended it, and bade us farewell, with shaking her hand at us out of the window. Afterwards she sent a Gentleman aboard of us, who declared that her Majesty had good liking of our doings, and thanked us for it, and also willed our Captain to come the next day to the Court to take his leave of her. The same day towards night M. Secretary Woolly came aboard of us, and declared to the company, that her Majesty had appointed him to give them charge to be obedient, and diligent to their Captain, and governors in all things, and wished us happy success. The 12. day being over against Gravesend, by the castle or blockehouse, we observed the latitude, which was 51. degrees 33. min● And in that place the variation of the Compass is 11. degrees and a half. The 24. day at 2. of the clock after noon, I had sight o● Fair isle, Fair● Island. being from us 6. leagues North and by East, and when I brought it Northwest and by North, it did rise at the Southermost end with a little hommocke, and sw●mpe in the mids. The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clock in the forenoon, the wind at Northwest and by North a fresh gale, I cast about to the Westward, the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me, Shotland. and the land of Fair isle, West Southwest from me. I sailed directly to the North head of that said land, scunding as I ran in, having 60. 50. and 40. fathoms, and grey red shells: and within half a mile of that Island, there are 36. fathoms, for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest wind, and I found by my sounding hard rocks, and foul ground, and deep water, within two cables length of the shore, 28. fathom, and so did not anchor but plied to and fro with my foresail, and mizzen till it was a high water under the Island. The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast: the flood setteth Southeast, and the ebb Northwest. The 26. day having the wind at South a fair gale, sailing from Fair isle to Swinborne head, I did observe the latitude, the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest from me 6. leagues, and Swinborne head East southeast from me, I found my * By elevation he means the distance o● the sun from the z●●●th. elevation to be 37. degr. and my declination 22. degr. 46. min. So that my latitude was 59 degr. 46. min. At that present being near to Swinborne head, having a leak which did trouble us, as also to take in fresh water, I plied room with a sound, which is called S. Tronions, S. Tronions● and there did anchor in seven fathoms water, and fair sand. You have coming in the sounds mouth in the entering 17.15.12.10.9.8. and 7. fathoms, and the sound lieth in North northwest, and there we road to a West sun, & stopped our leak, and having refreshed ourselves with water, at a North northwest sun, I set sail from S. Tronions the wind at South Southest, and turned out till we were clear of the sound, and so sailed West to go clear of the Island of Fowlay. And running off toward Fowlay. Forlay Island. I sounded, having fifty fathom, and streamie ground, and also I sounded Fowlay being North from me one league of that Island, having fifty fathom at the South head, and streamie ground, like broken otmell, and one shell being red and white like mackerell. Latitude 59 deg. 59 min. ●ere they beg●● to sail West and by North. The 27. day at a South sun I did abserue the latitude, the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast: I found myself to be in latitude 59 degrees, 59 min. truly observed, the wind at South Southwest: I sailed West and by North. From 12. to four a clock afternoon, the wound at South, a fair gale the ship sailed West and by North 6. leagues, and at the end of this watch, I sounded having 60. fathom, with little stones and shells, the Island from us 8. leagues East. july the first. The first of july, from 4. to 8. a clock, we sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues, and at that present we had so much wind that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues. The 3. day we found our Compass to be varied one point to the Westwards: this day from 4. to 8. a clock we sailed West and by North 6. leagues. The Compass varying Westwards one point. From 8. to 12. a clock at noon West and by North 4. leagues. At that present I found our Compass to be varied 11. deg. and one 4. part to the Westwards, which is one point. The 11 day at a Southeast sun we had sight of the land of Friesland bearing from us West northwest 16. leagues, and rising like pinnacles of steeples, and all covered with snow. I found myself in 61. degr. of latitude. The Island of Friesland. We sailed to the shore and could find no ground at 150● fathoms, we hoist out our boat, and the Captain with 4. men rowed to the shore to get on land, but the land lying full of ice, they could not get on land, and so they came aboard again: We had much ado to get clear of the ice by reason of the fog. Yet from Thursday 8. a clock in the morning to Friday at noon we sailed South-west 20. leagues. The 18. day at a Southeast sun I found the sun to be elevated 33. deg. And at a Southsoutheast sun 40. deg. So I observed it till I found it at the highest, and then it was elevated 52. deg. I judged the variation of the Compass to be 2. points and a half to the Westward. The variation of the needle, two points and a half to the West. A great drift of ice. The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of ice, seeming a firm land, and we cast Westward to be clear of it. The latitude of 62. degrees 2. min. The 26. we had sight of a land of ice: the latitude was 62. degrees, and two minutes. The 28. day in the morning was very foggy: but at the clearing up of the fog, we had sight of land, which I supposed to be Labrador, Sight of land supposed to have been Labrador. with great store of ice about the land: I ran in towards it, and sownded, but could get no ground at 100 Fathom, and the ice being so thick, I could not get to the shore, and so lay off, and came clear of the ice. Upon Monday we came within a mile of the shore, and sought a harborowe: all the sound was full of ice, and our boat rowing a shore, could get no ground at a 100 fathom, within a Cables length of the shore: then we sailed Eastnortheast along the shore, for so the land lieth, and the currant is there great, setting North-east, and South-west: and if we could have got anchor ground, we would have seen with what force it had run, but I judge a ship may drive aleague and a half, in one hour, with that tide. This day at 4. of the cloak in the morning, being fair and clear, we had sight of a head land, as we judged, bearing from us north, and by East, and we sailed North-east, and by North to that land, and when we came thither, we could not get to the land for ice: for the ice stretched along the coast, so that we could not come to the land, by five leagues. August. Wednesday the first of August it calmed, and in the after noon I caused my boat to be hoist out, being hard by a great Island of ice, and I and four men rowed to that ice, and sownded within two Cables length of it, and had sixteen fathom, and little stones, and after that sownded again within a Minion shot, and had ground at an hundredth fathom, and fair sand: we sownded the next day a quarter of a mile from it, and had sixty fathom rough ground, and at that present being aboard, that great Island of ice fallen one part from another, making a noise as if a great cliff had fallen into the Sea. And at four of the clock I sownded again, and had 90. fathom, and small black stones, and little white stones, like pearls. The tide here did set to the shore. The tenth I took four men, and myself, and rowed to shore to an Island one league from the main, and there the flood setteth Southwest alongst the shore, and it floweth as near as I could judge so too, I could not tarry to prove it, because the ship was a great way from me, and I feared a fog: but when I came a shore, it was a low water. I went to the top of the Island, and before I came back, it was hied a foot water, and so without tarrying I came aboard. They enter the Strei● in the latitude of 63. deg. and 8. min. The 11. we found our latitude to be 63. degr. and eight minutes, and this day we entered the straight. The 12. we set sail towards an Island, called the Gabriels' Island, which was 10. leagues then from us. We espied a sound, and bore with it, and came to a sandy Bay, where we came to an anchor, the land bearing East southeast of us, and there we road all night in 8. fathom water. It floweth there at a Southeast Moon. We called it Prior's sound, being from the Gabriels' Island, ten leagues. The 14. we weighed, and ran into another sound, where we ankered in 8. fathom water, fair sand, and black oaze, and there called our ship, being weak from the wales upward, and took in fresh water. The 15. day we weighed, and sailed to Prior's Bay, being a mile from thence. The 16. day was calm, and we road still, without ice, but presently within two hours it was frozen round about the ship, a quarter of an inch thick, and that day very fair, and calm. The 17. day we weighed, and came to Thomas William's Island. The 18. day we sailed North northwest, and ankered again in 23. fathom, and tough oaze, under Burchers Island, which is from the former Island, ten leagues. The 19 day in the morning, being calm, and no wind, the Captain and I took our boat, with eight men in her, to row us a shore, to set if there were there any people, or not, and going to the top of the Island, we had sight of seven boats, which came rowing from the East side, Sight of the Country people. toward that Island: whereupon we returned aboard again: at length we sent our boat with five men in her, to see whither they rowed, and so with a white clot brought one of their boats with their men along the shore, rowing after our boat, till such time as they saw our ship, and then they rowed a shore: then I went on shore myself, and gave every of them a threadden point, and brought one of them aboard of me, where he did eat and drink, and then carried him on shore again. Whereupon all the rest came aboard with their boats, being nineteen people, and they spoke, but we understood them not. They be like to Tartars, The description of the people. with long black hair, broad faces, and flat noses, and tawny in colour, wearing Seal skins, and so do the women, not differing in the fashion, but the women are marked in the face with blue streekes down the cheeks, and round about the eyes. Their bo●tes are made all of Seals skins, with a keel of wood within the skin: the proportion of them is like a Spanish shallop, save only they be flat in the bottom, and sharp at both end. The twentieth day we weighed, and went to the Eastside of this Island, and I and the Captain, with four men more went on shore, and there we saw their houses, and the people espying us, came rowing towards our boat: whereupon we plied toward our boat: and we being in our boat and they ashore, they called to us, and we rowed to them, and one of their company came into our boat, and we carried him a board, and gave him a Bell, and a knife: so the Captain and I willed five of our men to set him a shore at a rock, 5. of our men taken by the people. and not among the company, which they came from, but their wilfulness was such, that they would go to them, and so were taken themselves, and our boat lost. The next day in the morning, we stood in near the shore, and shot off a fauconet, and sounded our trumpet, but we could hear nothing of our men: this sound we called the five men's sound, and plied out of it, but ankered again in thirty fathom, and oaze: and riding there all night, in the morning, the snow lay a foot thick upon our hatches. The 22. day in the morning we weighed, and went again to the place where we lost our men, and our boat. We had sight of fourteen boats, and some came near to us, but we could learn nothing of our men: among the rest, we enticed one boat to our ships side, with a Bell, and in giving him the Bell, we took him, and his boat, and so kept him, and so rowed down to Thomas William's Island, and there ankered all night. The 26. day we weighed, to come homeward, They return. and by 12. of the clock at noon, we were thwart of Trumpets Island. The next day we came thwart of Gabriels' Island, and at 8. of the clock at night we had the Cape Labrador as we supposed West from us, ten leagues. The 28. day we went our course Southeast. We sailed Southeast, and by East, 22. leagues. The first day of September in the morning we had sight of the land of Friesland, September. being eight leagues from us, but we could not come nearer it, for the monstrous ice that lay about it. From this day, till the sixth of this month, we ran along Island, and had the South part of it at eight of the clock, East from us ten leagues. The seventh day of this month we had a very terrible storm, by force whereof, one of our men was blown into the sea out of our waste, but he caught hold of the foresail sheate, and there held till the Captain plucked him again into the ship. The 25. day of this month we had sight of the Island of Orkney, which was then East from us. The shield. The first day of October we had sight of the shield, and so sailed about the coast, and ankered at Yarmouth, and the next day we came into Harwich. The language of the people of Meta incognita. Argoteyt, a hand. Cangnawe, a nose. Arered, an eye. Keiotot, a tooth. Mutchatet, the head. Chewat, an ear. Comagaye, a leg. Atoniagay, a foot. Callagay, a pair of breeches. Attegay, a coat. Polleveragay, a knife. Accaskay, a ship. Coblone, a thumb. Teckke●e, the foremost finger. Ketteckle, the middle finger. Mekellacane, the fourth finger. Yacketrone, the little finger. The second voyage of Master Martin Frobisher, made to the West and Northwest Regions, in the year 1577. with a description of the Country, and people: Written by Master Dionise Settle. ON Whitsunday, being the six and twentieth of May, in the year of our Lord God 1577. Captain Frobisher departed from Black Wall, with one of the Queen's majesties ships, called The Aid, of nine score tons, or thereabouts: and two other little Borkes likewise, the one called The Gabriel, whereof Master Fenton, a Gentleman of my Lord of Warwikes, was Captain: and the other, The Michael, whereof Master York, a Gentleman of my Lord Admirals was Captain, accompanied with seven score Gentlemen, soldiers, and sailors, well furnished with victuals, and other provision necessary for one half year, on this his second voyage, for the further discovering of the passage to Cathay, and other countries thereunto adjacent, by West and Northwest navigations: which passage or way, is supposed to be on the North and Northwest pars of America: and the said America to be an Island environed with the sea, where through our Merchants may have course and recourse with their merchandise, from these our Northernmost parts of Europe, to those oriental coasts of Asia, in much shorter time, and with greater benefit than any others, to their no little commodity and profit that do or shall frequent the same. Our said Captain and General of this present voyage and company having the year before, with two little pinnesses, to his great danger, and no small commendations, given a worthy attempt towards the performance thereof, is also priest, when occasion shall be ministered (to the benefit of his Prince, and native Country) to adventure himself further therein. As for this second voyage, it seemeth sufficient, that he hath better explored and searched the commodities of those people and Countries, which in his first voyage the year before he had found out. Upon which considerations, the day and year before expressed, we departed from Black Wall to Harwich, where making an accomplishment of things necessary, the last of May we hoist up sails, and with a merry wound the 7. of june we arrived at the Islands called Orcades, or vulgarly Orkney, The Islands Orcadeses or Orkney. being in number 30. subject and adjacent to Scotland, where we made provision of fresh water: in the doing whereof our General licenced the Gentlemen and soldiers for their recreation, to go on shore. The Orcadians upon small occasion fire their home. At our landing, the people fled from their poor cottages, with shrieks and alarms, to warn their neighbours of enemies, but by gentle persuasions we reclaimed them to their houses. It seemeth they are often frighted with Pirates, or some other enemies, that move them to such sudden fear. Their houses are very simply builded with Pibble stone, without any chimneys, the fire being made in the midst thereof. The good man, wife, children, and other of their family eat and sleep on the one side of the house, and the cattle on the other, very beastly and rudely, in respect of civility. They are destitute of wood, No wood in Orkney. their fire is turfs, and Cowshards. They have corn, big, and oats, with which they pay their King's rent, to the maintenance of his house. They take great quantity of fish, which they dry in the wound and Sun. They dress their meat very filthily, and eat it without salt. Their apparel is after the rudest sort of Scotland. Their money is all base. Their Church and religion is reform according to the Scots. The fisher men of England can better declare the dispositions of those people than I: Fisher men of ●ngland have dail●●raffike to O●kn●y. wherefore I remit other their usages to their reports, as ye●rely repai●ers thither, in their course to and from Island for fish. We departed here-hence the 8. of june, In june, and july no night in those: West and Northwest regions. and followed our course between West and Northwest, until the 4. of july: all which time we had no night, but that easily, and without any impediment we had when we were so disposed, the fruition of our books, and other pleasures to pass away the time: a thing of no small moment to such as wander in unknown seas, and long navigations, especially, when both the winds and raging surges do pass their common and wont course. This benefit endureth in those parts not 6. weeks, while the sun is near the Tropic of Cancer: but where the pole is raised to 70. or 80. degrees, it continueth much longer. All along these seas, after we were six days sailing from Orkney, we met floating in the sea, great Fir trees, Great abundance of Fir trees floating in the sea. which as we judged, were with the fury of great floods rooted up, and so driven into the sea. Island hath almost no other wood nor fuel, but such as they take up upon their coasts. It seemeth, that these trees are driven from some part of the New found land, with the current that setteth from the West to the East. Inquire further of this current. The 4. of july we came within the making of Friesland. From this shore 100LS or 12. leagues, we met great Islands of ice, of half a mile, some more, some less in compass, showing above the sea, 30. or 40. fathoms, and as we supposed fast on ground, where with our lead we could scarce sound the bottom for depth. Here, in place of odoriferous and fragrant sinels of sweet gums, & pleasant notes of musical birds, which other Countries in more temperate Zones do yield, we tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts mixed with snow and hail, in the months of june and july, Ice, snow, and hail in june and july. nothing inferior to our untemperate winter: a sudden alteration, and especially in a place or Parallel, where the Pole is not elevate above 61. degrees: at which height other countries more to the North, yea unto 70. degrees, show themselves more temperate than this doth. All along this coast ice lieth, as a continual bulwark, & so defendeth the Country, that those that would landlord there, incur great danger. Our General 3. days together attempted with the ship boat to have go on shore, which for that without great danger he could not accomplish, he deferred it until a more convenient time. All along the coast lie very high mountains covered with snow, except in such places; where through the steepness of the mountains of force it must needs fall. Four days coasting along this land, we found no sign of habitation. Little birds, which we judged to have lost the shore, by reason of thick fogs which that Country is much subject unto, Friesland subject to fog. came flying into our ships, which causeth us to suppose, that the Country is both more tolerable, and also habitable within, than the outward shore maketh show or signification. From hence we departed the eight of july: and the 16. of the same, we came with the making of land, which land our General the year before had named The Queen's foreland, being an Island as we judge, lying near the supposed continent with America: and on the other side, opposite to the same, one other Island called halls Isle, after the name of the Master of the ship, near adjacent to the firm land, supposed continent with Asia. Between the which two Islands there is a large entrance or straight, called Frobishers straight, Frobishers straight. after the name of our General, the first finder thereof. This said straight is supposed to have passage into the sea of Sur, which I leave unknown as yet. It seemeth that either here, or not far hence, the sea should have more large entrance, then in other parts within the frozen or untemperate Zone: and that some contrary tide, either from the East or West, with main force casts out that great quantity of ice, which cometh floating from this coast, even unto Friesland, causing that Country to seem more untemperate than others, much more Northerly than the same. I cannot judge that any temperature under the Pole, the time of the suns Northern declination being half a year together, and one whole day, (considering that the suns elevation surmounteth not 23. degrees and 30. minutes) can have power to dissolve such monstrous and huge ice, comparable to great mountains, Islands of ice comparable to mountains. except by some other force, as by swift currents and tides, with the help of the said day of half a year. Before we came within the making of these lands we tasted cold storms, in so much that it seemed we had changed summer with winter, if the length of the days had not removed us from that opinion. At our first coming, the straits seemed to be shut up with a long mure of ice, which gave no little cause of discomfort unto us all: but our General, (to whose diligence imminent dangers, and difficult attempts seemed nothing, in respect of his willing mind, for the commodity of his Prince and Country, Captain Frobisher his special care and diligence for the benefit of his Prince and Countre●. ) with two little Pinnesses prepared of purpose, passed twice thorough them to the East shore, and the Islands thereunto adjacent: and the ship, with the two Barks lay off and on something further into the sea, from the danger of the ice. The order of the people appearing on shore. Whilst he was searching the Country near the shore, some of the people of the Country showed themselves leaping and dancing, with strange shrieks and cries, which gave no little admiration to our men. Our General desirous to allure them unto him by fair means, caused knives, and other things to be proffered unto them, which they would not take at our hands, but being laid on the ground, and the party going away, they came and took up, leaving some thing of there's to countervail the same. At the length two of them leaving their weapons, came down to our General and Master, who did the like to them, commanding the company to stay, and went unto them: who after certain dumb signs, and mute congratulationss, began to lay hands upon them, Fierce and hold people. One taken. but they deliverly escaped, and ran to their bows and arrows, and came fiercely upon them, (not respecting the rest of our company which were ready for their defence) but with their arrows hure divers of them: we took the one, and the other escaped. Whilst our General was busted in searching the Country, and those Islands adjacent on the Eastshoare, the ship and barks having great care, not to put far into the sea from him, for that he had small store of victuals, were forced to abide in a cruel tempest, chancing in the night, amongst and in the thickest of the ice, which was so monstrons, that even the lest of a thousand had been of force sufficient, to have shivered our ship and barks into small portions, if God (who in all necessities, hath care upon the infirmity of man) had not provided for this our extremity a sufficient remedy through the light of the night, whereby we might well discern to flee from such in●●luent dangers, which we avoided with 14. Bourdes in one watch the space of 4. hours. If we had not incurred this danger amongst these monstrous Islands of ice, we should have lost our General and Master, and the most of our best sailors, which were on the shore destitute of victuals: but by the valour of our Master Gunner, Richard Cox, Master gunner. Master jackman, Master jackman. and Andrew Dier, Andrew Dier. the Masters, Mates, men expert both in navigation, and other good qualities, we were all content to incur the dangers afore rehearsed, before we would with our own safety, run into the seas, to the destruction of our said General, and his company. The day following, being the 19 of julie, our Captain returned to the ship, with report of supposed riches, which showed itself in the bowels of those barren mountains, wherewith we were all satisfied. Within four days after we had been at the entrance of the straits, the Northwest and West winds dispersed the ice into the sea, & made us a large entrance into the straits, so that without any impediment, on the 19 of julie we entered them, and the 20. thereof, our General and Master with great diligence, sought out and sounded the West shóare, and found out a fair Harbour for the ship and barks to ride in, and named it after our Master's mate, jackmans' sound, jackmans' sound. and brought the ship, barks, and all their company to safe anchor, except one man, which died by God's visitation. At our first arrival, after the ship road at anchor, our general, with such company as could well be spared from the ships, in marching order entered the land, having special care by exhortations, that at our entrance thereinto, we should all with one voice, kneeling upon our knees, chief thank God for our safe arrival: secondly beseech him, that it would please his divine Majesty, long to continued our Queen, for whom he, and all the rest of our company in this order took possession of the Country: Possession taken. and thirdly, that by our Christian study and endeavour, those barbarous, people trained up in Paganism, and infidelity, might be reduced to the knowledge of true religion, and to the hope of salvation in Christ our Redeemer. With other words very apt to signify his willing mind, and affection toward his Prince and Country: whereby all suspicion of an undutiful subject, may credibly be judged to be utterly exempted from his mind. All the rest of the Gentlemen and other deserve worthily herein, their due praise and commendation. These things in this order accomplished, our General commanded all the company to be obedient in things needful for our own safeguard, to Master Fenton, Master York, and Master Beast his Lieutenant, while he was occupied in other necessary affairs, concerning our coming thither. After this order we marched through the Country, with Ensign displayed, so far as was thought needful, and now and then heaped up stones on high mountains, and other places in token of possession, as likewise to signify unto such as hereafter may chance to arrive there, that possession is taken in the behalf of some other Prince, by those who first found out the Country. Ice needful to be regarded of seafaring men. Who so maketh navigations to those countries, hath not only extreme winds, and furious seas to encounter withal, but also many monstrous and great Islands of ice: a thing both rare, wonderful, and greatly to be regarded. We were forced sundry times, while the ship did ride here at anchor, to have continual watch, with boats & men ready with hawsers to knit fast unto such ice, as with the ebb & flood were tossed to and from the harbour, & with force of oars to hale them away, for endangering the ship. Our General certain days searched this supposed continent with America, and not finding the commodity to answer his expectation, after he had made trial thereof he departed thence with two little barks, and men sufficient to the East shore being the supposed continent of Asia, and left the ship with most of the Gentlemen, soldiers, and sailors, until such time as he either thought good to sand or come for them. The stones of this supposed continent with America be altogether sparkled, and glister in the Sun like gold: Stones glister with sparkles like gold. so likewise doth the sand in the bright water, yet they verify the old Proverb: A common proverb. All is not gold that glistereth. On this West shore we found a dead fish floating, which had in his nose a horn straight and torque● of length two yards lacking two inches, being broken in the top, where we might perceive it hollow, into the which some of our sailors putting spiders they presently died. I see not the trial hereof, but it was reported unto me of a truth: by the virtue whereof we supposed it to be the sea Unicorn. The sea Unicorn. After our General had found out good harbour for the ship and barks to anchor in, and also such store of supposed gold over as he thought himself satisfied withal, he returned to the Michael, whereof Master York aforesaid was Captain, accompanied with our master and his Mate: who coasting along the West shore not f●rre from whence the ship road, they perceived a fair harbour, and willing to sound the same, at the entrance thereof they espied two cents of seal skins, unto which the Captain, our said Master, and other company resorted. At the sight of our men the people fled into the mountains: The people fled at the sight of our men. nevertheless they went to their tents, where leaving certain trifles of ours, as glasses, bells, knives, and such like things they departed, not taking any thing of there's except one dog. They did in like manner leave behind them a letter, pen, ink, and paper, whereby our men whom the Captain lost the year before, and in that people's custody, might (if any of them were alive) be advertised of our pretence and being there. On the same day after consultation had, all the Gentlemen, and others likewise that could be spared from the ship, under the conduct and leading of Master Philpot, Master Philpot. (unto whom in our General his absence, and his Lieutenant Master Beast, Master Beast. all the rest were obedient) went a shore, determining to see, if by fair means we could either allure them to familiarity, or otherwise take some of them, and so attain to some knowledge of those men whom our General lost the year before. At out coming back again to the place where their tents were before, they had removed their tents further into the said Bay or Sound, where they might if they were driven from the land, flee with their boats into the sea. We parting ourselves into two companies, and compassing a mountain came suddenly upon them by land, who espying us, without any tarrying fled to their boats, leaving the most part of their oars behind them for haste, and rowed down the bay, where our two Pinnesses met them and drove them to shore: but if they had had all their oars, so swift are they in rowing, it had been lost time to have chased them. When they were landed they fiercely assaulted our men with their bows and arrows, A fierce assault of a few. who wounded three of them with our arrows: and perceiving themselves thus hurt, they desperately leapt off the Rocks into the Sea, and drowned themselves: which if they had not done, but had submitted themselves, or if by any means we could have taken them alive (being their enemies as they judged) we would both have saved them, & also have sought remedy to cure their wounds received at our hands. But they altogether void of humanity, and ignorant what mercy means, in extremities look for no other than death: and perceiving they should fall into our hands, thus miserably by drowning rather desired death then otherwise to be saved by us: the rest perceiving their fellows in this distress, fled into the high mountains. Two women not being so apt to escape as the men were, the one for her age, and the other being encumbered with a young child, we took. The old wretch, whom divers of our Sailors supposed to be either a devil, or a witch, had her unskins plucked off, to see if she were cloven footed, and for her ugly hue and deformley we let her go: the young woman and the child we brought away. We named the place where they were slain, Bloody point: and the Bay or Harbour, Yorks sound, after the name of one of the Captains of the two Barks. Having this knowledge both of their fierceness and cruelty, and perceiving that fair means as yet is not able to allure them to familiarity, Fair means not able to allure them to familiarity. we disposed ourselves, contrary to our inclination, something to be cruel, returned to their tents and made a spoil of the same: where we found an old shirt, a doublet, a girdle, and also shoes of our men, whom we lost the year before: on nothing else unto them belonging could we set our eyes. Boats of skinne●. Their riches are not gold, silver or precious Drapery, but their said tents and botes, made of the skins of read Dear and Seal skins: also dogs like unto wolves, but for the most part black, with other trifles, more to be wondered at for their strangeness, then for any other commodity needful for our use. Our departure from the West shore. Thus returning to our ship the 3. of August, we departed from the West shore supposed firm with America, after we had ankered there 13. days: and so the 4. thereof we came to our General on the East shore, and ankered in a fair Harbour named Anne Warwick's sound, unto which is annexed an Island both named after the Countess of Warwick, Anne Warwick's sound and Isle. In this Isle our General thought good for this voyage, to freight both the ship and barks, with such stone or supposed gold mineral, as he judged to countervail the charges of his first, and this his second navigation to these Country's. The country people show themselves unto us. In the mean time of our abode here some of the country people came to show themselves unto us, sundry times on the main shore, near adjacent to the said Isle. Our General desirous to have some news of his men, whom he lost the year before, with some company with him repaired with the ship boat to common, or sign with them for familiarity, whereunto he is persuaded to bring them. They at the first show made tokens, that three of his five men were alive, and desired pen, ink, and paper, and that within three or four days they would return, and (as we judged) bring those of our men which were living, with them. They also made signs or tokens of their King, whom they called Cacough, & how he was carried on men's shoulders, and a man far surmounting any of our company, in bigness and stature. With these tokens and signs of writing, pen, ink, and paper was delivered ●hem, which they would not take at our hands, but being laid upon the shore, and the party go away, they took up: which likewise they do when they desire any thing for change of there's, laying for that which is left so much as they think will countervail the same, Their usage in traffic or exchange. and not coming near together. It seemeth they have been used to this trade or traffic, with some other people adjoining, or not far distant from their Country. The people show themselves the third time. After 4. days some of them showed themselves upon the firm land, but not where they were before. Our General very glad thereof, supposing to hear of our men, went from the Island, with the boat, and sufficient company with him. They seemed very glad, and alured him about a certain point of the land: behind which they might perceive a company of the crafty villains to lie lurking, whom our General would not deal withal, for that he known not what company they were, and so with few signs dismissed them and returned to his company. The people show themselves again on ●●rme land. another time as our said General was coasting the Country with two little Pinnesses, whereby at our return he might make the better relation thereof, three of the crafty villains, with a white skin alured us to them. Once again our general, for ●hat he hoped to hear of his men, went towards them: at our coming near the shore whereon they were, we might perceive a number of them lie hidden behind great stones, & those 3, in sight labouring by all means possible that some would come on land: Their ●●r●t means to allure us to shore. and perceiving we made no haste by words nor friendly signs, which they used by clapping of their hands, and being without weapon, and but 3. in sight, they sought further means to provoke us thereunto. One alone laid flesh on the shore, Their second means. which we took up with the Boat hook, as necessary victuals for the relieving of the man, woman, and child, whom we ha● taken: for that as yet they could not digest our meat: whereby they perceived themselves deceived of their expectation, for all their crafty allurements. Their third and craf●iest allurement. Yet once again to make (as it were) a full show of their crafty natures, and subtle sleights, to the intent thereby to have entrapped and taken some of our men, one of them counterfeited himself impotent and lame of his legs, who seemed to descend to the water side, with great difficulty: and to cover his craft the more, one of his fellows came down with him, and in such places where he seemed unable to pass, he took him on his shoulders, set him by the water side, and departed from him, leaving him (as it should seem) all alone, who playing his counterfeit pageant very well, thought thereby to provoke some of us to come on shore, not fearing, but that one of us might make our party good with a lame man. Compassion to cure a crafty lame man. Our General having compassion of his impotency, thought good (if it were possible) to cure him thereof: wherefore he caused a soldier to shoo●e a● him with his Caleever, which graed before his face. The sergeant villeine deliverly fled, without any impediment at all, and got him to his bow and arrows, and the rest from their lu●king holes, with their weapons, bows, arrows, slings, and darts. Our General caused some caleevers to be shot off at them, whereby some being hurt, they might hereafter stand in more fear of us. This was all the answer for this time we could have of our men, or of our General's letter. Their crafty dealing at these three several times being thus manifest unto us, may plainly show their disposition in other things to be correspondent. We judged that they used these stratagems, thereby to have caught some of us, for the delivering of the man woman and child whom we had taken. They are men of a large corporature, and good proportion: their colour is not much unlike the Sun burned Country man, who laboureth daily in the Sun for his living. They wear their hair something long, and cut before either with stone or knife, very disorderly. Their women wear their hair long, and knit up with two loupes, showing forth on either side of their faces, and the rest foltred upon a knot. Also some of their women raze their faces proportionally, as chin, cheeks, and forehead, and the wrists of their hands, whereupon they lay a colour which continueth dark azurine. They eat their meat all raw, both flesh, fish, and foul, or something parboiled with blood and a little water which they drink. For lack of water they will eat ice, that is hard frozen, as pleasantly as we will do Sugar Candie, or other Sugar. If they for necessity's sake stand in need of the premises, such grass as the Country yieldeth they pluck up and eat, not daintily, or salletwise to allure their stomachs to appetite: but for necessity's sake without either salt, oils, or washing, like brute beasts devouring the same. They neither use table, stool, or table clot for comeliness: but when they are imbrued with blood knuckle deep, and their knives in like sort, they use their tongues as apt instruments to lick them clean: in doing whereof they are assured to lose none of their victuals. They frank or keep certain dogs not much unlike Wolves, Dogs like unto wolves. which they yoke together, as we do oxen & horses, to a sled or trail: and so carry their necessaries over the ice and snow from place to place: as the captive, whom we have, made perfect signs. And when those dogs are not apt for the same use: or when with hunger they are constrained for lack of other victuals, they eat them: They eat dogs flesh. so that they are as needful for them in respect of their bigness, as our oxen are for us. They apparel themselves in the skins of such beasts as they kill, sewed together with the sinews of them. All the foul which they kill, they skin, and make thereof one kind of garment or other, to defend them from the cold. They make their apparel with hoods and tails, which tails they give when they think to gratify any friendship showed unto them: Hoods ●nd tails to their apparel. a great sign of friendship with them. The men have them not so side as the women. The men and women wear their hose close to their legs, from the waist to the knee without any open before, as well the one kind as the other. Upon their legs they wear hose of leather, with the fur side inward two or three pair on at once, and especially the women. In those hose they put their knives, needles, and other things needful to bear about. They put a bone within their hose, which reacheth from the foot to the knee, whereupon they draw their said hose, and so in place of garters they are held from falling down about their feet. They dress their skins very soft and supple with the hair on. In cold weather or Winter they wear the fur side inward: and in Summer outward. Other apparel they have none but the said skins. Those beasts, fish, and fowls which they kill, are their meat, drink, apparel, houses, bedding, hose, shoes, thread, and sails for their boats, with many other necessaries whereof they stand in need, and almost all their riches. Their houses are tents made of Seal skins, pitched up with 4. Fir quarters four square meeting at the top, Their houses of Seal skins and Fir. and the skins sewed together with sinews, and laid thereupon: they are so pitched up, that the entrance into them is always South or against the Sun. They have other sorts of houses which we found not to be inhabited, which are raised with stones and Whale bones, and a skin laid over them, to withstand the rain or other weather: the entrance of them being not much unlike an Ovens mouth, whereto I think they resort for a time to fish, hunt, and foul, and so leave them until the next time they come thither again. Their weapons are bows, arrows, darts, and slings. Their weapons of defence. Their bows are of wood of a yard long, sinewed at the back with strong sinews, not glued too, but fast girded and tied on. Their bow strings are likewise sinews. Their arrows are three pieces nocked with bone, and ended with bone, with those two ends, and the wood in the midst, they pass not in length half a yard or little more. They are feathered with two feathers the pen end being cut away, and the feathers laid upon the arrow with the broad side to the wood: insomuch that they seem when they are tied on, to have four feathers. They have also three sorts of heads to those arrows: Three ●orts of heads to their arrows. one sort of stone or iron, proportioned like to a heart: the second sort of bone, much like unto a stopped head, with a hook on the same: the third sort of bone likewise made sharp at both sides, and sharp pointed. They are not made very fast but lightly tied to, or else set in a neck, that upon small occasion the arrows leave these heads behind them: and they are of small force, except they be very near when they shoot. Two sorts of darts. Their Darts are made of two sorts: the one with many forks of bones in the fore end, and likewise in the midst: their proportions are not much unlike our toasting irons but longer: these they cast out of an instrument of wood, very readily. The other sort is greater than the first aforesaid, with a long bone made sharp on both sides not much unlike a Rapier, which I take to be their most hurtful weapon. Two sorts of boats made of leather. They have two sorts of boats made of leather, set out on the inner side with quarters of wood, artifially tied together with thongs of the same: the greater sort are not much unlike our wherries, wherein sixteen of twenty men may sit: they have for a sail dressed the guts of such beasts as they kill very fine and thin, which they sew together: the other boat is but for one man to sit and row in with one oar. They use to foul, fish, and hunt. Their order of fishing, hunting, and fouling are with these said weapons: but in what sort, or how they use them we have no perfect knowledge as yet. It is to be supposed that their inhabiting is elsewhere. I can suppose their abode or habitation not to be here, for that neither their houses or apparel, are of such force to withstand the extremity of cold, that the Country seemeth to be infected with all: neither do I see any sign likely to perform the same. Those houses or rather dens which stand there, have no sign of footway, or any thing else trodden, which is one of the chiefest tokens of habitation. And those tents which they bring with them, when they have sufficiently hunted and fished, they remove to other places: and when they have sufficiently stored them of such victuals, as the Country yieldeth or bringeth forth, they return to their winter stations or habitations. This conjecture do I make, for the infertility which I conjecture to be in that Country. Their use of iron. They have some iron whereof they make arrow heads, knives, and other little instruments, to work their boats, bows, arrows, and darts withal, which are very unapt to do any thing withal but with great labour. It seemeth that they have conversation with some other people, of whom for exchange they should receive the same. They are greatly delighted with any thing that is bright, or giveth a sound. What knowledge they have of God, or what Idol they adore, we have no perfect intelligence. I think them rather Anthropophagis, Anthropophagis. or devourers of man's flesh then otherwise: for that there is no flesh or fish which they found dead (smell it never so filthily) but they will eat it, as they find it without any other dressing. A loathsome thing, either to the beholders or hearers. Signs of gold e●●e. There is no manner of creeping beast hurtful, except some Spiders (which as many affirm, are signs of great store of gold) and also certain stinging gnats, which bite so fiercely, that the place where they bite shortly after swelleth and itcheth very sore. Signs of gold from other people. They make signs of certain people that wear bright plates of gold in their foreheads, and other places of their bodies. Description of the Countries. The Countries on both sides the straits lie very high with rough stony mountains, and great quantity of snow thereon. There is very little plain ground and no grass, except a little which is much like unto moss that groweth on soft ground, such as we get Turfs in. There is no wood at all. To be brief there is nothing fit or profitable for the use of man, which that Country with root yieldeth or bringeth forth: Howbeit there is great quantity of Deer, whose skins are like unto Asses, there heads or horns do far exceed, as well in length as also in breadth, any in these our parts or countries: their feet likewise are as great as our oxens, which we measured to be seven or eight inches in breadth. There are also hares, wolves, fishing bears, and sea foul of sundry sorts. As the Country is barren and unfertile, so are they rude and of no capacity to culture the same to any perfection: but are contented by their hunting, fishing, and fouling, with raw flesh and warm blood to satisfy their greedy paunches, which is their only glory. ● sign of Earthquakes or thunder. There is great likelihood of Earthquakes or thunder: for that there are huge and monstrous mountains, whose greatest substance are stones, and those stones so shaken with some extraordinary means that one is separated from another, which is discordant from all other Quarries. There are no rivers, or running springs, but such as through the heat of the Sun, Not rivers, but ●uch as the Sun doth cause to come of snow. with such water as descendeth from the mountains and hills, whereon great drifts of snow do lie, are engendered. It argueth also that there should be none: for that the earth, which with the extremity of the Winter is so frozen within, that that water which should have recourse within the same to maintain springs, A probability that there should be neither spring or rivers in the ground. hath not his motion, whereof great waters have their original, as by experience is seen otherwhere. Such valleys as are capable to receive the water, that in the Summer time by the operation of the Sun descendeth from great abundance of snow, which continually lieth on the mountains and hath no passage, sinketh into the earth and so vanisheth away, without any runnell above the earth, by which occasion or continual standing of the said water, the earth is opened, and the great frost yieldeth to the force thereof, which in other places four or five fathoms within the ground for lack of the said moisture, the earth (even in the very Summer time) is frozen, and so combineth the stones together, that scarcely instruments with great force can unknit them. Also where the water in those valleys can have no such passage away, by the continuance of time in such order as is before rehearsed, the yearly descent from the mountains fills them full, that at the lowest bank of the same, they fall into the valley, and so continued as fishing Ponds or Stagnes in Summer time full of water, and in the Winter hard frozen: as by scars that remain thereof in Summer may easily be perceived: so that the heat of Summer is nothing comparable or of force to dissolve the extremity of cold that cometh in Winter. Nevertheless I am assured that below the force of the frost within the earth, the waters have recourse, and empty themselves out of sight into the sea, which through the extremity of the frost are constrained to do the same: by which occasion the earth within is kept the warmer, and springs have their recourse, which is the only nutriment of gold and Minerals within the same. Springs nourish gold. There is much to be said of the commodities of these Countries, which are couched within the bowels of the earth, which I let pass till more perfect trial be made thereof. The 24. of August, after we had satisfied our minds with freight sufficient for our vessels, though not our covetous desires with such knowledge of the Country, people, and other commodities as are before rehearsed, we departed therehence. The 17. of September we fallen with the lands end of England, and so sailed to Milford Haven, Our departure from those countries. from whence our General road to the Court for order, to what Port or Haven to conduct the ship. We lost our two Barks in the way homeward, the one the 29. of August, the other the 31. of the same month, by occasion of great tempest and fog. How & when we lost our 2. Barks, which God nevertheless restored. Howbeit God restored the one to Bristol, and the other made his course by Scotland to Yermouth. In this voyage we lost two men, one in the way by God's visitation, and the other homeward cast over board with a surge of the sea. I Can declare unto the Readers, The conclusion. the latitude and longitude of such places and regions as we have been at, but not altogether so perfectly as our masters and others, with many circumstances of tempests and other accidents incident to Sea faring men, which seem not altogether strange, but I let them pass to their reports as men most apt to set forth and declare the same. I have also left the names of the Countries on both the shores untouched, for lack of understanding the people's language: as also for sundry respects, not needful as yet to be declared. countries new discovered where commodity is to be looked for, do better accord with a new name given by the discoverers, than an uncertain name by a doubtful Author. Our general named sundry Islands, Mountains, Capes, and Harboroughs after the names of divers Noble men and other gentlemen his friends, aswell on the one shore as also on the other. The third and last voyage unto Meta Incognita, made by M. Martin Frobisher, in the year 1578. Written by Thomas Ellis. THese are to let you know, that upon the 25, of May, the Thomas Allen being Uiceadmirall, whose Captain was M. York, Master York. M. Gibbes Master, Christopher Hall Pilot, Christopher Hall. accompanied with the Reareadmiral named the Hopewel, The Hopewel. whose Captain was M. Henry Carewe, Captain Carew. the M. Andrew Dier, Andrew Dyer's and certain other ships came to Gravesend, where we ankred and abode the coming of certain of our Fleet which were not yet come. The 27. of the same month our Fleet being now come together, and all things priest in a readiness, the wound favouring, and tide serving, we being of sails in number eight, weighed anchors and hoist our sails toward Harwich to meet with our Admiral, Harwich. and the residue which then and there abode our arrival: Where we safely arrived the 28. thereof, finding there our Admiral, whom we with the discharge of certain pieces saluted, according to order and duty, and were welcomed with the like courtesy: which being finished we landed: where our General continued mustering his soldiers and Miners, and setting things in order appertaining to the voyage until the last of the said month of May, which day we hoist our sails, and committing ourselves to the conducting of Almighty God, we set forward toward the west Country in such lucky wife and good success, that by the fift of june we passed the Dursies, Dursies. being the utmost part of Ireland to the Westward. Ireland. And here it were not much amiss nor far from our purpose, if I should a little discourse and speak of our adventures and chances by the way, as our landing at Plymouth, Plymouth. as also the meeting c●rtaine poor men, which were rob and spoiled of all that they had by Pirates and Rovers: amongst whom was a man of Bristol, Bristol. on whom our General used his liberality, and sent him away with letters into England. But because such things are impertinent to the matter, I will return (without any more mentioning of the same) to that from the which I have digressed and swerved, I mean our ships now sailing on the surging seas, sometime passing at pleasure with a wished Eastern wound, sometime hindered of our course again by the Western blasts, until the 20. day of the foresaid month of june, on which day in the morning we fallen with Frizeland, Frizeland. which is a very high and cragged land and was almost clean covered with snow, so that we might see naught but craggy rocks ●nd the tops of high and huge hills, sometimes (and for the most part) all covered with foggy mists. There might we also overthrow the great Isles of ice lying on the seas, like mountains, some small, some big, of sundry kinds of shapes, and such a number of th●m, that we could not come near the shore for them. Thus sailing alongst the coast, at the last we see a place somewhat void of ice, where our General (accompanied with certain other) went a shore, where they saw certain tents made of beasts skins, and boats much like unto there's of Meta Incognita. The tents were furnished with flesh, fish, skins, and other trifles: amongst the which was found a box of nails: whereby we did conjecture, that they had either Artificers amongst them, or else a traffic with some other nation. The men ran away, so that we could have no conference or communication with them. Our General (because he would have them no more to flee, The courtesy of our General. but rather encouraged to stay through his courteous dealing) gave commandment that his men should t●ke nothing away with them, saving only a couple of white dogs, for the which he left pings, points, knives, and other trifling things, and departed without taking or hurting any thing, and so came aboard, and hoist sails, and passed forward. But being scarce out of the sight thereof, there f●ll such a fog and hideous mist that we could not see one another: whereupon we struck our drums, and sounded our trumpets, to the end we might keep together: and so continued all that day and night till the next day that the mist broke up: so that we might easily perceive all the ships thus sailing together all that day, until the next day, being the 22. of the same: on which day we saw an infinite number of ice, from the which we cast about to shun the danger thereof. But one of our small Barks named the Michael, whose Captain was Master Kinderslie, Master Kinderslie. the Master Bartholomew Bull, Bartholomew Bull. lost our company, insomuch that we could not obtain the sight of her many days after, of whom I mean to speak further anon when occasion shall be ministered, and opportunity serve. Thus we continued in our course until the second of july, on which day we fallen with the Queen's foreland, where we see so much ice, that we thought it unpossible to get into the Straitss: yet at the last we gave the adventure and entered the ice. The Michael. Being amongst it we saw the Michael, of whom I spoke before, accompanied with the judith, The judith. whose Captain was Master Fenton, M. Fenton. the Master Charles jackman, Charles jackman. bearing into the foresaid ice, far distant from us, who in a storm that fallen that present night, (whereof I will at large God willing, discourse hereafter) were severed from us, and being in, wandered up and down the Straitss amongst the ice many days in great peril, till at the last, (by the providence of God) they came safely to harbour in their wished Port, in the Countess of Warwick's sound, The Countess of W●rwicks sound. the 20. of july aforesaid, ten days before any of the other ships: who going on shore found where the people of the Country had been, and had hide their provision in great heaps of stones being both of flesh and fish, which they had killed: whereof we also found great store in other places after our arrival. They found also divers engines, as bows, slings, and darts. They found likewise certain pieces of the Pinnace which our General left there the year before, which Pinnace he had sunk, minding to have it again the next year. Now seeing I have entreated so much of the judith and the Michael: I will return to the rest of the other ships, and will speak a little of the storm which fallen, with the mishaps that we had, the night that we put into the ice: whereof I made mention before. At the first entering into the ice in the mouth of the Straitss, our passage was very narrow, Our entrance & passage, etc. and difficult but being once got in, we had a fair open place without any ice for the most part, being a league in compass, the ice being round about us and enclosing us, as it were, within the pales of a park. In which place, (because it was almost night) we minded to take in our sails, and lie a hull all that night. But the storm so increased, and the waves began to mount aloft, which brought the ice so near us, and coming on so fast upon us, that we were feign to bear in and out, where we might espy an open place. Thus the ice coming on us so fast, we were in great danger, looking every hour for death. And thus passed we on in that great danger, seeing both ourselves and the rest of our ships so troubled and tossed amongst the ice, that it would make the strongest heart to relent. At the last the Bark Dionyse being but a weakeship, Bark Dionyse. and bruised afore amongst the ice, being so leak that no longer she could carry above the water, sank without saving any of the goods which were within her: which sight so abashed the whole Fleet, that we thought verily we should have tasted of the same sauce. But nevertheless we seeing them in such danger, manned our boats and saved all the men in such wise, that not one perished: God be thanked. The storm still increased and the ice enclosed us, so that we were feign to take down top and top masts: for the ice had so environed us, that we could see neither land nor sea, Narrow shifts for safety. as far as we could ken: so that we were feign to cut our cables to hung over board for fenders, somewhat to ease the ships sides from the great and driry strokes of the the ice: some with Capstan bars, some fending off with oars, some with planks of two inches thick, which were broken immediately with the force of the ice, some going out upon the ice to bear it off with their shoulders from the ships. But the rigorousness of the tempest was such, and the force of the ice so great, that that not only they burst and spoiled the foresaid provision, but likewise so razed the sides of the ships, that it was pitiful to behold, and caused the hearts of many to faint. Thus we coutinued all that dismal and lamentable night plunged in this perplexitiy, looking for instant death: but our God (who never leaveth them destitute which faithfully call upon him, God's providence. although he often punisheth for amendments sake) in the morning caused the winds to cease, and the fog which all that night lay on the face of the water to clear: so that we might perceive about a mile from us, a certain place clear from any ice, to the which with an easy breath of wound which our God sent us, we bend ourselves. And furthermore, he provided better for us than we deserved or hoped for: for when we were in the foresaid clear place, he sent us a fresh gale at West or at West Southwest, which set us clear without all the ice. And further he added more: for he sent us so pleasant a day as the like we had not of a long time before, as after punishment consolation. Thus we joyful wights being at liberty, took in all our sails and lay a hull, praising God for our deliverance, and slayed to gather together our Fleet: which once being done, we seeing that none of them had any great hurt, neither any of them wanted, saving only they of whom I spoke before and the ship which was lost, then at the last we hoist our sails, and lay bulting off and on, till such time as it would please God to take away the ice that we might get into the Straitss. And as we thus lay off and on we came by a marvelous huge mountain of ice, A mountain of ice appearing in sundry figures. which surpassed all the rest that ever we see: for we judged it to be near fourscore fathoms above water, and we thought it to be a ground for any thing that we could perceive, being there nine score fathoms deep, and of compass about half a mile. Also the fift of july there fallen a hideous fog and mist, that continued till the nineteenth of the same: A fog of long continuance. so that one ship could not see another. Therefore we were feign to bear a small sail and to observe the time: but there ran such a current of a tide, that it set us to the Northwest of the Queen's foreland the backside of all the Straitss: A current to the Northwest. where (through the contagious fog having no sight either of Sun or Star) we scarce known where we were. In this fog the tenth of july we lost the company of the Uiceadmirall, the Anne Francis, the Busy of Bridgewater, and the Francis of Foy. The 16. day one of our small Barks named the Gabriel was sent by our General to bear in The Gabriel. with the land to descry it, where being on land, they met with the people of the Country, which seemed very human and civil, and offered to traffic with our men, The people offer to traffic with us. proffering them fowls and skins for knives, and other trifles: whose courtesy caused us to think, that they had small conversation with other of the Straitss. Then we bore back again to go with the Queen's foreland: and the eighteenth day we came by two Islands whereon we went on shore, and found where the people had been: but we see none of them. This day we were again in the ice, and like to be in as great peril as we were at the first. For through the darkness and obscurity of the foggy mist, we were almost run on rocks and Islands before we see them: But God (even miraculously) provided for us, opening the fogs that we might see clearly, both where and in what danger we presently were, and also the way to escape: or else without fail we had ruinously run upon the rocks. When we known perfectly our instant case, we cast about to get again on Sea-bord, which (God be thanked) by night we obtained and praised God. The clear continued scarce an hour, but the fog fallen again as thick as ever it was. Then the Rearadmirall and the Bear got themselves clear without danger of ice and rocks, struck their sails and lay a hull, staying to have the rest of the Fleet come forth: which as yet had not found the right way to clear themselves from the danger of rocks and ice, until the next morning, at what time the Rearadmirall discharged certain warning pieces to give notice that she had escaped, Warning pieces of fate passage discharged. and that the rest (by following of her) might set themselves free, which they did that day. Then having gathered ourselves together we proceeded on our purposed voyage, bearing off, and keeping ourselves distant from the coast till the 19 day of july: at which time the fogs broke up and dispersed, so that we might plainly and clearly behold the pleasant air, which so long had been taken from us, by the obscurity of the foggy mists: and after that time we were not much encumbered therewith until we had left the confines of the Country. A fair sound between the Queen's foreland and jackmans' sound. Then we espying a fair sound, supposed it to go into the Straitss between the Queen's foreland and jackmans' sound, which proved as we imagined. For our General sent forth again the Gabriel to discover it, who passed through with much difficulty: for there ran such an extreme current of a tide, with such a horrible gulf, that with a fresh gale of wound they were scarce able to stem it: yet at the length with great travail they passed it, and came to the Straitss, where they met with the Thomas Allen, the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Buss of Bridgewater: who altogether adventured to bear into the ice again, to see if they could obtain their wished Port. But they were so encumbered that with much difficulty they were able to get out again, yet at the last they escaping, the Thomas Allen, and the Gabriel ●are in with the Western shore, where they found harbour, and there moared their ships until the fourth of August, at which time they came to us in the Countess of Warwick's sound. The Thomas of Ipswich caught a great leak which caused her to cast again to Seabord and so was mended. We sailed along still by the coast until we came to the Queen's foreland, at the point whereof we met with part of the gulf aforesaid, which place or gulf (as some of our Masters do credibly report) doth flow nine hours, and ebbs but three. At that point we discovered certain lands Southward, which neither time nor opportunity would serve to search. Then being come to the mouth of the Straitss we met with the Anne Francis, who had lain bulting up and down ever since her departure alone, never finding any of her company. We met then also the Francis of Foy, with whom again we intended to venture and get in: but the ice was yet so thick, that we were compelled again to retire and get us on Sea-bord. There fallen also the same day being the 26. of july, such an horrible snow, An horrible snow fallen in july. that it lay a foot thick upon the hatches which froze as it fallen. We had also at other times divers cruel storms both of snow and hail, which manifestly declared the distemperature of the Country: yet for all that we were so many times repulsed and put back from our purpose; knowing that linger delay was not profitable for us, but hurtful to our voyage, we mutually consented to our valiant General once again, to give the onset. The 28. day therefore of the same july we assayed, and with little trouble (God be praised) we passed the dangers by day light. Then night falling on the face of the earth, we hulled in the clear, till the cheerful light of the day had chased away the noisome darkness of the night: at which time we set forward towards our wished Port: The time of our setting forward, etc. by the 30. day we obtained our expected desire, where we found the judith, and the Michael: which brought no small joy unto the General, and great consolation to the heavy hearts of those wearied wights. The 30. day of july we brought our ships into the Countess of Warwick's sound, and moared them, namely these ships, The Admiral, the Rearadmiral, the Francis of Foy, the Bear, Armenel, the Solomon, and the Buss of Bridgewater: which being done, our General commanded us all to come a shore upon the Countess' Island, where he set his Miners to work upon the Mine, giving charge with expedition to dispatch with their lading. Our General himself, accompanied with his Gentlemen, divers times made roads into sundry parts of the Country, as well to find new Mines, as also to find out and see the people of the Country. He found out one Mine upon an Island by bears sound, and named it the Countess of Sussex Island. The Countess of Sussex Island. One other was found in Winter's Furnace, Winter's Furnace. with divers others, to which the ships were sent sunderly to be laden. In the same roads he met with divers of the people of the Country at sundry times, as once at a place called David's sound: David's sound. who shot at our men, and very desperately gave them the onset, being not above three or four in number, there being of our Country men above a dozen: but seeing themselves not able to prevail, they took themselves to flight: whom our men pursued, but being not used to such craggy cliffs, they soon lost the sight of them, and so in vain returned. We also see of them at bears sound, The policy of the people for safe●ie of themselves. both by Sea and land in great companies: but they would at all times keep the water between them and us. And if any of our ships chanced to be in the sound (as they came divers times, because the Harbour was not very good) the ship laded, and departed again: then so long as any ships were in sight, the people would not be seen. But when as they perceived the ships to be go, they would not only show themselves standing upon high cliffs, and call us to come over unto them: but also would come in their Botes very near to us, as it were to brag at us: whereof our General having advertisement, sent for the Captains and Gentlemen of the Ships, to accompany and attend upon him, with the Captain also of the Anne Francis, who was but the night before come unto us. For they, and the Fleebote having lost us the 26. day in the great snow, put into an harbour in the Queen's foreland, where they found good Oar, wherewith they laded themselves, and came to seek the General: so that now we had all our Ships, saving one Bark, which was lost, and the Thomas of Ipswich, who (compelled by what fury I know not) forsook our company, and returned home without lading. Our General accompanied with his Gentlemen, Their speedy flight at our General's arrival. (of whom I spoke) came all together to the Countess of Sussex Island, near to bears sound: where he manned out certain Pinnisses, and went over to the people: who perceiving his arrival, fled away with all speed, and in haste left certain darts and other engines behind them, which we found: but the people we could not find. The next morning our General perceiving certain of them in botes upon the Sea, gave chase to them in a Pinnace under sail, with a fresh gale of wind, but could by no means come near unto them: for the longer he sailed, the further off he was from them: which well showed their cunning and activity. Thus time wearing away, and the day of our departure approaching, our General commanded us to lad with all expedition, that we might be again on Seaboard with our ships: for whilst we were in the Country, we were in continual danger of freezing in: for often snow and hail often falling, the water was so much frozen and congealed in the night, that in the morning we could scarce row our botes or Pinnesses, especially in Dyer's sound, which is a calm and still water: which caused our General to make the more haste, so that by the 30. day of August we were all laden, and made all things ready to departed. But before I proceed any further herein, to show what fortune befallen at our departure, I will turn my pen a little to M. Captain Fenton, and those Gentlemen which should have inhabited all the year in those Countries, Gentlemen should have inhabited the Country. whose valiant minds were much to be commended: For doubtless they had done as they intended, if luck had not withstood their willingness. For the Bark Dionyse which was lost, had in her much of their house which was prepared and should have been builded for them, with many other implements. Also the Thomas of Ipswich which had most of their provision in her, came not into the Straitss at all: neither did we see her since the day we were separated in the great snow, of which I spoke before. For these causes, having not their house, nor yet provision, they were disappointed of their pre●ence to tarry, and therefore laded their ships, and so came away with us. But before we took shipping, we builded a little house in the Countess of Warwick's Island, and garnished it with many kinds of trifles, as pings, Points, Laces, Glasses, Rombes, Babes on horseback and on foot, An house tricked and garnished with divers trinkets. with innumerable other such fancies and toys: thereby to allure and entice the people to some familiarity against other years. Thus having finished all things we departed the Country, as I said before: but because the Buss had not lading enough in her, she put into bears sound to take in a little more. In the mean while the Admiral, and the rest without at Sea stayed for her. And that night fallen such an outrageous tempest, An outrageous tempest. beating on our ships with such vehement rigour, that anchor and cable availed naught: for we were driven on rocks and Islands of ice, insomuch that (had not the great goodness of God been miraculously showed to us) we had been cast away every man. This danger was more doubtful and terrible, than any that preceded or went before: for there was not any one ship (I think) that escaped without damage. Some lost anchor and also cables, some botes, some Pinnisses: some anchor, cables, boats and Pinnisses. This boisterous storm so severed us one from another, that one ship knew not what was become of another. The Admiral knew not where to find the Uiceadmirall or Rearadmirall, or any other ship of our company. Our General being on land in Bears sound could not come to his Ship, but was compelled to go aboard the Gabriel where he continued all the way homeward: for the boisterous blasts continued so extremely and so long a time, that they sent us homeward (which was God's favour towards us) will we, nill we, in such haste, as not any one of us were able to keep in company with other, but were separated. And if by chance any one Ship did overtake other, by swiftness of sail, or meet, as they often did: yet was the rigour of the wound so hideous, that they could not continued company together the space of one whole night. Our entering the coasts dangerous. Thus our journey outward was not so pleasant, but our coming thither, entering the coasts and country, by narrow Straitss, perilous ice, and swift tides, our times of abode there in snow and storms, and our departure from thence the 31. of August with dangerous blustering winds and tempests, which that night arose, was as uncomfortable: separating us so as we sailed, that not any of us met together, until the 28. of September, which day we fallen on the English coasts, between Sylley and the lands end, and passed the channel, until our arrival in the river of Thames. The report of Thomas Wiars passenger in the Emanuel, otherwise called the Buss of Bridgewater, wherein james Leech was Master, one of the ships in the last Voyage of Master Martin Frobisher 1578. concerning the the discovery of a great Island in their way homeward the 12. of September. THe Buss of Bridgewater was left in bears sound at Meta incognita, the second day of September behind the Fleet in some distress, through much wind, riding near the Lee shore, and forced there to ride it out upon the hazard of her cables and anchors, which were all aground but two, The third of September being fair weather, and the wind North northwest she set sail, and departed thence, and fallen with Friesland on the 8. day of September at six of the clock at night, and then they set off from the South-west point of Friesland, the wound being at East, and East Southeast, but that night the wind veared Southerly, and shifted oftentimes that night: but on the tenth day in the morning, the wound at West northwest fair weather, they steered Southeast, and by south, and continued that course until the 12. day of September, when about 11. a clock before noon, they descried a land, which was from them about five leagues, and the Southermost part of it was Southeast by East from them, and the Northermost next, North Northeast, or Northeast. The Master accounted that the Southeast point of Friesland was from him at that instant when he first descried this new Island, Northwest by North, 50. leagues. They accounted this Island to be 25. leagues long, The Island in length 25. leagues. and the longest way of it Southeast, and Northwest. The Southern part of it is in the latitude of 57 degrees and 1. second part, This Island is in the latitude of 57 degrees and 1 second part. or there about. They continued in sight of it, from the 12. day at a 11. of the clock, till the 13. day three of the clock in the after noon, when they left it: and the last part they see of it, bore from them Northwest by North. There appeared two Harboroughs upon that coast: Two harboroughs in this Island. the greatest of them seven leagues to the Northwards of the Southermost point, the other but four leagues. There was very much ice near the same land, and also twenty or thirty leagues from it, for they were not clear of ice, till the 15. day of September after noon. They plied their Uoyage homewards, and fallen with the West part of Ireland about Galway, and had first sight of it on the 25. day of September. Notes framed by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple Esquire, given to certain Gentlemen that went with M. Frobisher in his North west discovery, for their directions● And not unfit to be committed to print, considering the same may stir up considerations of these and of such other things, not vnmee●e in such new voyages as may be attempted hereafter. THat the first Seat be choose on the seaside, so as (if it may be) you may have your own Navy within Bay, river or lake, within your Seat safe from the enemy: and so as the enemy shallbe forced to lie in open road abroad without, to be dispersed with all winds and tempests that shall arise. Thus seated you shall be lest subject to annoyed of the enemy, so may you by your Navy within pass out to all parts of the world, and so may the Ships of England have access to you to supply all wants, so may your commodities be carried away also. This seat is to be choose in a temperate Climate, in sweet air, where you may possess always sweet water, wood, seacoles or turf, with fish, flesh, grain, fruits, herbs and roots, or so many of those as may suffice very necessity for the life of such as shall plant there. And for the possessing of mines of gold, of silver, copper, quicksilver, or of any such precious thing, the wants of those needful things may be supplied from some other place by sea, etc. Stone to make Lime of, are to be looked for as things without which no City may be made nor people in civil sort be kept together. Slate stone to tile withal, or such clay as maketh tile, are to be looked for as things without which no City may be made nor people in civil sort be kept together. Stone to brickwall withal, if Brycke may not be made, are to be looked for as things without which no City may be made nor people in civil sort be kept together. Timber for building easily to be conveyed to the place, are to be looked for as things without which no City may be made nor people in civil sort be kept together. Reed to cover houses or such like, if tile or state be not. are to be looked for as things without which no City may be made nor people in civil sort be kept together. The people there to plant and to continued are either to live without traffic, or by traffic and by trade of merchandise. If they shall live without sea traffic, at the first they become naked by want of linen and woollen, and very miserable by infinite wants that will otherwise ensue, and so will they be forced of themselves to departed, or else easily they will be consumed by the Spaniards, by the Frenchmen, or by the natural inhabitants of the country, and so the enterprise becomes reproachful to our Nation, and a let to many other good purposes that may be taken in hand. And by trade of merchandise they can not live, except the Sea or the Land there may yield commodity. And therefore you aught to have most special regard of that point, and so to plant, that the natural commodities of the place and seat may draw to you access or Navigation for the same, or that by your own Navigation you may carry the same out, and fetch home the supply of the wants of the seat. Such Navigation so to be employed shall, besides the supply of wants, be able to encounter with foreign force. And for that in the ample vent of such things as are brought to you out of England by Sea, standeth a matter of great consequence, it behoveth that all humanity and courtesy and much forbearing of revenge to the Inland people be used: so shall you have firms amity with your neighbours, so shall you have their inland commodities to maintain traffic, and so shall you wax rich and strong in force. divers and several commodities of the inland are not in great plenty to be brought to your hands, without the aid of some portable of Navigable river, or ample lake, and therefore to have the help of such a one is most requisite: And so is it of effect for the dispersing of your own commodities in exchange into the inlands. Nothing is more to be endeavoured with the Inland people than familiarity. For so may you best discover all the natural commodities of their country, & also all their wants, all their strengths, all their weakness, and with whom they are in war, and with whom confederate in peace and amity, etc. which known you may work many great effects of greatest consequence. And in your planting the consideration of the climate and of the soil be matters that are to be respected. For if it be so that you may let in the salt sea water, not mixed with the fresh into flats, where the sun is of the heat that it is at Rochel, in the Bay of Portugal, or in Spain, then may you procure a man of skill, and so you have won one noble commodity for the fishing, and for trade of merchandise by making of Salt. Or if the soil and climate be such as may yield you the Grape as good as that at Bordeaux, as that in Portugal, or as that about Siuil in Spain, or that in the Islands of the Canaries, than there rests but a workman to put in execution to make Wines, and to dress Resigns of the sun and other, etc. Or if you find a soil of the temperature of the South part of Spain or Barbary in the which you find the Olive tree to grow: Then you may be assured of a noble merchandise for this Realm, considering that our great trade of clothing doth require oil, and weighing how dear of late it is become by the vent they have of that commodity in the West Indies, and if you find the wild Olive there it may be graffed. Or if you can found the berry of Cochenile with which we colour Stammelles, or any Root, Berrie, Fruit, wood or earth fit for dying, you win a notable thing fit for our state of clothing. This Cochenile is natural in the West Indies on that firm. Or if you have Hides of beasts fit for sole Leather, etc. It will be a merchandise right good, and the Savages there yet can not tan Leather after our kind, yet excellently after their own manner. Or if the soil shall yield Figs, Almonds, Sugar Canes, Quinces, Oranges, Lemons, Potatoes, etc. there may arise some trade and traffic by Figs, Almonds, Sugar, Marmelade, Sucket, etc. Or if great woods be found, if they be of Cypress, chests may be made, if they be of some kind of trees, Pitch and Tar may be made, if they be of some other, than they may yield Rosin, Turpentine, etc. and all for trade and traffic, and Casks for wine and oil may be made, likewise ships and houses, etc. And because traffic is a thing so material, I wish that great observation be taken what every soil yieldeth naturally, in what commodity soever, and what it may be made to yield by endeavour, and to sand us notice home, that thereupon we may devise what means may be thought of to raise trades. Now admit that we might not be suffered by the Savages to enjoy any whole country or any more than the sc●pe of a city, yet if we might enjoy traffic, and be assured of the same, we might be much enriched, our Navy might be increased, and a place of safety might there be found, if change of religion or civil wars should happen in this realm, which are things of great benefit. But if we may enjoy any large territory of apt soil, we might so use the matter, as we should not depend upon Spain for oils, sacks, resigns, oranges, lemons, spanish skins, etc. Nor upon France for woad, baysalt, and Gascoigne wines, nor on Eastland for flax, pitch, tar, masles, etc. So we should not so exhausted our treasure, and so exceedingly enrich our doubtful friends, as we do, but should purchase the commodities that we want for half the treasure that now we do: and should by our own industries and the benefits of the soil there cheaply purchase oils, wines, salt, first-fruits, pitch, tar, flax, hemp, masts, boards, fish, gold, silver, copper, tallow, hides and many commodities: besides if there be no flatts to make salt on, if you have plenty of wood you may make it in sufficient quantity for common uses at home there. If you can keep a safe Haven, although you have not the friendship of the near neighbours, yet you may have traffic by sea upon one shore or other, upon that firm in time to come, if not present. If you found great plenty of timber on the shore side or upon any portable river, you were best to cut down of thesame the first winter, to be seasoned for ships, barks, boats and houses. And if near such wood there be any river or brook upon the which a sawing mill may be placed, it would do great service, and therefore consideration would be had of such places. And if such port & choose place of settling were in possession and after fortified by art, although by the land side our Englishmen were kept in, and might not enjoy any traffic with the next neighbours, nor any victuals: yet might they victual themselves of fish to serve very necessity, and enter into amity with the enemies of their next neighbours, and so have vent of their merchandise of England & also have victual, or by means hereupon to be used, to force the next neighbours to amity. And keeping a navy at the settling place, they should found out along the tract of the land to have traffic, and at divers Islands also. And so this first seat might in tune become a stapling place of the commodities of many countries and territories, and in time this place might become of all the provinces round about the only governor. And if the place first choose should not so well please our people, as some other more lately found out: There might be an easy remove, and that might be razed, or rather kept for others of our nation to avoid an ill neighbour. If the soils adjoining to such convenient Haven and settling places be found mar●hie and boggy, than men skilful in draining are to be carried thither. For art may work wondered effects therein, and make the soil rich for many uses. To plant upon an Island in the mou●h of some notable river, or upon the point of the land entering into the river, if no such Island be, were to great end. For if such river were navigable or portable far into the land, than would arise great hope of planting in fertile soils, and traffic on the one or on the other side of the river, or on both, or the linking in amity with one or other petty king contending there for dominion. Such rivers found, both Barges and Boats may be made for the safe passage of such as shall pierce the same. These are to be covered with doubles of course linen artificially wrought, to defend the arrow or the dart of the savage from the rower. Since every soil of the world by art may be made to yield things to feed and to cloth man, bring in your return a perfect note of the soil without and within, and we shall devise if need require to amend the same, and to draw it to more perfection. And if you find not fruits in your planting place to your liking, we shall in five dryfats furnish you with such kinds of plants to be carried thither the winter after your planting, as shall the very next summer following yield you some fruit, and the year next following, as much as shall suffice a town as big as Calais, and that shortly after shall be able to yield you great store of strong durable good cider to drink, and these trees shall be able to increase you within less than seven years as many trees presently to bear, as may suffice the people of divers parishes, which at the first settling may stand you in great stead, if the soil have not the commodity of fruits of goodness already. And because you aught greedily to hunt after things that yield present relief, without trouble of carriage thither, therefore I make mention of these thus specially, to the end you may have it specially in mind. A true Discourse of the three Voyages of discovery, for the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the Northwest, under the conduct of Martin Frobisher General: Before which, as a necessary Preface is prefixed a twofold discourse, containing certain reasons to prove all parts of the World habitable. Penned by Master George Best, a Gentleman employed in the same voyages. What commodities and instructions may be reaped by diligent reading this Discourse. 1 FIrst, by example may be gathered, how a Discoverer of new Countries is to proceed● in his first attempt of any Discovery. 2 Item, how he should be provided of shipping, victuals, munition, and choice of men. 3 How to proceed and deal with strange people, be they never so barbarous, cruel and fierce, either by lenity or otherwise. 4 How trade of Merchandise may be made without money. 5 How a Pilot may deal, being environed with mountains of ice in the frozen Sea. 6 How length of days, change of seasons, Summers and Winters do differ in sundry regions. 7 How dangerous it is to attempt new Discoveries, either for the length of the voyage, or the ignorance of the language, the want of Interpreters, new and unaccustomed Elements and airs, strange and unsavoury meats, danger of thieves and robbers, fierceness of wild beasts and fish, hugeness of woods, dangerousness of Seas, dread of tempests, fear of hidden rocks, steepness of mountains, darkness of sudden falling fogs, continual pains taking without any rest, and infinite others. 8 How pleasant and profitable it is to attempt new Discoveries, either for the sundry sights and shapes of strange beasts and fish, the wonderful works of nature, the different manners and fashions of divers nations, the sundry sorts of government, the sight of strange trees, fruit, fowls, and beasts, the infinite treasure of Pearl, Gold and Silver, the news of new found lands, the sundry positions of the Sphere, and many others. 9 How valiant Captains use to deal upon extremity, and otherwise. 10 How trusty soldiers dutifully use to serve. 11 Also here may be seen a good example to be observed of any private person, in taking notes, and making observations of all such things as are requisite for a Discoverer of new Countries. 12 Lastly, the Reader here may see a good pattern of a well governed service, sundry instructions of matters of cosmography, geography, and Navigation, as in reading more at large may be seen. Experiences and reasons of the Sphere, to prove all parts of the world habitable, and thereby to confute the position of the five Zones. FIrst, it may be gathered by experience of our Englishmen in Anno 1553. For Captain Windam made a Uoyage with Merchandise to Guinea, and entered so far within the Torrida Zona, Experience to prove that Torrida Zona is habitable. that he was within three or four degrees of the Equinoctial, and his company abiding there certain Months, returned with gain. Also the Englishmen made another Uoyage very prosperous and gainful, An. 1554. to the coasts of Guinea, within 3. degrees of the Equinoctial. And yet it is reported of a truth, that all the tract from Cape de las Palmas trending by C. de tres puntas alongst by Benin, unto the isle of S. Thomas (which is perpendiculer under the Equinoctial) all that whole Bay is more subject to many blooming and smothering heats, with infectious and contagious airs, than any other place in all Torrida Zona: and the cause thereof is some accidents in the land. For it is most certain, that mountains, Seas, woods and lakes etc. may 'cause through their sundry kind of situation, sundry strange and extraordinary effects, which the reason of the clime otherwise would not give. I mention these Uoyages of our Englishmen, not so much to prove that Torrida Zona may be, and is inhabited, as to show their readiness in attempting long and dangerous Navigations. We also among us in England have black Moors, AEthiopians, out of all parts of Torrida Zona, which after a small continuance, can well endure the cold of our Country, and why should not we as well abide the heat of their Country? But what should I name any more experiences, seeing that all the coasts of Guinea and Benin are inhabited of Portugals, Spanyardes, French, and some Englishmen, who there have built Castles and Towns. Only this I will say to the Merchants of London, that trade yearly to Marochus, Marochus more hot then about the Equinoctial. it is very certain, that the greatest part of the burning zone is far more temperate and cool in june, than the Country of Marochus, as shall appear by these reasons and experiences following. For let us first consider the breadth and bigness of this burning zone (which as every man knoweth, is 47. degrees) each Tropic, which are the bounders thereof, being 23. degrees and a half distant from the Equinoctial. Imagine again two other Parallels, on each side the Equinoctial one, either of them distant from the Equinoctial about 20. degrees, which Parallels may be described either of them twice a year by the Sun, being in the first degrees of Gemini the 11. of May, and in Leo the 13. of july, having North latitude. And again, the Sun being in the first degrees of Sagittarius, the 12. of November, and in Aquarius the 9 of january, having South latitude, I am to prove by experience and reason, that all that distance included between these two Parallels last named (containing 40. degrees in latitude, going round about the earth, according to longitude) is not only habitable, but the same most fruitful and delectable, and that if any extremity of heat be, the same not to be within the space of twenty degrees of the Equinoctial on either side, but only under and about the two tropics, and so proportionally the nearer you do approach to either Tropic, the more you are subject to extremity of heat (if any such be) and so Marochus being situate but six or seven degrees from the Tropic of Cancer, shall be more subject to heat, than any place under or near the Equinoctial line. And first by the experience of sundry men, yea thousand, travailers and Merchants, to the East and West Indies in many places both directly under, and hard by the Equinoctial, they with one consent affirm, that it aboundeth in the midst of Torrida Zona with all manner of Grain, Herbs, grass, fruit, wood and cattle, that we have here, and thousands other sorts, far more wholesome, delectable and precious, than any we have in these Northern climates, as very well shall appear to him that will read the Histories and Navigations of such as have travailed Arabia, India intra & extra Gangem, the Islands Moluccae, America, etc. Marvelous fruitful soil under the Equinoctial. which all lie about the middle of the burning zone, where it is truly reported, that the great herbs, as are Radish, Lettuce, Coleworts, Borage, and such like, do wax ripe, greater, more savoury and delectable in taste then ours, within sixteen days after the seed is sown. Wheat being sowed the first of February, was found ripe the first of May, and generally, where it is less fruitful, the wheat will be ripe the fourth month after the seed is sown, and in some places will bring forth an ear as big as the wrist of a man's arm containing 1000 grains; Beans, peace, etc. are there ripe twice a year. Also grass being cut down, will grow up in six days above one foot high. If our cattle be transported thither, within a small time their yong-ones become of bigger stature, and more fat than ever they would have been in these countries. There are found in every wood in great numbers, Great trees. such timber trees as twelve men holding hands together are not able to fathom. And to be short, all they that have been there with one consent affirm, that there are the goodliest green meadows and plains, the fairest mountains covered with all sorts of trees and fruits, the fairest valleys, the goodliest pleasant fresh rivers, Commodity's and pleasur●● under the Equinoctial. stored with infinite kind of fish, the thickest woods, green and bearing fruit all the whole year, that are in all the world. And as for gold, silver, and all other kind of Metals, all kind of spices and delectable fruits, both for delicacy and health, are there in such abundance, as hitherto they have been thought to have been bread no where else but there. And in conclusion, it is now thought that no where else but under the Equinoctial, or not far from thence, is the earthly Paradise, and the only place of perfection in this world. And that these things may seem the less strange, because it hath been accounted of the old Philosophers, that there could nothing prospero for the extreme heat of the Sun continually going over their heads in the zodiac, I thought good here to allege such natural causes as to me seem very substantial and sure reasons. First you are to understand that the Sun doth work his more or less heat in these lower parts by two means, the one is by the kind of Angle that the Sun beams do make with the earth, as in all Torrida Zona it maketh perpendicularly right Angles in some place or other at noon, and towards the two Poles very obliqne and uneven Angles. And the other mean is the longer or shorter continuance of the Sun above the Horizon. Heat is caused by two means that is by his manner of Angle and by his continuance● So that wheresoever these two causes do most concur, there is most excess of heat: and when the one is wanting, the rigour of the heat is less. For though the Sun beams do beaten perpendicularly upon any region subject unto it, if it hath no continuance or abode above the Horizon, to work his operation in, there can no hot effect proceed. For nothing can be done in a moment. And this second cause mora Solis supra Horizontem, the time of the suns abiding above the Horizon, the old Philosophers never remembered, but regarded only the manner of Angles that the Sun beams made with the Horizon, which if they were equal and right, the heat was the greater, as in Torrida Zona: Note this reason. if they were unequal and obliqne, the heat was the less, as towards both Poles, which reason is very good and substantial: for the perpendicular beams reflect and reverberate in themselves, so that the heat is doubled, every beam striking twice, & by uniting are multiplied, and continued strong in form of a Column. But in our Latitude of 50. and 60. degrees, the Sun beams descend obliqne and slanting wise, and so strike but once and departed, and therefore our heat is the less for any effect that the Angle of the Sun beams make. Yet because we have a longer continuance of the suns presence above our Horizon than they have under the Equinoctial; by this continuance the heat is increased, for it shines to us 16. or 18. hours sometime, when it continueth with them but twelve hours always. And again, our night is very short wherein cold vapours use to abound, being but six or eight hours long, whereas there's is always twelve hours long, by which two advantages of long days and short nights, though we want the equality of Angle, it cometh to pass that in Summer our heat here is as great as there's is there, as hath been proved by experience, and is nothing dissonant from good reason. Therefore whosoever will rightly way the force of cold and heat in any region, must not only consider the Angle that the Sun beams make, but also the continuance of the same above the Horizon. As first to them under the Equinoctial the Sun is twice a year at noon in their zenith perpendicular over their heads, and therefore during the two hours of those two days the heat is very urgent, and so perhaps it will be in four or five days more an hour every day, until the Sun in his proper motion have crossed the Equinoctial; so that this extreme heat caused by the perpendicular Angle of the Sun beams, endureth but two hours of two days in a year. But if any man say the Sun may sealed a good while before and after it come to the Meridian, so far forth as reason leadeth, I am content to allow it, and therefore I will measure and proportion the suns heat, by comparing the Angles there, with the Angles made here in England, because this temperature is best known unto us. As for example, the 11. day of March, when under the Equinoctial it is half hour past eight of the clock in the morning, the Sun will be in the East about 38. degrees above the Horizon, because there it rises always at six of the clock, and moveth every hour 15. degrees, and so high very near will it be with us at London the said eleventh day of March at noon. And therefore look what force the Sun hath with us at noon, the eleventh of March, the same force it seemeth to have under the Equinoctial at half an hour past eight in the morning, or rather less force under the Equinoctial. For with us the Sun had been already six hours above the Horizon, and so had purified and cleansed all the vapours, and thereby his force increased at noon; but under the Equinoctial, the Sun having been up but two hours and an half, had sufficient to do, to purge and consume the cold and moist vapours of the long night past, and as yet had wrought no effect of heat. And therefore I may boldly pronounce, that there is much less heat at half an hour past eight under the Equinoctial, then is with us at noon; à fortiori. But in March we are not only contented to have the Sun shining, but we greatly desire the same. Likewise the 11 of june, the Sun in our Meridian is 62 degrees high at London: and under the Equinoctial it is so high after 10 of the clock, and seeing then it is beneficial with us; à fortiori it is beneficial to them after 10 of the clock. And thus have we measured the force of the suns greatest heat, the hottest days in the year, under the Equinoctial, that is in March and September, from six till after ten of the clock in the morning, and from two until Sun set. And this is concluded, by respecting only the first cause of heat, which is the consideration of the Angle of the Sun beams, by a certain similitude, that whereas the Sun shines never above twelve hours, more than eight of them would be cool and pleasant even to us, much more to them that are acquainted always with such warm places. So there remains less than four hours of any excessive heat, and that only in the two Summer days of the year, that is the eleventh day of March, and the fourteenth of September: for under the Equinoctial they have two Summers, the one in March, and the other in September, which are our Spring and Autumn: and likewise two Winters, in june and December, which are our Summer and Winter, as may well appear to him that hath only tasted the principles of the Sphere. But if the Sun be in either Tropicke● or approaching near thereunto, then may we more easily measure the force of his Meridian altitude, that it striketh upon the Equinoctial. As for example, the twelfth of june the Sun will be in the first degree of Cancer. Then look what force the heat of the Sun hath under the Equinoctial, the same force and greater it hath in all that Parallel, where the Pole is elevated between forty and seven, and forty and eight degrees. And therefore Paris in France the twelfth day of june sustaineth more heat of the Sun, than Saint Thomas Island lying near the same Meridian doth likewise at noon, or the islands Taprobana, Moluccae, or the firm land of Peru in America, which all lie underneath the Equinoctial. For upon the twelfth day of june aforesaid, Paris in France is as hot as under the Equinoctial in june. the Sun beams at noon do make an Isoscheles Triangle, whose Vertex is the Centre of the Sun, the Basis a line extended from Saint Thomas Island under the Equinoctial, unto Paris in France near the same Meridian: therefore the two Angles of the Base must needs be equal per 5. primi, Ergo the force of the heat equal, if there were no other cause then the reason of the Angle, as the old Philosophers have appointed. But because at Paris the Sun rises two hours before it rises to them under the Equinoctial, In june is greater heat at Paris then under the Equinoctial. and setteth likewise two hours after them, by means of the obliquity of the Horizon, in which time of the suns presence four hours in one place more than the other, it worketh some effect more in one place then in the other, and being of equal height at noon, it must then needs follow to be more hot in the Parallel of Paris, than it is under the Equinoctial. Also this is an other reason, that when the Sun setteth to them under the Equinoctial, The twilights are shorter, and the night's darker under the Equinoctial then at Paris. it goeth very deep and low under their Horizon, almost even to their Antipodes, whereby their twilights are very short, and their nights are made very extreme dark and long, and so the moisture and coldness of the long nights wonderfully increaseth, so that at length the Sun rising can hardly in many hours consume and drive away the cold humours and moist vapours of the night past, which is clean contrary in the Parallel of Paris: for the Sun goeth under their Horizon but very little, after a sloping sort, whereby their nights are not very dark, but lightsome, as looking into the North in a clear night without clouds it doth manifestly appear, their twilights are long: for the Parallel of Cancer cutteth not the Horizon of Paris at right Angles, but at Angles very uneven, and unlike as it doth the Horizon of the Equinoctial. Also the Summer day at Paris is sixteen hours long, and the night but eight: where contrariwise under the Equinoctial the day is but twelve hours long, and so long is also the night, in whatsoever Parallel the Sun be: and therefore look what odds and difference of proportion there is between the suns abode above the Horizon in Paris, and the abode it hath under the Equinoctial, (it being in Cancer) the same proportion would seem to be between the heat of the one place and heat of the other: for other things (as the Angle of the whole ark of the suns progress that day in both places) are equal. But under the Equinoctial the presence and abode of the Sun above the Horizon is equal to his absence, and abode under the Horizon, each being twelve hours. And at Paris the continuance and abode of the Sun is above the Horizon sixteen hours long, and but eight hours absence, which proportion is double, from which if the proportion of the equality be subtracted to find the difference, there will remain still a double proportion, whereby it seemeth to follow, that in june the heat at Paris were double to the heat under the Equinoctial. For (as I have said) the Angles of the Sun beams are in all points equal, and the cause of difference is, Mora Solis supra Horizontem, the stay of the Sun in the one Horizon more than in the other. Therefore, whosoever could find out in what proportion the Angle of the Sun beams heateth, In what proportion the Angle of the Sun beams heateth. and what increase the suns continuance doth add thereunto, it might expressly be set down, what force of heat and cold is in all regions. Thus you partly see by comparing a Climate to us well known, and familiarly acquainted by like height of the Sun in both places, that under the Equinoctial in june is no excessive heat, but a temperate air rather tending to cold. For as they have there for the most part a continual moderate heat, so yet sometime they are a little pinched with cold, They use and have need of fire under the Equinoctial. and use the benefit of fire as well as we, especially in the evening when they go to bed, for as they lie in hanging beds tied fast in the upper part of the house, so will they have fires made on both sides their bed, of which two fires, the one they devise superstitiously to drive away spirits, and the other to keep away from them the coldness of the nights. Also in many places of Torrida Zona, especially in the higher lands somewhat mountainous, the people a little shrink at the cold, and are often forced to provide themselves clothing, so that the Spaniards have found in the West Indies many people clothed, especially in Winter, whereby appeareth, that with their heat there is cold intermingled, Cold intermingled with heat under the Equinoctial. else would they never provide this remedy of clothing, which to them is rather a grief and trouble then otherwise. For when they go to wars, they will put off all their apparel, thinking it to be cumbersome, and will always go naked, that they thereby might be more nimble in their sight. Some there be that think the middle zone extreme hot, because the people of the country can, and do live without clothing, wherein they childishly are deceived: for our Clime rather tendeth to extremity of cold, because we cannot live without clothing: for this our double lining, furring, and wearing so many clotheses, is a remedy against extremity, and argueth not the goodness of the habitation, but inconvenience and injury of cold: and that is rather the moderate temperate, and delectable habitation, where none of these troublesome things are required, but that we may live naked and bore, as nature bringeth us forth. Others again imagine the middle zone to be extreme hot, because the people of Africa, especially the Ethiopians, are so coal black, and their hair like wool curled short, which blackness and curled hair they suppose to come only by the parching heat of the Sun, which how it should be possible I cannot see: for even under the Equinoctial in America, and in the East Indies, and in the islands Moluccae the people are not black, but tauney and white, with long hair uncurled as we have, so that if the Ethiopians blackness came by the heat of the Sun, Ethiop●ans black, with curled hair. why should not those Americans and Indians also be as black as they, seeing the Sun is equally distant from them both, they abiding in one Parallel: for the concave and convere Superficies of the Orb of the Sun is concentrike, and equidistant to the earth; except any man should imagine somewhat of Aux Solis, and Oppositum, which indifferently may be applied aswell to the one place as to the other. But the Sun is thought to give no otherwise heat, but by way of Angle in reflection, and not by his nearness to the earth: for throughout all Africa, yea in the midst of the middle Zone, and in all other places upon the tops of mountains there lieth continual snow, which is nearer to the Orb of the Sun, than the people are in the valley, by so much as the height of these mountains amount unto, and yet the Sun notwithstanding his nearness, can not melt the snow for want of convenient place of reflections. The Sun heateth not by his nearness, but only by reflection. Also the middle region of the air where all the hail, frost, and snow is engendered, is nearer unto the Sun than the earth is, and yet there continueth perpetual cold, because there is nothing that the Sun beams may reflect against, whereby appeareth that the nearness of the body of the Sun worketh nothing. Therefore to return again to the black Moors. I myself have seen an Ethiopian as black as a coal brought into England, A black Moore● son born in England. who taking a fair English woman to wife, begat a son in all respects as black as the father was, although England were his native country, and an English woman his mother: whereby it seemeth this blackness procceedeth rather of some natural infection of that man, which was so strong, that neither the nature of the Clime, neither the good complexion of the mother concurring, could any thing altar, and therefore we cannot impute it to the nature of the Clime. And for a more fresh example, our people of Meta Incognita (of whom and for whom this discourse is taken in hand) that were brought this last year into England, were all generally of the same colour that many nations be, lying in the midst of the middle Zone. The colour of the people in Meta Incognita. The complexion of the people of Meta incognita. And this their colour was not only in the face which was subject to Sun and air, but also in their bodies, which were still covered with garments as ours are, yea the very sucking child of twelve months age had his skin of the very same colour that most have under the Equinoctial, which thing cannot proceed by reason of the Clime, for that they are at lest ten degrees more towards the North than we in England are, Not, the Sun never cometh near their Zenith by forty degrees: for in effect, they are within three or four degrees of that which they call the frozen Zone, and as I said, forty degrees from the burning Zone, whereby it followeth, that there is some other cause then the Climate or the sons perpendicular reflection, that should 'cause the Ethiopians great blackness. And the most probable cause to my judgement is, that this blackness proceedeth of some natural infection of the first inhabitants of that Country, and so all the whole progeny of them descended, are still polluted with the same blot of infection. Therefore it shall not be far from our purpose, to examine the first original of these black men, and how by a lineal descent they have hitherto continued thus black. The cause of the Ethiopians blackness. It manifestly and plainly appeareth by holy Scripture, that after the general inundation and overflowing of the earth, there remained no more men alive, but No and his three sons, Sem, Cham, and japhet, who only were left to possess and inhabit the whole face of the earth: therefore all the sundry descents that until this present day have inhabited the whole earth, must needs come of the offspring either of Sem, Cham, or japhet, as the only sons of No, who all three being white, and their wives also, by course of nature should have begotten and brought forth white children. But the envy of our great and continual enemy the wicked Spirit is such, that as he could not suffer our old father Adam to live in the felicity and Angelic state wherein he was first created, but tempting him, sought and procured his ruin and fall: so again, finding at this flood none but a father and three sons living, he so caused one of them to transgress and disobey his father's commandment, that after him all his posterity should be accursed. The fact of disobedience was this: When No at the commandment of God had made the Ark and entered therein, The Ark of Noe. and the flood-gates of heaven were opened, so that the whole face of the earth, every tree and mountain was covered with abundance of water, he straightly commanded his sons and their wives, that they should with reverence and fear behold the justice and mighty power of God, and that during the time of the flood while they remained in the Ark, they should use continency, and abstain from carnal copulation with their wives: and many other precepts he gave unto them, and admonitions touching the justice of God, in revenging sin, and his mercy in delivering them, who nothing deserved it. Which good instructions and exhortations notwithstanding his wicked son Chamdisobeyed, Chus the son of Chamlet accursed. and being persuaded that the first child born after the flood (by right and Law of nature) should inherit and possess all the dominions of the earth, he contrary to his father's commandment while they were yet in the Ark, used company with his wife, and craftily went about thereby to disinherit the offspring of his other two brethren: for the which wicked and detestable fact, as an example for contempt of Almighty God, and disobedience of parents, God would a son should be born whose name was Chus, who not only itself, but all his posterity after him should be so black and loathsome, that it might remain a spectacle of disobedience to all the world. And of this black and cursed Chus came all these black moors which are in Africa, for after the water was vanished from off the face of the earth, and that the land was dry, Sem those that part of the land to inhabit in, which now is called Asia, and japhet had that which now is called Europa, wherein we devil, and Africa remained for Cham and his black son Chus, and was called Chamesis after the father's name, Africa was called Chamesis. being perhaps a cursed, dry, sundry, and unfruitful ground, fit for such a generation to inhabit in. Thus you see, that the cause of the Ethiopians blackness is the curse and natural infection of blood, and not the distemperature of the Climate; Which also may be proved by this example, that these black men are found in all parts of Africa, as well without the tropics, as within, even unto Capo de buona Speranza Southward, where, by reason of the Sphere, should be the same temperature that is in Sicilia, Morea and Candie, where all be of very good complexions. Wherefore I conclude, that the blackness proceedeth not of the hotness of the Clime, but as I said, of the infection of blood, and therefore this their argument gathered of the Africans blackness is not able to destroy the temperature of the middle Zone. We may therefore very well be ascertained, that under the Equinoctial is the most pleasant and delectable place of the world to devil in; where although the Sun for two hours in a year be direct over their heads, and therefore the heat at that time somewhat of force, yet because it cometh so seldom, and continueth so small a time, when it cometh, it is not to be weighed, but rather the moderate heat of other times in all the year to be remembered. Greatest temperature under the Equinoctial. And if the heat at any time should in the short day wax somewhat urgent, the coldness of the long night there would easily refresh it, according at Honterus sayeth, speaking of the temperature under the Equinoctial. Quódque die solis violento incanduit aestu, Humida nox reficit, paribusque refrigerat boris. If the heat of the Sun in the day time do burn or parch any things the moisture of the night doth cool and refresh the same again, the Sun being as long absent in the night, as so was present in the day. Also our Author of the Sphere, johannes de Sacro Bosco● in the Chapter of the Zodiac, deriveth the Etymology of Zodiacus, of the Greek word Zoe, which in Latin signifieth Vita, life; for out of Aristotle he allegeth, that Secundum accessum & recessum solis in Zodiaco, fiunt generationes & corruptiones in rebus inferioribus: according to the suns going to and fro in the Zodiac, the inferior bodies take their causes; of generation and corruption. Then it followeth, that where there is most going too and fro, there is most generation and corruption: which must needs be between the two tropics; for there the Sun goeth too and fro most, and no where else but there. Therefore between the two Tropikes, that is, in the middle Zone, is greatest increase, multiplication, generation, and corruption of things, under the Equinoctial is greatest generation. which also we find by experience; for there is Summer twice in the year, and twice Winter, so that they have two Harvests in the year, and continual Spring. Seeing then the middle Zone falls out so temperate, it rests to declare where the hottest part of the world should be, for we find some places more hot than others. To answer this doubt, reason persuadeth, the hottest place in the world to be under and about the two tropics; Greatest heat under the Tropical. for there more than in any other place do both the causes of heat concur, that is, the perpendicular falling of the Sun beams, at right angles, and a greater continuance of the Sun above the Horizon, the Pole there being elevated three or four and twenty degrees. And as before I concluded, that though the Sun were perpendicular to them under the Equinoctial, yet because the same continued but a small time, (their days being short, and their nights long) and the speedy departure of the Sun from their Zenith, because of the sudden crossing of the Zodiac with the Equinoctial, and that by such continual course and recourse of hot and cold, the temperature grew moderate, and very well able to be endured: so now to them under the two tropics, the Sun having once by his proper motion declined twenty degrees from the Equinoctial, beginneth to draw near their Zenith, which may be (as before) about the eleventh day of May, and then beginneth to send his beams almost at right Angles, about which time the Sun entereth into the first degree of Gemini, and with this almost right Angle the Sun beams will continued until it be past Cancer, that is, the space of two months every day at noon, almost perpendicular over their heads, being then the time of Solstitium Aestivale: which so long continuance of the Sun about their Zenith may 'cause an extreme heat (if any be in the world) but of necessity far more heat than can be under the Equinoctial, where the Sun hath no such long abode in the Zenith, but passeth away there-hence very quickly. Also under the tropics, the day is longer by an hour and a half, than it is under the Equinoctial; wherefore the heat of the Sun having a longer time of operation, must needs be increased, especially seeing the night wherein cold and moisture do abound under the tropics, is less than it is under the Equinoctial. Therefore I gather, that under the tropics is the hottest place, not only of Torrida Zona, but of any other part of the world, especially because there both causes of heat do concur, that is, the perpendicular falling of the Sun beams two months together, and the longer abode of the suns presence above the Horizon. And by this means more at large is proved, that Marochus in Summer is far more hot, then at any time under the Equinoctial, because it is situate so near the Tropic of Cancer, and also for the length of their days. Neither yet do I think, that the Regions situate under the Tropics are not habitable, for they are found to be very fruitful also; although Marochus and some other parts of Africa near the Tropic for the dryness of the native sandy soil, and some accidents may seem to some to be intemperate for over much heat. For Ferdinand●● Ouiedu● speaking of Cuba and Hispaniola, Cuba. Hispaniola. islands of America, lying hard under, or by the Tropic of Cancer, says, that these islands have as good pasture for cattle, as any other country in the world. Also, they have most wholesome and clear water, and temperate air, by reason whereof the heat●s of beasts are much bigger, fatter, and of better taste, than any in Spain, because of the ●anke pasture, 〈…〉 whose moisture is better digested in the herb or grass, by continual and temperate heat of the Sun, whereby being made more fat and unctuous, it is of better and more steadfast nourishment: For continual and temperate heat doth not only draw much moisture out of the earth to the nourishment of such things as grow, and are engendered in that Clime, but doth also by moderation preserve the same from putrefying, digesting also, and condensating or thickening the said moist nourishment into a gamme and unctuous substance, whereby appeareth also that under the Tropikes is both wholesome, fruitful, and pleasant habitation, Under the tropics is moderate temperature. whereby lastly it followeth, that all the middle zone, which until of late days hath been counted and called the burning, broiling, and parched zone, is now found to be the most delicate, temperate, commodious, pleasant, and delectable part of the world, and especially under the Equinoctial. Having now sufficiently at large declared the temperature of the middle zone, it remains to speak somewhat also of the moderate and continual heat in cold Regions, as well in the night as in the day all the Summer long, and also how these Regions are habitable to the inhabitants of the same, contrary to the opinion of the old writers. Of the temperature of cold Regions all the Summer long, and also how in Winter the same is habitable, especially to the inhabitants thereof. THe cold Regions of the world are those, which tending toward the Poles Arctike, and Antarctike, are without the circuit or bounds of the seven Climates: which assertion agreeable to the opinion of the old Writers, is found and set out in our author of the Sphere, johannes de Sacrobosco, where he plainly says, that without the seventh Climate, which is bounded by a Parallel passing at fifty degrees in Latitude, Nine Climates. all the habitation beyond is discommodious and intolerable. But Gemma ●●isius a late writer finding England and Scotland to be without the compass of those Climates, wherein he knew to be very temperate and good habitation, added thereunto two other Climates, the uttermost Parallel whereof passeth by 56. degrees in Latitude, and therein comprehendeth over and above the first computation, England, Scotland, Denmark, Moscovia, etc. which all are rich ●nd mighty kingdoms. The old writers persuaded by bore conjecture, went about to determine of those places, by comparing them to their own complexions, because they felt them to be hardly tolerable to themselves, and so taken thereby an argument of the whole habitable earth; as if a man born in Marochus, A comparison between Marochus and England. or some other part of Barbary, should at the latter end of Summer upon the sudden, either naked, or with his thin vesture, be brought into England, he would judge this Region presently not to be habitable, because he being brought up in so warm a Country, is not able here to live, for so sudden an alteration of the cold air: but if the same man had come at the beginning of Summer, and so afterward by little and little by certain degrees, had felt and acquainted himself with the frost of Autumn, it would have seemed by degrees to harden him, and so to make it far more tolerable, and by use after one year or two, the air would seem to him more temperate. It was counted a great matter in the old time, that there was a brass pot broken in sunder with frozen water in Pontus, which after was brought and showed in Delphis, in token of a miraculous cold region and winter, and therefore consecrated to the Temple of Apollo. This effect being wrought in the Parallel of forty three degrees in Latitude, it was presently counted a place very hardly and uneasily to be inhabited for the great cold. And how then can such men define upon other Regions very far without that Parallel, whether they were inhabited or not, seeing that in so near a place they so grossly mistook the matter, and others their followers being contented with the inventions of the old Authors, have persisted willingly in the same opinion, with more confidence than consideration of the cause: so lightly was that opinion received, as touching the unhabitable Clime near and under the Poles. Therefore I am at this present to prove, that all the land lying between the last climate even unto the point directly under either poles, is or may be inhabited, All the North regions are habitable. especially of such creatures as are engendered and bread therein. For indeed it is to be confessed, that some particular living creature cannot live in every particular place or region, especially with the same joy and felicity, as it did where it was first bread, for the certain agreement of nature that is between the place and the thing bread in that place: as appeareth by the Elephant, Elephant. which being translated and brought out of the second or third climate, though they may live, yet will they never engender or bring forth young. Also we see the like in many kinds of plants and herbs; for example, the Orange trees, Orange tree. although in Naples they bring forth fruit abundantly, in Rome and Florence they will bear only fair green leaves, but not any fruit: and translated into England, they will hardly bear either flowers, fruit, or leaves, but are the next Winter pinched and withered with cold: yet it followeth not for this, that England, Rome, and Florence should not be habitable. In the proving of these cold regions habitable, I shallbe very short, because the same reasons serve for this purpose, which were alleged before in the proving the middle zone to be temperate, especially seeing all heat and cold proceed from the Sun, Two causes of heat. by the means either of the Angle which his beams do make with the Horizon, or else by the long or short continuance of the Sun's presence above ground: so that if the suns beams do beaten perpendicularly at right Angles, than there is one cause of heat, and if the Sun do also long continued above the Horizon, than the heat thereby is much increased by access of this other cause, & so groweth to a kind of extremity. And these two causes, as I said before, do most concur under the two Tropics, and therefore there is the greatest heat of the world. And likewise, where both these causes are most absent, there is greatest want of heat, and increase of cold (seeing that cold is nothing but the privation and absence of heat) and if one cause be wanting, and the other present, the effect will grow indifferent. Therefore this is to be understood, that the nearer any region is to the Equinoctial, the higher the Sun doth rise over their heads at noon, and so maketh either right or near right Angles, but the Sun carrieth with them so much the shorter time, and causeth shorter days, with longer and colder nights, to restore the damage of the day past, by reason of the moisture consumed by vapour. But in such regions, over the which the Sun rises lower (as in regions extended towards either pole) it maketh there unequal Angles, but the Sun continueth longer, and maketh longer days, and causeth so much shorter and warmer nights, Hot nights near the pole. as retaining warm vapours of the day past. For there are found by experience Summer nights in Scotland and Gothland very hot, when under th● Equinoctial they are found very cold. Cold nights under the Equinoctial. This benefit of the suns long continuance & increase of the day, doth augment so much the more in cold regions as they are nearer the poles, and ceaseth not increasing until it come directly under the point of the pole Arctic, where the Sun continueth above ground the space of six months or half a year together, and so the day is half a year long, that is the time of the suns being in the North signs, from the first degree of Aries until the last of Virgo, that is a●l the time from our 10 day of March until the 14 of September. The Sun therefore during the tim● of these six months without any offence or hindrance of the night, One day of six months. giveth his influence upon those lands with heat that never ceaseth during that time, which maketh to the great increase of Summer, by reason of the suns continuance. Therefore it followeth, that though the Sun be not there very high over their heads, to 'cause right angle beams, and to give great heat, yet the Sun being there sometime almost 24 degrees high doth cast a convenient and mean heat, which there continueth without hindrance of the night the space of six months (as is before said) during which time there followeth to be a convenient, moderate and temperate heat: Moderate heat under the poles. or else rather it is to be suspected the heat there to be very great, both for continuance, and also, Quia virtus unita crescit, the virtue and strength of heat united in one increaseth. If then there be such a moderate heat under the poles, and the same to continued so long time; what should moon the old writers to say there cannot be place for habitation. And that the certainty of this temperate heat under both the poles might more manifestly appear, let us consider the position & quality of the sphere, the length of the day, and so gather the height of the Sun at all times, and by consequent the quantity of his angle, and so lastly the strength of his heat. Those lands and regions lying under the pole, and having the pole for their zenith, must needs have the Equinoctial circle for their Horizon: therefore the Sun entering into the North signs, and describing every 24 hours a parallel to the Equinoctial by the diurnal motion of Primum mobile, the same parallels must needs be wholly above the Horizon: and so look how many degrees there are from the first of Aries to the last of Virgo, so many whole revolutions there are above their Horizon that devil under the pole, which amount to 182, The Sun never setteth in 182 days. and so many of our days the Sun continueth with them. During which time they have there continual day and light, without any hindrance of moist nights. Yet it is to be noted, that the Sun being in the first degree of Aries, and last degree of Virgo, maketh his revolution in the very horizon, so that in these 24 hours half the body of the Sun is above the horizon, and the other half is under his only centre, describing both the horizon and the equinoctial circle. Horizon a●d Equinoctial all one under the pole. And therefore seeing the greatest declination of the Sun is almost 24 degrees, it followeth, his greatest height in those countries to be almost 24 degrees. And so high is the Sun at noon to us in London about the 29 of October, being in the 15 degree of Scorpio, and likewise the 21 of january being in the 15 of Aquarius. Therefore look what force the Sun at noon hath in London the 29 of October, London. the same force of heat it hath, to them that devil under the pole, the space almost of two months, during the time of the Summer solstitium, and that without intermingling of any cold night; so that if the heat of the Sun at noon could be well measured in London (which is very hard to do, because of the long nights which engender great moisture and cold) then would manifestly appear by express numbers the manner of the heat under the poles, which certainly must needs be to the inhabitants very commodious and profitable, if it incline not to overmuch heat, and if moisture do not want. For as in October in England we find temperate air, and have in our gardens herbs and flowers notwithstanding our cold nights, how much more should they have the same good air, being continual without night. This heat of ours continueth but one hour, while the Sun is in that meridian, but there's continueth a long time in one height. This our heat is weak, and by the coolness of the night vanisheth, that heat is strong, and by continual access is still increased and strengthened. And thus by a similitude of the equal height of the Sun in both places appeareth the commodious and moderate heat of the regions under the poles. Commodious dwelling under the poles. And surely I cannot think that the divine providence hath made any thing uncommunicable, but to have given such order to all things, that one way or other the same should be employed, and that every thing and place should be tolerable to the next: but especially all things in this lower world be given to man to have dominion and use thereof. Therefore we need no longer to doubt of the temperate and commodious habitation under the poles during the time of Summer. But all the controversy consists in the Winter, for then the Sun leaveth those regions, and is ●o more seen for the space of other six months, in the which time all the suns course is under their horizon for the space of half a year, and then those regions (say some) must needs be deformed with horrible darkness, and continual night, The nights under the pole. which may be the cause that beasts can not seek their food, and that also the cold should then be intolerable. By which double evils all living creatures should be constrained to die, and were not able to endure the extremity and injury of Winter, and famine ensuing thereof, but that all things should perish before the Summer following, when they should bring forth their brood and young, and that for these cause's the said Clime about the pole should be desolate and not habitable. To all which objections may be answered in this manner: First, that though the Sun be absent from them those six months, yet it followeth not that there should be such extreme darkness; for as the Sun is departed under their horizon, so is it not far from them: and not so soon as the Sun falls so suddenly cometh the dark night; but the evening doth substitute and prolong the day a good while after by twilight. After which time the residue of the night receiveth light of the Moon and Stars, until the break of the day, which giveth also a certain light before the suns rising; so that by these means the nights are seldom dark; which is verified in all parts of the world, but lest in the middle zone under the Equinoctial, where the twilights are short, and the night's darker than in any other place, because the Sun goeth under their horizon so deep, even to their antipodes● We see in England in the Summer nights, when the Sun goeth not far under the horizon, that by the light of the Moon & Stars we may travel all night, and if occasion were, do some other labour also. And there is no man that doubteth whether our cattle can see to feed in the nights, seeing we are so well certified thereof by our experience: and by reason of the sphere our nights should be darker than any time under the poles. The Astronomers consent that the Sun descending from our upper hemisphere at the 18 parallel under the horizon maketh an end of twilight, so that at length the dark night ensueth, and that afterward in the morning the Sun approaching again within as many parallels, doth drive away the night by access of the twilight. Again, by the position of the sphere under the pole, the horizon, and the equinoctial are all one. These revolutions therefore that are parallel to the equinoctial are also parallel to the horizon, so that the Sun descending under that horizon, and there describing certain parallels not far distant, doth not bring dark nights to those regions until it come to the parallels distant 18 degrees from the equinoctial, that is, about the 21 degree of Scorpio, which will be about the 4 day of our November, and after the Winter solstitium, the Sun returning back again to the 9 degree of Aquarius, which will be about the 19 of january; during which time only, that is, from the 4 day of November until the 19 day of january, which is about six week's space, those regions do want the commodity of twilights: The regions under the poles want twilights but six weeks. therefore, during the time of these said six months of darkness under the poles, the night is destitute of the benefit of the Sun and the said twilights only for the space of six weeks or thereabouts. And yet neither this time of six weeks is without remedy from heaven; for the Moon with her increased light hath access at that time, and illuminateth the months lacking light every one of themselves severally half the course of that month, by whose benefit it cometh to pass that the night named extreme dark possesseth those regions no longer than one month, neither that continually, or all at one time, but this also divided into two sorts of shorter nights, of the which either of them endureth for the space of 15 days, and are illuminate of the Moon accordingly. And this reason is gathered out of the sphere, whereby we may testify that the Summers are warm and fruitful, and the Winter's nights under the pole are tolerable to living creatures. Winter nights under the pole tolerable to living creatures And if it be so that the Winter and time of darkness there be very cold, yet hath not nature left them unprovided therefore: for there the beasts are covered with hair so much the thicker in how much the vehemency of cold is greater; by reason whereof the best and richest furs are brought out of the coldest regions. Also the fowls of these cold countries have thicker skins, thicker feathers, and more stored of down then in other hot places. Our English men that travel to S. Nicholas, and go a fishing to Wardhouse, enter far within the circle Arctike, and so are in the frozen zone, and yet there, as well as in Island and all along those Northern Seas, they find the greatest store of the greatest fish that are; as Whales, etc. and also abundance of mean fish; as Herrings, Cod, Haddocks, Brets', etc. which argueth that the sea as well as the land may be and is well frequented and inhabited in the cold countries. But some perhaps will marvel there should be such temperate places in the regions about the poles, An objection of Meta incognita when at under 62 degrees in latitude our captain Frobisher & his company were troubled with so many and so great mountains of fleeting ice, with so great storms of cold, with such continual snow on tops of mountains, and with such barren soil, there being neither wood nor trees, but low shrubs, and such like. To all which objections may be answered thus: First, those infinite Islands of ice were engendered and congealed in time of Winter, and now by the great heat of Summer were thawed, and then by ebbs, floods, winds, and currents, were driven to and fro, and troubled the fleet; so that this is an argument to prove the heat in Summer there to be great, that was able to thaw so monstrous mountains of ice. As for continual snow on tops of mountains, it is there no otherwise then is in the hottest part of the middle zone, where also lieth great snow all the Summer long upon tops of mountains, because there is not sufficient space for the suns reflection, whereby the snow should be melted. Touching the cold stormy winds and the barrenness of the country, it is there as it is in Cornwall and Devonshire in England, which parts though we know to be fruitful and fertile, yet on the North side thereof all alongst the coast within seven or eight miles of the sea there can neither hedge nor tree grow, although they be diligently by art husbanded and seen unto: and the cause thereof are the Northern driving winds, which coming from the sea are so bitter and sharp that they kill all the young & tender plants, and suffer scarce any thing to grow; and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita, Meta incognita inhabited. which are subject most to East & Northeastern winds, which the last year choked up the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recover their port. Yet notwithstanding all the objections that may be, the country is habitable; for there are men, women, children, & sundry kind of beasts in great plenty, as bears, dear, hares, foxes and dogs: all kind of flying fowls, as ducks, seamewes, wilmots, partridges, larks, crows, hawks, and such like, as in the third book you shall understand more at large. Then it appeareth that not only the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable. Which thing being well considered, and familiarly known to our General captain Frobisher, Captain Frobisher● first voyage. aswell for that he is thoroughly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skills appertaining to the art of navigation, as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many years experience both by sea and land, and being persuaded of a new and nearer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança, which the Portugals yearly use: he began first with himself to devise, and then with his friends to confer, and laid a plain plat unto them that that voyage was not only possible by the Northwest, but also he could prove easy to be performed. And further, he determined and resolved with himself to go make full proof thereof, and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth, or else never to return again, knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet undone, whereby a notable mind might be made famous and fortunate. But although his will were great to perform this notable voyage, whereof he had conceived in his mind a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence, which here for sundry causes I leave untouched, yet he wanted altogether means and ability to set forward, and perform the same. Long time he conferred with his private friends of these secrets, and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect unto sundry merchants of our country above 15 years before he attempted the same, as by good witness shall well appear (albeit some evil willers which challenge to themselves the first-fruits of other men's labours have greatly injured him in the reports of the same, saying that they have been the first authors of that action, and that they have learned him the way, which themselves as yet have never go) but perceiving that hardly he was harkened unto of the merchants, which never regard virtue without sure, certain, and present gains, he repaired to the Court (from whence, as from the fountain of our Common wealth, all good causes have their chief increase and maintenance) and there laid open to many great estates and learned men the plot and sum of his device. And amongst many honourable minds which favoured his honest and commendable enterprise, he was specially bond and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earl of Warwick, whose favourable mind and good disposition hath always been ready to countenance and advance all honest actions with the authors and executors of the same: and so by means of my lord his honourable countenance he received some comfort of his cause, and by little and little, with no small expense and pain brought his cause to some perfection, and had drawn together so many adventurers and such sums of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himself to sea withal. He prepared two small barks of twenty and five and twenty tun a piece, wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage. Wherefore, being furnished with the foresaid two barks, and one small pinnace of ten tun burden, having therein victuals and other necessaries for twelve months provision, he departed upon the said voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of june anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel, and the other The Michael; and sailing Northwest from England upon the 11 of july he had sight of an high and ragged land, which he judged to be Friesland (whereof some authors have made mention) but dared not approach the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast, and the great mists that troubled them not a little. Not far from thence he lost company of his small pinnace, which by means of the great storm he supposed to be swallowed up of the Sea, wherein he lost only four men. The Michael returned home. Also the other bark named The Michael mistrusting the matter, conveyed themselves privily away from him, and returned home, with great report that he was cast away. The worthy captain notwithstanding these discomforts, although his mast was sprung, and his top mast blown overboard with extreme foul weather, continued his course towards the Northwest, knowing that the sea at length must needs have an ending, & that some land should have a beginning that way; and determined therefore at the lest to bring true proof what land and sea the same might be so far to the Northwestwards, beyond any man that hath heretofore discovered. And the twentieth of july he had sight of an high land, which he called Queen Elizabeth's Forland, after her majesties name. And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast, he descried another forland with a great gut, bay, or passage, dividing as it were two main lands or continents asunder. There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along, and coveting still to continued his course to the Northwards, was always by contrary wind detained overthwart these straits, and could not get beyond. Within few days after he perceived the ice to be well consumed and go, either there engulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts, carried more to the Southwards of the same straits, Frobishers' first entrance within ● straits. or else conveyed some other way: wherefore he determined to make proof of this place, to see how far that gut had continuance, and whether he might carry himself thorough the same into some open sea on the backside, whereof he conceived no small hope, and so entered the same the one and twentieth of july, and passed above fifty leagues therein, as he reported, having upon either hand a great main or continent. And that land upon his right hand as he sailed Westward he judged to be the continent of Asia, and there to be divided from the firm of America, which lieth upon the left hand over against the same. Frobisher● null. This place he named after his name, Frobishers straits, like as Magellanus at the Southwest end of the world, having discovered the passage to the South sea (where America is divided from the continent of that land, which lieth under the South pole) and called the same straits, Magellanes straits. After he had passed 60 leagues into this foresaid strait, he went ashore, and found signs where fire had been made. He see mighty dear that seemed to be mankind, Dear. which ran at him, and hardly he escaped with his life in a narrow way, where he was feign to use defence and policy to save his life. In this place he see and perceived sundry tokens of the people's resorting thither. And being ashore upon the top of a hill, he perceived a number of small things fletting in the sea afar off, which he supposed to be porpoises or seals, or some kind of strange fish; but coming nearer, he discovered them to be men in small boats made of leather. The first sight of the Savages. And before he could descend down from the hill, certain of those people had almost cut off his boat from him, having stolen secretly behind the rocks for that purpose, where he speedily hasted to his boat, and bend himself to his halberd, and narrowly escaped the danger, and saved his boat. Afterwards he had sundry conferences with them, and they came aboard his ship, and brought him salmon and raw flesh and fish, Salmon. and greedily devoured the same before our men's faces. And to show their agility, they tried many masteries upon the ropes of the ship after our mariners fashion, and appeared to be very strong of their arms, and nimble of their bodies. They exchanged coats of seals, and beats skins, and such like, with our men; and received bells, looking glasses, and other toys, in recompense thereof again. After great courtesy, and many meetings, our mariners, contrary to their captains direction, began more easily to trust them; and five of our men going ashore were by them intercepted with their boat, Five Englishmen intercepted and taken. and were never since herded of to this day again: so that the captain being destitute of boat, bark, and all company, had scarcely sufficient number to conduct back his bark again. He could now neither convey himself ashore to rescue his men (if he had been able) for want of a boat; and again the subtle traitors were so wary, as they would after that never come within our men's danger. The captain notwithstanding desirous to bring some token from thence of his being there, was greatly discontented that he had not before apprehended some of them: and therefore to deceive the deceivers he wrought a pretty policy; for knowing well how they greatly delighted in our toys, and specially in bells, he rang a pretty lowbell, making signs that he would give him the same that would come and fetch it. And because they would not come within his danger for fear, he fling one bell unto them, which of purpose he threw short, that it might fall into the sea and be lost. And to make them more greedy of the matter he rang a louder bell, so that in the end one of them came near the ship side to receive the bell; which when he thought to take at the captains hand, he was thereby taken himself: Taking of the first Savage. for the captain being readily provided let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, and plucked him with main force boat and all into his bark out of the sea. Whereupon when he found himself in captivity, for very choler and disdain he bitten his tongue in twain within his mouth: notwithstanding, he died not thereof, but lived until he came in England, and then he died of cold which he had taken at sea. Now with this new pray (which was a sufficient witness of the captains far and tedious travel towards the unknown parts of the world, as did well appear by this strange infidel, whose like was never seen, read, nor herded of before, and whose language was neither known nor understood of any) the said captain Frobisher returned homeward, Frobishers' return. and arrived in England in Harwich the 2 of October following, and thence came to London 1576, where he was highly commended of all men for his great and notable attempt, but specially famous for the great hope he brought of the passage of Cataya. And it is especially to be remembered that at their first arrival in those parts there lay so great store of ice all the coast along so thick together, that hardly his boat could pass unto the shore. At length, after divers attempts he commanded his company, if by any possible means they could get ashore, to bring him whatsoever thing they could first find, whether it were living or dead, stock or stone, in token of Christian possession, The taking possession of Meta incognita. which thereby he took in behalf of the Queen's most excellent Majesty, thinking that thereby he might justify the having and enjoying of the same things that grew in these unknown parts. Some of his company brought flowers, some green grass; and one brought a piece of black stone much like to a sea coal in colour, How the over was found by chance. which by the weight seemed to be some kind of metal or mineral. This was a thing of no account in the judgement of the captain at the first sight; and yet for novelty it was kept in respect of the place from whence it came. After his arrival in London, being demanded of sundry his friends what thing he had brought them home out of that country, he had nothing left to present them withal but a piece of this black stone. And it fortuned a gentlewoman one of the adventurers wives to have a piece thereof, which by chance she threw and burned in the fire, so long, that at the length being taken forth, and quenched in a little vinegar, it glisteren with a bright marquesset of gold. Whereupon the matter being called in some question, it was brought to certain Goldfiners in London to make assay thereof, who gave out that it held gold, and that very richly for the quantity. Afterwards, the same Goldfiners promised great matters thereof if there were any store to be found, Many adventurers. and offered themselves to adventure for the searching of those parts from whence the same was brought. Some that had great hope of the matter sought secretly to have a lease at her majesties hands of those places, whereby to enjoy the mass of so great a public profit unto their own private gains. In conclusion, the hope of more of the same gold over to be found kindled a greater opinion in the hearts of many to advance the voyage again. Whereupon preparation was made for a new voyage against the year following, In the second vo●age commission was given only ●or the bringing of over. and the captain more specially directed by commission for the searching more of this gold over then for the searching any further discovery of the passage. And being well accompanied with divers resolute and forward gentlemen, her Majesty then lying at the right honourable the lord of Warwick's house in Essex, he came to take his leave, and kissing her highness hands, with gracious countenance & comfortable words departed toward his charge. A true report of such things as happened in the second voyage of captain Frobisher, pretended for the discovery of a new passage to Cataya, China, and the East India, by the Northwest. Ann. Dom. 1577. BEing furnished with one tall ship of her Majesties, named The Aid, of two hundred tun, and two other small barks, the one named The Gabriel, the other The Michael, about thirty tun a piece, being fitly appointed with men, munition, victuals, and all things necessary for the voyage, the said captain Frobisher, with the rest of his company came aboard his ships riding at Blackwall, intending (with God's help) to take the first wind and tide serving him, the 25 day of May, in the year of our Lord God 1577. The names of such gentlemen as attempted this discovery, and the number of soldiers and mariners in each ship, as followeth. Aboard the Aid being Admiral were the number of 100 men of all sorts, whereof 30 or more were Gentlemen and Soldiers, the rest sufficient and tall Sailors. Aboard the Gabriel being Uiceadmirall, were in all 18 people, whereof six were Soldiers, the rest Mariners. Aboard the Michael were 16 people, whereof five were Soldiers, the rest Mariners. Aboard the Aid was Generalll of the whole company for her Majesty Martin Frobisher. His Lieutenant George Best. His Ensign Richard Philpot. Corporal of the shot Francis Forder. The rest of the gentlemen Henry Carew. Edmund Stafford. john Lee. M. Harvey. Matthew Kinersley. Abraham Lins. Robert Kinersley. Francis Brakenbury. William Armshow. The Master Christopher Hall. The Mate Charles jackman. The Pilot Andrew Dier. The Master gunner Richard Cox. Aboard the Gabriel was Captain Edward Fenton. One Gentleman William Tamfiel●. The Master William Smyth● Aboard the Michael was Captain Gilbert York. One Gentleman Thomas Chamberlains The Master james Beare● ON Whit sunday being the 26 of May, Anno 1577, ●arly in the morning, we weighed anchor at Blackwall, and fallen that tide down to Gravesend, where we remained until Monday at night. On monday morning the 27 of May, aboard the Aid we received all the Communion by the Minister of Graue●end, They receiu● the communion and prepared us as good Christians towards God, and resolute men for all fortunes: and towards night we departed to Tilbery Hope. Tuesday the eight and twenty of May, about nine of the clock at night, we arrived at Harwitch in Essex and there stayed for the taking in of certain victuals, until Friday being the thirtieth of May, during which time came letters from the Lords of the Council, straight commanding our General, not to exceed his compliment and number appointed him, which was, one hundred and twenty people: The numbe● of men in thi● voyage. whereupon he discharged many proper men which with unwilling minds departed. He also dismissed all his condemned men, The condemned men discharged. which he thought for some purposes very needful for the voyage, and toward night upon Friday the one and thirtieth of May we set sail, and put to the Seas again. And sailing Northward alongst the East coasts of England and Scotland, the seventh day of june we arrived in Saint Magnus' sound in Orkney islands, The first arri●uall after one departing fr● England● called in latin Orcadeses, and came to anchor on the South side of the Bay, and this place is reckoned from Blackwall where we set sail first leagues. Here our company going on land, the Inhabitants of these Islands began to flee as from the enemy, whereupon the Lieutenant willed every man to stay together, and went himself unto their houses to declare what we were and the cause of our coming thither, which being understood, after their poor manner they friendly entreated us, and brought us for our money such things as they had. And here our Goldfiners found a Mine of silver. A Mine of s●l●er fo●n● in O●kney. Orkney is the principal of the Isles of the Orcadeses, and standeth in the latitude of fifty nine degrees and a half. The country is much subject to cold, answerable for such a climate, and yet yieldeth some fruits, and sufficient maintenance for the people contented so poorly to live. There is plenty enough of Poultry, store of eggs, fish, and foul. For their bread they have Oaten Cakes, and their drink is Ewes milk, and in some parts Ale. Their houses are but poor without and sluttish enough within, and the people in nature thereunto agreeable. For their fire they burn heath and turf, the Country in most parts being void of wood. They have great want of Leather, and desire our old shoes, apparel, and old ropes (before money) for their victuals, and yet are they not ignorant of the value of our coin. The chief town is called Kyrway. Kyrway the chief town of Orkney. In this Island hath been sometime an Abbey or a religious house called Saint Magnus; being on the West side of the isle, whereof this sound beareth name, through which we passed. S. Magnus' sound why so called. Their Governor or chief Lord is called the Lord Robert Steward, who at our being there, as we understood, was in durance at Edinburgh, by the Regent's commandment of Scotland. After we had provided us here of matter sufficient for our voyage the eight of june we set sail again, and passing through Saint Magnus' sound having a merry wind by night, came clear and lost sight of all the land, and keeping our course West Northwest by the space of two days, the wind shifted upon us so that we lay in traverse on the Seas, Great bodies of trees driving in the seas. with contrary winds, making good (as near as we could) our course to the westward, and sometime to the Northward, as the wind shifted. And hereabout we met with 3 sail of English fishermen from Iseland, bond homeward, by whom we written our letters unto our friends in England. We traversed these Seas by the space of 26 days without sight of any land, and met with much drift wood, & whole bodies of trees. We saw many monstruous fish and strange fowls, Monstrous fish & strang● foul living only by the Sea. which seemed to live only by the Sea, being there so far distant from any land. At length God favoured us with more prosperous winds, and after we had sailed four days with good wind in the Poop, the fourth of july the Michael being foremost a head shot off a piece of Ordinance, and struck all her sails, supposing that they descried land, which by reason of the thick mists they could not make perfect: howbeit, as well our account as also the great alteration of the water, which become more black and smooth, did plainly declare we were not far off the coast. Water being black and smooth, signifieth land to be near. Our General sent his Master aboard the Michael (who had been with him the year before) to bear in with the place to make proof thereof, who descried not the land perfect, but saw sundry huge islands of ice, islands of ice. which we deemed to be not past twelve leagues from the shore, for about ten of the clock at night being the fourth of july, the weather being more clear, we made the land perfect and known it to be Frislande. The first sight of Friesland the 4. of july. And the height being taken here, we found ourselves to be in the latitude of 60 degrees and a half, and were fallen with the Southermost part of this land. Between Orkney and Friesland are reckoned leagues. This Frislande showeth a ragged and high land, having the mountains almost covered over with snow alongst the coast full of drift ice, and seemeth almost inaccessible, and is thought to be an Island in bigness not inferior to England, and is called of some Authors, West Frislande, Friesland described. I think because it lieth more West than any part of Europe. It extendeth in latitude to the Northward very far as seemed to us, and appeareth by a description set out by two brethren Uenetians, Nicholaus and Antonius Zeni, who being driven off from Ireland with a violent tempest made shipwreck here, and were the first known Christians that discovered this land about two hundred years sithence, and they have in their Sea-cardes set out every part thereof and described the condition of the inhabitants, declaring them to be as civil and religious people as we. And for so much of this land as we have sailed alongst, comparing their Card with the coast, we find it very agreeable. This coast seemeth to have good fishing, for we lying becalmed let fall a hook without any bait and presently caught a great fish called a Hollibut, An easy kind of Fishing. who served the whole company for a days meat, and is dangerous meat for surfeiting. And sounding about five leagues off from the shore, our lead brought up in the tallow a kind of Coral almost white, White Coral got by sounding. and small stones as bright as Crystal: and it is not to be doubted but that this land may be found very rich and beneficial if it were thoroughly discovered, although we saw no creature there but little birds. It is a marvelous thing to behold of what great bigness and depth some islands of ice be here, some seventy, some eighty fathom under water, besides that which is above, seeming islands more than half a mile in circuit. All these ice are in taste fresh, Monstrous Isles of ice, in taste fresh, wherehence they are supposed to come. and seem to be bred in the sounds thereabouts, or in some land near the pole, and with the wind and tides are driven alongst the coasts. We found none of these islands of ice salt in taste, whereby it appeareth that they were not congealed of the Ocean Sea water which is always salt, but of some standing or little moving lakes or great fresh waters near the shore, The opinion of the frozen Seas is destroyed by experience. caused either by melted snow from tops of mountains, or by continual access of fresh rivers from the land, and intermingling with the Sea water, bearing yet the dominion (by the force of extreme frost) may 'cause some part of salt water to freeze so with it, and so seem a little brackish, but otherwise the main Sea freezeth not, and therefore there is no Mare Glaciale or frozen Sea, as the opinion hitherto hath been. Our General proved landing here twice, but by the sudden fall of mists (whereunto this coast is much subject) he was like to lose sight of his ships, and being greatly endangered with the driving ice alongst the coast, was forced aboard and feign to surcease his pretence till a better opportunity might serve: and having spent four days and nights sailing alongst this land, finding the coast subject to such bitter cold and continual mists, he determined to spend no more time therein, but to bear out his course towards the straits called Frobishers straits after the General's name, who being the first that ever passed beyond 58 degrees to the Northwards, for any thing that hath been yet known of certainty of New found land, otherwise called the continent or firm land of America, discovered the said straits this last year 1576. Between Friesland and the straits we had one great storm, wherein the Michael was somewhat in danger, having her Stirrage broken, The Stirrage of the Michael broken up tempest. and her top Masts blown over board, & being not past 50 leagues short of the straits by our account, we struck sail & lay a hull, fearing the continuance of of the storm, the wind being at the North-east, and having lost company of the Barks in that flaw of wind, we happily met again the seventeenth day of july, having the evening before seen divers islands of fleeting ice, The first entrance of the straits. which gave an argument that we were not far from land. Our General in the morning from the main top (the weather being reasonable clear) descried land, but to be better assured he sent the two Barks two contrary courses, whereby they might descry either the South or North foreland, the Aid lying off and on at Sea, with a small sail by an Island of ice, which was the mark for us to meet together again. And about noon, the weather being more clear, we made the North forland perfit, which otherwise is called halls Island, halls Island. and also the small Island bearing the name of the said Hall whence the Ore was taken up which was brought into England this last year 1576 the said Hall being present at the finding & taking up thereof, who was then Master in the Gabriel with Captain Frobisher. At our arrival here all the Seas about this coast were so covered over with huge quantity of great ice, that we thought these places might only deserve the name of Mare Glaciale, and be called the Icy Sea. This North forland is thought to be divided from the continent of the Northerland, The description of the straits. by a little sound called halls sound, which maketh it an Island, and is thought little less than the isle of Wight, and is the first entrance of the straits upon the Norther side, and standeth in the latitude of sixty two degrees and fifty minutes, and is reckoned from Friesland leagues. God having blessed us with so happy a land-fall, we bore into the straits which run in next hand, and somewhat further up to the Northward, and came as near the shore as we might for the ice, and upon the eighteenth day of july our General taking the Goldfiners with him, attempted to go on shore with a small rowing Pinnace, upon the small Island where the Ore was taken up, to prove whether there were any store thereof to be found, No more gold over found in the first Island. but he could not get in all that Island a piece so big as a Walnut, where the first was found. But our men which sought the other islands thereabouts found them all to have good store of the Ore, whereupon our General with these good tidings returned aboard about ten of the clock at night, and was joyfully welcomed of the company with a volie of shot. He brought eggs, fowls, Eggs & fowls of Meta incognita. and a young Seal aboard, which the company had killed ashore, and having found upon those islands gins set to catch fowl, Si●ares set to catch birds withal. and sticks new cut, with other things, he well perceived that not long before some of the country people had resorted thither. Having therefore found those tokens of the people's access in those parts, and being in his first voyage well acquainted with their subtle and cruel disposition, he provided well for his better safety, and on Friday the nineteenth of july in the morning early, with his best company of Gentlemen and soldiers, to the number of forty people, went on shore, aswell to discover the Inland and habitation of the people, as also to find out some fit harbour own for our ships. And passing towards the shore with no small difficulty by reason of the abundance of ice which lay alongst the coast so thick together that hardly any passage through them might be discovered, we arrived at length upon the main of halls greater Island, and found there also aswell as in the other small islands good store of the Ore. And leaving his boats here with sufficient guard we passed up into the country about two English miles, and recovered the top of a high hill, on the top whereof our men made a Column or Cross of stones heaped up of a good height together in good sort, and solemnly sounded a Trumpet, and said certain prayers kneeling about the Ensign, and honoured the place by the name of Mount Warwick, The building of a Column, called Mount Warwick in remembrance of the Right Honourable the Lord Ambrose Dudley Earl of Warwick, whose noble mind and good countenance in this, as in all other good actions, gave great encouragement and good furtherance. This done, we retired our companies not seeing any thing here worth further discovery, the country seeming barren and full of ragged mountains and in most parts covered with snow. And thus marching towards our botes, we espied certain of the country people on the top of Mount Warwick with a flag wafting us back again and making great noise, The first sight of the country people, wa●ting with a flag. with cries like the mowing of Bulls seeming greatly desirous of conference with us: whereupon the General being therewith better acquainted, answered them again with the like cries, whereat and with the noise of our trumpets they seemed greatly to rejoice, skipping, laughing and dancing for joy. And hereupon we made signs unto them, holding up two fingers, commanding two of our men to go apart from our companies, whereby they might do the like. The meeting a part of two Englishmen, with two of that country. So that forthwith two of our men & two of there's met together a good space from company, neither party having their weapons about them. Our men gave them pins and points and such trifles as they had. And they likewise bestowed on our men two bow cases and such things as they had. They earnestly desired our men to go up into their country, and our men offered them like kindness aboard our ships, but neither part (as it seemed) admitted or trusted the others courtesy. Their manner of traffic is thus, The order of their traffic. they do use to lay down of their merchandise upon the ground, so much as they mean to part withal, and so looking that the other party with whom they make ●rade should do the like, they themselves do departed, and then if they do like of their Mart they come again, and take in exchange the others merchandise, otherwise if they like not, they take their own and departed. The day being thus well near spent, in haste we retired our companies into our boats again, minding forthwith to search alongst the coast for some harborough fit for our ships, for the present necessity thereof was much, considering that all this while they lay off and on between the two lands, being continually subject aswell to great danger of fleeting ice, which environed them, as to the sudden flaws which the coast seemeth much subject unto. But when the people perceived our departure, with great tokens of affection they earnestly called us back again, following us almost to our boats: whereupon our General taking his Master with him, who was best acquainted with their manners, went apart unto two of them, meaning, if they could lay sure hold upon them, forcibly to bring them aboard, Another meeting of two of our men with two of there's. with intent to bestow certain toys and apparel upon the one, and so to dismiss him with all arguments of courtesy, and retain the other for an Interpreter. The General and his Master being met with their two companions together, after they had exchanged certain things the one with the other, one of the Saluages for lack of better merchandise, cut off the tail of his coat (which is a chief ornament among them) and gave it unto our General for a present. But he presently upon a watchword given with his Master suddenly laid hold upon the two Saluages. But the ground underfoot being slippery with the snow on the side of the hill, their handfast failed and their prey escaping ran away and lightly recovered their bow and arrows, which they had hide not far from them behind the rocks. And being only two Saluages in sight, they so fiercely, desperately, and with such fury assaulted and pursued our General and his Master, being altogether unarmed, and not mistrusting their subtlety that they chased them to their boats, The Englishmen chased to their b●ates. and hurt the General in the buttock with an arrow, who the rather speedily fled back, because they suspected a greater number behind the rocks. Our soldiers (which were commanded before to keep their boats) perceiving the danger, and hearing our men calling for shot came speedily to rescue, thinking there had been a greater number. But when the Saluages herded the shot of one of our calivers (and yet having first bestowed their arrows) they ran away, our men speedily following them. But a servant of my Lord of Warwick, called Nicholas Conger a good footman, and uncombred with any furniture having only a dagger at his back overtook one of them, One of that Countrymen taken. and being a Cornishman and a good wrestler, showed his companion such a Cornish trick, that he made his sides ache against the ground for a month after. And so being stayed, he was taken alive and brought away, but the other escaped. Thus with their strange and new prey our men repaired to their boats, and passed from the main to a small Island of a mile compass, where they resolved to tarry all night; for even now a sudden storm was grown so great at sea, that by no means they could recover their ships. And here every man refreshed himself with a small portion of victuals which was laid into the boats for their dinners, having neither eat nor drunk all the day before. But because they knew not how long the storm might last, nor how far off the ships might be put to sea, nor whether they should ever recover them again or not, they made great spare of their victuals, as it greatly behoved them: For they known full well that the best cheer the country could yield them, was rocks and stones, a hard food to live withal, and the people more ready to eat them then to give them wherewithal to eat. And thus keeping very good watch and ward, they lay there all night upon hard cliffs of snow and ice both wet, cold, and comfortless. These things thus happening with the company on land, the danger of the ships at Sea was no less perilous. For within one hour after the General's departing in the morning by negligence of the Cook in over-heating, and the workman in making the chimney, the Aid was set on fire, The Aid set on fire. and had been the confusion of the whole if by chance a boy espying it, it had not been speedily with great labour and Gods help well extinguished. This day also were diverse storms and flaws, and by nine of the clock at night the storm was grown so great, & continued such until the morning, that it put our ships at sea in no small peril: for having mountains of fleeting ice on every side, we went roomer for one, and loofed for another, some scraped us, and some happily escaped us, that the lest of a M. were as dangerous to strike as any rock, and able to have split asunder the strongest ship of the world. The great danger of those rocks of ice. We had a scope of clear without ice, (as God would) wherein we turned, being otherwise compassed on every side about: but so much was the wind and so little was our sea room, that being able to bear only our forecourse we cast so often about, that we made fourteen boards in eight glasses running, being but four hours: but God being our best Steersman, & by the industry of Charles jackman and Andrew Dyer them masters mates, both very expert Mariners, & Richard Cox the master Gunner, with other very careful sailors, then within board, and also by the help of the clear nights which are without darkness, Night without darkness in that country. we did happily avoid those present dangers, whereat since we have more marveled then in the present danger feared, for that every man within board, both better and worse had enough to do with his hands to hale ropes, and with his eyes to look out for danger. But the next morning being the 20 of july, as God would, the storm ceased, and the General espying the ships with his new Captive and whole company, came happily aboard, and reported what had passed a shore, whereupon altogether upon our knees we gave God humble and hearty thanks, for that it had pleased him, from so speedy peril to sand us such speedy deliverance, and so from this Northern shore we struck over towards the Southerland. The one and twentieth of july, we discovered a bay which ran into the land, that seemed a likely harborough for our ships, Our first coming on the Sou●herland of the said straits. wherefore our General rowed thither with his boats, to make proof thereof, and with his goldfiners to search for Ore, having never assayed any thing on the South shore as yet, and the first small Island which we landed upon. Here all the sands and cliffs did so glister and had so bright a marquesite, that it seemed all to be gold, but upon trial made, it proved no better than black-lead, A Mine of Black lead. and verified the proverb. All is not gold that glistereth. Upon the two and twentieth of july we bore into the said sound, and came to anchor a reasonable breadth of the shore, where thinking ourselves in good security, we were greatly endangered with a piece of drift ice, which the Ebb brought forth of the sounds and came thwart us ere we were ware. But the gentlemen and soldiers within board taking great pains at this pinch at the Capstone, overcame the most danger thereof, and yet for all that might be done, it struck on our stern such a blow, that we feared lest it had stricken away our rudder, and being forced to cut our Cable in the hawse, we were feign to set our fore sail to run further up within, and if our stirrage had not been stronger than in the present time we feared, we had run the sh●p upon the rocks, having a very narrow Channel to turn in, but as God would, all came well to pass. And this was named jackmans' sound, jackmans' sound after the name of the Master's mate, who had first liking unto the place. Upon a small Island, Smith's Island. within this sound called Smiths Island (because he first set up his forge there) was found a Mine of silver, but was not won out of the rocks without great labour. Here our goldfiners made say of such Ore as they found upon the Northerland, and found four sorts thereof to hold gold in good quantity. Upon another small Island here was also found a great dead fish, which as it should seem, had been embayed with ice, and was in proportion round like to a purpose, being about twelve foot long, and in bigness answerable, having a horn of two yards long growing out of the snout or nostrils. The finding of an unicorns horn. This horn is wreathed and strait, like in fashion to a Taper made of wax, and may truly be thought to be the sea Unicorn. This horn is to be seen and reserved as a jewel by the Queen's majesties commandment, in her Wardrobe of Robes. Tuesday the three and twentieth of july, our General with his best company of gentlemen, soldiers and sailors, to the number of seventy people in all, marched with ensign displayed, upon the continent of the Southerland (the supposed continent of America) where, commanding a Trumpet to sound a call for every man to repair to the ensign, he declared to the whole company how much the cause imported for the service of her Maiesti●, our country, our credits, and the safety of our own lives, and therefore required every man to be conformable to order, and to be directed by those he should assign. And he appointed for leaders, Captain Fenton, Captain York, and his Lieutenant George best: which done, we cast ourselves into a ring, and altogether upon our knees, gave God humble thanks for that it had pleased him of his great goodness to preserve us from such imminent dangers, beseeching likewise the assistance of his holy spirit, so to deliver us in safety into our Country, whereby the light and truth of these secrets being known, it might redound to the more honour of his holy name, and consequently to the advancement of our common wealth. And so, in as good sort as the place suffered, we marched towards the tops of the mountains, which were no less painful in climbing then dangerous in descending, by reason of their steepness & ice. And having passed about five miles, by such unwieldy ways, we returned unto our ships without sight of any people, or likelihood of habitation. Here diverse of the Gentlemen desired our General to suffer them to the number of twenty or thirty people to march up thirty or forty leagues in the country, to the end they might discover the Inland, and do some acceptable service for their country. But he not contented with the matter he sought for, and well considering the short time he had in hand, and the greedy desire our country hath to a present savour and return of gain, bend his whole endeavour only to found a Mine to freight his ships, and to leave the rest (by God's help) hereafter to be well accomplished. And therefore the twenty six of july he departed over to the Northland, with the two barks, leaving the Aid riding in jackmans' sound, and meant (after he had found convenient harborough, and freight there for his ships) to discover further for the passage. The Barks came the same night to anchor in a sound upon the Northerland, where the tides did run so swift, and the place was so subject to indrafts of ice, that by reason thereof they were greatly endangered, & having found a very rich Mine, as they supposed, and got almost twenty tunn● of Ore together, upon the 28 of july the ice came driving into the sound where the Barks road, in such sort, that they were therewith greatly distressed. And the Gabriel riding asterne the Michael, had her Cable galled asunder in the hawse with a piece of driving ice, and lost another anchor, and having but one cable and anchor left, for she had lost two before, and the ice still driving upon her, she was (by God's help) well fenced fr●m the danger of the rest, by one great Island of ice, which came a ground hard a head of her, which if it had not so chanced, I think surely she had been cast upon the rocks with the ice. The Michael mored anchor upon this great ice, and road under the lee thereof: but about midnight, by the weight of itself, and the setting of the Tides, the ice broke within half the Barks length, and made unto the company within board a sudden and fearful noise. The next flood toward the morning we weighed anchor, and went further up the straits, and leaving our Ore behind us which we had digged, for haste left the place by the name of bears sound after the Master's name of the Michael, bears sound. Lecesters' Island. A tomb with a dead man's bones in it. and named the Island Lecesters' Island. In one of the small islands here we found a Tomb, wherein the bones of a dead man lay together, and our savage Captive being with us, & being demanded by signs whether his countrymen had not slain this man and eat his flesh so from the bones, he made signs to the contrary, and that he was slain with Wolves and wild beasts. Here also was found hide under stones good store of fish, and sundry other things of the inhabitants; as sleddes, bridles, kettles of fishskinnes, knives of bone, and such other like. Bridles, knives, and other instruments found hide among the Rocks. And our Savage declared unto us the use of all those things. And taking in his hand one of those country bridles, he caught one of our dogs and hampered him handsomely therein, as we do our horses, and with a whip in his hand, he taught the dog to draw in a sled as we do horses in a coach, They use great dogs to draw sleds, and little dogs for their meat. setting himself thereupon like a guide: so that we might see they use dogs for that purpose that we do our horses. And we found since by experience, that the lesser sort of dogs they feed fat, and keep them as domestical cattle in their tents for their eating, and the greater sort serve for the use of drawing their sleds. The twenty ninth of july, about five leagues from bears sound, we discovered a Bay which being fenced on each side with small islands lying off the main, which break the force of the tides, and make the place free from any indrafts of ice, did prove a very fit harborough for our ships, where we came to anchor under a small Island, which now together with the sound is called by the name of that right Honourable and virtuous Lady, Anne Countess of Warwick. And this is the furthest place that this year we have entered up within the streites, and is reckoned from the Cape of the Queen's foreland, which is the entrance of the streites not above 30 leagues. Thirty leagues discovered within the straitss. Upon this Island was found good store of the Ore, which in the washing held gold to our thinking plainly to be seen: whereupon it was thought best rather to load here, where there was store and indifferent good, then to seek further for better, and spend time with jeopardy. And therefore our General setting the Miners to work, and showing first a good precedent of a painful labourer and a good Captain in himself, A good precedent of a good Captain showed by Captain Frobisher. gave good examples for others to follow him: whereupon every man both better and worse, with their best endeavours willingly laid to their helping hands. And the next day, being the thirtieth of july, the Michael was sent over to jackmans' sound, for the Aid and the whole company to come thither. Upon the main land over against the Countess' Island we discovered and beheld to our great marvel the poor caves and houses of those country people, The manner of their houses in this country. which serve them (as it should seem) for their winter dwellings, and are made two fathom under ground, in compass round, like to an Oven, being joined fast one by another, having holes like to a Fox or Conny berry, to keep and come together. They undertrenched these places with gutters so, that the water falling from the hills above them, may slide away without their annoyance: and are seated commonly in the foot of a hill, to shield them better from the cold winds, having their door and entrance ever open towards the South. From the ground upward they build with whales bones, for lack of timber, Whale's bones used in stead of timber. which bending one over another, are handsomely compacted in the top together, and are covered over with Seals skins, which in stead of tiles, fence them from the rain. In which house they have only one room, having the one half of the flower raised with broad stones a foot higher than the other, whereon strawing Moss, they make their nests to sleep in. They defile these dens most filthily with their beastly feeding, & devil so long in a place (as we think) until their sluttishness loathing them, The sluttishness of these people. they are forced to seek a sweeter air, and a new seat, and are (no doubt) a dispersed and wandering nation, as the Tartarians, and live in hordes and troops, without any certain abode, as may appear by sundry circumstances of our experience. Here our captive being ashore with us, to declare the use of such things as we see, stayed himself alone behind the company, A sign set up by the savage captive, & the meaning thereof. and did set up five small sticks round in a circle one by another, with one small bone placed just in the midst of all: which thing when one of our men perceived, he called us back to behold the matter, thinking that he had meant some charm or witchcraft therein. But the best conjecture we could make thereof was, that he would thereby his countrymen should understand, that for our five men which they betrayed the last year (whom he signified by the five sticks) he was taken and kept prisoner, which he signified by the bone in the midst. For afterwards when we showed him the picture of his countryman, The savage captive amazed at his co●●treimans picture. which the last year was brought into England (whose sergeant we had drawn, with boat and other furniture, both as he was in his own, & also in English apparel) he was upon the sudden much amazed thereat, and beholding advisedly there same with silence a good while, as though he would strain courtesy whether should begin the speech (for he thought him no doubt a lively creature) at length began to question with him, as with his companion, and finding him dumb and mute, seemed to suspect him, as one disdeinfull, and would with a little help have grown into choler at the matter, until at last by feeling and handling, he found him but a deceiving picture. And then with great noise and cries, ceased not wondering, thinking that we could make men live or die at our pleasure. And thereupon calling the matter to his remembrance, he gave us plainly to understand by signs, that he had knowledge of the taking of our five men the last year, and confessing the manner of each thing, numbered the five men upon his five fingers, and pointed unto a boat in our ship, which was like unto that wherein our men were betrayed: And when we made him signs, that they were slain and eaten, he earnestly denied, and made signs to the contrary. The last of july the Michael returned with the Aid to us from the Southerland, and came to anchor by us in the Countess of Warwick's sound, and reported that since we departed from jackmans' sound there happened nothing among them there greatly worth the remembrance, until the thirtieth of july, when certain of our company being a shore upon a small Island within the said jackmans' sound, near the place where the Aid road, did espy a long boat with divers of the country people therein, to the number of eighteen or twenty people, Another show of twenty people of that country in one boat. whom so soon as our men perceived, they returned speedily aboard, to give notice thereof unto our company. They might perceive these people climbing up to the top of a hill, where with a flag, they wafted unto our ship, and made great outcries and noises, like so many Bulls. Hereupon our men did presently man forth a small skiff, having not above si●e or seven people therein, which rowed near the place where those people were, to prove if they could have any conference with them. But after this small boat was sent a greater, being well appointed for their rescue, if need required. As soon as they espied our company coming near them, they took their boats and hasted away, either for fear, or else for policy, to draw our men from rescue further within their danger: wherefore our men construing that their coming thither was but to seek advantage, followed speedily after them, but they rowed so swiftly away, that our men could come nothing near them. Howbeit they failed not of their best endeavour in rowing, and having chased them above two miles into the sea, returned into their ships again. The morning following being the first of August, Captain York with the Michael came into jackmans' sound, and declared unto the company there, that the last night passed he came to anchor in a certain bay (which sithence was named York's sound) about four leagues distant from jackmans' sound, York's sound. being put to leeward of that place for lack of wind, where he discovered certain tents of the country people, where going with his company ashore, he entered into them, but found the people departed, as it should seem, for fear of their coming. But amongst sundry strange things which in these tents they found, The apparel found again of our English men which the year before were taken captive. there was raw and new killed flesh of unknown sorts, with dead carcases and bones of dogs, and I know not what. They also beheld (to their greatest marvel) a doublet of Canvas made after the English fashion, a shirt, a girdle, three shoes for contrary feet, and of unequal bigness, which they well conjectured to be the apparel of our five poor countrymen, which were intercepted the last year by these Country people, about fifty leagues from this place, further within the Straitss. Whereupon our men being in good hope, that some of them might be here, and yet living: the Captain devising for the best left his mind behind him in writing, with pen, ink, and paper also, whereby our poor captive countrymen, if it might come to their hands, might know their friends minds, and of their arrival, and likewise return their answer. A good devise of Captain York. And so without taking any thing away in their tents, leaving there also looking glasses, points, and other of our toys (the better to allure them by such friendly means) departed aboard his Bark, with intent to make haste to the Aid, to give notice unto the company of all such things as he had there discovered: and so meant to return to these tents again, hoping that he might by force or policy entrap or entice the people to some friendly conference. Which things when he had delivered to the whole company there, they determined forthwith to go in hand with the matter. Hereupon Captain York with the master of the Aid and his mate (who the night before had been at the tents, and came over from the other side in the Michael with him) being accompanied with the Gentlemen and soldiers to the number of thirty or forty people in two small rowing Pin●asses made towards the place, where the night before they discovered the tents of those people, and setting Charles jackman, being the master's Mate, ashore with a convenient number, for that he could best guide them to the place, they marched over land, meaning to compass them on the one side, whilst the Captain with his boats might entrap them on the other side. But landing at last at the place where the night before they left them, they found them with their tents removed. Notwithstanding, our men which marched up into the country, passing over two or three mountains, by chance espied certain tents in a valley underneath them near unto a creak by the Sea side, which because it was not the place where the guide had been the night before, they judged them to be another company, and besetting them about, determined to take them if they could. But they having quickly descried our company, launched one great & another small boat, The Savages have boats of sundry bigness. being about 16 or 18 people, and very narrowly escaping, put themselves to sea. Whereupon our soldiers discharged their Calivers, and followed them, thinking the noise thereof being herded to our boats at sea, our men there would make what speed they might to that place. The English men pursue those people of that country. And thereupon indeed our men which were in the boats (crossing upon them in the mouth of the sound whereby their passage was let from getting sea room, wherein it had been impossible for us to overtake them by rowing) forced them to put themselves ashore upon a point of land within the said sound (which upon the occasion of the slaughter there, The swift rowing of those people. The bloody point. was since named The bloody point) whereunto our men so speedily followed, that they had little leisure left them to make any escape. But so soon as they landed, each of them broke his Oar, thinking by that means to prevent us, York's sound. in carrying away their boats for want of Oars. And desperately returning upon our men, resisted them manfully in their landing, so long as their arrows and darts lasted, A hot skirmish between the English and them of that country. and after gathering up those arrows which our men shot at them, yea, and plucking our arrows out of their bodies encountered afresh again, and maintained their cause until both weapons and life failed them. And when they found they w●re mortally wounded, being ignorant what merey means, The desperate nature of those people. with deadly fury they cast themselves headlong from off the rocks into the sea, lest perhaps their enemies should receive glory or prey of their dead carcaises, for they supposed us belike to be Cannibals or eaters of man's flesh. In this conflict one of our men was dangerously hurt in the belly with one of their arrows, and of them were slain five or six, the rest by flight escaping among the rocks, saving two women, whereof the one being old and ugly, our men thought she had been a devil or some witch, and therefore let her go: the other being young, and cumbered with a sucking child at her back, The taking of the woman & her child. hiding herself behind the rocks, was espied by one of our men, who supposing she had been a man, shot through the hair of her head, and pierced through the child's arm, whereupon she cried out, and our Surgeon meaning to heal her child's arm, applied salves thereunto. But she not acquainted with such kind of surgery, A pretty kind of surgery which nature teacheth. plucked those salves away, and by continual licking with her own tongue, not much unlike our dogs, healed up the child's arm. And because the day was well-near spent our men made haste unto the rest of our company which on the other side of the water remained at the tents, where they found by the apparel, letter, and other English furniture, that they were the same company which Captain York discovered the night before, having removed themselves from the place where he left them. And now considering their sudden flying from our men, and their desperate manner of fight, we began to suspect that we had herded the last news of our men which the last year were betrayed of these people. And considering also their ravenous and bloody disposition in eating any kind of raw flesh or carrion howsoever stinking, it is to be thought that they had slain and devoured our men: For the doublet which was found in their tents had many holes therein being made with their arrows and darts. But now the night being at hand, our men with their captives and such poor stuff as they found in their tents, returned towards their ships, when being at sea, there arose a sudden flaw of wind, which was not a little dangerous for their small boats: but as God would they came all safely aboard. And with these good news they returned (as before mentioned) into the Countess of Warwick's sound unto us. And between jackmans' sound, from whence they came, and the Countess of Wa●wicks sound between land and land, being thought the narrowest place of the Straitss were judged nine leagues over at the lest: The narrowest place of the Straitss is 9 leagues over. and jackmans' sound being upon the Southerland, lieth directly almost over against the Countess' sound, as is reckoned scar thirty leagues within the Straitss from the Queen's Cape, The Queen's Cape. which is the entrance of the straits of the Southerland. This Cape being named Queen Elizabeth's Cape, standeth in the latitude of 62 degrees and a half to the Northwards of New foundland, and upon the same continent, for any thing that is yet known to the contrary. Having now got a woman captive for the comfort of our man, we brought them both together, and every man with silence desired to behold the manner of their meeting and entertainment, The manner of the meeting of the two captives, and their entertainment the which was more worth the beholding than can be well expressed by writing. At their first encountering they beheld each the other very wistly a good space, without speech or word uttered, with great change of colour and countenance, as though it seemed the grief and disdain of their captivity had taken away the use of their tongues and utterance: the woman at the first very suddenly, as though she disdeined or regarded not the man, turned away, and began to sing as though she minded another matter: but being again brought together, the man broke up the silence first, and with stern and stayed countenance, began to tell a long solemn tale to the woman, whereunto she gave good hearing, and interrupted him nothing, till he had finished, and afterwards, being grown into more familiar acquaintance by speech, they were turned together, so that (I think) the one would hardly have lived without the comfort of the other. And for so much as we could perceive, albeit they lived continually together, yet they did never use as man & wife, though the woman spared not to do all necessary things that appertained to a good housewife indifferently for them both, as in making clean their Cabin, and every other thing that appertained to his ease: for when he was sea-sick, she would make him clean, she would kill and slay the dogs for their eating, and dress his meat. Only I think it worth the noting, the continency of them both: for the man would never shifted himself, except he had first caused the woman to departed out of his cabin, and they both were most shamefast, The shame fastness and chastity of those Savage captives. lest any of their privy parts should be discovered, either of themselves, or any other body. On Monday the sixth of August, the Lieutenant with all the Soldiers, for the better guard of the Miners and the other things a shore, pitched their tents in the Countess' Island, and fortified the place for their better better defence as well as they could, and were to the number of forty people, when being all at labour, they might perceive upon the top of a hill over against them a number of the country people wafting with a flag, and making great outcries unto them, Another appearance of the country people. and were of the same company, which had encountered lately our men upon the other shore, being come to complain their late losses, and to entreat (as it seemed) for restitution of the woman and child, which our men in the late conflict had taken and brought away; whereupon the General taking the savage captive with him, and setting the woman where they might best perceive h●r in the highest place of the Island, went over to talk with them. This captive at his first encounter of his friends fallen so out into tears that he could not speak a word in a great space, but after a while, overcoming his kindness, he talked at full with his companions, and bestowed friendly upon them such toys and trifles as we had given him, whereby we noted, that they are very kind one to another, and greatly sorrowful for the loss of their friends. Our General by signs required his five men which they took captive the last year, and promised them, not only to release those which he had taken, but also to reward them with great gifts and friendship. Our Savage made signs in answer from them that our men should be delivered us, and were yet living, and made signs likewise unto us that we should writ our letters unto them, for they known very well the use we have of writing, Th●s● people know the use of writing. and received knowledge thereof, either of our poor captive countrymen which they betrayed, or else by this our new captive who hath seen us daily writ, and repeat again such words of his language as we desired to learn: but they for this night, because it was late, departed without any letter, although they called earnestly in haste for the fame. And the next morning early being the seventh of August, they called again for the letter, A letter sent unto the five English captives. which being delivered unto them, they speedily departed, making signs with three fingers, and pointing to the Sun, that they meant to return within 3 days, until which time we herded no more of them, & about the time appointed they returned, in such sort as you shall afterwards hear. This night because the people were very near unto us, the Lieutenant caused the Trumpet to sound a call, and every man in the Island repairing to the Ensign, he put them in mind of the place so far from their country wherein they lived, and the danger of a great multitude which they were subject unto, if good watch and ward were not kept, for at every low water the enemy might come almost dry-foot from the main unto us, wherefore he willed every man to prepare him in good readiness upon all sudden occasions, and so giving the watch their charge, the company departed to rest. I thought the captains letter well worth the remembering, not for the circumstance of curious inditing, but for the substance and good meaning therein contained, and therefore have repeated here the same, as by himself it was hastily written. The form of M. Martin Frobishers letter to the English captives. IN the name of God, in whom we all believe, who (I trust) hath preserved your bodies and souls amongst these Infidels, I commend me unto you. I will be glad to seek by all means you can devise for your deliverance, either with force, or with any commodities within my ships, which I will not spare for your sakes, or any thing else I can do for you. I have aboard, of there's, a man, a woman, and a child, which I am contented to deliver for you, but the man which I carried away from hence the last year is dead in England. Moreover you may declare unto them, that if they deliver you not, I will not leave a man alive in their country. And thus, if one of you can come to speak with me, they shall have either the man, woman, or child in pawn for you. And thus unto God whom I trust you do serve, in hast I leave you, and to him we will daily pray for you. This Tuesday morning the seventh of August. Anno 1577. Yours to the uttermost of my power, MARTIN FROBISHER. Postscript. I have sent you by these bearers, pen, ink, and paper, to writ back unto me again, if personally you cannot come to certify me of your estate. The cause why M. Frobisher entered no further within the straits this year. Now had the General altered his determination for going any further into the Streites at this time for any further discovery of the passage having taken a man and a woman of that country, which he thought sufficient for the use of language: & having also met with these people here, which intercepted his men the last year, (as the apparel and English furniture which was found in their tents, very well declared) he known it was but a labour lost to seek them further off, when he had found them there at hand. And considering also the short time he had in hand, he thought it best to bend his whole endeavour for the getting of Mine, and to leave the passage further to be discovered hereafter. For his commission directed him in this voyage, only for the searching of the Ore, and to defer the further discovery of the passage until another time. On Thursday the ninth of August we began to make a small Fort for our defence in the Countess' Island, and entrenched a corner of a cliff, which on three parts like a brickwall of good height was compassed and well fenced with the sea, and we finished the rest with casks of the earth, to good purpose, and this was called Bests bulwark, Bests bulwark after the Lieutenant's name, who first devised the same. This was done for that we suspected more jest the desperate men might oppress us with multitude, than any fear we had of their force, weapon's, or policy of battle: but as wisdom would us in such place (so far from home) not to be of ourselves altogether careless: so the signs which our captive made unto us, of the coming down of his Governor or Prince, which he called Catchoe, Their King called Catchoe. gave us occasion to foresee what might ensue thereof, for he showed by signs that this Catchoe was a man of higher statute far then any of our nation is, and he is accustomed to be carried upon men's shoulders. How he is honoured. About midnight the Lieutenant caused a false Alarm to be given in the Island, to prove as well the readiness of the company there ashore, as also what help might be hoped for upon the sudden from the ships if need so required, & every part was found in good readiness upon such a sudden. Saturday the eleventh of August the people showed themselves again, & called unto us from the side of a hill over against us. The General (with good hope to hear of his men, and to have answer of his letter) went over unto them, where they presented themselves not above three in sight, but were hidden indeed in greater numbers behind the rocks, and making signs of delay with us to entrap some of us to redeem their own, did only seek advantage to train our boat about a point of land from sight of our company: whereupon our men justly suspecting them, kept aloof without their danger, and yet set one of our company ashore, which took up a great bladder which one of them offered us, and leaving a looking glass in the place, A bladder changed for a looking glass. came into the boat again. In the mean while our men which stood in the Countess' Island to behold, who might better discern them, than those of the boat, by reason they were on higher ground, made a great outcry unto our men in the boat, for that they see divers of the Savages creeping behind the rocks towards our men, whereupon the General presently returned without tidings of his men. No news of the English captives. Concerning this bladder which we received, our Captive made signs that it was given him to keep water and drink in, To what end the bladder was delivered. but we suspected rather it was given him to swim and shifted away withal, for he and the woman sought divers tunes to escape, having loosed our boats from asterne our ships, and we never a boat left to pursue them withal, and had prevailed very far, had they not been very timely espied and prevented therein. After our Generals coming away from them they mustered themselves in our sight, upon the top of a hill, Those people dancing upon the hill toppe●. to the number of twenty in a rank, all holding hands over their heads, and dancing with great noise and songs together: we supposed they made this dance and show for us to understand, that we might take view of their whole companies and force, meaning belike that we should do the same. And thus they continued upon the hill tops until night, when hearing a piece of our great Ordinance, which thundered in the hollowness of the high hills, it made unto them so fearful a noise, that they had no great will to tarry long after. And this was done more to make them know our force then to do them any hurt at all. Nn Suuday the 12 of August, Captain Fenton trained the company, and made the soldiers maintain skirmish among themselves, A skirmish showed to those people. as well for their exercise, as for the country people to behold in what readiness our men were always to be found, for it was to be thought, that they lay hide in the hills thereabouts, and observed all the manner of our proceed. On Wednesday the fourteenth of August, our General with two small boats well appointed, for that he suspected the country people to lie lurking thereabouts, went up a certain Bay within the Countess' sound, to search for Ore, and met again with the country people, who so soon as they see our men made great outcries, and with a white flag made of bladders sowed together with the guts and sinews of beasts, Their ●●ags made of bladders. wafted us amain unto them, but showed not above three of their company. But when we came near them, we might perceive a great multitude creeping behind the rocks, which gave us good cause to suspect their traitorous meaning: whereupon we made them signs, that if they would lay their weapons aside, and come forth, we would deal friendly with them, although their intent was manifested unto us: but for all the signs of friendship we could make them they came still creeping towards us behind the rocks to get more advantage of us, as though we had no eyes to see them, thinking belike that our single wits could not discover so bore devices and simple drifts of there's. Their spokesman earnestly persuaded us with many enticing shows, to come eat and sleep ashore, with great arguments of courtesy, and clapping his bore hands over his head in token of peace and innocency, willed us to do the like. But the better to allure our hungry stomachs, he brought us a trim bait of raw flesh, which for fashion sake with a boat-hooke we caught into our boat: Great offer●. but when the cunning Cater perceived his first cold morsel could nothing sharpen our stomachs, he cast about for a new train of warm flesh to procure our appetites, wherefore he caused one of his fellows in halting manner, to come forth as a lame man from behind the rocks, and the better to declare his kindness in carving, he hoist him upon his shoulders, and bringing him hard to the water side where we were, left him there limping as an easy prey to be taken of us. His hope was that we would bite at this bait, and speedily leap ashore within their danger, whereby they might have apprehended some of us, to ransom their friends home again, which before we had taken. The gentlemen and soldiers had great will to encounter them ashore, but the General more careful by process of time to win them, then wilfully at the first to spoil them, would in no wise admit that any man should put himself in hazard ashore, considering the matter he now intended was for the Ore, and not for the Conquest: notwithstanding to prove this cripples footemanship, he gave liberty for one to shoot: whereupon the cripple having a parting blow, lightly recovered a rock and went away a true and no feigned cripple, and hath learned his lesson for ever halting afore such cripples again. But his fellows which lay hide before, full quickly than appeared in their likeness, and maintained the skirmish with their slings, bows and arrows very fiercely, and came as near as the water suffered them: and with as desperate mind as hath been seen in any men, without fear of shot or any thing, followed us all along the coast, but all their shot fallen short of us, and are of little danger. They had belayed all the coast along for us, and being dispersed so, were not well to be numbered, but we might discern of them above an hundredth people, A hundredth Savages. and had cause to suspect a greater number. And thus without loss or hurt we returned to our ships again. Now our work growing to an end, and having, only with five poor Miners, and the help of a few gentlemen and soldiers, brought aboard almost two hundredth ●unne of Ore in the space of twenty days, every man there withal well comforted, determined lustily to work a fresh for a bone voyage, to bring our labour to a speedy and happy end. And upon Wed●esday at night being the one and twentieth of August, we fully finished the whole work. And it was now good time to leave, for as the men were well wearied, so their shoes and clotheses were well worn, their baskets bottoms ●orne out, their tools broken, and the ships reasonably well filled. Some with over-straining themselves received hurts not a little dangerous, some having their bellies broken, and others their legs made lame. And about this time the ice began to congeal and frieze about our ships sides a night, which gave us a good argument of the suns declining Southward, & put us in mind to make more haste homeward. It is not a little worth the memory, to the commendation of the gentlemen and soldiers herein, who leaving all reputation apart, with so great willingness and with courageous stomachs, have themselves almost overcome in so short a time the difficulty of this so great a labour. And this to be true, the matter, if it be well weighed without further proof, now brought home doth well wituesse. Thursday the 22 of August, we plucked down our tents, and every man hasted homeward, and making bonfires upon the top of the highest Mount of the Island, and marching with Ensign displayed round about the Island, we gave a volley of shot for a farewell, in honour of the right honourable Lady Anne, Countess of Warwick, whose name it beareth: and so departed aboard. The 23 of August having the wound large at West, we set sail from out of the Countesses sound homeward, but the wound calming we came to anchor within the point of the same sound again. The 24 of August about three of the clock in the morning, They return. Snow half a foot deep in August. having the wound large at West, we set sail again, and by nine of the clock at night, we left the Queen's Foreland asterne of us, and being clear of the Streites, we bore further into the main Ocean, keeping our course more Southerly, to bring ourselves the sooner under the latitude of our own climate. The w●nd was very great at sea, so that we lay a hull all night, & had snow half a foot deep on the hatches. From the 24 until the 28 we had very much wound, but large, keeping our course Southsoutheast, and had like to have lost the Barks, but by good hap we met again. The height being taken, we were in degrees and a half. The 29 of August the wound blew much at North-east, so that we could bear but only a bunt of our foresail, and the Barks were not able to carry any sail at all. The Michael lost company of us and shaped her course towards Orkney because that way was better known unto them, and arrived at Yermouth. The 30 of August with the force of the wound, and a surge of the sea, the Master of the Gabriel and the Boatswain were stricken both overboard, The Master of the Gabriel strooken overboard. & hardly was the Boatswain recovered, having hold on a rope hanging overboard in the sea, and yet the Bark was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within board. This Master was called William Smith, being but a young man and a very sufficient mariner, who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant, told his Captain he dreamt that he was cast overboard, and that the Boatswain had him by the hand, and could not save him, and so immediately upon the end of his tale, his dream came right evilly to pass, and indeed the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand, having hold on a rope with the other, until his force failed, and the Master drowned. The height being taken we found ourselves to be in the latitude of degrees and a half, and reckoned ourselves from the Queen's Cape homeward about two hundredth leagues. The last of August about midnight, we had two or three great and sudden flaws or storms. The first of September the storm was grown very great, and continued almost the whole day and night, and lying a hull to tarry for the Barks our ship was much beaten with the seas, every sea almost overtaking our poop, so that we were constrained with a bunt of our sail to try it out, and ease the rolling of our ship. And so the Gabriel not able to bear any sail to keep company with us, and our ship being higher in the poop, and a tall ship, whereon the wind had more force to drive, went so fast away that we lost sight of them, and left them to God and their good fortune of Sea. The second day of September in the morning, it pleased God of his goodness to sand us a calm, whereby we perceived the Rudder of our ship torn in twain, The Rudder of the Aid torn in twain. and almost ready to fall away. Wherefore taking the benefit of the time, we slung half a dozen couple of our best men over board, who taking great pains under water, driving planks, and binding with ropes, did well strengthen and mend the matter, who returned the most part more than half dead out of the water, and as God's pleasure was, the sea was calm until the work was finished. The fift of September, the height of the Sun being taken, we found ourselves to be in the latitude of degrees and a half. In this voyage commonly we took the latitude of the place by the height of the sun, because the long day taketh away the light not only of the Polar, but also of all other fixed Stars. How the latitudes were always taken in this voyage ratherwith the Staff than astrolabe. And here the North Star is so much elevated above the Horizon, that with the staff it is hardly to be well observed, and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to observe minutes. Therefore we always used the Staff and the sun as fittest instruments for this use. Having spent four or five days in traverse of the seas with contrary wind, making our Souhter way good as near as we could, to raise our degrees to bring ourselves with the latitude of Sylley, we took the height the tenth of September, and found ourselves in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes. The eleventh of September about six a clock at night the wind came good South-west, we vered sheet and see our course Southeast. And upon Thursday, the twelfth of September, taking the height, we were in the latitude of and a half, and reckoned ourselves not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley, the weather fair, the wind large at Westsouthwest, we kept our course Southeast. The thirteenth day the height being taken, we found ourselves to be in the latitude of degrees, the wound Westsouthwest, then being in the height of Sylley, and we kept our course East, to run in with the sleeve or channel so called, being our narrow seas, and reckoned us short of Sylley twelve leagues. Sunday, the 15 of September about four of the clock, we began to sound with our lead, and had ground at 61 fathom depth, white small sandy ground, and reckoned us upon the back of Sylley, and set our course East and by North, Eastnortheast, and North-east among. The sixteenth of September, about eight of the clock in the morning sounding, we had 65. fathom osey sand, and thought ourselves thwart of S. George's channel a little within the banks. And bearing a small sail all night, we made many sounding, which were about forty fathom, and so shallow, that we could not well tell where we were. The seventeenth of September we sounded, and had ●orty fathom, and were not far off the lands ●nd, finding branded sand with small worms and Cockle shells, and were shot between Sylley and the lands end, and being within the bay, we were not able to double the point with a South and by East way, but were feign to make another board, the wound being at Southwest and by West, and yet could not double the point to come clear of the lands end, to bear along the channel: and the weather cleared up when we were hard aboard the shore, and we made the lands end perfect, and so put up along Saint George's channel. And the weather being very foul at sea, we covered some harbour, because our steerage was broken, and so came to anchor in Padstow road in Cornwall. The arrival of the Aid at Padstow in Cornwall. But riding there a very dangerous road, we were advised by the country, to put to Sea again, and of the two evils, to choose the less, for there was nothing but present peril where we toad: whereupon we plied along the channel to get to Londy, from whence we were again driven, being but an open road; where our Anchor came home, and with force of weather put to Seas again, and about the three and twentieth of September, arrived at Milford Haven in Wales, Our coming to Milford Haven. which being a very good harbour, made us happy men, that we had received such long desired safety. About one month after our arrival here, by order from the Lords of the Counsel, the ship came up to Bristol, The arrival of the Gabriel a● Bristol. where the Ore was committed to keeping in the castle there. Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barks, arrived in good safety, who having never a man within board very sufficient to bring home the ship, after the Master was lost, by good fortune, when she came upon the coast, met with a ship of Bristol at sea, who conducted her in safety thither. Here we herded good tidings also of the arrival of the other Bark called the Michael, The Michael arrived in the North parts. in the North parts, which was not a little joyful unto us, that it pleased God so to bring us to a safe meeting again, and we lost in all the voyage only one man, besides one that died at sea, Only one man died the voyage. which was sick before he came aboard, and was so desirous to follow this enterprise, that he rather chose to dye therein, than not to be one to attempt so notable a voyage. The third voyage of Captain Frobisher, pretended for the discovery of Cataia, by Meta Incognita, Anno Do. 1578. THe General being returned from the second voyage, immediately after his arrival in England, repaired with all haste to the Court being then at Windsor, to advertise her Majesty of his prosperous proceeding, and good success in this last voyage, & of the plenty of gold over, with other matters of importance which he had in these Septentrional parts discovered. He was courteously entertained, and heartily welcomed of many noble men, but especially for his great adventure, commended of her Majesty, M. Frobisher commended of her Majesty. at whose hands he received great thanks, and most gracious countenance, according to his deserts. Her Highness also greatly commended the rest of the Gentlemen in this service, for their great forwardness in this so dangerous an attempt: but especially she rejoiced very much, that among them there was so good order of government, so good agreement, every man so ready in his calling, The Gentlemen commended. to do whatsoever the General should command, which due commendation graciously of her Majesty remembered, gave so great encouragement to all the Captains and Gentleman, that they, to continued her Highness so good and honourable opinion of them, have since neither spared labour, limb, nor life, to bring this matter (so well begu●) to a happy and prosperous end. And finding that the matter of the gold over had appearance & made show of great riches & profit, & the hope of the passage to Cataya, by this last voyage greatly increased, her Majesty appointed special Commissioners choose for this purpose, Commissioners appointed to examine the goodness of the Ore. gentlemen of great judgement, art, and skill, to look thoroughly into the cause, for the true trial and due examination thereof, and for the full handling of all matters thereunto appertaining. And because that place and country hath never heretofore been discovered, and therefore had no special name, by which it might be called and known, A name given to the place new discovered. her Majesty named it very properly Meta Incognita, as a mark and bond utterly hitherto unknown. The commissioners after sufficient trial and proof made of the Ore, and having understood by sundry reasons, and substantial grounds, the possibility and likelihood of the passage, advertised her highness, that the cause was of importance, and the voyage greatly worthy to be advanced again. Whereupon preparation was made of ships and all other things necessary, with such expedition, as the time of the year then required. And because it was assuredly made account of, that the commodity of Mines, there already discovered, would at the lest countervail in all respects the adventurers charge, and give further hope & likelihood of greater matters to follow: The hope of the passage to Cataya. it was thought needful, both for the better guard of those parts already found, and for further discovery of the Inland and secrets of those countries, & also for further search of the passage to Cataya (whereof the hope continually more & more increaseth) that certain numbers of choose soldiers and discreet men for those purposes should be assigned to inhabit there. Whereupon there was a strong fort or house of timber, A fort to be built in Meta Incognita. artificially framed, & cunningly devised by a notable learned man here at home, in ships to be carried thither, whereby those men that were appointed to winter & stay there the whole year, might aswell be defended from the danger of the snow and cold air, as also fortified from the force or offence of those country people, which perhaps otherwise with too great multitudes might oppress them. And to this great adventure and notable exploit many well minded and forward young Gentlemen of our country willingly have offered themselves. And first Captain Fenton Lieutenant general for Captain Frobisher, and in charge of the company with him there, Captain Best, and Captain Filpot, unto whose good discretions the government of that service was chief commended, who, as men not regarding peril in respec of the profit and common wealth of their country, were willing to abide the first brunt & adventure of those dangers among a savage and brutish kind of people, in a place hitherto ever thought for extreme could not habitable. The whole number of men which had offered, and were appointed to inhabit Meta Incognita all the year, A hundredth men appointed to iuhabit● there. were one hundredth people, whereof 40 should be mariners for the use of ships, 30 Miners for gathering the gold Over together for the next year, and 30 soldiers for the better guard of the rest, within which last number are included the Gentlemen, Goldfiners, Bakers, Carpenters, & all necessary people. To each of the Captains was assigned one ship, aswell for the further searching of the coast & country there, as for to return & bring back their companies again, if the necessity of the place so urged, or by miscarrying of the fleet the next year, they might be disappointed of their further provision. Being therefore thus furnished with all necessaries, there were ready to departed upon the said voyage 15 sail of good ships, Fifteen sail. whereof the whole number was to return again with their loading of gold over in the end of the summer, except those 3 ships, which should be left for the use of those Captains which should inhabit there the whole year. And being in so good readiness, the General with all the Captains came to the Court, then lying at Greenwich, to take their leave of her Majesty, at whose hands they all received great encouragement, and gracious countenance. Her highness besides other good gifts, and greater promises, bestowed on the General a fair chain of gold, A chain of gold given to M. Frobisher. and the rest of the Captains kissed her hand, took their leave, and departed every man towards their charge. The names of the ships with their several Captains. 1 In the Aid being admiral, was the General Captain Frobisher. 2 In the Thomas Allen Vice admiral Captain York. 3 In the judith Lieutenant general Captain Fenton. 4 In the Anne Francis Captain Best. 5 In the Hopewell Captain Carew. 6 In the Bear Captain Filpot. 7 In the Thomas of Ipswich Captain Tanfield. 8 In the Emmanuel of Exeter Captain Courtney. 9 In the Francis of Foy Captain Moils. 10 In the Moon Captain Vpeor. 11 In the Emmanuel of Bridgewater Captain Newton. 12 In the Solomon of Weymouth Captain Randal. 13 In the Bark Dennis Captain Kendal. 14 In the Gabriel Captain Harvey. 15 In the Michael Captain Kinnersley. The said fifteen sail of ships arrived and met together at Harwich, the seven and twentieth day of May Anno 1578, where the General and the other Captains made view, and mustered their companies. And every several Captain received from the General certain Articles of direction, for the better keeping of order and company together in the way, which Articles are as followeth. Articles and orders to be observed for the Fleet, set down by Captain Frobisher General, and delivered in writing to every Captain, as well for keeping company, as for the course, the 31 of May. 1 INprimis, to banish swearing, dices, and card-playing, and filthy communication, and to serve God twice a day, with the ordinary service usual in Churches of England, and to clear the glass, according to the old order of England. 2 The Admiral shall carry the light, & after his light be once put out, no man to go a head of him, but every man to fit his sails to follow as near as they may, without endangering one another. 3 That no man shall by day or by night departed further from the Admiral them the distance of one English mile, and as near as they may, without danger one of another. 4 If it chance to grow thick, and the wound contrary, either by day or by night, that the Admiral be forced to cast about, before her casting about she shall give warning, by shooting off a piece, and to her shall answer the Uiceadmirall and the Rereadmirall each of them with a piece, if it be by night, or in a fog; and that the Uiceadmirall shall answer first, and the Rereadmiral last. 5 That no man in the Fleet descrying any sail or sails, give upon any occasion any thace before he have spoken with the Admiral. 6 That every evening all the Fleet come up and speak with the Admiral, at seven of the Clock, or between that and eight, and if the weather will not serve them all to speak with the Admiral, than some shall come to the Uiceadmirall, and receive the order of their course of Master Hall chief Pilot of the Fleet, as he shall direct them. 7 If to any man in the Fleet there happen any mischance, they shall presently shoot off two pieces by day, and if it be by night, two pieces, and show two lights. 8 If any man in the Fleet come up in the night, & hale his fellow, knowing him not, he shall give him this watchword, Before the world was God. The other shall answer him (if he be one of our Fleet) After God came Christ his Son. So that if any be found amongst us, not of our own company, he that first describeth any such sail or sails, shall give warning to the Admiral by himself or any other that he can speak to, that sails better than he, being nearest unto him. 9 That every ship in the fleet in the time of fogs, which continually happen with little winds, and most part calms, shall keep a reasonable noise with trumpet, drum, or otherwise, to keep themselves clear one of another. 10 If it fall out so thick or misty that we lay it to hull, the Admiral shall give warning with a piece, and putting out three lights one over another, to the end that every man may take in his sails, and at his setting of sails again do the like, if it be not clear. 11 If any man discover land by night, that he give the l●ke warning, that he doth for mischances, two lights, and two pieces, if it be by day one piece, and put out his flag, and strike all his sails he hath aboard. 12 If any ship shall happen to loose company by force of weather, than any such ship or ships shall get her into the latitude of, and so keep that latitude until they get Friesland. And after they be passed the West parts of F●island, they shall get them into the latitude of, and, and not to the Northward of; and being once entered within the S●reites, all such ships shall every watch shoot off a good piece and look out well for smoke and fire which those that get in first shall make every night, until all the fleet be come together. 13 That upon the sight of an Ensign in the mast of the Admiral (a piece being shot off) the whole fleet shall repair to the Admiral, to understand such conference as the General is to have with them. 14 If we chance to meet with any enemies, that four ships shall attend upon the Admiral, viz. the Francis of Foy the Moon, the Bark Dennis, and the Gabriel: and four upon my Lieutenant general in the judith, viz. the Hopewel, the Armenal, the Bear, and the Solomon: and the other four upon the Uizadmirall, the Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich, the Emmanuel, and the Michael. 15 If there happen any disordered person in the Fleet, that he be taken and kept in safe custody vn●ill he may conveniently be brought aboard the Admiral, and there to receive such punishment as his of the●r offences shall deserve. By me Martin Frobisher. Our departure from England. Having received these articles of direction we departed from Harwich the one and thirtieth of May. And ●●yling along the South part of England Westward, we at length came by the coast of Ireland at Cape Clea●e the sixth of june, Cape Clear the six● of june. and gave chase thereto a small bark which was supposed to be a Pirate, or Rover on the Seas, but it fallen out indeed that they were poor men of Bristol, who had met with such company of Frenchmen as had spo●led and slain many of them, and left the rest so sore wounded that they were like to perish in the sea, having neither hand nor foot hole to help themselves with, nor victuals to sustain their hungry bodies. Our General, who well understood the office of a Soldier and an Englishman, and known well what the necessity of the sea means, A charitable de●●e. pitying much the misery of the poor men, relieved them with Surgery and salves to heal their hurts, and with meat and drink to comfort their pining hearts; some of them having neither eaten nor drunk more than olives and stinking water in many days before, as they reported. And after this good deed done, having a large wound, we kept our course upon our said voyage without staying for the taking in of fresh water, or any other provision, whereof many of the fleet were not thoroughly furnished: and sailing towards the Northwest parts from Ireland, we met with a great current from out of the South-west, Mark this current. which carried us (by our reckoning) one point to the Northeastwards of our said course, which current seemed to us to continued itself towards Norway, and other the North-east parts of the world, whereby we may be induced to believe, that this is the same which the Portugals meet at Capo de buona Speranza, where striking over from thence to the Streites of Magellan, and finding no passage there for the narrowness of the said Streites, runneth along into the great Bay of Mexico, where also having a let of land, it is forced to strike back again towards the North-east, as we not only here, but in another place also, further to the Northwards, by good experience this year have found, as shallbe hereafter in his place more at large declared. Now had we sailed about fourteen days, without sight of any land, or any other living thing, except certain fowls, as Wilmots', Nodies, Gulls, etc. which there seem only to live by sea. The twentieth of june, at two of the clock in the morning, the General descried land, & found it to be West Friesland, now named west England. West England. Here the General, & other Gentlemen went ashore, being the first known Christians that we have true notice of, that ever set foot upon that ground: and therefore the General took possession thereof to the use of our Sovereign Lady the Queen's Majesty, and discovered here a goodly harbour for the ships, where were also certain little boats of that country. And being there landed, they espied certain tents and people of that country, which were (as they judge) in all sorts, v●ry like those of Meta Incognita, as by their apparel, and other things which we found in their tents, appeared. The Savage and simple people so soon as they perceived our men coming towards them, (supposing there had been no other world but there's) fled fearfully away, as men much amazed at so strange a sight, and creatures of human shape, to far in apparel, complexion, and other things different from themselves. They left in their tents all their furniture for haste behind them, where amongst other things were found a box of small nails, and certain read Herrings, boards of Fir tree well cut, with divers other things artificially wrought: whereby it appeareth, that they have trade with some civil people, or else are indeed themselves artificial workmen. Our men brought away with them only two of their dogs, leaving in recompense bells, looking-glasses, and divers of our country coys behind them. This country, no doubt● promises good hope of great commodity and riches, if it may be well discovered. The description whereof you shall find more at large in the second voyage. Some are of opinion, that this West England is firm land with the North-east parts of Meta Incognita, or else with Groenland. Friesland supposed to be ●●●t●nent with Groenland. And their reason is, because the people, apparel, boats, and other things are so like to there's: and another reason is, the multitude of Islands of ice, which lay between it and Meta Incognita, doth argue, that on the Northside there is a bay, which cannot be but by conjoining of the two lands together. And having a fair and large wind we departed from thence towards Frobishers Streites, the three and twentieth of june. The 23 of june. But first we gave name to a high cliff in West England, the last that was in our sight, and for a certain similitude, we called it Charing cross. Charing cross. Then we bore Southerly towards the Sea, because to the Northwards of this coast we met with much driving ice, which by reason of the thick mists and weather might have been some trouble unto us. On Monday the last of june, we met with many great Whales, as they had been Porpoises. This same day the Salamander being under both her corpses and bonnets, happened to strike a great Whale with her full stem, A Whale struck a ship. with such a blow that the ship stood still, and stirred neither forward nor backward. The Whale thereat made a great and ugly noise, and cast up his body and tail, and so went under water, and within two days after, there was found a great Whale dead swimming above water, which we supposed was that which the Salamander struck. The second day of july early in the morning we had sight of the Queen's Foreland, and bore in with the land all the day, and passing thorough great quantity of ice, by night were entered somewhat within the Streites, perceiving no way to pass further in, Frobishers Streites choked up with ice. the whole place being frozen over from the one side to the other, and as it were with many walls, mountains, and bulwarks of ice, choked up the passage, and denied us entrance. And yet do I not think that this passage or Sea hereabonts is frozen over at any time of the year: albeit it seemed so unto us by the abundance of ice gathered together, which occupied the whole place. But I do rather suppose these ice to be bread in the hollow sounds and freshers thereabouts: which by the heat of the summers Sun, being loosed, do empty themselves with the ebbs into the sea, and so gather in great abundance there together. And to speak somewhat here of the ancient opinion of the frozen sea in these parts: I do think it to be rather a bore conjecture of men, then that ever any man hath made experience of any such sea. And that which they speak of Mare glaciale, may be truly thought to be spoken of these parts: for this may well be called indeed the icy sea, but not the frozen sea, for no sea consisting of salt water can be frozen, as I have more at large herein showed my opinion in my second voyage, for it seemeth impossible for any sea to be frozen which hath his course of ebbing and flowing, Salt water cannot frieze. especially in those places where the tides do ebb and flow above ten fathom. And also all these aforesaid ice, which we sometime met a hundredth mile from land, being gathered out of the salt Sea, are in taste fresh, and being dissolved, become sweet and wholesome water. And the cause why this year we have been more cumbered with ice then at other times before, may be by reason of the Easterly & Southerly winds, which brought us more timely thither now then we looked for. Which blowing from the sea directly upon the place of our straits, hath kept in the ice, and not suffered them to be carried out by the ebb to the main sea, where they would in more short time have been dissolved. And all these fleeting ice are not only so dangerous in that they wound and gather so near together, that a man may pass sometimes ten or twelve miles as it were upon one firm Island of ice: but also for that they open and shut together again in such sort with the tides and sea-gate, that whilst one ship followeth the other with full sails, the ice which was open unto the foremost will join and close together before the latter can come to follow the first, whereby many times our ships were brought into great danger, as being not able so suddenly to take in our sails, or stay the swift way of our ships. We were forced many times to stem and strike great rocks of ice, and so as it were make way through mighty mountains. By which means some of the fleet, where they found the ice to open, entered in, and passed so far within the danger thereof, with continual desire to recover their port, that it was the greatest wonder of the world that they ever escaped safe, or were ever herded of again. For even at this present we miss two of the fleet, that is, the judith, wherein was the Lieutenant general Captain Fenton; and the Michael, whom both we supposed had been utterly lost, having not herded any tidings of them in more than 20 days before. And one of our fleet named the Bark Dennis, Bark Dennis sun●e. being of an hundredth tun burden, seeking way in amongst these ice, received such a blow with a rock of ice that she sunk down therewith in the sight of the whole fleet. Howbeit having signified her danger by shooting off a piece of great Ordinance, new succour of other ships came so readily unto them, that the men were all saved with boats. Part of the house lost. Within this ship that was drowned there was parcel of our house which was to be erectedfor them that should stay all the winter in Meta Incognita. This was a more fearful spectacle for the Fle●te to behold, for that the outrageous storm which presently followed, threatened them the like fortune and danger. For the Fleet being thus compassed (as aforesaid) on every side with yce● having left much behind them, thorough which they passed, and finding more before them, thorough which it was not possible to pass, there arose a sudden terrible tempest at the Southeast, which blowing from the main sea, directly upon the place of the Streites, brought together all the ice a seaboorde of us upon our backs, and thereby debarred us of turning back to recover sea-room again: so that being thus compassed with danger on every side, sundry men with sundry devices sought the best way to save themselves. Some of the ships, where they could found a place more clear of ice, and get a little birth of sea room, did take in their sails, and there lay a drift. Other some fastened & mored Anchor upon a great Island of ice, and road under the Lee thereof, supposing to be better guarded thereby from the outrageous winds, and the danger of the lesser fleeting ice. And again some were so fast shut up, and compassed in amongst an infinite number of great countries and Islands of ice, that they were feign to submit themselves and their ships to the mercy of the unmerciful ice, and strengthened the sides of their ships with iunckes of cables, beds, Ma●tes, planks and such like, which being hanged over board on the sides of their ships, might the better defend them from the outrageous sway and strokes of the said ice. But as in greatest distress, men of best valour are best to be discerned, so it is greatly worthy commendation and noting with what invincible mind every Captain encouraged his company, and with what incredible labour the painful Mariners and poor Miners (unacquainted with such extremities) to the everlasting renown of our nation, did overcome the brunt of these so great and extreme dangers: for some, even without board upon the ice, and some within board upon the sides of their ships, having poles, pikes, pieces of timber, and Oars in their hands, stood almost day and night without any rest, bearing off the force, and breaking the sway of the ice with such incredible pain and peril, that it was wonderful to behold, which otherwise no doubt had stricken quite through and through the sides of their ships, notwithstanding our former provision: for planks of timber of more than three inches thick, and other things of greater force and bigness, by the surging of the sea and billow, with the ice were shivered and cut in sunder, at the sides of our ships, so that it will seem more than credible to be reported of. And yet (that which is more) it i● faithfully and plainly to be proved, and that by many substantial witnesses, that our ships, even those of greatest burdens, with the meeting of contrary waves of the sea, were heaved up between Islands of ice, a foot well-near out of the sea above their watermarke, having their knees and timbers within board both bowed and broken therewith. And amid these extremes, whilst some laboured for defence of the ships, and sought to save their bodies, other some of more milder spirit sought to save the soul by devout prayer and meditation to the Almighty, thinking indeed by no other means possible then by a divine Miracle to have their deliverance: so that there was none that were either idle, or not well occupied, and he that held himself in best security had (God knoweth) but only bore hope remaining for his best safety. Thus all the gallant Fleet and miserable men without hope of ever getting forth again, distressed with these extremities remained here all the whole night and part of the next day, excepting four ships, that is, the Anne Francis, the Moon, the Francis of Foy, and the Gabriel, which being somewhat a Seaboord of the Fleet, and being fast ships by a wind, having a more scope of clear, tried it out all the time of the storm under sail, being hardly able to bear a toast of each. And albeit, by reason of the fleeting ice, which were dispersed here almost the whole sea over, they were brought many times to the extremest point of peril, mountains of ice ten thousand times scaping them scarce one yuch, which to have stricken had been their present destruction, considering the swift course and way of the ships, and the unwieldinesse of them to s●ay and turn as a man would wish: yet they esteemed it their better safety, with such peril to seek Sea-room, than without hope of ever getting liberty to lie striving against the stream, and beating amongst the Isle mountains, whose hugeness and monstrous greatness was such, that no man would credit, but such as to their pains saw and felt it. And these four ships by the next day at noon got out to Sea, and were first clear of the ice, who now enjoying their own liberty, began a n●w to sorrow and fear for their fellows safeties. And devoutly kneeling about their main Mast, they gave unto God humble thanks, not only for themselves, but besought him likewise highly for their friends deliverance. And even now whilst amidst these extremities this gallant Fleet and valiant men were altogether overlaboured and forewatched, with the long and fearful continuance of the foresaid dangers, it pleased God with his eyes of mercy to look down from heaven to send them help in good time, giving them the next day a more favourable wind at the Westnorthwest, which did not only disperse and drive forth the ice before them, but also gave them liberty of more scope and Sea-room, and they were by night of the same day following perceived of the other four ships, where (to their greatest comfort) they enjoyed again the fellowship one of another. Some in mending the sides of their ships, some in setting up their top Masts, and mending their sails and tackle; Again, some complaining of their false Stem born away, some in stopping their leaks, some in recounting their dangers past, spent no small time & labour. So that I dare well ●●ouch, there were never men more dangerously distressed, nor more mercifully by God's providence delivered. And hereof both the torn ships, and the forwearied bodies of the men arrived do bear most evident mark and witness. And now the whole Fleet plied off to Seaward, resolving there to abide until the Sun might consume, or the force of wind disperse these ice from the place of their passage: and being a good birth of the shore, they took in their sails, and lay adrift. The seventh of july as men nothing yet dismayed, we cast about towards the inward, and had sight of land, which rose in form like the Northerland of the straits, which some of the Fleet, Another assault. and those not the worst Mariners, judged to be the North Foreland: howbeit other some were of contrary opinion. But the matter was not well to be discerned by reason of the thick fog which a long time hung upon the coast, & the new falling snow which yearly altereth the shape of the land, and taketh away oftentimes the Mariners marks. Fog, snow, and mists hinder the Mariner's marks. And by reason of the dark mi●ts which continued by the space of twenty days together, this doubt grew the greater and the longer perilous. For whereas indeed we thought ourselves to be upon the North-east side of Frobishers' straits, we were now carried to the Southwestwards of the Queen's Foreland, and being deceived by a swift current coming from the North-east, A swift current from the North-east. were brought to the Southwestwards of our said course many miles more than we did think possible could come to pass. The cause whereof we have since found, and it shall be at large hereafter declared. Here we made a point of land which some mislooke for a place in the straights called Mount Warwick: but how we should be so far show up so suddenly within the said straits the e●pertest Mariners began to marvel, thinking it a thing impossible that they could be so far overtaken in their accounts, or that any current could deceive them here which they had not by former experience proved and found out. A current. Howbeit many confessed that they found a swifter course of flood then before time they had observed. And truly it was wonderful to hear and see the rushing and noise that the tides do make in this place with so violent a force that our ships lying a hull were turned sometimes round about even in a moment after the manner of a whirlpool, and the noise of the stream no less to be herded a far off, than the waterfall of London Bridge. But whilst the Fleet lay thus doubtful amongst great store of ice in a place they known not without sight of Sun, whereby to take the height, and so to know the true elevation of the pole, and without any clear of light to make perfit the coast, the General with the Captains & Masters of his ships, began doubtfully to question of the matter, and sent his Pinnace aboard to hear each man's opinion, and specially of james Bear, james Bea●e a good Mariner. Master of the Anne Francis, who was known to be a sufficient and skilful Mariner, and having been there the year before, had well observed the place, and drawn out Cards of the coast. But the rather this matter grew the more doubtful, for that Christopher Hall chief Pilot of the voyage, Christopher Hall chief Pilot. delivered a plain and public opinion in the hearing of the whole Fleet, that he had never seen the foresaid coast before, and that he could not make it for any place of Frobishers' straits, as some of the Fleet supposed, and yet the lands do lie and trend so like, that the best Mariners therein may be deceived. The tenth of july, the weather still continuing thick and dark, some of the ships in the fog lost sight of the Admiral and the rest of the fleet, and wandering to and fro, with doubtful opinion whether it were best to seek back again to seaward through great store of ice, or to follow on a doubtful course in a Sea, Bay, or Streites they known not, or along a coast, whereof by reason of the dark mists they could not discern the dangers, if by chance any rock or broken ground should lie off the place, as commonly in these parts it doth. The Uiceadmirall Captain York considering the foresaid opinion of the Pilot Hall, who was with him in the Thomas Allen, having lost sight of the Fleet, turned back to sea again, having two other ships in company with him. Also the Captain of the Anne Francis having likewise lost company of the Fleet, and being all alone, held it for best to turn it out to sea again, until they might have clear weather to take the suns altitude, and with incredible pain and peril got out of the doubtful place, into the open Sea again, being so narrowly distressed by the way, by means of continual fog and ice, that they were many times ready to leap upon an Island of ice to avoid the present danger, and so hoping to prolong life awhile meant rather to die a pining death. Hard shifts to sa●e men's ●●es. Some hoped to save themselves on chests, and some determined to tie the Hatches of the ship together, and to bind themselves with their furniture fast thereunto, and so to be towed with the shipbote ashore, which otherwise could not receive half of the company, by which means if happily they had arrived, they should either have perished for lack of food to eat, or else should themselves have been eaten of those ravenous, bloody, and Men-eating people. The coast along the Southside of Gronl●nd 60 leagues The rest of the Fleet following the course of the General which led them the way, passed up above sixty leagues within the said doubtful and supposed straits, having always a fair continent upon their starreboorde side, and a continuance still of an open Sea before them. Mistaken straits which indeed are no straits. The General albeit with the first perchance he found out the error, and that this was not the old straits, yet he persuaded the Fleet always that they were in their right course, and known straits. Howbeit I suppose he rather dissembled his opinion therein th●n otherwise, meaning by that policy (being himself led with an honourable desire of further discovery) to induce the Fleet to follow him, to see a further proof of that place. And as some of the company reported, he hath since confessed that if it had not been for the charge and care he had of the Fleet and fraughted ships, he both would and could have go through to the South Sea, called Marinell del Sur, and dissolved the long doubt of the passage which we seek to found to the rich country of Cataya. Frobisher could have passed to Cataia. 1 Of which mistaken straits, considering the circumstance, we have great cause to confirm our opinion, Fair open way. to like and hope well of the passage in this place. For the foresaid Bay or Sea, the further we sailed therein, the wider we found it, with great likelihood of endless continuance. And where in other places we were much troubled with ice, as in the entrance of the same, Reasons to prove a passage here. so after we had sailed fifty or sixty leagues therein we had no let of ice, or other thing at all, as in other places we found. 2 Also this place seemeth to have a marvelous great indraft, and draweth unto it most of the drift ice, and other things which do fleet in the Sea, either to the North or Eastwards of the same, as by good experience we have found. Great indrafts. 3 For here also we met with boards, lathes, and divers other things driving in the Sea, which was of the wrack of the ship called the Bark Dennis, A current to the West. which perished amongst the ice as beforesaid, being lo●t at the first attempt of the entrance overthwart the Queen's foreland in the mouth of Frobishers' straits, which could by no means have been so brought thither, neither by wind nor tide, being lost so many leagues off, if by force of the said current the same h●d not been violently brought. For if the same had been brought thither by ●ide of flo●d, look how far the said flood had carried it, the ebb would have recarried it as far back again, and by the wind it could not so come to pass, because it was then sometime calm, and most times contrary. And some Mariners do affirm that they have diligently observed, that there runneth in this place nine hours flood ●o th●ee ebb, Nine hours flood to three hours ebb. which may thus come to pass by force of the said current: for whereas the Sea in most places of the world, doth more or less ordinarily ebb and flow once every twelve hours with six hours ebb, and six hours flood, so also would it do there, were it not for the violence of this hastening current, which forceth the flood to make appearance to begin before his ordinary time one hour and a half, and also to continued longer than his natural course by an other hour and a half, until the force of the ebb be so great that it will no longer be resisted: according to the saying, Naturam expellas furca licet, v●que recurrit. Although nature and natural courses be forced and resisted never so much, yet at last they will have their own sway again. Moreover it is not possible that so great course of floods and current, so high swelling tides with continuance of so deep waters, can be digested here without unburdening themselves into some open Sea beyond this place, which argueth the more likelihood of the passage to be hereabouts. Also we suppose these great indrafts do grow and are made by the reverberation and reflection of that same current, which at our coming by Ireland, met and crossed us, of which in the first part of this discourse I spoke, which coming from the bay of Mexico, passing by and washing the South-west parts of Ireland, reboundeth over to the North-east parts of the world, as Norway, Island, etc. where not finding any passage to an open Sea, but rather being there increased by a new access, and another current meeting with it from the Scythian Sea, passing the bay of Saint Nicholas Westward, it doth once again rebound back, by the coasles of Groenland, and from thence upon Frobishers' straits being to the Southwestwardes of the same. 5 And if that principle of philosopy be true, that Inferiora corpora reguntur à superioribus, that is, if inferior bodies be governed, ruled, and carried after the man●r and course of the superiors, than the water being an inferior Element, must needs be governed after the superior heaven, and so follow the course of Primum mobile from East to West. The sea month from East to West continually. 6 But eu●ry man that hath written or considered any thing of this passage, Authority. hath more doubted the return by the same way by reason of a great downfall of water, which they imagine to be thereabouts (which we also by experience partly found) than any mistrust they have of the same passage at all. For we found (as it were) a great downfall in this place, but yet not such but that we may return, although with much a do. For we were easier carried in one hour than we could get forth again in three. Also by another experience at another time, we found this current to deceive us in this sort: Hard but yet possible turning back again. That whereas we supposed it to be 15 leagues off, and lying a h●ll, we were brought within two leagues of the shore contrary to all expectation. Our men that sailed furthest in the same mistaken straits (having the main land upon their starboard side) affirm that they met with the outlet or passage of water which comes thorough Frobishers' straits, and followeth as all one into this passage. Some of our company also affirm that they had sight of a continent upon their larboard side being 60 leagues within the supposed straits: howbeit except certain islands in the entrance hereof we could make no part perfect thereof. All the foresaid tract of land seemeth to be more fruitful and better stored of Grass, Deer, Wild foul, as Partridges, Larks, Seam●wes, Gulls, Wilmots', Falcons and Tassel gentiles, Ravens, Bears, Hares, Foxes, and other things, than any other part we have yet discovered, and is more populous. And here Luke Wa●d, a Gentleman of the company, traded merchandise, and did exchange knives, bells, looking glasses, Traffic. etc. with those country people, who brought him foul, fish, bears skins, and such like, as t●●●t country yieldeth for the same. Here also they see of those greater boats of the country, with twenty people in a piece. Now after the General had bestowed these many days here, not without many dangers, he returned back again. And by the way sailing alongst this coast (being the backside of the supposed continent of America) and the Queen's Foreland, he perceived a great sound to go thorough into Frobishers' straits. Whereupon he sent the Gabriel the one and twentieth of july, to prove whether they might go thorough and meet again with him in the straits, Return out of the mistaken straits. which they did: and as we imagined before, so the Queen's foreland proved an Island, as I think most of these supposed continents will. And so he departed towards the straits, thinking it were high time now to recover his Port, and to provide the Fleet of their lading, whereof he was not a little careful, as shall by the process and his resolute attempts appear. And in his return with the rest of the fleet he was so entangled by reason of the dark fog amongst a number of islands and broken ground that lie off this coast, that many of the ships came over the top of rocks, which presently after they might perceive to lie dry, having not half a foot water more than some of their ships did draw. And by reason they could not with a small gale of wound stem the force of the flood, whereby to go clear off the rocks, they were feign to let an anchor fall with two bend of Cable together, at an hundred and odd fathom depth, where otherwise they had been by the force of the tides carried upon the rocks again, and perished: so that if God in these fortunes (as a merciful guide, beyond the expectation of man) had not carried us thorough, we had surely perished amid these dangers. Great dangers. For being many times driven hard aboard the shore without any sight of land, until we were ready to make shipwreck thereon, being forced commonly with our boats to sound before our ships, lest we might light thereon before we could discern the same; it pleased God to give us a clear of Sun and light for a short time to see and avoid thereby the danger, having been continually dark before, and presently after. Many times also by means of fog and currents being driven near upon the coast, God lent us even at the very pinch one prosperous breath of wind or other, whereby to double the land, and avoid the peril, and when that we were all without hope of help, every man recommending himself to death, and crying out, Lord now help or never, now Lord look down from heaven and save us sinners, or else our safety cometh too late: even than the mighty maker of heaven, and our merciful God did deliver us: so that they who have been partakers of these dangers do even in their souls confess, that God even by miracle hath sought to save them, whose name be praised evermore. Long time now the Anne Francis had lain beating off and on all alone before the Queen's foreland, not being able to recover their Port for ice, albeit many times they dangerously attempted it, for yet the ice choked up the passage, and would not suffer them to enter. And having never seen any of the fleet since twenty days past, Anne Francis met with some of the fleet. when by reason of the thick mists they were severed in the mistaken straits, they did now this present 23 of july overthwart a place in the straits called Hattons' Hedland, where they met with seven ships of the Fleet again, which good hap did not only rejoice them for themselves, in respect of the comfort which they received by such good company, but especially that by this means they were put out of doubt of their dear friends, whose safeties long time they did not a little suspect and fear. At their meeting they haled the Admiral after the manner of the Sea, and with great joy welcomed one another with a thundering volley of shot. And now every man declared at large the fortunes and dangers which they had passed. Francis The four and twentieth of july we met with the Francis of Foy, of Foy. who with much ado sought way back again through the ice from out of the mistaken straits, where (to their great peril) they proved to recover their Port. They brought the first news of the Uizadmirall Captain York, who many days with themselves, and the Buss of Bridgewater was missing. Bridgwater ship. They reported that they left the Uizeadmirall reasonably clear of the ice, but the other ship they greatly feared, whom they could not come to help, being themselves so hardly distressed as never men more. Also they told us of the Gabriel, who having got thorough from the backside, and Western point of the Queen's foreland, into Frobishers' straits, fallen into their company about the cape of Good hope. And upon the seven and twentieth of july, the ship of Bridgewater got out of the ice and met with the Fleet which lay off and on under Hattons' Hedland. They reported of their marvelous accidents and dangers, declaring their ship to be so leak that they must of necessity seek harborough, having their stem so beaten within their huddings, that they had much ado to keep themselves above water. They had (as they say) five hundredth strokes at the pump in less than half a watch, being scarce two hours; their men being so overwearied therewith, and with the former dangers that they desired help of men from the other ships. Moreover they declared that there was nothing but ice and danger where they had been, and that the straits within were frozen up, The straits frozen over. and that it was the most impossible thing of the world, to pass up unto the Countess of Warwick's sound, which was the place of our Port. The report of these dangers by these ships thus published amongst the fleet, with the remembrance of the perils past, and t●ose present before their face, brought no small fear and terror into the hearts of many considerate men. So that some began privily to murmur against the General f●r this wilful manner of proceeding. Some desired to discover some harborough thereabouts to refresh themselves and reform their broken vessels for a while, until the North and North-west winds might disperse the ice, and make the place more free to pass. Other some forgetting themselves, spoke more undutifully in this behalf, saying: that they had as leeve be hanged when th●y came home, as without hope of safety to seek to pass, and so to perish amongst the ice. The General not opening his ears to the peevish passion of any private person, but chief respecting the accomplishment of the cause he had undertaken (wherein the chief reputation and fame of a General and Captain consists) and calling to his remembrance the short time he had in hand to provide so great number of ships their loading, A valiant mind of M. Frobisher. determined with this resolution to pass and recover his Port, or else there to bury himself with his attempt. Notwithstanding somewhat to appease the feeble passions of the fearefuller sort, and the better to entertain time for a season, whilst the ice might the better be dissolved, he haled on the Fleet with belief that he would put them into harborough: thereupon whilst the ships lay off and on under Hattons' Hedland, he sought to go in with his Pinnesses amongst the Islands there, as though he meant to search for harborowe, where indeed he meant nothing less, but rather sought if any Ore might be found in that place, as by the sequel appeared. In the mean time whilst the Fleet lay thus doubtful without any certain resolution what to do, bring hard aboard the lee-shore, there arose a sudden and terrible tempest at the Southsoutheast, whereby the ice began marvelously to gather about us. Whereupon every man, as in such case of extremity he thought best, sought the wisest way for his own safety. The most part of the Fleet which were further shot up within the straits, and so far to the leeward, as that they could not double the land, following the course of the General, who led them the way, took in their Sails, and laid it a hull amongst the ice, and so passed over the storm, and had no extremity at all, but for a short time in the same place. Howbeit the other ships which plied out to Seaward, had an extreme storm for a longer season. And the nature of the place is such, that it is subject diversely to divers winds, according to the sundry situation of the great Alps and mountains there, every mountain causing a several blast, and pirrie, after the manner of a Levant. In this storm being the six and twentieth of july, there fallen so much snow, with such bitter cold air, that we could not scarce see one another for the same, nor open our eyes to handle our ropes and sails, the snow being above half a foot deep upon the hatches of our ship, Snow in july which did so wet thorough our poor Mariners clotheses, that he that had five or six shifts of apparel had scarce one dry thread to his back, which kind of wet and coldness, together with the overlabouring of the poor men amidst the ice, bread no small sickness amongst the fleet, which somewhat discouraged some of the poor men, who had not experience of the like before, every man persuading himself that the winter there must needs be extreme, Extreme winter. where they found so unseasonable a Summer. And yet notwithstanding this cold air, the Sun many times hath a marvelous force of heat amongst those mountains, Great heat in Meta Incognita. insomuch that when there is no breath of wind to bring the cold air from the dispersed ice upon us, we shall be weary of the bloming heat and then suddenly with a perry of wind which cometh down from the hollowness of the hills, Unconstant weather. we shall have such a breath of heat brought upon our faces as though we were entered within some bathstove or hote-house, and when the first of the pirry and blast is past, we shall have the wind suddenly a new blow cold again. In this storm the Anne Francis, the Moon, and the Thomas of Ipswich, who found themselves able to hold it up with a sail, and could double about the Cape of the Queen's foreland, plied out to the Seaward, holding it for better policy and safety to seek Searoome, then to hazard the continuance of the storm, the danger of the ice, and the lee-shoare. And being uncertain at this time of the General's private determinations, the weather being so dark that they could not discern one another, nor perceive which way he wrought, betook themselves to this course for best and safest. The General, notwithstanding the great storm, following his own former resolution, sought by all means possible, by a shorter way to recover his Port, and where he see the ice never so little open, he gate in at one gap and out at another, and so himself valiantly led the way thorough before to induce the Fleet to follow after, and with incredible pain and peril at length ga● through the ice, and upon the one and thirtieth of july recovered his long wished Port after many attempts and sundry times being put back, The General recovereth his port. and came to anchor in the Countess of Warwick's sound, in the entrance whereof, when he thought all peril past, he encountered a great Island of ice which gave the Aid such a blow, having a little before weighed her anchor a cock bill, that it struck the anchor flouke through the ships bows under the water, which caused so great a leak, that with much ado they preserved the ship from sinking. At their arrival here they perceived two ships at anchor within the harbour, whereat they began much to marvel and greatly to rejoice, for those they known to be the Michael, wherein was the Lieutenant general Captain Fenton, and the small Bark called the Gabriel, who so long time were missing, and never herded of before, whom every man made the last reckoning, never to hear of again. Here every man greatly rejoiced of their happy meeting, and welcomed one another after the Sea manner with their great Ordinance, and when each party had ripped up their sundry fortunes and perils past, they highly praised God, and altogether upon their knees gave him due, humble and hearty thanks, and Master Wolfall a learned man, Master Wolfall Preacher. appointed by her majesties Council to be their Minister and Preacher made unto them a godly sermon, exhorting them especially to be thankful to God for their strange and miraculous deliverance in those so dangerous places, and putting them in mind of the uncertainty of man's life, willed them to make themselves always ready as resolute men to enjoy and accept thankfully whatsoever adventure his divine Providence should appoint. This master Wolfall being well seated and settled at home in his own Country, with a good and large living, having a good honest woman to wife and very towardly children, being of good reputation among the best, refused not to take in hand this painful voyage, for the only care he had to save souls, and to reform those Infidels if it were possible to Christianity: and also partly for the great desire he had that this notable voyage so well begun, might be brought to perfection: and therefore he was contented to stay there the whole year if occasion had served, being in every necessary action as forward as the resolutest men of all. Wherefore in this behalf he may rightly be called a true Pastor and minister of God's word, which for the profit of his flock spared not to venture his own life. But to return again to Captain Fentons' company, and to speak somewhat of their dangers (albeit they be more than by writing can be expressed) they reported that from the night of the first storm which was about the first day of july until seven days before the General's arrival, The adventures of Captain Fenton and his company. which was the six and twentieth of the same, they never see any one day or hour, wherein they were not troubled with continual danger and fear of death, and were twenty days almost together fast amongst the ice. They had their ship strike through and through on both sides, their false stem born quite away, and could go from their ships in some places upon the ice very many miles, and might easily have passed from one Island of ice to another even to the shore, and if God had not wonderfully provided for them and their necessity, and time had not made them more cunning and wise to seek strange remedies for strange kinds of dangers, Extremity causeth men to venise new arts and remedies. it had been impossible for them ever to have escaped: for among other devices, wheresoever they found any Island of ice of greater bigness than the rest (as there be some of more than half a mile compass about, and almost forty fathom high) they commonly coveted to recover the same, and thereof to make a bulwark for their defence, whereon having mored anchor, they road under the le● thereof for a time, being thereby guarded from the danger of the lesser driving ice. But when they must needs forego this new found fort by means of other ice, which at length would undermine and compass them round about, Yard shifts. and when that by heaving of the billow they were therewith like to be bruised in pieces, they used to make fast the ship unto the most firm and broad piece of ice they could found, and binding her nose fast thereunto, would fill all their sails whereon the wind having great power, would force forward the ship, and so the ship bearing before her the ice, & so one ice driving forward another, should at length get scope & sea-room. And having by this means at length put their enemies to flight, they occupied the clear place for a pretty season among sundry mountains and Alpes of ice. One there was found by measure to be 65 fathom above water, which for a kind of similitude, was called Salomons porch. Some think those islands eight times so much under water as they are above, because of their monstrous weight. But now I remember I see very strange wonders, men walking, running, leaping and shooting upon the main seas 40. miles from any land, without any Ship or other vessel under them. Strange wonders. Also I see fresh Rivers running amid the salt Sea a hundred mile from land, which if any man will not believe, let him know that many of our company leapt out of their Ship upon Islands of ice, and running there up and down, did shoot at Butts upon the ice, and with their Calivers did kill great Seals, which use to lie and sleep upon the ice, and this ice melting above at the top by reflection of the Sun, came down in sundry streams, which uniting together, made a pretty Brook able to drive a Mill. The said Captain Fenton recovered his Port ten days before any man, and spent good time in searching for Mine, and he found good store thereof. He also discovered about ten Miles up into the Country, where he perceived neither Town, village, nor likelihood of habitation, but it seemeth (as he saith) barren, as the other parts which as yet we have entered upon: but their victuals and provision went so scant with them, that they had determined to return homeward within seven days after, if the Fleet had not then arrived. The General after his arrival in the Countess' sound, spent no time in vain, but immediately at his first landing called the chief Captains of his Council together, and consulted with them for the speedier execution of such things as then they had in hand. As first, for searching and finding out good Mineral for the Miners to be occupied on. Then to give good Orders to be observed of the whole company on shore. And lastly, to consider for the erecting up of the Fort and House for the use of them which were to abide there the whole year. For the better handling of these, and all other like important causes in this service, it was ordained from her Majesty and the Council, that the General should call unto him certain of the chief Captains and Gentlemen in Council, to confer, consult and determine of all occurrents in this service, whose names are as here they follow. Captain Fenton. Captain York. Captain Best. Captain Carew. Captain Philpot. And in Sea cause's to have as assistants, Christopher Hall and Charles jackman, being both very good Pilots, and sufficient Mariners, whereof the one was chief Pilot of the Uoyage, and the other for the discovery. From the place of our habitation Westward, Master Selman was appointed Notary, to register the whole manner of proceeding in these affairs, that true relation thereof might be made, if it pleased her Majesty to require it. The first of August every Captain by order, from the General and his council, was commanded to bring ashore unto the Countess' Island all such Gentlemen, soldiers, and Miners, as were under their charge, with such provision as they had of victuals, tents, and things necessary for the speedy getting together of Mine, and freight for the ships. The Muster of the men being taken, and the victuals with all other things viewed and considered, every man was set to his charge, as his place and office required. The Miners were appointed where to work, and the Mariners discharged their ships. Upon the second of August were published and proclaimed upon the Countess of Warwick's Island with sound of Trumpet, certain Orders by the General and his council, appointed to be observed of the company during the time of their abiding there. In the meantime, whilst the Mariners plied their work, the Captains sought out new mines, the Goldfiners made trial of the Ore, the Mariners discharged their ships, the Gentlemen for example sake laboured hearty, and honestly encouraged the inferior sort to work. So that the small time of that little leisure that was left to carry, was spent in vain. The second of August the Gabriel arrived, who came from the Uizeadmirall, and being distressed sore with Ice, put into Harbour near unto Mount Oxford. And now was the whole Fleet arrived safely at their Port, excepting four, besides the Ship that was lost: that is, the Thomas Allen, the Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Moon, whose absence was some let unto the works and other proceed, aswell for that these Ships were furnished with the better sort of Miners, as with other provision for the habitation. The ninth of August the General with the Captains of his counsel assembled together, and began to consider and take order for the erecting up of the house or Fort for them that were to inhabit there the whole year, and that presently the Masons and Carpenters might go in haunt therewith. Consultation for inhabiting Meta incognita. First therefore they perused the Bills of lading, what every man received into his Ship, and found that there was arrived only the Eastside, and the Southside of the house, and yet not that perfect and entire: for many pieces thereof were used for fenders in many Ships, and so broken in pieces whilst they were distressed in the ice. Also after due examination had, and true account taken, there was found want of drink and fuel to serve one hundredth men, An hundred men appointed to inhabit. which was the number appointed first to inhabit there, because their greatest store was in the Ships which were not yet arrived. Then Captain Fenton seeing the scarcity of the necessary things aforesaid, was contented, and offered himself to inhabit there with sixty men. Whereupon they caused the Carpenters and Masons to come before them, and demanded in what time they would take upon them to erect up a less house for sixty men. They required eight or nine weeks, if there were Timber sufficient, whereas now they had but six and twenty days in all to remain in that Country. No habitation this year. Wherefore it was fully agreed upon, and resolved by the General and his counsel, that no habitation should be there this year. And therefore they willed Master Selman the Register to set down this decree with all their consents, for the better satisfying of her Majesty, the Lords of the Counsel, and the Adventurers. The Anne Francis, since she was parted from the Fleet, in the last storm before spoken of, could never recover above five leagues within the straits, the wind being sometime contrary, and most times the Ice compassing them round about. And from that time, being about the seven and twentieth of july, they could neither hear nor have sight of any of the Fleet, until the 3. of August, when they descried a sail near unto Mount Oxford, with whom when they had spoken, they could understand no news of any of the Fleet at all. And this was the Thomas of Ipswich, who had lain beating off and on at Sea with very fowl weather, and contrary winds, ever since that foresaid storm, without sight of any man. They kept company not long together, but were forced to lose one another again, the Moon being consort always with the Anne Francis, and keeping very good company plied up together into the straits, with great desire to recover their long wished Port: and they attempted as often, and passed as far as possible the wind, weather, & ice gave them leave, which commonly they found very contrary. For when the weather was clear and without fog, then commonly the wind was contrary. And when it was either Easterly or Southerly, which would serve their turns, than had they so great a fog and dark mist therewith, that either they could not discern way thorough the ice, or else the ice lay so thick together, that it was impossible for them to pass. And on the other side, when it was calm, the Tides had force to bring the ice so suddenly about them, that commonly than they were most therewith distressed, having no Wind to carry them from the danger thereof. And by the sixt of August being with much adoé got up as high as Leicester point, they had good hope to find the Souther shore clear, and so to pass up towards their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull openly upon the great Bay which cometh out of the mistaken straits before spoken of, they were so suddenly compassed with ice round about by means of the swift Tides which run in that place, that they were never afore so hardly beset as now. And in seeking to avoid these dangers in the dark weather, the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships, who being likewise hardly distressed, signified their danger, as they since reported, by shooting off their ordinance, which the other could not hear, nor if they had herded, could have given them any remedy, being so busily occupied to wind themselves out of their own troubles. The Moon. The Fleeboate called the Moon, was here heaved above the water with the force of the ice, and received a great leak thereby. Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Anne Francis were sore bruised at that instant, having their false stems born away, and their ship sides strooken quite through. Now considering the continual dangers and contraries, and the little leisure that they had left to tarry in these parts, besides that every night the ropes of their Ships were so frozen, that a man could not handle them without cutting his hands, together with the great doubt they had of the Fleets safety, thinking it an impossibility for them to pass unto their Port, as well for that they see themselves, as for that they herded by the former report of the Ships which had proved before, who affirmed that the straits were all frozen over within: They thought it now very high time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet left together. The Anne Francis● the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moon consult. And hereupon the Captains and masters of these Ships, desired the Captain of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these matters. Wherefore Captain Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich, with his Pilot Richard Cox, and Captain Vpcote of the Moon, with his master john Lakes came aboard the Anne Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes. And being assembled together in the captains Cabin, sundry doubts were there alleged. For the fearefuller sort of Mariners being overtyred with the continual labour of the former dangers, coveted to return homeward, saying that they would not again tempt God so much, who had given them so many warnings, and delivered them from so wonderful dangers: that they rather desired to loose wages, freight, and all, then to continued and follow such desperate fortunes. Again, their Ships were so leak, and the men so weary, that to amend the one, and refresh the other, they must of necessity seek into harbour. But on the other side it was argued again to the contrary, that to seek into harbour thereabouts, was but to subject themselves to double dangers: if happily they escaped the dangers of Rocks in their entering, yet being in, they were nevertheless subject there to the danger of the Ice, which with the swift tides and currents is carried in and out in most harboroughs thereabouts, and may thereby gaul their Cables asunder, drive them upon the shore, and bring them to much trouble. Also the coast is so much subject to broken ground and rocks, especially in the mouth and entrance of every Harbour, that albeit the Channel be sounded over and over again, yet are you never the nearer to discern the dangers. For the bottom of the Sea holding like shape and form as the Land, being full of hills, dales, and ragged Rocks, suffereth you not by your sounding to know and keep a true guess of the depth. For you shall sound upon the side or hollowness of one Hill or Rock under water, and have a hundredth, fifty, or forty fathom depth: and before the next cast, year you shall be able to heave your lead again, you shall be upon the top thereof, and come aground to your utter confusion. Another reason against going to harbour was, that the cold air did threaten a sudden freezing up of the sounds, seeing that every night there was new congealed ice, even of that water which remained within their ships. And therefore it should seem to be more safe to lie off and on at Sea, then for lack of wind to bring them forth of harbour, to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut up the whole year. After many such dangers and reasons alleged, and large debating of these causes on both sides, the Captain of the Anne Francis delivered his opinion unto the company to this effect. First concerning the question of returning home, he thought it so much dishonourable, as not to grow in any farther question: Captain Bests resolution. and again to return home at length (as at length they must needs) and not to be able to bring a certain report of the Fleet, whether they were living or lost, or whether any of them had recovered their Port or not, in the Countess' sound, (as it was to be thought the most part would if they were living) he said that it would be so great an argument either of want of courage or discretion in them, as he resolved rather to fall into any danger, than so shamefully to consent to return home, protesting that it should never be spoken of him, that he would ever return without doing his endeavour to find the Fleet, and know the certainty of the General's safety. He put his company in remembrance of a Pinnisse of five t●●●e burden, which he had within his Ship, A Pinnisse for the inhabiters. which was carried in pieces, and unmade up for the use of those which should inhabit there whole year, the which, if they could find means to join together, he offered himself to prove before therewith, whether it were possible for any Boat to pass for ice, whereby the Ship might be brought in after, and might also thereby give true notice, if any of the Fleet were arrived at their Port or not. But notwithstanding, for that he well perceived that the most part of his company were addicted to put into harbour, he was willing the rather for these causes somewhat to incline thereunto. As first, to search alongst the same coast, and the sounds thereabouts, he thought it to be to good purpose, for that it was likely to find some of the Fleet there, which being leak, and sore bruised with the ice, were the rather thought likely to be put into an ill harbour, being distressed with foul weather in the last storm, then to hazard their uncertain safeties amongst the ice: for about this place they lost them, and left the Fleet then doubtfully questioning of harbour. It was likely also, that they might find some fit harbour thereabouts, which might be behoveful for them against another time. It was not likewise impossible to find some Ore or Mine thereabouts wherewithal to freight their Ships, which would be more commodious in this place, for the nearness to Seaward, and for a better outlet, then farther within the straits, being likely here always to load in a shorter time, howsoever the straight should be pestered with ice within, so that if it might come to pass that thereby they might either find the Fleet, Mine, or convenient harbour, any of these three would serve their present turns, and give some hope and comfort unto their companies, which now were altogether comfortless. But if that all fortune should fall out so contrary, that they could neither recover their Port, nor any of these aforesaid helps, that yet they would not departed the Coast, as long as it was possible for them to tarry there, but would lie off and on at Sea athwart the place. Therefore his final conclusion was set down thus, First, that the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moon should consort and keep company together carefully with the Anne Francis, as near as they could, and as true Englishmen and faithful friends, should supply one another's want in all fortunes and dangers. In the morning following, every Ship to sand off his Boat with a sufficient Pilot, to search out and sound the harboroughs for the safe bringing in of their Ships. And being arrived in harbour, where they might find convenient place for the purpose, they resolved forthwith to join and set together the Pinnace, wherewithal the Captain of the Anne Francis might, according to his former determination, discover up into the straits. After these determinations thus set down, the Thomas of Ipswich the night following lost company of the other Ships, and afterward shaped a contrary course homeward, which fallen out as it manifestly appeared, very much against their Captain Master Tanfieldes mind, as by due examination before the Lords of her majesties most honourable privy Counsel it hath since been proved, to the great discredit of the Pilot Cox, who specially persuaded his company against the opinion of his said Captain, to return home. And as the Captain of the Anne Francis doth witness, even at their conference together, Captain Tanfield told him, that he did not a little suspect the said Pilot Cox, saying that he had opinion in the man neither of honest duty, manhood, nor constancy. Notwithstanding the said Ships departure, the Captain of the Anne Francis being desirous to put in execution his former resolutions, went with his Shippeboate (being accompanied also with the Moons skiff) to prove amongst the islands which lie under Hattons' Hedland, if any convenient harbour, or any knowledge of the Fleet, or any good Ore were there to be found. The Ships lying off and on at Sea the while under Sail, searching through many sounds, they saw them all full of many dangers and broken ground: yet one there was, which seemed an indifferent place to harbour in, and which they did very diligently sound over, and searched again. Here the said Captain found a great black Island, whereunto he had good liking, and certifying the company thereof, they were somewhat comforted, and with the good hope of his words rowed cheerfully unto the place: where when they arrived, they found such plenty of black Ore of the same sort which was brought into England this last year, that if the goodness might answer the great plenty thereof, it was to be thought that it might reasonably suffice all the golde-gluttons of the world. This Island the Captain for cause of his good hap, called after his own name, Bestes blessing, Bestes blessing. and with these good tidings returning aboard his Ship the ninth of August about ten of the clock at night, he was joyfully welcomed of his company, who before were discomforted, and greatly expected some better fortune at his hands. The next day being the tenth of August, the weather reasonably fair, they put into the foresaid Harbour, having their Boat for their better security sounding before their Ship. But for all the care and diligence that could be taken in sounding the Channel over and over again, the Anne Francis came aground upon a sunken Rock within the Harbour, Anne Francis in danger. and lay thereon more than half dry until the next flood, when by God's Almighty providence, contrary almost to all expectation, they came afloat again, being forced all that time to underset their Ship with their main Yard, which otherwise was likely to overset and put thereby in danger the whole company. They had above two thousand strokes together at the Pump, before they could make their Ship free of the water again, so sore she was bruised by lying upon the Rocks. The Moon came safely, The Moon in harbour. and road at anchor by the Anne Francis, whose help in their necessity they could not well have miss. Now whilst the Mariners were rummaging their Ships, and mending that which was amiss, the Miners followed their labour for getting together of sufficient quantity of Ore, and the Carpenters endeavoured to do their best for the making up of the Boat or Pinnace: which to bring to pass, they wanted two special and most necessary things, that is, certain principal timbers that are called Knees, which are the chiefest strength of any Boat, and also nails, wherewithal to join the planks together. Whereupon having by chance a Smyth amongst them, (and yet unfurnished of his necessary tools to work and make nails withal) they were feign of a gun chamber to make an anvil to work upon, and to use a pickare in stead of a siege to bear withal, and also to occupy two small bellows in stead of one pair of greater Smiths bellows. And for lack of small Iron for the easier making of the nails, they were forced to break their tongs, grydiron, and fire●houell in pieces. The eleventh of August the Captain of the Anne Francis taking the Master of his Ship with him, went up to the top of Ha●tons Hedland, Hattons' Hedland. which is the highest land of all the straits, to the end to descry the situation of the Country underneath, and to take a true plot of the place, whereby also to see what store of Ice was yet left in the straits, as also to search what Mineral matter or fruit that soil might yield: And the rather for the honour the said Captain doth own to that Honourable name which himself gave thereunto the last year, in the highest part of this Hedland he caused his company to make a Column or Cross of stone, in token of Christian possession. In this place there is plenty of black Ore, and divers pretty stones. Pretty stone●. The seventeenth of August the Captains with their companies chased and killed a great white Bear, A mighty white Bear. which adventured and gave a fierce assault upon twenty men being weaponed. And he served them for good meat many days. The eighteenth of Aug●st the Pinnace with much ado being set together, A Pinnace there bu●●. the said Captain Best determined to departed up the straits, to prove and make trial, as before was pretended, some of his company greatly persuading him to the contrary; and specially the Carpenter that set the same together, who said that he would not adventure himself therein for five hundredth pounds, for that the boat hung together but only by the strength of the nails, and lacked some of her principal knees and timbers. These words somewhat discouraged some of the company which should have go therein● Whereupon the Captain, as one not altogether addicted to his own self-will, but somewhat foreseeing how it might be afterwards spoken, if contrary fortune should happen him (Lo h● hath followed his own opinion and desperate resolutions, and so thereafter it is befallen him) calling the Master and Mariners of b●st judgement together, declare unto them how much the cause imported him in his credit to seek out the General, as well to confer with him of some causes of weight, as otherwise to make due examination and trial of the goodness of the Ore, whereof they had no assurance but by guess of the eye, and it was well like the other: which so to carry home, not knowing the goodness thereof, might be as much as if they should bring so many stones. And therefore he desired them to deliver their plain and honest opinion, whether the Pinnace were sufficient for him so to adventure in or no. It was answered, that by careful heed taking thereunto amongst the ice, and the foul weather, the Pinnace might suffice. And hereupon the Master's mate of the Anne Francis called john Gray, mansully and honestly offering himself unto his Captain in this adventure and service, gave cause to others of his Mariners to follow the attempt. And upon the nineteenth of August the said Captain being accompanied with Captain Vpcote of the Moon, and eighteen people in the small Pinnace, They adventure by the straight in a weak Pinnace. having convenient portion of victuals and things necessary, departed upon the said pretended Uoyage, leaving their sh●ppe at anchor in a good readiness for the taking in of their freight. And having little wind to sail withal, they plied alongst the Souther shore, and passed above 30. leagues, having the only help of man's labour with Dares, and so intending to keep that shore aboard until they were got up to the farthest and narrowest of the straits, minded there to cross over, and to search likewise alongst the Northerland unto the Countess' sound, and from thence to pass all that coast along, whereby if any of the Fleet had been distressed by wreck of rock or ice, by that means they might be perceived of them, and so they thereby to give them such help and relief as they could. They did greatly fear, and ever suspect that some of the Fleet were surely cast away, and driven to seek sour ●●llets amongst the cold cliffs. And being shot up about forty leagues within the Straitss, 40. leagues within the straits. they put over towards the Norther shore, which was not a little dangerous for their small boats. And by means of a sudden flaw were driven, and feign to seek harbour in the night amongst all the rocks and broken ground of Gabriels' islands, Gabriels' islands. a place so named within the straits above the Countess of Warwick's sound: And by the way where they landed, they did find certain great stones set up by the Country people as it seemed, for marks, where they also made many Closes of stone, in token that Christians had been th●re. The 22. of August they had sight of the Countess' sound, and made the placeperfect from the top of a hill, and keeping along the Norther shore, perceived the smoke of a fire under a hills side: whereof they diversly deemed. When they came nearer the place, they perceived people which wafted unto them, as it seemed, with a flag or ensign. And because the Country people had used to do the like, when they perceived any of our boats to pass by, they suspected them to be the same. And coming somewhat nearer, they might perceive certain tents, and discern this ensign to be of mingled colours, black and white, after the English fashion. But because they could see no Ship, nor likelihood of harbour within five or six leagues about, and knew that none of our men were wont to frequent those parts, they could not tell what to judge thereof, but imagined that some of the ships being carried so high with the storm and mists, had made shipwreck amongst the ice or the broken Island there, and were spoiled by the country people, who might use the sundry coloured flag for a policy, to bring them likewise within their danger. Whereupon the said Captain with his companies, resolved to recover the same ensign, if it were so, from those base people, or else to loose their lives, and all together. In the end they discerned them to be their countrymen, and then they deemed them to have lost their Ships, and so to be gathered together for their better strength. On the other side, the company ashore feared that the Captain having lost his Ship, came to seek forth the Fleet for his relief in his poor Pinnisse, so that their extremities caused each part to suspect the worst. The Captain now with his Pinnisse being come near the shore, commanded his Boat carefully to be kept afloat, jest in their necessity they might win the same from him, and seek first to save themselves: for every man in that case is next himself. They haled one another according to the manner of the Sea, and demanded what cheer? P 〈…〉 mibi. and either party answered the other, that all was well: whereupon there was a sudden and joyful outshoote, with great flinging up of caps, and a brave voly of shot to welcome one another. And truly it was a most strange case to see how joyful and glad every party was to see themselves meet in safety again, after so strange and incredible dangers: Yet to be short, as their dangers were great, so their God was greater. And here the company were working upon new Mines, which Captain York being here arrived not long before, Captain York arrived. had found out in this place, and it is named the Countess of Sussex Mine. After some conference with our friends here, the Captain of the Anne Francis departed towards the Countess of Warwick's sound, to speak with the General, and to have trial made of such metal as he had brought thither, by the Goldfiners. And so he determined to dispatch again towards his ship. And having spoken with the General, he received order for all causes, and direction as well for the bringing up of his Ship to the Countess' sound, as also to freight his Ship with the same Oar which he himself had found, which upon trial made, was supposed to be very good. The 23. of August, the said Captain met together with the other Captains (Commissioners in counsel with the General) aboard the Aid, where they considered and consulted of sundry causes, which being particularly registered by the Notary, were appointed where and how to be done against another year. The 24. of August, the General with two Pinnisses and good numbers of men went to bears sound, commanding the said Captain with his Pinnace to attend the service, to see if he could encounter or apprehended any of the people: for sundry times they showed themselves busy thereabouts, sometimes with seven or eight Boats in one company, as though they minded to encounter with our company which were working there at the Mines, in no great numbers. But when they perceived any of our Ships to ride in that road (being belike more amazed at the countenance of a Ship, and a more number of men) they did never show themselves again there at all. None of the people will be taken. Wherefore our men sought with their Pinnisses to compass about the Island where they did use, supposing there suddenly to intercept some of them. But before our men could come near, having belike some watch in the top of the mountains, they conveyed themselves privily away, and left (as it should seem) one of their great darts behind them for haste, which we found near to a place of their caves and housing. Therefore, though our General were very desirous to have taken some of them to have brought into England, they being now grown more wary by their former losses, would not at any time come within our dangers. About midnight of the same day, the captain of the Anne Francis departed thence and set his course over the straits towards Ha●tons Hedland, being about 15. leagues over, and returned aboard his Ship the 25. of August, to the great comfort of his company, who long expected his coming, where he found his Ships ready rigged and laden. Wherefore he departed from thence again the next morning towards the Countess' sound, where he arrived the 28. of the same. By the way he set his Miners ashore at bears sound, for the better dispatch and gathering the Ore together, for that some of the ships were behind hand with their freight, the time of the year passing suddenly away. The thirtieth of August the Anne Francis was brought aground, and had 8. great leaks mended which she had received by means of the rocks and ice. This day the Masons finished a house which Captain Fenton caused to be made of lime and stone upon the Countess of Warwick's Island, A house builded and left there. to the end we might prove against the next year, whither the snow could overwhelm it, the frost break it up, or the people dismember the same. And the better to allure those brutish and uncivil people to courtesy against other times of our coming, we left therein divers of our Country toys, as bells, and knives, wherein they specially delight, one for the necessary use, and the other for the great pleasure thereof. Also pictures of men and women in lead, men on horseback, looking glasses, whistels, and pipes. Also in the house was made an Oven, and bread left baked therein for them to see and taste. We buried the timber of our pretended fort. Also here we sowed pease, corn, and other grain, to prove the fruitfulness of the soil against the next year. Master Wolfall on Winter's Furnace preached a godly sermon, M. Wolfall a godly Preacher. which being ended, he celebrated also a Communion upon the land, at the partaking whereof was the Captain of the Anne Francis, and many other Gentlemen and Soldiers, Mariners, and Miners with him. The celebration of the divine mystery was the first sign, seal, and confirmation of Christ's name, death, and passion ever known in these quarters. The said M. Wolfall made sermons, and celebrated the Communion at sundry other times, in several and sundry ships, because the whole company could never meet together at any one place. The Fleet now being in some good readiness for their lading, the General calling together the Gentlemen and Captains to consult, told them that he was very desirous that some further discovery should be attempted, and that he would not only by Gods help bring home his Ships laden with Ore, but also meant to bring some certificate of a further discovery of the Country, which thing to bring to pass (having sometime therein consulted) they found very hard, and almost invincible. Consultation for a further discovery. And considering that already they had spent sometime in searching out the trending and fashion of the mistaken straitss, therefore it could not be said, but that by this voyage they have notice of a further discovery, and that the hope of the passage thereby is much furthered and increased, as appeared before in the discourse thereof. Yet notwithstanding if any means might be further devised, the Captains were contented and willing, as the General should appoint and command, to take any enterprise in hand. Which after long debating was found a thing very impossible, and that rather consultation was to be had of returning homeward, especially for these causes following. First the dark foggy mists, the continual falling snow and stormy weather which they commonly were vexed with, and now daily ever more and more increased, have no small argument of the Winter's drawing near. And also the frost every night was so hard congealed within the sound, that if by evil hap they should be long kept in with contrary winds, it was greatly to be feared, that they should be shut up there fast the whole year, which being utterly unprovided, would be their utter destruction. Again, drink was so scant throughout all the Fleet by means of the great leakage, that not only the provision which was laid in for the habitation was wanting and wasted, but also each ships several provision spent and lost, which many of our company to their great grief found in their return since, for all the way homewards they drank nothing but water. And the great cause of this leakage and wasting was, for that the great timber and seacole, which lay so weighty upon the barrels, brake, bruised, and rotten the hoops insunder. Yet notwithstanding these reasons alleged the General himself (willing the rest of the Gentlemen and Captains every man to look to his several charge and lading, that against a day appointed, they should be all in a readiness to set homeward) went in a Pinnace, and discovered further Northward in the straits, and found that by bears sound and halls Island, the land was not firm, as it was first supposed, but all broken Islands in manner of an Archipelagus, Broken islands in manner of an Archipelagus. and so with other secret intelligence to himself, he returned to the Fleet. Where presently upon his arrival at the Countess' sound, he began to take order for their returning homeward, and first caused certain Articles to be proclaimed, for the better keeping of orders and courses in their return, which Articles were delivered to every Captain. The Fleets returning homeward. Having now received Articles and directions for our return homewards, all other things being in forwardness and in good order, the last day of August the whole Fleet departed from the Countess' sound, excepting the judith, and the Anne Francis, who stayed for the taking in ●f fresh water, and came the next day and met the Fleet lying off and on, athwart Bears sound, who stayed for the General, which then was go ashore to dispatch the two Barks and the Bustle of Bridgewater, for their loading, whereby to get the companies and other things abo●rd. Return homeward. The Captain of the Anne Francis having most part of his company ashore, the first of September went al●o to bears sound in his Pinnace to fetch his men aboard, but the wound grew so great immediately upon their landing, that the ships at Sea were in great danger, and some o● them forcibly pu● from their anchors, and greatly feared to be utterly lost, as the Hopewell, wherein was Captain Carew and others, who could not tell on which side their danger was m●st: for having mighty rocks threatening on the one side, and driving Islands of cutting ice on the other side, they greatly feared to make shipwreck, the ice driving so near them that it touched the●r bolt-sprit. And by means of the Sea that was grown so high, they w●re not able to put to sea wi●h their small Pinnesses to recover their ships. And again, the ships were not able to carry or lie athwart for them, by means of t●e outrageous winds and swel●ing s●as. The General wil●ed the Captain of the Anne Francis with his company, for that night to lodge aboard the Buss of Bridgewater, and went himself with the r●st of his men aboard the Bar●es. But their numbers were so great, and the provision of the Barks so scant, that they pestered one another exceedingly. They had great hope that the next morning the weather would be fair, whereby they might recover their ships. But in the morning f●llowing it was much worse, for the storm continued greater, the Sea being more swollen, and the Fleet go qu●te out of sight. So that now their doubts began to grow great: for the sh●p of Bridgewater which was of greatest receipt, and whereof they had best hope and made most account, road so far to leeward of the harborowes mouth, that they were not able for the rocks (that lay between the wound and them) to lead it out to Sea with a sail. And the Barks were already so pestered with men, and so slenderly furnished with provision, that they had scarce meat for six days for such numbers. The General in the morning departed to Sea in the Gabriel to seek the Fleet, leaving the Buss of Bridgewater, and the Michael behind in bears sound. The Buss set sail, and th●ught by turning in the narrow channel within the harborough to get to windward: but being put to leeward more, by that means was feign to come to anchor for her better safety, amongst a number of rocks, and there left in great danger of ever getting forth again. The Michael set sail to follow the General, and could give the Buss no relief, although they earnestly desired the same. And the Captain of the Anne Francis was left in hard election of two evils: either to abide his fortune with the Buss of Bridgewater, which was doubtful of ever getting forth, or else to be towed in his small Pinnace at the stern of the Michael thorough the raging Seas, for that the Bark was not able to receive or relieve half his company, wherein his danger was not a little perilous. So after he resolved to commit himself with all his company unto that fortune of God and Sea, and was dangerously towed at the stern of the Bark for many miles, until at length they espied the Anne Francis under sail, hard under their Lee, which was no small comfort unto them. For no doubt, both these and a great number more had perished for lack of victuals, and convenient room in the Barks without the help of the said Ship. But the honest care that the Master of the Anne Francis had of his Captain, and the good regard of duty towards his General, suffered him not to departed, but honestly abode to hazard a dangerous road all the night long, notwithstanding all the stormy weather, when all the Fleet besides departed. And the Pinnace came no sooner aboard the ship, and the men entered, but she presently shivered and fallen in pieces and sunk at the ships stern, with all the poor men's furniture: so weak was the boat with towing, and so forcible was the sea to bruise her in pieces. But (as God would) the men were all saved. At this present in this storm many of the Fleet were dangerously distressed, and were severed almost all asunder. Yet, thanks be ●o God, all the Fleet arrived safely in England about the first of October, some in one place and some in another. But amongst other, it was most marvelous how the B●sse of Bridgewater got away, who being left behind the Fleet in great danger of never getting forth, An unknown channel into the North-east, discovered by the Buss of Bridgewater. was forced to seek a way Northward th●row an unknown channel full of rocks, upon the back side of bears sound, and there by good hap found ●ut a way into the North sea, a very dangerous attempt: save that necessitie● which hath no law, forced them to try masteries. This aforesaid North sea is the same which lieth upon the back side of Frobishers' straits, where first the General himself in his Pinnesses, and after some other of our company have discovered (as they affirm) a great foreland, where they would have also a great likelihood of the greatest passage towards the South sea, or Marinell deal Sur. The Buss of Bridgewater, as she came homeward, to the Southeastward of Friesland, A fruitful new Island discovered. discovered a great Island in the latitude of 57 degrees and an half, which was never yet found before, and sailed three days alongst the coast, the land seeming to be fruitful, full of woods, and a champion Country. There died in the whole Fleet in all this voyage not above forty people, which number is not great, considering how many ships were in the Fleet, and how strange fortunes we passed. A general and brief description of the Country, and condition of the people, which are found in Meta Incognita. Having now sufficiently and truly set forth the whole circumstance, and particular handling of every occurrent in the 3. voyages of our worthy General, Captain Frobisher, it shall not be from the purpose to speak somewhat in general of the nature of this Country called Meta Incognita, and the condition of the savages there inhabiting. First therefore touching the Topographical description of the place, A topographical description of Meta Inc●gnita. It is now found in the last voyage, that Queen Elizabeth's Cape being situate in latitude at 61. degrees and a half, which before was supposed to be part of the firm land of America, and also all the rest of the South side of Frobishers' straitss, are all several Islands and broken land, and likewise so will all the North side of the said straitss fall out to be as I think. And some of our company being entered above 60. leagues within the mistaken straitss in the third voyage mentioned, thought certainly that they had descried the firm land of America towards the South, which I think will fall out so to be. These broken lands and Islands being very many in number, do seem to make there an Archipelagus, which as they all differ in greatness, form, and fashion one from another, so are they in goodness, colour, and soil much unlike. They all are very high lands, mountains, and in most parts covered with snow even all the Summer long. The Norther lands have less store of snow, more grass, and are more plain countries: the cause whereof may be, for that the Souther islands receive all the snow, that the cold winds and piercing air bring out of the North. And contrarily, the North parts receive more warm blasts of milder air from the South, whereupon may grow the cause why the people covet to inhabit more upon the North parts then the South, as far as we can yet by our experience perceive they do. These people I judge to be a kind of Bohemian-tartar, or rather a kind of Samoed, The people of Meta Incognita like unto Samoeds. of the same sort and condition of life that the Samoeds be to the Northeastwards beyond Moscovy, who are called Samoeds, which is as much to say in the Moscovy tongue, as eaters of themselves, and so the Russians their borderers do name them. And by late conference with a friend of mine (with whom I did sometime travel in the parts of Moscovy) who hath great experience of those Samoeds and people of the North-east, I found that in all their manner of living, those people of the North-east, and these of the Northwest are like. They are of the colour of a ripe Olive, Their na●iu● colour. which how it may come to pass, being born in so cold a climate, I refer to the judgement of others, for they are naturally born children of the same colour and complexion that all the Americans are, which devil under the Equinoctial line. They are men very active and nimble. They are a strong people and very warlike, for in our sight upon the tops of the hills they would often muster themselves, and after the manner of a skirmish trace their ground very nimbly, and manage their bows and darts with great dexterity. They go clad in coats made of the skins of beasts, Their apparel as of Seals, Dear, Bears, Foxes, and Hares. They have also some garments of feathers, being made of the cases of fowls, finely sowed and compact together. Of all which sorts we brought home some with us into England, which we found in their tents. In Summer they use to wear the hairy side of their coats outward, and sometime go naked for too much heat. And in Winter (as by signs they have declared) they wear four or five fold upon their bodies with the hair (for warmth) turned inward. Hereby it appeareth, that the air there is not indifferent, but either it is fervent hot, or else extreme cold, & far more excessive in both qualities, than the reason of the climate should yield. For there is colder, being under 62. degrees in latitude, than it is at Wardhouse in the voyage to Saint Nicholas in Moscovie, being at above 72. degrees in latitude. The reason hereof perhaps may be, that this Meta Incognita is much frequented and vexed with Eastern and Northeastern winds, The accidental cause of the cold air at Meta Incognita. which from the sea and ice bringeth often an intolerable cold air, which was also the cause that this year our straits were so long shut up with so great store of ice. But there is great hope and likelihood, that further within the Straitss it will be more constant and temperate weather. These people are in nature very subtle and sharp witted, ready to conceive our meaning by signs, and to make answer well to be understood again. And if they have not seen the thing whereof you ask them, they will wink, or cover their eyes with their hands, as who would say, it hath been hide from their sight. If they understand you not whereof you ask them, they will stop their ears. They will teach us the names of each thing in their language which we desire to learn, and are apt to learn any thing of us. They delight in Music above measure, The Savages delight in Music. and will keep time and stroke to any tune which you shall sing, both with their voice, head, hand and feet, and will sing the same tune aptly after you. They will row with our Oars in our boats, and keep a true stroke with our Mariners, and seem to take great delight therein. They live in Caves of the earth, ●ard kind of living. and hunt for their dinners or pray, even as the bear or other wild beasts do. They eat raw flesh and fish, and refuse no meat howsoever it be stinking. They are desperate in their fight, sullen of nature, and ravenous in their manner of feeding. Their sullen & desperate nature doth herein manifestly appear, that a company of them being environed by our men on the top of a high cliff, so that they could by no means escape our hands, finding themselves in this case distressed, chose rather to cast themselves headlong down the rocks into the sea, and so be bruised and drowned, rather than to yield themselves to our men's mercies. Their weapon's. For their weapons to offend their enemies or kill their prey withal, they have darts, slings, bows, and arrows headed with sharp stones, bones, and some with iron. They are exceeding friendly and kind hearted one to the other, and mourn greatly at the loss or harm of their fellows, and express their grief of mind, when they part one from another with a mournful song, and Dirges. They are very shamefast in bewraying the secrets of nature, Their chastity. and very chaste in the manner of their living: for when the man, which we brought from thence into England the last voyage, should put off his coat or discover his whole body for change, he would not suffer the woman to be present, but put her forth of his Cabin. And in all the space of two or three months, while the man lived in company of the woman, there was never any thing seen or perceived between them, more than might have passed between brother and sister: but the woman was in all things very serviceable for the man, attending him carefully when he was sick, and he likewise in all the meats which they did eat together, would carve unto her of the sweetest, fattest, and best morsels they had. They wondered much at all our things, and were afraid of our horses and other beasts out of measure. They began to grow more civil, familiar, pleasant, and docible amongst us in very short time. Their boats. They have boats made of leather, and covered clean over saving one place in the middle to sit in, planked within with timber, and they use to row therein with one Ore, more swiftly a great deal, than we in our boats can do with twenty. They have one sort of greater boats wherein they can carry above twenty people, and have a Mast with a sail thereon, which sail is made of thin skins or bladders, sowed together with the sinews of fish. They are good Fishermen, and in their small Boats being disguised with their coats of S●ales skins, they deceive the fish, who take them rather for their fellow Seals, then for deceiving men. They are good marksmen. With their dart or arrow they will commonly kill a Duck, or any other foul in the head, and commonly in the eye. When they shoot at a great fish with any of their darts, they use to tie a bladder thereunto, whereby they may the better found them again, and the fish not able to carry it so easily away (for that the bladder doth boy the dart) will at length be weary, and dye therewith. Traffic with some other nation unknown. They use to traffic and exchange their commodities with some other people, of whom they have such things as their miserable Country, and ignorance of Art to make, denieth them to have, as bars of iron, heads of iron for their darts, needles made four square, certain buttons of copper, which they use to wear upon their forehads for ornament, as our Ladies in the Court of England do use great pearl. Gold. Also they have made signs unto us, that they have seen gold, and such bright plates of metals, which are used for ornaments amongst some people with whom they have conference. We found also in their tents a Guiny Beane of red colour, the which doth usually grow in they hot countries: whereby it appeareth they trade with other nations which devil far off, or else themselves are great travelers. The ●●ewell. They have nothing in use among them to make fire withal, saving a kind of Heath and Moss which groweth there. And they kindle their fire with continual rubbing and fretting one stick against another, How they make fire. as we do with flints. They draw with dogs in sleads upon the ice, and remove their tents therewithal wherein they devil in Summer, when they go a hunting for their pray and provision against Winter. They do sometime parboil their meat a little and seethe the same in kettles made of beasts skins: they have also pans cut and made of stone very artificially: Their kettle● a●d pans. they use pretty gins wherewith they take foul. The women carry their sucking children at their backs, and do feed them with raw flesh, which first they do a little chaw in their own mouths. The women have their faces marked or painted over with small blue spots: they have black and long hair on their heads, and trim the same in a decent order. The men have but little hair on their faces, and very thin beards. For their common dringe, they eat ice to quench their thirst withal. Their ●arth yieldeth no grain or fruit of sustenance for man, or almost for beast to live upon: and the people will eat grass and shrubs of the ground, The people eat● grass and ●h●u●s. even as our cows do. They have no wood growing in their Country thereabouts, and yet we found they have some timber among them, which we think doth grow far off to the Southwards of t●is place, about Canada, or some other part of New found land: for there belike, the trees standing on the cliffs of the sea side, by the weight of ice and snow in Winter overcharging them with weight, when the summers thaw cometh above, and also the Sea underfretting them beneath, which winneth daily of the land, they are undermined and fall down from those cliffs into the Sea, and with the tides and currents are driven to and fro upon the coasts further off, and by conjecture are taken up here by these Country people, to serve them to plank and strengthen their boats withal, and to make darts, bows, and arrows, and such other things necessary for their use. And of this kind of drift would we found all the Seas over great store, which being cut or sawed asunder, by reason of long driving in the Sea is eaten of worms, and full of holes, of which sort there's is found to be. We have not yet found any venomous Serpent or other hurtful thing in these parts, but there is a kind of small fly or gnat that stingeth and offendeth sorely, A strange kind of gnat. leaving many read spots in the face, and other places where she stingeth. They have snow and hail in the best time of their Summer, and the ground frozen three fathom deep. These people are great enchanters, Enchanters. and use many charms of witchcraft: for when their heads do ache, they tie a great stone with a string unto a stick, and with certain prayers and words done to the stick, they lift up the stone from ground, which sometimes with all a man's force they cannot stir, and sometime again they lift as easily as a feather, and hope thereby with certain ceremonious words to have ease and help. And they made us by signs to understand, lying groveling with their faces upon the ground, and making a noise downward, that they worship the devil under them. They have great store of Decree, Bears, Hares, Foxes, and innumerable numbers of sundry sorts of wild foul, as Seawinewes, Gulls, Wilmotes, Ducks, The beasts and fowls of the Country. etc. whereof our men killed in one day fifteen hundred. They have also store of hawks, as Falcons, Tassels, etc. whereof two alighted upon one of our ships at their return, and were brought into England, which some think will prove very good. There are also great store of ravens, larks, and partridges, whereof the Country people feed. All these fowls are far thicker clothed with down and feathers, and have thicker skins than any in England have: for as that country is colder, so nature hath provided a remedy thereunto. Our men have eaten of their Bears, Hares, Partridges, Larks, and of their wild foul, and found them reasonable good meat, but not so delectable as ours. Their wild foul must be all fleine, their skins are so thick: and they taste best fried in pans. The Country seemeth to be much subject to Earthquakes. The air is very subtle, piercing and searching, so that if any corrupted of infected body, especially with the disease called Morbus Gallicus come there, it will presently break forth and show itself, and cannot thereby any kind of salve or medicine be cured. Their longest summers day is of great length, without any dark night, so that in july all the night long, we might perfectly and easily writ and read whatsoever had pleased us, which lightsome nights were very beneficial unto us, being so distressed with abundance of ice as we were. The Sun setteth to them in the Evening at a quarter of an hour after ten of the clock, The length of their day. and rises again in the morning at three quarters of an hour after one of the clock, so that in Summer their Sun shines to them twenty hours and a half, and in the night is absent three hours and a half. And although the Sun be absent these 3. hours and a half, yet it is not dark that time, for that the Sun is never above three or four degrees under the edge of their Horizon: the cause is, that the Tropic of Cancer doth cut the● Horizon at very uneven and oblige Angles. But the Moon at any time of the year being in Cancer, having North latitude, doth make a full revolution above their Horizon, A full revolution of the Monne above their Horizon. so that sometime they see the Moon above 24. hours together. Some of our company of the more ignorant sort, thought we might continually have seen the Sun and the Moon, had it not been for two or three high mountains. The people are now become so wary, and so circumspect, by reason of their former losses, that by no means we can apprehended any of them, although we attempted often in this last voyage. But to say truth, we could not bestow any great time in pursuing them, because of our great business in lading, and other things. The Letters patents of the Queen's Majesty, granted to Master Adrian Gylbert and others, for the search and discovery of the Northwest Passage to China. ELizabeth by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland Queen, defender of the faith, etc. To all, to whom these presents shall come, greeting: Forasmuch as our trusty and well-beloved subject Adrian Gylbert of Sandridge in the County of Devon, Gentleman, to his great costs and charges, hath greatly and earnestly traveled and sought, and yet doth travel and seek, and by divers means endeavoureth and laboureth, that the Passage unto China and the Isles of the Moluccas, by the Northwestward, Northeastward, or Northward, unto which part or parts of the world, none of our loyal Subjects have hitherto had any traffic or trade, may be discovered, known, and frequented by the Subjects of this our Realm: Know ye therefore that for the considerations aforesaid and for divers other good considerations us thereunto specially moving, We of our grace especial, certain knowledge, and mere motion, have given and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant free liberty, power, and full authority to the said Adrian Gylbert, and to any other person by him or his heirs to be assigned, and to those his associates and assistants, whose names are written in a Schedule hereunto annexed, and to their heirs, and to one assignee of each of them, and each of their heirs at all times, and at any time or times after the date of these presents, under our Banners and Ensigns freely, without let, interruption, or restraint, of us, our heirs or successors, any law, statute, proclamation, patent, charter, or proviso to the contrary notwithstanding, to sail, make voyage, and by any manner of means to pass and to departed out of this our Realm of England, or any our Realms, Dominions, or Territories into all or any Isles, Countries, Regions, Provinces, Territories, Seas, Rivers, Portes, Bays, Creeks, arms of the Sea, and all Havens, and all manner of other places whatsoever, that by the said Northwestward, Northeastward, or Northward, is to be by him, his associates or assigns discovered, and for and in the said sailing, voyage, and passage, to have and use so many ships, Barks, Pinnesses, or other vessels of any quantity or burden, with all the furniture of men, victuals, and all manner of necessary provision, armour, weapons, ordinance, targets, and appurtinances whatsoever, as to such a voyage shall or may be requisite, convenient or commodious, any law, statute, ordinance or proviso to the contrary thereof notwithstanding. And also we do give and grant to the said Adrian Gylbert, and his said associates, an● to such assignee of him, and his heirs, and to the heirs and one assignee of every of his said associates for ever, full power and absolute authority to trade and make their resiance in any of the said Isles, Countries, Regions, Provinces, Territories, Seas, Rivers, Portes, Bays, and Havens, and all manner of other places whatsoever with all commodities, prosites, and emoluments in the said places or any of them, growing and arising, with all manner of privileges, prerogatives, jurisdictions and royalties both by sea and land whatsoever, yielding and paying therefore unto us, our heirs and successors, the tenth part of all such gold and silver oar, pearls, jewels, and precious stones, or the value thereof, as the said Adrian Gylbert and his said associates, their heirs and assigns, servants, factors, or workmen, and every or any of them shall find, the said tenth to be delivered duly to our Customer, or other officers by us, our heirs or successors thereunto assigned, in the Ports of London, Dartmouth, or Plymouth, at which three places only the said Adrian Gylbert, and his said associates, their said heirs and assigns, shall lad, charge, arrive, and discharge all manner of wares, goods, and merchandizes whatsoever to the said voyage, and new trade belonging or appertaining. And moreover, we have given, granted, and authorised, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, of our grace especial, certain knowledge, and mere motion, do give, grant, and authorize the said Adrian Gilbert, and his said associates for ever, their heirs and their said assigns & every of them, that if the aforesaid Isles, Countries, Regions, Provinces, Territories, Seas, Rivers, Ports, Bays, or Havens, or any other of the premises by the said Adrian Gylbert or his associates, their heirs and their said assigns or any of them, to be found by them, discovered and trafficked unto by any trade as aforesaid, shall be by any other our subjects visited, frequented, haunted, traded unto or inhabited by the ways aforesaid, without the special licence in writing of the said Adrian Gylbert and his associates, and their heirs and assigns for ever, or by the most part of them, so that the said Adrian Gilbert, his heirs or assigns be one of them, that then aswell their ship, or ships in any such voyage of voyages used, as all and singular their goods, wares, and merchandises, or any other things whatsoever, from or to any of the places aforesaid transported, that so shall presume to visit, frequent, haunt, trade unto, or inhabit, shall be forfeited and confiscated, ipso, facto, the one half of the same goods and merchandises, or other things whatsoever, or the value thereof to be to the use of us, our heirs or successors, and the other moiety thereof to be to the use of the said Adrian Gylbert and his said associates, their heirs and assigns for ever: and unto the said Adrian Gylbert and his said associates, their heirs and assigns we impose, give, assign, created and confirm this name peculiar to be named by, to sue and to be sued by, that is to wit, by the name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the discovery of the Northwest passage, The colleagues of the fellowship for the discovery of the Northwest passage. and them for us, our heirs and successors by that name do incorporate, and do erect and created as one body corporate to have continuance for ever. Moreover unto the said Adrian Gylbert, and his said associates, and unto their heirs and their said assigns for ever, by name of the Colleagues of the fellowship, for the discovery of the Northwest passage, we have given, granted, and confirmed, and do by these presents give, grant, and confirm full power and authority from time to time, and at all times hereafter, to make order, decree and enact, constitute and ordain, and appoint all such ordinances, orders, decrees, laws, and acts, as the said new corporation or body politic, Colleagues of the fellowship for the discovery of the Northwest passage, shall think meet, necessary, and convenient so that they or any of them be not contrary to the laws of this realm, and of this our present grant. And we by our Royal prerogative, and fullness of our authority, of our grace especial, certain knowledge and mere motion, do establish, confirm & ratify all such ordinances, orders, decrees, laws and acts to be in so full and great power and authority, as we, our heirs or successors may or can in any such case grant, confirm, or ratify. And further for the better encouragement of our loving subjects in this discovery, we by our Royal prerogative, and fullness of authority for us, our heirs and successors, do give, grant, establish, confirm, ordain, ratify and allow by these presents, to the said Adrian Gylbert and to his associates, and to the heirs and assigns of them and every of them for ever, and to all other person or people of our loving subjects whatsoever that shall hereafter travail, sail, discover, or make voyage as aforesaid to any the Isles, Mainelands, Countries or Territories whatsoever, by virtue of this our grant to be discovered, that the heirs and assigns of them and every of them being born within any of the Isles, Mainelands and Countries, or Territories whatsoever before mentioned, shall have and enjoy all the privileges of free Denizens, Free Denization granted. as people native born within this our Realm of England, or within our allegiance for ever, in such like ample manner and form, as if they were or had been born and personally resiant within our said Realm, any law, statute proclamation, custom or usage to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding. Moreover, for the consideration aforesaid by virtue hereof, we give and grant unto the said Adrian Gylbert, his heirs and assigns for ever, free liberty, licence and privilege, that during the space of five years next and immediately ensuing the date hereof, This Patent remained in force five years. if shall not be lawful for any person or people whatsoever, to visit, haunt, frequent, trade, or make voyage to any Isles, Mainlands, Countries, Regions, Provinces, Territories, Seas, Rivers, Ports, Bays, and Havens, nor to any other Havens or places whatsoever hitherto not yet discovered by any of our subjects by virtue of this grant to be traded unto, without the special consent and good liking of the said Adrian Gylbert, his heirs or assigns first had in writing. And if any person or people of the associates of the said Adrian, his heirs or assigns, or any other person or people whatsoever, free of this discovery, shall do any act or acts contrary to the tenor and true meaning hereof, during the space of the said five years, that then the party and parties so offending, they and their heirs for ever shall lose (ipso facto) the benefit and privilege of this our grant, and shall stand and remain to all intents and purposes as people exempted out of this grant. And further by virtue hereof we give and grant, for us, our heirs and successors at all times during the space of five years next ensuing the date hereof, liberty and licence, and full authority to the said Adrian Gylbert, Authority to proceed at Sea against mutineers. and his heirs and assigns, that if it shall happen any one or more in any ship or ships sailing on their said voyage, to become mutinous, seditious, disordered, or any way virtuly to the prejudice or hindrance of the hope for the success in the attempt or prosecuting of this discovery or trade intended, to use or execute upon him or them so offending, such punishment, correction, or execution, as the cause shall be ●ound in justice to require by the verdict of twelve of the company sworn thereunto, as in such a case appertaineth: That express mention of the certainty of the premises, or of other gifts or grants by us to the said Adrian Gylbert and his associates before this time made is not mentioned in these presents, or any other law, act, statute, proviso, grant, or proclamation heretofore made or hereafter to be made to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding. In witness whereof we have made these our Letters to be made patents: Witness ourself at Westminster, the sixt day of February, in the six and twenty year of our reign. 1583. The first voyage of M. john davis, undertaken in june 1585. for the discovery of the Northwest passage, Written by M. john janes' Merchant, sometimes servant to the worshipful Master William Sanderson. Certain Honourable personages and worthy Gentlemen of the Court & Country, with divers worshipful Merchants of London and of the West Country, moved with desire to advance God's glory and to seek the good of their native Country, consulting together of the likelihood of the Discovery of the Northwest passage, which heretofore had been attempted, but unhappily given over by accidents unlooked for, which turned the enterprisers from their principal purpose, resolved after good deliberation, to put down their adventures to provide for necessary shipping, and a fit man to be chief conductor of this so hard an enterprise. The setting forth of this Action was committed by the adventurers, especially to the care of M. William Sanderson Merchant of London, who was so forward therein that besides his travail which was not small, he become the greatest adventurer with his purse, and commended unto the rest of the company one M. john davis, a man very well grounded in the principles of the Art of Navigation, for Captain and chief Pilot of this exploit. Thus therefore all things being put in a readiness, we departed from Dartmouth the seventh of june, towards the discovery of the aforesaid Northwest passage, with two Barks, the one being of 50. tons, named the Sunshine of London, and the other being 35. tons, named the Moonshine of Dartmouth. In the Sunshine we had 23. people, whose names are these following, M. john davis Captain, William Eston Master, Richard Pope Master's mate, john jane Merchant, Henry Davie gunner, William Cross boatswayne, john Bag, Walter Arthur, Luke Adams, Robert Coxworthie, john Ellis, john Kelley, Edward Helman, William Dick, Andrew Maddock, Thomas Hill, Robert Wat's Carpenter, William russel, Chrstopher Gorney boy: james Cole, Francis Ridley, john russel, Robert Cornish Musicians. Musicians. The Moonshine had 19 people, William Bruton Captain, john Ellis Master, the rest Mariners. The 7. of june the Captain and the Master drew out a proportion for the continuance of our victuals. The 8. day the wound being at Southwest and West south-west, we put in for Falmouth, where we remained until the 13. The 13. the wound blew at North, and being fair weather we departed. The 14. with contrary wound we were forced to put into Silley. The 15. we departed thence, having the wound North and by East moderate and fair weather. The 16. we were driven back again, and were constrained to arrive at new Grymiby in Silley: here the wind remained contrary 12. days, and in that space the Captain, the Master and I went about all the islands, and the Captain did plat out and describe the situation of all the islands, rocks and harboroughs to the exact use of Navigation, with lines and scale thereunto convenient. They departed from Silley. The 28. in God's name we departed the wound being Easterly, but calm. july. The first of july we saw great store of Porpoises; The Master called for an harping iron, and shot twice or thrice: sometimes he miss, and at last shot one and strooke him in the side, and wound him into the ship: when we had him aboard, the Master said it was a Darlie head. The 2. we had some of the fish sodden, and it did eat as sweet as any mutton. The 3. we had more in sight, and the Master went to shoot at them, but they were so great, that they burst our irons, and we lost both fish, irons, pastime and all: yet nevertheless the Master shot at them with a pike, and had well-nigh got one, but he was so strong that he burst off the bars of the pike and went away: then he took the boat-hooke, and hit one with that, but all would not prevail; so at length we let them alone. The 6. we see a very great Whale, and every day we see whales continually. The 16. 17. and 18. we see great store of Whales. Great store of whales. The 19 of july we fallen into a great whirling and brustling of a tide, setting to the Northwards: and sailing about half a league we came into a very calm Sea, which bend to the Southsouthwest. Here we herded a mighty great roaring of the Sea, as if it had been the breach of some shore, the air being so foggy and full of thick mist, that we could not see the one ship from the other, being a very small distance asunder: so the Captain and the Master being in distrust how the tide might set them, caused the Moonshine to hoist out her boat and to sound, but they could not find ground in 300. fathoms and better. Then the Captain, Master, and I went towards the breach, to see what it should be, giving charge to our gunner's that at every glass they should shoot off a musket-shot, to the intent we might keep ourselves from losing them. Then coming near to the breach, we met many islands of ice floating, which had quickly compassed us about: then we went upon some of them, and did perceive that all the roaring which we herded, was caused only by the rolling of this ice together: The riuling of the ice together made a great roaring. Our company seeing us not to return according to our appointment, left off shooting muskets, and began to shoot falkonets, for they feared some mishap had befallen us, but before night we came aboard again with our boat laden with ice, which made very good fresh water. Ice turned into water. Then we bend our course toward the North, hoping by that means to double the land. The 20. as we sailed along the coast the fog broke up, and we discovered the land, which was the most deformed rocky and mountainous land that ever we see: The first sight whereof did show as if it had been in form of a sugarloaf, standing to our sight above the clouds, for that it did show over the fog like a white list in the sky, the tops altogether covered with snow, and the shore beset with ice a league off into the Sea, making such irksome noise as that it seemed to be the true pattern of desolation, and after the same our Captain named it, The land of Desolation. The Land of Desolation. The 21. the wind came Northerly and overblew, so that we were constrained to bend our course South again, for we perceived that we were run into a very deep Bay, where we were almost compassed with ice, for we see very much toward the Northnortheast, West, and South-west: and this day and this night we cleared ourselves of the ice, running Southsouthwest along the shore. Upon Thursday being the 2●. of this month, about three of the clock in the morning, we hoist out our boat, and the Captain with six sailors went towards the shore, thinking to ●ind a landing place, for the night before we did perceive the coast to be void of ice to our judgement, and the same night we were all persuaded that we had seen a Canoa rowing along the shore, but afterwards we fallen in some doubt of it, but we had no great reason so to do. The Captain rowing towards the shore, willed the Master to bear in with the land after him, and before he came near the shore by the space of a league, or about two miles, he found so much ice, that he could not get to land by any means. Here our mariners put to their lines to see if they could get any fish, because there were so many seals upon the coast, and the birds did beat upon the water, but all was in vain: The water about this place was very black and thick like to a filthy standing pool, Very black water. we sounded and had ground in 120. fathoms. While the Captain was rowing to the shore, our men saw woods upon the rocks like to the rocks of Newfoundland, but I could not discern them, yet it might be so very well: for we had wood floating upon the coast every day, Floating wood and the Moonshine took up a tree at Sea not far from the coast being sixty foot of length and fourteen handfuls about, having the root upon it: After this the Captain came aboard, the weather being very calm and fair we bend our course toward the South, with intent to double the land. The 23. we coasted the land which did lie Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest. The 24. the wind being very fair at East, we coasted the land which did lie East and West, not being able to come near the shore by reason of the great quantity of ice. At this place, because the weather was somewhat cold by reason of the ice, Cold by ●eason of ice. and the better to encourage our men, their allowance was increased: the captain and the master took order that every mess, being five people, should have half a pound of bread and a can of beer every morning to breakfast. The weather was not very cold, but the air was moderate like to our April-weather in England: when the wind came from the land, or the ice, it was somewhat cold, but when it came off the sea it was very hot. They sail Northwestward above four days. The 25 of this month we departed from sight of this land at six of the clock in the morning, directing our course to the Northwestward, hoping in God's mercy to find our desired passage, and so continued above four days. The 29 of july we discovered land in 64 degrees 15 minutes of latitude, bearing North-east from us. Land in 64 degrees 15 min. The wind being contrary to go to the Northwestwards, we bore in with this land to take some view of it, being utterly voided of the pester of ice and very temperate. Coming near the coast, we found many fair sounds and good roads for shipping, and many great inlets into the land, whereby we judged this land to be a great number of Islands standing together. here having mored our bark in good order, we went on shore upon a small Island to seek for water and wood. Upon this Island we did perceive that there had been people: for we found a small shoe and pieces of leather sowed with sinews, The sound where our ships did ride was called hearts sound. and a piece of fur, and wool like to Bever. Then we went upon another Island on the other side of our ships: and the Captain, the Master, and I, being got up to the top of an high rock, the people of the country having espied us, made a lamentable noise, as we thought, with great outcries and skreeching: we hearing them, thought it had been the howling of wolves. At last I hallowed again, and they likewise cried. Then we perceiving where they stood, some on the shore, and one rowing in a Canoa about a small Island fast by them, we made a great noise, partly to allure them to us, and partly to warn our company of them. Whereupon M. Bruton and the Master of his ship, with others of their company, made great haste towards us, and brought our Musicians with them from our ship, purposing either by force to res●ue us, if need should so require, or with courtesy to allure the people. When they came unto us, we caused our Musicians to play, Musicians. ourselves dancing, and making many signs of friendship. At length there came ten Canoas' from the other Islands, and two of them came so near the shore where we were, that they talked with us, the other being in their boats a pretty way off. The people of the country came and conferred with our men. Their pronunciation was very hollow thorough the throat, and their speech such as we could not understand: only we alured them by friendly embracings and signs of courtesy. At length one of them pointing up to the Sun with his hand, would presently strike his breast so hard that we might hear the blow. This he did many times before he would any way trust us. Then john Ellis the Master of the Moonshine was appointed to use his best policy to gain their friendship; who struck his breast, and pointed to the Sun after their order: which when he had divers times done, they began to trust him, and one of them came on shore, to whom we thr●w our caps, stockings and gloves, and such other things as then we had about us, playing with our music, and making signs of joy, and dancing. So the night coming, we bade them farewell, and went aboard our barks. Thirty seven Canoas'. The next morning being the 30 of july there came 37 Canoas' rowing by our ships, calling to us to come on shore: we not making any great haste unto them, one of them went up to the top of the rock, and leapt and danced as they had done the day before, showing us a seals skin, and another thing made like a timbrel, which he did beaten upon with a stick, making a noise like a small drum. Their music. Whereupon we manned our boats and came to them, they all staying in their Canoas'; we came to the water side where they were: and after we had sworn by the Sun after their fashion, they did trust us. So I shook hands with one of them, and he kissed my hand, and we were very familiar with them. Great familiarity with the Sauages● We were in so great credit with them upon this single acquaintance, that we could have any thing they had. We bought five Canoas' of them: we bought their clotheses from their backs, which were all made of seals skins & birds skins; their buskins, their hose, their gloves, all being commonly sowed and well dressed: so that we were fully persuaded that they have divers artificers among them. We had a pair of buskins of them full of fine wool like beaver. Their apparel for heat was made of birds skins with their feathers on them. We see among them leather dressed like glovers leather, and thick thongs like white leather of a good length. We had of their darts and oars, and found in them that they would by no means displease us, but would give us whatsoever we asked of them, and would be satisfied with whatsoever we gave them. They took great care one of another: for when we had bought their boats, than two other would come and carry him away between them that had sold us his. They are very tractable people, voided of craft or double dealing, and easy to be brought to any civility or good order: but we judge them to be idolaters and to worship the Sun. During the time of our abode among these Islands we found reasonable quantity of wood, divers sorts o● wood. both firr●, spruce and juniper; which whether it came floating any great distance to these places where we found it, or wh●ther it grew in some great Islands near the same place by us not yet discovered, we know not; but we judge that it groweth there further into the land than we were, because the people had great store of darts and oars which they made none accounted of, but gave them to us for small trifles, as points and pieces of paper. We see about this coast marvelous great abundance of scales skulling together like skulls of small fish. They may make much ●rame, if they had means how to use it● We found no fresh water among these Islands, but only snow water, whereof we found great pools. The cliffs were all of such oar as M. Frobisher brought from Meta incognita. We had divers shows of Study or Muscovy glas●e shining not altogether unlike to Crystal. Moscovie glass. We found an herb growing upon the rocks, whose fruit was sweet, full of redivice, and the ripe one's were like corinths. A fruit like corinths. We found also birch and willow growing like shrubs low to the ground. These people have great store of fur●es as we judge. They made shows unto us the 30 of this present, which was the second time of our being with them, after they perceived we would have skins and furs, that they would go into the country and come again the next day with such things as they had: but this night the wind coming fair, the captain and the master would by no means detract the purpose of our discovery. And so the last of this month about four of the clock in the morning in God's name we set sail, and were all that day becalmed upon the coast. The first of August we had a fair wind, August. and ●o proceeded towards the Northwest for our discovery. The sixt of August we discovered land in 66 degrees 40 minutes of latitude, Land in 66 degrees 40 min. altogether voided from the pester of ice: we ankered in a very fair road under a brave mount, the cliffs whereof were as orient as gold. This mount was named Mount Raleigh. The road where our ships lay at anchor was called To●nes road. The sound which did compass the mount was named Exeter sound. The foreland towards the North was called Dierscape. The foreland towards the South was named Cape Walsingham. So soon as we were come to an anchor in Totnes road under Mount Raleigh, we espied four white bears at the foot of the mount: Four white bears. we supposing them to be goats or wolves, manned our boats and went towards them: but when we came near the shore, we found them to be white bears of a monstrous bigness: we being desirous of fresh victual and the sport, began to assault them, and I being on land, one of them came down the hill right against me: my piece was charged with hailshot & a bullet: I discharged my piece and shot him in the neck; he roared a little, and took the water strait, making small account of his hurt● Then we followed him with our boat, and killed him with boar-spears, & two more that night. We found nothing in their maws; but we judged by their dung that they fed upon grass, because it appeared in all respects like the dung of an horse, wherein we might very plainly see the very straws. The 7 we went on shore to another bear which lay all night upon the top of an Island under Mount Raleigh, and when we came up to him he lay fast asleep. I leveled at his head, and the stone of my piece gave no fire: with that he looked up, and laid down his head again: then I shot being charged with two bullets, and struck him in the head: he being but amazed fallen backward: A huge whi●e bear. whereupon we ran all upon him with boar-spears, and thrust him in the body: yet for all that he gripped away our boar-spears, and wen● towards the water; and as he was going down, he came back again. Then our Master shot his boar-spear, and struck him in the head, and made him to take the water, and swim into a cove fast by, where we killed him, and brought him aboard. The breadth of his forefoot from one side to the other was fourteen inches over. They were very fat, so as we were constrained to cast the fat away. We see a raven upon Mount Raleigh. We found withies also growing like low shrubs & flowers like Primroses in the said place. The coast is very mountainous, altogether without wood, grass, or earth, and is only huge mountains of stone; but the bravest stone that ever we see. The air was very moderate in this country. The 8 we departed from Mount Raleigh, coasting along the shore, which lieth Southsouthwest, and Eastnortheast. The 9 our men fallen in dislike of their allowance, because it was too small as they thought: whereupon we made a new proportion; every mess being five to a mess should have four pound of bread a day, twelve wine quarts of beer, six Newland fish; and the flesh days a gill of pease more: so we restrained them from their butter and cheese. The 11 we came to the most Southerly cape of this land, which we named The Cape of God's mercy, as being the place of our first entrance for the discovery. The weather being very foggy we coasted this North land; at length when it broke up, we perceived that we were shot into a very fair entrance or passage, being in some places twenty leagues broad, and in s●me thirty, altogether voided of any pester of ice, the weather very tolerable, and the water of the very colour, nature and quality of the main ocean, which gave us the greater hope of our passage. Having sailed Northwest sixty leagues in this entrance we discovered certain Islands standing in the midst thereof, having open passage on both sides. Whereupon our ships divided themselves, the one sailing on the North side, the other on the South side of the said Isles, where we stayed five days, having the wind at Southeast, very foggy and foul weather. The 14 we went on shore and found signs of people, for we found stones laid up together like a brickwall, and see the skull of a man or a woman. The 15 we herded dogs howl on the shore, which we thought had been wolves, and therefore we went on shore to kill them. When we came on land the dogs came presently to our boat very gently, yet we thought they came to pray upon us, and therefore we shot at them, and killed two: and about the neck of one of them we found a leathern collar, whereupon we thought them to be tame dogs. There were twenty dogs like mastiffs with pricked ears and long bush tails: we found a bone in the pizzles of their dogs. Then we went farther, and found two sleads made like ours in England: the one was made of fir, spruce and oaken boards sawen like inch boards: Timber sawen. the other was made all of whale bone, & there hung on the tops of the steads three heads of beasts which they had killed. Fowl. We see here larks, ravens, and partridges. The 17 we went on shore, and in a little thing made like an oven with stones I found many small trifles, An image. as a small canoa made of wood, a piece of wood made like an image, a bird made of bone, beads having small holes in one end of them to hung about their necks, & other small things. The coast was very barren without wood or grass: the rocks were very fair like marble, full of veins of divers colours. We found a seal which was killed not long before, being fleane, and hide under stones. Probabilities for the passage. Our Captain and Master searched still for probabilities of the passage, and first found, that this place was all Islands, with great sounds passing between them. We never came into any ba● before or after, but the water's colour was altered very blackish. Secondly, the water remained of one colour with the main ocean without altering. Thirdly, we see to the West of those Isles three or four whales in askull, which they judged to come from a Westerly sea, because to the Eastward we see not any whale. Also as we were rowing into a very great sound lying South-west, from whence these whales came, upon the sudden there came a violent countercheck of a tide from the South-west against the flood which we came with, not knowing from whence it was maintained. Fiftly, in sailing twenty leagues within the mouth of this entrance we had sounding in 90 fathoms, fair grey os●e sand, and the further we ran into the Westwards the deeper was the water; so that hard aboard the shore among these Isles we could not have ground in 330 fathoms. Lastly, it did ebb and flow six or seven fathom up and down, the flood coming from divers parts, so as we could not perceive the chief maintenance thereof. The 18 and 19 our Captain and Master determined what was best to do, both for the safeguard of their credits, and satisfying of the adventurers, and resolved, if the weather broke up, to make further search. The 20 the wind came directly against us: so they altered their purpose, and reasoned both for proceeding and returning. The 21 the wind being Northwest, we departed from these Islands; and as we coasted the South shore we see many fair sounds, whereby we were persuaded that it was no firm land but Islands. The 23 of this month the wound came Southeast, with very stormy and foul weather: so we were constrained to seek harborough upon the South coast of this entrance, where we fallen into a very fair sound, & ank●red in 25 fathoms green os●e sand. Here we went on shore, where we had manifest signs of people where they had made their fire, and laid stones like a brickwall. In this place we see four very fair falcons; Falcons. and M. Bruton took from one of them his prey, which we judged by the wings and legs to be a snite, for the head was eaten off. The 24 in the afternoon, the wind coming some what fair, we departed from this road, purposing by God's grace to return for England. Their return. The 26 we departed from sight of the Northland of this entrance, directing our course homewards until the tenth of the next month. The 100L of September we fallen with The land of desolation, September. thinking to go on shore, but we could get never a good harbour. That night we put to sea again thinking to search it the next day: but this night arose a very great storm, and separated our ships, so that we lost the sight of the Moonshine. The 13. about noon (having tried all the night before with a goose wing) we set sail, They sail from The land of desolation to England in 14. days. & within two hours after we had sight of the Moonshine again: this day we departed from this land. The 27. of this month we fallen with sight of England. This night we had a marvelous storm and lost the Moonshine. The 30. of September we came into Dartmouth, where we found the Moonshine being come in not two hours before. The second voyage attempted by M. john davis with others, for the discovery of the Northwest passage, in Anno 1586. THe 7. day of May, I departed from the port of Dartmouth for the discovery of the Northwest passage, with a ship of an hundred and twenty tons named the Mermaid, a bark of 60. tons named the Sunshine, a bark of 35. tons named the Moonshine, and a pinnace of ten tons named the North star. And the 15. of june I discovered land in the latitude of 60. degrees, Land discovered in 60. degrees. and in longitude from the Meridian of London Westward 47. degrees, mightily pestered with ice and snow, so that there was no hope of landing: the ice lay in some places ten leagues, in some 20. and in some 50. leagues of the shore, so that we were constrained to bear into 57 degrees to double the same, and to recover a free Sea, which through God's favourable mercy we at length obtained. The 29. of june after many tempestuous storms we again discovered land, in longitude from the Meridian of London 58. degr. 30. min. and in latitude 64. being East from us: into which course sith it pleased God by contrary winds to force us, I thought it very necessary to bear in with it, & there to set up our pinnace, provided in the Mermaid to be our scout for this discovery, and so much the rather because the year before I had been in the same place, and found it very convenient for such a purpose, well stored with float wood, & possessed by a people of tractable conversation: so that the 29. of this month we arrived within the Isles which lay before this land, lying North northwest, and South southeast, we know not how far. This land is very high & mountainous, having before it on the West side a mighty company of Isles full of fair sounds, and harboroughs. This land was very little troubled with snow, and the sea altogether void of ice. The ships being within the sounds we sent our boats to search for shoal water, where we might anchor, which in this place is very hard to find: and as the boat went sounding and searching, the people of the country having espied them, came in their Canoas' towards them with many shouts and tries: but after they had espied in the boat some of our company that were the year before here with us, they presently rowed to the boat, and took hold on the oar, and hung about the boat with such comfortable joy, as would require a long discourse to be uttered: they came with the boats to our ships, making signs that they knew all those that the year before had been with them. After I perceived their joy and small fear of us, Gentle and loving Savages. myself with the Merchants & others of the company went a shore, bearing with me twenty knives: I had no sooner landed, but they leapt out of their Canoas' and came running to me and the rest, and embraced us with many signs of hearty welcome: at this present there were eighteen of them, and to each of them I gave a knife: they offered skins to me for reward, but I made signs that they were not sold, but given them of courtesy: and so dismissed them for that time, with signs that they should return again after certain hours. The next day with all possible speed the pinnace was landed upon an Isle there to be finished to serve our purpose for the discovery, which Isle was so convenient for that purpose, In 100 Cano●● with divers commodities. as that we were very well able to defend ourselves against many enemies. During the time that the pinnace, was there setting up, the people came continually unto us sometime an hundred Canoas' at a time, sometime forty, fifty, more and less, as occasion served. They brought with them seal skins, stag skins, white hares, Seal fish, salmon peal, small cod, dry caplin, with other fish, and birds such as the country did yield. Myself still desirous to have a further search of this place, sent one of the shipboates to one part of the land, and myself went to another part to search for the habitation of this people, with strait commandment that there should be no injury offered to any of the people, neither any gun shot. Images, trane ople, and Seal skins in tan tubs. The boats that went from me found the tents of the people made with seal skins set up upon timber, wherein they found great store of dried Caplin, being a little fish no bigger than a pilchard: they found bags of Trane oil, many little images cut in wood, Seal skins in tan-tubs, with many other such trifles, whereof they diminished nothing. They also found ten miles within the snowy mountains a plain champion country, A plain champion country. A goodly river. with earth and grass, such as our moory and waste grounds of England are: they went up into a river (which in the narrowest place is two leagues broad) about ten leagues, finding it still to continued they knew not how far: but I with my company took another river, which although at the first it offered a large inlet, yet it proved but a deep bay, the end whereof in four hours I attained, and there leaving the boat well manned, went with the rest of my company three or four miles into the country, but found nothing, nor see any thing, save only gripes, ravens, and small birds, as larks and linnets. The third of july I manned my boat, and went with fifty Canoas' attending upon me up into another sound where the people by signs willed me to go, hoping to find their habitation: at length they made signs that I should go into a warm place to sleep, at which place I went on shore, and ascended the top of an high hill to see into the country, but perceiving my labour vain, I returned again to my boat, the people still following me, and my company very diligent to attend us, and to help us up the rocks, and likewise down: at length I was desirous to have our men leap with them, which was done, but our men did overleap them: from leaping they went to wrestling, we found them strong and nimble, and to have skill in wrestling, for they cast some of our men that were good wrestlers. The fourth of july we launched our pinnace, and had forty of the people to help us, which they did very willingly: at this time our men again wrestled with them, and found them as before, strong and skilful. This fourth of july the Master of the Mermaid went to certain islands to store himself with wood, where he found a grave with divers buried in it, A grave with a cross laid over. only covered with seal skins, having a cross laid over them. The people are of good stature, well in body proportioned, with small slender hands and feet, with broad visages, and small eyes, wide mouths, The Tartars and people of japon are also small eyed. the most part unbearded, great lips, and close toothed. Their custom is as often as they go from us, still at their return to make a new truce, in this sort, holding his hand up to the Sun with a loud voice he crieth Ylyaou●e, and striketh his breast with like signs, being promised safety, he giveth credit. These people are much given to bleed, and therefore stop their noses with deer's hair, or the hair of an elan. They are idolaters and have images geeat store, which they wear about them, and in their boats, which we suppose they worship. They are witches, and have many kinds of enchantments, which they often used, but to small purpose, thanks be to God. Being among them at shore the fourth of july, one of them making a long oration, began to kindle a fire in this manner: he took a piece of a board wherein was a hole half thorough: into that hole he puts the end of a round stick like unto a bed staff, wetting the end thereof in Trane, and in fashion of a turner with a piece of leather, by his violent motion doth very speedily produce fire: Their man●r of kindling fire like to there's in America. which done, with turfs he made a fire, into which with many words and strange gestures, he put divers things, which we supposed to be a sacrifice: myself and divers of my company standing by, they were desirous to have me go into the smoke, I willed them likewise to stand in the smoke, A fire made of turfs. which they by no means would do. I than took one of them, and thrust him into the smoke, and willed one of my company to tread out the fire, & to spurn it into the sea, which was done to show them that we did contemn their sorcery. These people are very simple in all their conversation, but marvelous thievish, especially for iron, which they have in great account. Great thieves. They began through our lenity to show their vile nature: they began to cut our cables: they cut away the Moonelights boat from her stern, they cut our clot where it lay to air, though we did carefully look unto it, they stolen our oars, a caliver, a boar spear, a sword, with divers other things, whereat the company and Masters being grieved, for our better security, desired me to dissolve this new friendship, and to leave the company of these thievish miscreants: whereupon there was a caliver shot among them, and immediately upon the same a falcon, which strange noise did sore amaze them, so that with speed they departed: notwithstanding their simplicity is such, that within ten hours after they came again to us to entreat peace: which being promised, we again fallen into a great league. They brought us Seal skins, & salmon peal, but seeing iron, they could in no wise forbear stealing: which when I perceived, it did but minister unto me an occasion of laughter, to see their simplicity, and I willed that in no case they should be any more hardly used, but that our own company should be the more vigilant to keep their things, supposing it to be very hard in so short time to make them know their evils. They eat all their meat raw, they live most upon fish, they drink salt water, and eat grass and ice with delight: Their rude diet. they are never out of the water, but live in the nature of fish, save only when dead sleep taketh them, and then under a warm rock laying his boat upon the land, he lieth down to sleep. Their weapons are all darts, Their weapons. but some of them have bow and arrows and slings. They make nets to take their fish of the fin of a whale: Strange nets. they do all their things very artificially: and it should seem that these simple thievish Islanders have war with those of the main, These Islanders war with the people of the main. for many of them are sore wounded, which wounds they received upon the main land, as by signs they gave us to understand. We had among them copper oar, black copper, and read copper: Copper oar. they pronounce their language very hollow, and deep in the throat: these words following we learned from them. Their language. Kesinyoh, Eat some. Madlycoyce, Music. Aginyoh, Go fetch. Yliaoute, I mean no harm. Ponameg, A boat. Paaotyck, An oar. Asanock, A dart. Sawygmeg, A knife. Vderah, A nose. Aoh, Iron. Blete, An eye. Vnuicke, Give it. Tuckloak, A stag or ellan. Panygmah, A needle. Aob, The Sea. Mysacoah, Wash it. Lethicksaneg, A seal skin. Canyglow, Kiss me. Vgnera, My son. Acu, Shot. Conah, Leap. Maatuke, Fish. Sambah, Below. Maconmeg, Will you have this. Cocah, Go to him. Aba, Fallen down. Icune, Come hither. Awennye, Yonder. Nugo, No. Tucktodo, A fog. Lechiksah, A skin. Maccoah, A dart. Sugnacoon, A coat. Gounah, Come down. Sasobneg, A bracelet. Vgnake, A tongue. Ataneg, A seal. Macuah, A beard. Pignagogah, A thread. Quoysah, Give it to me. The 7. of july being very desirous to search the habitation of this country, I went myself with our new pinnace into the body of the land, thinking it to be a firm continent, and passing up a very large river, a great flaw of wind took me, whereby we were constrained to seek succour for that night, which being had, I landed with the most part of my company, and went to the top of a high mountain, hoping from thence to see into the country: but the mountains were so many and so mighty as that my purpose prevailed not: whereupon I again returned to my pinnace, and willing divers of my company to gather muscles for my supper, Muscles. whereof in this place there was great store, myself having espied a very strange sight, especially to me that never before see the like, which was a mighty whirlwind taking up the water in very great quantity, A strange whirlwind. furiously mounting it into the air, which whirlwind, was not for a puss or blast, but continual, for the space of three hours, with very little intermission, which sith it was in the course that I should pass, we were constrained that night to take up our lodging under the rocks. The next morning the storm being broken up, we went forward in our attempt, and sailed into a mighty great river directly into the body of the land, and in brief, found it to be no firm land, but huge, waste, and desert Isles with mighty sounds, and inlets passing between Sea and Sea. Great islands. Whereupon we returned towards our ships, and landing to stop a flood, we found the burial of these miscreants; we found of their fish in bags, plaices, and caplin dried, of which we took only one bag and departed. The ninth of this month we came to our ships, where we found the people desirous in their fashion, of friendship and barter: our Mariners complained heavily against the people, and said that my lenity and friendly using of them gave them stomach to mischief: for they have stolen an anchor from us, they have cut our cable very dangerously, they have cut our boats from our stern, and now since your departure, with slings they spare us not with stones of half a pound weight: Slings. and will you still endure these injuries? It is a shame to bear them. I desired them to be content, and said, I doubted not but all should be well. The 10. of this month I went to the shore, the people following me in their Canoas': I tolled them on shore, and used them with much courtesy, and then departed aboard, they following me, and my company. I gave some of them bracelets, & caused seven or eight of them to come aboard, which they did willingly, and some of them went into the top of the ship: and thus courteously using them, I let them departed: the Sun was no sooner downe, but they began to practise their devilish nature, and with slings threw stones very fiercely into the Moonlight, and strake one of her men then boatswain, that he overthrew withal: whereat being moved, I changed my courtesy, and grew to hatred, myself in my own boat well maimed with shot, and the barks boat likewise pursued them, and gave them divers shot, but to small purpose, by reason of their swift rowing: so smally content we returned. The 11. of this month there came five of them to make a new truce: the master of the Admiral came to me to show me of their coming, and desired to have them taken and kept as prisoners until we had his anchor again: but when he saw that the chief ringleader and master of mischief was one of the five, he then was v●hement to execute his purpose, so it was determined to take him: he came crying Iliaout, and striking his breast offered a pair of gloves to cell, the master offered him a knife for them: so two of them came to us, the one was not touched, but the other was soon captive among us: then we pointed to him and his fellows for our anchor, which being had, we made signs that he should be set at liberty: within one hour after he came aboard the wind came fai●e, whereupon we weighed and set sail, and so brought the fellow with us: One o● the people taken which after died. one of his fellow still following our ship close aboard, talked with him and made a kind of lamentation, we still using him well with Yliaout, which was the common course of courtesy. At length this fellow aboard us spoke four or five words unto the other and clapped his two hands upon his face, whereupon the other doing the like, departed as we suppose with heavy cheer. We judged the covering of his face with his hands and bowing of his body down, signified his death. At length he become a pleasant companion among us. I gave him a new suit of freeze after the English fashion, because I see he could not endure the cold, of which he was very joyful, he trimmed up his darts, and all his fishing tools, and would make okam, and set his hand to a ropes end upon occasion. He lived with the dry Caplin that I took when I was searching in the pinnace, and did eat dry Newland fish. All this while, God be thanked, our people were in very good health, only one young man excepted, who died at sea the fourteenth of this month, and the fifteenth, according to the order of the sea, with praise given to God by service, was cast overboard. ● huge quantity of ice in 63. degrees of latitude. The 17 of this month being in the latitude of 63. degrees 8. minutes, we fallen upon a most mighty and strange quantity of ice in one entire mass, so big as that we known not the limits thereof, and being withal so very high in form of a land, with bays and capes and like high cliff land, as that we supposed it to be land, and therefore sent our pinnace off to discover it: but at her return we were certainly informed that it was only ice, which bread great admiration to us all considering the huge quantity thereof, incredible to be reported in truth as it was, and therefore I omit to speak any further thereof. This only I think, that the like before was never seen: and in this place we had very stickle and strong currents. We coasted this mighty mass of ice until the 30 of july, finding it a mighty bar to our purpose: the air in this time was so contagious and the sea so pestered with ice, as that all hope was banished of proceeding: for the 24 of july all our shrouds, ropes and sails were so frozen, and compassed with ice, only by a gross fog, The nature of fogs. as seemed to me more than strange, sith the last year I found this sea free and navigable, without impediments. Our men through this extremity began to grow sick and feeble, and withal hopeless of good success: whereupon very orderly, with good discretion they entreated me to regard the state of this business, and withal advised me, that in conscience I aught to regard the safety of mine own life with the preservation of there's, and that I should not through my overboldness leave their widows and fatherless children to give me bitter curses. This matter in conscience did greatly move me to regard their estates: yet considering the excellency of the business if it might be attained, the great hope of certainty by the last years discovery, and that there was yet a third way not put in practice, I thought it would grow to my great disgrace, if this action by my negligence should grow into discredit: whereupon seeking help from God, the fountain of all mercies, it pleased his divine majesty to move my heart to prosecute that which I hope shallbe to his glory, and to the contentation of every Christian mind. Whereupon falling into consideration that the Mermaid, albeit a very strong & sufficient ship, yet by reason of her burden was not so convenient and nimble as a smaller bark, especially in such desperate hazards: further having in account her great charge to the adventures being at 100 li. the month, and that in doubtful service: all the premises considered with divers other things, I determined to furnish the Moonlight with revictualling and sufficient men, and to proceed in this action as God should direct me. Whereupon I altered our course from the ice, and bore Eastsoutheast to recover the next shore where this thing might be performed: so with favourable wind it pleased God that the first of August we discovered the land in Latitude 66. degrees, 33. min. and in longitude from the Meridian of London 70. degrees void of trouble without snow or ice. The second of August we harboured ourselves in a very excellent good road, where with all speed we graved the Moonlight, and revictualled her: we searched this country with our pinnace while the bark was trimming, which William Eston did: he found all this land to be only islands, with a Sea on the East, a Sea on the West, and a Sea on the North. In this place we found it very hot, Great heat. and we were very much troubled with a fly which is called Muskyto, for they did sting grievously. The people of this place at our first coming in caught a Seal, and with bladders fast tied to him sent him unto us with the flood, so as he came right with our ships, which we took as a friendly present from them. The fift of August I went with the two Masters and others to the top of a hill, and by the way William Eston espied three Canoas' lying under a rock, and went unto them: there were in them skins, darts, with divers superstitious toys, whereof we diminished nothing, but left upon every boat a silk point, a bullet of lead, and a pin. The next day being the sixt of August, the people came unto us without fear, and did barter with us for skins, as the other people did: they differ not from the other, neither in their Canoas' nor apparel, yet is their pronunciation more plain than the others, and nothing hollow in the throat. Our Savage aboard us kept himself close, and made show that he would feign have another companion. Thus being provided, I departed from this land the twelft of August at six of the clock in the morning, where I left the Mermaid at an anchor: the fourteenth sailing West about fifty leagues, we discovered land, being in latitude 66. degrees 19 minutes: 66. degrees 19 minutes. this land is 70. leagues from the other from whence we came. This fourteenth day from nine a clock at night till three a clock in the morning, we ankered by an Island of ice, twelve leagues of the shore, being mored to the ice. The fifteenth day at three a clock in the morning we departed from this land to the South, and the eighteenth of August we discovered land Northwest from us in the morning, being a very fair promontory, in latitude 65. degrees, having no land on the South. Here we had great hope of a through passage. Great hop● o● a passage. This day at three a clock in the afternoon we again discovered land Southwest and by South from us, where at night we were be calmed. The nineteenth of this month at noon, by observation, we were in 64. degrees 20. minutes. 64. degr. 20 min. From the eighteenth day at noon unto the nineteenth at noon, by precise ordinary care, we had sailed 15. leagues South and by West, yet by art and more exact observation, we found our course to be South-west, so that we plainly perceived a great current striking to the West. A great current to the West. This land is nothing in sight but Isles, which increaseth our hope. This nineteenth of August at six a clock in the afternoon, it began to snow, and so continued all night with foul weather, and much wind, so that we were constrained to lie at hull all night five leagues of the shore: In the morning being the twentieth of August, the fog and storm breaking up, we bore in with the land, and at nine a clock in the morning we ankered in a very fair and safe road and locked for all weathers. At ten of the clock I went on shore to the top of a very high hill, where I perceived that this land was Islands: Ilands● at four of the clock in the afternoon we weighed anchor, having a fair North north-east wind, with very fair weather: at six of the clock we were clear without the land, and so shaped our course to the South, to discover the coast, whereby the passage may be through God's mercy found. We coasted this land till the eight and twentieth of August, finding it still to continued towards the South, from the latitude of 67. to 57 degrees: They r●nne 8. days Southward ●rom 67 to 57 degrees upon the coast. we found marvelous great store of birds, gulls and mews, incredible to be reported, whereupon being calm weather, we lay one glass upon the lee, to prove for fish, in which space we caught 100 of cod, although we were but badly provided for fishing, not being our purpose. This eight and twentieth having great distrust of the weather, we arrived in a very fair harbour in the latitude of 56. degrees, A harbour in 56. degrees. and sailed 10. leagues into the same, being two leagues broad, with very fair woods on both sides: in this place we continued until the first of September, in which time we had two very great storms. I landed, & went six miles by guess into the country, and found that the woods were fir, pineapple, alders, yew, withy, and birch: Fair woods: here we see a black bear: this place yieldeth great store of birds, as fezant, partridge, Barbary hens or the like, wild geese, ducks, black birds, ieyes, thrushes, with other kinds of small birds. Of the partridge and fezant we killed great store with bow and arrows: Store of cod. in this place at the harbour mouth we found great store of cod. The first of September at ten a clock we set sail, and coasted the shore with very fair weather. The third day being calm, at noon we struck sail, and let fall a cadge anchor, to prove whether we could take any fish, being in latitude 54. degrees 30. minutes, in which place we found great abundance of cod, so that the hook was no sooner overboard, but presently a fish was taken. It was the largest and the best fed fish that ever I saw, and divers fisher men that were with me said that they never see a more suaule or better skull of fish in their lives: yet had they seen great abundance. The fourth of September at five a clock in the afternoon we ankered in a very good road among great store of Isles, the country low land, pleasant and very full of fair woods. To the North of this place eight leagues, we had a perfect hope of the passage, A perfect hope o●●he passage about 54. degrees and an half. finding a mighty great sea passing between two lands West. The South land to our judgement being nothing but Isles: we greatly desired to go into this sea, but the wind was directly against us. We ankered in four fathom fine sand. In this place is foul and fish mighty store. The sixt of September having a fair Northnorthwest wind, having trimmed our Bark we purposed to departed, and sent five of our sailors young men a shore to an Island, to fetch certain fish which we purposed to weather, and therefore left it all night covered upon the Isle: the brutish people of this country lay secretly lucking in the wood, and upon the sudden assaulted our men: which when we perceived, we presently let slip our cables upon the hal●e, and under our foresail bore into the shore, and with all expedition discharged a double musket upon them twice, at the noise whereof they fled: notwithstanding to our very great grief, two of our men were slain with their arrows, Two o● our men slain by the Savages. and two grievously wounded, of whom at this present we stand in very great doubt, only one escaped by swimming, with an arrow shot thorough his arm. These wicked miscreants never offered parley or speech, but presently executed their cursed fury. This present evening it pleased God further to increase our sorrows with a mighty tempestuous storm, the wind being Northnortheast, which lasted unto the tenth of this month very extreme. We unrigged our ship, and purposed to cut down our masts, the cable of our shut-anker broke, so that we only expected to be driven on shore among these Cannibals for their prey. Yet in this deep distress the mighty mercy of God, when hope was past, gave us secure, and sent us a fair lee, so as we recovered our anchor again and new mored our ship: where we see that God manifestly delivered us: for the strains of one of our cables were broken, and we only road by an old jerk. Thus being freshly mored a new storm arose, the wind being Westnorthwest, very forcible, which lasted unto the tenth day at night. The eleventh day with a fair Westnorthwest wind we departed with trust in God's mercy, shaping our course for England, and arrived in the West country in the beginning of October. Master davis being arrived, written his letter to M. William Sanderson of London, concerning his voyage, as followeth. SIr, the Sunshine came into Dartmouth the fourth of this month: she hath been at Island, and from thence to Groenland, and so to Estoriland, from thence to Desolation, and to our Merchants, where she made trade with the people, staying in the country twenty days. They have brought home five hundred seal skins and an hundred and forty half skins and pieces of skins. I stand in great doubt of the pinnace, God be merciful unto the proore men, and preserve them, if it be his blessed will. I have now experience of much of the Northwest part of the world, & have brought the passage to that likelihood, as that I am assured it must be in one of sour places, or else not at all. And further I can assure you upon the peril of my life, that this voyage may be performed without further charge, nay with certain profit to the adventurers, if I may have but your favour in the action. I hope I shall find favour with you to see your Card. I pray God it be so true as the Card shall be which I will bring you: and I hope in God, that your skill in Navigation shall be gainful unto you, although at the first it hath not proved so. And thus with my humble commendations I commit you to God, desiring no longer to live, than I shall be yours most faithfully to command. Exon this fourteenth of October. 1586. Yours to command JOHN DAVIS. The relation of the course which the Sunshine a bark of fifty tons, and the Northstarre a small pinnace, being two vessels of the fleet of M. john davis, held after he had sent them from him to discover the passage between Groneland and Island, written by Henry Morgan servant to M. William Sanderson of London. THe seventh day of May 1586. we departed out of Dartmouth haven four sails, May. to wit, the Mermaid, the Sunshine, the Moonshine, & the Northstarre, In the Sunshine were sixteen men, whose names were these: Richard Pope Master, Mark Carter Master's mate, Henry Morgan Purser, George Draward, john Mandie, Hugh Broken, Philip jane, Hugh Hempson, Richard Borden, john Philpe, Andrew Madock, William Wolcome, Robert Wag carpenter, john Bruskome, William ash, Simon Ellis. Our course was Westnorthwest the seventh and eight days: and the ninth day in the morning we were on head of the Tarrose of Silley. Thus coasting along the South part of Ireland the 11. day, we were on head of the Dorses: and our course was Southsouthwest until six of the clock the 12. day. The 13. day our course was Northwest. We remained in the company of the Mermaid and the Moonshine until we came to the latitude if 60. degrees: M. davis in the latitude of 60. deg. divideth his fleet into 2. parts. and there it seemed best to our General M. davis to divide his fleet, himself sailing to the Northwest, and to direct the Sunshine, wherein I was, and the pinnace called the Northstarre, to seek a passage Northward between Groenland and Island to the latitude of 80. degrees, if land did not let us. So the seventh day of june we departed from them: The 7. of june and the ninth of the same we came to a firm land of ice, which we coasted along the ninth, the tenth, and the eleventh days of june: and the eleventh day at six of the clock at night we see land which was very high, which afterward we known to be Island: Island descry●d. and the twelft day we harboured there, and found many people: the land lieth East and and by North in 66. degrees. 66. degrees. Their commodities were green fish, and Island lings, and stockfish, and a fish which is called Scatefish: Their commodities. of all which they had great store. They had also cows, sheep, and horses, and hay for their cattle, and for their horses. We see also of their dogs. Their dwelling houses were made on both sides with stones, Their dwellings. and wood laid cross over them, which was covered over with turfs of earth, and they are flat on the tops, and many of these stood hard by the shore. Their boats were made with wood and iron all along the keel like our English boats: Their boats. and they had nails for to nail them withal, and fishhooks and other things for to catch fish as we have here in England. They had also brazen kettles, and girdles and purses made of leather, and knoppes on them of copper, and hatchets, and other small tools as necessary as we have. They dry their fish in the Sun, and when they are dry, they pack them up in the top of their houses. If we would go thither to fishing more than we do, we should make it a very good voyage: for we got an hundredth green fish in one morning. We found here two English men with a ship, which came out of England about Easter day of this present year 1586, and one of them came aboard of us, and brought us two lambs. The English man's name was M. john Roydon of Ipswich merchant: M. john Roydon of Ip●wich. he was bond for London with his ship. And this is the sum of that which I observed in Island. We departed from Island the sixteenth day of june in the morning, and our course was Northwest, They departed from Island Northwest. and we see on the coast two small barks going to an harbour: we went not to them, but see them a far off. Thus we continued our course unto the end of this month. The third day of july we were in between two firm lands of ice, july. and passed in between them all that day until it was night: and then the Master turned back again, and so away we went towards Groenland. And the seventh day of july we did see Groenland, Groneland di●●couered. and it was very high, and it looked very blue: we could not come to harbour into the land, because we were hindered by a firm land as it were of ice, which was along the shores side: but we were within three leagues of the land, coasting the same divers days together. The seventeenth day of july we see the place which our Captain M. john davis the year before had named The land of Desolation, The land of Desolation. where we could not go on shore for ice. The eighteenth day we were likewise troubled with ice, and went in amongst it at three of the clock in the morning. After we had cleared ourselves thereof, we ranged all along the coast of Desolation until the end of the aforesaid month. Groenland coasted from ●he 7. till the last of july. The third of day August we came in sight of hearts sound in the latitude of 64. deg. 15. min. which was the place where we were appointed to meet our General and the rest of our Fleet. August. Here we came to an harbour at 6. of the clock at night. The 4. day in the morning the Master went on shore with 10. of his men, and they brought us four of the people rowing in their boats aboard of the ship. And in the afternoon I went on shore with 6. of our men, and there came to us seven of them when we were on land. We found on shore three dead people, and two of them had their staves lying by them, and their old skins wrapped about them and the other had nothing lying by, wherefore we thought it was a woman. We also see their houses near the Seaside, The houses of Gronland. which were made with pieces of wood on both sides, and crossed over with poles and then covered over with earth: we found Foxes running upon the hills: as for the place it is broken land all the way that we went, and full of broken Islands. The 21. of August the Master sent the boat on shore for wood with six of his men, and there were one and thirty of the people of the country which went on shore to them, & they went about to kill them as we thought, for they shot their darts towards them, and we that were aboard the ship did see them go on shore to our men: whereupon the Master sent the pinnace after them, and when they see the pinnace coming towards them, they turned back, and the Master of the pinnace did shoot off a caliver to them the same time, but hurt none of them, for his meaning was only to put them in fear. divers times they did wave us on shore to play with them at the football, Our men play at football with the Savages. and some of our company went on shore to play with them, and our men did cast them down as soon as they did come to strike the ball. And thus much of that which we did see and do in that harbour where we arrived first. The 23. day we departed from the Merchant's Isle, where we had been first, and our course from thence was South & by West, and the wound was North-east, and we ran that day and night about 5. or 6. leagues, until we came to another harbour. The 24. about eleven of the clock in the forenoon we entered into the aforesaid new harborough, and as we came in, we did see dogs running upon the Islands. When we were come in, there came to us four of the people which were with us before in the other harbour, and where we road, we had sandy ground. We see no wood growing, but found small pieces of wood upon the Islands & some small pieces of sweet wood among the same. Sweet wood found. We found great Hearts horns, but could see none of the Stags where we went● but we found their footings. As for the bones which we received of the Savages I cannot tell of what beasts they be. The stones that we found in the country were black, and some whi●e, as I think they be of no value, nevertheless I have brought examples of them to you. The 30. of August we departed from this harbour towards England, & the wound took us contrary, so that we were feign to go to another harbour the same day at 11. of the clock. And there came to us 39 of the people, and brought us 13. Scale skins, and after we received these skins of them, the Master s●nt the carpenter to change one of our boats which we had bought of them before, and they would have taken the boats from him perforce, and when they saw they could not take it from us, they shot with their darts at us, and struck one of our men with one of their darts, and john Filpe shot one of them into the breast with an arrow. A skirmish between the Savages and our men. And they came to us again, and four of our men went into the shipboate, and they shot with their darts at our men: but our men took one of their people in his boat into the shipboate, and he hurt one of them with his knife, but we killed three of them in their boats: two of them were hurt with arrows in the breasts, and he that was aboard our boat, was shot in with an arrow, and hurt with a sword, and beaten with staves, whom our men cast overboard, but the people caught him and carried him on shore upon their boats, and the other two also, and so departed from us. And three of them went on shore hard by us, where they had their dogs, and those three came away from their dogs, and presently one of their dogs came swimming towards us hard aboard the ship, whereupon our Master caused the Gunner to shoot off one of the great pieces towards the people, and so the dog ●urned back to land, and within an hour after there came of the people hard aboard the ship, but they would not come to us as they did come before. The 31. of August we departed from Gylberts' sound for England, and when we came out of the harbour there came after us 17. of the people looking which way we went. September, The 2. of September we lost sight of the land at 12. of the clock at noon. The third day at night we lost sight of the Northstarre our pinnace in a very great storm, and lay a hull tarrying for them the 4. day, but could hear no more of them. The pinnace never returned home. Thus we shaped our course the 5. day Southsoutheast, and sailing until the 27. of the said month, we came in sight of Cape Clere in Ireland. The 30. day we entered into our own channel. The 2. of October we had sight of the Isle of Wight. The 3. we coasted all along the shore, and the 4. and 5. The 6. of the said month of October we came into the river of Thames as high as Ratliffe in safety God be thanked. The third voyage Northwestward, made by M. john davis Gentleman, as chief Captain & Pilot general, for the discovery of a passage to the Isles of the Moluccas, or the coast of China, in the year 1587. Written by M. john janes'. May. THe 19 of this present month about midnight we weighed our anchors, set sail, and departed from Dartmouth with two Barks and a Clincher, the one named the Elizabeth of Dartmouth, the other the Sunshine of London, and the Clincher called the Helen of London: thus in God's name we set forward with the wound at North-east a good fresh gale. About 3. hours after our departure, the night being somewhat thick with darkness, we had lost the pinnace: the Captain imagining that the men had run away with her, wille● the Master of the Sunshine to stand to Seawards', and see if we could descry them, we bearing in with the shore for Plymouth. At length we descried her, bore with her, and demanded what the cause was: they answered that the tiler of their helm was burst. So shaping our course Westsouthwest, we went forward, hoping that a hard beginning would make a good ending, yet some of us were doubtful of it, falling in reckoning that ●e was a Clincher; nevertheless we put our trust in God. The 21 we met with the Read Lion of London, which came from the coast of Spain, which was afraid that we had been men of war, but we hailed them, and after a little conference, we desired the Master to carry our letters for London directed to my uncle Sanderson, who promised us a safe delivery. And after we had heaved them a lead and a line, whereunto we had made fast our letters, before they could get them into the ship, they fallen into the Sea, and so all our labour and there's also was lost; notwithstanding they promised to certify our departure at London, and so we departed, and the same day we had sight of Silley. The 22. the wound was at North-east by East with fair weather, and so the 23. and 24. the like. The 25. we laid our ships on the Lee for the Sunshine, who was a rummaging for a leak, they had 500 strokes at the pump in a watch, the wound at Northwest. The 26. and 27. we had fair weather, but this 27. the pinnesses foremast was blown overboard. The 28. the Elizabeth towed the pinnace, which was so much bragged of by the owner's report before we came out of England, but at Sea she was like a cart drawn with oxen. Sometimes we towed her because she could not sail for scant wound. The 31. day our Captain asked if the pinnace were staunch, Peerson answered that she was as sound and staunch as a cup. This made us something glad, when we saw she would brook the Sea, and was not leak. june. THe first 6. days we had fair weather: after that for 5. days we had fog and rain, the wind being South. The 12. we had clear weather. The Mariners in the Sunshine and the Master could not agreed: the Mariners would go on their voyage a fishing, because the year began to waste: the Master would not departed till he had the company of the Elizabeth, whereupon the Master told our Captain that he was afraid his men would shape some contrary course while he was asleep, and so he should loose us. At length aftermuch talk and many threatenings, they were content to bring us to the land which we looked for daily. The 14. day we discovered land at five of the clock in the morning, Land descr●●●● being very great and high mountains, the tops of the hills being covered with snow. Here the wound was variable, sometimes North-east, Eastnortheast, and East by North: but we imagined ourselves to be 16. or 17. leagues off from the shore. The 16. we came to an anchor about 4. or 5. of the clock after nun, the people came presently to us after the old manner, with crying Ilyaoute, and showing us Seals skins. The 17. we began to set up the pinnace that Peerson frames at Dartmouth, with the boards which he brought from London. The 18. Peerson and the Carpenters of the ships began to set on the planks. The 19 as we went about an Island, were found black Pumise stones, and salt kerned on the rocks very white and glistering. Salt kerned o● the rocks. This day also the Master of the Sunshine took of the people a very strong lusty young fellow. The 20. about two of the clock in the morning, the Savages came to the Island where out pinnace was built ready to be launched, and ●ore the two upper strikes, and carried them away only for the love of the iron in the boards. While they were about this practice, we manned the Elizabeth's boat to go a shore to them: our men being either afraid or amazed, were so long before they came to shore, that our Captain willed them to stay, and made the Gunner give fire to a Saker, and laid the piece level with the boat which the Savages had turned on the one side because we should not hurt them with our arrows, and made the boat their bulwark against the arrows which we shot at them. Our Gunner having made all things ready, gave fire to the piece, and fearing to hurt any of the people, and regarding the owners profit, thought belike he would save a Sakers shot, doubting we should have occasion to fight with men of war, and so shot off the Saker without a bullet: we looking still when the Savages that were hurt should run away without legs, at length we could perceive never a man hurt, but all having their legs could carry away their bodies: we had no sooner shot off the piece, but the Master of the Sunshine manned his boat, and came rowing toward the Island, the very sight of whom made each of them take that he had got, and flee away as fast as they could to another Island about two miles off, where they took the nails out of the timber, and left the wood on the Isle. when we came on shore, and see how they had spoilt the boat, after much debating of the matter, we agreeed that the Elizabeth should have her to fish withal: whereupon she was presently carried aboard, and stowed. Now after this trouble, being resolved to departed with the first wound, there fallen out another matter worse than all the rest, and that was in this manner. john Churchyard one whom our Captain had appointed as Pilot in the pinnace, came to our Captain, and master Bruton, and told them that the good ship which we must all hazard our lives in, had three hundred strokes at one time as she road in the harbour: This disquieted us all greatly, and many doubted to go in her. At length our Captain by whom we were all to be governed, determined rather to end his life with credit, then to return with infamy and disgrace, and so being all agreed, we purposed to live and die together, and committed ourselves to the ship. Now the 21. having brought all our things aboard, about 11. or 12. of the clock at night, we set sail and departed from those Isles, which lie in 64. degrees of latitude, Isles in 64. degrees. our ships being all now at Sea, and we shaping our course to go, coasting the land to the Northwards upon the Eastern shore, which we called the shore of our Merchants, because there we met with people which trafficked with us, but here we were not without doubt of our ship. Store o● Whales in 67. degrees. The 24. being in 67. degrees, and 40. minutes, we had great store of Whales, and a kind of sea birds which the Mariners call Cortinous. This day about six of the clock at night, we espied two of the country people at Sea● thinking at the first they had been two great Seals, until we saw their oars glistering with the Sun: they came rowing towards us, as fast as they could, and when they came within hearing, they held up their oars, and cried Ilyaoute, making many signs: and at last they came to us, giving us birds for bracelets, and of them I had a dart with a bone in it, or a piece of Unicorns horn, as I did judge. This dart he made store of, but when he see a knife, he let it go, being more desirous of the knife then of his dart: these people continued rowing after our ship the space of 3. hours. The 25. in the morning at 7. of the clock we descried 30. Savages rowing after us, being by judgement 10. leagues off from the shore: they brought us Salmon Peals, Birds, and Caplin, and we gave them pings, needles, bracelets, nails, knives, bells, looking glasses, and other small trifles, and for a knife, a nail or a bracelet, which they call Ponigmah, they would cell their boat, coats, or any thing they had, although they were far from the shore. We had but few skins of them, about 20. but they made signs to us that if we would go to the shore, we should have more store of Chichsanege: they stayed with us till 11. of the clock, at which time we went to prayer, and they departed from us. The 28. and 29. were foggy with clouds, the 30. day we took the height, and found out selves in 72. degrees and 12. minutes of latitude both at noon and at night, 7● deg. 12. min. the Sun being 5. degrees above the Horizon. The great variation of the compass. At midnight the compass set to the variation of 28. degrees to the Westward. Now having coasted the land, which we called London coast, London coast. from the 21. of this present, till the 30. the Sea open all the Westwards and Northwards, the land on starboard side East from us, the wind shifted to the North, whereupon we left that shore, naming the same Hope Sanderson, and shaped our course West, and ran 40. leagues and better without the sight of any land. Between G●onland & the No●th of America above 40. leagues. july. THe second of july we fallen with a mighty bank of ye West from us, lying North and South, A mighty bank of ye● lying North and South. which bank we would gladly have doubled out to the Northwards, but the wind would not suffer us, so that we were feign to coast it to the Southwards, hoping to double it out, that we might have run so far West till we had sound land, or else to have been thoroughly resolved of our pretended purpose. The 3. we fallen with the ice again, and putting off from it, we sought to the Northwards, but the wound crossed us. The 4. was foggy: so was the 5. also with much wound at the North. The 6. being very clear, we put our bark with oars through a gap in the ice, seeing the Sea free on the West side, as we thought, which falling out otherwise, caused us to return after we had stayed there between the ice. The 7. and the 8. about midnight, by God's help we recovered the open Sea, the weather being fair and calm, and so was the 9 The 10. we coasted the ice. The 11. was foggy, but calm. The 12. we coasted again the ice, having the wound at Northnorthwest. The 13. bearing off from the ice, we determined to go with the shore and come to an anchor, and to stay 5. or 6. days for the dissolving of the ice, hoping that the Sea continually ●eating it, and the Sun with the extreme force of heat which it had always shining upon it, Extreme heat● of the Sun. would make a quick dispatch, that we might have a further search upon the Western shore. Now when we were come to the Eastern coast, the water something deep, and some of our company fearful withal, we dared not come to an anchor, but bore off into the Sea again. The poor people seeing us go away again, came rowing after us into the Sea, the waves being somewhat lofty. We trucked with them for a few skins and darts, and gave them beads, nails, pings, needles and cards, they pointing to the shore, as though they would show us some great friendship: but we little regarding their courtesy, gave them the gentle farewell, and so departed. The 14. we had the wound at South. The 15. there was some fault either in the bark, or the set of some current, for we were driven six points beyond our course West. They were driven West six points out of their course in 67. degrees. 45. minutes. The 16. we fallen with the bank of ice West from us. The 17. and 18. were foggy. The 19 at one a clock after noon, we had sight of the land which we called Mount Raleigh, Mount Raleigh and at 12. of the clock at night, we were thwart the straits which we discovered the first year. The 20. we traversed in the mouth of the straight, the wound being at West, with fair and clear weather. The 21. and 22. we coasted the Northern coast of the straits. The 23. having sailed threescore leagues Northwest into the straits, at two a clock after noon we ankered among many Isles in the bottom of the gulf, naming the same The Ea●le of Cumberlands Isles, The Earl o● Cumbe●lands Isles. where riding at anchor, a Whale passed by our ship and went West in among the Isles. here the compass set at thirty degrees Westward variation. The variation of the compass 30. deg. Westward. The 23. we departed, shaping our course Southeast to recover the Sea. The 25. we were becalmed in the bottom of the gulf, the air being extreme ho●. Master Bruton and some of the Mariners went on shore to course dogs, where they found many Graves and Trane spilled on the ground, the dogs being so fat that they were scant able to run. The 26. we had a pretty storm, the wind being at Southeast. The 27. and 28. were fair. The 29. we were clear out of the straits, having coasted the South shore, and this day at noon we were in 62. degrees of latitude. The land trendeth from this place Southwest and by South. The 30. in the afternoon we coasted a bank of ice, which lay on the shore, and passed by a great bank or Inlet, which lay between 63. and 62. degrees of latitude, which we called Lumlies' Inlet. My lord Lumleys Inlet. We had oftentimes as, we sailed alongst the coast, great ruttes, the water as it were whirling and overfalling, as if it were the fall of some great water through a bridge. The 31. as we sailed by a Headland, which we named Warwick's Foreland, Warwick's Foreland. we fallen into one of those overfals with a fresh gale of wound, and bearing all our sails, we looking upon an Island of ice between us and the shoarre, had thought that our bark did make no way, which caused us to take marks on the shore: at length we perceived ourselves to go very fast, and the Island of ice which we see before, was carried very forcibly with the set of the current faster than our ship went. This day and night we passed by a very great gulf, the water whirling and roaring as it were the meetings of tides. A very forcibl● current Westward. August. THe first of August having coasted a bank of ice which was driven out at the mouth of this gulf, we fallen with the Southermost ●ape of the gulf, which we named Chidleis cape, ●●idleys cape. which lay in 61 degrees 10 minutes of latitude. The 2 and 3 were calm and foggy, so were the 4, 5, and 6. The 7 was fair and calm: so was the 8, with a little gale in the morning. The 9 was fair, and we had a little gale at night. The 10 we had a frisking gale at Westnorthwest. The 1● fair. The 12 we see five dear on the top of an Island, called by us Darcies' Island. The lord Da●cies Island. And we hoist out our boat, and went ashore to them, thinking to have killed some of them. But when we came on shore, and had coursed them twice about the Island, they took the sea and swam towards Islands distant fro● that three leagues. When we perceived that they had taken the sea we gave them over because our boat was so small that it could not carry us, and row after them, they swammne so fast: but one of them was as big as a good pretty Cow, and very fat, their feet as big as Ox feet. Here upon this Island I killed with my piece a grey hare. The 13 in the morning we see three or four white bears, but dared not go on shore to them for lack of a good boat. This day we struck a rock seeking for an harborough, and received a leak: and this day we were in 54 degrees of latitude. The 14 we stopped our leak in a storm not very outrageous, at noon. The 15 being almost in 52 degrees of latitude, and not finding our ships, nor (according to their promise) any kind of mark, token, or beacon, which we willed them to set up, and they protested to do so upon every head land. Island or cape, within twenty leagues every way off from their fishing place, which our captain appointed to be between 54 and 55 degrees: The fishing place between 54 and 55 degrees of latitude. This 15 I say we shaped our course homewards for England, having in our ship but little wood, and half a hogshead of fresh water. Our men were very willing to departed, and no man more forward than Peerson, for he feared to be put out of his office of stewardship: but because every man was so willing to departed, we consented to return for our own country: and so we had the 16 fair weather, with the wind at Southwest. Abundance of whales in 52 degrees. The 17 we met a ship at sea, and as far as we could judge it was a Biskaine: we thought she went a fishing for whales; for in 52 degrees or thereabouts we see very many. The 18 was fair, with a good gale at West. The 19 fair also, with much wind at West and by South. They arrive at Dartmouth the 15 of September. And thus after much variable weather and change of winds we arrived the 15 of September in Dartmouth anno 1587., giving thanks to God for our safe arrival. A letter of the said M. john davis written to M. Sanderson of London concerning his forewritten voyage. GOod M. Sanderson, with God's great mercy I have made my safe return in health, with all my company, and have failed threescore leagues further than my determination at my departure. I have been in 73 degrees, finding the sea all open, and forty leagues between land and land. The passage is most probable, the execution easy, as at my coming you shall fully know. Yesterday the 15 of September I landed all weary; therefore I pray you pardon my shortness. Sandridge this 16 of September anno 1587. Yours equal as mine own, which by trial you shall best know, JOHN DAVIS. A traverse-booke A TRAVERSE-BOOKE MADE BY M. JOHN DAVIS in his third voyage for the discovery of the Northwest passage. Anno 1587. month. Elevation of the pole. May. Days. Hours. Course. Leagues, Deg Min. The wind. THE DISCOURSE. 19 W.S.W. westerly. 50 30 N.E. This day we departed from Dartmouth at two of the Clock at night. 20 21 35 W.S.W. westerly. 50 50 N.E. This day we descried Silly N.W. by W. from us. 22 15 W.N.W. 14 N.E. by E. This day at noon we departed from Silly. 22 6 W.N.W. 6 N.E. by E. 22 ● W.N.W. 2 23 15 N.W. by W. 18 N.E. 23 29 W.N.W. 36 50 40 The true course, distance, and latitude. 3 W.N.W. 2 N.N.E. 6 N.W. by W. 5 N.E. by N. 3 W.N.W. 3 N.N.E. 12 W.N.W. 12 N.E. Noon the 24 24 W.n.w. Northerly. 25 51 16 The true course, distance and latitude. 3 W.N.W. 3 N.N.E. 3 W.N.W. 2● N. by E. 6 W. by N. 5 N. 6 W. by N. 5 N. 2 S. ● N. Now we lay upon the ●ee for the Sunshine, which had taken a lea●e of 500 strokes in a watch. Noon the 25 24 W. by N. 20 51 30 The true course, distance● and latitude. 3 W. 3 N.N.W. 3 W.S.W. 2 N.W. 1 S.W. 1 W.N.W. 2 W.N.W. 1½ N. 3 W.N.W. 1● N. 3 Calm. 4 W.N.W. 4 S.S.E. 5 W. 6 S.S.E. Noon the 26 24 W. by N. Westerly 23 51 40 The true course, distance, etc. 11 W. 16 S.S.E. 6 W.N.W. 2 S.S.E. We lay at hull● with much winde● raine● and fort. 7 W. 5 S.E. Noon the 27 ●4 W. northerly. 23 The common course supposed. Noon the 28 24 W. ●● 52 1● E.S.E. We towed the pinnace 18 hours of this day. Noon the 28 28 W. by n. Northerly. 43 52 13 The true course● distance, etc. Noon the 29 24 N.W. 30 S. by E. 6 N.W. 10 S. 3 N. by W. 2 W. by N. 3 W. by N. 3 W. by S. 12 N.W. 12 S.S.W. Noon the 20 48 N.W. by N. 65 54 50 The true course, etc. 9 N.W. 1● S.W. month Elevation of the pole. May. Days. Hours Course. Leagues Deg Min The wind. THE DISCOURSE. 9 N.W. by W. 12 S.S.W. 3 W.N.W. 3 N.N.E. 3 W. by N. 4 N. 30 24 W. n.w Northerly. 27 55 30 The true course, etc. june 1 1● W. 10 N. N.W 9 N.W. 8 E.N.E. 2 N.W. 2● E.N.E. 1 24 W. n.w Westerly. 17 55 45 The true course. etc. 1● N.W. 16 E.S.E. 6 N.W. 7 S● 6 N.W. 8 S.S.W. Noon the 2 2● N.W. Northerly. 32 56 55 The true course. etc. Noon the 5 72 W. by saint southerly. 45 56 20 The true cour●e, etc. drawn from di●ers trau●rles. Noon the 6 24 S.W. 16 W.N.W. 7 S.W. by W. 6 W. by N. 5 Calm. 3 W.N.W. 1 S. Noon the 7 9 W.N.W. 12 S. 12 W.N.W. 20 S. ● W.N.W. 4 S. Noon the 8 9 W.N.W. 7 S. 12 W.N.W. 5 S. Noon the 9 12 W.N.W. 13 S.E. Noon the 9 ●6 W. by N northerly 86 57 30 The true course, distance, & latitude for 96 hours. 2 W.N.W. 4 S.E. W.N.W. 2 S.E. 6 W.N.W. 1 Calm. Noon the 10 12 W.N.W. 16● E. 7 W.N.W. 12 E. 2 N.W. 2 E. Noon the 11 15 N. W 18 E.N.E. 12 N.W. 12 E.N.E. 1● N.W. 13 E. by S. Noon the 1● 72 〈…〉 by w. norther 78 59 50 The true course, etc. for 72 hours. Noon the 13 34 N ● w Westerly. 26 60 58 E. by N. Noon the 14 ●4 N.N.W. 32 62 hundred N.E. This day in the morning at five of the clock we discovered land be●●● stant from us at the nearest place si●teene leagues. This land in 〈◊〉 Northwest and to the Westwards● being very mountaineus'. The ●i●● 〈◊〉 this day harlable, and the a●●e sometime foggy, and sometime clear. ●● foresa●d land hare from us (so near as we could judge) North, No●●● and Southeast. 9 W.N.W. 7 N. 2 N.W. 2 N.N.E. N.W. by N. 1 N.E. by N. 15 9 N.N.W. 8 N.E. N●●●● the 15 24 N●W● Northerly. 22 62 20 The true course. etc. No●●e t●e 16 ●4 N●N●E. Easterly 14 64 The true course, etc. This 16 of june at ● of the clock in the after●●● being in the latitude of 64 degrees, through Gods help we came to 〈◊〉 among many low islands which lay before the high land. The 17 of june set up our pinnace. The 20 she was spoilt by the Saue●es. At 〈◊〉 the 2● of june we departed from this coast. our two barks for th●n 〈◊〉 voyage, and myself in the pinnace for the discovery. From 〈…〉 we shaped our course as followeth. 17 20 〈…〉 21 8 W.N.W. 7 S.E. Noon the 22 4 N.W. 6 S.E. 1● N.W. 18 S.E. ●● N. 13 S.E. At this ●●ne we see great store of whales. Noon the 23 36 N.W. by N. 42 65 40 The true course. etc. month. Elevation of the pole. May. Days. Hours. Course. Leagues. Deg. Min. The wind. THE DISCOURSE. Noon the 24 24 N. by E Northerly 41 67 40 S.S.E. The true course, etc. Here the weather was very hot. This 24 of june at 6 of the clock at night we met two savages at sea in their small canoas, unto whom we gave bracelets, and nails, for skins & birds. At 9 of the clock they departed from us. The next day at 7 of the clock in the morning, there came unto us 30 savages 20 leagues of the shore, entreating us to go to the shore. We had of them fish, birds, skins, darts, and their coast from their backs, for bracelets, nails, knives etc. They remainded with us four hours, and departed. 27 Noon the 20 hundred N. S. ● N. W. 2 S. W. 7 N.N.E. 10 S. 6 N. 8 S. W. 8 W. N. W. 5 S. E. Noon the 27 72 N. Westerly. 52 70 4 The true course, etc. for 72 hours. Noon the 2● 72 N. 4● 72 12 The true course, etc. Since the 21 of this month I have continually coated the shore of Gronland, having the sea all open towards the West, and the land on the flatboord side East from me. Forthese last 4 days the weather hath been extreme hot and very calm, the Sun being 5 degrees about the horizon at midnight. The compass in this place varieth 28 degrees toward the West. 20 july 1 20 N. by S. Westerly 44 71 36 N. W. by N. The true course, etc. This day at noon we coasted a mighty bank of ice West from us. 2 24 S.E. 12 71 9 Noon the 3 8 N.N.W. 11 71 40 N. This day we fallen again with the ice, seeking to double it our by the North. Noon the 5 48 S.S.E. ●6 70 N. The true course, etc. 6 2● S.S.W. 22 69 Uariable. The true course, etc. This 6 of july we put our bark thorough the ice, seeing the sea free on the West side: and having sailed 5 leagues West, we fallen with another mighty bar, which we could not pass: and therefore returning again, we freed ourselves the 8 of this month at midnight, and so recovered the sea through God's favour, by fair winds, the weather being ve●y c●lme. 7 8 Noon the 9 72 E.S.E. 7 68 50 Calm. The true course, etc. Noon the 10 24 S.E. by S. 8 68 30 E. by N. The true course, etc. This day we coasted the ice. Noon the 11 24 E.N.E. 11½ 68 45 Uariable. The true course, etc. Noon the 12 24 S.S.E. 16 68 N.N.W. The true course, etc. 1● 24 E. by S. 20 S. This day the people came to us off the shore, and bartered with us. Bring within the iss●s, & not finding good ankorage, we bore off again into the sea. Noon the 14 24 W. by N. 11 67 50 S. The true course, etc. Noon the 15 2● W.S.W. 5 67 45 E. The true course, etc. This day a great current set us Well 6 points from our course. Noon the 16 24 saint w by w westerly 22 67 10 S. The true course, etc. This day we fallen with a migh●● bank of ice West of us. Noon the 18 48 S. by W. 30 65 33 N. fog. The true course, etc. Collected by di●●rs experiments. Noon the 19 24 W. Southerly. 17 65 30 S. fog. The true course, etc. This 19 of july at one a clock in the afternoon we had sight of the land of Mount Ralegh, and by 12. of the clock at night we were thwart the Straitss which 〈◊〉 God's help) I discovered the first year 20 The 20 day we traversed in the mouth of the said Straitss with a contrary wind, bring West, and fair weather. 2● This ●● day at 2 of the clock in the afternoon, having fallen 60 leagues Northwest● we ankered among an huge number of isles lying in the bottom of the said supposed passage, at which place the water rises ● fathom v●right. Here as in tobe at anchor, a great whale passed by us, and swum West in among the isles. In this place a S.W. by W. moon maketh a full sea. Here the compass varied 30 degrees. 24 The 24 day at 5 of the clock in the morning we s●● sail, departing from this place, and shaping our course S.E. to recover the main Ocean again. 25 This 25 we were becalm almost in the bottom of the Straitss, ● had the weather marvelous extreme h●●. 26 S.E. This day b●ing in the Straitss w● ha● a very quick storm. 27 S. Being still in the Streig●●●, we had this day fair weather. N●●●● the 29 64 At this present we got clear of the Straitss, having coasted the South shore, the land ●●ending from hence S.W. by S. Noon the 30 24 S.S.W. 22 63 This day we coasted the shore, a bank of ice lying thereupon. Also, this 30 ●f july in the afternoon we crossed over the entrance or mouth of a great in●● or passage, being 20 leagues broad, and situate between 62 & 63 degrees. In which place we had 8 or 9 great races, currents or overfals, lothsomly ceding like the rage of the water ● under London bridge, and bending their course into the said gulf. month. Elevation of the pole. july. Days. Hours. Course. Leagues. Deg Min. The wind THE DISCOURSE. 31 24 S. by W. 27 62 N.W. This 31 at noon, coming close by a foreland or great cape, we fallen in●● mighty race, where an island of ice was carried by the force of the cu●●●●● fast as our bark could sail with him wound, all sails bearing. This ●●●n it was the most Southerly limit of the gulf which we passed over the 〈◊〉 of this month, so was it the North promontory or first beginning of a●u●● very great inlet, whose South limit at this present we see no●. Which 〈◊〉 or gulf this afternoon, and in the night, we passed over: where so 〈◊〉 admiration we see the sea falling down into the gulf with a mighty 〈◊〉 and toring, and with divers circular motions like whirl pools, in such 〈◊〉 fortible streams pass thorough the arches of bridges. August Noon the 1 24 S. E.by S. 16 61 10 W. S.W The true course, etc. This first of August we fallen with the promonent the said gulf or second passage, having coasted by divers courses for our se●gard, a great bark of the ice driven out of that gulf. Noon the 2 48 S.S.E. 16 60 26 Uariable. Noon the 6 72 S.E. Southerly. 22 59 35 Uariable with calm. The true course, etc. 7 24 S.S.E. 22 58 40 W.S.W. The true course, etc. 8 24 S.E. 13 58 12 W. fog. The true course, etc. 9 24 S. by W. 13 57 30 Uariable ● calm. The true course. etc. 10 24 S.S.E. 17 56 40 S. W.by W. The true course, etc. 11 24 S.E. easterly. 40 55 13 W.N.W. The true course, etc. 12 24 S.E. easterly. 20 54 32 W.S.W. The true course. etc. 13 24 S.S.E. 4 54 N.W. This day seeking for our ships that went to fish, we struck on a rock, b●● among many isles, and had a great leak. Noon the 14 24 S.S.E. 28 52 40 N.W. This day we stopped our leak in a storm. The 15 of August at no●n, 〈◊〉 in the latitude of 52 degrees 12. min. and 16 leagues from the shore, we 〈◊〉 our course for England. in God's name, as followeth * * Noon ● 15 52 12 S.S.W. The true latitude. 16 20 ●. s.e half pains. 50 51 S.W. The true course, etc. 17 24 E. by S. 30 50 40 S. The true course, etc. This day upon the Bank we met a Biscainer either for the Grand bay or for the passage. He chased us. 18 24 E. by N. Northerly. 49 51 18 W. The true course. etc. 19 24 E. half point north. 51 51 35 Uariable W. & S. The true course, etc. 20 24 E.S.E. 31 50 50 S.W. The true course, etc. Noon the 22 48 E. by N. 68 51 30 S.S.W. The true course, etc. 22 24 E. by N. Northerly ●3 51 52 S. The true course, etc. 24 24 E. by N. 31 52 10 Uariable. The true course, etc. This 24 of August observing the variation. 〈◊〉 the compass to vary towards the East, from the true Meridian, er. e d●m. Noon the 27 72 E. Northerly. 40 52 23 Uariable & calm. The true course, etc. for 72 hours. Noon the 29 48 E.S.E. 47 51 28 Uariable W. & N. The true course. etc. Noon the 31 48 S.e. by e. Easterly. 14 51 0 Uariable. The true course. etc. September 2 48 E. Southerly 65 51 N.W. The true course, etc. 3 24 E. by S. Easterly. 24 50 50 W.N.W. The true course● etc. 4 24 S.E. by E. 20 50 21 N.N.E. The true course, etc. 5 24 S.E. by E. 18 49 48 N.N.E. The true course. etc. Now are supposed ourselves to be ●5 leagues frō●● 6 24 E. by S. 15 49 40 N. The true course, etc. 7 24 E.S.E. 20 49 15 N.N.W. The true course. etc. 8 24 N.E. 18 49 40 9 24 W.S.W. 7 49 42 10 24 S.E. by E. 8½ 49 28 Uariable. 11 24 N.E. by E. 10 49 45 Uariable. 12 24 N.W. by W. 6 50 N.E. 13 24 of ●● S. southerly. 15 49 47 N.E. 15 This 15 of September 1587. we arrived at Dartmouth. Under the title of the hours, where any number exceedeth 24, it is the sum or casting up of so many other daye● and parts of days going next before, as contain the foresaid sum. A report of Master john davis of his three Voyages made for the discovery of the Northwest passage, taken out of a Treatise of his, Entitled The world's Hydrographical description. NOw there only rests the North parts of America, upon which coast myself have had most experience of any in our age: for thrice I was that way employed for the discovery of this notable passage, by the honourable care and some charge of Sir Francis Walsingham knight, principal secretary to her Majesty, with whom divers noble men and worshipful merchants of London joined in purse and willingness for the furtherance of that attempt, but when his honour died the voyage was friendless, and men's minds alienated from adventuring therein. In my first voyage not experienced of the nature of those climates, The 1. voyage. and having no direction either by Chart, Globe, or other certain relation in what altitude that passage was to be searched, I shaped a Northerly course and so sought the same toward the South, and in that my Northerly course I fallen upon the shore which in ancient time was called Groenland, five hundred leagues distant from the Durseys' Westnorthwest Northerly, the land being very high and full of mighty mountains all covered with snow, no view of wood, grass or earth to be seen, and the shore two leagues off into the sea so full of ice as that no shipping could by any means come near the same. The loathsome view of the shore, and irksome noise of the ice was such, as that it bread strange conceits among us, so that we supposed the place to be waist and void of any sensible or vegetable creatures, whereupon I called the same Desolation: so coasting this shore towards the South in the latitude of sixty degrees, I found it to trend towards the West, I still followed the leading thereof in the same height, and after fifty or sixty leagues it failed and lay directly North, which I still followed, and in thirty leagues sailing upon the West side of this coast by me named Desolation, we were past all the ice and found many green & pleasant Isles bordering upon the shore, but the hills of the main were still covered with great quantities of snow, I brought my ship among those Isles and there mored to refresh ourselves in our weary travel, in the latitude of sixty four degrees or there about. The people of the country having espied our ships came down unto us in their Canoas', & holding up their right hand to the Sun and crying Yliaout, would strike their breasts: we doing the like the people came aboard our ships, men of good stature, unbearded, small eyed and of tractable conditions, by whom as signs would permit, we understood that towards the North and West there was a great sea, and using the people with kindness in giving them nails and knives which of all things they most destred, we departed, and finding the sea free from ice supposing ourselves to be past all danger we shaped our course Westnorthwest thinking thereby to pass for China, but in the latitude of sixty six degrees we cell with another shore, and there found another passage of twenty leagues broad directly West into the same, which we supposed to be our hoped strait, we entered into the same thirty or forty leagues, finding it neither to wyden nor straighten, then considering that the year was spent (for this was the fine of August) not knowing the length of the strait and dangers thereof, we took it our best course to return with notice of our good success for this small time of search. And so returning in a sharp fret of Westerly winds the 29. of September we arrived at Dartmouth. And acquainting master Secretary Walsingham with the rest of the honourable and worshipful adventurers of all our proceed, I was appointed again the second year to search the bottom of this strait, because by all likelihood it was the place and passage by us laboured for. In this second attempt the merchants of Exeter, The 2. voyage. and other places of the West become adventurers in the action, so that being sufficiently furnished for six months, and having direction to search these straits, until we found the same to fall into another sea upon the West side of this part of America, we should again return: for than it was not to be doubted, but shipping with trade might safely be conveyed to China and the parts of Asia. We departed from Dartmouth, and arriving upon the South part of the coast of Desolation coasted the same upon his West shore to the latitude to sixetie six degrees, and there ancored among the Isles bordering upon the same, where we refreshed ourselves, the people of this place came likewise unto us, by whom I understood through their signs that towards the North the sea was large. At this place the chief ship whereupon I trusted, called the Mermaid of Dartmouth, found many occasions of discontentment, and being unwilling to proceed, she there forsook me. Then considering how I had given my faith and most constant promise to my worshipful good friend master William Sanderson, who of all men was the greatest adventurer in that action and took such care for the performance thereof, that he hath to my knowledge at one time disbursed as much money as any five others whatsoever out of his own purse, when some of the company have been slack in giving in their adventure: And also knowing that I should lose the favour of M. Secretary Walsingham, if I should shrink from his direction; in one small bark of 30 Tons, whereof M. Sanderson was owner, alone without farther company I proceeded on my voyage, and arriving at these straits followed the same 80 leagues, until I came among many Islands, where the water did ebb and flow six fathom upright, and where there had been great trade of people to make train. But by such things as there we found, we known that they were not Christians of Europe that had used that trade: in fine by searching with our boat, we found small hope to pass any farther that way, and therefore recovered the sea and coasted the shore towards the South, and in so doing (for it was too late to search towards the North) we found another great inlet near 40 leagues broad, where the water eutred in with violent swiftness, this we also thought might be a passage: for no doubt the North parts of America are all Islands by aught that I could perceive therein: The North parts of Americ●, all Islands. but because I was alone in a small bark of thirty tons, and the year spent, I entered not into the same, for it was now the seventh of September, but coasting the shore towards the South we see an incredible number of birds: having divers fishermen aboard our bark they all concluded that there was a great skull of fish, we being unprovided of fishing furniture with a long spike nail made a hook, and fastened the same to one of our sounding lines, before the bait was changed we cook more than forty great Cod, the fish swimming so abundantly thick about our bark as is incredible to be reported, of which with a small portion of salt that we had, we preserved some thirty couple, or thereabouts, and so returned for England. And having reported to M. Secretary Walsingham the whole success of this attempt, he commanded me to present unto the most honourable Lord high Treasurour of England, some part of that fish: which when his Lordship see, & herded at large the relation of this second attempt, I received favourable countenance from his honour, advising me to prosecute the action, of which his Lordship conceived a very good opinion. The next year, although divers of the adventurers fallen from the Action, as all the Western merchants, and most of those in London: yet some of the adventurers both honourable & worshipful continued their willing favour and charge, so that by this means the next ye●e two ships were appointed for the fishing and one pinnace for the discovery. The 3. voyage. Departing from Darmouth, through God's merciful favour, I arrived at the place of fishing, and there according to my direction I left the two ships to follow that business, taking their faithful promise not to departed until my return unto them, which should be in the five of August, and so in the bark I proceeded for the discovery: but after my departure, in sixteen days the two ships had finished their voyage, and so presently departed for England, without regard of their promise: myself not distrusting any such hard measure proceeded for the discovery, and followed my course in the free and open sea between North and Northwest to the latitude of 67 degrees, and there I might see America West from me, and Gronland, which I called Desolation, East: then when I see the land of both sides I began to distrust it would prove but a gulf: notwithstanding desirous to know the full certainty I proceeded, and in 68 degrees the passage enlarged, so that I could not see the Western shore: thus I continued to the latitude of 73 degrees, in a great sea, free from ye, coasting the Western shore of Desolation: the people came continually rowing out unto me in their Canoas', twenty, forty, and one hundred at a time, and would give me fish dried, Salmon, Salmon peal, Cod, Caplin, Lump, Stone-base and such like, besides divers kinds of birds, as Partridge, pheasant, Gulls, Sea birds and other kinds of flesh: I still laboured by signs to know from them what they known of any sea toward the North, they still made sings of a great sea as we understood them, then I departed from that coasts thinking to discover the North parts of America: & after I had sailed towards the West 40 leagues, I fell upon a great bank of ice: the wind being North and blue much, I was constrained to coast the same toward the South, not seeing any shore West from me, neither was there any ice towards the North, but a great sea, free, large very salt and blue, & of an unsearchable depth: So coasting towards the South I came to the place where I left the ships to fish, but found them not. Then being forsaken & left in this distress referring myself to the merciful providence of God, I shaped my course for England, & unhoped for of any, God alone relieving me, I arrived at Dartmouth. By this last discovery it seemed most manifest that the passage was free & without impediment toward the North: but by reason of the Spanish fleet & unfortunate time of M. Secretary's death, the voyage was omitted & never sithence attempted. The cause why I use this particluar relation of all my proceed for this discovery, is to stay this objection, why hath not davis discovered this passage being thrice that ways employed? How far I proceeded & in what form this discovery lieth, doth appear upon the Globe which M. Sanderson to his very great charge hath published, for the which he deserveth great favour & commendations. The discovery of the Isles of Friesland, Iseland, Engroneland, Estotilaud, Drogeo and Icaria: made by two brethren, namely M. Nicholas Zeno, and M. Antonio his brother: Gathered out their letters by M. Francisco Marcolino. TN the year of our Lord 1200 there was in the City of Venice a famous Gentleman, named Messer Marino Zeno, who for his great virtue and singular wisdom, was called and elected governor in certain common wealths of Italy: in the administration whereof he boar himself so discretely, that he was beloved of all men, and his name greatly reverenced of those that never known or see his person. And amongst sundry his worthy works, this is recorded of him, that he pacified certain grievous civil dissensions that arose among the citizens of Verona: whereas otherwise, if by his grave advise and great diligence they had not been prevented, the matter was likely to break out into hot broils of war. He was the first Podesta, or Ruler, that the Common wealth of Venice appointed in Constantinople in the year 1205 when our state had rule thereof with the French Barons. This Gentleman had a son named Messer Pietro, who was the father of the Duke Rinieri, which Duke dying without issue, made his heir M. Andrea, the son of M. Marco his brother. This M. Andrea was Captain General and Procurator, a man of great reputation for many rare parts, that were in in him. He had a son M. Rinieri, a worthy Senator and prudent Counsellor: of whom descended M. Pietro Captain General of the league of the Christians against the Turks, who was called Dragon, for that in his shield, in stead of a Manfrone which was his arms at the first, he bore a Dragon. He was father to M. Carlo two grand the famous Procurator and Captain general against the Genoese in those cruel wars, when as almost all the chief Princes of Europe did oppugn and seek to overthrow our Empire and liberty, wherein by his great valiancy and prowess, as Furius Camillus delivered Rome, so he delivered his country from the present peril it was in, being ready to become a prey and spoil unto the enemy: wherefore he was afterward surnamed the Lion, and for an eternal remembrance of his fortitude and valiant exploits he gave the Lion in his arms. M. Carlo had two brethren, M. Nicolo, the knight and M. Antonio, the father of M. Dragon, of whom issued M. Caterino, the father M. Pietro da i Crocecchieri. This M. Pietro had sons M. Caterino, that died the last year, being brother unto M. Francisco, M. Carlo, M. Battista, and M. Vincenzo: Which M. Caterino was father to M. Nicolo, that is yet living. Now M. Nicolo, the knight, being a man of great courage, after this aforesaid Genovan war of Chioggia that troubled so our predecessors, entered into a great desire and fancy to see the fashions of the world and to travel and acquaint himself with the manners of sundry nations and learn their languages, whereby afterwards upon occasions he might be the better able to do service to his country, and purchase to himself credit and honour. Wherefore he caused a ship to be made, and having furnished her at his proper charges (as he was very wealth) he departed out of our seas and passing the straitss of Gibraltar, he sailed for certain days upon the Ocean, keeping his course still to the Northwards, with intent to see England and Flanders. Where being assaulted in those Seas by a terrible tempest, he was so tossed for the space of many days with the sea and wind, that he known not where he was, till at length he discovered land, and not being able any longer to sustain the violence of the tempest the ship was cast away upon the Isle of Friesland. The men were saved, and most part of the goods that were in the ship. And this was in the year 1380. The ship of M. N. Zeno cas● away upon friesland in Ann● 1380. The inhabitants of the Island came running in great multitudes with weapons to set upon M. Nicolo and his men, who being sore weatherbeaten and over-laboured at sea, and not knowing in what part of the world they were, were not able to make any resistance at all, much less to defend themselves courageously, as it behoved them in such a dangerous case. And they should have been doubtless very discourteously entreated and cruelly handled, if by good hap there had not been hard by the place a prince with armed people. Who understanding that there was even at that present a great ship cast away upon the Island, came running at the noise and outcries that they made against our poor Mariners, and driving away the inhabitants, spoke in Latin and asked them what they were and from whence they came, A foreign prince happening to be in Friesland with armed men, when M. Zen● suffered shipwreck ther● came unto him and spak● Latin. and perceiving that they came from Italy and that they were men of the said Country, he was surprised with marvelous great joy. Wherefore promising them all, that they should receive no discourtesy, and that they were come into a place where they should be well used and very welcome, he took them into his protection upon his faith. This was a great Lord, and possessed certain Islands called Porland, lying on the South side of Friesland, being the richest and most populous of all those parts, his name was Zichmni: and beside the said little Islands, he was Duke of Sorani, lying over against Scotland. Zichmni prince of Po●land or Duke of Zorani. Of these North parts I thought good to draw the copy of a Sea card, which amongst other antiquities I have in my house, which although it be rotten through many years, yet it falls out indifferent well: and to those that are delighted in these things, it may serve for some light to the understanding of that, which without it cannot so easily be conceived. Zichmni being Lord of those Sygnories (as is said) was a very warlike and valiant man and above all things famous in Sea causes. And having the year before given the overthrow to the king of Norway, who was Lord of the Island, friesland the ●ing o● Nor●aye●. being desirous to win fame by feats of arms, he was come on land with his men to give the attempt for the winning of Friesland, which is an Island much bigger than Ireland. Wherefore seeing that M. Nicolo was a man of judgement & discretion, and very expert both in sea matters and martial affairs, he gave him commission to go aboard his Navy with all his men, charging the captain to honour him and in all things to use his counsel. This Navy of Zichmni was of thirteen vessels, whereof two only were rowed with oars, the rest small barks and one ship, with the which they sailed to the Westwards and with little pains won Ledovo and Ilofe and divers other small Islands: and turning into a bay called Sudero, in the haven of the town named Sanestol, they took certain small barks laden with fish. And here they found Zichmni, who came by land with his army conquering all the country as he went: they stayed here but a while, and led on their course to the Westwards till they came to the other Cape of the gulf or bay, then turning again, they found certain Islands and broken lands which they reduced all unto the Signory & possession of Zichmni. These seas, for as much as they sailed, were in manner nothing but sholds & rocks, in so much that if M. Nicolo and the Venetian mariners had not been their Pilots, the whole fleet in judgement of all that were in it, had been cast away, so small was the skill of Zichmnis' men, in respect of ours, who had been trained up in the art and practice of Navigation all the days of their life. Now the fleet having done such things as are declared, the Captain, by the counsel of M. Nicolo, determined to go a land, at a town called Bondendon, to understand what success Zichmni had in his wars: where they herded to their great content, that he had fought a great battle and put to flight the army of his enemy: by reason of which victory, they sent Ambassadors from all parts of the Island to yield the country up into his hands, taking down their ensigns in every town and castle: they thought good to stay in that place for his coming, it being reported for certain that he would be there very shortly. At his coming there was great congratulation and many signs of gladness showed, as well for the victory by land, as for that by sea: for the which the Uenetians were honoured and extolled of all men, in such sort that there was no talk but of them, and of the great valour of M. Nicolo. Wherefore the prince, who was a great favourer of valiant men and especially of those that could behave themselves well at sea, caused M. Nicolo to be brought before him, and after having commended him with many honourable speeches, and praised his great industry and dexterine of wit, by the which two things he acknowledged himself to have received an inestimable benefit, as the saving of his fleet and the winning of many places without any great trouble, he made him knight, N. Zeno, made ●night by Zichmni. and rewarded his men with many rich & bountiful gifts. Then departing from thence they went in triumphing manner toward Friesland, the chief city of that Island, situate ou the Southeast side of the Isle, within a gulf, as there are many in that Island. In this gulf or bay there is such great abundance of fish taken, that many ships are laden therewith to serve Flanders, Britain, England, Scotland, Norway, and Denmark, Ships laden, with fish at Friesland, ●or Flanders, B●itain, England, Scotland, No●way and Denmark. But not to b● proved that e●er any came thence. and by this trade they gather great wealth. And thus much is taken out of a letter, that M. Nicolo sent to M. Antonio his brother, requesting that he would seek some means to come to him. Wherefore he who had as great desire to travail as his brother, bought a ship, and directed his course that way: & after he had sailed a great while and escaped many dangers, he arrived at length in safety with M. Nicolo, who received him very joyfully, for that he was his brother not only in flesh and blood, but also in valour and good qualities. M. Antonio remained in Friesland and dwelled there for the space of 14 years, A letter sent by M. N. Zeno, from F●island to his brother M. Antonio in Venice. The end of the first letter. 4 years with M. Nicolo, and 10 years alone. Where they came in such grace and favour with the Prince, that he made M. Nicolo Captain of his Navy, and with great preparation of war they were sent forth for the enterprise of Estland, which lieth upon the coast between Friesland and Norway, where they did many damages: but hearing that the king of Norway was coming towards them with a great fleet, they departed with such a terrible flaw of wind, that they were driven upon certain sholds: were a great part of their ships were cast away, the rest were saved upon Grisland, a great Island but dishabited. The king of Norway his fleet being taken with the same storm, did utterly perish in those seas: Whereof Zichmni having notice, by a ship of his enemies that was cast by chance upon Grisland, having repaired his fleet, and perceiving himself Northerly near unto the Islands, determined to set upon Island, which together with the rest, was subject to the king of Norway: but he found the country so well fortified and defended, that his fleet being so small, and very ill appointed both of weapons and men, he was glad to retire. And so he left that enterprise without performing any thing at all: and in the same channels he assaulted the other Isles called Island, which are seven, Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, Mimant, Dambere, and Bres: and having spoiled them all, he built a fort in Bres, where he left M. Nicolo, with certain small barks and men and munition. And now thinking he had done well for this voyage, with those few ships which were left he returned safe into Friesland. M. Nicolo remaining now in Bres, determined in the spring to go forth and discover land: wherefore arming out three small barks in the month of july, he sailed to the Northwards, and arrived in Engroneland. Eng●on●l●n●. Where he found a Monastery of Friars, of the order of the Predicators, and a Church dedicated to Saint Thomas, P●eaching Fry●rs of Saint Thom●●. hard by a hill that casts forth fire, like Veswius and Aetna. There is a fountain of hot burning water with the which they heat the Church of the Monastery and the friars chambers, it cometh also into the kitchen so boiling hot, that they use no other ●ire to dress their meat: and putting their bread into brass pots without any water, it doth bake as it were in an hot oven. They have also small gardens covered over in the winter time, which being watered with this water, are defended from the force of the snow and cold, which in those parts being situate far under the pole, is very extreme, and by this means they produce flowers and fruits and herbs of sundry sorts, even as in other temperate countries in their seasons, in such sort that the rude and savage people of those parts seeing these supernatural effects, do take those Friars for Gods, and bring them many presents, as chickens, flesh, and divers other things, and have them all in great reverence as Lords. When the frost and snow is great, they heat their houses in manner beforesaid, and will by letting in the water or opening the windows, at an instant temper the heat and cold at their pleasure. In the buildings of the Monastery they use no other matter but that which is ministered unto them by the fire: for they take the burning stones that are cast out as it were sparkles or rinders at the fiery mouth of the hill, and when they are most inflamed, cast water upon them, whereby they are dissolved and become excellent white lime and so tough that being contrived in building it lasteth for ever. And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them do serve in stead of stones to make walls and vaults: for being once cold they will never dissolve or break, except they be cut with some iron tool, and the vaults that are made of them are so light that they need no sustentacle or prop to hold them up, and they will endure continually very fair and whole. By reason of these great commodities, the Friars have made there so many buildings and walls that it is a wonder to see. The coverts or roofs of their houses for the most part are made in manner following: first they raise up the brickwall up to his full height, than they make it inclining or bowing in by little and little in form of a vault. But they are not greatly troubled with rain in those parts, because the climate (as I have said) is extreme cold: for the first snow being fallen, it thaweth no more for the space of nine months, Winter o● 9 months. for so long dureth their winter. They feed of the flesh of wild foul and of fish: for whereas the warm water falls into the sea, there is a large and wide haven, which by reason of the heat of the water, doth never frieze all the winter, by means whereof there is such concourse and flocks of sea foul and such abundance of fish, that they take thereof infinite multitudes, whereby they maintain a great number of people round about, which they keep in continual work, both in building and taking of fowls and fish, and in a thousand other necessary affairs and business about the Monastery. Their houses are built about the hill on every side, in form round, and 25 foot broad, and in mounting upwards they go narrow and narower, leaving at the top a little hole, whereat the air cometh in to give light to the house, and the floor of the house is so hot, that being within they feel no cold at all. Hither in the Summer time come many barks from the Islands their about, and from the cape above Norway, and from Trondon, Trade in summer ●ime from Trondon to S. Thomas friars in Groneland. and bring to the Friars all manner of things that may be desired, taking in change thereof fish, which they dry in the sun or in the cold, & skins of divers kinds of beasts. For the which they have wood to burn and timber very artificially carved, and corn, and clot to make them apparel. For in change of the two aforesaid commodities all the nations bordering round about them covet to traffic with them, and so they without any travel or expenses have that which they desire. To this Monastery resort Friars of Norway, Res●●t of Fry●rs from Norway and Sueden, to the Monastery in Engroneland, called S. Tho. of Suetia and of other countries, but the most part are of Island. There are continually in that part many barks, which are kept in there by reason of the sea being frozen, waiting for the spring of the year to dissolve the ice. The fisher's boats are made like unto a weavers shuttle: M. F●obishe● brought these kind of boats from ●hese par●s in●● England taking the skins of fish, they fashion them with the bones of the same fish, and sowing them together in many doubles they make them so sure and substantial, that it is miraculous to see, how in tempests they will shut themselves close within and let the sea and wind carry them they care not whether without any fear either of breaking or drowning. And if they chance to be driven upon any rocks, they remain sound without the lest bruise in the world: & they have as it were a sleeve in the bottom, which is tied fast in the middle, and when there cometh any water into the boat, they put it into the one half of the sleeve, then fastening the end thereof with two pieces of wood and losing the band beneath, they convey the water forth of the boat: and this they do as often as they have occasion, without any peril or impediment at all. Moreover, the water of the Monastery, being of sulphureous or brimstonie nature, is conveyed into the lodgings of the principal Friars by certain vessels of brass, tin, or stone, so hot that it heateth the place as it were a stove, not carrying with it any stink or other noisome smell. Besides this they have another conveyance to bring hot water with a brickwall under the ground, to the end it should not frieze, unto the middle of the court, where it falls into a great vessel of brass that standeth in the middle of a boiling fountain, and this is to heat their water to drink & to water their gardens, & thus they have from the hill the greatest commodities that may be wished: and so these Friars employ all their travail and study for the most part in trimming their gardens and in making fair and beautiful buildings, but especially handsome and commodious: neither are they destitute of ingenious and painful artificers for the purpose; for they give very large payment, and to them that bring them first-fruits and seeds they are very bountiful, and give they care not what. So that there is great resort of workmen and masters in divers faculties, by reason of the good gains and large allowance that is there. In the Monastery of Saint Thom●s most of them spoke the Latin tongue. The end of the ●. letter. The most of them speak the Latin tongue, and specially the superiors and principals of the Monastery. And this is as much as is known of Engroneland, which is all by the relation of M. Nicolo, who maketh also particular description of a river that he discovered, as is to be seen in the card that I drawn. And in the end M. Nicolo, not being used & acquainted with these cruel colours, fell sick, and a little while after returned into Friesland, where he died. He left behind him in Venice, two sons, M. Giovanni and M. Tomazin, who had two sons, M. Nicolo the father of the famous Cardinal Zeno, and M. Pietro of whom descended the other Zenos, that are living at this day. N. Zeno died in Friesland. Now M. Nicolo being dead. M. Antonio succeeded him both in his goods, and in his dignities and honour: and albeit he attempted divers ways, and made great supplication, he could never obtain licence to return into his country. For Zichmni, being a man of great courage and valour, had determined to make himself Lord of the sea. Wherefore using always the counsel and service of M. Antonio, he determined to sand him with certain barks to the Westwards us, for that towards those parts, some of his fishermen had discoured certain Islands very rich and populous: which discovery M. Antonio, in a letter to his brother M. Carlo, recounteth from point to point in this manner, saving that we have changed some old words, leaving the matter entire as it was. Six and twenty years ago there departed four fisher boats, the which, a mighty tempest arising, were tossed for the space of many days very desperately upon the Sea, when at length, the tempest ceasing, and the wether waxing fair, they discovered an Island called Estotiland, lying to the Westwards above 1000 Miles from Friesland, The discovery of Esto●iland Westward. Six fishermen taken. upon the which one of the boats was cast away, and six men that were in it were taken of the inhabitants and brought into a fair and populous city, where the king of the place sent for many interpreters, but there was none could be found that understood the language of the fishermen, except one that spoke Latin, Fishermen of Friesland speak Latin. who was also cast by chance upon the same Island, who in the behalf of the king asked them what countrymen they were: and so understanding their case, rehearsed it unto the king, who willed that they should tarry in the country: wherefore they obeying his commandment, for that they could not otherwise do, devil five years in the Island, Six were five queres in Es●otiland. One of the fishery of Friesland, reporteth of Estotiland. & learned the language, and one of them was in divers parts of the Island, and reporteths that it is a very rich country, abounding with all the commodities of the world, Estotiland rich, abounding with all ●he commodities of the world. and that it is little less than Island, but far more fruitful, having in the middle thereof a very high mounaine, from the which there spring four rivers that pass through the whole country. The inhabitants are very witty people, and have all a●tes and faculties, as we have: and it is credible that in time passed they have had traffic with our men, for he said, that he see Latin books in the king's Library, which they at this present do not understand: they have a peculiar language, and letters or characters to themselves. They have mines of all manner of metals, but especial they abound with gold. Abundance of gold. They have their trade in Engroneland, from whence they bring furs, brimstone & pitch: Trade from Estotil●nd, to Engroneland ● Skins, brimstone, and pitch: gold, corn, and ●eere, or ale. and he says, that to the southward, there is a great populous country very rich of gold. They sow corn, and make beer and ale, which is a kind of drink that North people do use as we do wine. They have mighty great woods, they make their buildings with walls, & there are many cities and castles. Many cities and castles. They build small barks and have sailing, but they have not the load stone, nor know not the use of the compass. Wherefore these fishers were had in great estimation, insomuch that the king sent them with twelve barks to the Southwards to a country which they call Drogio: A country called Do●gio. but in their voyage they had such contrary weather, that they thought to have perished in the sea: but escaping that cruel death, they fallen into another more cruel: for they were taken in the country and the most part of them eaten by the Savage people, which fed upon man's flesh, as the sweetest meat in their judgements that is. But that fisher with his fellows showing them the manner of taking fish with nets, saved their lives: The 6 fishermen of Friesland only saved, by showing the manner to take fish. The chiefest o● the 6 fishers, specified before and his companions. and would go every day a fishing to the sea and in fresh rivers, and take great abundance of fish and give it to the chief men of the country, whereby he gate himself so great favour, that he was very well beloved and honoured of every one. The fame of this man being spread abroad in the country, there was a Lord there by, that was very desirous to have him with him, and to see how he used his miraculous art of catching fish, in so much that he made war with the other Lord with whom he was before, and in the e●d prevailing, for that he was more mighty and a better warrior, the fisherman was sent unto him with the rest of his company. And for the space of thirteen years that he dwelled in those parts, In the space of 13 years he served 25 lords of Drogio. he says, that he was sent in this order to more than 25 Lords, for they had continual war amongst themselves, this Lord with that Lord, and he with another, only to have him to devil with them: so that wandering up and down the country without any certain abode in one place he known almost all those parts. He says, that it is a very great country & as it were a new world: the people are very rude and void of all goodness, they go all naked so that they are miserably vexed with cold, neither have they the wit to cover their bodies with beasts skins which they take in hunting, they have no kind of metal, they live by hunting, they carry certain laures of wood made sharp at the point, they have bows, the strings whereof are made of beasts skins: they are very fierce people, they make cruel wars one with another, and eat one another, they have governors & certain laws very divers among themselves. But the farther to the Southwestwards, the more civiltie there is, the air being somewhat temperate, so that there they have cities and temples to idols, wherein they sacrifice men and afterwards eat them, they have there some knowledge and use of gold and silver. Now this fisherman having dwelled so many years in those countries purposed, if it were possible, to return home into his country, but his companions despairing ever to see it again, let him go in God's name, and they kept themselves where they were. Wherefore he bidding them farewell, fled through the woods towards Drogio, and was very well received of the Lord that dwelled next to that place; who known him and was a great enemy of the other Lord: and so running from from one Lord to another, being those by whom he had passed before, after long time & many travels he came at length to Drogio, where he dwelled three years. When as by good fortune he herded by the inhabitants, that there were certain boats arrived upon the coast; wherefore entering into good hope to accomplish his intent, he went to the sea side, and ask them of what country they were; they answered of Estotiland, whereat he was exceeding glad, and requested that they would take him in to them, which they did very willingly, and for that he had the language of the country, and there was none that could speak it, they used him for their interpreter. And afterward he frequented that trade with them in such sort, that he become very rich, and so furnishing out a bark of his own, he returned into Frislande, He returned from Estotiland to Friesland. where he made report unto this Lord of that wealth country. And he is thoroughly credited because of the mariners, who approve many strange things, that he reporteth to be true. Wherefore this Lord is resolved to sand me forth with a flect towards those parts, Zichmni minded to sand M. Antonio Zeno, with a fleet towards th●s● parts of Es●otiland. and there are so many that desire to go in the voyage, for the novelty and strangeness of the thing, that I think we shall be very strongly appointed, without any public expense at all. And this is the tenor of the letter before mentioned, which I have here set down to give intelligence of another voyage that M. Antonio made, being set out with many barks, and men, notwithstanding he was not captain, as he had thought at the first he should: for Zichmni went in his own person: and concerning that matter I have a letter in form following. One great preparation for the voyage of Estotiland was begun in an unlucky hour: for three days before our departure the fisherman died that should have been our guide: The 4 letter. The fisherman died that should have been interpreter. notwithstanding this Lord would not give over the enterprise, but instead of the fisherman took certain mariners that returned out of the Island with him: Certain mariners taken in his s●eede, which came with him from Estotiland. and so making our Navigation to the Westwards, we discovered certain Islands subject to Friesland, and having passed certain shelves we stayed at Ledovo for the space of 7 days to refresh ourselves, and to furnish the fleet with necessary provision. Departing from thence we arrived the first of july at the Isle of Ilose: Isle Ilose. and for that the wound made for us, we stayed not there, but passed forth, and being upon the main sea, there arose immediately a cruel tempest, wherewith for eight days space we were miserably vered, not knowing where we were, & a great part of the barks were cast away, afterward the weather waxing fair, we gathered up the broken pieces of the barks that were lost, and sailing with a prosperous wind we discovered land at West. Zichmni his discovery of the Island Ica●ia. Wherefore keeping our course directly upon it, we arrived in a good and safe harbour, where we see an infinite company of people ready in arms, come running v●●y furiously to the water side, as it were for defence of the Island. Wherefore Zichmni causing his men to make signs of peace unto them, they sent 10 men unto us that could speak ten languages, but we could understand none of them, except one that was of Island. An Island man in Ica●ia. He being brought before our prince and asked, what was the name of the Island, and what people inhabited it, & who governed it, answered, that the Island was called Icaria, and that all the kings that reigned there, were called Icari, after the name of the first king of that place, which as they say was the son of Dedalus king of Scotland, The kings of of Icaria called Icari after the name of the first king of that place, who as they report, was son to Dedalus king of Scots. who conquered that Island, left his son there for king, and left them those laws that they retain to this present, and after this, he desiring to sail further, in a great tempest that aro●e, was drowned, wherefore for a memorial of his death, they call those seas yet, the Icarian Sea, Icarian S●a. and the and the kings of the Island Icari, and for that they were contented with that state, which God had given them, neither would they altar one jot of their laws and customs, they would not receive any stranger: wherefore they requested our prince, that he would not seek to violate their laws, which they had received from that king of worthy memory and observed very duly to that present: which if he did attempt, it would redo●und to his manifest destruction, they being all resolutely bend rather to leave their life, then to lose in any respect the use of their laws. Notwithstanding, that we should not think they did altogether re●use conversation and traffic with other men, they told us for conclusion that they would willingly receive one of our men, & prefer him to be one of the chief amongst them, only to learn my language the Italian tongue, The people of Icaria desirous of the Italian tongue. and to be informed of our manners and customs, as they had already received those other ten of ten sundry nations, that came into their Island. Ten men of ten sundry nations. To these things our Prince answered nothing at all, but causing his men to seek some good harbour, he made signs as though he would departed, and sailing round about the Island, he espied at length a harbour on the East side of the Island, where he put in with all his Fleet: the mariners went on land to take in wood and water, which they did with as great speed as they could, doubting lest they should be assaulted by the inhabitants, as it fallen out in deed, for those that dwelled thereabouts, making signs unto the other with fire and smoke, put themselves presently in arms and the other coming to them, Infinite multitudes of armed men in Ica●i●. they came all running down to the sea side upon our men, with bows and arrows, and other weapons, so that many were s●aine and divers sore wounded. And we made signs of peace unto them, but it was to no purpose, for their rage increased more and more, as though they had fought for land and living. Wherefore we were forced to departed, Zichmni departed from Icaria Westwards. and to sail along in a great circuit about the Island, being always accompanied upon the hill tops & the sea coasts with an infinite number of armed men: and so do●●ling the Cape of the Island towards the North, we found many great sholdes, amongst the which for the space of ten days we were in continual danger of losing our whole fle●t, but that it pleased God all that while to sand us fair weather. Wherefore proceeding on till we came to the East cape, we see the inhabitants still on the hill tops and by the sea coast keep with us, and in making great outcries and shooting at us a fa●re off, they uttered their old spiteful affection towards us. Wherefore we determined to stay in some safe harbour, and see if we might speak once again with the Islander, but our determination was frustrate: for the people more like unto beasts than men, stood continually in arms with intent to beaten us back, if we should come come on land. Wherefore Zichmni seeing he could not prevail, and thinking if he should have persevered and followed obstinately his purpose, their victuals would have failed them, he departed with a fair wound and sailed six days to the Westwards, but the wind changing to the South-west, and the sea waxing rough, we sailing 4 days with the wound the powp, and at length discovering land, were afraid to approach near unto it, the sea being grown, and we not knowing what ●and it was: but God so provided for us, that the wind ceasing there came a great calm. Wherefore some of our company rowing to land with oars, returned & brought us news to our great comfort, that they had found a very good country and a better harbour: upon which news we towed our ships and small barks to land, and being entered into the harbour, we see a far off a great mountain, that cast forth smoke, which gave us good hope that we should find some inhabitants in the Island, neither would Zichmni rest, although it were a great way off, but sent 100 soldiers to search the country and bring report what people they were that inhabited it, 100 men sent to descry the countre●. & in the mean time they took in wood and water for the provision of the fleet, and catched great store of fish and sea soul and found such abundance of birds eggs, that our men that were half famished, were filled therewithal. While we were riding here, began the month of june, at which time the air in the Island was so temperate and pleasant as is impossible to express: but when we could see no people at all, we suspected greatly that this pleasant place was desolate and dishabited. We gave name to the heaven calling it Trin, and the point that stretched ou● into the sea, we called Capo de Trin. The 100 soldiers that were sent forth, The 100 soldiers returned which had been through ●he Island, report what they see and found. 8 days after 〈◊〉, and brought word that they had been through the Island and at the mountain, and that the smoke was a natural thing proceeding from a great fire that was in the bottom of the hill, and that there was a spring from which issued a certain water like pitch which ran into the sea, and that thereabouts dwelled great multitudes of people half wild hiding themselves in caves of the ground, of small stature, and very fearful; for as soon as they see them they fled into their hol●s, and that there was a great river and a very good and safe harbour. Zichmni being thus informed, and seeing that it had a wholesome and pure air, and a very fruitful soil and fa●re rivers, with sundry commodities, fallen into such liking of the place, that he determined to inhabit it, and built there a city. But his people being weary and faint with long and tedious travel began to murmur, saying that they would return into their country, for that the winter was at hand, and if they entered into the harbour, they should not be able to come out again before the next Summer. Wherefore he retaining only the barks with Oars and such as were willing to stay with him, sent all the rest with the ships back again, M. An●onio Zeno, made chief● captain of those ships which went back to Fr●sland. and willed that I, (though unwilling) should be their captain. I therefore departing, because I could not otherwise choose, sailed for the space of twenty days to the Eastwards without sight of any land; then turning my course towards the Southeast, in 5. days I discovered land, and found myself upon the Isle of Neome, and knowing the country, I perceived I was past Island: wherefore taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants being subject to Zichmni, I sailed with a fair wind in three days to Friesland, where the people, who thought they had lost their prince. because of his long absence, in this our voyage received us very joyfully. What followed after this letter I know not but by conjecture, which I gather out of a piece of another letter, which I will set down here underneath: That Zichmni built a town in the port of the Island that he discovered, and that he searched the country very diligently and discovered it all, and also the rivers on both sides of Engroneland, for that I see it particularly described in the sea card, but the discourse or narration is lost. The beginning of the lett●● is thus. Concerning those things that you desire to know of me, The 5 letter. as of the men and their manners and customs, of the beasts, and of the countries adjoining, I have made thereof a particular book, which by God's help I will bring with me: wherein I have described the country, the monstrous fish, the customs and laws of Friesland, Island, Estland, the kingdom of Norway, Esto●iland, Drogio, and in the end the life of M. Nicolo, the knight our brother, with the discovery which he made, and the state of Groneland. I have also written the life and acts of Zichmni, a prince as worthy of immortal memory, as any that ever lived, for his great valiancy and singular humanity, wherein I have described the discovery of Engroneland on both sides, and the city that he builded. Therefore I will speak no further hereof in this letter, hoping to be with you very shortly, and to satisfy you in sundry other things by word of mouth. All these letters were written by M. Antonio to Messer Carlo his brother: and it grieveth me, that the book and divers other writings concerning these purposes, are miserably lost: for being but a child when they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, (as the manner of children is) I tore them, and rend them in pieces, which now I cannot call to remembrance but to my exceeding great grief. Notwithstanding, that the memory of so many good things should not be lost: whatsoever I could get of this matter, I have disposed and put in order in the former discourse, to the ●nde that this age might be partly satisfied, to the which ●● are more beholding for the great discoveries made in those parts, then to any other of the time past, being most studious of the new relations and discoveries of strange counteries, made by the great minds, and industry of our ancestors. For the more credit and confirmation of the former History of Messer Nicolas and Messer Antonio Zeni (which for some few respects may perhaps be called in question) I have here annexed the judgement of that famous Cosmographer Abraham Ortelius, or rather ●he yielding and submitting of his judgement thereunto: who in his Theatrum Orbis, fol. 6. next before the map of Marinell del Zur, borroweth proof and authorit●e out of this relation, to show that the North-east part of America called Esto●iland, and in the original always affirmed to be an Island, was about the year 1390 discovered by the aforesaid Venetian Gentleman Messer Antonia Zen●, above 100 years before ever Christopher Columbus set sail for those Western Regions; and that the Northern Seas were even then sailed by our European Pilots through the help of the loadstone: with divers other particulars concerning the customs, religion and wealth of the Southern Americans, which are most evidently confirmed by all the late and modern Spanish Histories of Nueva Espanna and Peru. ANd here I shall not (as I suppose) commit any great inconvenience, or absurdity, in adding unto this History of the new world, certain particulars as touching the first discovery thereof, not commonly known. Which discovery all the writers of our time ascribe & that not unworthily) unto Christopher Columbus. For by him it was in a manner first discovered, Estotiland first discovered. made knowen● and profitably communicated unto the Christian world, in the year of our Lord 1492. Howbeit I find that the North part thereof called Estrotiland, (which most of all extendeth toward our Europe and the Islands of the same, namely, Groneland, Island, and Friesland,) was long ago found out by certain fishers of the Isle of Friesland, The second discovery thereof. driven by tempest upon the shore thereof: and was afterward about the year 1390 discovered a new, by one Antonio Zeno a gentleman of Venice; which sailed thither under the conduct of Zichmni king of the said Isle of Friesland, a prince in those parts of great valour, and renowned for his martial exploits and victories. Of which expedition of Zichmni there are extant in Italian certain collections or abridgements gathered by Francisco Marcolino out of the letters of M. Nicolo and Antonio Zeni two gentlemen of Venice which lived in those parts. Out of which collections I do add concerning the description of Esto●●land aforesaid these particulars following. Estotiland (says he) aboundeth with all things necessary for mankind. In the mids thereof standeth an exceeding high mountain, from which issue four rivers that moisten all the country. The inhabitans are witty and most expert in all Mechanical arts. They have a kind of peculiar language and letters. Howbeit in this King's Library are preserved certain latin books, which they understand not, being perhaps left there not many years before by some Europaeans, which trafficked thither. They have all kind of metals; but especially gold, wherewith they mightily abound. They traffic with the people of Groneland: from whence they fetch skins, pitch and brimstone. The inhabitants report that towards the South, there are regions abounding with gold, and very populous: they have many and huge woods, from whence they take timber for the building of ships and cities, whereof and of castles there are great store. The use o● the loadstone for Navigation is unknown unto them. They make relation also of a certain region toward the South, called Drogio, D●ogio. which is inhabited by Cannibals, unto whom man's flesh is delicate meat: whereof being destitute they live by fishing, which they use very much. Beyond this are large regions, and as it were a new world: but the people are barbarcus and go naked: howbeit against the cold they clothe themselves in beasts skins. These have no kind of metal: and they live by hunting. Their weapons are certain long staves with sharp points, and bows. They wage wars one against another. They have governors, and obey certain laws. But from hence more towards the South the climate is much more temperate: and there are cities, and temples of idols, unto whom they sacrifice living men, whose flesh they afterwards devout. These nations have the use of silver and gold. Thus much of this tract of lands out of the aforesaid collections or abridgements. Wherein this also is worthy the observation, that even then our European Pilots sailed those seas by the help of the loadstone. For concerning the use thereof in Navigation, I suppose there is not to be found a more ancient testimony. And these things I have annexed the rather unto this table of Marinell del Zur; considering that none of those Authors which have written the Histories of the New world, have in any part of their writings, mentioned one word thereof. Hitherto Ortelius. THE VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH NATION TO NEWFOUND LAND, TO the Isles of Ramea, and the Isles of Assumption otherwise called Natiscotec, situate at the mouth of the River of Canada, and to the Coasts of Cape Briton, and Arambec, corruptly called Norumbega, with the Parents' letters, and advertisements thereunto belonging. The voyage of the two ships, whereof the one was called the Dominus vobiscum, set out the 20 day of May in the 19 year of king Henry the eight, and in the year of our Lord God 1527. for the discovery of the North parts. MAster Robert Thorn of Bristol, a notable member and ornament of his country, as well for his learning, as great charity to the poor, in a letter of his to king Henry the 8 and a large discourse to doctor Leigh, his Ambassador to Charles the Emperor, (which both are to be seen almost in the beginning of the first volume of this my work) exhorted the aforesaid king with very weighty and substantial reasons, to set forth a discovery even to the North Pole. And that it may be known that this his motion took present effect, I thought it good herewithal to put down the testimonies of two of our Chroniclers. M. Hall, and M. Grafton, who both writ in this sort. This same month (say they) king Henry the 8 sent 2 fair ships well manned & victualled, having in them divers cunning men to seek strange regions, & so they set forth out of the Thames the 20 day of May in the 19 year of his reign, which was the year of our Lord 1527. And whereas master Hal, and master Grafton say, that in those ships there were divers cunning men, I have made great enquiry of such as by their years and delight in Navigation, might give me any light to know who those cunning men should be, which were the directors in the aforesaid voyage. And it hath been told me by sir Martin Frobisher, and M. Richard Allen, a knight of the Sepulchre, that a Canon of Saint Paul in London, which was a great Mathematician, and a man endued with wealth, did much advance the action, and went therein himself in person, but what his name was I cannot learn of any. And further they told me that one of the ships was called The Dominus vobiscum, which is a name likely to be given by a religious man of those days: and that sailing very far Northwestward, one of the ships was cast away as it en●●ed into a dangerous gulf, about the great opening, between the North parts of Newfoundland, and the country lately called by her Majesty, Meta Incognita. Whereupon the other ship shaping her course towards Cape Briton, and the coasts of Arambec, and oftentimes putting their men on land to search the state of those unknown regions, returned home about the beginning of October, of the year aforesaid. And thus much (by reason of the great negligence of the writers of those times, who should have used more care in preserving of the memories of the worthy acts of our nation,) is all that hitherto I can learn, or find out of this voyage. The voyage of M. Whore and divers other gentlemen, to Newfoundland, and Cape Briton, in the year 1536 and in the 28 year of king Henry the 8. ONe master Whore of London, a man of goodly stature and of great courage, and given to the study of cosmography, in the 28 year of king Henry the 8 and in the year of our Lord 1536 encouraged divers Gentlemen and others, being assisted by the king's favour and good countenance, to accompany him in a voyage of discovery upon the Northwest parts of America: wherein his persuasions took such effect, that within short space many gentlemen of the I●●●es of court, and of the Chancery, and divers others of good worship, desirous to see the strange things of the world, very willingly entered into the action with him, some of whose names were as followeth: M. Weeks a gentleman of the West country of five hundred marks by the year living. M. Tuck a gentleman of Kent. M. Tuckfield. M. Thomas Butts the son of Sir William Butts knight, of Norfolk, which was lately living, and from whose mouth I written most of this relation. M. Hardy, M. Byron, M. Carter, M. Wright, M. Rastall Sergeant Rastals' brother, M. Ridley, and divers other, which all were in the admiral called the Trinity, a ship of seven score ●unnes, wherein M. Whore himself was imbanked. In the other ship whose name was the Minion, went a very learned and virtuous gentleman one M. Armig●l Wade, M. A●migil Wade. Afterwards Clerk of the Counsels of king Henry the 8 and king Edward the sixth, father to the worshipful M. William Wade now Clerk of the privy Counsel, M. Oliver Dawbeney merchant of London, M. joy afterward gentleman of the King's Chapel, with divers other of good account. The whole number that went in the two tall ships aforesaid, to wit, the Trinity and the Minion, were about six score people, whereof thirty were gentlemen, which all we mustered in warlike manner at Gravesend, and after the receiving of the Sacrament, they embarked themselves in the end of April. 1536. From the time of their setting out from Gravesend, they were very long at sea, to wit, above two months, and never touched any land until they came to part of the West Indies about Cape Briton, Cape Bri●on. shaping their course thence Northeastwardes, until they came to the Island of Penguin, The Island of Penguin standeth about the latitude of 30. degrees. which is very full of rocks and stones, whereon they went and found it full of great souls white and grey, as big as geese, and they see infinite numbers of their eggs. They drove a great number of the fowls into their boats upon their sails, and took up many of their eggs, the fowls they flayed and their skins were very like honey combs full of holes being flayed off: they dressed and eat them and found them to be very good and nourishing meat. They see also store of bears both black and white, of whom they killed some, and took them for no bad food. M. Oliver Dawbeny, which (as it is before mentioned) was in this voyage, and in the Minion, told M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple these things following: M. Dawbney's report to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Temple. to wit, That after their arrival in Newfoundland, and having been there certain days at anchor, and not having yet seen any of the natural people of the country, the same Dawbeney walking one day on the hatches, spied a boat with Savages of those parts, rowing down the Bay toward them, to gaze upon the ship and our people, and taking view of their coming aloof, he called to such as were under the hatches, and willed them to come up if they would see the natural people of the country, that they had so long and so much desired to see: whereupon they came up, and took view of the Savages rowing toward them and their ship, They beheld the Sauges ●f Newfounland. and upon the view they manned out a shipboat to meet them and to take them. But they spying our shipboat making towards them, returned with main force and fled into an Island that lay up in the Bay or river there, and our men pursued them into the Island, and the Savages fled and escaped: but our men found a fire, and the side of a bear on a wooden spit left at the same by the Savages that were fled. There in the same place they found a boot of leather garnished on the outward side of the carfe with certain brave trails, as it were of raw silk, and also found a certain great warm mitt●n: And these carried with them, they returned to their ship, not finding the Savages, nor seeing any thing else besides the soil, and the things growing in the same, which chief were store of fir and pine trees. And further, the said M. Dawbeny told him, that lying there they grew into great want of victuals, and that there they found small relief, more than that they had from the n●st of an Osprey, that brought hourly to her young great plenty of divers sorts of fish. But such was the famine that increased amongst them from day to day, Extreme famine. that they were forced to seek to relieve themselves of raw herbs and roots that they sought on the main: but the famine increasing, and the relief of herbs being to little purpose to satisfy their insatiable hunger, in the fields and deserts here and there, the fellow killed his mate while he stooped to take up a root for his relief, and cutting out pieces of his body whom he had mu●thered, broiled the same on the coals and greedily devoured them. By this mean the company decreased, and the officers known not what was become of them; And i● fortuned that one of the company driven with hunger to seek abroad for relief found out in the fields the savour of broiled flesh, Our men ●a●e one another fo● famine. and fallen out with one for that he would suffer him and his fellows to starve, enjoying plenty as he thought: and this matter growing to cruel speeches, he that had the broiled meat, burst out into these words: If thou wouldst needs know, the broiled meat that I had was a piece of such a man's buttock. The report of this brought to the ship, the Captain found what become of those that were missing, & was persuaded that some of them were neither devoured with wild beasts, nor yet destroyed with Savages: And hereupon he stood up and made a notable Oration, The Captains' Oration. containing, How much these dealings offended the Almighty, and vouched the Scriptures from first to last, what God had in cases to distress done for them that called upon him, and told them that the power of the Almighty was then no less, then in all former time it had been. And added, that if it had not pleased God to have helped them in that distress, that it had been better to have perished in body, and to have lived everlastingly, then to have relieved for a poor time their mortal bodies, and to be condemned everlastingly bo●h body and soul to the unquenchable fire of hell. And thus having ended to that effect, he began to exhort to repentance, and besought all the company to pray, that it might please God to look upon their miserable present state, and for his own mercy to relieve the same. The famine increasing, and the inconvenience of the men that were missing being found, they agreed amongst themselves rather than all should perish, to cast lots who should be killed: And such was the mercy of God, that the same night there arrived a French ship in that port, The English surprise a French ship, wherein they returned home. well furnished with victual, and such was the policy of the English, that they become masters of the same, and changing ships and vittailing them, they set sail to come into England. In their journey they were so far Northwards, that they saw mighty Islands of y●e in the summer season on which were hawks and other fowls to rest themselves being weary of flying over far from the main. They saw also certain great white fowls with read bills and read legs, Hawks and other fowls, somewhat bigger than Herons, which they supposed to be Storks. Fowls supposed ●o be storks. They arrived at S. jews in Cornwall about the ●nde of October. From thence they departed unto a certain castle belonging to sir john Luttrell, where M. Thomas Butts, and M. rastal and other Gentlemen of the voyage were very friendly entertained: after that they came to the Earl of Bath at Bath, and thence to Bristol, so to London. M. Bu●s was so changed in the voyage with hunger and misery, that sir William his father and my Lady his mother known him not to be their son, until they found a secret mark which was a wa●● upon one of his knees, as he told me Richard Hakluyt of Oxford himself, to whom I road 200. miles only to learn the whole truth of this voyage from his o●● mouth, as being the only man now alive that was in this discovery. Certain months after, those Frenchmen came into England, and made complaint to king Henry the 8: the king causing the matter to be examined, and finding the great distress of his subjects, and the causes of the dealing so with the French, was so moved with pity, that he punished not his subjects, but of his own purse made full and royal recompense unto the French. The French royally recompenc●d by king Henry the 8. In this distress of famine, the English did somewhat relieve their vital spirits, by drinking at the spring's the fresh water out of certain wooden cups, out of which they had drunk their Aqua composita before. An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffic into Iseland & Newfoundland, made in An .2. Edward's sexti. FOrasmuch as within these few years now last passed, there have been levied, perceived & taken by certain of the officers of the Admiralty, of such Merchants, and fishermen as have used and practised the adventures and journeys into Iseland, Newfoundland, Ireland, and other places commodious for fishing, and the getting of fish, in and upon the Seas or otherwise, by way of Merchants in those parties, divers great exactions, as sums of money, doles or shares of fish, and such other like things, to the great discouragement & hindrance of the same Merchants and fishermen, and to no little damage of the whole common wealth, and thereof also great complaints have been made, & informations also yearly to the king's Majesties most honourable council: for reformation whereof, and to the intent also that the said Merchants and fishermen may have occasion the rather to practise & use the same trade of merchandizing, & fishing freely without any such charges and exactions, as are before limited, whereby it is to be thought that more plenty of fish shall come into this Realm, and thereby to have the same at more reasonable prices: Be it therefore enacted by the king our sovereign Lord, and the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled, and by authority of the same, that neither the Admiral, nor any officer, or minister, officers or ministers of the Admiralty for the time being, shall in any wise hereafter exact, receive, or take by himself, his servant, deputy, servants, or deputies of any such Merchant or fisherman, any sum or sums of money, doles or shares of fish, or any other reward, benefit or advantage whatsoever it be, for any licence to pass this Realm to the said voyages or any of them, nor upon any respect concerning the said voyages, nor any of them, upon pain to forfeit for the first offence triple the sum, or triple the value of the reward, benefit or advantage, that any such officer or minister shall hereafter have or take of any such Merchants or fishermen. For the which forf●●●●re the party grieved, and every other person or people whatsoever he or they be, shall and may sue for the same by information, bill, plaint, or action of debt in any of the king's courts of record: The king to have the one moiety, and the party complaining the other moiety: in which suit no essoigne protection, or wager of law shall be allowed. And for the second offence the party so offending, not only to loose and forfeit his or their office or offices in the Admiralty, but also to make fine and ransom at the kings will and pleasure. By this act it appeareth, that the trade out of England to Newfound land was common and frequented about the beginning of the reign of Edward the 6. namely in the year 1548. and it is much to be marveled, that by the negligence of our men, the country in all this time hath been no better searched. A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple, containing a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland, by M. Anthony Parkhurst Gentleman, 1578. MAster Hakluyt, after most hearty commendations, with like thanks for your manifold kindness to me showed, not for any merits that hitherto have been mine, but wholly proceeding, I must needs confess, of your own good nature, which is so ready priest to benefit your country and all such poor men as have any spark in them of good desires, that you do not only become their friend, but also humble yourself as a servant in their affairs: for which I would to God I were once in place where I might 'cause your burning zeal to be known to those that have authority, power, and ability to recompense your traveling mind and pen, wherewith you cease not day nor night to labour and travel to bring your good and godly desires to some pass, though not possibly to that happy end that you most thirst for: for such is the malice of wicked men the devils instruments in this our age, that they cannot suffer any thing (or at lest few) to proceed and prospero that tendeth to the setting forth of God's glory, and the amplifying of the Christian faith, wherein hitherto princes have not been so diligent as their calling required. Alas, the labourers as yet are few, the harvest great, I trust God hath made you an instrument to increase the number, and to move men of power, to redeem the people of Newfoundland and those parts from out of the captivity of that spiritual Pharaoh, the devil. Now to answer some part of your letter touching the sundry navies that come to Newfoundland, or Terra nova, for fish: you shall understand that some fish not near the other by 200. leagues, and therefore the certainty is not known; and some years come many more than other some, as I see the like among us: English. who since my first travel being but 4. years, are increased from 30. sail to 50. which cometh to pass chief by the imagination of the Western men, who think their neighbours have had greater gains then in very deed they have, for that they see me to take such pains yearly to go in proper person: they also suppose that I found some secret commodity by reason that I do search the harbours, creeks and havens, and also the land much more than ever any Englishman hath done. Surely I am glad that it so increaseth, whereof soever it springeth. But to let this pass, you shall understand that I am informed that there are above 100 sail of Spaniards that come to take God (who make all wet, and do dry it when they come home) besides 20. or 30. more that come from biscay to kill Whale for Train. Spaniards. These be better appointed for shipping and furniture of munition, than any nation saving the Englishmen, who commonly are lo●ds of the harbours where they fish, and do use all strangers help in fishing is need require, according to an old custom of the country, which thing they do willingly, so that you take nothing from them more than a boat or twain of salt, in respect of your protection of them against ●ouers or other violent intruders, who do often put them from good harbour, etc. As touching their tonnage, I think it may be near five or six thousand tun. But of Portugals there are not lightly above 50. sail, and they make all wet in like sort, Portugals. whose tonnage may amount to three thousand tuns, and not vpwa●de. Of the French nation and Britons, French. Britons. are about one hundred and fifty sails, the most of their shipping is very small, not past forty tons, among which some are great and reasonably well appointed, better than the Portugals, and not so well as the Spaniards, and the burden of them may be some 7000. tun. Their shipping is from all parts of France and Britain, and the Spaniards from most parts of Spain, the Portugals from Auiero and Viana, and from 2. or 3. ports more. The trade that our nation hath to Island maketh, that the English are not there in such numbers as other nations. The fertility of Newfoundland. Now to certify you of the fertility and goodness of the country, you shall understand that I have in sundry places sown Wheat, Barley, Rye, Oats, beans, P●ase and seeds of herbs, kernels, Plumstones, nuts, all which have prospered as in England. The country yieldeth many good trees of fruit, as filberts in some places, but in all places Cherie trees, and a kind of Peartree meet to graff on. As for Roses, they are as common as brambles here: Strawberries, D●wberies, and Raspis, as common as grass. The timber is most Firr●, yet plenty of Pineapple trees: few of these two kinds meet to mast a ship of threescore and ten: but near Cape Briton, and to the Southward, big and sufficient for any ship. There be also Okes & thorns, there is in all the country plenty of Birch and Alder, which be the meetest wood for coal, and also Willow; which will serve for many other purposes. As touching the kinds of Fish beside Cod, there are Herrings, Sahnons, Thornebacke, Please, or rather we should call them Flounder, Dog fish, and another most excellent of taste called of us a Cat, Oysters, and muscles, Several sorts ● of fish. in which I have found pearls above 40. in one Muscle, and generally all have some, great or small. I herded of a Portugal that found one worth 300. ducats: There are also other kinds of Shellfish, as ●●●mpets, cockles, wilkes, lobsters, and crabs: also a fish like a Called by the Spaniards Anchunas, and by the Portugal's Capelinas. Smelled which cometh on shore, and another that hath the like property, called a Squid: these be the fish, which (when ●● please to beemer i● with my old companions) I say, do come on shore when I command them in the name of the 5. ports, and conjure them by such like words: These also be the fish which I may sweep with brooms on a heap, and never wet my foot, only pronouncing two or three words whatsoever they be appointed by any man, so they hear my voice: the virtue of the words be small, but the nature of the fish great and strange. For the Squid, whose nature is to come by night as well as by day, I tell them, I set him a candle to see his way, with which he is much delighted or else cometh to wonder at it as do our fresh water fish, the other cometh also in the night, but chief in the day, being forced by the Cod that would devour him, and therefore for fear coming so near the shore, is driven dry by the surge of the Sea on the pebble and sands. Of these being as good as a Smelled you may take up with a shove-net as plentifully as you do Wheat in a shovel, sufficient in three or four hours for a whole City. There be also other fish which I tell ●hose that are desirous of strange news, that I take as fast as one would gather up stones, and them I take with a long pole and hook. Yea marry say they, we believe so, and that you catch all the rest you bring home in that sort, from Portugals and Frenchmen. Not surely, but thus I do: with three hooks stretched forth in the end of a pole, I make as it were an Eel spear, with which I prick those Flounder as fast as you would take up fritters with a sharp pointed stick, and with that tool I may take up in less than half a day Lobsters sufficient to find three hundred men for a days meat. This pastime ended, I show them that for my pleasure I take a great Mastiff I have, and say no more than thus: Go fetch me this rebellious fish that obeyeth not this Gentleman that cometh from Kent and Christendom, bringing them to the high water mark, and when he doubteth that any of those great Cod by reason of shelving ground be like to tumble into the Sea again, he will warily take heed and carry him up back to the heap of his fellows. This doth 'cause my friends to wonder, and at the first hearing to judge them notorious lies, but they laugh and are merry when they hear the means how each tale is true. I told you once I do remember how in my travail into Africa and America, I found trees that bore Oysters, which was strange to you, till I told you that their boughs hung in the water, on which both Oysters and muscles did stick fast, as their property is, to stakes and timber. Now to let these merry tales pass, and to come to earnest matters again, you shall understand, that Newfoundland is in a temperate Climate, and not so cold as foolish Mariners do say, who find it cold sometimes when plenty of Isles of ice lie near the shore: but up in the land they shall find it hotter than in England in many parts of the country toward the South. This cold cometh by an accidental means, as by the ice that cometh fleeting from the North parts of the world, and not by the situation of the country, or nature of the Climate. The country is full of little small rivers all the year long proceeding from the mountains, engendered both of snow and rain: few springs that ever I could find or hear of, except it be towards the South: in some places or rather in most places great lakes with plenty of fish, the country most covered with woods of fir, yet in many places indifferent good grass, and plenty of Bears every where, so that you may kill of them as often as you list: their flesh is as good as young beef, and hardly you may know the one from the other if it be powdered but two days. Of Otters we may take like store. There are Sea Gulls, Murres, Ducks, wild Geele, and many other kind of birds store, too long to writ, especially at one Island named Penguin, where we may drive them on a plank into our ship as many as shall lad her. These birds are also called Penguins, and cannot fly. there is more meat in one of these then in a goose: the Frenchmen that fish near the grand bay, do bring small store of flesh with them, but victual themselves always with these birds. Now again, for Uenison plenty, especially to the North about the grand bay, and in the South near Cape Race, and pleasance: there are many other kinds of beasts, as Luzarnes and other mighty beasts like to Camels in greatness, and they feet cloven, I did see them far of not able to discern them perfectly, but their steps showed that th●ir feet were cloven, and bigger than the feet of Camels, I suppose them to be a kind of Buffs which I read to be in the countries adjacent, and very many in the firm land. There be also to the Northwards, Hares and Foxes in all parts so plentifully, th●● at noon days they take away our flesh before our faces within less than half a pair of butts length, where four and twenty people were turning of dry fish, and two dogs in sight, yet stood they not in fear till we gave shot and set the dogs upon them: the Bears also be as bold, which will not spare at midday to to take your fish before your face, and I believe assuredly would not hurt any body unless they be forced. Now to show you my fancy what places I suppose meetest to inhabit in those parts discovered of late by our ●●tion: There is near about the mouth of the grand Bay, an excellent harbour called of the Frenchmen Chasteaux, and one Island in the very entry of the straight called Bell Isle, which places if they be peopled and well fortified (as there are stones and things meet for it throughout all Newfound land) we shall be lords of the whole fishing in small time, if it do so please the Queen's Majesty, and from thence sand wood and coal with all necessaries to Labrador lately discovered: but I am of opinion, and do most steadfastly believe that we shall find as rich Mines in more temperate places and Climates, and more profitable for fishing then any yet we have used, where we shall have not far from thence plenty of salt made by fire undoubtedly, and very likely by the heat of the Sun, by reason I find salt kerned on the rocks in nine and forty and better: these places may be found for salt in three and forty. I know more touching these two commodities last remembered then any man of our nation doth; sore that I have some knowledge in such matters, and have most desired the finding of them by painful travail, and most diligent inquiry. Now to be short, for I have been over long by Master Butler's means, who cried on me to writ at large, and of as many things as I call to mind worthy of remembrance: wherefore this one thing more. I could wish the Island in the mouth of the river of Canada should be inhabited, and the river searched, for that there are many things which may rise thereof, as I will show you hereafter. I could found in my heart to make proof whether it be true or no that I have read and herded of Frenchmen and Portugals to be in that river, and about Cape Briton. I had almost forgot to speak of the plenty of wolves, and to show you that there be foxes, black white & grey: other beasts I know none save those before remembered. I found also certain Mines of iron and copper in S. john's, and in the Island of Iron, which things might turn to our great benefit, if our men had desire to plant thereabouts, for proof whereof I have brought home some of the oar of both sorts. And thus I end, assuring you on my faith, that if I had not been deceived by the vile Portugals descending of the I●wes and judas kind, I had not failed to have searched this river, and all the coast of Cape Briton, what might have been found to have benefited our country: but they breaking their bands, and falsifying their faith and promise, disappointed me of the salt they should have brought me in part of recompense of my good service in defending them two years against French Rovers, that had spoiled them, if I had not defended them. By means whereof they made me loose not only the searching of the country, but also forced me to come home with greatlosse above 600. li. For recompense whereof I have sent my man into Portugal to demand justice at the King's hand, if not, I must put up my supplication to the Queen's Majesty & her honourable council, to grant me leave to stay here so much of their goods as they have damnified me, or else that I may take of them in Newfound land, as much ●sh as shall be worth 600. li. or as much as the salt might have made. I pray you advertise me what way I were best to take, and what hope there will be of a recompense if I follow the suit: many there are that do comfort me, and do bid me proceed, for that her Majesty and the council do tender poor fisher men, who with me have sustained three hundred pound loss● in that voyage. And to conclude, if you and your friend shall think me a man sufficient and of credit, to seek the Isle of S. john, or the river of Canada, with any part of the firm land of Cape Briton, I shall give my diligence for the true and perfect discovery, and leave some part of mine own business to further the same: and thus I end, committing you to God. From Bristol the 13. of November, 1578. Yours to use and command ANTHONY PARCKHURST. The Letters Patents granted by her Majesty to Sir Humphrey Gilbert knight, for the inhabiting and planting of our people in America. ELIZABETH by the grace of God Queen of England, etc. To all people to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Know you that of our especial grace, certain science and mere motion, we have given and granted, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant to our trusty and well-beloved servant Sir Humphrey Gilbert of Compton, in our County of Devonshire knight, and to his heirs and assigns for ever, free liberty and licence from time to time and at all times for ever hereafter, to discover, find, search out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countries and territories not actually possessed of any Christian prince or people, as to him, his heirs & assigns, and to every or any of them, shall seem good: and the same to have, hold, occupy and enjoy to him, his heirs and assigns for ever, with all commodities, jurisdictions and royalties both by sea and land: and the said sir Humphrey and all such as from time to time by licence of us, our heirs and successors, shall go and travel thither, to inhabit or remain there, to build and fortify at the discretion of the said sir Humphrey, and of his heirs and assigns, the statutes or acts of Parliament made against Fugitives, or against such as shall departed, remain, or continued out of our Realm of England without licence, or any other act, statute, law, or matter whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And we do likewise by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, give full authority and power to the said Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, and every of them, that he and they, and every, or any of them, shall and may at all and every time and times hereafter, have, take, and lead in the same voyages, to travel thitherward, and to inhabit there with him, and every or any of them, such and so many of our subjects as shall willingly accompany him and them, and every or any of them, with sufficient shipping, and furniture for their transportations, so that none of the same people, nor any of them be such as hereafter shall be specially restrained by us, our heirs and successors. And further, that he the said Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, and every or any of them shall have, hold, occupy & enjoy to him, his heirs or assigns, and every of them for ever, all the soil of all such lands, countries, & territories so to be discovered or possessed as aforesaid, and of all Cities, Castles, Towns and Uillages, and places in the same, with the rites, royalties and jurisdictions, as well marine as other, within the said lands or countries of the seas thereunto adjoining, to be had or used with full power to dispose thereof, & of every part thereof in fee simple or otherwise, according to the order of the laws of England, as near as the same conveniently may be, at his, and their will & pleasure, to any person then being, or that shall remain within the allegiance of us, our heirs and successors, paying unto us for all services, duties and demands, the fift part of all the oar of gold and silver, that from time to time, and at all times after such discovery, subduing and possessing shall be there got: all which lands, countries and territories, shall for ever be held by the said Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns of us, our heirs and successors by homage, and by the said payment of the said fift part before reserved only for all services. And moreover, we do by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant licence to the said Sir Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs or assigns, and to every of them, that he and they, and every or any of them shall, and may from time to time, and all times for ever hereafter, for his and their defence, encounter, expulse, repel, and resist, as well by Sea as by land, and by all other ways whatsoever, all, and every such person and people whatsoever, as without the special licence and liking of the said Sir Humphrey, and of his heirs and assigns, shall attempt to inhabit within the said countries, or any of them, or within the space of two hundredth leagues near to the place or places within such countries as aforesaid, if they shall not be before planted or inhabited within the limits aforesaid, with the subjects of any Christian prince, being in amity with her Majesty, where the said sir Humphrey, his heirs or assigns, or any of them, or his or their, or any of their associates or companies, shall within six years next ensuing, make their dwellings and abidings, or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter unlawfully to annoyed either by Sea or land, the said sir Humphrey, his heirs or assigns, or any of them, or his or their, or any of their companies: giving and granting by these presents, further power and authority to the said sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, and every of them from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter to take and surprise by all manner of means whatsoever, all and every person and people, with their ships, vessels, and other goods and furniture, which without the licence of the said sir Humphrey, or his heirs or assigns as aforesaid, shall be found trafficking into any harbour or harboroughs, creak or creeks within the limits aforesaid, (the subjects of our Realms and dominions, and all other people in amity with us, bring driven by force of tempest or shipwreck only excepted) and those people and every of them with their ships, vessels, goods, and furniture, to detain and possess, as of good and lawful prize, according to the discretion of him the said sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, and of every or any of them. And for uniting in more perfect league and amity of such countries, lands and territories so to be possessed and inhabited as aforesaid, with our Realms of England and Ireland, and for the better encouragement of men to this enterprise: we do by these presents grant, and declare, that all such countries so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as aforesaid, from thenceforth shall be of the allegiance of us, our heirs, and successors. And we do grant to the said sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, and to all and every of them, and to all and every other person and people, being of our allegiance, whose names shall be noted or entered in some of our courts of Record, within this our Realm of England, and that with the assent of the said sir Humphrey, his heirs or assigns, shall now in this journey for discovery, or in the second journey for conquest hereafter, travel to such lands, countries and territories as aforesaid, and to their and every of their heirs: that they and every or any of them being either born within our said Realms of England or Ireland, or within any other place within our allegiance, and which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the lands, countries and territories, with such licence as aforesaid, shall, and may have, and enjoy all the privileges of free denizens and people native of England, and within our allegiance: any law, custom, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. And forasmuch, as upon the finding out, discovering and inhabiting of such remote lands, countries and territories, as aforesaid, it shall be necessary for the safety of all men that shall adventure themselves in those journeys or voyages, to determine to live together in Christian peace and civil quietness each with other, whereby every one may with more pleasure and profit, enjoy that whereunto they shall attain with great pain and peril: we for us, our heirs and successors are likewise pleased and contented, and by these presents do give and grant to the said sir Humphrey and his heirs and assigns for ever, that he and they, and every or any of them, shall and may from time to time for ever hereafter within the said mentioned remote lands and countries, and in the way by the Seas thither, and from thence, have full and mere power and authority to correct punish, pardon, govern and rule by their, and every or any of their good discretions and policies, as well in causes capital or criminal, as civil, both marine and other, all such our subjects and others, as shall from time to time hereafter adventure themselves in the said journeys or voyages habitative or possessive, or that shall at any time hereafter inhabit any such lands, countries or territories as aforesaid, or that shall abide within two hundred leagues of any the said place or places, where the said sir Humphrey or his heirs, or assigns, or any of them, or any of his or their associates or companies, shall inhabit within six years next ensuing the date hereof, according to such statutes, laws and ordinances, as shall be by him the said sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, or every, or any of them devised or established for the better government of the said people as aforesaid: so always that the said statutes, laws and ordinances may be as near as conveniently may, agreeable to the form of the laws & policy of England: and also, that they be not against the true Christian faith or religion now professed in the church of England, nor in any wise to withdraw any of the subjects or people of those lands or places from the allegiance of us, our heirs or successors, as their immediate Sovereigns under God. And further we do by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant full power and authority to our trusty and well-beloved counsellor, sir William Cecil knight, lord Burleigh, our high treasurer of England, and to the lord treasurer of England of us, for the time being, and to the privy counsel of us, our heirs and successors, or any four of them for the time being, that he, they, or any four of them, shall, and may from time to time and at all times hereafter, under his or their hands or seals by virtue of these presents, authorise and licence the said sir Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs and assigns, and every or any of them by him and themselves, or by their or any of their sufficient attorneys, deputies officers, ministers, factors and servants, to embark and transport out of our Realms of England and Ireland, all, or any of his or their goods, and all or any the goods of his or their associates and companies, and every or any of them, with such other necessaries and commodities of any our Realms, as to the said lord treasurer or four of the privy counsel of us, our heirs, or successors for the time being, as aforesaid, shall be from time to time by his or their wisdoms or discretion's thought meet and convenient for the better relief and supportation of him the said sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, and every or any of them, and his and their, and every or any of their said associates and companies, any act, statute, law, or other thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Provided always, and our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby declare to all Christian Kings, princes and states, that if the said Sir Humphrey, his heirs or assigns, or any of them, or any other by their licence or appointment, shall at any time or times hereafter rob or spoil by Sea or by land, or do any act of unjust and unlawful hostility to any of the Subjects of us, our heir's, or successors, or any of the Subjects of any King, prince, ruler, governor or state being then in perfect league and amity with us, our heirs or successors: and that upon such injury, or upon just complaint of any such prince, ruler, governor or state, or their subjects, we our heirs or successors shall make open proclamation within any the ports of our Realm of England commodious, that the said Sir Humphrey, his heirs or assigns, or any other to whom these our Letters patents may extend, shall within the term to be limited by such proclamations, make full restitution and satisfaction of all such injuries done, so as both we and the said Princes, or others so complaining, may hold us and themselves fully contended: And that if the said Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, shall not make or cause to be made satisfaction accordingly, within such time so to be limited: that then it shall be lawful to us, our heirs and successors, to put the said Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, and adherents, and all the inhabitants of the said places to be discovered as is aforesaid, or any of them out of our allegiance and protection, and that from and after such time of putting out of protection the said Sir Humphrey, and his heirs, assigns, adherents and others so to be put out, and the said places within their habitation, possession and rule, shall be out of our protection and allegiance, and free for all Princes and others to pursue with hostility as being not our Subjects, nor by us any way to be advowed, maintained or defended, nor to be held as any of ours, nor to our protection, dominion or allegiance any way belonging, for that express mention, etc. In witness whereof, etc. Witness ourself at Westminster the 11. day of june, the twentieth year of our reign. Anno Dom. 1578. Per ipsam Reginam, etc. De Nauigatione Illustris & Magnanimi Equitis aurati Humfredi Gilberti, ad deducendam in nowm Orbem coloniam susceptâ, Carmen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 STEPHANI PARMENII BVDE●I. Ad eundem illustrem equitem autoris praefatio. REddenda est, quàm fieri potest brevissimè, in hoc vestibulo, ratio facti mei, & cur ita homo nows & exterus, in tanta literatissimorum hominum copia, quibus Anglia beata est, versandum in hoc argumento mihi putaverim: ita enim tu● fortissime Gilberte, foetum hunc nostrum in lucem exire voluisti. In servitute & barbarie Turcica, Christianis tamen, magno immortalis Dei beneficio, parentibus natus, aliquam etiam aetatis partem educatus; post quam doctissimorum hominum opera, quibus tum Pannoniae nostrae, tum imprimis saluae adhuc earum reliquiae florescunt, in literis adolevissem, more nostrorum hominum, ad muisendas Christian● orbis Academias ablegatus fui. Qua in peregrinatione, non solùm complura Musarum hosp●t●a, sedmultas etiam sapienter institutas respublicas, multarum Ecclesiarum probatissimas administratione● introspeximus, iam fermè triennio ea in re posito. Fuerat haec nostra profectio ita à nobis comparata, ut non tantùm mores & urbes gentinum videndum, sed in familiaritatem, am saltem notitiam illustriorum hominum intro●undum no●is putaremus. Caeterum, ut hoc à nobis sine invidia dici possit, (certè enim taceri absque malicia nullo modo potest) non locus, non natio, non respublica ulla nobis aequè ac tua Britannia complacuit, quamcunque in partem eventum consilis mei considerem. Accedit, quòd praeter omnem expectationem meam ab omnibus tuis civibus, quibuscum aliqua consuetudo mihi contig it, tànta passìm humanitate acceptusessem, ut iam (sit hoc salva pietate à me dictum) suavissimae Anglorum amicitiae fermè aboleverint desiderium & Pannoniarum & Budae meae, quibus patriae nomen debeo. Quas ab caussas cùm saepenumero animus ●uisset significationem aliquam nostrae huius voluntatis & existimationis edendi; accidit utique secundum sententiam, ut dum salutandis & cog noscendis excellentibus viris Londini operam do, ornatissimus ac doctis●imus amicus meus Richardus Hakluytus ad te me deduxerit, explicato mihi praeclarissimo tuo de ducenda propedièm colonia in nowm orbem instituto. Quae dum aguntur, agnoscere po●ui ego illud corpu; & animum tuum sempiterna posteritatis commemoratione dignum, & agnovi profecto, eáque tali ac tanta obseruantia prosequi coepi; ut cum paulò post plura de tuis virtutibus, & rebus gestis passim audissem, tempus longè accommodatissimum existimarem esse, quo aliqua part officij studij que nostri, ergà●e & ●uam gentem perfungerer. Hoc est primum cuum, unde nostrum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● origmem ducit. Reliquum est, ut eas & redeas quàm prosperrimè, vir nobilissime, & benevolentia tua, autoritate, ●● nomine, tueare studium nostrum. Vale pridie Kalen. Aprilis 1583. AD THAMESIN. AMnis, inoffensa qui tàm requiete beatu● Antipodum quaeris iam tibi in orb locum: Nunc tibi principium meritae, pro tempore, laudi● Fecimus, & ra●cae carmina prima tubae. Tum cum reddideris, modo quam dimittimus, Argo, Ornatu perages gaudia festa novo. QVae nova tàm subitò mutati gratia coeli? unde graves nimbi vitreas tenuantur in auras? Diffugiunt nebulae, puroque nitentior ortu Illustrat terras, clementiaque çquora TITAN? Nimirum posuere NOTI, meliorque resurgit EURUS, & in ventos soluuntur vela secundos, Vela quibus gentis decus immortale BRITANNAE Tendit ad ignotum nostris maioribus orbem Vix notis GILEBERTUS aquis. Ecquando licebit Ordiri heroas laudes, & facta nepotum Attonitis memoranda animis? Si coepta silendum est Illa, quibus nostri priscis aetatibus audent Conferri, & certare dies: quibus obuia plano jamdudum FORTUNA solo, quibus omne per undas NEREIDUM genus exultat, faustoque tridenti Ipse pater NEREUS placabile temperat aequor. Et passim Oceano curui Delphines ab imo In summos saliunt fluctus, quas● terga pararent In quibus evectae sulcent freta prospera puppes. Et quasi dilwium, tempestatesque minatur Follibus inflatis inimica in vela physeter. Et favet AEGAEON, & qui NEPTUNIA PROTEV● Armenta, ac turpes alitimo in gurgite phocas. Atque idem modò ab antiqua virtute celebrat Sceptra CHALEDONIDUM: seclis modò fata futuris Pandit, & ad seros canit eventura minores. Vt pacis bellique bonis notissima vasto Insula in OCEANO, magni decus ANGLIA mundi; Postquam opibus dives, populo numerosa frequenti, Tota celebris factis, toto caput extulit orb; Non incauta sui, ne quando immensa potestas Pondere sit ruitura suo, nova moenia natis Quaerat, & in longum extendat sua regna recessum: Non aliter, quàm cùm ventis sublimibus aptae In nidis crevere grues, proficiscitur ingens De nostra ad tepidum tellure colonia NILUM. Euge, sacrum pectus, tibi, per tot secula, soli Seruata est regio nullis regnata MONARCHIS. Et triplici quondam mundi natura notata Margine, & audacem quarto dignata COLUMBUM; jam quintâ lustranda plagâ tibi, jamque regenda Imperio superest. EUROPAM ASIAMQVE relinque, Et fortunatam nimiùm, nisi sole propinquo Arderet, LIBYEN: illis sua facta viasque Terminet ALCIDES: abs te illustranda quiescit part alia tellus, quam non BABYLONIA sceptra, Non MACEDUM invictae vires, no● PERSICA vittus Attigit, aut unquam LATIA● feriere secures. Non illo soboles MAHOMETI mugijt orb: Non vafer HISPANUS, coelo, superisque relictis, Sacra PAPAE humano crudelia sanguine fecit. Illic mortales hominumque ignota propago; Sive illi nostrae veniant ab origine gentis, Seu tandem à prisca FAUNORUM stirpe supersint Antiqua geniti terra, sine legibus urbes Syluasque & pingues habitant civilibus agros: Et priscos referunt mores, vitamque sequuntur ITALIA● antiquae, & primi rude temporis aewm: Cum genitor nati fugiens SATURNUS ob iram In LATIO posuit sedem, rudibusque regendos In tenues vico● homines collegit ab agris. Aurea in hoc primùm populo coepisse feruntur Secula, sicque homines vitam duxisse beati; Vt simul argenti percurrens tempora, & aeris, Degener in durum chalybem vilesc●ret aetas; Rursus in antiquum, de quo descenderat, aurum (Sic perhibent vates) aevo vertente rediret. Fallor an est tempus, revolutoque o●be videntur Aurea pacificae transmittere secula gentes? Fallor enim, si quassatas tot cladibus urbes Respicio, & passim lacerantes regna tyrannos: Si MAHOMETIGENIS ASIAM LIBYAM QVE cruento mart premi, domitaoue jugum ceruice subire: jamque per EUROPAE fines immane tribunal BARBARI adorari domini, DACISQVE, PELAS GISQVE AEMATHIISQVE, omnique solo quod dividit HEBRUS, Et quondam bello invictis, nunc mart sinistro Angustos fines, paruamque tuentibus oram PANNONIAE populis, & prisca in gente LIBURNIS. Tum verò superos pugnas sine fine cieri Pat●ibus AUSONIIS: ardere in bella, necesque SARMATICAS gentes: & adhuc à caede recenti HISPANUM sancto GALLUMQVE madere cruore. Non sunt haec auri, non sunt documenta, sed atrox Ingenio referunt ferrum, & si dicere ferro Deteriora mihi licet, intractabile saxum. At verò ad niveos alia si part BRITANNOS Verto oculos animumque, quot, ô pulchetrima tellus, Testibus antiquo vitam traducis in auro? Namque quòd hoc summum colitur tibi numen honore Quo superi, atque omnis geniorum casta juventus Illius ad sacra jussa vices obit, arguit aurum● Quòd tàm chara DEO tua sceptra gubernat AMAZON, Quàm DEA, cum nondum coelis ASTRaeA petitis Inter mortales regina erat, arguit aurum. Quòd colit haud ullis inclusas moenibus urbes Aurea libertas, & nescia ferre tyrannum Securam aetatem tellus agit, arguit aurum. Quòd regio nullis iniuria gentibus, arma Arma licet ferruginea rubicunda quiet, Finitimis metuenda gerit tamen, arguit aurum. Quòd gladij, quòd mucrones, quòd pila, quòd hastae In rastros abiere, & bello assueta juventus Pacem & amicitias dulces colit, arguit aurum● Denique si fas est auro connectere laudes AEris, & in pacis venerari tempore fortes; Quot natos bello heroas, quot ahaenea nutris Pectora? Sint rests procerum tot millia, testes mill duces, interque duces notissima mill Illa cui assurgunt MVSae, quam conscia PALLAS Laetior exaudit, GILEBERTI gloria nostri. Illius auxilium, & socialia praelia amici Mirantur BELGae, & quamuis iniustus IBERUS Commemorat iustas acies, domitasque per oras Martia victrices formidat HIBERNIA turmas● Illum oppugnatae quassatis turribus arces, Illum expugnatae perruptis moenibus urbes, Fluminaque & portus capti, hostilique notatum Sanguine submersae meminere sub aequore classes. Hîc ubi per medios proiectus SEQVANA CELTAS Labitur, & nomen mox amissurus, & undas. Omnia si desint, quantum est ingentibus ausis Humani generis pro pace bonoque pacisci Tàm varios casus, freta tanta, pericula tanta? Linquere adhuc teneram prolem, & dulcissima sacri Oscula coniugij, numerantemque ordine longo AUCHERIAM digitis in mollibus, aequora mill Formidanda modis, atque inter pauca relatos AUCHERIOS exempla suos, fratremque patremque; Qui dum pro patriâ laudem & virtute sequuntur, Obsessi in muris soli portisque CALETI, Praeposuere mori, quàm cum prodentibus urbem, Et decus ALBIONUM, turpi superesse salute. Quòd si parva loquor, nec adhuc sortasse fatenda est Aurea in hoc iterum nostro gens vivere mundo, Quid vetat ignotis ut possit surgere terris? Auguror, & faveat dictis DEUS, auguror annos, In quibus haud illo secus olim principe in urbes Barbara plebs coëat, quàm cùm nova saxa vocaret AMPHION THEBAS, TROIANA ad moenia PHOEBUS, Atque ubi sic ultrò iunctas sociaverit aedes, Deinde dabit leges custoditurus easdem; In quibus ignari cives fraudum que, dolique, A solida assuescant potius virtute beari; Quàm genio & molli liquentia corpora vita In Venerem ignavam, pinguemque immergere luxum: Quàm nummos, quam lucra sequi, quam propter honores Vivere ad arbitrium stolidae mutabile plebis. Non illic generi virtus, opibusue premetur Libertas populi, non contrâ in deside vulgo Oppugnabit opes civis sub nomine pauper: Quisque suo partem foelix in iure capesset. Tum sua magna parens ingenti foenore tellus Exiguo sudore dabit bona: cura iwentam Nulla adiget senio, nec sic labor ocia tolle●, Quo minus è virtute petant sua commoda cives. O mihi foelicem si fas conscendere puppim: Et tecum patriâ (pietas ignosce) relictâ Longinquum penetrare fretum, penetrare sorores Mecum unâ AONIAS, illic exordia gentis Prima novae ad seros transmittere posse nepotes! Sed me fata vetant, memoraturúm que canorâ Inclyta facta tubâ, ad clades miserabilis ISIRI Inu●tum retrahunt. His his me fata reseruent: Non deerit vates, illo qui cantetin orb Aut veteres populos, aut nostro incognita coelo Munera naturae; dum spreto HELICONE manebit Illa AGANIPPaeIS sacrata OXONIA Musis. Dum loquor in viridi festinant gramine Nymphae, Impediuntque comas lauro, & florentis olivae Frondibus armantur, dominatricemque frequentes Oceani immensi longè venerantur ELISAM. Illa au●em ad gelidum celsis de turribus amnem Prospicit, & iamiam TAMESINO in patre tuetur Paulatim obliquis GILEBERTUM albescere velis. Sic dea PELIACO spectasse è vertice PALLAS Fertur IASONIOS comites, ad PHASIDOS vnda● Vix benè dum notis committere ca●basa ventis. DIVA faue, nutuque tuo suscepta parari Vela iwa; Si sola geris dignissima totum Talibus auspicijs proferri sceptra per orbem. Prop●ereâ quia sola tuos ita pace beasti Tranquilla populos, ut iam te principe possint Augere imperij fines. Quia sola videris Quo niveae CHARITES, quo corpore DELIA virgo Pingi●ur, & justo si sit pro teste vetustas. Talibus audimus quondam de matribus orto● SEMIDEOS homines: tali est de sanguine magnus Sive HECTOR genitus, sive HECTORE maior ACHILL●●● Duntaxat sinc fraud ulla, sine c●●mine possint Vlla tibi veterum confe●● nomina matrum, Quae sexum fact●s superas, quae patribus audes, NYMPHA, dijs dignas laudes aequare LATINIS. Mentior infoelix, nisi sic in corpore virtus Lucet formos●, ceu quae preciosior auro est Gemma, tamen pariter placituro clauditur auro. Mentior, & taceo, nisi sola audiris ubique Ind●peratorum timor aut amor, inter & omnes Securam requiem peragis tutissima casus: Dum reliqui reges duro quasi carcere clausi Sollicitis lethi dapibus, plenoque fruuntur Terrificis monstris furtiva per ocia somno. Mentior & taceo, solam nisi vivere cives AEtern●m cupiunt: quando nec verbere toruo, Nec caedis poenaeve thronum formidine fumas● Sed tibi tot meritis maiestas parta, & inermis Ad patulos residet custos clementia postes: Vt quot penè rei justum meruere tribunal, Tot veniam grato narrent sermone clientes. Nec tamen admittis, nisi quod iustumque piumque Agnoscit probitas, & quae potes omnia, solis Legibus usurpas cautas sanctissima vires● Nec mala formidas: si quidem quasi fune ligatur Consilio fortuna tibi: Nullum impia ter●et In castris BELLONA tuis: Quin pronus adora● GRADIWS tua jussa pater, sequiturque vocantem Quacun que ingrederis grato victoria plausu. Dumque fores alijs, vitamque & regna tu●tur janitor externus, cingunt tua limina cives: Dumque alijs sordet sapientia regibus, almo PEGASIDUM tu font satur, tot APOLLINIS arte● Aurea vaticina fundis quasi flumina lingua. Nil nostri invenere dies, nil prisca verustas Prodidit, in linguis peragunt commercia nullis CHRISTIADUM gentes, quas te, divina virago, justius AONIae possint iactare sorores. Audijt haec mundus, cuncti●que in finibus ardet Imperio pa●êre tuo: & quae fortè recusat Miratur vires regio tamen. Hinc tua sceptra Incurua MAHOMETIGENae ceruice sa●urant: Hinc tua pugnaces properant ad foedera GALLI: Dumque sibi metuit toties ●●bi victus IBERUS, Nescia ROMANO GERMANIA mart domari Quaerit amicitias BRITONUM: procul oscula mittit Virgineis pedibus LATIUM, longéque remoti PANNONES in tutos optant coalescere fines. Quinetiam quae submisso diademate nuper 〈◊〉 Albio●. Obtulit invictis falce●que fidemque BRITANNIS, Nonne vides passis ut crinibus horrida dudum Porrigit ingentem lugubris AMERICA dextram? ET numquid lacrymas, inquit, soror ANGLIA, nostras Respicis, & dura nobiscum in sort gemiscis? An verò nescisse pores, quae ●empora quantis Cladibus egerimus? post quam insatiabilis auri, Nam certè non ullus amor virtutis IBEROS In nostrum migrare solum, pietasue coengit. Ex illo, quae sacra prius vaesana litabam Manibus infernis, sperans meliora, tuumque Discere posse DEUM, iubeor mortalibus aras Erigere, & mutas statuas truncosque precata Nescio quod demens ROMANUM numen adoro● Cur trahor in terras? si mens est lucida, puris Cur DEUS in coelis rectâ non quaeritur? aut si A nobis coelum petitur, cur saepe videmus Igne, same, ferro subigi, quocunque reatu Oenotriae sedis maiestas laesa labascit? Non sic relligio, non sic me judice gaudet Defendi sua regna DEUS. quòd si optimus ille est● Quòd si cuncta potest, & nullis indiget a●mis. Muto queri caedes, exhaustaque moenia bello: Mitto queri in viles tot libera corpora servos Abiecta, immaníque jugum Busiride dignum. Te tantum fortuna ammet tua, te tua virtus: Si tibi tam plenis habitantur moenibus urbes, Vt nisi in excelsum crescant, coeloque minentur AEdes aëriae; quanquam latissima, desit Terra tamen populo: Si tot tua flumina nigrant Turrigeras arces imitatae mole carinae, Quot non illa narant eadem tua flumina cygni. Si tibi iam sub sole iacens penetratus utroque est Mundus, utroque iacens peragrata est terra sub axe. Hugo Willobeius eques auratus. Ni frustrà gelidam vectus WILOBEIUS ad arcton Illa in gente jacet, cui dum Sol circinat umbras, Dimidio totus vix forsitan occidit anno. Ni frustrà quaesivit iter, duraque bipenni Martinus F●obisherus eques ●uratu●● Illo FROBISERVS reditum sibi in aequore fecit, Horridum ubi semper pelagus, glacieque perenni Frigora nativos simulant immitia montes. Ni frustrà per CIMMERIOS, syluisque propinqua Flumina RIPHAEIS ●oa profectus ad usque est Moenia JENCISONUS, PERSASQVE & proxima PERSI● Antonius Ienkinsonu●. BACTRA, & BACTRORUM confines regibus INDOS. Ni frustrà, quod morta● tot seclanegarant, Hâc tuus immensum nuper DRACUS ambijt orbem, Franciscus Dracus eques 〈◊〉. Quà patri OCEANO clausas circumdare terras Concessit natura viam, mediaque meare Tellure, & duplici secludere littore mundos. jam si fortuna, iam si virtute sequare Digna tua; sunt monstra mihi; sunt vasta gigantum Corpora, quae magno cecidisse sub HERCULE non sit Dedecus, OGIGIUS non quae aspernetur JACCUS. Quae si indigna putas, tantaque in pace beata Auersare meos multo ut tibi ●anguine fines Inuidiosa petas: est nobis terra propinqua, Et tantum bi●●ari capiens discrimen in ISTHMO. Hanc tibi iamdudum primi invenere BRITANNI, Tum cum magnanimus nostra inregione CABOTUS Sebastianu● Cabotus. Proximus à magno ostendit sua vela COLUMBO. Hae● neque vicina nimiùm frigescit ab arcto, Sole nec immodico in steriles torretur arenas: Frigus & aestatem justo moderamine servat, Sive leues auras, grati spiracula coeli, Seu diae telluris opes, & munera curas. Pone agete digno tua sceptra in honore, meoqu● junge salutarem propius cum littore dextram. Sit mihi fas aliquam per ●esperare quietem, Vicinoque bono laetum illucescere Solem. Quòd si consilijs superûm, fatisque negatum est Durare immensum magna infortunia tempus: Quòd si de immerita justum est ceruice revelli Ignarum imperij dominum, populique regendi; Quòd si nulla unquam potuit superesse potestas, Ni pia flexilibus pareret clementia frenis Obsequium. A miti quae sita potentia CYRO Amissa est saevae soboli. Parcendo subegit Tota reges MACEDUM virtus, tot postera sensim Abscidit a parto tandem inclementia regno. Et quod ROMULEIS crevit sub patribus olim Imperium, dirisemper minuêre NERONIS. A report of the voyage and success thereof, attempted in the year of our Lord 1583 by sir Humphrey Gilbert knight, with other gentlemen assisting him in that action, intended to discover and to plant Christian inhabitants in place convenient, upon those large and ample countries extended Northward from the cape of Florida, lying under very temperate Climes, esteemed fertile and rich in Minerals, yet not in the actual possession of any Christian prince, written by M. Edward Haies gentleman, and principal actor in the same voyage, who alone continued unto the end, and by God's special assistance returned home with his retinue safe and entire. MAny voyages have been pretended, yet hitherto never any thoroughly accomplished by our nation of exact discovery into the bowels of those main, ample and vast countries, extended infinitely into the North from 30 degrees, or rather from 25 degrees of Septentrional latitude, neither hath a right way been taken of planting a Christian habitation and regiment upon the same, as well may appear both by the little we yet do actually possess therein, & by our ignorance of the riches and secrets wi●h●n those lands, which unto this day we kn●w chief by the travel and report of other nations, and most of the French, who albeit they can not challenge such right and interest unto the said countries as we, neither these many years have had opportunity nor means so great to discover and to plant (being ve●ed with the calamities of i●test●●e wars) as we have had by the inestimable benefit of our long and happy peace: yet have they both ways performed more, and had long since attained a sure possession and settled government of many provinces in ●hose Northerly parts of America, if their many attempts into those foreign and remote lands had not been impeached their garboils at home. The coasts from F●orida Northward fi●● discou●red b● the English nation. The first discovery of these coasts (never herded of ●efore) was well begun by john Cabot the father, and Sebastian his son, an Englishman born, who were the first finders out of all that great tract of land stretching from the cape ●f Florida unto those Islands which w● now call the Newfoundland: all which they brought and an●e●rd unto the crown of England. Since when, if with like diligence the search of inland countries had been followed, as the discovery upon the coast, and outparts thereof was performed by those two men: not doubt her majesties territories and revenue had been mightily enlarged and advanced by this day. And which is more; the seed of Christian religion had been sowed amongst those pagan, which by this time might have brought forth a most plentiful harvest and copious congregation of Christians; which must be the chief intent of such as shall make any attempt that way: or else whatsoever is builded upon other foundation shall never obtain happy success nor continuance. And although we can not precisely judge (which only belongeth to God) what have been the humou●s of men stirred up to great attempts of discovering and planting in those remote countries, yet the events do show that either God's cause hath not been chief preferred by them, or else God hath not permitted so abundant grace as the light of his word and knowledge of him to be yet revealed unto those infidels before the appointed time. But most assuredly, ●he only cause of religion hitherto hath kept back, and will also bring forward at the time ass●●ne● by God, an effectual and complete discovery & possession ●● Christians both of those ample countries and the riches within them hitherto concealed: ●hereof notwithstanding G●d in his wisdom hath permitted to be revealed fr●m ti●e to time a certain obscure and m●sty knowledge, by little and little to allure the minds of men that way (which else will be dull enough in the zeal of his cause) and thereby to prepare us unto a readiness for the execution of his w●ll against the due t●me ord●ined● of calling those pagan unto Christ●anity. A 〈◊〉 consideration. In the mean while, ●t behooveth every man of great calling, in whom is any instinct of inclination unto this attempt, to ●●amine his own motions: which is the same proceed of ambition or avarice, h● may assure himself it cometh not of God, and therefore can not have confidence's of God's protection and assistance against the violence (else irresistible) both o● sea, and infinite perils vp●n the land; w●om God yet may use an instrument to further his cause and glory some way, but not to build upon so bad a foundation. Otherwise, if h●s motives be derived from a bertuous & heroical mind, preferring chief the honour o● God● compassion of poor infidels captived by the devil, tyrannising in most wonderful and dreadful manner over their bodies and souls; advancement of his honest and well disposed countrymen, willing to accompany him in such honourable actions; relief of sundry people within this realm distressed: all these be honourable purposes, imitating the nature of the munificent God, wherewith he is well pleased, who will assist such an actor beyond expectation of man. And th● sam●, who feeleth this inclination in himself, Probable confect●●● that these lands North of Florida, are reserved for the English nation to possess. by all likelihood may hope or rather confidently r●pose in the preordinance of God, that in this last age of the world (or likely never) the time is complete of receiving also these Gentiles into his m●rcy, and that God will r●ise him an instrument to ●ff●ct the same: it seeming probable by event of precedent attempts made by the Spaniards and French sundry times, that the countries lying North o● Florida, God hath reserved the same to be reduced unto Christian civility by the English nation. For not long after that Christopher Columbus had discovered the Islands and continent ●f th● Wes● Indies for Spain, john and Sebastian Cabot made discovery also of the rest from Florida Northwards to the behoof of England. The Spaniards prosperous in the Southern discoveries, yet unhappy in th●se Northern. And whensoever afterwards the Spaniards (very prosperous in all their Southern discoveries) did attempt any thing into Florida and those regions inclining towards the North, they proved mo●t unhappy, and were at length discouraged utterly by the hard and lamentable success of many both religious and valiant in arms, ●ndeuouring to bring those Northerly regions also under the Spanish jurisdiction; as if God had prescribed l●●●ts vn●o the Spanish nation which they might not exceed: as by their own gests recorded may be aptly gathered. The French, as they can pretend less title unto these Northern parts then the Spaniard, by how much the Spaniard made the first discovery of the same continent so far Northward as unto Florida, and the French did ●ut review that before discovered by the English nation, usurping upon our right, The French are but vivepers upon our right. and imposing names upon countries, rivers, bays, capes, or headlands, as if they had been the first finders of those coasts; which injury we offered not unto the Spaniards, but left off to discover when we approached the Spanish limits: even so God hath not hitherto permitted them to establish a possession permanent upon another's right, The French also infortunate in those North parts of America. notwithstanding their manifold attempts, in which the● issue hath been no less tragical than that of the Spaniards, as by their own reports is extant. Then s●eing the English nation only hath right unto these countries of America from the cape of Florida Northward by the privilege of first discovery, A good encouragement for the English nation, to proceed in the conquests of the North of America. unto which Cabot was authorised by regal authority, and set forth by the expense of our late famous king Henry the seventh: which right also seemeth strongly defended on our behalf by the powerful hand of almighty God, withstanding the enterprises of other nations: it may greatly encourage us upon so just ground, as is our right, and upon so sacred an intent, as to plant religion (our right and intent being meet foundations for the same) to prosecute effectually the full possession of those so ample and pleasant countries appertaining unto the crown of England: the same (as is to be conjectured by infallible arguments of the world's end approaching) being now arrived unto the time by God prescribed of their vocation, The due time approacheth by all likelihood of calling these heathens unto Christianity. The word of God moveth circularly. if ●uer their calling unto the knowledge of God may be expected. Which also is very probable by the revolution and course of God's word and religion, which from the beginning hath moved from the East, towards, & at last unto the West, where it is like to end, unless the same begin again where it did in the East, which were to expect a like world again. But we are assured of the contrary by the prophesy of Christ, whereby we gather, that after his word preached throughout the world shallbe the end. And as the Gospel when it descended Westward began in the South, and afterward spread into the North of Europe: even so, as the same hath begun in the South countries of America, no less hope may be gathered that it will also spread into the North. These considerations may help to suppress all dreads rising of hard events in attempts made this way by other nations, as also of the heavy success and issue in the late enterprise made by a worthy gentleman our countryman sir Humphrey Gilbert knight, who was the first of our nation that carried people to erect an habitation and government in those Northerly countries of America. About which, albeit he had consumed much substance, and lost his life at last, his people also perishing for the most part: yet the mystery thereof we must leave unto God, and judge charitably both of the cause (which was just in all pretence) and of the person, who was very zealous in prosecuting the same, deserving honourable remembrance for his good mind, and expense of life in so virtuous an enterprise. Whereby nevertheless, lest any man should be dismayed by example of other folks calamity, and misdeem that God doth resist all attempts intended that way: I thought good, so far as myself was an eye witness, to deliver the circumstance and manner of our proceed in that action: in which the gentleman was so infortunately encumbered with wants, and worse matched with many ill disposed people, that his rare judgement and regiment premedicated for those affairs, was subjecteth to tolerate abuses, & in sundry extremities to hold on a course, more to uphold credit, then likely in his own conceit happily to succeed. The issue of such actions, being always miserable, not guided by God, who abhorreth confusion and disorder, hath left this for admonition (being the first attempt by our nation to plant) unto such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter not to be discouraged from it: but to make men well advised how they handle his so high and excellent matters, The planting of God's word must be handled with reverence. as the carriage is of his word into those very mighty and vast countries. And action doubtless not to be intermeddled with base purposes; as many have made the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise scarce justifiable: which doth excite Gods heavy judgements in the end, to the terrifying of weak minds from the cause, without pondering his just proceed: Ill actions coloured by pretence of planting upon remote lands. and doth also incense foreign princes against our attempts how just soever, who can not but deem the sequel very dangerous unto their state (if in those parts we should grow to strength) seeing the very beginnings are entered with spoil. And with this admonition denounced upon zeal towards God's cause, also towards those in whom appeareth disposition honourable unto this action of planting Christian people and religion in those remote and barbarous nations of America (unto whom I wish all happiness) I will now proceed to make relation briefly, yet particularly, of our voyage undertaken with sir Humphrey Gilbert, begun, continued, and ended adversly. When first Sir Humphrey Gilbert undertook the Western discovery of America, and had procured from her Majesty a very large commission to inhabit & possess at his choice all remote and heathen lands not in the actual possession of any Christian prince, The fi●st and great preparation of sir Humfrey Gilbert. the same commission exemplified with many privileges, such as in his discretion he might demand, very many gentlemen of good estimation drawn unto him, to associate him in so commendable an enterprise, so that the preparation was expected to grow unto a puissant fleet, able to encounter a king's power by sea: nevertheless, amongst a multitude of voluntary men, their dispositions were divers, which bread a jar, and made a division in the end, to the confusion of that attempt even before the same was begun. And when the shipping was in a manner prepared, & men ready upon the coast to go aboard: at that time some brake consort, and followed courses degenerating from the voyage before pretended: Others failed of their promises contracted, and the greater number were dispersed, leaving the General with few of his assured friends, with whom he adventured to sea: where having tasted of no less misfortune, he was shortly driven to retire home with the loss of a tall ship, and (more to his grief) of a valiant gentleman Miles Morgan. A constant resolution of sir Humfey Gilbert. Having buried only in a preparation a great mass of substance, whereby his estate was impaired, his mind yet not dismayed, he continued his former designment & purpose to revive this enterprise, good occasion serving. Upon which determination standing long, without means to satisfy his desire; at last he granted certain assignments out of his commission to sundry people of mean ability, desiring the privilege of his grant, to plant & fortify in the North parts of America about the river of Canada ●o whom if God gave good success in the North parts (where then no matter of moment was expected) the same (he thought) would greatly advance the hope of the South, & be a furtherance unto his determination that way. And the worst that might happen in that course might be excused without prejudice unto him by the former supposition, that those North regions were of no regard: but chief a possession taken in any parcel of those heathen country's, by virtue of his grant, did invest him of territories extending every way two hundred leagues: which induced sir Humphrey Gilbert to make those assignments, desiring greatly their expedition, because his commission did expire after six years, if in that space he had not got actual possession. A second preparation of sir Humphrey Gilbert. Time went away without any thing done by his assigns: insomuch that at last he must resolve himself to take a voyage in person, for more assurance to keep his patent in force, which then almost was expired or within two years. In furtherance of his determination, amongst others, sir George Peckam knight showed himself very zealous to the action, greatly aiding him both by his adulce & in the charge. Other gentlemen to their ability joined unto him, resolving to adventure their substance & lives in the same cause. Who beginning their preparation from that time, both of shipping, munition, victual, men, and things requisite, s●me of them continued the charge two years complete without intermission. Such were the difficulties and cross accidents opposing these proceedings, which took not end in less th●n two years: many of which circumstances I will omit. The last place of our assembly, before we left the coast of England, war in Causet bay near unto Plymouth: then resolved to put unto the sea with shipping and provision, such as we had, before our store yet remaining, but chief the time and season of the year, w●re too far spent. Nevertheless it seemed first very doubtful by what way to shape our course, and to b●gin our intended discouer●, either from the South Northward, or from the North Southward. Consultation about our course. The first, that is, beginning South, without all controversy was the likeliest, wherein we were assured to have commodity of the current, which from the cape of Florida setteth Northward, and would have furthered greatly our navigation, discovering from the foresaid cape along towards cape Briton, and all those lands lying to the North. commodities in discovering from South Northward. Also the year being far spent, and arrived to the month of june, we were not to spend time in Northerly courses, where we should be surprised with timely Winter, but to covet the south, which we had space enough then to have attained; and there might with less detriment have wintered that season, being more mild and short in the South then in the North where winter is both long and rigorous. These and other like reasons alleged in favour of the Southern course first to be taken, to the contrary was inferred: that forasmuch as both our victuals, and many other needful provisions were diminished and left insufficient for so long a voyage, and for the wintering of so many men, we aught to shape a course most likely to minister supply; and that was to take the Newfoundland in our way, which ●as but seven hundred leagues from our English coast. Where being usually at that time of the year, and until the fine of August, a multitude of ships repairing thither for fish, we should be relieved abundantly with many necessaries, which after the fishing ended, they might well spare, and freely impart unto us. Not staying long upon that Newland coast, we might proceed Southward, and follow still the Sun, until we arrived at places more temperate to our content. By which reasons we were the rather induced to follow this Northerly course, 'Cause why we began our discovery from the North. Incommodities in beginning North. obeying unto necessity, which must be supplied. Otherwise, we doubted that sudden approach of Winter, bringing with it continual fog, and thick mists, tempest and rage of weather; also contrariety of currents descending from the cape of Florida unto cape Briton and cape R●se, would fall out to be great and irresistible impediments unto our further proceeding for that year, and compel us to Winter in those North and cold regions. Wherefore suppressing all objections to the contrary, we resolved to begin our course Northward, and to follow directly as we might, the trade way unto Newfoundland: from whence after our refreshing and reparation of wants, we intended without delay (by God's permission) to proceed into the South, not omitting any river or bay which in all that large tract of land appeared to our view worthy of search. Immediately we agreed upon the manner of our course and orders to be observed in our voyage; which were delivered in writing unto the captains and masters of every ship a copy in manner following. Every ship had delivered two bullets or scrolls, the one sealed up in ware, the other left open: in both which were included several watchwords. That open, serving upon our own coast or the coast of Ireland: the other sealed, was promised on all hands not to be broken up until we should be clear of the Irish coast; which from thenceforth did s●rue until we arrived and met altogether in such harbours of the Newfoundland as were agreed for our Rendez vouz. The said watchwords being requisite to know our consorts whensoever by night, either by fortune of weather, our fleet dispersed should come together again; or one should hale another; or if by ill watch and steerage one ship should chance to fall aboard of another in the dark. The reason of the bullet sealed was to keep secret that watchword while we were upon our own coast, jest any of the company stealing from the fleet might bewray the same; which known to an enemy, he might board us by night without mistrust, having our own watchword. Orders agreed upon by the Captains and Masters to be observed by the fleet of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. FIrst the Admiral to carry his flag by day, and his light by night. 2 Item, if the Admiral shall shorten his sail by night, then to show two lights until he be answered again by every ship showing one light for a short time. 3 Item, if the Admiral after his shortening of sail, as aforesaid, shall make more sail again: then he to show three lights one above another. 4 Item, if the Admiral shall happen to hull in the night, then to make a wavering light over his other light, wavering the light upon a pole. 5 Item, if the fleet should happen to be scattered by weather, or other mishap, than so soon as one shall descry another, to hoist both top sails twice, if the weather will serve, and to strike them twice again: but if the weather serve not, then to hoist the main top sail twice, and forthwith to strike it twice again. 6 Item, if it shall happen a great fog to shall, then presently every ship to bear up with the admiral, if there be wind: but if it be a calm, than every ship to hull, and so to lie at hull till it be clear. And if the fog do continued long, than the Admiral to shoot off two pieces every evening, and every ship to answer it with one shot: and every man bearing to the ship, that is to leeward so near as he may. 7 Item, every master to give charge unto the watch to look out well, for saying aboard one of another in the night, and in fogs. 8 Item, every evening every ship to hail the admiral, and so to fall asterne him, sailing thorough the Ocean: and being on the coast, every ship to hail him both morning and evening. 9 Item, if any ship be in danger any way, by leak or otherwise, than she to shoot off a piece, and presently to hung out one light, whereupon every man to bear towards her, answering her with one light for a short time, and so to put it o●t again; thereby to give knowledge that they have seen her token. 10 Item, whensoever the Admiral shall hung out her ensign in the main shrouds, than every man to come aboard her, as a token of counsel. 11 Item, if there happen any storm or contrary wind to the fleet after the discovery, whereby they are separated: then every ship to repair unto their last good port, there to meet again. Our course agreed upon. THe course first to be taken for the discovery is to bear directly to cape Raze, the most Southerly cape of Newfound land; and there to harbour ourselves either in Rogneux or Fermous, being the first places appointed for our Rendez vous, and the next harbours unto the Northward of cape Raze: and therefore every ship separated from the fleet to repair to that place so fast as God shall permit, whether you shall fall to the Southward or to the Northward of it, and there to stay for the meeting of the whole fleet the space of ten days; and when you shall departed, to leave marks. A direction of our course unto the Newfound land. BEginning our course from Silley, the nearest is by Westsouthwest (if the wind serve) until such time as we have brought ourselves in the latitude of 43 or 44 degrees, because the Ocean is subject much to Southerly winds in june and july. Then to take traverse from 45 to 47 degrees of latitude, if we be enforced by contrary winds: and not to go to the Northward of the height of 47 degrees of Septentrional latitude by no means; if God shall not enforce the contrary; but to do your endeavour to keep in the height of 46 degrees, so near as you can possibly, because cape Raze lieth about that height. Notes. IF by contrary winds we be driven back upon the coast of England, then to repair unto Silley for a place of our assembly or meeting. If we be driven back by contrary winds that we can not pass the coast of Ireland, than the place of our assembly to be at Bear haven or Baltimore haven. If we shall not happen to meet at cape Raze, than the place of Rendez vous to be at cape Briton, or the nearest harbour unto the Westward of cape Briton. If by means of other shipping we may not safely stay there, then to rest at the very next safe port to the Westward; every ship leaving their marks behind them for the more certainty of the after comers to know where to find them. The marks that every man aught to leave in such a case, were of the General's private device written by himself, sealed also in close wax, and delivered unto every ship one scroll, which was not to be opened until occasion required, whereby every man was certified what to leave for instruction of after comers: that every of us coming into any harbour or river might know who had been there, or whether any were still there up higher into the river, or departed, and which way. Beginning of the voyage. Orders thus determined, and promises mutually given to be observed, every man withdrew himself unto his charge, the anchors being already weighed, and our ships under sail, having a soft gale of wind, we began our voyage upon Tuesday the eleventh day of june, in the year of our Lord 1583, having in our fleet (at our departure from Causet bay) these ships, whose names and burdens, with the names of the captains and masters of them, I have also inserted, as followeth: 1 The Delight aliâs The George, of burden 120 tons, was Admiral: in which went the General, and William Winter captain in her and part owner, and Richard Clerk master. 2 The Bark Raleigh set forth by M. Walter Raleigh, of the burden of 200 tons, was then Uiceadmirall: in which went M. Butler captain, and Robert davis of Bristol master. 3 The Golden hind, of burden 40 tons, was then Rear-admiral: in which went Edward Hayes captain and owner, and William Cox of Limehouse master. 4 The Swallow, of burden 40 tons: in her was captain Maurice Browne. 5 The Squirrel, of burden 10 tons: in which went captain William Andrew's, and one Cade master. Our fleet consisted of five sails, in which we had about 260 men. Provisions fit for such discoveries. We were in number in all about 260 men: among whom we had of every faculty good choice, as Ship writes, Masons, Carpenters, Smiths, and such like, requisite to such an action: also Mineral men and Refiners. Besides, for solace of our people, and allurement of the Savages, we were provided of Music in good variety: not omitting the lest toys, as Morris dancers, Hobby horse, and Maylike conceits to delight the Savage people, whom we intended to win by all fair means possible. And to that end we were indifferently furnished of all pet●y haberdashrie wares to barter with those simple people. In this manner we set forward, departing (as hath been said) out of Causon bay the eleventh day of june being Tuesday, june 11. the weather and wind fair and good all day, but a great storm of thunder and wind fallen the same night. Thursday following, june 13. when we hailed one another in the evening (according to the order before specified) they signified unto us out of the Uizadmirall, that both the Captain, and very many of the men were fallen sick. Observe. And about midnight the Uizeadmirall forsook us, notwithstanding we had the wind East, fair and good. But it was after credibly reported, that they were infected with a contagious sickness, and arrived greatly distressed at Plymouth: the reason I could never understand. Sure I am, no cost was spared by their owner Master Raleigh in setting them forth: Therefore I leave it unto God. By this time we were in 48 degrees of latitude, not a little grieved with the loss of the most puissant ship in our fleet: after whose departure, the Golden Hind succeeded in the place of Uizadmirall, and removed her flag from the mizon unto the foretop. From Saturday the 15 of june until the 28, june 15. which was upon a Friday, we never had fair day without fog or rain, and winds bad, much to the West northwest, whereby we were driven Southward unto 41 degrees scarce. About this time of the year the winds are commonly West towards the Newfound land, keeping ordinarily within two points of West to the South or to the North, whereby the course thither falls out to be long and tedious after june, which in March, Apriell & May, hath been performed out of England in 22 days and less. We had wind always so scant from West northwest, and from West south-west again, that our traverse was great, running South unto 41 degrees almost, and afterward North into 51 degrees. Also we were encumbered with much fog and mists in manner palpable, in which we could not keep so well together, but were dissevered, losing the company of the Swallow and the Squirrel upon the 20 day of july, july 20. Great fogs upon the Ocean sea Northward. whom we met again at several places upon the Newfound land coast the third of August, as shallbe declared in place convenient. Saturday the 27 of july, july 27. we might descry not far from us, as it were mountains of ice driven upon the sea, being then in 50 degrees, which were carried Southward to the weather of us: whereby may be conjectured that some current doth set that way from the North. Before we come to Newfound land about 50 leagues on this side, we pass the bank, which are high grounds rising within the sea and under water, yet deep enough and without danger, being commonly not less than 25 and 30 fathom water upon them: The bank in length unknown stretcheth from North into South, in breadth 10. leagues, in depth of water upon it 30 fathom. the same (as it were some vain of mountains within the sea) do run along, and from the Newfound land, beginning Northward about 52 or 53 degrees of latitude, & do extend into the South infinitely. The breadth of this bank is somewhere more, and somewhere less: but we found the same about 10 leagues over, having sounded both on this side thereof, and the other toward Newfound land, but found no ground with almost 200 fathom of line, both before & after we had passed the bank. The Portugals, and French chief, have a notable trade of fishing upon this bank, A great fishing upon the bank. where are sometimes an hundred or more sails of ships: who commonly begin the fishing in Apriell, and have ended by july. That fish is large, always wet, having no land near to dry, and is called Corte fish. During the time of fishing, a man shall know without sounding when he is upon the bank, by the incredible multitude of sea foul hovering over the same, Abundance of fowls. to pray upon the offalles & garbage of fish thrown out by fishermen, and floating upon the sea. Upon Tuesday the 11 of june, we forsook the coast of England. So again Tuesday the 30 of july (seven weeks after) we got sight of land, july 30. being immediately embayed in the Grand bay, or some other great bay: First sight of land. the certainty whereof we could not judge, so great hase and fog did hung upon the coast, as neither we might discern the land well, nor take the suns height. But by our best computation we were then in the 51 degrees of latitude. Forsaking this bay and uncomfortable coast (nothing appearng unto us but hideous rocks and mountains, bore of trees, and void of any green herb) we followed the coast to the South, with weather fair and clear. We had sight of an Island named Penguin, Island and a foul named Penguin. of a foul there breeding in abundance, almost incredible, which cannot fly, their wings not able to carry their body, being very large (not much less than a goose) and exceeding fat: which the French men use to take without difficulty upon that Island, and to barrel them up with salt. But for linger of time we had made us there the like provision. An Island called Baccalaos, of the fish taken there. Trending this coast, we came to the Island called Baccalaos, being not past two leagues from the main: to the South thereof lieth Cape S. Francis, 5. leagues distant from Baccalaos, between which goeth in a great bay, by the vulgar sort called the bay of Conception. Here we met with the Swallow again, whom we had lost in the fog, and all her men altered into other apparel: whereof it seemed their store was so amended, that for joy and congratulation of our meeting, they spared not to cast up into the air and overboard, their caps & hats in good plenty. The Captain albeit himself was very honest and religious, yet was he not appointed of men to his humour and desert: who for the most part were such as had been by us surprised upon the narrow seas of England, being pirates and had taken at that instant certain Frenchmen laden, one bark with wines, and another with salt. Both which we rescued, & took the man of war with all her men, which was the same ship now called the Swallow, following still th●ir kind so often, as (being separated from the General) they found opportunity to rob and spoil. And because God's justice did follow the same company, even to destruction, and to the overthrow also of the Captain (though not consenting to their misdemeanour) I will not conceal any thing that maketh to the manifestation and approbation of his judgements, for examples of others, persuaded that God more sharply took revenge upon them, and hath tolerated longer as great outrage in others: by how much these went under protection of his cause and religion, which was then pretended. Misdemeanour of them in the Swallow. Therefore upon further inquiry it was known, how this company met with a bark returning home after the fishing with his freight: and because the men in the Swallow were very near scanted of victual, and chief of apparel, doubtful withal where or when to found and meet with their Admiral, they besought the captain they might go aboard this Newlander, only to borrow what might be spared, the rather because the same was bond homeward. Leave given, not without charge to deal favourably, they came aboard the fisherman, whom they rifled of tackle, sails, cables, victuals, & the men of their apparel: not sparing by torture (winding cords about their heads) to draw out else what they thought good. This done with expedition (like men skilful in such mischief) as they took their rock boat to go aboard their own ship, it was overwhelmed in the sea, and certain of these men there drowned: the rest were preserved even by those silly souls whom they had before spoiled, who saved and delivered them aboard the Swallow. What become afterward of the poor Newlander, perhaps destitute of sails and furniture sufficient to carry them home (whither they had not less to run then 700 leagues) God alone knoweth, who took vengeance not long after of the rest that escaped at this instant; to reveal the fact, and justify to the world God's judgements inflicted upon them, as shallbe declared in place convenient. Thus after we had met with the Swallow, we held on our course Southward, until we came against the harbour called S. john, about 5. leagues from the former Cape of S. Francis: where before the entrance into the harbour, we found also the Frigate or Squirrel lying at anchor. Whom the English merchants (that were & always be Admirals by turns interchangeably over the fleets of fishermen within the same harbour) would not permit to enter into the harbour. English ships are the strongest and Admiral's of other fleets, fishing upon the South parts of Newfound land. Glad of so happy meeting both of the Swallow and Frigate in one day (being Saturday the 3. of August) we made ready our fights, & prepared to enter the harbour, any resistance to the contrary notwithstanding, there being within of ●ll-nations, to the number of 36 sails. But first the General dispatched a boat to give th●m knowledge of his coming for no ill intent, having Commission from her Majesty for his voyage he had in hand. And immediately we followed with a slack gale, and in the very entrance (which is but narrow, not above 2 butts length) the Admiral fallen upon a rock on the larboard side by great oversight, in that the weather was fair, the rock much above water fast by the shore, where neither went any sea gate. But we found such readiness in the English Merchants to help us in that danger, that without delay there were brought a number of boats, which towed off the ship, and cleared her of danger. Having taken place convenient in the road, we let fall anchors, the Captains and Masters repairing aboard our Admiral: whither also came immediately the Masters and owners of the fishing fleet of Englishm●n, to understand the General's intent and cause of our arrival there. They were all satisfied when the General had showed his commission, and purpose to take possession of those lands to the behalf of the crown of England, and the advancement of Christian religion in those Paganish regions, requiring but their lawful aid for repairing of his fleet, and supply of some necessaries, so far as conveniently might be afforded him, both out of that and other habors adjoining. In am whereof, he made offer to gratify them with any favour and privilege, which upon their better advise they should demand, the like being not to be obtained hereafter for greater price. So craving expedition of his demand, minding to proceed further South without long detention in those parts, he dismissed them, after promise' given of their best endeavour to satisfy speedily his so reasonable request. The merchants with their Masters departed, they caused forthwith to be discharged all the great Ordinance of their fleet in token of our welcome. It was further determined that every ship of our fleet should deliver unto the merchants and Masters of that harbour a note of all their wants: Good order taken by English merchants for our supply in Newfound land. which done, the ships aswell English as strangers, were tared at an easy rate to make supply. And besides, Commissioners were appointed, part of our own company and part of there's, to go into other harbours adjoining (for our English merchants command all there) to levy our provision: whereunto the Portugals (above other nations) did most willingly and liberally contribute. Insomuch as we were presented (above our allowance) with wines, marmalads, most fine ruske or biscuit, sweet oils and sundry delicacies. Also we wanted not of fresh salmon, trout, lobsters and other fresh fish brought daily unto us. Moreover as the manner is in their fishing, every week to choose their Admiral a new, or rather they succeed in orderly course, and have weekly their Admiral's feast solemnised: even so the General, Captains and masters of our fleet were continually invited and feasted. Good entertainment in Newfound land. Not Savages in the South part of Newfound land. To grow short, in our abundance at home, the entertainment had been delightful, but after our wants and tedious passage through the Ocean, it seemed more acceptable and of greater contentation, by how much the same was unexpected in that desolate corner of the world: where at other times of the year, wild beasts and birds have only the fruition of all those countries, which now seemed a place very populous and much frequented. The next morning being Sunday and the 4 of August, August 4. the General and his company were brought on land by English merchants, who showed unto us their accustomed walks unto a place they call the Garden. But nothing appeared more than Nature itself without art: who confusedly hath brought forth roses abundantly, wild, but odoriferous, and to sense very comfortable. Also the like plenty of raspis berries, which do grow in every place. Monday following, August 5. the General had his tent set up, who being accompanied with his own followers, summoned the merchants and masters, both English and strangers to be present at his taking possession of those Countries. Possession taken. Before whom openly was read & interpreted unto the strangers his Commission: by virtue whereof he took possession in the same harbour of S. john, and 200 leagues every way, invested the Queen's Majesty with the title and dignity thereof, had delivered unto him (after the custom of England) a rod & a turf of the same soil, entering possession also for him, his heirs and assigns for ever: And signified unto all men, that from that time forward, they should take the same land as a territory appertaining to the Queen of England, and himself authorised under her Majesty to possess and enjoy it, And to ordain laws for the government thereof, agreeable (so near as conveniently might be) unto the laws of England: under which all people coming thither hereafter, either to inhabit, or by way of traffic, should be subjecteth and governed. And especially at the same time for a beginning, he proposed & delivered three laws to be in force immediately. Three Laws. That is to say: the first for Religion, which in public exercise should be according to the Church of England. The 2. for maintenance of her majesties right and possession of those territories, against which if any thing were attempted prejudicial, the party or parties offending should be adjudged and executed as in case of high treason, according to the laws of England. The 3. if any person should utter words sounding to the dishonour of her Majesty, be should lose his ears, and have his ship and goods confiscate. These contents published, obedience was promised by general voice and consent of the multitude aswell of Englishmen as strangers, praying for continuance of this possession and government begun. After this, the assembly was dismissed. And afterward were erected not far from that place the Arms of England engraven in lead, and infixed upon a pillar of wood. Yet further and actually to establish this possession taken in the right of her Majesty, Actual possession maintained in Newfound land. and to the behoof of Sir H●mfrey Gilbert knight, his heirs and assigns for ever: the General granted in fee farm divers parcels of land lying by the waterside, both in this harbour of S. john, and elsewhere, which was to the owners a great commodity, being thereby assured (by their proper inheritance) of grounds convenient to dress and to dry their fish, whereof many times before they did fail, being prevented by them that came first into the harbour. For which grounds they did covenant to pay a certain rent and service unto sir Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs or assigns for ever, and yearly to maintain possession of the same, by themselves or their assigns. Now remained only to take in provision granted, Men appointed to mak● search. according as every ship was taxed, which did fish upon the coast adjoining. In the mean while, the General appointed men unto their charge: some to repair and trim the ships, others to attend in gathering together our supply and provisions: others to search the commodities and singularities of the country, to be found by sea or land, and to make relation unto the General what either themselves could know by their own travail and experience, or by good intelligence of English men or strangers, who had longest frequented the same coast. Also some observed the elevation of the pole, and drew plaits of the country exactly graded. And by that I could gather by each man's several relation, I have drawn a brief description of the Newfound land, with the commodities by sea or land already made, and such also as are in possibility and great likelihood to be made: Nevertheless the Cards and plaits that were drawing, with the due gradation of the harbours, bays, and capes, did perish with the Admiral: wherefore in the description following, I must omit the particulars of such things. A brief relation of the New found land, and the commodities thereof. New found land is all Islands or broken lands THat which we do call the Newfound land, and the Frenchmen Bacalaos, is an Island, or rather (after the opinion of some) it consists of sundry islands and broken lands, situate in the North regions of America, upon the gulf and entrance of the great river called S. Laurence in Canada. Into the which, navigation may be made both on the South and North side of this Island. The land lieth South and North, containing in length between three & 400 miles, accounting from cape Race (which is in 46 degrees 25 minutes) unto the Grand bay in 52 degrees of Septentrional latitude. The Island round about hath very many goodly bays and harbours, safe roads for ships, Goodly roads and harbours. the like not to be found in any part of the known world. The common opinion that is had of intemperature & extreme cold that should be in this country, as of some part it may be verified, namely the North, where I grant it is more cold then in countries of Europe, which are under the same elevation: New found land is habitable. even so it cannot stand with reason and nature of the clime, that the South parts should be so intemperate as the brute hath go. For as the same do lie under the climates of Briton, Anjou, Poictou in France, between 46 and 49 degrees, so can they not so much differ from the temperature of those countries: unless upon the outcoast lying open unto the Ocean and sharp winds, it must in deed be subject to more cold, then further within the land, where the mountains are interposed, as walls and bulwarks, to defend and to resist the asperity and rigour of the sea and weather. Some hold opinion, that the Newfound land might be the more subject to cold, by how much it lieth high and near unto the middle region. I grant that not in Newfound land alone, but in Germany, Italy and Africa, even under the Equinoctial line, the mountains are extreme cold, and seldom uncovered of snow, in their culm and highest tops, which cometh to pass by the same reason that they are extended towards the middle region: yet in the country's lying beneath them, it is found quite contrary. Even so all hills having their descents, the valleys also and low grounds must be likewise hot or temperate, as the clime doth give in Newfound land: though I am of opinion that the suns reflection is much cooled, and cannot be so forcible in the Newfound land, nor generally throughout America, as in Europe or Africa: Cold by accidental means by how much the Sun in his diurnal course from East to West, passeth over (for the most part) dry land and sandy countries, before he arriveth at the West of Europe or Africa, whereby his motion increaseth heat, with little or no qualification by moist vapours. Where, on the contrary he passeth from Europe and Africa unto America over the Ocean, from whence it draweth and carrieth with him abundance of moist vapours, which do qualify and enfeeble greatly the suns reverberation upon this country chief of Newfound land, being so much to the Northward. Nevertheless (as I said before) the cold cannot be so intolerable under the latitude of 46 47 and 48 (especial within land) that it should be unhabitable, as some do suppose, seeing also there are very many people more to the North by a great deal. And in these South parts there be certain beasts, Ounces or Leopards, and birds in like manner which in the Summer we have seen, not herded of in countries of extreme and vehement coldness. Besides, as in the months of june, july, August and September, the heat is somewhat more than in England at those seasons: so men remaining upon the South parts near unto Cape Rece, until after Hollandtide, have not found the cold so extreme, nor much differing from the temperature of England. Those which have arrived there after November and December, have found the snow exceeding deep, whereat no marvel, considering the ground upon the coast, is rough and uneven, and the snow is driven into the places most declining, as the like is to be seen with us. The like depth of snow happily shall not be found within land upon the plainer countries, which also are defended by the mountains, breaking off the violence of winds and weather. But admitting extraordinary cold in those South parts, above that with us here: it can not be so great as in Swedland, much less in Moscovia or Russia: yet are the same countries very populous, and the rigour of cold is dispensed with by the commodity of Stoves, warm clothing, meats and drinks: all which need not to be wanting in the Newfound land, if we had intent there to inhabit. Commodities. In the South parts we found no inhabitants, which by all lilkelihood have abandoned those coasts, the same being so much frequented by Christians: But in the North are savages altogether harmless. Touching the commodities of this country, serving either for sustentation of inhabitants, or for maintenance of traffic, there are & may be made divers: so that it seemeth Nature hath recompensed that only defect and incommodity of some sharp cold, by many benefits: viz. With incredible quantity, and no less variety of kinds of fish in the sea and fresh waters, Fish of sea and fresh water. as Trout, Salmon and other fish to us unknown: Also Cod, which alone draweth many nations thither, and is become the most famous fishing of the world. Abundance of Whales, for which also is a very great trade in the bays of Placentia & the Grand bay, where is made Trane oils of the Whale: Herring the largest that have been herded of, and exceeding the Malstrond herring of Norway: but hitherto was never benefit taken of the herring fishing. There are sundry other fish very delicate, namely the Bonito, Lobsters, Turbut, with others infinite not sought after: Oysters having pearl but not orient in colour: I took it by reason they were not gathered in season. Concerning the inland commodities, aswell to be drawn from this land, as from the exceeding large countries adjoining: there is nothing which our East and Northerly countries of Europe do yield, but the like also may be made in them as plentifully by time and industry: Namely, rosin, pitch, tar, sopeashes, dealboord, masts for ships, hides, furs, flax, hemp, corn, cables, cordage, linne●-cloth, metals and many more. All which the countries will afford, and the soil is apt to yield. The trees for the most in those South parts, are Firretrees, Pine and Cypress, all yielding Gum and Turpentine. Cherry trees bearing fruit no bigger than a small pease. Also pear trees, but fruitless, Other trees of some sorts to us unknown. The soil along the coast is not deep of earth, bringing forth abundantly peason small, yet good feeding for cattle. Roses passing sweet, like vn●o our musk roses in form, raspases, a berry which we call Hearts, good and wholesome to eat. The grass and herb doth fat sheep in very short space, proved by English merchants which have carried sheep thither for fresh victual and had them raised exceeding fat in less than three weeks. Peason which our countrymen have sown in the time of May, have come up fair, and been gathered in the beginning of August, of which our General had a present acceptable for the rareness, being the first first-fruits coming up by art and industry in that desolate and dishabited land. Lakes or pools of fresh water, both on the tops of mountains and in the valleys. In which are said to be muscles not unlike to have pearl, which I had put in trial, if by mischance falling unto me, I h●d not been letted from that and other good experiments I was minded to make. Fowl both of water and land in great plenty and diversity. All kind of green foul: Others as bi●ge as Bustards, yet not the same. A great white foul called of some a Gaunt. Upon the land divers sorts of hawks, as falcons, and others by report: Partridges most plentiful larger than ours, grey and white of colour, and rough footed like doves, which our men after one flight did kill with cudgels, they were so fat and unable to fly. Birds some like blackbirds, linnets, canary birds, and other very small. Beasts of sundry kinds, read dear, buffles or a beast, as it seemeth by the tract & foot very large in manner of an ox. Bears, ounces or leopards, some greater & some lesser, wolves, foxes, which to the Northward a little further are black, whose fur is esteemed in some Countries of Europe very rich. Otters, bevers, marterns: And in the opinion of most men that see it, the General had brought unto him a Sable alive, which he sent unto his brother sir john Gilbert knight of Devonshire: but it was never delivered, as after I understood. We could not observe the hundredth part of creatures in those unhabited lands: but these mentioned may induce us to glorify the magnificent God, who hath superabundantly replenished the earth with creatures serving for the use of man, though man hath not used the fift part of the same, which the more doth aggravate the fault and floolish sloth in many of our nation, choosing rather to live indirectly, Newfound land both minister commodity's abundantly for art & industry. and very miserably to live & die within this realm p●stered with inhabitants, then to adventure as becometh men, to obtain an habitation in those remote lands, in which Nature very prodigally doth minister unto men's endeavours, and for art to work upon. For besides these already recounted and infinite more, the mountains generally make show of mineral substance: Iron very common, lead, and somewhere copper. I will not aver of richer metals: albeit by the circumstances following, more than hope may be conceived thereof. For amongst other charges given to inquire out the singularities of this country, the General was most curious in the search of metals, commanding the mineral man and refiner, especially to be diligent. The same was a Saxon born, honest, and religious, named Daniel. Who after search brought at first some sort of Ore, seeming rather to be iron then other metal. The next time he found over, which with no small show of contentment he delivered unto the General, Silver over brought unto the General. using protestation, that if silver were the thing which might satisfy the General & his followers, there it was, advising him to seek no further: the peril whereof he undertook upon his life (as dear unto him as the Crown of England unto her Majesty, that I may use his own words) if it fallen not out accordingly. Myself at this instant liker to die then to live, by a mischance, could not follow this confident opinion of our refiner to my own satisfaction: but afterward demanding our General's opinion therein, and to have some part of the Ore, he replied: Content yourself, I have seen enough, and were it but to satisfy my private humour, I would proceed no further. The promise unto my friends, and necessity to bring also the South countries within compass of my Patent near expired, as we have already done these North parts, do only persuade me further. And touching the Ore, I have sent it aboard, whereof I would have no speech to be made so long as we remain within harbour: Reasons why no further search was made for the silver mine. here being both Portugals, Biscains and Frenchmen not far off, from whom must be kept any bruit or muttering of such matter. When we are at sea proof shallbe made: if it be to our desire, we may return the sooner hither again. Whose answer I judged reasonable, and contenting me well: wherewith I will conclude this narration and description of the Newfound land, and proceed to the rest of our voyage, which ended tragically. WHile the better sort of us were seriously occupied in repairing our wants, and contriving of matters for the commodity of our voyage: others of another sort & disposition were plotting of mischief. Misdemeanour in our company. Some casting to steal away our shipping by night, watching opportunity by the Generals and Captains lying on the shore: whose conspiracies discovered, they were prevented. Others drawn together in company, and carried away out of the harbours adjoining, a ship laden with fish, setting the poor men on shore. A great many more of our people stolen into the woods to hide themselves, attending time and means to return home by such shipping as daily departed from the coast. Some were sick of fluxes, and many dead: and in brief, by one means or other our company was diminished, and many by the General licenced to return home. Insomuch as after we had reviewed our people, resolved to see an end of our voyage, we grew scant of men to furnish all our shipping: it seemed good therefore unto the General to leave the Swallow with such provision as might be spared for transporting home the sick people. God brought together these men into the ship ordained to perish, who before had committed such outrage. The Captain of the Delight or Admiral returned into England, in whose stead was appointed Captain Maurice Browne, before Captain of the Swallow: who also brought with him into the Delight all his men of the Swallow, which before have been noted of outrage perpetrated and committed upon fishermen there met at sea. The General made choice to go in his frigate the Squirrel (whereof the Captain also was amongst them that returned into England) the same Frigate being most convenient to discover upon the coast, and to search into every harbour or creak, which a great ship could not do. Therefore the Frigate was prepared with her netting & fights, Why sir Hu●●. Gilbert went in the Frigate. and overcharged with bases and such small Ordinance, more to give a show, then with judgement to foresee unto the safety of her and the men, which afterward was an occasion also of their overthrow. Now having made ready our shipping, that is to say, the Delight, the golden Hind, and the Squirrel, and put aboard our provision, which was wines, bread or ruske, fish wet and dry, sweet oils: Liberality of the Portugals. besides many other, as marmalades, figs, lemons barreled, and such like: Also we had other necessary provisions for trimming our ships, nets and lines to fish withal, boats or pinnesses fit for discovery. In brief, we were supplied of our wants commodiously, as if we had been in a Country or some City populous and plentiful of all things. August 20 S. john's in 47 deg. 40 min. We departed from this harbour of S. john's upon Tuesday the twentieth of August, which we found by exact observation to be in 47 degrees 40 minutes. And the next day by night we were at Cape Race, 25 leagues from the same harbour. Cape Race in 46 degrees 25 minutes. This Cape lieth South Southwest from S. john's: it is a low land, being off from the Cape about half a league: within the sea rises up a rock against the point of the Cape, which thereby is easily known: It is in latitude 46 degrees 25 minutes. Under this Cape we were becalmed a small time, during which we laid out hooks and lines to take Cod, and drawn in less than two hours, fish so large and in such abundance, Fish large and plentiful. that many days after we fed upon no other provision. From hence we shaped our course unto the Island of Sablon, if conveniently it would so fall out, also directly to Cape Briton. Sablon lieth to the seaward of Cape Briton about 25 leagues, cattle in the Isle of Sablon. whither we were determined to go upon intelligence we had of a Portugal, (during our abode in S. john's) who was himselve present, when the Portugals (above thirty years passed) did put into the same Island both Neat and Swine to breed, which were since exceedingly multiplied. This seemed unto us very happy tidings, to have in an Island lying so near unto the main, which we intended to plant upon, such store of cattle, whereby we might at all times conveniently be relieved of victual, and served of store for breed. In this course we trended along the coast, which from Cape Race stretcheth into the Northwest, making a bay which some called Trepassa. Then it goeth out again toward the West, and maketh a point, which with Cape Race lieth in manner East and West. But this point inclineth to the North: to the West of which goeth in the bay of Placentia. We sent men on land to take view of the soil along this coast, whereof they made good report, Good soil. and some of them had will to be planted there. They see Pease growing in great abundance every where. The distance between Cape Race and Cape Briton is 87 leagues. In which Navigation we spent 8 days, having many times the wound indifferent good: yet could we never attain sight of any land all that time, seeing we were hindered by the current. At last we fallen into such flats and dangers, that hardly any of us escaped: where nevertheless we lost our Admiral with all the men and provision, not knowing certainly the place. Yet for inducing men of skill to make conjecture, by our course and way we held from Cape Race thither (that thereby the flats and dangers may be inserted in sea Cards, for warning to others that may follow the same course hereafter) I have set down the best reckonings that were kept by expert men, William Cox Master of the Hind, and john Paul his mate, both of Limehouse. Reckonings kept in our course from Cape Race towards Cape Briton, and the Island of Sablon, to the time and place where we lost our Admiral. August 22. West, 14. leagues. West and by South, 25. Westnorthwest, 25. Westnorthwest, 9 Southsouthwest, 10. Southwest, 12. Southsouthwest, 10. August 29. Westnorthwest. 12. Here we lost our Admiral. Sum of these leagues, 117. The reckoning of john Paul Master's mate from Cape Race. August 22. West, 14. leagues. 23 Northwest and by West, 9 24 South-west and by South, 5. 25 West and by South, 40. 26 West and by North, 7. 27 South-west, 3. 28 South-west, 9 Southwest, 7. Westsouthwest, 7. 29 Northwest and by West, 20. Here we lost our Admiral. Sum of all these leagues, 121 Our course we held in clearing us of these flats was Eastsoutheast, and Southeast, and South 14 leagues with a marvelous scant wind. The manner how our Admiral was lost. August 27. Upon Tuesday the 27 of August, toward the evening, our General caused them in his frigate to sound, who found white sand at 35 fathom, being then in latitude about 44 degrees. Wednesday toward night the wound came South, and we bore with the land all that night, Westnorthwest, contrary to the mind of master Cox: nevertheless we followed the Admiral, deprived of power to prevent a mischief, which by no contradiction could be brought to hold other course, alleging they could not make the ship to work better, nor to lie otherways. Predictions before the wrack. The evening was fair and pleasant, yet not without token of storm to ensue, and most part of this Wednesday night, like the Swan that singeth before her death, they in the Admiral, or Delight, continued in sounding of Trumpets, with Drums, and mischiefs: also winding the Cornets, Haughtboyes: and in the end of their jollity, left with the battle and ringing of doleful kneels. Towards the evening also we caught in the Golden Hind a very mighty purpose, with a harping iron, having first stricken divers of them, and brought away part of their flesh, sticking upon the iron, but could recover only that one. These also passing through the Ocean, in herds, did portend storm. I omit to recite frivolous reports by them in the Frigate, of strange voices, the same night, which scared some from the helm. Thursday the 29 of August, the wound rose, and blew vehemently at South and by East, bringing withal rain, and thick mist, so that we could not see a cable length before us. And betimes in the morning we were altogether run and folded in amongst flats and sands, amongst which we found shoal and deep in every three or four ships length, after we began to sound: Loss of our Admiral. but first we were upon them unawares, until master Cox looking out, discerned (in his judgement) white cliffs, crying (land) withal, though we could not afterward descry any land, it being very likely the breaking of the sea white, which seemed to be white cliffs, through the haze and and thick weather. Immediately tokens were given unto the Delight, to cast about to seaward, which, being the greater ship, and of burden 120 tons, was yet foremost upon the breach, keeping so ill watch, that they known not the danger, before they felt the same, too late to recover it: for presently the Admiral struck a ground, and had soon after her eterne and hinder parts beaten in pieces: whereupon the rest (that is to say, the Frigate, in which was the General and the Golden Hind) cast about Eastsoutheast, bearing to the South, even for our lives into the winds eye, because that way carried us to the seaward. Making out from this danger, we sounded one while seven fathom, than five fathom, than four fathom and less, again deeper, immediately four fathom, then but three fathom, the sea going mightily and high. At last we recovered (God be thanked) in some despair, to sea room enough. In this distress, we had vigilant eye unto the Admiral, whom we saw cast away, without power to give the men secure, neither could we espy any of the men that leapt overboard to save themselves, either in the same Pinnace or Cock, or upon rafters, and such like means, presenting themselves to men in those extremities: for we desired to save the men by every possible means. But all in vain, sith God had determined their ruin: yet all that day, and part of the next, we beaten up and down as near unto the wrack as was possible for us, looking out, if by good hap we might espy any of them. This was a heavy and grievous event, to loose at one blow our chief ship freighted with great provision, gathered together with much travel, care, long time, and difficulty. But more was the loss of our men, which perished to the number almost of a hundredth souls. Among whom was drowned a learned man, an Hungarian, Stephanus Parmenius a learned Hungarian. born in the city of Buda, called thereof Budaeus, who of piety and zeal to good attempts, adventured in this action, minding to record in the Latin tongue, the gests and things worthy of remembrance, happening in this discovery, to the honour of our nation, the same being adorned with the eloquent stile of this Orator, and rare Poet of our time. Daniel a refiner of metals. Here also perished our Saxon Refiner and Discoverer of inestimable riches, as it was left amongst some of us in undoubted hope. No less heavy was the loss of the Captain Maurice Browne, a virtuous, honest, and discreet Gentleman, overseen only in liberty given late before to men, that aught to have been restrained, who showed himself a man resolved, and never unprepared for death, as by his last act of this tragedy appeared, by report of them that escaped this wrack miraculously, as shall be hereafter declared. For when all hope was passed of recovering the ship, and that men began to give over, and to save themselves, the Captain was advised before to shifted also for his life, by the Pinnace at the stern of the ship: but refusing that counsel, he would not give example with the first to leave the ship, but used all means to exhort his people not to despair, nor so to leave off their labour, choosing rather to die, then to incur infamy, by forsaking his charge, which then might be thought to have perished through his default, showing an ill precedent unto his men, by leaving the ship first himself. With this mind he mounted upon the highest deck, where he attended imminent death, and unavoidable: how long, I leave it to God, who withdraweth not his comfort from his servants at such times. In the mean season, certain, to the number of fourteen people, leapt into a small Pinnace (the bigness of a Thames barge, which was made in the New found land) cut off the rope wherewith it was towed, and committed themselves to God's mercy, amidst the storm, and rage of sea and winds, destitute of food, not so much as a drop of fresh water. A wonderful escape and deliverance. A great distress. A desperate resolution. The boat seeming overcharged in foul weather with company, Edward Headly a valiant soldier, and well reputed of his company, preferring the greater to the lesser, thought better that some of them perished then all, made this motion to cast lots, and them to be thrown overboard upon whom the lots fallen, thereby to lighten the boat, which otherways seemed impossible to live, offered himself with the first, content to take his adventure gladly: which nevertheless Richard Clerk, that was Master of the Admiral, and one of this number, refused, advising to abide God's pleasure, who was able to save all, as well as a few. The boat was carried before the wound, continuing six days and nights in the Ocean, and arrived at last with the men (alive, but weak) upon the New found land, saving that the foresaid Headly, (who had been late sick) and another called of us Brasile, of his travel into those countries, died by the way, famished, Two men famished. and less able to hold out, than those of better health. For such was these poor men's extremity, in cold and wet, to have no better sustenance than their own urine, for six days together. Thus whom God delivered from drowning, he appointed to be famished, who doth give limits to man's times, and ordaineth the manner and circumstance of dying: whom again he will preserve, neither Sea, nor famine can confounded. For those that arrived upon the New found land, were brought into France by certain French men, then being upon that coast. After this heavy chance, we continued in beating the sea up and down, expecting when the weather would clear up, that we might yet bear in with the land, which we judged not far off, either the continent or some Island. For we many times, and in sundry places found ground at 50,45,40 fathoms, and less. The ground coming upon our lead, being sometimes oazie sand, and otherwhile a broad shell, with a little sand about it. Our people loss courage daily after this ill success, the weather continuing thick and blustering, with increase of cold, Winter drawing on, which took from them all hope of amendment, Causes enforcing us to return home again. settling an assurance of worse weather to grow upon us every day. The Leeside of us lay full of flats and dangers inevitable, if the wound blew hard at South. Some again doubted we were engulfed in the Bay of S. Laurence, the coast full of dangers, and unto us unknown. But above all, provision waxed scant, and hope of supply was go, with loss of our Admiral. Those in the Frigate were already pinched with spare allowance, and want of clotheses chief: Whereupon they besought the General to return for England, before they all perished. And to them of the Golden Hind, they made signs of their distress, pointing to their mouths, and to their clotheses thin and ragged: then immediately they also of the Golden Hind, grew to be of the same opinion and desire to return home. The former reasons having also moved the General to have compassion of his poor men, in whom he see no want of good will, but of means fit to perform the action they came for, resolved upon retire: and calling the Captain and Master of the Hind, he yielded them many reasons, enforcing this unexpected return, withal protesting himself greatly satisfied with that he had seen, and known already. Reiterating these words, Be content, we have seen enough, and take no care of expense past: I will set you forth royally the next Spring, if God sand us safe home. Therefore I pray you let us no longer strive here, where we fight against the elements. Omitting circumstance, how unwillingly the Captain & Master of the Hind condescended to this motion, his own company can testify: yet comforted with the General's promises of a speedy return at Spring, and induced by other apparent reasons, proving an impossibility, to accomplish the action at that time, it was concluded on all hands to retire. August 31. So upon Saturday in the afternoon the 31 of August, we changed our course, and returned back for England, at which very instant, even in winding about, there passed along between us and towards the land which we now forsook a very lion to our seeming, in shape, hair and colour, not swimming after the manner of a beast by moving of his feet, A monster of the sea. but rather sliding upon the water with his whole body (excepting the legs) in sight, neither yet diving under, and again rising above the water, as the manner is, of Whales, Dolphins, Tunise, Porpoises, and all other fish: but confidently showing himself above water without hiding: Notwithstanding, we presented ourselves in open view and gesture to amaze him, as all creatures will be commonly at a sudden gaze and sight of men. Thus he passed along turning his head to and fro, yawning and gaping wide, with ugly demonstration of long teeth, and glaring eyes, and to bid us a farewell (coming right against the Hind) he sent forth a horrible voice, roaring or bellowing as doth a lion, which spectacle we all beheld so far as we were able to discern the same, as men prove to wonder at every strange thing, as this doubtless was, to see a lion in the Ocean sea, or fish in shape of a lion. What opinion others had thereof, and chief the General himself, I forbear to deliver: But he took it for Bonum Omen, rejoicing that he was to war against such an enemy, if it were the devil. The wound was large for England at our return, but very high, and the sea rough, insomuch as the Frigate wherein the General went was almost swallowed up. September 2. Monday in the afternoon we passed in the sight of Cape Race, having made as much way in little more than two days and nights back again, as before we had done in eight days from Cape Race, unto the place where our ship perished. Which hindrance thitherward, and speedback again, is to be imputed unto the swift current, as well as to the winds, which we had more large in our return. This monday the General came aboard the Hind, to have the Surgeon of the Hind to dress his foot, which he hurt by treading upon a nail: At what time we comforted each other with hope of hard success to be all past, and of the good to come. So agreeing to carry out lights always by night, that we might keep together, he departed into his Frigate, being by no means to be entreated to tarry in the Hind, which had been more for his security. Immediately after followed a sharp storm, which we overpassed for that time. Praised be God. Our last conference with our General. The weather fair, the General came aboard the Hind again, to make merry together with the Captain, Master, and company, which was the last meeting, and continued there from morning until night. During which time there passed sundry discourses, touching affairs past, and to come, lamenting greatly the loss of his great ship, more of the men, but most of all of his books and notes, and what else I know not, for which he was out of measure grieved, the same doubtless being some matter of more importance than his books, which I could not draw from him: yet by circumstance I gathered, the same to be the Over which Daniel the Saxon had brought unto him in the Mew found land. Circumstances to be well observed in our General, importing the Ore to be of a silver Mine. Whatsoever it was, the remembrance touched him so deep, as not able to contain himself, he beaten his boy in great rage, even at same time, so long after the miscarrying of the great ship, because upon a fair day, when we were becalmed upon the coast of the New found land, near unto Cape Race, he sent his boy aboard the Admiral, to fetch certain things: amongst which, this being chief, was yet forgotten and left behind. After which time he could never conveniently sand again aboard the great ship, much less he doubted her ruin so near at hand. Herein my opinion was better confirmed diversly, and by sundry conjectures, which maketh me have the greater hope of this rich Mine. For where as the General had never before good conceit of these North parts of the world: now his mind was wholly fixed upon the Mew found land. And as before he refused not to grant assignments liberally to them that required the same into these North parts, now he become contrarily affected, refusing to make any so large grants, especially of S. john's, which certain English merchants made suit for, offering to employ their money and travel upon the same: yet neither by their own suit, nor of others of his own company, whom he seemed willing to pleasure, it could be obtained. Also laying down his determination in the Spring following, for disposing of his voyage then to be reattempted: he assigned the Captain & Master of the Golden Hind, unto the South discovery, and reserved unto himself the North, affirming that this voyage had won his heart from the South, and that he was now become a Northern man altogether. Last, being demanded what means he had at his arrival in England, to compass the charges of so great preparation as he intended to make the next Spring: having determined upon two fleets, one for the South, another for the North: Leave that to me (he replied) I will ask a penny of no man. I will bring good tidings unto her Majesty, who will be so gracious, to lend me 10000 pounds, willing us therefore to be of good cheer: for he did thank God (he said) with all his heart, for that he had seen, the same being enough for us all, and that we needed not to seek any further. And these last words he would often repeat, with demonstration of great fervency of mind, being himself very confident, and settled in belief of inestimable good by this voyage: which the greater number of his followers nevertheless mistrusted altogether, not being made partakers of those secrets, which the General kept unto himself. Yet all of them that are living, may be witnesses of his words and protestations, which sparingly I have delivered. Leaving the issue of this good hope unto God, who knoweth the truth only, & can at his good pleasure bring the same to light: I will hasten to the end of this tragedy, which must be knit up in the person of our General. Wilfulness in the General. And as it was God's ordinance upon him, even so the vehement persuasion and entreaty of his friends could nothing avail, to divert him from a wilful resolution of going through in his Frigate, which was overcharged upon their decks, with fights, netting, and small artillery, too cumbersome for so small a boat, that was to pass through the Ocean sea at that season of the year, when by course we might expect much storm of foul weather, whereof indeed we had enough. But when he was entreated by the Captain, Master, and other his well willers of the Hind, not to venture in the Frigate, this was his answer: A token of a good mind. I will not forsake my little company going homeward, with whom I have passed so many storms, and perils. And in very truth, he was urged to be so over hard, by hard reports given of him, that he was afraid of the sea, albeit this was rather rashness, then advised resolution, to prefer the wound of a vain report to the weight of his own life. Seeing he would not bend to reason, he had provision out of the Hind, such as was wanting aboard his Frigate. And so we committed him to God's protection, & set him aboard his Pinnace, we being more than 300 leagues onward of our way home. By that time we had brought the Islands of Açores' South of us, yet we then keeping much to the North, until we had got into the height and elevation of England: we met with very foul weather, and terrible seas, breaking short and high Pyramid wise. The reason whereof seemed to proceed either of hilly grounds high and low within the sea, (as we see hills and dales upon the land) upon which the seas do mount and fall: or else the cause proceedeth of diversity of winds, shifting often in sundry points: all which having power to move the great Ocean, which again is not presently settled, so many seas do encounter together, as there had been diversity of winds. Howsoever it cometh to pass, men which all their life time had occupied the Sea, never see more outrageous Seas. We had also upon our main yard, an apparition of a little fire by night, which seamen do call Castor and Pollux. But we had only one, which they take an evil sign of more tempest: the same is usual in storms. Monday the ninth of September, in the afternoove, the Frigate was near cast away, oppressed by waves, yet at that time recovered: and giving forth signs of joy, the General sitting abafe with a book in his hand, cried out unto us in the Hind (so often as we did approach within hearing) We are as near to heaven by sea as by land. A resolute and Christianlike saying in a distress. Reiterating the same speech, well beseeming a soldier, resolute in jesus Christ, as I can testify he was. The same Monday night, about twelve of the clock, or not long after, the Frigate being ahead of us in the Golden Hind, suddenly her lights were out, whereof as it were in a moment, we lost the sight, Sir Humphrey Gilb●rt drowned. and withal our watch cried, the General was cast away, which was too true. For in that moment, the Frigate was devoured and swallowed up of the Sea. Yet still we looked out all that night, and ever after, until we arrived upon the coast of England: Omitting no small sail at sea, unto which we gave not the tokens between us, agreed upon, to have perfect knowledge of each other, if we should at any time be separated. In great torment of weather, and peril of drowning, it pleased God to sand safe home the Golden Hind, which arrived in Falmouth, the 22 day of September, Arrival in England of the Golden Hind●. being Sunday, not without as great danger escaped in a flaw, coming from the Southeast, with such thick mist, that we could not discern land, to put in right with the Haven. From Falmouth we went to Dartmouth, & lay there at anchor before the Range, while the captain went aland, to inquire if there had been any news of the Frigate, which sailing well, might happily have been before us. Also to certify Sir john Gilbert, brother v●to the General of our hard success, whom the Captain desired (while his men were yet aboard him, and were witnesses of all occurrents in that voyage, A fit motion of the Captain unto sir Hum●●ey Gilbert. ) It might please him to take the examination of every person particularly, in discharge of his and their faithful endeavour. Sir john Gilbert refused so to do, holding himself satisfied with report made by the Captain: and not altogether despairing of his brother's safety, offered friendship and courtesy to the Captain and his company, requiring to have his Bark brought into the harbour: in furtherance whereof, a boat was sent to help to ●ow her in. Nevertheless, when the Captain returned aboard his ship, he found his men bend to departed, every man to his home: and then the wind serving to proceed higher upon the coast: they demanded money to carry them home, some to London, others to Harwich, and else where, (if the bark should be carried into Dartmouth, and they discharged, so far from home) or else to take benefit of the wound, then serving to draw nearer home, which should be a less charge unto the Captain, and great ease unto the men, having else far to go. Reason accompanied with necessity persuaded the Captain, who sent his lawful excuse and cause of his sudden departure unto Sir john Gilbert, by the boat of Dartmouth, and from thence the Golden Hind departed, and took harbour at Waimouth. All the men tired with the tediousness of so unprofitable a voyage to their seeming: An ill recompense. in which their long expense of time, much toil and labour, hard diet and continual hazard of life was unrecompensed: their Captain nevertheless by his great charges, impaired greatly thereby, yet comforted in the goodness of God, and his undoubted providence following him in all that voyage, as it doth always those at other times, whosoever have confidence in him alone. Yet have we more near feeling and perseverance of his powerful hand and protection, when God doth bring us together with others into one same peril, in which he leaveth them, and delivereth us, making us thereby the beholders, but not partakers of their ruin. Even so, amongst very many difficulties, discontentments, mutinies, conspiracies, sicknesses mortality, spoilings, and wracks by sea, which were afflictions, more than in so small a Fleet, or so short a time may be supposed, albeit true in every particularity, as partly by the former relation may be collected, and some I suppressed with silence for their sakes living, it pleased God to support this company, (of which only one man died of a malady inveterate, and long infested: the rest kept together in reasonable contentment and concord, beginning, continuing, and ending the voyage, which none else did accomplish, either not pleased with the action, or impatient of wants, or prevented by death. Thus have I delivered the contents of the enterprise and last action of sir Humphrey Gilbert knight, faithfully, for so much as I thought meet to be published: wherein may always appear, (though he be extinguished) some sparks of his virtues, Constancy in sir Humphrey Gilbert. he remaining firm and resolute in a purpose by all pretence honest and godly, as was this, to discover, possess, and to reduce unto the service of God, and Christian piety, those remote and heathen Countries of America, not actually possessed by Christians, and most rightly appertaining unto the Crown of England: unto the which, as his zeal deserveth high commendation: even so, he may justly be taxed of temerity and presumption (rather) in two respects. His temerity and presumption. First, when yet there was only probability, not a certain & determinate place of habitation selected, neither any demonstration of commodity there in esse, to induce his followers: nevertheless, he both was too prodigal of his own patrimony, and too careless of other men's expenses, to employ both his and their substance upon a ground imagined good. The which felling, very like his associates were promised, and made it their best reckoning to be salved some other way, which pleased not God to prospero in his first and great preparation. Secondly, when by his former preparation he was enfeebled of ability and credit, to perform his designments, as it were impatient to abide in expectation better opportunity and means, which God might raise, he thrust himself again into the action, for which he was not sit, presuming the cause pretended on God's behalf, would carry him to the desired end. Into which, having thus made reentry, he could not yield again to withdraw, though he saw no encouragement to proceed, left his credit foiled in his first attempt, in a second should utterly be disgraced. Between extremities, he made a right adventure, putting all to God and good fortune, and which was worst, refused not to entertain every person and means whatsoever, to furnish out this expedition, the success whereof hath been declared. Afflictions needful in the children of God. But such is the infinite bounty of God, who from every evil deriveth good. For besides that fruit may grow in time of our traveling into those Northwest lands, the crosses, turmoils, and afflictions, both in the preparation and execution of this voyage, did correct the intemperate humours, which before we noted to be in this Gentleman, and made unsavoury, and less delightful his other manifold virtues. Then as he was refined, and made nearer drawing unto the image of God: so it pleased the divine will to resume him unto himself, whither both his, and every other high and noble mind, have always aspired. Ornatissimo viro, Magistro Richardo Hakluyto Oxonij in Collegio aedis Christi, Artium & Philosophiae Magistro, amico, & fratri suo. SNon statueram ad tescribere, cùm in mentem veniret promissum literarum tuarum. Putabaste superiore iam junio nos subsecuturum. Iraque de meo statu ex doctore Humfredo certiorem te fieri iusseram. Verùm sic tibi non esset satisfactum. Itaque scribam ad teijsdem ferè verbis, quia nova meditari & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mihi hoc tempore non vacat. Vndecimo Junii ex Anglia revera tandem & feriò soluimus, portu & terra apud Plemuthum simul relictis. Classis quinque navibus constabat: maxima, quam Dominus Ralegh. frater Ami●alij accommodaverat, ignotum quo consilio, statim tertio die à nobis se subduxit. Reliqui perpetuò coniunctim navigavimus ad 23. julij, quo tempore magnis nebulis intercepto aspectu alij aliam viam tenuimus: nobis seorsim prima terra apparuit ad Calendas Augusti, ad gradum circiter 50. cùm ultrà 41. paucis ante diebus descendissemus spe Australium ventorum, qui tamen nobis suo tempore nunquam spirauêre. Insula est ea, Insula Pengu●●. quam vestri Penguin vocant, ab avium eiusdem nominis multitudine. Nos tamen nec aves vidimus, nec insulam accessimus, ventis alio vocantibus. Caeterùm convenimus omnes in éundem locum paulò ante portum in quem communiconsilio omnibus veniendum erat, idque intra duas horas, magna Dei benignitate & nostro gaudio. Locus situs est in Newfoundlandia, inter 47. & 48. gradum, Diwm joannem vocant. Ipse Admiralius propter multitudinem hominum & angustiam navis paulò afflictiorem comitatum habuit, & iam duos dysentericis doloribus amisie: de caeteris bona spes est. Ex nostris (nam ego me Mauricio Browno verè generoso iwenime coniunxeram) duo etiam casu quodam submersi sunt. Caeteri salui & long firmiores. Ego nunquam sanior. In hunc locum ter●io Augusti appulimus: quinto autem ipse Admiralius has regiones in suam & regni Angliae possessionem potestatemque vendicavit, latis quibusdam legibus de religione & obsequio Reginae Angliae. Re●icimur hoc tempore paulò hilariùs & lautiùs. Certè enim & qualibus ventis usi simus, & quàm fessi esse potuerimus tam longi temporis ratio docuerit, proinde nihil nobis deerit. Nam extra Anglos, 20 circiter naves Lusitanicas & Hispanicas nacti in hoc loco sumus: ●ae nobis impares non patientur nos esurire. Angli etsi satis firmi, & à nobis tuti, authoritate regij diplomatis omni obse quio & humanitate prosequuntur● Nunc narrandi erant mores, regiones & populi. Caeterùm quid narrem mi Hakluyte, quando praeter solitudinem nihil video? Piscium inexhausta copia: inde huc commeantibus magnus quaestus. Vix hamus sundum attigit, illicò insignialiquo onustus est. Terra universa In the south side of New found land, there is store of plain and champion Country, as Richard Clarke found. montana & syluestris: arbores ut plurimùm pinus: came partim consenuêre, partim nunc adolescunt: magna pars vetustate collapsa, & aspectum terrae, & iter euntium ita impedit, ut nusquam progredi liceat. Herbae omnes procerae; sed rarò à nostris diverse. Natura videtur velle niti etiam ad generandum frumentum. inveni enim gramina, & spicas in similitudinem secales: & facilè cultura & satione in usum humanum assucfieri posse videntur. Rubi in syluìs vel potiùs fraga arborescentia magna suavitate. Visi circa tuguria nonnunquam apparent, & conficluntur: sed albi sunt, ut mihi ex pellibus coniicere licuit, & minores quàm nostri. Populus an ullus sic in hac regione incertum est: Nec ullum vidi qui testari posset. Et quis queso posser, cùm ad longum progredi non liceat? Nec minùs ignotum est an aliquid metalli subsit montibus. Causa eadem est, etsi aspectus eorum mineras latentes prae se ferat. Nos Admiralio authores fuimus syluas incendere, quo ad inspiciendam regionem spacium pateretinec di●plicebat illi consilium, si non magnum incommondum allaturum videretur. Confirmatum est enim ab idoneis hom●nibus, cum casu quopiam in alia nescio qua station id accidisset, The great heat of the sun in summer. septennium totum pisces non comparuisse, ex at erbata maris unda ex terebynthina, que conflagrantibus arboribus perrinulos defluebat. Coelum hoc anni tempore ita feruidum est, ut nisi pisces, qui arefiunt ad solemn, assidui invertantur, ab adustione defendi non possint. Hyeme quàm frigidum sit, magnae moles glaciei in medio marinos docuere. Relatum est à cornitibus mense Maio sexdecim totos dies interdum se inter tantam glaciem hesis●e, ut 60. orgyas aliae essent insulae: quarum latera soli apposita cum liquescerent, libratione quadam universam molem ita inversam, ut quòd ante pronum erat, supinum evaderet, magno praesentium discrimine, ut consentaneum est. Aer in terra mediocriter clarus est: ad orientem sup●a mare perpetuae nebulae: Et in ipso mari circa Bancum (sic vocant locum ubi quadraginta leucis a terra fundus attingitur, & pisces capi incipiunt) nullus ferme dies absque plwia. Expeditis nostris necessitatibus in hoc loco, in Austrum (Deo iwante) progrediemur, tanrò indies maiori spe, quò plura de iis quas petimus regionibus commemorantur. Haec de nostris. Cupio de vobis scire: sed metuo ne incassum. Imprimis autem quomodo Vntonus meus absentiam meam ferat, praeter modum intelligere velim: Habebit nostrum obsequium & officium paratum, quandiu vixerimus, Revera autem spero, hanc nostram peregrinationem ipsius instituto usui futuram. Nunc restat, ut me tuum putes, & quidem ita tuum, ut neminem magis. Iwet dei filius labores nostros catenus, ut tu quoque participare possis. Vale amicissime, susuissime, ornatissime Hakluyte, & nos ama. In Newfundlandia apud portum Sancti johannis 6. Augusti 1583. STEPHANUS PARMENIUS Budeius, tuus. The same in English. To the worshipful, Master Richard Hakluit at Oxford in Christchurch Master of Arts, and Philosophy, his friend and brother. I Had not purposed to writ unto you, when the promise of your letters came to my mind: You thought in june last to have followed us yourself, and therefore I had left order that you should be advertised of my state, by Master Doctor Humphrey: but so you would not be satisfied: I will writ therefore to you almost in the same words, because I have no leisure at this time, to medicate new matters, and to vary or multiply words. The 11. of june we set sail at length from England in good earnest, and departed, leaving the haven and land behind us at Plymouth: our Fleet consisted of five ships: the greatest, which the Admiral's brother had lent us; withdrew herself from us the third day, we know not upon what occasion: with the rest we sailed still together till the 23. of july: at which time our view of one another being intercepted by the great mists, some of us sailed one way, and some another: to us alone the first land appeared, the first of August, about the latitude of 50. degrees. when as before we had descended beyond 41. degrees in hope of some Southerly winds, which notwithstanding never blew to us at any fit time. It is an Island which your men call Penguin● because of the multitude of birds of the same name. Yet we neither saw any birds, nor drawn near to the land, the winds serving for our course directed to another place, but we meet altogether at that place a little before the Haven, whereunto by common Council we had determined to come, and that within the space of two hours by the great goodness of God; and to our great joy. The place is situate in Newfound land, between 47. and 48. degrees, called by the name of Saint john's: the Admiral himself by reason of the multitude of the men, and the smallness of his ship, had his company somewhat sickly, and had already lost two of the same company, which died of the Flix: of the rest we conceive good hope. Of our company (for I joined myself with Maurice Browne, a very proper Gentleman) two people by a mischance were drowned, the rest are in safety, and strong, and for mine own part I was never more healthy. We arrived at this place the third of August: and the fift the Admiral took possession of the Country, for himself and the kingdom of England: having made and published certain Laws, concerning religion, and obedience to the Queen of England: at this time our fare is somewhat better, and daintier, than it was before: for in good sooth, the experience of so long time hath taught us what contrary winds we have found, and what great travel we may endure hereafter: and therefore we will take such order, that we will want nothing: for we found in this place about twenty Portugal and Spanish ships, besides the ships of the English: which being not able to match us, suffer us not to be hunger starved: the English although they were of themselves strong enough, and safe from our force, yet seeing our authority, by the Queen's letters patents, they showed us all manner of duty and humanity. The manner of this Country and people remain now to be spoken of. But what shall I say, my good Hakluyt, when I see nothing but a very wilderness? Of fish here is incredible abundance, whereby great gain grows to them, that travel to these parts: the hook is no sooner thrown out, but it is eftsoons drawn up with some goodly fish: the whole land is full of hills and woods. The trees for the most part are Pynes and of them some are very old, and some young: a great part of them being fallen by reason of their age, doth so hinder the sigh of the l●nd, and stop the way of those that seek to travel, that they can go no whither: all the grass here is long, and tall, and little differeth from ours. It seemeth also that the nature of this soil is fit for corn: for I found certain blades and ears in a manner bearded, so that it appeareth that by manuring and sowing, they may easily be framed for the use of man: here are in the woods bush berries, or rather straw berries growing up like trees, of great sweetness. Bears also appear about the fisher's stages of the Country, and are sometimes killed, but they seem to be writ, as I conjectured by their skins, and somewhat less than ours. Whether there be any people in the Country I know not, neither have I seen any to witness it. And to say truth, who can, when as it is not possible to pass any whither? In like sort it is unknown, whither any metals lie under the hills: the cause is all one, although the very colour and hue of the hills seem to have som● Mynes in them: we moved the Admiral to set the woods a fire, that so we might have space, and entrance to take view of the Country, which motion did nothing displease him, were it not for fear of great inconvenience that might thereof ensue: for it was reported and confirmed by very credible people, that when the like happened by chance in another Port, the fi●h never came to the place about it, for the space of 7. whole years after, by reason of the waters made bitter by the Turpentine, and Rosen of the trees, which ran into the rivers upon the firing of them. The weather is so hot this time of the year, that except the very fish, which is laid out to be dried by the sun, be every day turned, it cannot possibly be preserved from burning: but how cold it is in the winter, the great heaps, and mountains of ye, in the midst of the Sea have taught us: some of our company report, that in May, they were sometimes kept in, with such huge ice, for 16. whole days together, as that the Islands thereof w●re threescore fathoms thick, the sides whereof which were toward the Sun, when they were melted, the whole mass or heap was so inverted and turned in manner of balancing, that that part which was before down●ward rose upward, to the great peril of those that are near them, as by reason we may gather. The air upon land is indifferent clear, but at Sea towards the East there is nothing else but perpetual mists, and in the Sea itself, about the Bank (for so they call the place where they found ground forty leagues distant from the shore, and where they begin to fish) there is no day without raine● when We have served, and supplied our necessity in this place, we purpose by the help of God to pass towards the South, with so much the more hope every day, by how much the greater the things are, that are reported of those countries, which we go to discover. Thus much touching our estate. Now I desire to know somewhat concerning you, but I fear in vain, but specially I desire out of measure to know how my Patron master Henry umpton doth take my absence: my obedience, and ductie shall always be ready toward him as long as I live: but in deed I hope, that this journey of ours shallbe profitable to his intentions. It remains that you think me to be still yours, and so yours as no man's more. The son of God bless all our labours, so far, as that you yourself may be partaker of our blessing. Adieu, my most friendly, most sweet, most virtuous Hakluyt: In Newfound land, at Saint john's Port, the 6. of August, 1583. STEVIN PARMENIUS of Buda, yours. A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth, master of the ship called the Delight, going for the discovery of Norembega, with Sir Humphrey Gilbert 1583. Written in excuse of that fault of casting away the ship and men, imputed to his oversight. DEparting out of Saint john's Harbour in the Newfound land the 20. of August unto Cape Raz, from thence we directed our course unto the isle of Sablon or the Isle of Sand, which the General Sir Humphrey Gilbert would willingly have seen. But when we came within twenty leagues of the Isle of Sablon, 20. Leagues● from the Isle of Sablon. we fallen to controversy of our course. The General came up in his Frigate and demanded of me Richard Clarke master of the Admiral what course was best to keep: I said that Westsouthwest was best: because the wound was at South and night at hand and unknown sands lay off a great way from the land. The General commanded me to go Westnorthwest. I told him again that the Isle of Sablon was Westnorthwest and but 15. leagues off, and that he should be upon the Island before day, if he went that course. 15. League's fro● the Isle of Sablon. Herein Clerk 〈◊〉 chargeth●● H●m●●ey Gilbert. The ship cast away on Ch●●●a● 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 ●5●3 The General said, my reckoning was untrue, and charged me in her majesties name, and as I would show myself in her Country, to follow him that night. I searing his threatenings, because he presented her majesties person, did follow his commandment, and about seven of the clock in the morning the ship stroke on ground, where she was cast away. Then the General went off to Sea, the course that I would have had them go before, and see the ship cast away men and all, and was not able to save a man, for there was not water upon the sand for either of them much less for the Admiral that drawn fourteen foot. Now as God would the day before it was very calm, and a Soldier of the ship had killed some foul with his piece, and some of the company desired me that they might hoist out the boat to recover the foul, which I granted th●m: and when they came aboard they did not hoist it in aga●ne that night. And when the ship was cast away the boat was a stern being in burden one tun and an half: there was l●ft in the boat one oar and nothing else. Some of the company could swimm●, and recovered the boat and did h●le in out of the water as many men as they could: among the rest they had a care to watch for the Captain or the Master: They happened on myself being the master, but could never see the Captain: Then they halted into the boat as many men as they could in number 16. whose names hereafter I will rehearse. And when the 16. were in the boat, S●xteene gate into the shipboate. some had small remembrance, and some had none: for they did not make account to live, but to prolong their lives as long as it pleased God, and looked every moment of an hour when the Sea would eat them up, the boat being so little and so many men in her, and so foul weather, that it was not possible for a ship to brook half a corse of sail. Thus while we remained two days and two nights, and that we see it pleased God our boat lived in the Sea (although we had nothing to help us withal but one oar, which we kept up the boat withal upon the Sea, ●nd so went even as the Sea would driue●s) there was in our company one master Hedly that put forth this question to me the Master. Master H●dlyes ungodly propassion. I do see that it doth please God, that our beat liveth in the Sea, and it may please God that some of us may come to the land if our boat were not over-laden. Let us make sixteen lots, and those four that have the four shortest lots we will cast overboard preserving the Master among us all. I replied unto him, saying, not, we will live and die together. Master Hedly asked me if my remembrance were good: I answered I gave God praise it was good, and knew how far I was off the land, and was in h●pe to come to the land within two or three days, and said they were but threescore leagues from the land, (when they were seventy) all to put them in comfort. Thus we continued the third and fourth day without any sustenance, save only the weeds that swam in the Sea, and salt water to drink. The fifth day Hedly died and another moreover: then we desired all to die: for in all these five days and five nights we see the Sun but once and the Star but one night, it was so foul weather. Thus we did remain the sixt day: then we were very weak and wished all to die saving only myself which did comfort them and promised they should come soon to land by the help of God: but the company were very importunate, and were in doubt they should never come to land, but that I promised them the seventh day they should come to shore, or else they should cast me over board: which did happen true the seventh day, for at eleven of the clock we had sight of the land, and at 3. of the clock at afternoon we came on land. All these seven days and seven nights the wound kept continually South. They came on land the 7. day after thei● shipwreck. If the wound had in the mean time shifted upon any other point, we had never come to land: we were no sooner come to the land, but the wound came clean contrary at North within half an hour after our arrival. But we were so weak that one could scarcely help another of us out of the boat, yet with much ado being come all on shore we kneeled down upon our knees and gave God praise that he had dealt so mercifully with us. Afterwards those which were strongest holp their fellows unto a fresh brook, where we satisfied ourselves with water and berries very well. There were of all sorts of berries plenty, & as goodly a Country as ever I see: The fruitfulness of the south part of Newfoundland. we found a very fair plain Champion ground that a man might see very far every way: by the Sea side was here and there a little wood with goodly trees as good as ●uer I see any in Norway, able to mast any ship, of pine trees, spruce trees, ●irre, and very great birch trees. Where we came on land we made a little house with boughs, where w● rested all that night. In the morning I divided the company three and three to go every way to see what food they could found to sustain themselves, and appointed them to meet there all again ●t noon with such food as they could get. As we went aboard we found great store of peason as good as any we have in England: a man would think they had been sowed there. We rested there three days and three nights and lived very well with pease and berries, we named the place Saint Lau●ence, because it was a very goodly river like the river of S. Laurence in Canada, and we found it very full of Salmon. When we had well rested ourselves we rowed our boat along the shore, thinking to have go to the grand Bay to have come home with some Spaniards which are yearly there to kill the Whale: And when we were hungry or at ●irst we put our boat on land and gathered pease and berries. Thus we rowed our boat along the shore fiu● days: about which time we came to a very goodly river that ran far up into the Country and see very goodly grown trees of all sorts. There we happened upon a ship of Saint john de Luz, Fourteen o● our men brought out of Newfound land in a ship of S● john de Luz. which ship brought us into Biskay to an Harbour called The Passage. The Master of the ship was our great friend, or else we had been put to death if he had not kept our counsel. For when the visitors came aboard, as it is the order in Spain, they demanding what we were, he said we were poor fishermen that had cast away our ship ●n Newfound land, and so the visitors enquired no more of the matter at that time. assoon as night was come he put us on land and bade us shif● for ourselves. Then had we but ten or twelve miles into France, which we went that night, and then cared not for the Spaniard. And so shortly after we came into England toward the end of the year 1583. A true Report of the late discoveries, and possession taken in the right of the Crown of England of the Newfound Lands, By that valiant and worthy Gentleman, Sir Humphrey Gilbert Knight. Wherein is also briefly set down, her highness lawful Title thereunto, and the great and manifold commodities, that are likely to grow thereby, to the whole Realm in general, and to the Adventurers in particular: Together with the easiness and shortness of the Voyage. Written by Sir George Peckham Knight, the chief adventurer, and furtherer of Sir Humphrey hearts voyage to Newfound Landlord The first Chapter, wherein the Argument of the Book is contained. IT was my fortune (good Reader) not many days past, to meet with a right honest and discreet Gentleman, Master Edward Hays. who accompanied that valiant and worthy Knight Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in this last journey for the Western discoveries, and is owner and Captain of the only vessel which is as yet returned from thence. By him I understand that Sir Humphrey departed the coast of England the eleventh of june last passed, with five sail of Ships, from Ca●shen bay near Plymouth, whereof one of the best forsook his company, the thirteenth day of the same month, and returned into England. The other four (through the assistance of Almighty God) did arrive at Saint john's Haven, Sir Humphrey Gilbert did arrive at Saint john's Haven in Newfound land, the 3. of August. Anno 1583. in Newfound land, the 3. of August last. Upon whose arrival all the Masters and chief Mariners of the English Fleet, which were in the said Haven before, endeavouring to freight themselves with fish, repaired unto Sir Humphrey, whom he made acquainted with the effect of his Commission: which being done, he promised to entreat them and their goods well and honourably as did become her majesties Lieutenant. They did all welcome him in the best sort that they could, and showed him a●d his all such courtesies as the place could afford or yield. Then he went to view the Country, being well accompanied with most of his Captains and soldiers. They found the same very temperate, but somewhat warmer than England at that season of the year, replenished with Beasts and great store of Fowl of divers kinds: Among these there was found the tract of a beast o● 7. inches and a half over. And Fish of sundry sorts, both in the salt water, and in the fresh, in so great plenty as might suffice of victual an Army, and they are very easily taken. What sundry other commodities for this Realm right necessary, the same doth yield, you shall understand in this treatise hereafter, in place more convenient. On Monday being the fift of August, the General cau●ed his tent to be set upon the side of an hill, in the view of all the Fleet of English men and strangers, which were in number between thirty and forty sail: then being accompanied with all his Captains, Masters, Gentlemen and other soldiers, he caused all the Masters, and principal Officers of the ships, aswell Engli●hmen as Spaniards, Portugals, and of other nations, to repair unto his tent: And then and there, in the presence of them all, he did 'cause his Commission under the great Seal of England to be openly and solemnly read unto them, whereby were granted unto him, his h●ir●s, and assigns, by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, many great and large royalties, liberties, and privileges. The effect whereof being signified unto the strangers by an Interpreter, he took possession of the said land in the right of the Crown of England by digging of a Turf and receiving the same with an Hasell wand, delivered unto him, after the manner of the law and customs of England. Sir Humphrey took possession of the Newfound land in right of the Crown of England. Then he signified unto the company both strangers and others, that from thenceforth, they were to live in that land, as the Territories appertaining to the Crown of England, and to be governed by such Law●s as by good advise should be set down, which in all points (so near as might be) should be agreeable to the Laws of England: And for to put the same in execution, presently he ordained and established three Laws. Three laws established the●e by Sir ●●●frey. First, that Religion publicly exercised, should be such, and none other, then is used in the Church of England. The second, that if any p●rson should be lawfully convicted of any practice against her Majesty, ●er Crown and dignity, to be adjudged as traitors according to the Laws of England. The third, if any should speak dishonourably of her Majesty, the party so offending, to lose his ears, his ship and goods, to be confiscate to the use of the General. Sundry p●rsons, become Tenants to Sir Humphrey, and do maintain possession 〈◊〉 in divers places ●h●re. All men did very willingly submit themselves to these Laws. Then he caused the Queen's Majesties' Arms to be engraved, set up, and erected with great solemnity. After this, diu●rs Engli●hmen made suit unto Sir Humphrey to have of him by inheritance, their accustomed stages, standing & drying places, in sundry places of that land for their fish, as a thing that they do make great account of, which he granted unto them in fee farm. And by this m●anes he hath possession maintained for him, in many parts of that Country. To be brief, he did let, set, give and dispose of many things, as absolute Governor there, by virtue of her majesties levers patents. And after their ships were repaired, whereof one he was driven to leave behind, both for want of men sufficient to furnish her, as also to carry home such sick people as were not able to proceed any further: He departed from thence the 20. of August, with the other three, namely, the Delight, wherein was appointed Captain in M. William Winter's place, (that thence returned immediately for England) M. Maurice Browne: the Goldenhinde, in which was Captain and owner, M. Edward Hays: and the little Friget where the General himself did go, seeming to him most fit to discover and approach the shore. The 21. day they came to Cape Race, toward the South parts whereof, lying a while becalmed, they took Cod in largeness and quantity, exceeding the other parts of Newfound land, where any of them had been. And from thence, trending the coast West, toward the Bay of Placentia, the General sent certain men a shore, to view the Country, which to them as they sailed along, seemed pleasant. Whereof his men at their return gave great commendation, liking so well of the place, as they would willingly have stayed and wintered there. But having the wound ●aire and good, they proceeded on their course towards the firm of America, which by reason of continual fogs, at that time of the year especially, they could never see, till Cox Master of the Golden Hind did discern land● and presently lost sight thereof again, at what time they were all upon a brea●h in a great and outrageous storm, having under 3. fathom water. But God delivered the Frigate and the Golden Hind● from this great danger. And the Delight in the presence of them all was lost, to their unspeakable grief, with all their chief victual, munition, and other necessary provisions, and other things of value not fit here to be named. Whereupon, by reason also that Winter was come upon them, and foul weather increased with fogs and mists that so covered the land, as without danger of perishing they could not approach it: Sir Humphrey Gilbert and M. Hays were compelled much against their wills to retire homewards: And being 300. leagues on their way, were after by tempestuous weather separated the one from the other, the ninth of September last, since which time M. Hays with his Bark is safely arrived, but of Sir Humphrey as yet they hear no certain news. Upon this report (together with my former intent, to writ some brief discourse in the commendation of this so noble and worthy an enterprise) I did call to my remembrance, the History of Themystocles the Graecian, 〈◊〉 who (being a right noble and valiant Captain) signified unto his Countrymen the Citizens of Athens, that he had invented a devise for their common wealth very profitable: but it was of such importance and secrecy, that it aught not to be revealed, before private conference had with some particular prudent person of their choice. The Athenians knowing Aristides the Philosopher, to be a man endued with singular wisdom and virtue, made choice of him to have conference with Themystcles, and thereupon to yield his opinion to the Citizens concerning the said devise: which was, that they might set ●n fire the Navy of their enemies, with great facility, as he had laid the plot: Aristides made relation to the Citizens, that the stratagem devised by Themystocles was a profitable practice for the common wealth but it was dishonest. The Athenians (without further demand what the same was) did by common consent reject and condemn it, preferring honest and upright de●ling before profit. By occasion of this History, I drew myself into a more deep consideration of this late undertaken Uoyage, whether it were as well pleasing to almighty God, as profitable to men: as lawful, as it seemed honourable: As well grateful ●o the Savages, as gainful to the Christians. And upon mature deliberation I found the action to be honest and profitable, and therefore allowable by the opinion of Aristides if he w●re now alive: which being by me herein sufficiently proved, (as by God's grace I purpose to do) I doubt not but that all good minds will endeavour themselves to be assistants to this so commendable an enterprise, by the valiant and worthy Gentlemen our Country men already attempted and undertaken. Now whereas I do understand that Sir Humphrey Gilbert his adherents, associates and friends do mean with a convenient supply (with as much speed as may be) to maintain, pursue and follow this intended voyage already in part performed, and (by the assistance of almighty God.) ●o plant themselves and their people in the continent of the hither part of America, between the degrees of 30. and hundred. of septentrional latitude: Within which degrees by computation Astronomical and Cosmographical are doubtless to be found all things that be necessary, profitable● or delect●ble for man's life: The climate mild and temperate, neither too hot nor too cold, so that under the cope of heaven there is not anywhere to be found a more convenient place to plant and inhabit in: which many notable Gentlemen, both ‖ Englishmen Master john Hawkins. Sir Francis Drake. M. William Winter. M. john Chester, M. Martin Frobisher. Anthony Parkhurst. William maties. john Lovel. David I●gram. Strangers French. john Kidault. jaques Carrie●. Andrew Thieves Mo●litus Goutgues. Monsieur Laudonniete. Italians. Christopher Columbus. john Ver●zarus. God doth not always begin his greatest works by the greatest people. of our own nation and strangers, (who have been travailers) can testify: and that those Countries are at this day inhabited with Savages (who have no knowledge of God:) Is it not therefore (I say) to be lamented, that these poor pagan, so long living in ignorance and idolatry, and in sort thirsting after Christianity, (as may appear by the relation of such as have travailed in th●se parts) that our hearts are so hardened, that few or none can be found which will put to their helping hands, and apply themselves to the relieving of the miserable and wretched estate of these silly souls? Whose Country doth (as it were with arms advanced) above the climates both of Spain and France, stretch out itself towards Eng●and only: In manner praying our aid and help, as it is not only set forth in Mercators' general Map, but it is also found to be true by the discovery of our nation, and other strangers, who have oftentimes travailed upon the same coasts. Christopher Columbus of famous memory, the first instrument to manifest the great glory and mercy of Almighty God in planting the Christian faith, in those so long unknown regions, having in purpose to acquiant (as he did) that renowned Prince, the Queen's majesties grandfather King Henry the seventh, with his intended voyage for the Western discoveries, was not only derided and mocked generally even here in England, ●ut afterward become a laughing stock to the Spaniards themselves, who at this day (of all other people) are most bound to land and praise God, who first stirred up the man to that enterprise. And while he was attending there to acquaint the King of Castille (that then was) with his intended purpose, by how many ways and means was he derided? Some scorned the pildnesse of his garments, some to●ke occasion to jest at his sample and silly looks, others asked if this were he that low●s ●o low, His custom was to bow himself very low in making of courtesy. which did take upon him to bring men into a Country that aboundeth with Gold, Pearl, and Precious stones● If he were any such man (said they) he would carry another manner of countenance with him, and look somewhat loftier. Thus some judged him by his garments, and others by his look and countenance, but none entered into the consideration of the inward man. In the end, what success his Uoyage had, who list to read the Decades, the History of the West Indies, the conquest of Hernando Cortes about Mexico, Hernando Cortes. and those of Francisco Pizar●o in Peru about Casamalcha and Cusco, Francisco Pizar●o may know more particularly. All which their discoveries, travails and conquests are extant to be had in the English tongue. This devise was then accounted a fantastical imagination, and a drowsy dream. But the sequel thereof hath since awaked out of dreams thousand of souls to know their Creator, being thereof before that time altogether ignorant: And hath since made sufficient proof, neither to be fantastic, nor vainly imagined. Withal, how mightily it hath enlarged the dominions of the Crown of Spain, and greatly enriched the subjects of the same, let all men consider. Besides, it is well known, that since the time of Columbus his first dicoverie, through the planting, possessing, and inhabiting those parts, there hath been transported and brought home into Europe greater store of Gold, Silver, Pearl, and Precious stones, than heretofore hath been in all ages since the creation of the world. I do therefore hearty wish, that seeing it hath pleased almighty God of his infinite mercy, at the length to awake some of our worthy Country men out of that drowsy dream, wherein we have so long slumbered: That we may now not suffer that to quail for want of maintenance, which by these valiant Gentlemen our Countrymen is so nobly begun & enterprised. For which purpose, I have taken upon me to writ this simple short Treatise, hoping that it shall be able to persuade such as h●●e been, and yet do continued detractors and hinderers of this journey, (by reason perhaps that they have not deliberately and advisedly entered into the judgement of the matter) that ye● now upon better consideration they will become favourable furtherers of the same. And that such as are already well affected thereunto, will continued their good disposition: A reasonable ●eques●. And withal, I most humbly pray all such as are no ●igards of their purses in buying of costly and rich apparel, and liberal Contributors in setting forth of games, pastunes, feastings and banquets, (whereof the charge being past, there is no hope of public profit or commodity) that hence forth they will bestow and employ their liberality (heretofore that way expended) to the furtherance of these so commendable purposed proceed. And to this end have I taken pen in hand, as in conscience thereunto moved, desiring much rather, that of the great multitude which this Realm doth nourish, far better able to handle this matter than I myself am, it would have pleased some one of them to have undertaken the same. But seeing they are silent, and that it falls to my lot to put pen to the paper, I will endeavour myself, and do stand in good hope (though my skill and knowledge ●ee simple, yet through the assistance of almighty God) to prove that the Uoyage, lately enterprised for trade, traffic, and planting in America, is an action tending to the lawful enlargement of her majesties Dominions, The argument of the book. commodious to the whole Realm in general, profitable to the adventurers in particular, beneficial to the Savages, and a matter to be attained without any great danger or difficulty. And lastly, (which is most of all) A thing likewise tending to the honour and glory of Almighty God. And for that the lawfulness to plant in those Countries in some men's judgements seemeth very doubtful, I will begin the proof of the lawfulness of trade, traffic, and planting. The second Chapter showeth, that it is lawful and necessary to trade and traffic with the Savages: And to plant in their Countries: And divideth planting into two sorts. ANd first for traffic, I say that the Christians may lawfully travel into those Countries and abide there: whom the Savages may not justly impugn and forbid in respect of the mutual society and fellowship between man and man prescrided by the Law of Nations. For from the first beginning of the creation of the world, and from the renewing of the same after noah's flood, all men have agreed, that no violence should be offered to Ambassadors: That the Sea with his Havens should be common: That such as should fortune to be taken in war, should be servants or slaves: And that strangers should not be driven away from the place or Country whereunto they do come: If it were so then, I demand in what age, and by what Law is the same forbidden or denied since: For who doubteth but that it is lawful of Christians to use trade and traffic with Infidels or Savages, carrying thither such commodities as they want, and bringing from thence some part of their plenty: A thing so commonly and generally practised, both in these our days, and in times past, beyond the memory of man, both by Christians and Infidels, that it needeth no further proof. And for as much as the use of trade and traffic (be it never so profitable) aught not to be preferred before the planting of Christian faith: I will therefore somewhat entreat of planting, (without which, Christian Religion can take no root, be the Preachers never so careful and diligent) which I mean to divide into two sorts. The principal causes why this voyage is undertaken. The first, when Christians by the good liking and willing assent of the Savages, are admitted by them to quiet possession. The second, when Christians being unjustly repulsed, do seek to attain and maintain the right for which they do come. And though in regard of the establishment of Christian Religion, either of both may be lawfully and justly exercised: (Whereof many examples may be found, as well in the time of Moses and josua, and other Rulers before the birth of Christ, as of many virtuous Emperors and Kings since his incarnation:) ye● do I wish, that before the second be pu● in practice, a proof may be made of the first, saving that for their saf●●ie as well against the Savages, as all other foreign enemies, they should first wel● and strongly fortify themselves: which bring done, then by all fair speeches, and every other good means of persuasion to seek to ●●ke away all occasions of offence. As letting them to understand, how they came not to their hurt, but for their good, and to no other end, but to devil peaceably amongst them, and to trade and traffic with them for their own commodity, without molesting or gr●●uing them any way: which must not be 〈◊〉 by words only but also by deeds. For albeit, to maintain right and repel injury, be a just cause of war: y●● must there he●●of be heedful care had, that whereas the Savages be fearful by 〈◊〉, and fond otherwise, the Christians should do their best endeavour to take away such fear as may grow unto them by reason of their strange apparel, Armour, and weapon, or such like, by quiet and peaceable conversation, and ●etting them live in security, and keeping a measure of blameless defence, with as little discommodity to the Savages as may be: for this kind of war would be only defensive ●●d not offensive. And questionless there is great hope and likelihood, that by this kind of means we should bring to pass all effects to our desired purposes: Considering th●t all creatures, by constitution of nature, are rendered more tractable and easier won for all assays, by courtesy and mildness, th●● by cruelty or roughness: and therefore being a principle taught us by natural reason, it is first to be pu●●● ure. For albeit as yet the Christians are not so thoroughly ●urnished with the perfectness of their language, either to express their minds to them, or again to conceive the Savages intent: Y●t for the present opportunity, su●h policy may be used by friendly signs, and courteous tokens towards them, as the Savages may easily perceive (were their ●ences never so gross) an assured friendship to be offered them, and that they are encountered with such a ●ation, as brings them benefit, commodity, peace, tranquility and safety. To further this, and to accomplish it in deeds, there must be presented unto them gratis, some kinds of our petty marchan●izes and trifles: As looking glasses, Bells, Beads, Bracelets, Chains, or col●ers of Bugle, Crystal, Amber, ●et, or Glass etc. For such be the things, though to us of small value, yet accounted by them of high price and estimation: and soon will induce their Barbarous nature's to a liking and a mutual society with us. Moreover, it shall be requisite either by speech, if it be possible, either by some other certain means, to signify unto them, that once league of friendship with all loving conversation being admitted between the Christians and them: that then the Christians from thence forth will always be ready with force of Arms to assist and defend t●em in their just quarrels, from all invasions, spayles and oppressions offered them ●y any Tyrants, Adversaries, or their next borderers: and a benefit is so much the more to be esteemed, by how much the person upon whom it is bestowed standeth in need thereof. For it appeareth by the relation of a Countryman of ours, namely David Ingram, (who traveled in those country's ●i. Months and more) That the Savages generally for the most part, are at continual wars with their next adjoining neighbours, and especially the Cannibals, being a cruel kind of people, whose food is ma●● flesh, and h●ue teeth l●ke dogs, and do pursue them with ravenous minds to eat their flesh, and devour them. And it is not to be doubted, but that the Christians may in this case justly and lawfully aid the Savages against the Cannibals. So that it is very likely, that by this means we shall not only mightily stir and inflame their ●ude minds gladly to embrace the loving company of the Christians, proffering unto them both commodities, succour, and kindness: But also by their frank consents shall easily enjoy such competent quantity of Land, as every way shall be correspondent to the Christians expectation and contentation, considering the great abundance that they have of ●and, and how small account they make thereof, taking no other fruits thereby then such as the ground of itself doth ●●turally yield. And thus much concerning the first sort of planting, which as I assuredly hope, so I most hearty pray may take effect and place. The second kind of planting. But if after these good and fair means used, the Savages nevertheless will not be herewithal satisfied, but barbarously will go about to practise violence either in repelling the Christians from their Ports & safelandings, or in withstanding them afterwards to enjoy the rights for which both painfully and lawfully they have adventured themselves thither: Then in such a case I hold it no breach of equity for the Christians to defend themselves, to pursue revenge with force, and to do whatsoever is necessary for the a●te●●ing of their safety: For it is allowable by all Laws in such distresses, to resist violence with violence: And for their more security to increase their strength by building of Forts for avoiding the extremity of injurious dealing. Wherein if also they shall not be suffered in reasonable quietness to continued, there is no bar (as I judge) but that in stout assemblies the Christians may issue out, and by strong hand pursue their enemies, subdue them, take possession of their Towns, Cities, or Uillages, and (in avoiding murderous tyranny) to use the Law of Arms, as in like case among all Nations at this day is used: and most especially to the end they may with security hold their lawful possession, jest happily after the departure of the Christians, such Savages as have been converted, should afterwards through compulsion and enforcement of their wicked Rulers, return to their horrible idolatry (as did the children of Israel, after the decease of joshua) and continued their wicked custom of most unnatural sacrificing of human creatures. And in so doing, doubtless the Christians shall no whit at all transgress the bonds of equity or civility, forasmuch as in former ages, (yea, before the incarnation of Christ) the like hath been done by sundry Kings and Princes, Governors of the children of Israel: chief in respect to begin their planting, for the establishment of God's word: as also since the Nativity of Christ, mighty and puissant Emperors and Kings have performed the like, I say to plant, possess, and subdue. For proof whereof, I will allege you examples of both kinds. We read in the old Testament, how that after noah's flood was ceased, restoration of mankind began only of those few of noah's children and family as were by God preelected to be saved in the Ark with him, whose s●ede in process of time, was multiplied to infinite numbers of Nations, which in divers sorts divided themselves to sundry quarters of the earth. And forasmuch as all their posterity being mightily increased, followed not the perfect life of No their predecessor, God chose out of the multitude a peculiar people to himself, to whom afterwards being under the government of Moses in Mount Sinai, he made a grant to inherit the Land of Canaan, called the Land of promise, with all the other rich and fertile Countries next adjoining thereunto. Nevertheless, before they came to possession thereof, having been afflicted with many grievous punishments and plagues for their sins, they fallen in despair to enjoy the same. But being encouraged and comforted by their Rulers, (men of God) they proceeded, arming themselves with all patience, to suffer whatsoever it should please God to sand: and at last attaining to the Land, they were encountered with great numbers of strong people, and mighty Kings. josua 4. Notwithstanding, josua their Leader replenished with the Spirit of God, being assured of the justness of his quarrel, gathered the chief strength of the children of Israel together, to the number of 40000. with whom he safely passed huge river jordan, and having before sent privy spies for the discovery of the famous city jerico, josua 6. to understand the certainty of the Citizen's estate, he forthwith came thither, and environed it round about with his whole power the space of seven days. In which respite, perceiving none of the Gentiles disposed to yield or call for mercy, he then commanded (as God before had appointed) that both the city jerico should be burned, yea, and all the inhabitants, as well old as young, with all their cattle should be destroyed, only excepted Rahab, her kindred and family, because she before had hide secretly the messengers of josua, that were sent thither as spies. As for all their gold, silver, precious stones, or vessels of brass, they were reserved and consecrated to the Lords treasury. josua 8. In like manner he burned the city Hay, slay the inhabitants thereof, and hanged up their King. But for so much as the Gebionites (fearing the like event) sent Ambassadors unto josua to entreat for grace, savour, and peace: josua 9 he commanded that all their lives should be saved, and that they should be admitted to the company of the children of Israel. Yet understanding afterwards they wrought this by a policy, he used them as drudges to hew wood and to carry water, and other necessaries for his people. judg. 11.13. Thus began this valiant Captain his conquest, which he pursued and never left till he had subdued all the hittites, Amorites, Canaanites, Peresites, Hevites, and jebusites, with all their princes and Kings, being thirty and one in number, & divers other strange nations, besides whose lands & dominions he wholly divided among God's people. After that josua was deceased, juda was constituted Lord over the army, who receiving like charge from God, pursued the proceed of the holy captain josua, and utterly vanquished many Gentiles, Idolaters, and adversaries to the children of Israel, with all such Rulers or Kings as withstood him, and namely Adonibezek the most cruel tyrant: judg. 1. whose thumbs and great toes he caused to be cut off, for so much as he had done the like before unto seventy Kings, whom being his prisoners, he forced to gather up their victuals underneath his table. A good now for all Conquerors to be merciful. In this God showed his justice to revenge tyranny. We read likewise, that Gedeon a most puissant and noble warrior so behaved himself in following the worthy acts of josua and juda, judg. 6.7. that in short time he not only delivered the children of Israel from the hands of the multitude of the fierce Madianites, but also subdued them and their Tyrants, whose lands he caused God's people to possess and inherit. I could recite divers other places out of the Scripture, which aptly may be applied hereunto, were it not I do endeavour myself by all means to be brief. Now in like manner will I allege some few Inductions out of the authentical writings of the Ecclesiastical Historiographers, all tending to the like argument. And first to begin withal, we do trade: That after our Saviour jesus Christ had suffered his passion, the Apostles being inspired with the holy Ghost, and the knowledge of all strange languages, did immediately disperse themselves to sundry parts of the world, to the preaching of the Gospel. Yet not in so general a manner, but that there remained some far remote Countries unvisited by them, among the which it is reported that India the great, called the uttermost India, as yet had received no light of the word. Ruffinus lib. cap. 9 But it came to pass, that one Metrodorus a very learned and wise Philosopher in that age, being desirous to search our unknown lan●s, did first discover the same, finding it wonderful populous and rich, which upon his return being published, and for certain understood, there was another grave Philosopher of Tyrus called Meropius, being a Christian, who did resolve himself (following the example of Metrodorus) to travail thither, and in a short time assisted but with a few, in a small Uessel arrived there, having in his company two young youths, Edesius and Frumentius, whom (being his scholars) he had thoroughly instructed both in liberal Sciences, and christian Religion. Now after that Meropius some while staying there, had (as he thought) sufficient understanding of the Indians whose estate: He determined to departed, and to bring notice thereof unto the Emperor, whom he meant to exhort to the conquest of the same. But by misfortune he was prevented, for being in the midst of his course on the Sea homeward, a sore tempest arose, and perforce drove him back again, to an unknown Port of the said land: Me●opius sla●n●. where he by the most cruel barbarous Indians on the sudden was slain with all his company, except the two young scholars aforesaid, whom the barbarous Indians, by reason they were of comely stature and beautiful personages, took, and forthwith presented them to their King and Queen: Edesius and Frumen●ius preserved by the Indians. which both being very well liked of, the King courteously entreated, and ordained Edesius to be his Butler, and Frumentius his Secretary, and in few years by reason of their learning and civil government, they were had in great favour, honour, and estimation with the Princes. But the King departing this life, left the Queen his wife with her young son to govern, and gave free scope and liberty to the two Christians, at their best pleasure to pass to their native soils, allowing them all necessaries for the same. Yet the Queen who highly favoured them was very sorrowful they should departed, and therefore most earnestly entreated them to tarry and assist her in the government of her people, till such time as her young son grew to ripe years, which request they fulfilled. And Frumentius excelling Edesius far in all wisdom, Frumentius in great favour with that Queen of the Indian's. ruled both the Queen and her subjects at his discretion, whereby he took occasion to put in practice privily, that the foundation of Christian religion might be planted in the hearts of such as with whom he thought his persuasion might best prevail, and that soon would give ear unto him: which being brought to pass accordingly, he then with his fellow Edesius took leave of the Queen to return to his native country. And so soon as he was arrived there, he revealed to the Emperor Constantine, the effect of all those events: another great work of God begun by a man of me●n● birth. who both commending his deeds and wholly allowing thereof, by the advise and good liking of Athanasius then Bishop of Alexandria, did arm and set forth a convenient power for the aid of Frumentius, in this his so godly a purpose. And by this means came the Emperor afterwards by fair promises, and by force of arms together, unto the possession of all the Indians country. The author of this story Ruffinus received the truth hereof from the very mouth of Edesius companion to Frumentius. Ruffinu● the Author of this story eusebian his ecclesiastical History testifieth how that Con●tantine the great did enlarge his do●inions b● subduing of Infidels and Idolatrous nations. Moreover Eusebius in his History Ecclesiastical in precise terms, and in divers places maketh mention how Constantine the great not only enlarged his Empire by the subduing of his next neighbours, but also endeavoured by all means to subject all such remote Barbarous and Heathen nations, as then inhabited the four quatres of the world. For (as it is written) the Emperor thoroughly aided with a puissant army of valiant soldiers whom he had before persuaded to Christian religion, in proper person himself came even unto this our country of England, then called the Island of Britain's, bending from him full West, which he wholly conquered, made tributary, and settled therein Christian faith, and left behind him such Rulers thereof, as to his wisdom seemed best. Eusebius lib. 1. de vita Constant. cap. 4. e● cap. 9 Euseb. e●d. lib. ●ap. ●9. From thence he turned his force towards the North coast of the world, and there utterly subdued the rude and cruel Nation of the Scythians, whereof part by friendly persuasions; part by main strength, he reduced the whole to Christian faith. Afterwards he determined with himself to search out what strange people inhabited in the uttermost parts of the South. And with great hazard and labour, making his journey thither, at last become victor over them all, even to the country of the Blemmyans, and the remote AEthiopians, that now are the people of Presbyter john, who yet till this day continued and bear the name of Christians. In the East likewise, what Nation soever at that time he could have notice of, he easily won and brought in subjection to the Empire. So that to conclude, there was no region in any part of the world, the inhabitants whereof being Gentiles, though unknown unto him, but in time he overcame and vanquished. This worthy beginning of Constantine, doth his sons succeeding his ●o●me, and also divers other Emperors afterward to their uttermost endeavour followed and continued, which all the books of Eusebius more at large set forth. ●●eo●o●●●. in eccle lib. 5. cap. ●●. Theodoretus likewise in his Ecclesiastical history maketh mention how Theodosius the virtuous Emperor employed earnestly all his time, as well in conquering the Gentiles to the knowledge of the holy Gospel, utterly subverting their profane Temples and abominable Idolatry, as also in extinguishing of such usurping tyrants as with Paganism withstood the planting of Christian religion. After whose decease his sons Honorius and Arcadius were created Emperors, Theodoretus cap. 26. eodem 〈◊〉 the one of the East, the other of the West, who with all stout godliness most carefully imitated the fore steps of their Father, either in enlarging their territories, or increasing the christian flock. Moreover, it is reported by the said authors that Theodosius junior the Emperor, no whit inferior in virtuous life to any of the above named Princes, with great study and zeal pursued and pronsecuted the Gentiles, subdued their tyrants and countries, and utterly destroyed all their idolatry, converting their souls to acknowledge their only Messiah and Creator, and their Countries to the enlargement of the Empire. To be brief, who so listeth to read Eusebius Pamphilus, Socrates Scholasticus, Theodoritus, Hermia, Sozomen, and Euagrius Scholasticus, which all were most sage Ecclesiastical writers, shall find great store of examples of the worthy lives of sundry Emperors, tending all to the confirmation of my former speeches. And for like examples of later time; (yea even in the memory of man) I shall not need to recite any other than the conquest made of the West and East Indies by the Kings of Spain and Portugal, whereof there is particular mention made in the last Chapter of this book. Herein have I used more copy of examples then otherwise I would have done, saving that I have been in place, where this manner of planting the Christian faith hath been thought of some to be scarce lawful, yea, such as do take upon them to be more then meanly learned. To these examples could I join many more, but whosoever is not satisfied with these few, may satisfy himself in reading at large the Authors last above recited. Thus have I (as I trust) proved that we may justly trade and traffic with the Savages, and lawfully plant and inhabit their Countries. The third Chapter doth show the lawful title which the Queen's most excellent Majesty hath unto those Countries, which through the aid of Almighty God are meant to be inhabited. 1170. Owen Gwyneth was then Prince of North-wales. Nullum ●em●us 〈◊〉 Regi. ANd it is very evident that the planting there shall in time right amply enlarge her majesties Territories and Dominions, or (I might rather say) restore her to her highness ancient right and interest in those Countries, into the which a noble and worthy parsonage, lineally descended from the blood royal, born in Wales, named Madockap Owen Gwyneth, departing from the coast of England, about the year of our Lord God 1170. arrived and there planted himself and his Colonies, and afterward returned himself into England, leaving certain of his people there, as appeareth in an ancient Welsh Chronicle, where he than gave to certain islands, This Island was discovered by Sir Humphrey and his company in this h●● journey beasts, and fowls sundry Welsh names, as the Island of Pengwin, which yet to this day beareth the same. There is likewise a foul in the said countries called by the same name at this day, and is as much to say in English, as Whitehead, and in truth the said fowls have white heads. There is also in those countries a fruit called Gwynethes which is likewise a Welsh word. Moreover, there are divers other Welsh words at this day in use, as David Ingram aforesaid reporteth in his relations. All which most strongly argueth, the said prince with his people to have inhabite● there. And the same in effect is confirmed by Mutezuma that mighty Emperor of Mexico, who in an Oration unto his subjects the better pacifying of them, made in the presence of Hernando Cortes used these speeches following. MY kinsmen, friends, and servants, Mutezuma hi● Oration to his subjects in presence of Hernando Cortes, which Oration was made about the year 152● you do well know that eighteen years I have been your King, as my fathers and grandfathers were, and always I have been unto you a loving Prince, and you unto me good and obedient subjects, and so I hope you will remain unto me all the days of my life. You aught to have in remembrance, that either you have herded of your fathers, or else our divines have instructed you, that we are not naturally of this country, nor yet our kingdom is durable, because our sorefathers came from a far country, and their King and Captain, who brought them hither, returned again to his natural Country, saying that he would sand such as should rule and govern us, if by chance he himself returned not, & c● These be the very words of Mutezuma set down in the Spanish Chronicles, the which being thoroughly considered, because they have relation to some strange noble person, who long before had possessed those countries, do all sufficiently argue the undoubted title of her Majesty: forasmuch as no other Nation can truly by any Chronicles they can find, make prescription of time for themselves, before the time of this Prince Madoc. Besides all this, for further proof of her highness title since the arrival of this noble Briton into those parts (that is to say) in the time of the Queen's grandfather of worthy memory, King Henry the seventh, Letters patents were by his Majesty granted to joha Cabota an Italiau, to Lewis, Sebastian and Sancius his three sons, to discover remote, barbarous and heathen Countries, which discovery was afterwards executed to the use of the Crown of England, in the said King's time, by Sebastian and Sancius his sons, who were born here in England: M. Oliver Dalbony. M. Edward Reow. M.R.H. M.I.A. in true testimony whereof there is a fair haven in Newfoundland, known, and called until this day by the name of Sancius haven, which proveth that they first discovered upon that coast from the height of 63 unto the cape of Florida, as appeareth in the Decades. And this may stand for another title to her Majesty: but any of the foresaid titles is as much or more than any other Christian Prince can pretend to the Indies, before such time as they had actual possession thereof, obtained by the discovery of Christopher Columbus, and the conquest of Vasques Nuns de Balboa, Hernando Cortes, Francisco Pizarro, and others. And therefore I think it needless to writ any more touching the lawfulness of her majesties title. The fourth chapter showeth how that the trade, traffic, and planting in those countries, is likely to prove very profitable to the whole realm in general. NOw to show how the same is likely to prove very profitable and beneficial generally to the whole realm: it is very certain, that the greatest jewel of this realm, and the chiefest strength and force of the same, for defence or offence in marshal matter and manner, is the multitude of ships, masters and mariners, ready to assist the most stately and royal navy of her Majesty, which by reason of this voyage shall have both increase and maintenance. And it is well known that in sundry places of this realm ships have been built and set forth of late days, for the trade of fishing only: Cox the m●●ster. yet notwithstanding the fish which is taken and brought into England by the English navy of fishermen, will not suffice for the expense of this realm four months, if there were none else brought of strangers. And the chiefest cause why our English men do not go so far Westerly as the especial fishing places do lie, both for plenty and greatness of fish, is for that they have no succour and known safe harbour in those parts. But if our nation were once planted there, or near there abouts; whereas they now fish but for two months in the year, they might then fish so long as pleased themselves, or rather at their coming find such plenty of fish ready taken, salted, and dried, as might be sufficient to fraught them home without long delay (God granting that salt may be found there) whereof David Ingram (who traveled in those countries as aforesaid) saith that there is great plenty: and withal the climate doth give great hope, that though there were none naturally growing, yet it might as well be made there by art, as it is both at Rochel and Bayon, or elsewhere. Which being brought to pass, shall increase the number of our ships and mariners, were it but in respect of fishing only: but much more in regard of the sundry merchandizes and commodities which are there found, and had in great abundance. Moreover, it is well known that all Savages, as well chose that devil in the South, as those that devil in the North, so soon as they shall begin but a little to taste of civility, will take marvelous delight in any garment, be it never so simple; as a shirt, a blue, yellow, read, or green cotton cassock, a cap, or such like, and will take incredible pains for such a trifle. Clothi●●s. Woolm●n, Carders. Spectres, Weauers● Fi●lers● Sheerme●. Diers. D●ape●●. Cappers. Ya●●rs, etc. and many decayed towns reported. For I myself have herded this report made sundry times by divers of our countrymen, who have dwelled in the Southerly parts of the West Indies, some twelve years together, and some of less time; that the people in those parts are easily reduced to civility both in manners and garments. Which being so, what vent for our English clotheses will thereby ensue, and how great benefit to all such people and artificers, whose names are quoted in the margin, I do leave to the judgement of such as are discreet. And questionless, hereby it will also come to pass, that all such towns and villages as both have been, and now are utterly decayed and ruinated (the poor people there of being not set on work, by reason of the transportation of raw wool of late days more excessively then in times past) shall by this means be restored to their pristinate wealth and estate: all which do likewise tend to the enlargement of our navy, and maintenance of our navigation. To what end need I endeavour myself by arguments to prove that by this voyage our navy and navigation shallbe enlarged, when as there needeth none other reason then the manifest & late example of the near neighbours to this realm, the kings of Spain and Portugal, who since the first discovery of the Indies, have not only mightily enlarged their dominions, greatly enriched themselves and their subjects: but have also by just account trebled the number of their ships, masters and mariners, a matter of no small moment and importance? The idle people of this realm shall by occasion of this journey he well employed a set on work. Besides this, it will prove a general benefit unto our country, that through this occasion, not only a great number of men which d● now live idly at home, and are burdenous, chargeable, & unprofitable to this realm, shall hereby be set on work, but also children of twelve or fourteen years of age, or under, may be kept from idleness, in making of a thousand kinds of trifling things, which will be good merchandise for that country. And moreover, our idle women (which the Realm may well spare) shall also be employed on plucking, drying, and sorting of feathers, in pulling, beating, and working of hemp, and in gathering of cotton, and divers things right necessary for dying. All which things are to be found in those countries most plentifully. ●empe doth grow near S. Laurence river naturally. And the men may employ themselves in dragging for pearl, working for mines, and in matters of husbandry, and likewise in hunting the Whale for Trane, and making casks to put the same in: besides in fishing for cod, salmon, and herring, drying salting and barrelling the same, and felling of trees, hewing and sawing of them, and such like work, meet for those people that are no men of Art or science. Many other things may be found to the great relief and good employments of no small number of the natural Subjects of this Realm, which do now live here idly to the common annoy of the whole state. Neither may I here omit the great hope and likelihood of a passage beyond the Grand Bay into the South Seas, Head the beginning of the book entitled, divers voyages touching the discovery of America. confirmed by sundry authors to be found leading to Cataia, the Moluccas and Spiceries, whereby may ensue as general a benefit to the Realm, or greater then yet hath been spoken of, without either such charges, or other inconveniences, as by the tedious tract of time and peril, which the ordinary passage to those parts at this day doth minister. And to conclude this argument withal, it is well known to all men of sound judgement, that this voyage is of greater importance, and will be found more beneficial to our country, than all other voyages at this day in use and trade amongst us. The fift chapter showeth, that the trading and planting in those countries is likely to prove to the particular profit o● all adventurers. I Must now according to my promise show forth some probable reasons that the adventurers in this journey are to take particular profit by the same. It is therefore convenient that I do divide the adventurers into two sorts: the noblemen and gentlemen by themselves, and the Merchants by themselves. For, as I do hear, it is meant that there shall be one society of the Noblemen and Gentlemen, and another society of the merchants. And yet not so divided, but that each society may freely and frankly trade and traffic one with the other. And first to bend my speech to the noblemen and gentlemen, who do chief seek a temperate climate, wholesome air, fertile soil, and a strong place by nature whereupon they may fortifie● and there either plant themselves, or such other people as they shall think good to sand to be lords of that place and country: to them I say, that all these things are very easy to be found within the degrees of 30 and 60 aforesaid, either by South or North, both in the Continent, and in Islands thereunto adjoining at their choice: but the degree certain of the elevation of the pole, and the very climate where these places of force and fertility are to be found, I omit to make public, for such regard as the wiser sort can easily conjecture: the rather because I do certainly understand, that some of those which have the managing of this matter, know it as well or better than I myself, and do mean to reveal the same, when cause shall require, to such people whom it shall concern, and to no other: so that they may seat & settle themselves in such climate as shall best agreed with their own nature, disposition, and good liking: and in the whole tract of that land● by the description of as many as have been there, great plenty of mineral matter of all sorts, and ●n very many places, both stones of price, pearl and crystal, and great store of beasts, birds, and souls both for pleasure and necessary use of man are to be found. And for such as take delight in hunting, Beasts for pleasure there are Stags, Wild bores, Foxes, Hares, Coneys, Badgers, Otters, and rivers other such like for pleasure. Also for such as have delight in hawking, there are hawks of sundry kinds, and great store of game, both for land and river, as Fezants, Partridges, Cranes, Heronshawes, Ducks, Mallards', and such like. There is also a kind of beast much bigger than an Ore, whose hide is more than eighteen fort long, of which sort a countryman of ours, one Walker a sea man, who was upon that coast, did for a truth report in the presence of divers honourable and worshipful people, that he and his company did find in one cottage above two hundred and forty hides, which they brought away and sold in France for sortie shillings an hide: and with this agreeth David Ingram, Given 〈◊〉 for forty shillings a piece and describeth that beast at large, supposing it to be a certain kind of Buff; there are likewise beasts and fowls of divers kinds, which I omit for brevities sake, great store of fish both in the salt water and in the fresh, plenty of grapes as big as a man's thumb, and the most delicate wine of the Palm tree, Great grapes Wine of the Palm tree of which wine there be divers of good credit in this realm that have tasted: and there is also a kind of grain called Ma●●, Potato roots, and sundry other first-fruits naturally growing there: so that after such time ●s they are once settled, they shall need to take no great care for victual. And now for the better contentation and satisfaction of such worshipful, honest minded, and well disposed Merchants, as have a desire to the furtherance of every good and commendable action. I will first say unto them, as I have done before to the Noblemen and Gentlemen, that within the degrees abovesaid, is doubtless to be found the most wholesome and best temperature of air, fertility of soil, and every other commodity or merchandise, for the which, with to small peril we do travel into Barbary, Spain, Portugal, France, Italy, Moscovie and Eastland. All which may be either presently had, or at the lest wise in very short time procured from thence with less danger than now we have them. And yet to the end my argument shall not altogether stand upon likelihoods and presumptions, I say that such people as have discovered and traveled those parets, do testify that they have found in those countries all these things following, namely: Of beasts for fur: ● Marterns. Beavers. Foxes, black and white. Leopards. Of worms. Silk worms great & large Of Birds. Hawks. Bi●ters. Curlewes. Herons. Partridges● Cranes● Mallards'. Wild geese. Stock dooves. Margaus Black birds Parrots. Pengwins. Of Fish. Codde● Salmon. seals. Herrings. Of Trees. Palm trees yielding sweet wines. Cedars. Firres. Sassafras Oak. Elm. Poplet. And sundry other strange Trees, to us unknown. Of fruits. Grapes very large. Muskemellons. Lemons. Dates great. Oranges. Figs. Prunes. Raisins great and small. Pepper. Almonds● Citrons. Of Metals. Gold. Silver Copper, Led. Tin. Of Stones. Turkeys. Rubies. Pearls great & fair. Marble, of divers kinds. jasper. Crystal. Sundry other commodities of all sorts. Rosen. Pitch. Tar. Turpentine. Frankincense. Honey. Wax. Rhubarb. Oil Olive. Train oil. Musk cod. Sale● Tallow. Hides. Hemp. Flaxe● Cochenello & dyes of divers sorts. Feathers of sundry sorts, as for pleasure and filling of Featherbeds. And seeing that for small costs, the truth of these things may be understood (whereof this intended supply will give us more certain assurance) I do find no cause to the contrary, but that all well minded people should be willing to adventure some competent portion for the furtherance of so good an enterprise. Now for the trial hereof, considering that in the articles of the society of the adventurers in this voyage, there is provision made, that no adventurer shall be bond to any further charge than his first adventure: and yet notwithstanding keep still to himself his children, his apprentices and servants, his and their freedom for trade and traffic, which is a privilege that adventurers in other voyages have not: and in the said articles it is like wise provided, that none other than such as have adventured in the first voyage, or shall become adventurers in this supply, at any time hereafter are to be admitted in the said society, but as redemptionaries, which will b● very chargeable: therefore generally I say unto all such according to the old proverb, Nothing venture, nothing have. For if it do so fall out, according to the great hope and expectation had, (as by God's grace it will) the gain which now they reepe by traffic into other far countries, shall by this trade return with less charge, greater gain, and more safety: Less charge, I say, by reason of the ample and large deep rivers at the very bank, whereof there are many, whereby both easily and quietly they may transport from the innermost parts of the main land, all kind of merchandise, yea in vessels of great burden, and that three times, or twice in the year at the lest. But let us omit all presumptions how vehement soever, and dwell upon the certainty of such commodities as were discovered by S. Humphrey Gilbert, & his assistants in Newfound land in August last. Commodities found in August last. For there may be very easily made Pitch, Tar, Rosen, Soap ashes, in great plenty, yea, as it is thought, though to serve the whole realm of every of these kinds: And of Train oil such quantity, as if I should set down the value that they do esteem it at, which have been there, it would seem incredible. It is hereby intended, that these commodities in this abundant manner, are not to be gathered from thence, without planting and settling there. And as for other things of more value, and that of more sorts and kinds then one or two (which were likewise discovered there) I do hold them for some respects, more meet for a time to be concealed then uttered. Of the fishing I do speak nothing, because it is generally known: and it is not to be forgotten, what trifles they be that the Savages do require in exchange of these commodities: yea, for pearl, gold, silver, and precious stones. All which are matters in trade and traffic of great moment. But admit that it should so fall out, that the above specified commodities shall not happily be found out within this first year: Yet it is very clear that such and so many may be ●ound out as shall minister just occasion to think all cost and labour well bestowed. For it is very certain, that there is one seat fit for fortification, of great safety, wherein these commodities following, especially are to be had, that is to say, Grapes for wine, Whales for oil, Hemp for cordage, and other necessary things, and fish of far greater size and plenty, then that of Newfound land, and of all these so great store, as may suffice to serve our whole realm. Besides all this, if credit may be given to the inhabitants of the same soil●, a certain river doth thereunto adjoin, which leadeth to a place abounding with rich substance: I do not hereby mean the passage to the Moluccaes, whereof before I made mention. And it is not to be omitted, how that about two years past, certain merchants of S. Malo in France, did hire a ship out of the Island of jersey, to the end that they would keep that trade secret from their Countrymen, and they would admit no mariner, other than the ship boy belonging to the said ship, to go with them, which ship was about 70. tu●●e. I do know the ship and the boy very well, and am familiarly acquainted with the owner, which voyage proved very beneficially To conclude, this which is already said, may suffice any man of reasonable disposition to serve for a taste, until such time as it shall please almighty God through our own industry, to sand us better tidings. In the mean season, if any man well affected to this journey, shall stand in doubt of any matter of importance touching the same, he may satisfy himself with the judgement and ●iking of such of good calling and credit, as are principal dealers herein. For it is not necessary in this treatise, publicly to set forth the whole secrets of the voyage. The sixt Chapter showeth that the traffic and planting in those countries, shall be unto the Savages themselves very beneficial and gainful. NOw to the end it may appear that this voyage is not undertaken altogether for the peculiar commodity of ourselves and our country (as generally other trades and journeys be) it shall fall out in proof, that the Savages shall hereby have just cause to bless the hour when this enterprise was undertaken. First and chief, in respect of the most happy and gladsome tidings of the most glorious Gospel of our Saviour jesus Christ, whereby they may be brought from falsehood to truth, from darkness to light, from the high way of death to the path of life, from superstitious idolatry to sincere Christianity, from the devil to Christ, from hell to heaven. And if in respect of all the commodities they can yield us (were they many more) that they should but receive this only benefit of Christianity, they were more then fully recompensed. But hereunto it may be objected, that the Gospel must be freely preached, ●or such was the example of the Apostles: unto whom although the authorities and examples before alleged of Emperors, Kings and Princes, aswell before Christ's time as since, might sufficiently satisfy: yet for further answer, we may say with S. Paul, 1. 〈…〉. If we have sown unto you heavenly things, do you think it much that we should reap your carnal things? And withal, The workman is worthy of his hire. These heavenly tidings which those labourers our countrymen (as messengers of Gods great goodness and mercy) will voluntarily present unto them, do far exceed their earthly riches. Moreover, if the other inferior worldly and temporal things which they shall receive from us, be weighed in equal balance, I assure myself, that by equal judgement of any indifferent person, the benefits which they then receive, shall far surmount those which they shall departed withal unto us. And admit that they had (as they have not) the knowledge to put their land to some use: yet being brought from brutish ignorance to civility and knowledge, and made then to understand how the tenth part of their Land may be so manured and employed, as it may yield more commodities to the necessary use of man's life, than the whole now doth: What just cause of complaint may they have? And in my private opinion, I do verily think that God did created land, to the end that it should by culture and husbandry yield things necessary for man's life. But this is not all the benefit which they shall receive by the Christians: for, ever and beside the knowledge how to till and dress their grounds, they shall be reduced from unseemly customs to honest manners, from disordered riotous routs and companies to a well governed common wealth, and withal, shallbe taught mechanical occupations, arts, and liberal sciences: This ●●arge● cannot be unjust, where both parties are gainers. and which standeth them most upon, they shallbe defended from the cruelty of their tyrannical and blood sucking neighbours the Cannibals, whereby infinite number of their lives shallbe pre●erued. And lastly, by this means many of their poor innocent children shall be preserved from the bloody knife of the sacrificer, a most horrible and detestable custom in the sight of God and man, now and ever heretofore used amongst them. Many other things could I here allege to this purpose, were it not that I do fear jest I have already more than half tired the reader. The seventh Chapter showeth that the planting there, is not a matter of such charge or difficulty, as many would make it seem to be. NOw therefore for proof, that the planting in these parts is a thing that may be done without the aid of the Prince's power and purse, contrary to the allegation of many malicious people, who w●l neither be actors in any good action themselves, nor so much as afford a good word to the setting forward thereof: and that worse is, they will take upon them to make mo●e hills seem mountains, and fly's elephants, to the end they may discourage others, that be very well or iudifferently affected to the matter, being like unto Esop's dog, which neither would eat Hay himself, nor suffer the poor hungry ass to feeds thereou: I say and affirm that God hath provided such means for the furtherance of this enterprise, as do stand us in stead of great treasure: for first by reason that it hath pleased God of his great goodness, of long time to hold his merciful hand over this realm, in preserving the people of the same, bath from slaughter by the sword, and great death by plague, pestilence, or otherwise, there are at this day great numbers (God he knoweth) which live in such penury & want, as they could be contented to hazard their lives, and to serve one year for meat, drink and apparel only, without wages, in hope thereby to amend their estates: which is a matter in such like journeys, of no small charge to the prince. Moreover, things in the like iournyes of greatest price and cost, as victual (whereof there is great plenty to be had in that country without money) and powder, great artillery, or corselets are not needful in so plentiful and chargeable manner, as the show of such a journey may present: for a small quantity of all these, to furnish the Fort only, will suffice until such time as divers commodities may be found out in those parts, which may be thought well worthy a greater charge. Also the peculiar benefit of archers which God hath blessed this land withal before all other nations, will stand us in great stead amongst those naked people. Another help we have also, which in such like cases is a matter of marvelous cost, and will be in this journey procured very easily (that is to say) To transport yearly aswell our people, as all other necessaries needful for them into those parts by the fleet of merchants, that yearly venture for fish in Newfound land, being not far distant from the country meant to be inhabited, who commonly go with empty vessels in effect, saving some little freight with salt. And thus it appeareth that the soldiers wages, and the transportation may be defrayed for far less sums of money then the detractors of this enterprise have given out. Again, this intended voyage for conquest, hath in like manner many other singular privileges wherewith God hath, as it were, with his holy hand blessed the same before all others. For after once we are departed the coast of England, we may pass straightway thither, without danger of being driven into any the countries of our enemies, or doubtful friends: for commonly one wind serveth to bring us thither, which seldom faileth from the middle of januarie to the middle of May, a benefit which the mariners make great account of, for it is a pleasure that they have in few or none of other journeys. Also the passage is short, for we may go thither in thirty or forty days at the most, having but au indifferent wind, and return continually in twenty or four and twenty days at the most. And in the same our journey, by reason it is in the Ocean, and quite out of the way from the intercourse of other countries, we may safely trade and traffic without peril of piracy: neither shall one ships, people, or goods there, be subject to arrest or molestation of any Pagan potentate's Turkish tyrant, yea, or Christian prince, which heretofore sometimes upon slender occasion in other parts have stayed our ships and merchandizes, whereby great numbers of our countrymen have been utterly undone, divers put to ransom, yea, and some lost their lives: a thing so fresh in memory as it needeth no proof, and is well worthy of consideration. Besides, in this voyage we do not cross the burned line, whereby commonly both beverage and victual are corrupted, and men's health very much impaired, neither do we pass the frozen seas, which yield sundry extreme dangers: but have a temperate climate at all times of the year, to serve our turns. And lastly, there need no delays by the way for taking in of fresh water and fuel, (a thing usually done in long journeys) because, as I said above, the voyage is not long, and the fresh waters taken in there, our men here in England at their return home have found so wholesome and sweet, that they have made choice to drink it before our beer and ale. Behold here, good countrymen, the manifold benefits, commodities and pleasures heretofore unknown, by God's especial blessing not only revealed unto us, but also as it were infused into our bosoms, who though hitherto like dormice have stumbered in ignorance thereof, being like the cats that are loath for their prey to wet their feet: yet if now therefore at the last we would awake, and with willing minds (setting frivolous imaginations aside) become industrious instruments to ourselves, questionless we should not only hereby set forth the glory of our heavenly father, but also easily attain to the end of all good purposes that may be wished or desired. And may it not much encourage us to hope for good success in the country of these Savages, being a naked kind of people, void of the knowledge of the discipline of war, seeing that a noble man, being but a subject in this realm (in the time of our king Henry the second) by name Strangbow, than earl of Chepstow in South Wales, by himself and his allies and assistants, at their own proper charges passed over into Ireland, and there made conquest of the now country, and then kingdom of Lynester, at which time it was very populous and strong, which History our own chronicles do witness? And why should we be dismayed more than were the Spaniards, who have been able within these few years to conquer, possess and enjoy so large a trace of the earth, in the West Indies, as is between the two tropikes of Cancer and Capricorn, not only in the main firm land of America, which is 47. degrees in latitude from South to North, and doth contain 2820. English miles at the lest, that the king of Spain hath there in actual possession, besides many goodly and rich Islands, as Hispaniola, now called S. Domingo, Cuba, jamaica, and divers other, which are both beautiful and full of treasure, not speaking any whit at all, how large the said land is from East to West, which in some places is accounted to be 1500. English miles at the lest from East to West, between the one Sea and the other. Or why should our noble nation be dismayed, ● Decad lib. ●. fol. 77. of the West Indies in English. more than was Vasques Nuns de Valboa, a private gentleman of Spain, who with the number of 70. Spaniards at Tichiri, gave an overthrow unto that mighty king Chemacchus, having an army of an hundred Canoas' and 5000. men, and the said Vasques Nuns not long after, Canoa is a kind of boat ●. Decad lib. ●. fol 97. with his small number, did put to flight king Chiapes his whole army. Likewise Hernando Cortes, About the year of our Lord 1511. being also but a private gentleman of Spain, after his departure from the Islands of Cuba and Acuz●●il, and entering into the firm of America, had many most victorious & triumphant conquests, as that at Cyntla, where being accompanied with less than 500 Spanish footmen, thirteen horsemen, and six pieces of Ordinance only, he overthrew 40000. Indians. Conquest at the West Indies. fol. 43. and 45. English. The same Cortes with his said number of Spaniards, took prisoner that mighty Emperor Mutez●ma in his most chief and famous city of Mexico, which at that instant had in it above the number of 50000. Indians at the lest, and in short time after obtained not only the quiet possession of the said city, but also of his whole Empire. And in like manner in the Country of Peru, which the king of Spain hath now in actual possession, Francisco Pysarro, with the only aid of Diego de Almagro, and Hernando Luche, being all three but private gentlemen, was the principal person that first attempted discovery and conquest of the large and rich country of Peru, which through the aid of the almighty, he brought to pass and achieved in the Tambo of Caxamalca, (which is a large place of ground, enclosed with walls) in which place he took the great and mighty prince Atabalipa prisoner, A marvelous victory. amid the number of 60000. Indians his subjects, which were ever before that day accounted to be a warlike kind of people, which his great victory it pleased God to grant unto him in the year of our Lord God 1533. he not having in his company above the number of 210. Spaniards, whereof there were not passed threescore horsemen in all: after the taking of which prince Atabalipa, he offered unto Pyzarro for his ransom, to fill a great large hall full of gold and silver, and such gold and silver vessels as they then used, even as high as a man might reach with his arm. And the said prince caused the same hall to be marked round about at the said height, which ransom Pyzarro granted to accept. And after, when as this mighty prince had sent to his vassals & subjects to bring in gold and silver for the filling of the hall, as aforesaid, as namely to the cities or towns of Quito, Paciacama and Cusco, as also to the Calao of Lima, in which town, as their own writers do affirm, they found a large and fair house, all slated and covered with gold: and when as the said hall was not yet a quarter full, a mutiny arose amongst the Spaniards, in which it was commonly given out, that the said prince had politicly offered this great ransom under pretence to raise a much more mighty power, whereby the Spaniards should be taken, slain and overthrown: whereupon they grew to this resolution, to put the said prince to death, and to make partition of the gold and silver already brought in, which they presently put in execution. And coming to make perfect Inueutorie of the same, as well for the Emperor than king of Spain, his fift part, as otherwise, there was found to be already brought in into the said hall, the number of 132425. pound weight of silver, and in gold the number of 1828125. pesoes, which was a riches never before that nor since seen of any man together, of which there did appertain to the Emperor for his fift part of gold 365625. pesoes, and for his fift part of silver 26485. pound weight, and to every horseman eight thousand pesoes of gold, and 67. pound weight of silver. Every soldier had 4550. pesoes of gold, and 280. pound weight of silver. Every Captain had some 30000. some 20000. pesoes of gold and silver, proportionally answerable to their degrees and calling, according to the rate agreed upon amongst them. Francis Pizarro as their general, according to his decree and calling proportionally, had more than any of the rest, over and besides the massy table of gold which Atabalipa had in his Litter, which weighed 25000. pesoes of gold: never were there before that day soldiers so rich in so small a time, and with so little danger. And in this journey for want of iron; they did shoe their horses, some with gold, and some with silver. This is to be seen in the general history of the West Indies, where as the doings of Pizarro, and the conquest of Peru is more at large setforth. To this may I add the great discoveries and conquests which the princes of Portugal have made round about the West, the South, and the East parts of Africa, and also at Calicut, and in the East Indies, and in America, at Brasile and elsewhere in sundry Islands, in fortifying, peopling and planting all along the said coasts and Islands, ever as they discovered: which being rightly weighed and considered, doth minister just cause of encouragement to our Countrymen, not to accounted it so hard and difficult a thing for the subjects of this noble realm of England, to discover, people, plant and possess the like goodly lands and rich countries not far from us, but near adjoining & offering themselves unto us (as is aforesaid) which have never yet heretofore been in the actual possession of any other Christian prince, than the princes of this Realm. All which (as I think) should not a little animate and encourage us to look out and adventure abroad, understanding what large Countries and Islands the Portugals with their small number have within these few years discovered, peopled and planted, some part whereof I have thought it not amiss, briefly in particular to name both the Towns, Countries & Islands, so near as I could upon the sudden call them to remembrance: for the rest I do refer the Reader to the histories, where more at large the same is to be seen. First, they did win and conquer from the princes of Barbary the Island of Geisera & town of Arzala, not past an 140. mile distant from their Metropolitan & chief city of Fess●: and after that they won also from the said princes the towns of Tanger, Ceuta, Mazigam, Azamor, and Azaffi, all alongst the Sea coasts. And in the year of our Lord, 1455. Alovis de Cadomosta a Gentleman Venetian, was he that first discovered for their use Cape Verd, with the Islands adjoining, of which he then peopled and planted those of Bonavista and Sant jago discovering also the river Senega, otherwise called Niger, and Cape Roxo & Sierra Leone, and in a few years after they did discover the coast of Guinea, and there peopled and built the castleof Mina: then discovered they further to the countries of Melegetres, Benin, and Congo, with the islands of Principe, da Nobon, S. Matthew, and S. Thomas under the Equinoctial line, which they propled, and built in the said Island of S. Thomas the haven town or port of Pavosan. After that, about the year of our Lord, 1494. one Bartholomew Dias was sent forth, who was the first man that discovered and doubled that great and large Cape called de Bon Esperanze, & passing the currents that run upon the said coast, on the Southeast part of Africa, between the said main land & the Island of S. Laurence, otherwise called of the ancients, Madagascar, he discovered to the harbour named the River of the Infant. After that since the year of our Lord God, 1497. and before the full accomplishment of the year of Christ, 1510. through the travails and discoveries of Vasques de Gama, Peter Aluares, Thomas Lopes, Andrew Corsalc, john de Empoli, Peter Sintra, Sancho de Toar, and that noble and worthy gentleman Alonso de Albuquerque, they did discover, people, and plant at Ceffala, being upon the East side of Africa, in the twenty degrees of latitude of the south Pole, and direct West from the Island of S. Laurence (at which port of Ceffala, Ceffala accounted to be the place where the noble and wise king Solomon did fetch his gold. divers do affirm that king Solomon did fetch his gold) as also upon the said East side of Africa, they did afterward discover, people, and plant at Mozambique, Quiol●, Monbaza and Melinde, two degrees of Southerly latitude, and so up to the straight of Babel-Mandell at the entering of the read sea, all upon the East coast of Africa, from whence they put off at the Cape of Guarda Furio, and past the great gulf of Arabia, and the Indian Sea East to Sinus Persicus, and the Island of Ormus, and so passing the large and great river Indus, where he hath his fall into the main Ocean, in 23. degrees and an half, under the tropic of Cancer, of Septentrional latitude, they made their course again directly towards the South, and began to discover, people, and plant upon the West side of the hither India at Goa, Mangalor, Cananor, calicut and Cochin, and the Island of Zeilam. And here I think good to remember to you, that after their planting upon this coast, their forces grew so great that they were able to compel all the Moors, the subjects of the mighty Emperor of the Turks to pay tribute unto them, ever as they passed the gulf of Arabia, from the port of Mecca in Arabia Foelix, where Mahomet lieth buried, or any of the other ports of the said land, ever as they passed to and from the havens of Cochin, calicut and Cananor, and by their martial manner of discipline practised in those parts, the great and mighty prince the Sophy Emperor of the Persians, and professed enemy to the Turk, came to the knowledge and use of the Caliver shot, and to interlace and join footmen with his horsemen, since which time the Persians have grown to that strength and force, that they have given many mighty and great overthrows to the Turk, to the great quiet of all Christendom. And from the Island of Zeilam aforesaid, they also discovered more East in passing the gulf of Bengala, and so p●ssed the notable and famous river of Ganges, where he hath his fall into the main Ocean, under the tropic of Cancer, and to the Cape of Malaca, and unto the great and large Islands of Sumatra, java maior, java minor, Mindanao, Palobane, Celebes, Gilolo, Tidore, Mathin, Borneo, Machian, Terenate, and all other the Islands of Molucques and Spiceries, and so East alongst the coasts of Cathaia, to the ports of China, Zaiton and Quinsay, and to the Island of Zipango and japan, si●uate in the East, in 37. degrees of Septemerionall latitude and in 195. of longitude. These are the furthest parts of the world from England. At these islands hath si● Francis Drake been, where the same of the Queen's most excellent Majesty was renowned. These are their noble and worthy discoveries. Here also is not to be forgotten, that in the year of our Lord, 1501. that famous and worthy gentleman Americus Vespucius did discover, people, and plant to their use the holds and forts which they have in brasil, of whom (he being but a private gentleman) the whole country or firm land of the West Indies, is commonly called and known by the name of America. I do greatly doubt lest I seem over tedious in the recital of the particular discoveries and conquests of the East and West Indies, wherein I was the more bold to urge the patience of the Reader, to the end it might most manifestly and at large appear, to all such as are not acquainted with the histories, how the king of Portugal, whose Country for popularity and number of people, is scarce comparable to some three shires of England, and the king of Spain likewise, whose natural Country doth not greatly abound with people, both which princes by means of their discoveries within less than 90. years post, have as it appeareth both mightily and marvelously enlarged their territories and dominions through their own industry by the assistance of the omnipotent, whose aid we shall not need to doubt, seeing the cause and quarrel which we take in hand tendeth to his honour and glory, by the enlargement of the Christian faith. To conclude, since by Christian duty we stand bond chief to further all such acts as do tend to the increasing the true flock of Christ by reducing into the right way those lost sheep which are yet astray: And that we shall therein follow the example of our right virtuous predecessors of renowned memory, and leave unto our posterity a divine memorial of so godly an enterprise: Let us I say for the considerations alleged, enter into judgement with ourselves, whether this action may belong to us or not, the rather for that this voyage through the mighty assistance of the omnipotent God, shall take our desired effect (whereof there is no just cause of doubt.) Then shall her majesties dominions be enlarged, her highness ancient titles justly confirmed, all odious idleness from this our Realm utterly banished, divers decayed towns repaired, and many poor and needy people relieved and estates of such as now live in want shall be embettered, the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ, the innocent defended from their bloody tyrannical neighbours, the diabolical custom of sacrificing human creatures abolished. All which (no man doubteth) are things grateful in the sight of our Saviour Christ, and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinity. Be of good cheer therefore, for he that cannot err hath said: That before the end of the world, his word shall be preached to all nations. Which good work I trust is reserved for our nation to accomplish in these parts: Wherefore my dear countrymen, be not dismayed: for the power of God is nothing diminished, nor the love that he hath to the preaching and planting of the Gospel any whit abated. Shall we then doubt he will be less ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this quarrel, which is chief and principally undertaken for the enlargement of the Christian faith abroad, and the banishment of idleness at home, than he was to Columbus, Vasques Nuns, Hernando Cortes, and Francis Piza●ro in the West: and Vasques de Gama, Peter Aluares, & Alonso de Albuquerque in the East: Let us therefore with cheerful minds and courageous hearts, give the attempt, and leave the sequel to almighty God: for if he be on our part, what forceth it who be against us? Thus leaving the correction and reformation unto the gentle Reader, whatsoever is in this treatise too much or too little, otherwise unperfect, I take leave, and so end. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford, encouraging him in the study of cosmography, and of furthering new discoveries, etc. I Understand aswell by a letter I long since received from the Mayor of Bristol, as by conference with sir George Peknam, that you have endeavoured, & given much light for the discovery of the Western parts yet unknown: as your study in these things is very commendable, so I thank you much for the same; wishing you do continued your travel in these and like matters, which are like to turn not only to your own good in private, but to the public benefit of this Realm. And so I bid you farewell. From the Court the 11. of March, 1582. Your loving Friend, FRANCIS WALSINGHAM. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth merchant, and at that time Maior of the City of Bristol, concerning their adventure in the Western discovery. AFter my hearty commendations, I have for certain causes deferred the answer of your letter of November last till now, which I hope cometh all in good time. Your good inclination to the Western discovery I cannot but much commend. And for that sir Humphrey Gilbert, as you have herded long since, hath been preparing into those parts being ready to embark within these 10. days, who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he hath, I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barks you writ of, be put in a readiness to go alongst with him, or so soon after as you may. I hope this travel will prove profitable to the Adventurers and generally beneficial to the whole realm: herein I pray you confer with these bearers, M. Richard Hackluyt, and M. Thomas Steventon, to whom I refer you: And so bid you hearty farewell. Richmond the 11. of March. 1582. Your loving Friend. FRANCIS WALSINGHAM. A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Mayor of the City of Bristol, to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham principal Secretary to her Majesty, concerning a Western voyage intended for the discovery of the coast of America, lying to the South-west of Cape Briton. RIght honourable, upon the ●eceit of your letters directed unto me and delivered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steventon, bearing date the 11. of March, I presently conferred with my friends in private, whom I know most affectionate to this godly enterprise, especially with M. William Salterne deputy of our company of merchants: whereupon myself being as then sick, with as convenient speed as he could, he caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered: where after dutiful mention of your honourable disposition for the benefit of this city, he by my appointment caused your letters being directed unto me piruatly, to be read in public, and after some good light given by M. Hakluyt unto them that were ignorant of the Country and enterprise● and were desirous to be resolved, the motion grew generally so well to be liked, that there was eftsoons set down by men's own hands then present, & apparently known by their own speech, and very willing offer, the sum of 1000 marks and upward: which sum if it should not suffice, we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Western discovery, a ship of threescore, and a bark of 40. tun, to be left in the country under the direction and government of your son in law M. Carlil●, of whom we have herded much good, if it shall stand with your honours good liking and his acceptation. In one of which barks we are also willing to have M. Steventon your honour's messenger, and one well known to us, as captains. And here in humble manner, desiring your honour to vouchsafe us of your further direction by a general letter to myself, my brethren, and the rest of the merchants of this city, at your honours best and most convenient leisure, because we mean not to defer the final proceeding in this voyage, any ●urther than to the end of April next coming. I cease, beseeching God long to bless and prospero your honourable estate, Bristol. March 27. 1583. A brief and summary discourse upon the intended voyage to the hithermost parts of America: written by Captain Carlisle in April, 1583. for the better inducement to satisfy such Merchants of the Moscovian company and others, as in disbursing their money towards the furniture of the present charge, do demand forthwith a present return of game, albeit their said particular disbursements are required but in very slender sums, the highest being 25. li. the second at 12. li. 10. s. and the lowest at 6. pound five s●illings. WHen the Goldsmith desireth to ●inde the certain goodness of a piece of gold, which is newly offered unto him, he presently bringeth the same to the Touchstone, where, by comparing the show or touch of this new piece with the touch or show of that which he knoweth of old, he forth with is able to judge what the value is of that, which is newly offered unto him. After the example whereof I have thought it good to make some brief repetition of the particular estate of many other foreign voyages and trades already frequented and known unto us, whereby we may be the better able to conceive and judge what certain likelihood of good there is to be expected in the voyage, which is presently recommended unto your knowledge and resolution. And first to lay down that of Moscovia, Moscovie whose beginning is yet in the remembrance of many: It is well known, that what by the charges of the first discovery, and by the great gifts bestowed on the Emperor and his Nobility, together with the lewd dealing of some of their servants; who thought themselves safe enough from orderly punishment, it cost the company above fourscore thousand pounds, before it could be brought to any profitable reckoning. And now that after so long a patience and so great a burden of expenses, the same began to frame to some good course and commodity: It falls to very ticklish terms, and to as slender likelihood of any further goodness, as any other trade that may be named. For first the estate of those Countries and the emperors dealings, are things more fickle than are by every body understood. Next, the Dutchmen are there so crept in as they daily augment their trade thither, Dutchmen. which may well confirm that uncertainty of the Emperor's disposition to keep promise with our nation. Thirdly, the quality of the voyage, such as may not be performed but once the year. Fourthly, the charges of all Ambassadors between that Prince and her Majesty, are always born by the merchant's stock. And lastly, the danger of the king of Denmark, Denmark. who besides that presently he is like to enforce a tribute on us; hath likewise an advantage upon the ships in their voyage, either homewards or outwards whensoever he listeth to take the opportunity. The bad dealings of the Easterlings are sufficiently known to be such towards our merchants of that trade, Easterlings. as they do not only offer them many injuries overlong to be written, but do seek all the means they can, to deprive them wholly of their occupying that way: and to the same purpose have of late clean debarred them their accustomed and ancient privileges in all their great towns. The traffic into Turkey, Turkey besides that by some it is thought a hard point to have so much familiarity with the professed and obstinate enemy of Christ: It is likewise a voyage which can not be made but at the devotion, and as it were in the danger of many states; who for sundry respects are apt to quarrel with us upon sudden occasions, and the presents to be given away in Turkey this year, cost little less than two thousand pounds. As for the trades into all the parts of Italy, Levani. it may easily be considered by every one of judgement, that the same stand in the like terms touching the passages, as that of Turkey, and that many times our ships being taken in the way by the Galleys of Alger, our poor Mariners after the loss of their goods and trauell● are set at such excessive ransoms before they can be freed of their slavery, as for the most part they are no way able to discharge. As for example, at this instant there are some prisoners, poor ordinary Mariners, for whose releasing there must be paid two hundred Ducats the man, for some three hundred, yea, four or five hundred Ducats the man for some of them. And how enviously the Uenetians do already oppose themselves against our frequenting into their parts, may appear by the late customs which they have imposed as well upon our English merchandise which we bring them, as also upon such their merchandise which we fetch from them. The trade into Barbary groweth likewise to worse terms then before times, Barbary. and when it was at the best, our merchants have been in danger of all their goods they had there, whensoever it happened the king to die. For until a new were choose, the liberty of all disordered people is such, as they spoil and wrong whom they list, without any redress at all. Touching Spain and Portugal, with whom we have very great trade; and much the greater, Spain. Portugal. by means of their benting a good part of our wares in their Indies, as also of the provision they have from the same, wherewith are made many of our returns from them again: It falls out that twice the year ordinarily we sand our Fleets into those parts: So that whensoever the king of Spain listeth to take the opportunity, Remember this great arrest of the Hollanders. An. 159● he may at these seasons deprive us not only of a great number of our very good ships, but also of our honestest and ablest sort of Mariners that are to be found in our whole Realm again, which is a matter of no small consequence: for it is to be noted, that when he shall take a quarrel in hand, though it be but his own particularly, yet hath he the means to put in hazard as well those our ships which are in his own Countries of Spain and Portugal, as also all others which shall be bond to any the parts of all Italy or of Turkey either. And further whosoever he be that is but meanly affected in Religion, as of necessity becometh every ordinary man and good Christian to be, cannot but be aggrieved in his heart to consider, that his children and servants whom he desireth to have well brought up, are in these trades of Spain and Portugal, and all Italy, forced to deny their own profession, and made to acquaint themselves with that which the Parents and Masters do utterly deny and refuse, yea which many of them do in their own hearts abhor as a detestable and most wicked doctrine. But who shall look into the quality of this voyage, being directed to the latitude of forty degrees or there abouts, of that hithermost part of America, shall found it hath as many points of good moment belonging unto it, as may almost be wished for. Commodity's olivero voyage in shortness. 1 As first it is to be understood, that it is not any long course, for it may be performed too and fro in four months after the first discovery thereof. 2 Secondly, that one wound sufficeth to make the passage, whereas most of your other voyages of like length, are subject to 3. or 4. winds. 3 Thirdly, that it is to be performed at all times of the year. 4 Fourthly, that the passage is upon the high sea, whereby you are not bond to the knowledge of dangers, on any other coast, more than of that Country, and of ours here at home. 5 Fiftly, that those parts of England and Ireland, which lie aptest for the proceeding outward or homeward upon this voyage, are very well stored of goodly harbours. 6 Sixtly, that it is to be accounted of no danger at all as touching the power of any foreign prince or state, when it is compared with any the best of all other voyages before recited. 7 And to the godly minded, it hath this comfortable commodity, that in this trade their factors, be they their servants or children, shall have no instruction or confessions of Idolatrous Religion enforced upon them, but contrarily shall be at their free liberty of conscience, and shall found the same Religion exercised, which is most agreeable unto their Parents and Masters. Commodities of the country more than those of Moscovie. As for the merchandising, which is the matter especially looked for, albeit that for the present we are not certainly able to promise' any such like quantity, as is now at the best time of the Moscovian trade brought from thence: So likewise is there not demanded any such proportion of daily expenses, as was at the first, and as yet is consumed in that of Moscovia and other. But when this of America shall have been haunted and practised thirty years to an end, as the other hath been, I doubt not by God's grace, that for the ten ships that are now commonly employed once the year into Moscovia, there shall in this voyage twice ten be employed well, twice the year at the lest. And if for the present time there do fall out nothing else to be found then the bate Fishing, yet doubt I not after the first years planting, but by that matter only to serve half a dozen of your best sort of ships, although my supply of people do not follow me so substantially, as in all reason may be well looked for. The several merchandise. But when it is asked what may be hoped from thence after some years, it is first to be considered, that this situation in forty degrees, shall be very apt to gather the commodities either of those parts which stand to the Southward of it, as also of those which are to the Northward. In the Northerly may be expected not only an especial good fishing for Salmon, Cod, and Whales, but also any other such commodities, as the Eastern countries do yield us now: as Pitch, Tar, Hemp, and thereof cordage, Masts, Losshe hides, rich Furs, and other such like, without being in any sort beholding to a king of Denmark, or other prince or state that shall be in such sort able to command our sh●ppes at their pleasure, as those do at this day, by means of their straight passages and strong shipping. As for those parts which lie West and to the Southwards, it may well be hoped they will yield Wines with a small help, since the grapes do grow there of themselves already very fair and in great abundance. olives being once planted, will yield the like Oil as Spain, Province and Italy. The Country people being made to know, that for Wax and honey, we will give them such trifling things as they desire of us, and showing them once the means how to provide the same, the labour thereof being so light, no doubt but in short time they will earnestly care to have the same in good quantity for us. Besides, what great likelihood there is of good means to make Salt, A lake of salt in Vasques his voyage. which may serve for the fishing of those parts, may well enough appear unto them, who can judge the quality of such places as are required to make the same in. Thus much for the beginning, because they may be had with an easy kind of travel: but when it may have pleased God to establish our people there any such time as they may have planted amongst them in sundry parts of the Country, and that by gentle and familiar entreating them, they be made to see what is better for them then they do as yet understand of, and that in so many sorts of occasions as were infinite to be set down: It is to be assuredly hoped, that they will daily by little and little forsake their barbarous and savage living, and grow to such order and civility with us, as there may be well expected from thence no less quantity and diversity of merchandise than is now had out of Dutchland, Italy, France or Spain. And as the bordering neighbours are commonly the aptest to fall out with us, so these parts being somewhat remote, are the liker to take, or give less occasion of disquiet. But when it is considered that they are our own kindred, and esteemed our own country nation which have the government, meaning by those who shall be there planted, who can look for any other than the dealing of most loving and most assured friends? There are further to be considered these two points of good importance, concerning the matter of trade. The one is, that by the good prospering of this action, there must of necessity fall out a very liberal utterance of our English Clotheses into a main Country, described to be bigger than all Europe, the larger part whereof bending to the Northward, shall have wonderful great use of our said English Clotheses, after they shall come once to know the commodity thereof. The like will be also of many other things, over many to be reckoned, which are made here by our Artificers and labouring people, and of necessity must be provided from hence. The other is, if there be any possible means to find a sea passage or other fresh water course, which may serve in some reasonable and convenient sort, to transport our merchandise into the East Indian Sea, through any of these Northerly parts of America, it shall be soon and most assuredly performed by these who shall inhabit and first grow into familiarity with the Inland people. What Mineral matter may fall out to be found, is a thing jest in suspense, until some better knowledge, because there be many men, who having long since expected some profits herein, upon the great promises that have been made them, and being as yet in no point satisfied, do thereupon conceive that they be but words purposely cast out for the inducing of men to be the more ready and willing to furnish their money towards the charge of the first discovery. But now to answer some others who begin with an other objection, saying: Objection. That it is not for the merchants purse to continued the charges of transporting and planting: and that since these hundred men which are now to be planted, will cost four thousand pound: It is then to be thought, that the charge of a far greater number, will be also a far greater sum of money. Whereunto I answer, Answer. that in all attempts unknown, especially such a one as this is, wherewith we are presently in hand, the first charges are commonly adventured in more desperate kind, than those that follow upon some better knowledge: and therewith it falls out, that whereas one adventureth in the first enterprise, an hundred for that one will of themselves be willing and desirous to adventure in the next, if there be never so little more appearance, that the intended matter is by some knowledge of our own, found true in some points of our first presumption. The examples are many, The ewer of met●l brought by M. Frobisher. caused two several supplies, the two years next allowing, whereof the latter was of thirteen tall ships. and may easily be remembered by those who be Merchants, even in their ordinary and daily trades, as well as in extraordinary attempts, which of late years have fallen into those terms of some likelihood, as is aforesaid. So then no doubt, but when certain reports shall be brought by them who directly come from thence, that such a Country and people they have themselves seen as is by us spoken of, but that then there will come forward a greater number of those, who now neither have herded any thing of the matter, as also of others, who presently make such frivolous scruple, and will not otherwise be satisfied, then by the report of Saint Thomas. I speak not this by the Merchants whom for their freedoms of trade I would not have pressed to any further charge than this first preparation, but rather by such as have great affection to hazard the changing of their estates, and would be well content to go in the voyage if they might only be assured that there is such a Country, & that their money should not be wa●●ed to nothing in the preparations. The right examination of this point must be the contrary sequel of the common Proverb that is vsed● Nothing venture, nothing have: so on the other side by venturing, many great good profits are found out, to the wonderful benefit of the Common weal and to those especially in private, who take on them the hazard of their life and travel, or substance in the first attempts: and therefore I would wish that they, who (God b● thanked) are well able to spare that which is required of each one towards the undertaking of this adventure, be well content and willing to employ the same, since the sequel in good and substantial reason doth promise, not only a great commodity in particular to the Merchant, who shall here at home exercise the trade of Merchandise: but al●o to an infinite number of other, who presently live in poor estate, and may by taking the opportunity of this discovery, altar the same to a far better degree. Wherefore to make some conclusion upon this point of the merchants misdoubt, who suspecteth jest this first disburssement without return of present gain, should not be all his charge, but that afterwards he might yet further be urged to continued the like again, as ha●h happened in the discovery of the Moscovian trade: It may suffice to consider, that this is not an action which concerns only the Merchants particularly, but a great deal more the general sort of people throughout all England: And that when such relation shall be returned, as that it may be found a matter worthy the following, the whole generality will not refuse to contribute towards the furtherance thereof, rather than it should sink for want of any reasonable supply. But as it is a very little time, since I have been thoroughly resolved to try my fortune in the matter, so it is more than time the preparation were in hand already, and therefore no fit time new to make any number of ignorant men to understand with reason the circumstance that belongeth to a matter of so great consideration and importance. To those who have any forward minds in well doing to the generality of mankind, I say thus much more, that Christian charity doth as greatly persuade the furtherance of this action, as any other that may be laid before us, in as much as thereby we shall not only do a most excellent work, in respect of reducing the savage people to Christianity and civility, but also in respect of our poor sort of people, which are very many amongst us, liviug altogether unprofitable, and often times to the great disquiet of the better sort. For who knoweth not, how by the long peace, happy health, and blessed plentifulness, wherewith God hath endued this Realm, that the people is so mightily increased, as a great number being brought up, during their youth in their parents houses, without any instruction how to get their livings after their parent's decease, are driven to some necessity, whereby very often ●or want of better education they fall into sundry disorders, and so the good sort of people, as I said before, are by them ordinarily troubled, and themselves led on to one shameful end or other, whereas if there might be found some such kind of employment as this would be, no doubt but a greater part of them would be withheld from falling into such vile deeds: and in stead thereof, prove greatly serviceable in those affairs, where they might be so employed. Master C●rlil●s own experience. This I speak of mine own experience, having seen diu●rs ●ome over to the wars of the low Countries during my residence in the same, who here had been very evil and idle livers, and by some little continuance with us, have grown to be very industrious in their faculty, which I can assure you, was a more painful manner of living then in this action is like to fall out, and withal to a purpose of far less value, in respect of their particular recompense, then with an assured kind of good hope is looked for in this. Thus you see in every point that may be wished for in a good action and voyage, there is matter and reason enough to satisfy the well disposed. But now to grow somewhat nearer the quick, and to show you some greater appearance, then hath been yet spoken of touching the trade which is the only subject wherewith I do mean to intermeddle at this time, because my address hereby is chief to men of such like faculty: you may understand by that which followeth, the circumstance of a little discourse, which doth conceive these matters very directly. In the year 1534. james Carthier of S. Malo made his first discovery of those parts of America, which lie to the Westwards, and as it were on the backside of Newfoundland. In which voyage his principal intention was to seek out the passage, which he presumed might have been found out into the East Indian Sea, otherwise called the passage to Cathaya, but this year he went no higher than the Island of the Assumption in the great bay of S. Laurence, and so returned back into France. The next year following he went with greater provision into the Grand bay again, where he keeping the Northerly shore, ran up the great River that comes down from Canada and other places, until at last with his small pinnesses, (having left his great shipping by the way) he arrived at Hochelaga town, being three hundredth leagues within the entrance of the Grand bay. In which travail he had spent so much of the year, that it was now the month of October, and therefore thought it convenient, for the better informing himself at large in this discovery, to winter it out in those parts, which he did at a place called by himself Holy Crosse. This winter fallen out to be a very long and hard winter, as many times the like happeneth with us in these parts, and the savage people, who for the most part make but a slender kind of provision, even as it were from hand to mouth, fallen into some scarcity of victuals; yet did they not refuse to serve the Frenchmen, with any thing they had all the winter long, albeit at somewhat higher prices towards the end when the need was most, as with ourselves the like happeneth at such times. But when the French had their wants served all the year, and that as yet they saw not any appearance of their intended matter, which was the discovery of the passage, and yet imagining by the signs wherewith the willing people endeavoured to declare their knowledge in that point, that some good matter might be had from them, if they might have been well understood, they resoulued with themselves to take some of the sufficientest men of that country home into France, and there to keep them so long, as that having once achieved the French tongue, they might declare more substantially their mind, and knowledge in the said passage, concluding this to be the mean of lest charge, of lest travail, and of lest hazard. And when they came to bethink themselves, who might be meetest for it, they determined to take the King, as the person who might be best informed of such parts as were somewhat remote from his own Country, as also that for the respect of him, the people would be always ready, and content to do them any further service, when it should happen them to return thither again about the discovery. Thus the poor king of the Country, with two or three others of his chief companions coming aboard the French ships, being required thither to a banquet, was traitorously carried away into France, where he lived four years, and then died a Christian there, as Thevet the French Kings Cosmographer doth make mention. This outrage and injurious dealing did put the whole Country people into such dislike with the French, as never since they would admit any conversation or familiarity with them, until of late years, The Frenchmens' trade renewed in Canada, in the year 158●. the old matter beginning to grow out of mind, and being the rather drawn on by gifts of many trifling things, which were of great value with them, they are as (I said) within these two or three years content again to admit a traffic, which two years since was begun with a small bark of thirty tons, whose return was found so profitable, as the next year following, being the last year, by those Merchants, who meant to have kept the trade secret unto themselves, from any others of their own Country men, there was hired a ship of fourscore tons out of the Isle of jersey, but not any one Mariner of that place, saving a shipboy. This ship made her return in such sort, as that this year they have multiplied three ships, to wit, one of nine score tons, another of an hundredth tons, and a third of four score tons: which report is given by very substantial and honest men of Plymouth, who saw the said ships in readiness to departed on their voyage, and were aboard of some of them. Here is at this instant in the town a man of Gernesey, Lewis de Vike, who reporteth to have credibly herded, that by this last years voyage the Frenchmen got fourteen or fifteen hundredth for every one hundredth: But how soever it be, it carrieth good likelyhodd of some notable profit, in as much as they do so greatly, and thus suddenly increase the burden and number of their ships this present year. Now, if in so little as two years time this voyage of the Northern parts be grown to such good pass as hath been declared unto you: it is worth the thinking on to consider what may be hoped for from the Southern part, which in all reason may promise' a great deal more. The South part best for inhabiting and traffic. And so, as one who was never touched with any indirect meaning, I presume to wish and persuade you to some better taking of this matter to heart, as a thing which I do verily think will turn to your greater and more assured commodity, than you receive by any other voyage, as yet frequented of so short and safe a course as this hath: dealing herein no otherwise with you for your several small sums, than I do with myself, both for more of mine own, then is required of any one of you: besides the hazard and travail of my person, and the total employment of my poor credit, which (I thank God) hath hitherto passed clear and unspotted in matters of greater importance and difficulty, then is like to fall out in this matter between you and me. Articles set down by the Committees appointed in the behalf of the Company of Moscovian Merchants, to confer with M. Carlisle, upon his intended discovery and attempt into the hithermost parts of America. The names of the Committees. Master Alderman Hart. Master Alderman Spencer. Master Hoddesden. Master William Burrough. Master Slany. Master Towerson. Master Staper. Master john Castelin. Master Leake. FIrst the Committees are well persuaded, that the Country whereunto this action is intended, is very fruitful, inhabited with savage people of a mild and tractable disposition. And that of all other places which are unfrequented at this day, it is the only most fit and most commodious for us to intermeddle withal. The convenientest manner of attempting this enterprise is thought to be thus: That there should be one hundredth men conveyed thither to remain there one whole year: who with friendly entreaty of the people, may enter into better knowledge of the particular estate of the Country, and thereby gather what commodity may be hereafter, or presently looked for. The charge to transport these hundredth men, to victual them, and to furnish them of munition and other needful things, will not be less than four thousand pounds: The furnishing forth of 100 men for one year will cost 4000 li. whereof hath been very readily offered by the City of Bristol one thousand pounds, the residue being three thousand pounds, remains to be furnished by this City of London, or any others who will adventure their money in this first preparation. The Committees think it convenient that a Privilege should be procured by Master Carlisle from her Majesty, by virtue whereof these conditions and Articles following may be effectually provided for. First, that they who shall disburse their money for the first preparation, shall be named Adventurers, and shall have the one half of all such lands, territories, towns, mines of gold and silver, and other metals whatsoever, as shall be found, got, obtained, as conquered by this discovery: yielding to her Majesty the ●ift part of all such gold and silver, as shall happen to be had out of any mines that so shall be found. That those parties which do employ themselves personally in the present discovery, shall be named Enterprisers, and shall have the other half of all the Lands, Territories, Towns, Mines of Gold and Silver, and other metals, yielding to her Majesty the fift part of the Gold and Silver as the Adventurers do: The same to be distributed by the General, with the consent of the greatest part of twelve discreet people to be choose out of the whole number of the Enterprisers. Also, that all trade of Merchandise which shall be used to and from those parts, which by this discovery shall be found out, shall appertain only to the Adventurers which first shall disburse their money for this discovery, with prohibition to all other her majesties subjects, and other Merchants to deal in the said parts, without the consent of the first Adventurers, upon loss of ship and goods, and punishment of their people, that so shall adventure in trade of merchandise: or otherwise by imprisonment at the Companies pleasure. That no person shall hereafter adventure in this discovery as Adventurers for the profits mentioned in the first Articles, but such only as do disburse their money in this first preparation: and they shall not adventure hereafter any greater sum, then rateably according to their proportion of this their first adventure. Also, the profit which by this discovery shall be attained unto, either by land which may be conquered, or otherwise got: as also such profit which by this discovery shall be obtained by mines, or otherwise got, that each one shall have his part rate and rate like, according to the proportion of their first adventure, and not otherwise. The Adventurers in this first preparation shall, at their own free will and liberty, choose whether they will supply hereafter any further charge or not: if there do fall out any such occasion to require the same. And yet withal shall for ever hold to them the freedom of the trade which shall grow in any of these parts: notwithstanding their said refusal to bear any further charge. That in the Patent which is to be obtained, be granted, ●hat all her majesties subjects may transport themselves thither that shall be contented to go. And that the Patentee or his assigne● may ship thither from time to tim●, so many and such people, men, women, and children, as they shall think meet. And the same people to inhabit or remain there at their pleasure, any law to the contrary notwithstanding, with express prohibition, as is mentioned in the third article, against all others, which shall go thither without the licence of the patentee or his assigns first obtained. That it shall not be lawful for any of her majesties subjects, or any other to inhabit or traffic within one hundred leagues any way of the place, where the General shall have settled his chiefest being or residence. A relation of the first voyage and discovery of the Isle Ramea, made by for Monsi●ur de La court Pre Ravillon, and Grand Pre, with the ship called the Bonaventure, to kill and make Train oil of the beasts called the Morses with great teeth, which we have performed by Gods help this year 1591. 1591. FOr the performance of our said voyage, we departed from S. Malo with the fleet that went for Canada, The flee●●●● Canada. and kept company with the ships called The Soudil and the Charles half the way, and then lost them; a violent wound arising at Northwest, which separated us. After which we had fair wether, and came to to the ●oast of Cape Raze, Cape Raze. & had no ●urther knowledge thereof, because the wind was at the South-west but a searce gale: and we came to the sounding South-west of the Isles of S. Peter about 10. leagues, The Isles ●● S. Peter● where we found 10. fathoms water, and we sailed Northwest one quarter of the North, and came within 12. leagues of Cape de Rey. The next day being the 6. of May 1591. we were come to Cape de Rey, Cape de Rey, & see a ship Southwest of us, and stayed there that night. The next day being the seventh of the said month, we came to the Isles ●f Aponas, The Isles of Aponas. where we put forth our boat, because we had not passed 8. leagues to our haven, which we kenned very clearly, although the coasts lay very low: and because the night approached, and the wound grew very high we sought not to seek our port, because it is very hard to found it when the wound is lofty, because of the shoalds that are about it. And we thought to keep our course until the next morning between the Isle of Brion & the Isle of Aponas. The Is●●●● Brio●. But there arose so great a tempest at the South-west, that without the help of God we had been in great dauger among these Isles. And we traversed up and down eleven days, making our prayers unto God to end the tempest and to sand us fair weather, that we might obtain our haven: which of his goodness he gave us. The last of May we ranged the Isle Ramea on the Northnorthwest side, The Isle R●●me●. unto the contrary part of the land, where it trendeth to the Southsoutheast: and seeing no land on the West side, we ranged the said land to the East one quarter to the North at the lest 15. leagues, and being from the shore some eight leagues, we found 15. fathoms water, and passed between the Isle of Douron and the Isle of Ramea, The Isle of Douron● where goeth a channel of 3. leagues breadth; in the midst whereof you shall have 7.8. and 9 fathoms water. And the low point of the Isle Ramea, and the Isle Duoron lie Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. And take heed you come not near the low point of the Isle Ramea by a great league, for I have sounded it at 3. fathoms water. The Isle is marked. And the harbour of the Isle Ramea lieth North-east and Southwest, one quarter to the East and West. And if you would enter the said harbour, keep you a league of the shore: for often times there is great danger. And that you may know the said haven, ●o the Eastnortheast of the said Isle there are high lands appearing to them that are without on all sides like a number of Islands, The marks of the harbour of the Isle Ramea. but in very deed they are all firm land: and if you come on the South and Southwest side, you shall see a hill divided into 2. parts, which I called The three hillocks, which is right within the haven. And for another better mark of the said harbour, you shall see an Isle like unto a Flower de louse, An Isle like a Flower de louse. distant from the said haven 6. leagues at the lest: and this Isle and the said haven lie North-east and Southwest, a quarter to the North and South. And on the said Isle there is good pebble stone to dry fish upon: But to the West thereof there is a very fair country: and there is a bank of sand, A bank of sand. which runneth the length of a cable, having not passed one fathom water upon it. From the said Isle along the firm land the coast lieth East and West, and you shall see as it were a great forest running Eastward: and the Eastern Cape is called Cape du Chapped, Cape du Chapt. and is great and read toward the Sea. And between the said lands you shall see as it were a small Island, but it joineth to the firm land on the South-west part: and there is good shingle to dry fish on. And you must coast the shore with boats and not with ships, by reason of the shallows of the said coast. The main a should coast. For I have seen without Cape du Chapped in fair weather the ground in two fathoms water, near a league and an half from shore, and I judged by reason of the highness of the land, that there had been above thirty fathoms water, which was nothing so: and I have sounded coming near the shore, in more or less depth. The coast stretcheth three leagues to the West from Lisle Blanch or the white Isle, unto the entrance of a river, Lisle Blanch. The place where they killed 1500. Morses. where we slew and killed to the number of fifteen hundred Morses or Sea oxen, accounting small and great, where at full sea you may come on shore with boats, and within are two or three fathoms water. From thence the coast trendeth four leagues to the West ¼ to the Northwest unto the Isle Hupp, The Isle Hupp. which is twenty leagues in circuit, and is like the edge of a knife: upon it there is neither wood nor grass: there are Morses upon it, but they be hard to be taken. From thence the coast trendeth to the Northwest and Northnorthwest; which is all that I have seen, to wit, the two sides and one end of the Isle. And if I had had as good luck as my Masters, when I was on the Northwest side with my ship, I would have adventured to have sailed Southsoutheast, to have discovered the Eastern shore of the said Isle. In your return to the East, as you come from the haven of Cape du Chapped unto the said haven, are sands and sholds. Sands and sholds. And three good leagues from Cape du Chapped there is a small Island containing about a league of ground: A small Island containing a league of ground. where there is an haven toward the Southeast: and as you enter into the said haven on the starreboord side, a dented Cape all of red land. And you cannot enter into the said haven but with the flood, because of a bar which lieth half a league without the points of the said haven. A hard haven. The tides are there at Southeast and Northwest; but when the wound is very great, it bloweth much into the haven at half flood. But ordinarily it sloweth five foot and an half. The marks to enter into the said haven are to leave the Isle Blanch or White Island at your coming in on the starreboord; Marks to come into the haven. and the point of ●he haven toward the West hath a thick Island, which you shall see on the other side, and it hath a little round Buttress, which lieth on the East side of the Island. There are also two other buttresses more easy to be seen then hidden: these are not to the East but to the West, and they have marks on ●hem. Here you shall not have above two fathom and an half at a full sea upon this bar. And the sounding is stone and rough ground. At your entering in, when you shall find white sand which lieth next the Southeast of the Cape, than you are upon the bar: The Bar and be not afraid to pass up the channel. And for marks toward the West athwart the bar, when you have brought an Island even, which lieth to the westward without, with the thick part of the high land which lieth most to the West, you shall be passed the bar: and the channel runneth due North. And for your anchoring in the said haven, The best anchorage. see that you carefully seek the midst of the said Thick land● which lieth in the bottom of the said haven: for you must anchor between two banks of sand, where the passage is but narrow. And you must anchor surely: for there goeth a great tide: for the Sea runneth there as swiftly and more than in. There is good ground and ankorage here: and you shall ride in three fathom water. And within the said haven there is nothing to hurt you, for you are free from all winds. And if by chance you should be driven Westward of the said haven, you may seek an entrance, Another entrance. which is right over against the small Island named before, which is called The Isle of Cormorants; The Isle of Cormorants. and you may enter in the●e as at the other haven at a full sea: And you must pass up on the West side, and you shall find on the Bar at a full sea fourteen foot water, and great depth when you are entered in: for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that place: and the entry thereof lieth Southeast and Northwest. Right over against you on the other side, you may pass with boats at a full sea. And all these entrances make all but one haven, which is good within. I say● his because I have passed into the main Sea by the one and the other passage. And the said Isle is not past two leagues over in the midst. It is but two banks of sand, whereof one is like to that of S. Malo, which let the Sea from passing through the midst of all the Isle: But the two ends are high mountains with Islands altogether cut and separated with streams and rivers. To anchor in the said harbour, you must not ride farther than five or six cables length from the said haven. A letter sent to the right Honourable Sir William Cecil Lord Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England etc. From M. Thomas james of Bristol, concerning the discovery of the Isle of Ramea, dated the 14 of September. 1591. RIght Honourable, my humble duty to your good Lordship done, I thought good humbly to advertise your honour of the discovery of an Island made by two small ships of Saint Malo; the one 8 days past being prised near Silley, by a ship of which I am part owner, called the Pleasure, sent by this city to my Lord Thomas Howard, for her majesties service. Which prize is sent back to this Port by those of the said ships, with upwards of forty tons of Train. The Island lieth in 47 degrees, some fifty leagues from the grand Bay, near Newfoundland: and is about twenty leagues about, and some part of the Island is flat Sands and shoulder and the fish cometh on bank (to do their kind) in April May & june, by numbers of thousand, which fish is very big: and hath two great teeth: and the skin of them is like Buffs leather: an● they will not away from their young one's. The young one's are as good meat as Veal. And with the bellies of five of the said fish they make a hogshead of Train, which Train is very sweet which if it will make soap, the king of Spain may burn some of his Olive trees. Humbly praying your Lordship to pardon herein my boldness, betaking your Honour to the keeping of the Almighty. From Bristol, this 14 of September. 1591. Your Honour's most humbly at commandments THOMAS JAMES. A brief note o● the Morsse and the use thereof. IN the first voyage of jaques Carthier, wherein he discovered the Gulf of S. La●rence and the said Isle of Ramea, in the year 1534, as you may read in pag. 205 of this present volume, he met with these beasts, as he witnesseth in these words. About the said Island are very great beasts as great as oxen, which have two great teeth in their mouths like unto Elephants teeth, and live also in the sea. We see one of them sleeping upon the bank of the water, and thinking to take it, we went to it with our boats, but so soon as he herded us, he cast himself into the sea. Touching these beasts which jaques Carthier says to be as big as Oxen and to have teeth in their mouths like Elephants teeth: True it is that they are called in latin Boves Marini, or Vaccae Marinae, & in the Russian tongue Morsses, the hides whereof I have seen as big as any Ox hide, and being dressed I have yet a piece of one thicke● then any two Ox or Bulls hides in England. The Leatherdressers take them to be excellent good to make light targets against the arrows of the Savages; and I hold them far better than the light leather targets which the Moors use in Barbary against arrows and lances, whereof I have seen divers in her majesties stately armory in the tower of London. The teeth of the said fish, whereof I have seen a dryfat full at once, are a foot and sometimes more in length: & have been sold in England to the comb & knife-makers, at 8 groats and 3 shillings the pound weight, whereas the best ivory is sold for half the money: the grain of the bone is somewhat more yellow than the ivory. One M. Alexander Woodson of Bristol my old friend, an excellent Mathematician and skilful Physician, showed me one of these beasts teeth which were brought from the Isle of Ramea in the first prize, which was half a yard long or very little less: and assured me that he had made trial of it in ministering medicine to his patients, and had found it as sovereign against poison as any Unicorns horn. The voyage of the ship called the Marigold of M. Hill of Redrife unto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and an half, 1593. Written by Richard fisher Master Hills man of Redriffe. THe ship called the Marigold of 70 tons in burden furnished with 20 men, whereof 10 were Mariners, the Master's name being Richard Strong of Apsham, the Master's mate Peter Langworth of Apsham, with 3 coopers, 2 butchers to slay the Morsses or sea Oxen (whereof divers have teeth above a cubit long & skins far thicker than any bulls hide) with other necessary people, departed out of Falmouth the 1 of june 1593. in consort of another ship of M. Drakes of Apsham● which upon some occasion was not ready so soon as she should have been by two months. The voyage of M. Drake of Apsham to Ramea. The place for which these two ships were bond was an Island within the straits of Saint Peter on the back side of Newfoundland to th●●●uthwest in the latitude of forty seven degrees, called by the Britons of Saint Malo the Isle of Ramea, but by the Savages and naturals of the Continent next adoyving, Menquit: The Isle of Rame●● or Menquit. On which Isle are so great abundance of the huge and mighty Sea Oxen with great teeth in the months of April, May and june, that there have been fi●teene hundredth killed there by one small bark, in the year 1591. The two English ships aforesaid, l●st company before they came to Newfounland: and never came after together in all their voyage. The ship of M. George Drake fallen first with New-foundland, and afterwards very directly came to the Isle Ramea, though too late in the year to make her voyage: where she found a ship of Saint Malo three parts freighted with these fish: the men whereof inquiring whence our ship was and who was the Master thereof, being answered that she was belonging to Master George Drake of Apsham, fearing to be taken as good prize being of a Leaguer town, and at that time out of league with England, fled so hastily that present night that they left three and twenty men and three Shallops behind them, all which our men leazed upon and brought away as good prizes home. Here our men took certain Sea-oxens, but nothing such numbers as they might have had, if they had come in due season, which they had neglected. The ship called the Marigold fallen with Cape Saint Francis in Newfoundland the eleventh of julie, and from thence we went into the Bay Rogneuse, and afterward doubled Cape Razo, and sailing toward the strait of Saint Peter (which is the entrance between Newfoundland and Cape Briton,) being unacquainted with the place, beat up and down a very long time, and yet miss it, and at length over shot it, and fallen with Cape Briton. The English m●n ●●d upon Cape Briton Here diverse of our men went on land upon the very Cape, where, at their arrival they found the spits of Oak of the Savages which had roasted meat a little before. And as they viewed the country they saw divers beasts and fowls, as black Foxes, Dear, Otters, great Fowls with red legs, Pengwyns, and certain others. But having found no people here at this our first landing we went again on shipboard, and sailed farther four leagues to the West of Cape Briton, They go on those in another place. where we saw many Seals. And here having need of fresh water we went again on shore. And passing somewhat more into the land, we found certain round ponds artificially made by the Savages to keep fish in, with certain wears in them made to take fish. To these ponds we repaired to fill our cask with water. We had not been long here, but there came one Savage with black long hair hanging about his shoulders, who called unto us, weaving his hands downward towards his belly, using these words, Calitogh Calitogh: The people of the co●●trey came down to ou● men. as we drew towards him one of our men's musket unawares shot off: whereupon he fallen down, and rising up suddenly again he cried thrice with a loud voice Chiogh, Chiogh, Chiogh. Thereupon nine or ten of his fellows running right up over the bushes with great agilite and swiftness came towards us with white staves in their hands like half pikes, and their dogs of colour black not so big as a greyhound followed them at the heels; Black dogs. but we retired unto our boat without any hurt at all received. Howbeit one of them broke an hogshead which we had filled with fresh water, with a great branch of a tre● which lay on the ground. Upon which occasion we bestowed half a dous●● muskets shot upon them, which they avoided by falling flat to the earth, and afterward retired themselves to the woods. One of the Savages, which seemed to be their Captain, ware a long mantle of beasts skins hanging on one of his shoulders. The rest were all naked except their privities, which were covered with a skin tied behind. After they had escaped our shot they made a great fire on the shore, belike to give their fellows warning of us. The kinds of trees that we noted to be here, were goodly Okes, Fir trees of a great height, a kind of tree called of us Quickbeame, and Cherie trees, and diverse other kinds to us unknown, because we stayed not long with diligence to observe them: and there is great show of rosin, pitch, and tar. We found in both the places where we went on land abundance of Ra●peses, Strawberries, hurts, and herbs of good sm●ll and divers good for the scurvy, and grass very rank and of great length, We saw five or six boats sailing to the Southwestwardes of Cape Briton, A secret trade to the South-west of Cape Briton. which we judged to be Christians, which had some trade that way. We saw also, while we were on shore, the manner of their hanging up of their fish and flesh with withes to dry in the air: they also lay them upon rats and hurdles and make a smoke under them, or a soft fire, and so dry them as the Savages use to do in Virginia. Soundings to the South and Southwestward of Cape Briton. While we lay four leagues South of Cape Briton we sounded and had sixty fathoms black ozie ground. And sailing thence Westward nine or ten leagues of the short, we had twenty four fathoms red sand, and small whitish stones. We continued our course so far to the South-west, that we brought ourselves into the latitude of forty four degrees and an half, having sailed fifty or sixty leagues to the South-west of Cape Briton. The sail 50 or 60 leagues to the South● West of Cape Briton. We found the current between this Cape Briton and Cape Rey to set out toward the Eastsoutheast. In our course to the West of Cape Briton we see exc●eding great store of seals, and abundance of Porpoises, whereof we killed eleven. We saw Whales also of all ●ortes aswell small as great: and here our men took many berded cods with one teat underneath, which are like to the North-east Cod, and better than those of Newfoundland, Great store of Stales Porpoises, Whales and Cod. From our arrival at the haven of Saint Francis in Newfoundland, (which was as is aforesaid the eleventh of july) we continued beating up and down on the coast of Arambe● to the West and South-west of Cape Briton until the twenty eight of September, fully by the space of eleven weeks: They continued on the coast from Cape Briton Westwards full eleven weeks. and then by the persuasion of our Master and certain others we shaped our course homeward by the Isles of the Açores, and came first to Coruo and Flores, where beating up and down, and missing of expected pray● we sailed by Tercera, and from thence to Saint Michael, where we sought to board a Portugal ship, which we found too well appointed for v● to bring along with us, and so being forced to leave them behind and having wasted all our victuals, we were constrained against our wills to hasten home unto our narrow Seas: but it was the two and twentieth of December before we could get into the Downs: where for lack of wind we kept our Christmas with dry bread only for dropping of our clotheses. One thing very strange happened in this voyage: to wit, that a mighty great Whale followed our ship by the space of many days as we passed by Cape Razo, which by no means we could chase from our ship, until one of our men fallen overboard and was drowned, An huge Whale pursued their ship by the space of many days, till one of their men fallen over board. after which time she immediately forsook us, and never afterward appeared unto us. A brief note concerning the voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to the Isle of Ramea in the aforesaid year 1593. IN the beginning of the former relation written by Richard Fisher servant to the worshipful Master Hill of Redriffe is, as you read, a brief report of their losing of their consort the ship of Master George Drake of Apsham: which though she came directly to the Isle of Ramea, yet because she was not ready so soon by two months as she aught to have been, she was not only the hindrance of her consort the Marigold, & lost the season of the year for the making of her voyage of kill the Morses or Sea Oxen, which are to be taken in April, May, and june: but also suffered the fit places and harboroughs in the Isle which are but two, as far as I can learn, to be forestalled and taken up by the Britons of Saint Malo and the Baskes of Saint john de Luz, by coming a day after the Fair, as we say. Which linger improvidence of our men hath been the overthrow of many a worthy enterprise and of the undertakers of the same. The relation of this voyage at large I was promised by the Author himself: but the same not coming to my hands in time I am constrained to leave it out. The want whereof, for the better understanding of the state of the said Island, the frequenting of that gainful trade by the aforesaid nations of the of Britons and Baskes, may in part be supplied by the voyage of, Master Charles Leigh to the said Island of Ramea: which also coming much too late thither, as Master George Drake had done, was wholly prevented and shut out to his and his friends no small detriment and mischief, and to the discouraging of others hereafter in the said gainful and profitable trade. Nevertherthelesse albeit: hitherto the success hath not answered our expectation through our ●wne default, as is abouesaid● yet I was very willing to set down in brief and homely stile some mention of these three voyages of our own men. The first of M. George Drake, the second of M. Silvester Wyet, the third of M. Charles Leigh, because they are the first, for aught that hitherto is come to my knowledge, of our own Nation, that have conducted English ships so far within this gulf of S. Laurence, and have brought us true relation of the manifold gain which the French, Britaynes, Baskes, and Biskaines do yearly return from the said parts; while we this long time have stood still and have been idle lookers on, making courtesy who should give the first adventure, or once being given, who should continued or prosecute the same. The voyage of the Grace of Bristol of M. Rice jones, a Bark of thirty five suns, up into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest of Newefoundland, as far as the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec, for the barbs or ●ynnes of Whales and train Oil, made by Silvester Wyet, Ship-master of Bristol. We departed with the aforesaid Bark manned with twelve men for the place aforesaid from Bristol the 4 of April 1594. and fallen with Cape d'Espere on the coast of Newefoundland the nineteneth of May in the height of 47. We went thence for Cape Raz, being distant from thence 18 or 19 leagues, the very same day. The 20. day we were thwart of Cape Raz. Cape Raz. Then we set our course Northwest for Cape S. Marry, Cape S. Marry. which is distant from Cape Raz 19 leagues, and is on the Eastside of the great bay of Placentia almost at the entry thereof. From thence we shaped our course for the Islands of S. Pedro passing by the broken Islands of the Martyers: The Islands of the Martyers. and when we were thwart of the said Isles of the Martyers our course to the Isles of S. Pedro was West and by North. The Isles of S. Pe●er. In these Isles of S. Pedro there is a fair harbour, which we went into with our bark, and found there 2 ships of Sibiburo fishing for Cod: where we stayed 2 days, and took in balest for our ship. There are as fair and tall fir trees growing therein, as in any other part of Newfoundland. Then we departed thence, and as we came out of the harbours mouth we laid the ship upon the lee, and in 2 hours space we took with our hooks 3 or 4 hundred great Cod for our provision of our ship. Then we departed from the Isle of S. Pedro to enter into the gulf of S. Laurence between Cape Briton and the said Isle, and set our course West North West, and fell with Cape de Rey which we found to be distant from the Isles of S. Pedro 42 leagues. Cape de Rey. From Cape de Rey to Cape de Angullie we set our course Northnorthwest being distant thence 12 or 13 leagues. Cape de Angullie. From the Cape de Angullie into the Bay of S. George we ran North-east and by East some 18 or 19 leagues. The bay of Saint George. In this bay of Saint George, we found the wracks of 2 great Biskaine ships, which had been cast away three years before: where we had some seven or eight hundred Whale fins, and some iron bolts and chains of their main shrouds & fore shrouds: all their train was beaten out with the weather but the cask remained still. Some part of the commodities were spoilt by tumbling down of the cliffs of the hills, which covered part of the cask, and the greater part of those Whale fins, which we understood to be there by four Spaniards which escaped, & were brought to S. john de Luz. Here we found the houses of the Savages, made of fi●re trees bond together ●● the top and set round like a Dove-house, and covered with the barks of fir trees, we found also some part of their victuals, which were Deeres flesh roasted upon wooden spits at the fire, & a dish made of a ryne of a tree, sowed together with the smowes of the Deer, wherein was o●e of the Dear. There were also fowls called Cormorants, which they had pulckt and made ready to have dressed, and there we found a wooden spoon of their making. And we discerned the tracks of the feet of some forty or fifty men, women and children. When we had dispatched our business in this bay of S. George and stayed there ten days, we departed for the Northern point of the said bay, which is nine or ten leagues broad. Then being informed, that the Whales which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay, and yet escape the fisher for a time, are wont usually to shoot themselves on shore on the Isle of Assumption, or Natiscotec, which lieth in the very mouth of the great river that runneth up to Canada, we shaped our course over to that long Isle of Natiscotec, and we found the distance of the way to the Estermost end thereof to be about forty four leagues: and it standeth in the latitude of 49. Here we arrived about the midst of june at the East end, and road in eighteen fathom water in fair white sand and very good ankerage, and for trial heaved a line overboorde and found wonderful fair and great Cod fish: we went also seven of us on shore and found there exceeding fair great woods of tall fir trees, and herded and saw store of land and sea fowls, They land on the Isle of Na●iscotec. and saw the footing of divers beasts in the sand when we were on shore. From the Easter end we went to the Norther side of the Island, which we perceived to be but narrow in respect of the length thereof. And after we had searched two days and a night for the Whales which were wounded which we hoped to have found there, and miss of our purpose, we returned back to the southward, and were within one league of the Island of Penguin, which lieth South from the Eastermost part of Natiscotec some twelve leagues. From the Isle of Penguin we shaped our course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island of Cape Briton: then returned we by the Isles of Saint Pedro, and so came into the Bay of Placencia, and arrived in the Easterside thereof some ten leagues up within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint john de Luz and of Sibiburo and of Biskay, which were to the number of threescore and odd sails, whereof eight ships only were Spaniards, of whom we were very well used and they wished hearty for peace between them and us. There the man of Saint john and Sibiburo men bestowed two pinnesses on us to make up our voyage with fish. Then we departed over to the other side of the Bay, where we arrived in an harbour which is call●d Pesmarck, and there made our stage and fished so long, that in the end the Savages came, and in the night, when our men were at rest, cut both our pinnace and our ships boat away to our great hindrance of our voyage, yet it was our good fortune to find out our pinnesses and get them again. Then for fear of a shrewder turn of the Savages, we departed for Cape Saint Marie, and having passed Cape Raz, we passed Northward fourteen leagues and arrived in Farrillon, and finding there two and twenty sails of Englishmen, we made up our fishing voyage to the full in that harbour the twentieth four of August to our good content: and departing thence we arrived first in Comb and stayed there a seven night, and afterward in Hungrod in the river of Bristol by the grace of God the 24 of S●ptember. 1594. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh, and divers others to Cape Briton and the Isle of Ramea. THe Hopewell of London of the burden of 120 tons, whereof was M. William Crafton, and the Chancewel of London of the burden of 70 tons, whereof was M. Steven Benner, bond unto the river of Canada, set to sea at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of London merchants (the said Charles Leigh himself, and Steven Van Herwick brother to the said Abraham, going themselves in the said ships as chief commanders of the voyage) departed from Gravesend on Friday morning the 8 of April 1597. And after some hindrances, arriving at Falmo●th in Cornewal the 28 of the said month put to sea again. And with prosperous winds the 18 of May we were upon the bank of Newfoundland. The 19 we lost the Chancewel. The 20 we had sight of land and entered within the bay of Assumption, where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French ship: and afterward in the same bay we met with our con●ort. Whereupon we presently put to sea again: and the next day we arrived at Caplen bay, where we remained by extremity of foul weather, and to mend a pings of 7 or 8 tons (which was given us at Farrillon by M. Wil Sayer of Dartmouth the Admiral of that place) until the last of May. On which day departing from thence in the afternoon we put in to Rogneuse to seek Shallops but could found none. The first of june we set sail from Rogneuse, and the second we put room to a bay under the Northside of Cape Raz being enforced in by an extreme storm. The 4 we set sail, and this day we see a great Island of ice. The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in a fog at the mou●h of the bay of Placentia. The 11 at Sun setting we had sight of Cape Briton. And the 12 by reason of contrary winds we cast anchor under the North-east end of the Isle of Menego to the North of Cape Briton in 16 fathom reasonable ground. The Isle of Menego. In that place we caught great store of Cod, which were larger and better fish than any in Newfoundland. The 13 we weighed anchor again, and being becalmed about a league from the shore we fallen to fishing where the Cod did bite at lest 20 fathoms above ground, and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship. The 14 we came to the 2 Islands of Birds, some 23 leagues from Menego: where there were such abundance of Birds, as is almost incredible to report. And upon the less of these Islands of Birds, The 2 Islands of Birds. we see great store of Morsses or sea Oxen which were a sleep upon the rocks: Store of Mo●sses. but when we approached near unto them with our boat they cast themselves into the sea and pursued us with such fury as that we were glad to flee from them. The 16 we arrived at Brian's Island, which lieth 5 leagues West from the Island of Birds. About this Island there is as great abundance of cod as in any place can be found. In little more than an hour we caught with 4 hooks 250 of them. Here we caught also a great Turbot which was an el●e long and a yard broad: which was so great that the hook could not hold her into the ship: but when she was above water she bend the hook & escaped. In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for corn and meadow, In Bryan's Island excellent ground for come and meadow. & great store of wood, but of small groweth. springs of fresh water we found none in all the Island, but some standing pools of rain water. The same day at night we weighed anchor again. The 17 we had stormy weather. The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea, The Isle Ramea. where we appointed to meet with our consort. And approaching near unto the harbour of Halabolina we cast anchor in 3 fathoms water and sent our great boat into the harbour, with the master's mate and some dozen more of the company: who when they came in, found 4 ships. Namely 2 of Saint Malo in Britain, and two of S●b●buro adjoining to Saint john de luz being the French Kings subjects, whom they supposed to have been of Spain, and so affirmed unto us. Whereupon we went presently into harbour, ●inding but eleven foot and an half of water upon the bar and a mighty great current in, when we had cast anchor we sent presently to speak with the masters of all th● ships: but those only of Saint Malo came aboard, whom we entertained very friendly, and demanded of whence the other two ships were. They said as they thought of Saint john de Luz or Sibiburo. Then we presently sent our boat for the Masters of both the said ships, to request them to come aboard, and to bring with them their Charters parties and other evidences, to the end we might know of whence they were. At which message one of the said Maste●s came aboard with the Pilot and Master's mate of the other ship: whom when we had examined, they said that they were of Sibiburo, and the French Kings subjects. We requested them for our better security in the harbour peaceably to deliver up their powder and munition: promising them that if we found them to be the French Kings subjects it should be kept in safety for them without diminishing. But they would not consent thereunto: whereunto we replied, that unless they would consent thereunto we would hold them to be our enemies. They not consenting, we sent the boat well manned to fetch th●ir powder and munition from aboard their ship: but straight commanded our men not to touch any thing else in the ship upon their further peril: which they promised to perform. When they came aboard the said ships which were mored together, they were resisted by force of arms, but quickly they got the victory: which done, they fallen presently to pillaging of the Baskes, contrary to their promise: whereupon we sent another to forbid them: but when he came to them, none was more ready of pillage than he. Whereupon I went myself, and took away from our men whatsoever they had pillaged, and gave it again to the owners: only I sent aboard our own ship their powder and munition to be kept in safety until we known farther what they were. When I had done, I gave the Baskes possession of their ship again and told them they should not lose the value of one penny if they were the French Kings of subjects. Then I carried away all our men, and also took with me two or three of the chiefest of them, and when I came aboard went to examining of them, and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France: whereupon I told the master of the ●aid ship, that I was thoroughly satisfied that he was of France and so dismissed him in peace. Of the other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spain, but had n● certain proof thereof, wherefore we dismissed them likewise in peace. After I had thus dismissed them, our ships company fallen into a mutiny and more than half of them resolved to carry one of those ships away. But they we●e prevented of their evil purpose by aid which the said ships received from their countrymen in the other harbour: Another harbour in Ramea. For the next morning, which was the twentieth of june, very early there were gathered together out of all the ships in bo●h harboroughs, at the lest 200 Frenchmen and Britons, who had planted upon the shore three pieces of Ordinance against us, and had prepared themselves in all readiness to fight with us, which so soon as we had descried them gave the onset upon us with at lest an hundred small shot out of the woods. There w●re also in readiness to assault us about three hundred Savages. But after we had skirmished a while with them, we procured aparley by one of them ●n of Saint Malo, whose ship rowed hard by us: A skirmish between the French men and us. In which parl●y they required some of our m●n to come on shore unto them: whereupon we requested M. Ralph Hill and the Boatswaines mate to go on shore to them: whom what they had they detained as prisoners; and then required the powder and munition, which we had of the Baskes in possession which we surrendered unto them in safety as our intent always was, which done, the●e came aboard unto us one Captain Charles, who was captain of the great ship of Saint Malo, which ●ode in the other harbour: A new treason of the Britons. who challenged our great boat which we had at Farrillon to be his. And whil● we were in talk with him about the two Baskes which at first we thought to be Spa●ia●ds, we had almost been betrayed. For the said Captain Charles wi●h half a dozen more of his company kept themselves aboard of our ship and held us in a talk, while thirty or forty others should have entered our ship unawares from one of the ships of S. Malo, which professed to be our f●i●nd, & unto whom we showed all courtesy. But we perceiving their treachere us intent threatened to set fire on the said ship, which was then thwart ou● hawse, from which they would have ●n●r●d. By whi●h resolution of ours God did discourage them from effecting their mischievous purposes. Now the said captain ●ha●le● when he see himself prevented of his wicked intents, ●ook his boat presently to go on shore, and promised that all things should be ended in peac● between vs● and that h● would sand us our two men again. But when he was on shore he presently sent for our great boat which he claimed to be his & withal commanded us out of th● harbour but he sent not o● men as he promised, we being now the weaker side did not only deliver his boa● but also determined to be gone and then requested them to help us with our anchor which was on shore; but they would not. Then we desired them to cut the bent of the cable upon the anchor on shore (for we dared not sand our boat jest they should have kept from us both our boat and men) which they promised to do for us, as al●o to sand our men; but when they were on shore, they would do neither. We therefore seeing their falsehood in every thing, dared no longer tarry for fear of farther treachery; wherefore we concluded to cut our cable in the hawse; which we did, & so departed the harborough about 9 of the clock, leaving two of our men with our cable & anchor, and 20 fathoms of a new hawser behind us. And as we were going away, they made great shows of friendship, and drank unto us from the shore; but more for fear then love, and requested us to come on shore for our men, whom then they delivered. The same morning in passing over the bar before the harborowes mouth, and by that time that we had all our men aboard, our ship came on ground upon the sands; The bar of the haven of Ramea. where we lay some 8 hours: during which time, at low water we trimmed our ship without board, and by the great providence of God found our leak which then we stopped. About six of the clock at night we got our ship on float again, and that night ankered within part of the bar, which then because of the wound we could not pass. They departed from Ramea. But it pleased God to sand us fair weather all that night, and the next day by noon we had got our ship clean over the bar. The 21 day after we got over the bar the wound arose at east & east southeast, we blew right into the bay: which if it had come before we were clear of the bar, we had both ship and men perished in the sands. The same day, because the wound kept us within the bay, we went to the Isle Blanch, Isle Blanch o● the White Isle. where the ships of the other harborough had their stages: but it was at lest two leagues from their ships; where we hoped by friendship to procure a shallop & assurance of our cable and anchor again. But when we had approached near the shore with our ship, & woven them with a white flag, they in stead of coming unto us, sent their message by a bullet out of a piece of great ordinance, which they had placed on shore of purpose against us; so that they would neither speak with us, nor permit us to come near them. Thus we departed, and would have put to sea that night; but there was much wound at East, which kept us within the bay, & enforced us to come to an anchor under Isle Blanch. The next morning being the 22, we put to sea, and about 12 of the clock the same day, the wound being at Northeast and foul weather, the master said he could not ply up to grand cost, because of the leeshore, & the wound against us, and therefore asked what we should do. I asked then how far we had to the river of cape Briton: The river of Cape Briton. he said a little way. Then said I, If it be not far, we were best to go thither to trade with the Savages while the wound is contrary, and to take in water & balist, which we wanted. To which the master said, that if I would he would carry us thither. I thinking it to be the best course, said I was content, so far forth as that from thence we took the first fair wound for grand cost. Hereupon the master willed him at the helm to keep his course southeast and southeast and by south. Presently after I asked him how many leagues we had to the said river, and from the said river to grand cost. He then said that we had 40 leagues to the river, and from the river to grand cost 120 leagues. Hereupon I said I would not consent to go so far out of our way, but willed him to keep his directest course for grand cost; which he did. Within one half hour afterwards the 23 day the gunner and company of the ship presented me & the master with a request in writing to return for England or to go for the Islands of Açores for a man of war, for they would not proceed on their voyage to grand cost; and therefore do what I could they turned the helm homewards. The 14 of june we sent our boat on shore in a great bay upon the Isle of Cape Briton for water. Their arrival in the Isle of Cape Briton. The 25 we arrived on the West side of the Isle of Menego, where we left some task on shore in a sandy bay, but could not tarry for foul weather. The 26 we cast anchor in another bay upon the main of Cape Briton. The 27 about ten of the clock in the morning we met with eight men of the Chancewell our consort in a shallop; The Chancew●l cast away 18 leagues within Cape Briton. who told us that their ship was cast away upon the main of Cape Briton, within a great bay eighteen leagues within the Cape, and upon a rock within a mile of the shore, upon the 23 of this month about one of the clock in the afternoon: and that they had cleared their ship from the rock: but being bilged and full of water, they presently did run her up into a sandy bay, where she was no sooner come on ground, but presently after there came aboard many shallops with store of French men, who rob and spoilt all they could lay hands on, pillaging the poor men even to their very shirts, and using them in savage manner: whereas they should rather as Christians have aided them in that distress. Which news when we herded, we blessed God, who by his divine providence and unspeakable mercy had not only preserved all the men, but brought us thither so miraculously to aid and comfort them. So presently we put into the road where the Chancewell lay; where was also one ship of Sibiburo, whose men that holp to pillage the Chancewell were run away into the woods. Woods on the Isle of Cape Briton. But the master thereof which had dealt very honestly with our men stayed in his ship, and came aboard of us: whom we used well, not taking any thing from him that was his, but only such things as we could find of our own. And when we had dispatched our business, we gave him one good cable, one old cable and an anchor, one shallop with mast, sails, and other furniture, and other things which belonged to the ship. In recompense whereof he gave us two hogsheads of cider, one barrel of pease, and 25 score of fish. The 29 betimes in the moruing we departed from that road toward a great Biskame some 7 leagues off of 300 tun, whose men dealt most doggedly with the Chancewels company. The same night we ank●red at the mouth of the harborough, where the Biskain was. The 30 betimes in the morning we put into the harborough; and approaching near their stage, we see it uncovered, and so suspected the ship to be go: whereupon we sent our pinnace on shore with a dozen men, who when they came, found great store of fish on shore, but all the men were fled: neither could they perceive whether the ship should be go, but as they thought to sea. This day about twelve of the clock we took a Savages boat which our men pursued: but all the Savages ran away into the woods, and our men brought their boat on board. The same day in the afternoon we brought our ship to an anchor in the harborough: and the same day we took three hogsheads and ●n half of train, and some 300 of green fish. Also in the evening three of the Savages, whose boat we had, came unto us for their boat; The Savages of Cape Briton come aboard of our ship. to whom we gave coats and knives, and restored them their boat again. The next day being the first of july, the rest of the Savages came unto us, among whom was their king, whose name was Itarey, and their queen, to whom also we gave coats and knives, and other trifles. These Savages called the harborough Cibo. Cibo an harborough in the Isle of Cape Briton. In this place are the greatest multitude of lobsters that ever we herded of: for we caught at one haul with a little draw net above 140. The fourth of july in the morning we departed from Cibo. And the fift we cast anchor in a reasonable good harborough called New Port under an Island some eight leagues from Cibo, New Port. and within three leagues from the English port. At this place in pursuing certain shallops of a ship of Rochel, one of them came aboard, who told us, that the Biskainer whom we sought, was in the English port with two Biskainers more, and two ships of Rochel. Thereupon we sent one of our men in the Rochellers shallop to parley with the admiral & others our friends in the English port, Port Ingles. requesting them ay● for the recovery of our things, which the other ship called the Santa Maria of S. Vincent (whereof was Mas●er johannes de Har●e, and Pilot Adame de Lavandote) had rob from the Chancewell. To which they answered, that if we would come in unto them in peace, they would assist us what they might. This answer we had the sixt day: and the seventh in the fornoone we arrived in the English port, and cast anchor aloof from the other ships: which done, I went aboard the Admiral, to desire the performance of his promise: who sent for johannes de Harte, who was contented to restore most of our things again: whereupon I went aboard his ship to have them restored. This day and the eighth I spent in procuring such things as they had rob; but yet in the end we wanted a great part thereof. Then we were brief with them, and willed them either to restore us the rest of our things which they had, or else we would both enforce them to do it, and also have satisfaction for our victuals and merchandises which by their means were lost in the Chancewell. The ninth in the morning we prepared our ship to go near unto them. Whereupon their Admiral sent his boat aboard, and desired to speak with me: then I went aboard unto him, and desired to have our things with peace and quietness, proffering to make him and the Masters of the two ships of Rochel our umpires, and what they should advise I would stand unto. Hereupon he went aboard the other ship to make peace; but they would hear no reason, neither yet condescend to restore and thing else which they had of ours. Then I desired that as I came in peace unto them, they would so set me aboard my ship again: which they denied to do, but most unjustly detained me and Stephen van Herwicke who was with me. A while after our shallop came with four men to know how I did, and to fetch me aboard: but so soon as she came to the Admiral's ships side, his men entered, and took her away, detaining our men also as prisoners with us. Then presently all the three Biskainers made toward our ship, which was not careless to get the wind of them all: and having by the mercy of God obtained the same, she then stayed for them: but when they see they had lost their advantage, they presently turned their course, making as great haste in again as they did out before. Afterwards I attempted twice to go aboard, but was still enforced back by the two other Biskainers, who sought our lives: so that in the end the Master of the Admiral was enforced to man his great boat to waft us: and yet notwithstanding they bend a piece of great ordinance at us: for we were to pass by them unto our ship: but we rescued our shallop under our Master's great boat; and by that means passed in safety. The next morning being the tenth of the month, we purposed if the wind had served our turn, to have made them to repent their evil dealing, and to restore us our own again, or else to have sunk their ships if we could. But the wind served not our turn for that purpose; but carried us to sea: so that the same morning we took our course toward the bay of S. Laurence in Newfoundland: They departed from Cape Briton. where we hoped to find a Spanish ship, which as we had intelligence, did fish at that place. The thirteenth da● we had sight of S. Peter's Islands. S. Peter's Islands. And the fourteenth day being foggy and misly weather, while we made towards the land, we sent our shallop before the ship to discover dangers: but in the fog, through the men's negligence which were in her, she lost us: yet we kept on our course, thinking that although we could not see them, yet they might see our ship: and coming into sixteen fathoma water we cast anchor, supposing ourselves to be near the shore: and in the evening it pleased God to give us for the space of one quarter of an hour clear weather, by which we found ourselves to be embayed, and also had sight of our shallop, which was at the point of a land about one league from us. The same night we went further into the same bay, where we had very good riding. The fifteenth we went on shore, and in that place found footing of decree, and before we returned we killed one. The eighteenth we departed toward S. Laurence: the same evening we had sight of S. Laurence, and sent off our boat in the night with our Master and sixteen men to surprise the Spaniard, A Spanish ship taken. which lay in Little S. Laurence; who presently upon the entrance of our men surrendered up their ship and goods. The nineteenth in the morning before day, the Master of our ship with two more, and three Spaniards, took a boat and came forth to meet our ship, but being foggy, he cast anchor by the mouth of the harborough (thinking in fair weather to put out to our ship, which through the current and foggy weather was put five or six leagues to leeward: & while they were at anchor in the boat they were surprised again by certain Basks of S. john de Luz who were in Great S. Laurence hard by. These Basks with their for●es (having received intelligence by one of the Spaniards, who sleeping on shore, escaped unto them overland) on the sudden surprised the said boat with our Master and others: and then presently made unto the ship; but our men aboard defended them off. In the end they threatened that unless they would yield, they would kill M. Crafton and our other men before their eyes. M. Crafton. So at last upon M. Craftons' entreaty and our men's, to save their lives, they yielded up the ship again, upon condition, that they should not injury any of our men, but should let them all with their weapons peaceably departed: yet when our men had yielded, they broke their covenant, proffering them great violence, threatening to kill them, disarming them, stripping their clotheses from their backs, and using them more like dogs than men. After they had thus rob our men of their prize and weapons, they presently towed the ship with their boats out of that harborough into Great S. Laurence, where their own ships did ride, and within less than an hour after they had carried our prize away, our ship arrived in the bay: where after we had been a while at anchor, our shallop came aboard unto us, with most part of our sixteen men, who told us the whole story before recited, as also that captain Laurence had carried away our Master, and Stephen van Herwicke prisoners, and turned the rest of our men on shore in the woods, without either meat, drink, or almost any apparel. The 20 all our men came aboard, except the two prisoners: and the same day we took with our boats three of the Spaniards shallops, with five hogsheads of train oil in each of them, & in one boat four Spaniards; but the men of the other two shallops fled on shore. The same day also we took the Master of one of the ships which was in the harborough with three other of his men, whom we detained prisoners to ransom M. Crafton & Stephen van Herwick. The 22 captain Laurence sent them aboard, and we also released all our prisoners, except one Spaniard, who was boatswain of the Spanish ship, whom we kept with us: and the same day we set sail from thence. The 24 we had advice of our Spaniard of certain Leaguers which were in the harborough of cape S. Marry. The harborough of Cape S. Marry, Whereupon the same night, being within five or six leagues of the harborough, I sent off our two shallops with thirty men to discover the harborough, and to surprise the enemy. The 25 in the morning we approached the harborough with our ship, and in the mouth thereof we espied three shallops, two whereof were ours, and the third of a ship of Rochel, which they had surprised with four men in her: who told them that there were but two ships in the harborough, whereof one was of Rochel, and the other of Bell isle. And as we were discoursing with the Rochellers, we had sight of the ships: whereupon we sent our boat aboard the the Rocheller to certify him that we were his friends, and to request him not to hinder our fight with the enemy. This message being sent, we made all the haste we could unto the ship of Bell isle, which first began with us with three great shot, one whereof hit our main topsail, but both the other miss us. And we also sent one unto them: then being approached near unto them ten or twelve of us went in a shallop to enter them, and we carried also a warp with us to make fast unto their ship, whereby our ship might the better come up to aid us. And when we boarded them in our boat, they betook themselves to their close fights, playing chief upon us with shot & pikes out at two ports, between which we entered very dangerously, escaping near dangers both by shot & pike. Some of our men were wounded, but no great harm was done. And mine own piece in entering, was shot out of my hand into the sea; which ●hot also burst one side of the ladder, by which I entered. We had not long been aboard, but through the help of God we caused them to yield unto our mercy. There were of them in the ship above forty men, most whereof we sent aboard of ●ur ship, A Briton ship of 200 tunnes● taken. there to be kept in hold, with order to our chirurgeon to dress the wounded men, one of which was wounded unto death. That done, we had then time to view our prize, which we found of great defence, and a notable strong ship, almost two hundred tun in burden, very well appointed, and in all things fitted for a man of war. They had also fourteen or fifteen men more, which were then absent from the ship; otherwise we should have had the hotter fight. The same day we got our sails to the yard, and our top masts on end, and rigged the ship what we could. The 26 day we got some oil aboard, and there we tarried until the second of August, fitting ourselves for the sea, and getting fish aboard as weather served us. During our ●●ode there we divided our men, and appointed to each ship their company, myself and my friends being resolved to take our passage in the prize; wherein when we were shipped, and the company, there arose great enmity against us by the other ship, which afterward was quieted. The second day of August, having taken in water and wood, we put to sea from that harborough in company of the Hopewell, with purpose to go directly to Parlican, which is an harborough in the North part of Newfoundland, where we expected another prize. But when we came to sea we found our sails so ol●e, our ropes so rotten, and our provision of bread and drink so short, as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England; whereupon we drawn out our reasons the fourth day of August, and sent them aboard the Hopewell, to certify them the cause of our resolution for England: whereat they were generally offended, thinking and saying, that we in the prize went about to cousin and deceive them. To conclude, they sent us word that they would keep us company for England. But I had given William Crafton commission before to go for the Islands of the Açores, and there to spend his victuals for a man of war. The next day being the fift of August, having a fair wind, we put off from the coast of Newfoundland, and kept our course directly for England, the Hopewell keeping us company until mid●ay whenas hau●ng lost us in a fog, she shot off two pieces of ordinance, and we answered her with three: afterward w● spoke not with her, supposing that she went for the Islands. The 27 of August, drawing near the coast of England, we sounded and found ground at seventy fathoms. Some of the mariners thinking we were in Bristol channel, and other in Silly channel: so that through variety of judgements, ●nd evil marinership we were fame to dance the hay four days together, sometimes running to the North-east, sometimes to the Southeast, than again to the East, and Eastnortheast. Thus did we spend fair winds, and loose our time until the last of August. And then it pleased God that we fallen with the Island of Lundy within the channel of Bristol; from whence we s●ayed our course: and aft●r divers dangers, the third of September we m●t with the Tramontane of the Queen off of Dartmouth; to the captain whereof we gave certain things that he had need of. The fift of Septe●●er I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight, and within few days after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London, where she was made prize as belonging to the enemies of this land. Certain observations touching the countries and places where we traveled. THe Newfoundland we found very subject to fogs and mists. The ground of it is very rocky: and upon it there is great store of fierce trees, and in some places read: and abou● the shore it hath great abundance of codfish. We were on land in it in four several places: 1 At Caplin bay and Farrillon: 2 At Cape Raze: 3 At the harborough of Lano which lieth four leagues to the West beyond Cape Laurence: 4 At S. Marie port. The Island of Menego for the soil is much like Newfoundland, but the fish about it, as also throughout the grand Bay within Cape Briton, is much larger and better than that of the Newfoundland. This Island is scant two leagues long, and very narrow. In the midst of it, a great way within the wood is a great pool. Here we were thrice on shore: once at the East side, and twice at the West. The three Islands of birds are sandy red, but with the multitude of birds upon them they look white. The birds sit there as thick as stones lie in a paved street. The greatest ●f the Islands is about a mile in compass. The second is little less. The third is a very little one, like a small rock. At the second of these three lay on the shore in the Sunshine about thirty or forty sea-oxens or morses; which when our boat came near them, presently made into the sea, and swum after the boat. Brions Island we found to be very good, and sandy ground. It hath in it store of fir trees. It is somewhat more than a league long, and about three leagues in compass. Here we were on land once, and went from the one side of it to the other. The Island of Ramea we took to be like ground as Brions Island, having also abundance of fir trees. It seemeth to be in length about twelve or thirteen leagues at lest. We were there in harborough, but not on shore, which we much desired, and hoped to have been: but the conflict which we had there with the Basks and Britons, mentioned before, prevented us. The Isle Blanch likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bigness of it to be much like Brions Island aforesaid, but somewhat less. We were not on shore upon it, but road before it at anchor. The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland, but rather better. Here toward the West end of it we see the clouds lie lower than the hills: as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland. The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land, as the West. We went on shore upon it in five places: 1 At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away: 2 At Cibo: 3 At a little Island between Cibo and the New port: 4 At the New port: And 5 at Port Ingles, or the English port. Concerning the nature and fruitfulness of Brions Island, Isle Blanch, and of Ramea, they do by nature yield exceeding plenty of wood, great store of wild corn like barley, strawberries, gooseberries, mulberries, white roses, and store of wild peason. Also about the said Islands the sea yieldeth great abundance of fish of divers sorts. And the said Islands also seem to proffer, through the labour of man, plenty of all kind of our grain, of roots, of hemp, and other necessary commodities. Charles Leigh. CERTAIN VOYAGES CONTAINING THE Discovery of the Gulf of Saint Laurence to the West of Newfoundland, and from thence up the river of Canada, to Hochelaga, Saguenay, and other places: with a description of the temperature of the climate, the disposition of the people, the nature, commodities, and riches of the soil, and other matters of special moment. The first relation of jaques Carthier of S. Malo, of the new land called New France, newly discovered in the year of our Lord 1534. How M. jaques Carthier departed from the Port of S. Malo, with two ships, and came to Newfoundland, and how he entered into the Po●t of Buona Vista. AFter that Sir Charles of Movy knight lord of Meylleraye, & Uiceadmirall of France had caused the Captains, Masters, and Mariners of the ships to be sworn to behave themselves truly and faithfully in the service of the most Christian King of France, under the charge of the said Carthier, upon the twentieth day of April 1534, we dearted from the Port of S. Malo with two ships of threescore tun apiece burden, and 61 well appointed men in each one: and with such prosperous weather we sailed onwards, that upon the tenth day of May we came to Newfoundland, where we entered into the Cape of Buona Vista, which is in latitude 48 degrees and a half, and in longitude *. But because of the great store of the ice that was alongst the said land, we were constrained to enter into an haven called S. Katherins haven, distant from the other Port about five leagues toward Southsoutheast: there did we stay ten days looking for fair weather; and in the mean while we mended and dressed our boats. How we ●ame to the Island of Birds, and of the grea● quantity of bi●ds that there be. Upon the 2● of May the wind being in the West, we hoist sai●e, and sailed toward North and by East from the cape of Buona Vista until we came to the I●●and of Birds, The Isle o● Birds. which was environed about with a bank of ice, but broken and crack: notwithstanding the said bank, our two boats went thither to take in some birds● whereof there is such plenty, that unless a man did see them, he would t●inke it an incredible thing: for albeit the Island (which containeth about a ●eague in circuit) be so full of them, that they seem to hau● been brought thither, ●nd sewed for the non●e, yet are there an hundred fold as many hovering ●bout it as within; some of the which are as big as ●ayes, black and white, with beaks like unto crows: they lie always upon the sea; they cannot fly very high, because their wings are so little and no bigger than half one's hand, yet do they ●lie as swiftly as any birds of the air level to the water: they are also exceeding fat; we named them Aporath● In less than half an hour we filled two boats full of them, as if they had been with stones: so that besides them which we did eat fresh, ●uery ship did powder and salt five or si●e barrels full of them. Of two sorts of birds, the one called Gode●●, the o●her Marga●●x; and how we came to Carpent. BEsides these, there is another kind of birds which ho●●● in the air, and over the sea, lesser than the others: and these do all gather themselves together in the Island, and put themselves under the wings of other birds that are greater: these we named Godetz. There are also of another sort, but bigger, and whit●, which bite even as dogs: those we named Margaulx. And albeit the said Island be 14 leagues from the main land, notwithstanding ears come swimming thither to eat of the said birds● and our men found one there as great as any cow, A great whi●e bea●e. and as white as any swan, who n●their presence lea●● into the sea; and upon Whitsu●● unday (following our voyage toward the land) we met her by the way, swimming toward land as swiftly as we could sail. So soon as we see her, we pursued her without boats, and by main strength took her, w●ose flesh was as good to be eaten as the flesh of a calf of t●o years old. The Wednesday following, being the 27 of the month, we came ●o the entrance of the bay of th● Castle; ●e● Chasteau●. but because the weather was ill, and the great store of ice we found, we were constrained to enter into an harborough about the said entrance called Carpunt, Carpunt. where, because we could not come out of it, we stayed till the ninth of june, what time we departed, hoping with the help of God to sail further than the said Carpunt, which is in latitude 51 degrees. The description of Newfoundland, from Cape Razo to Cape Degrade. THe land from Cape Razo to Cape Degrade, which is the point of the entrance of the bay that trendeth from head to head toward Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. All this part of land is parted into Islands one so near the other, that there are but small rivers between them: thorough the which you may pass with little boats, and therefore there are certain good harborows, among which are those of Carpunt and Degrade. In one of these Islands that is the highest of them all, being the top of it you may plainly see the too low Islands that are near to Cape Razo, from whence to the port of Carpunt they count it five and twenty leagues; and there are two entrances the● eat, one on the East, the other on the South side of the Island. But you must take heed of the side ● point of the East, because that every where there is nothing else but shelves, and ●he water is very shallow: you must go about the Island toward the West the length of half a cable or thereabouts, and then ●o go toward the South to the said Carpunt. Also you are ●o take heed of ●●ree shelves that are in the channel under the water: and toward the Island on the East side in the channel, the water is of three or four fathom deep, and clear ground. The other trendeth toward Eastnortheast, and on the West you may go on shore. Of the Island which ●ow is called S. Katherins island. GOing from the point Degrade and entering into the said bay toward the West & by North: there is some doubt of two Islands that are on the right side, one of the which is distant from the said point three leagues, and the other seven, either more or less than the first, being a low and plain land, and it seemeth to be part of the main land. I named it Saint Katherine's Island; in which, toward the North-east there is very dry soil; but a●out a quarter of a l●●gue from it, very ill ground, so that you must go a little about, The said ● stand & the Port of Cas●●es trend toward North north-east, and South south-west, and they are about 25. 〈◊〉 asunder. From the said port of Castles to the port of Gut, which is in the northern part of the said Bay, that trendeth toward East north-east, and West south-west, there are 12. leagues and an half: and about two leagues from the port of balances, that is to say, the third pa●t athware the said Bay the depth being sounded it is about 38. fathoms: and from the said port of Balances to the white Sands toward West south-west there is 15. leagues, Blane Sablon, or white Sands. but you must take heed of a shelf that lieth about 3. leagues outward from the said white Sands on the South-west side above wa●er l●ke a boa●. Of the place called Blane Sablon, or the white Sand: of the Island of Breast, and of the Island of Birds, of the sorts and quantity of birds that there are found: and of the Port called the Islettes. WHite Sand is a Road in the which there is no place guarded from the South, nor southeast. But toward South south-west from ●he said road there are two islands, one of th● which is called Breast Island, and the other the Island of Birds in which there is great store of Bo●etz, and crows with read beaks and read feet: they make their nests in holes under the groun● even as C●●●es. A point of land being passed about a league from white Sand, there is a Port and passage found called the Islet●es, a better place then white Sand: and there is great fishing. From the said Port of the Islettes unto another called Breast, Br●st a pl●● to the North in Newfoundland. the circuit is about ten leagues. This Port is in latitude 51. degrees and 55. minutes, and in longitude●. From the Islettes to that place there are many other islands: and the said Port of Breast is also amongst those islands. Moreover the islands do compass more than 3. leagues from the said Breast, being low, and over them are the other lands above mentioned seen. How we with our ships entered into the Port of Breast, and saying onward toward the West we passed amid the Islettes, which were so many in number that it was not possible to tell them: and how we named them the Islettes Upon the 10. of june we with our ships entered into the Port of Breast, to furnish ourselves with water and wood, and to make us ready to pass the said Bay. Upon S. Barnabas day Service being herded, we with our boats went beyond the said Port toward the west, to see what harbours were there: we passed through the midst of the Islettes, which were so many in number that it was not possible they might be told, for they continued about 10. leagues beyond the said Port. We to rest ourselves stayed in one of them a night, and there we found great store of duck eggs and other birds that there do make their nests, we named them all The Islettes. Of the Port c●lled S. A●●onies Po●●, S. Servants Port, james Cartie●● Port: of the river called S. james: of the customs and apparel of the inhabitants in ●he Island of White Sand. THe next day we passed the said islands, and beyond them all we found a good haven, which we named S. Antony's Haven, and one or two leagues beyond we found a little river toward the South-west coast, tha● is between two other islands, and is a good harbour. There we set ●p a Cross, and named it S. Seruans Port: and on the South-west side of the said Port and river, about one league there is a small Island as round as an Oven, environed about with many other little islands that give notice to the said Ports. Further about two leagues there is another greater river, in which we took good store of salmon, that we named S. james his River. Being in the said river, The river of S● jaques. we see a ship of Rochel that the night before had passed the Port of Breast, where they thought to have go a fishing: but the Mariners known not where they were. We with our boats approached near unto it, and did direct it to another Port one league more toward the West than the said river o● S. james, which I take to be one of the best in all the world, and therefore we named it james Carthiers Sound. If the soil were as good as the harbours are, it were a great commodity: but it is not to be called The new Land, but rather stones and wild crags, and a place fit for wild beasts, for in all the North Island I did not see a Cartload of good earth: yet went I on shore in many places, and in the Island of White Sand, there is nothing else but moss and small thorns scattered here and there, withered and dry. To be short, I believe that this was the land that God allotted to Caine. There are men of an indifferent good stature and bigness, but wild and unruly: they wear their hair tied on the top like a wreath of hay, and put a wooden pin within it, or any other such thing in stead of a nail, and with them they bind certain birds feathers. They are clothed with beasts skins as well the men as women, but that the women go somewhat straighter and closer in their garments then the men do, with their wastes ●●d●d: they ●aint themselves with certain Rouen colours: their boats are made of the bark of birch trees, Boats made of the bark of Birch trees. with the which they fish and take great store of Seals, and as far as we could understand since our coming thither, that is not their habitation, but they come from the main land out of hotter countries, to catch the said Seals and other necessaries for their living. Of certain Capes, that is to say, The double Cape, The pointed Cape, Cape Royal, and The Cape of Milk: of the mountains of Granges: of the islands of Dove houses: and of the great fishing of Cod. Upon the 13. of that month we came to our ships again with our boats on purpose to sail forward because the weather was fair, and upon Sunday we caused Service to be said: then on monday being the 15. of the month we departed from Breast and sailed toward the South to take a view of the lands that there we had seen, that seemed unto us to be two islands: but when we were amid the Bay, we known it to be firm land, where was a great double Cape one above the other, and therefore we named it The double Cape. In the entrance of the Bay we sounded, and found it to be an hundred fathom round about us. From Breast to The double Cape there is about 20. leagues, and about five or six leagues beyond we sounded again and found 40 fathom water. The said land lieth North-east and Southwest. The next day being the 16 of the month we sailed along the said coast toward the South-west, and by South about 35 leagues from the double Cape, where we found very steep and wild hills, among the which were seen certain small cabbans, which we in the country call Granges, and therefore we named them The hills of the Granges. The other lands and mountains are all craggy, cloven and cut, and betwixt them and the Sea, there are other islands, but low. The day before through the dark mists and fogs of the weather, we could not have sight of any land, but in the evening we spied an entrance into the land, by a river among the said Hills of Granges, and a Cape lying toward the South-west about 3 leagues from from us. The said Cape is on the top of it blunt-pointed, and also toward the Sea it endeth in a point, wherefore we named it The pointed Cape, on the North side of which there is a plain Island. And because we would have notice of the said entrance, to see if there were any good havens, we struck sail for that night. The next day being the 17 of the month we had stormy weather from North-east, wherefore we took our way toward the South-west until thursday morning, and we went about 37 leagues, till we came athwart a Bay full of round islands like dove houses, and therefore we named them The dove houses. And from the Bay of S. julian, from the which to a Cape that lieth South and by West, which we called Cape Royal, there are 7. leagues, and toward the West south-west side of the said Cape, there is another that beneath is all craggy, and above round. On the North side of which about half a league there lieth a low Island: that Cape we named The Cape of milk. Between these two Capes there are certain low islands, above which there are also certain others that show that there be some rivers. About two leagues from Cape royal we sounded and found 20 fathom water, and there is the greatest fishing of Cod that possible may be: for staying for our company, in less than an hour we took above an hundred of them. Of certain islands that lie between Cape Royal, and The Cape of milk. THe next day being the 18 of the month, the wind with such rage turned against us, that w● were constrained to go back toward Cape Royal, thinking there to find some harbour, and with our boats went to discover between the Cape Royal, and the Cape of Milk, and found that above the low islands there is a great and very deep gulf, within which are certain islands. The said gulf on the Southside is shut up. The foresaid low grounds are on one of the sides of the entrance, and Cape Royal is on the other. The said low grounds do stretch themselves more then half a league within the Sea. It is a plain country, but an ill soil: and in the midst of the entrance thereof, there is an Island. The said gulf in latitude is forty eight degrees and an half, and in longitude *. That night we found no harbour, and therefore we launched out into the Sea, leaving the Cape toward the West. Of the Island called S. john. FRom the said day until the 24 of the month being S. john's day we had both stormy weather and wind against us, with such darkness and mists, that until S. john's day, we could have no sight of any land, and then had we sight of a Cape of land, that from Cape Royal lieth South-west about 35 leagues, but that day was so foggy and misty, that we could not come near land, and because it was S. john's day, we named it Cape S. john. Of certain islands called the islands of Margaulx, and of the kinds of beasts and birds that there are found. Of the Island of Brion, and Cape Dolphin. THe next day being the 25. of the month, the weather was also stormy, dark, and windy, but yet we sailed a part of the day toward West North west, and in the evening we put ourselves athwart until the second quarter, when as we departed, then did we by our compass know that we were Northwest & by West about seven leagues and an half from the Cape of S. john, and as we were about to hoist sail, the wind turned into the Northwest, wherefore we went Southeast, about 15. leagues, and came to three islands, Three islands. two of which are as steep and upright as any brickwall, so that it was not possible to climb them: and between them there is a little rock. These islands were as full of birds, as any field or medo●● is of grass, which there do make their nests: and in the greatest of them, there was a great and infinite number of those that we call Margaulx, that are white, and bigger than any geese, which were severed in one part. In the other were only Godetz, but toward the shore there were of those Gode●z, and great Apponatz, like to those of that Island that we above have mentioned: we went down to the lowest part of the lest Island, where we killed above a thousand of those Godetz, and Apponatz. We put into our boats so many of them as we pleased, for in less than one hour we might hau● filled thirty such boats of them: we named them The islands of Margaulx. The Islands of Margaulx. About five leagues from the said islands on the West, there is another Island that is about two leagues in length, and so much in breadth: there did we stay all night to take in water and wood. That Island is environed round about with sand, and hath a very good road about it three or four fathom deep. Those islands have the best soil that ever we see, for that one of their fields is more worth th●n all the New land. We found it all full of goodly trees, medowes● fields full of wild corn and peason bloomed, as thick, as rank, and as fair as any can be seen in Britain, so that they seemed to have been ploughed and sowed. There was also great store of gooseberries, strawberries, damask roses, parsel●y, with other very sweet and pleasant herbs. About the said Island are very great beasts as great ●s oxen, Mo●ses or S●●oxen. which have two great teeth in their mouths like unto Elephants teeth, & live also in the Sea. We see one of them sleeping upon the bank of the water: we thinking to take it, went to it with our boats, but so soon as he herded us, he cast himself into the Sea. We also see bears & wolves: we named it Brions Island. Briony Island. About it toward Southeast, and Northwest, there are great lakes. As far as I could gather and comprehend, I think that there be some passage between New found land, and Brions land. If so it were, it would be a great shortwing, aswell of the time as of the way, if any perfection could be found in it. About four leagues from that Island toward WestSouthwest is the firm land, which seemeth to be as an Island compassed about with little islands of sands. There is a goodly Cape which we named Cape Dolphin, for there is the beginning of good grounds. On the 27. of june we compassed the said lands about that lie West Southwest: and a far off th●y seem to be little hill●s of sand, for they are but low lands: we could neither go to them, nor land on them, because the wind was against us. That day we went 15. leagues. Of the Island called Alexai, and of the cape of S. Peter. THe next day we went along the said land about 10. leagues, till we came to a Cape of red land, that is all craggy, within the which there is a brack looking toward the North. It is a very low country. There is also between the Sea a certain pool, a plain field: and from that Cape of land and the pool unto another Cape, there are about 14 leagues. The land is fashioned as it were half a circle, all compassed about with sand like a ditch, over which as far as one's eye can stretch, there is nothing but marish grounds and standing pools. And before you come to the first Cape, very near the main land there are two little islands. About five leagues from the second Cape toward the South-west, there is another Island very high and pointed, which we named Alezai. The first Cape we named S. Peter's Cape, because upon that day we came thither. Of the Cape called Cape Orleans: of the River of Boats: of Wild men's Cape: and of the quality and temperature of the country. FRom Brions Island to this place there is good anckorage of sand, and having sounded toward South west even to the shore about five leagues, we found twenty and five fathom water, and within one league twelve fathom, and very near the shore six fathom, rather more than less, and also good anckorage. But because we would be the better acquainted with this stony and rocky ground, we struck our sails low and athwart. The next day being the last of the month save one, the wind blewe South and by East. We sailed Westward until Tuesday morning at Sun rising, being the last of the month, without any sight or knowledge of any land, except in the evening toward Sun set, that we discovered a land which seemed to be two islands, that were beyond us West south-west, about nine or ten leagues. All the next day till the next morning at Sun rising we sailed Westward about forty leagues, and by the way we perceived that the land we had seen like islands, was firm land, lying South southeast, and North northwest, to a very good Cape of land called Cape Orleans. All the said land is low and plain, and the fairest that may possibly be seen, full of goodly meadows and trees. An exceeding goodly land. True it is that we could find no harbour there, because it is all full of shelves and sands. We with our boats went on shore in many places, and among the rest we entered into a goodly river, but very shallow, which we named The river of boats, because that there we see boats full of wild men that were crossing the river. We had no other notice of the said wild men: for the wound came from the sea, and so beaten us against the shore, that we were constrained to retire ourselves with our boats toward our ships. Till the next day morning at Sun rising, being the first of july, we sailed North-east, in which time there rose great misles and storms, and therefore we struck our sails till two of the clock in the afternoon, that the weather become clear, & there we had sight of Cape Orleans, and of another about seven leagues from us, lying North and by East, and that we called Wild men's Cape. On the Northside of this Cape about half a league, there is a very dangerous shelf, and bank of stones. Whilst we were at this Cape, we saw a man running after our boats that were going along the coast, who made signs unto us that we should return toward the said Cape again. We seeing such signs, began to turn toward him, but he seeing us come, began to flee: so soon as we were come on shore, we set a knife before him and a woollen girdle on a little staff, and then came to our ships again. That day we trended the said land about 9 or 10. leagues, hoping to find some good harbour, but it was not possible: for as I have said already, it is a very low land, and environed round about with great shelves. Nevertheless we went that day on shore in four places to see the goodly and sweet smelling trees that were there: we found them to be Cedars, ewe●rees, Pines, white elms, ashes, willows, with many other sorts of trees to us unkowen, but without any fruit. Mar●etie of goodly trees. The grounds where no wood is, are very fair, and all full of peason, white and read gooseberries, strawberries, blackeberies, and wild corn, even like unto Rye, which seemed to have been sown and ploughed. This country is of better temperature than any other that can be seen, and very hot. There are many thrushes, stockdoves, and other birds: to be short, there wanteth nothing but good harboroughs. Of the Bay called S. Lunario, and other notable Bays and Capes of land, and of the quality, and goodness of those grounds. THe next day being the second of july we discovered and had sight of land on the Northern side toward us, that did join unto the land abovesaid, all compassed about, and we known that it had about * in depth, and as much athwart, we named it S. Lunarios Bay, and with our boats we went to the Cape toward the North, and found the shore so shallow, that for the space of a league from land there was but a fathom water. On the North-east side from the said Cape about 7. or 8. leagues there is another Cape of land, in the midst whereof there is a Bay fashioned trianglewise, very deep, & as far off as we could ken from it the same lieth Northeast. The said Bay is compassed about with sands and shelves about 10. leagues from land, and there is but two fathom water: from the said Cape to the bank of the other, there is about 15. leagues. We being a cross the said Capes, discovered another land and Cape, and as far as we could ken, it lay North and by East. All that night the weather was very ill, and great winds, so that we were constrained to bear a small sail until the next morning, being the third of july when the wind came from the West: and we sailed Northward to have a sight of the land that we had left on the North-east side, above the low lands, among which high and low lands there is a gulf or breach in some places about 55. fathom deep, and 15. leagues in breadth. By reason of the great depth and breadth of the gulf, and change of the lands, we conceived hope that we should find a passage, like unto the passage of The Castles. The passage de● Chasteaux. The said gulf lieth East Northeast, and West south-west. The ground that lieth on the Southside of the said gulf, is as good and easy to be manured, and full of as goodly fields and meadows, as any that ever we have seen, as plain and smooth as any die: and that which lieth on the North is a country altogether hilly, full of woods, and very high and great trees of sundry sorts: among the rest there are as goodly Ceders, and Fir trees, as possibly can be seen, able to make masts for ships of three hundred Tun: Trees able to mast ships of 300. tons. neither did we see any place that was not full of the said trees, except two only that were full of goodly meadows, with two very fair lakes. The midst of the said Bay is 47. degrees and half in latitude. Of the Cape D'Esperance, or the Cape of Hope, and of S. Martin's creak, and how 7. boats full of wild men coming to our boat, would not retire themselves, but being terrified with our Culverins which we shot at them, and our lances, they fled with great haste. THe Cape of the said South land was called The Cape of Hope, through the hope that there we had to find some passage. The fourth of july we went along the coast of the said land on the Northerly side to find some harbour, where we entered into a creak altogether open toward the South, where there is no succour against the wound: we thought good to name it S. Martin's creak. There we stayed from the fourth of july until the twelfth: while we were there, on Monday being the sixth of the month, Service being done, we with one of our boats went to discover a Cape and point of land that on the Western side was about seven or eight leagues from us, to see which way it did bend, and being within half a league of it, we saw two companies of boats of wild men going from one land to the other: their boats were in number about forty or fifty. Forty or 50 boats of Saluages. One part of the which came to the said point, and a great number of the men went on shore making a great noise, beckening unto us that we should come on land, showing us certain skins upon pieces of wood, but because we had but one only boat, we would not go to them, but went to the other side lying in the Sea: they seeing us flee, prepared two of their boats to follow us, with which came also five more of them that were coming from the Sea side, all which approached near unto our boat, dancing, a●d making many signs of joy and mirth, as it were desiring our friendship, saying in their tongue Napeu tondamen assurtah, with many other words that we understood not. But because (as we have said) we had but one boat, we would not stand to their courtesy, but made signs unto them that they should turn back, which they would not do, but with great fury came toward us: and suddenly with their boats compassed us about: and because they would not away from us by any signs that we could make, we shot off two pieces among them, which did so terrify them, that they put themselves to flight toward the said point, making a great noise: and having slaid a while, they began anew, even as at the first to come to us again, and being come near our boat we struck at them with two lances, which thing was so great a terror unto them, that with great hast they began to flee, and would no more follow us. How the said wild men coming to our ships, and our men going toward them, both parties went on land, and how the said wild men with great joy began to traffic with our men. THe next day part of the said wild men with nine of their boats came to the point and entrance of the creak, where we with our ships were at road. We being advertised of their coming, went to the point where they were with our boats: but so soon as they see us, they began to flee, making signs that they came to traffic with us, showing us such skins as they clot themselves withal, which are of small value. We likewise made signs unto them, that we wished them no evil: and in sign thereof two of our men ventured to go on land to them, and carry them knives with other Iron wares, and a read hat to give unto their Captain. Which when they see, they also came on land, and brought some of their skins, and so began to deal with us, seeming to be very glad to have our iron wares and other things, still dancing with many other ceremonies, as with their hands to cast Sea water on their heads. They gave us whatsoever they had, not keeping any thing, so that they were constrained to go back again naked, and made us signs that the next day they would come again, and bring more skins with them. How that we having sent two of our men on land with wares, there came about 300. wild men with great gladness. Of the quality of the country, what it bringeth forth, and of the Bay called Baia du Chaleur, or The Bay of heat. Upon thursday being the eight of the month, because the wind was not good to go out with our ships, we set our boats in a readiness to go to discover the said Bay, and that day we went 25. leagues within it. The next day the wound and weather being fair, we sailed until noon, in which time we had notice of a great part of the said Bay, and how that over the low lands, there were other lands with high mountains: but seeing that there was no passage at all, we began to turn back again, taking our way along the coast: & sailing, we see certain wild men that stood upon the shore of a lake, that is among the low grounds, who were making fires and smokes: we went thither, & found that there was a channel of the sea that did enter into the lake, and setting our boats at one of the banks of the channel, the wild men with one of their boats came unto us, and brought up pieces of Seals ready sodden, putting them upon pieces of wood: then retiring themselves, they would make signs unto us, that they did give them us. We sent two men unto them with hatchets, knives, beads, & other such like ware, whereat they were very glad, and by and by in clusters they came to the shore where we were, with their boats, bringing with them skins and other such things as they had, to have of our wares. They were more than 300. men, women and children: Three hunred gentle Savages. some of the women which came not over, we might see stand up to the knees in water, singing and dancing: the other that had passed the river where we were, came very friendly to us, rubbing our arms with their own hands, than would they lift them up toward heaven, showing many signs of gladness: and in such wise were we assured one of another, that we very familiarly began to traffic for whatsoever they had, till they had nothing but their naked bodies; for they gave us all whatsoever they had, and that was but of small value. We perceived that this people might very easily be converted to our Religion. They go from place to place. They live only with fishing. They have an ordinary time to fish for their provision. The country is hotter than the country of Spain, and the fairest that can possibly be found, altogether smooth, and level. There is no place be it never so little, but it hath some trees (yea albeit it be sandy) or else is full of wild corn, that hath an ear like unto Rye: the corn is like oats, and small peason as thick as if they had been sown and ploughed, white and read gooseberries, strawberries, blackberies, white and read Roses, with many other flowers of very sweet and pleasant smell. There b● also many goodly meadows full of grass, and lakes wherein great plenty of salmon be. They call a hatchet in their tongue Cochi, and a knife Bacon: we named it The bay of heat. Bay ●● Chaleur, or the Bay of heat. ¶ Of another nation of wild men: of their manners, living and clothing. BEing certified that there was no passage through the said Bay, we hoist sail, and went from S. Martin's creak upon Sunday being the 12. of july, to go and discover further beyond the said Bay, and went along the sea coast Eastward about eighteen leagues, till we came to the Cape of Prato, where we found the tide very great, but shallow ground, and the Sea stormy, so that we were constrained to draw toward shore, between the said Cape and an Island lying Eastward, about a league from the said Cape, where we cast anchor for that night. The next morning we hoist sail to trend the said coast about, which lieth North Northeast. But there rose such a stormy and raging wind against us, that we were constrained to come to the place again, from whence we were come: there did we stay all that day till the next that we hoist up sail, and came to the midst of a river five or six leagues from the Cape of Prato Northward, and being overthwart the said River, there arose again a contrary wind, with great fogs and storms. So that we were constrained upon Tuesday being the fourteenth of the month to enter into the river, and there did we stay till the sixteenth of the month looking for fair weather to come out of it: on which day being Thursday, the wind become so raging that one of our ships lost an anchor, and we were constrained to go up higher into the river seven or eight leagues, into a good harbour and ground that we with our boats found out, and through the evil weather, tempest, and darkness that was, we stayed in the said harbour till the five and twentieth of the month, not being able to put out: in the mean time we saw a great multitude of wild men that were fishing for mackerel, whereof there is great store. Their boats were about 40, and the people what with men, women & children two hundred, which after they had haunted our company a while, they came very familiarly with their boats to the sides of our ships. We gave them knives, combs, beads of glass, and other trifles of small value, for which they made many signs of gladness, lifting their hands up to heaven dancing and singing in their boats. These men may very well and truly be called Wild, because there is no poorer people in the world. For I think all that they had together, besides their boats and nets was not worth five souse. They go altogether naked saving their privities, which are covered with a little skin, and certain old skins that they cast upon them. Neither in nature nor in language, do they any whit agreed with them which we found first: their heads be altogether shaven, except one bush of hair which they suffer to grow upon the top of their crown as long as a horse tail, & then with certain leather strings bind it in a knot upon their heads. They have no other dwelling but their boats, which they turn upside down, and under them they lay themselves all along upon the bore ground. They eat their flesh almost raw, save only that they heat it a little upon embers of coals, so do they their fish. Upon Magdalens day we with our boats went to the bank of the river, and freely went on shore among them, whereat they made many signs, and all their men in two or three companies began to sing and dance, seeming to be very glad of our coming. They had caused all the young women to flee into the wood, two or three excepted, that stayed with them, to each of which we gave a comb, and a little bell made of Tin, for which they were very glad, thanking ou● Captain, rubbing his arms and breasts with their hands. When the men see us give something unto those that had stayed, it caused all the rest to come out of the wood, to the end they should have as much as the others: These women were about twenty, who altogether in a knot fallen upon our Captain, touching and rubbing him with their hands, according to their manner of cherishing and making much of one, who gave to each of them a little Tinnebell: then suddenly they began to dance, and sing many songs. There we found great store of Mackerel, that they had taken upon the shore, with certain nets that they make to fish, of a kind of Hemp that groweth in that place where ordinarily they abide, Hemp. for they never come to the sea, but only in fishing time. As far as I understand, there groweth likewise a kind of Millet as big as Peason, Ma●● like unto that which groweth in Bresil, which they eat instead of bread. They had great store of it. They call it in their tongue Kapaige. They have also Prunes, (that is to say Damsins) which they dry for winter as we do, they call them Honesta. They have also Figs, Nuts, Apples, and other first-fruits, and Beans, Damsins, figs, nuts, apples. that they call Sahu, their nuts Cah●hya. If we showed them any thing that they have not, nor know not what it is, shaking their heads, they will say Nohda, which is as much to say, they have it not, nor they know it not. Of those things they have, they would with signs show us how to dress them, and how they grow. They eat nothing that hath any taste of salt. They are very great thieves, for they will filth and steal whatsoever they can lay hold of, and all is fish that cometh to ne●. ¶ How our men set up a great Cross upon the poin● of the said port, and the Captain of those wild men, after a long Oration, was by our Captain appeased, and contented that two of his Children should go with him Upon the .24 of the month, we caused a fair h●gh Cross to be made of the height of thirty foot, which was made in the presence of many of them, upon the point of the entrance of the said haven, in the midst whereof we hanged up a Shield with three Flower de Luce's in it, and in the top was carved in the wood with Antic letters this posy, Vive le Royde France. Then before them all we set it upon the said point. T●is haven seemeth to be Gaspay. They with great heed beheld both the making and setting of it up. So soon as it was up, we altogether kneeled down before them, with our hands toward Heaven, yielding God thanks: and we made signs unto them, showing them the Heavens, and that all our salvation dependeth only on him which in them dwelleth: whereat they showed a great admiration, looking first one at another, and then upon the Crosse. And after we● were returned to our ships, their Captain clad with an old bears skin, with three of his sons and a brother of his with him, came unto us in one of their boats, but they came not so near us as they were wont to do: there he made a long Oration unto us, showing us the cross we had set up, and making a cross with two fingers, than did he show us all the Country about us, as if he would say that all was his, and that we should not set up any cross without his leave. His talk being ended, we showed him an Axe, feigning that we would give it him for his skin, to which he listened, for by little and little he came near our ships. Two savages taken. One of our fellows that was in our boat, took hold on there's, and suddenly leapt into it, with two or three more, who enforced them to enter into our ships, whereat they were greatly astonished. But our Captain did straightways assure them, that they should have no harm, nor any injury offered them at all, & entertained them very friendly, making them eat and drink. Then did we show them with signs, that the cross was but only set up to be as a light and leader which ways to enter into the port, and that we would shortly come again, and bring good store of iron wares & other things, but that we would take two of his children with us, & afterward bring them to the said port again: and so we clothed two of them in shirts, and coloured coats, with read caps, and put about every one's neck a copper chain, whereat they were greatly contented: then gave they their old clotheses to their fellows that went back again, and we gave to each one of those three that went back, a hatchet, and some knives, which made them very glad. After these were go, and had told the news unto their fellows, in the after noon there came to our ships six boats of them, with five or six men in every one, to take their farewells of those two we had detained to take with us, and brought them some fish, uttering many words which we did not understand, making signs that they would not remove the cross we had set up. ¶ How after we were departed from the said port, following our voyage along the said coast, we went to discover the land lying Southeast, and Northwest. THe next day, being the 25 of the month, we had fair weather, and went from the said port: and being out of the river, we sailed Eastnortheast, for after the entrance into the said river, the land is environed about, and maketh a bay in manner of half a circle, where b●ing in our ships, we might see all the coast sailing behind, which we came to seek, the land lying Southeast and Northwest, the course of which was distaut from the river about twenty leagues. Of the Cape S. Aluise, and Cape Memorancie, and certain other lands, and how one of our Boats touched a Rock and suddenly went over it. ON monday being the 27 of the month, about sunset we went along the said land, as we have said, lying Southeast & Northwest, till Wednesday that we see another Cape where the land beginneth to bend toward the East: we went along about 15 leagues, then doth the land begin to turn Northward. About three leagues from the said Cape we sounded, and found 24 fathom water. The said lands are plain, and the fairest and most without woods that we have seen, with goodly green fields and meadows: we named the said Cape S. Aluise Cape, because that was his day: it is 49 degrees and a half in latitude, and in longitude*. Ou Wednesday morning we were on the East side of the Cape, and being almost night we went Northwestward for to approach near to the said land, which trendeth North and South. From S. Aluise Cape to another called Cape Memorancie, about fif●eene leagues, the land beginneth to bend Northwest. About three leagues from the said Cape we would needs sound, but we could find no ground at 150 fathom, yet went we along the said land, about ten leagues, to the latitude of 50 degrees. Fifty degrees of latitude. The Saturday following, being the first of August, by Sun rising, we had certain other lands, lying North and Northeast, that were very high and craggy, and seemed to be mountains: between which were other low lauds with woods and rivers: we went abou● the said lands, as well on the one side as on the other, still bending Northwest, to see if it were either a gulf, or a passage, until the fift of the month. The distance from one land to the other is about fifteen leagues. The middle between them both is 50 degrees and a terce in la●itude. We had much ado to go five miles farther, the winds were foe great, and the ride against us. And at five mile's end, we might plainly see and perceive land on both sides, which there beginneth to spread itself, but because we rather fallen, then got way against the wound, we went toward land, purposing to go to another Cape of land, lying Southward, which was the farthermost out into the sea that we could see, abou● five leagues from us, but so so●ne as we came thither, we found it to be nought else but Rocks, stones, & craggy cliffs, fuch as we had not found any where si●●r we had sailed Southward from S. john's Cape: and th●●● was the tide with us, which carried us against the wound Westward, so that as we were sailing along the said coast, one of our boats touched a Rock, and suddenly went over, but we were constrained to leap out for to direct i● on according to the tide. How after we had agreed and consulted what was best to be done, we purposed to return: and of S. Peter's Straight, and os Cape Tiennot. AFter we had sailed along the said coasts for the space of two hours, behold, the tide began to turn against us, with so swift and raging a course, that it was not possible for us with 13 oars to row or get one stones cast farther, so that we we●e constrained to leave our boats with some of our men to guard them, and 10 or 12 men went ashore to the said Cape, where we found that the land beginneth to bend South-west, which having seen, we came to our boats again, and so to our ships, which were still ready under sail, hoping ●o go forward: but for all that, they were fallen more than four leagues to leeward from the place where we had left them, where so soon as we came, we assembled together all our Captains, Masters, and Mariners, to have their advice and opinion what was best to be done: and after that every one had said, considering that the Easterly winds began to bearesway, and blow, & that the flood was so great, that we did but fall, and that there was nothing to be got, and that storms and tempests began to reign in Newfound land, and that we were so far from home, not knowing the perils and dangers that were behind, for either we must agreed to return home again, or else to stay there all the year. Moreover, we did consider, that if the Northern winds did take us, it were not possible for us to departed thence. All which opinions being herded and considered, we altogether determined to address our selves homeward. Now because upon Saint Peter's day we entered into the said straight, we named it Saint Peter's straight. The straight o● S. Peter. We sounded it in many places, in some we found 150 fathom water, in some 100, and near the shore sirtie, and clear ground. From that day till Wednesday following, we had a good and prosperous gale of wind, so that we trended the said North shore East, Southeast, West Northwest: for such is the situation of it, except one Cape of low lands that bendeth more toward the Southeast, about twenty five leagues from the Straight. In this place we see certain smokes, that the people of the country made upon the said cape: but because the wound blewe us toward the coast, we went not to them, which when they see, they came with two boats and twelve men unto us, and as freely came unto our ships, as if they had been French men, and gave us to understand, that they came from the great gulf, and that Tiennot was their Captain, who then was upon that Cape, making signs unto us, that they were going home to their Countries whence we were come with our ships, and that they were laden with Fish. We named the said Cape, Cape Tiennot. Cape Tiennot. From the said Cape all the land trendeth Eastsoutheast, and Westnorthwest. All these lands lie low, very pleasant, environed with sand, where the sea is intermingled with marshes and shallows, the space of twenty leagues: then doth the land begin to trend from West to Eastnortheast altogether environed with Islands two or three leagues from land, in which as far as we could see, are many dangerous shelves more than four or five leagues from land. How that upon the ninth of August we entered within White Sands, and upon the fift of September we came to the port of S. Malo. FRom the said Wednesday until Saturday following, we had a great wound from the South-west, which caused us to run Eastnortheast, on which day we came to the Easterly parts of Newfou●dland, between the Granges and the Double Cape. There began great stormy winds coming from the East with great rage: wherefore we coasted the Cape Northnorthwest, to search the Northern part, which is (as we have said) all environed with Islands, and being near the said Islands and land, the wound ●urned into the South, which brought us within the said gulf, so that the next day being the 9 of August, we by the grace of God entered within the White Sands. And this is so much as we have discovered. After that, upon the 15 of August, being the feast of the Assumption of our Lady, after that we had herded service, we altogether departed from the port of White Sands, and with a happy and prosperous weather we came into the middle of the sea, that is between Newfound land and Brittany, in which place we were tossed and turmoiled three days long with great storms and windy tempests coming from the East, which with the aid and assistance of God we suffered: then had we fair weather, and upon the fift of September, in the said year, we came to the port of S. Malo whence we departed. The language that is spoken in the Land newly discovered, called New France. God the Sun Isnez the Heaven camet the Day the Night aiagla Water am● Sand estogaz a Sail aganie the Hea● agonaze the Throat conguedo the Nose hehonguesto the Teeth hesangue the Nails agetascu the Feet ochedasco the Legs anondasco a dead man amocdaza a Skin aionasca that Man yca a Harchet asogne a Cod fish gadagoursere good to be eate● guesande Flesh Almonds anougaza Fig● asconda Gold benyosco the privy members assegnega an Arrow cacta a green Tree haveda an earthen dish vnda●o a Bow Brass aignetaze the Brow ansce a Feather yco the Moon casmogan the Earth conda the Wind canut the Rain onnoscon Bread cacacomy the Sea amet a Ship casaomy a Man undo the Hairs hoc hosco the Eyes ●gata the Mouth hech● the Ears hontasco the Arms ageseu a Woman enraseseo a sick Man alonedeche Shoes atta a skin to cover a man's privy members ouscozon vondico read clot cahoneta a Knife agoheda a Mackerel agedoneta Nuts caheya Apples honesta beans sahe a Sword achesco A short and brief narration of the Navigation made by the commandment of the King of France, to the Islands of Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, and divers others which now are called New France, with the particular customs, and manners of the inhabitants therein. Chap. 1. IN the year of our Lord 1535, upon Whitsunday, being the 16 of May, by the commandment of our Captain james Cartier, and with a common accord, in the Cathedral Church of S. Malo we devoutly each one confessed ourselves, and received the Sacrament: and all entering into the Quire of the said Church, we presented ourselves before the Reverend Father in Christ, the Lord Bishop of S. Malo, who blessed us all, being in his Bishop's robes. The Wednesday following, being the 19 of May, there arose a good gale of wound, and therefore we hoist sail with three ships, that is to say, t●e great Hermina, being in burden about a hundredth, or a hundredth and tw●nty tun, wherein the foresaid Captain james Cartier was General, and master Thomas Frosmont chief Master, accompanied with master Claudius de Pont Briand, son to the Lord of Mont●euell, and Cupbearer to the Dolphin of France, Charles of Pomerays, john Powler, and other Gentlemen. In the second ship called the little Hermina, being of three score tun burden, were Captains under the said Cartier, Mace Salobert, and master William Marie. In the third ship called the Hermerillon, being of forty tun in burden, were Captains M. William Britton, an● M. james Maingare. So we sailed with a good and prosperous wound, until the 20 of the said month, at which time the weather turned into storms and tempests, the which with contrary winds, and darkness, endured so long that our ships being without any rest, suffered as much as any ships that ever went on seas: so that the 25 of june, by reason of that foul and foggy weather, all our ships lost sight one of another again till we came to Newfound land where we had appointed to meet. After we had lost one another, we in the General's ship were with contrary winds tossed to and fro on the sea, until the seventh of july, upon which day we arrived in Newefound land, and came to the Island called The Island of Birds, which lieth from the main land 14 leagues. This Island is so full of birds, that all our ships might easily have been freighted with them, & yet for the great number that there is, it would not seem that any were taken away. We to victual ourselves filled two boats of them. The Isle of birds in 49 degrees 40 minutes. This Island hath the Pole elevated 49 degrees, and 40 minutes. Upon the eight of the said month we sailed further, & with a prosperous weather came to the Port called The Port of white sands, that is in the Bay called The Bay of Castel●, The Bay des Chasteaux o● The Grand Bay. where we had purposed to meet & stay together the 15 of the said month. In this place therefore we looked for our fellows, that is to say, the other two ships, till the 26 of the month, on which day both came together. So soon as our fellows were come, we set our ships in a readiness, taking in both water, wood, & other necessaries. And then on the 29 of the said month, early in the morning we hoist sail to pass on further, & sailing along the Northern coast that runneth North-east and Southwest, till two hours after Sunset or thereabouts, than we crossed along two Islands, which do stretch further forth than the others, which we called S. William's Islands, being distant about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Breast. All the coast from the Castles to that place lieth East & West, Northeast & Southwest, having between it sundry little Islands, altogether barren and full of stones, without either earth or trees, except certain valleys only. The next day being the 30 of july, we sailed on Westward to found out other Islands which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a half, among which there is a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creeks where many good harboroughs seem to be: them we named S. Martha's Islands, from which about a league and a half further into the sea there is a dangerous shallow, wherein are five rocks, which lie from Saint Martha's Islands about seven leagues as you pass into the said Islands, on the East & on the West side, to which we came the said day an hour after noon, & from that hour until midnight we sailed about fifteen leagues athwart a cape of the lower Islands, which we named S. Germane Islands Southeastward, from which place about three leagues, there is a very dangerous shallow. Likewise between S. Germane cape and Saint Martha's, about two leagues from the said Islands, there lieth a bank of sand, upon which bank the water is but four fathom deep, and therefore seeing the danger of the coast, we struck sail and went no further that night: The next day being the last of july, we went all along the coast that runneth East and West, and somewhat Southeasterly which is all environed about with Islands and dry sands, and in truth is very dangerous. The length from S. Germane Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a half, at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high trees, albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without any sign or show of harboroughs, till we came to Cape Thiennot, C●p● Thienn●●. which trendeth Northwest about seven leagues from the foresaid Islands, which Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage, and therefore we sailed on all that night West and Westnorthwest, till it was day, and then the wound turned against us, wherefore we went to seek a haven wherein we might harbour our ships, and by good hap, found one fit for our purpose, about seven leagues and a half beyond Cape Thiennot, & that we named S. Nicholas Haven, ●ole. S. Nichola●. it lieth amid 4 Islands that stretch into the sea: Upon the nearest we for a token set up a wooden cross. But note by the way, that this cross must be brought North-east, & then bending toward it, leave it on the left hand and you shall found six fathom water, and within the haven four. Also you are to take heed of two shelves that lean outward half a league. All this coast is full of shouldst and very dangerous, albe●t in sight many good havens seem to be there, yet is there naught else but shelves and sands. We stayed and rested ourselves in the said haven, until the seventh of August being Sunday: on which day we hoist sail, and came toward land on the South side toward Cape Rabast, Cape Rabast. distant from the said haven about twenty leagues Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest: but the next day there rose a stormy and a contrary wind, and because we could found no haven there toward the South, thence we went coasting along toward the North, beyond the above said haven about ten leagues, where we found a goodly great gulf, full of Islands, passages, and entrances toward what wound so ever you please to bend: for the knowledge of this gulf there is a great Island that is like to a Cape of land, stretching somewhat further forth than the others, and about two leagues within the land, there is an hill fashioned as it were an heap of corn. We named the said gulf Saint Laurence his bay. The gulf of S. Laurence. The twelfth of the said month we went from the said Saint Laurence his Bay, or gulf, sailing Westward, and discovered a Cape of land toward the South, A Cape of t●e Isle of As●●●ption. that runneth West and by South, distant from the said Saint Laurence his Bay, about five and twenty leagues. And of the two wild men which we took in our former voyage, it was told us, that this was part of the Southern coast, & that there was an Island, on the Southerly part of which is the way to go from Honguedo (where the year before we had taken them) to Canada, and that two days journey from the said Cape, and Island began the Kingdom of Saguenay, on the North shore extending toward Canada, and about three leagues athwart the said Cape, there is above a hundredth fathom water. A mighty 〈◊〉 of Whales. Moreover I believe that there were never so many Wh●les seen as we see that day about the said Cape. The next day after being our Lady day of August the fifteenth of the month, having passed the Strait, we had notice of certain lands that we left toward the South, which lands are full very great and high hills, and this Cape we named The Island of the Assumption, The Isle of Assump●●on. and one Cape of the said high countries lieth Eastnortheast, and Westsouthwest, the distance between which is about five and twenty leagues. The countries lying North may plainly be perceived to be higher than the Southerly, more than thirty leagues in length. We trended the said lands about toward the South: from the said day until Tewesday noon following, the wind came West, and therefore we bended toward the North, purposing to go and see the land that we before had sp●ed. Being arrived there, we found the said lands, as it were joined together, and low toward the Sea. And the Northerly mountains that are upon the said low lands stretch East, and West, and a quarter of the South. Our wild men told us that there was the beginning of Saguenay, and that it was land inhabited, and that thence cometh the read Copper, of them named Caignetdaze. There is between the Southerly lands, and the Northerly about thirty leagues distance, and more than two ●undreth fathom depth. The said men did moreover certify unto us, The month of the river of Hochelaga about thirty leagues broad. that there was the way and beginning of the great river of Hochelaga and ready way to Canada, which river the further it went the narrower it came, even unto Canada, and that then there was fresh water, which went so far upwards, that they had never herded of any man who had go to the head of it, and that there is no other passage but with small boats. Our Captain hearing their talk, and how they did affirm no other passage to be there, would not at that time proceed any further, till he had se●ne and noted the other lands, & coast toward the North, which he had omitted to see from S. Laurence his gulf, because he would know, if between the lands toward the North any passage might be discovered. How our Captain caused the ships to return back again, only to know if in Saint Laurence gulf there were any passage toward the North. Chap. 2. Upon the 18 of August being Wednesday, our Captain caused his ships ●o wind back, and bend toward the other shore, so that we trended the said Northerly cost, which runneth Northeast and Southwest, being fashioned like unto half a bow, and is a very highland, but yet not so high as that on the South parts. The Thursday following we came to seven very high Islands, which we named The round Islands. The seven Isles. These Islands are distant from the South shore about 40 leagues, and stretch out into the sea about 3 or 4 leagues. Against these there are goodly low grounds to be seen full of goodly trees, which we the Friday following, w●●h our boats compassed about. Ouerth wart these lands there are divers sandy shelves more than two leagues into the sea, very dangerous, which at a low water remain almost dry. At t●e furthest bounds of these low lands, A swi●t river. that contain about ten leagues, there is a river of fre●● water, that with such swiftness runneth into the sea, that for the space of one l●●gue wit●in it t●e water is as fresh as any fountain water. We with our boats entered into the said river, at the entrance of which we ●ound about one fathom & a half of water. There are in this river many fish shaped like horses, Sea-horses. which as our wild men told us, al● the day long lie in the water, and the night on land: of which we see therein a great number. The next day being the 21 of the month, by break of day we hoist sail, and sailed so long along the said coast, that we had sight of the rest of the said Northern coast, which as yet we had not se●ne, The Isle of As●●●pt●on, or Nat●leote● and of the Island of the Assumption which we went to discover, departing from the said land: which thing so soon as we had done, & that we were certified no other passage to be there, we came to our ships again, which we had left at the said Islands, where is a good harbour, the water being about nine or ten fathom. In the same place by occasion of contrary winds & foggy mists, we were constrained to stay, not being either able to come out of it, or hoist sail, till the 24 of the month: ●●auen on the Southern coa●●. On which day we departed & came to a h●uen on the Southerly coast about 80 leagues from the said Islands. This haven is ou●r against three flat Islands that lie amid the r●uer, because on the midway between those Islands, & the said haven toward the North, there is a very great river that runneth between the high and low lands, A great river. and more than three leagues into the sea it hath many shelves, & there is not altogether two fathom water, so that the place is very dangerous: and near unto the said shelves, there is either sixteen or 20 fathoms from shore to shore. All the Northerly coast runneth North-east and by North, and South-west & by South. The said haven wherein we stayed on the South side, is as it were but a s●uce of the waters that rise by the flood, & but of small account: we named them S. john's Islets, ●. Iohn● Islets. because we found them, & entered into them the day of the beheading of that Saint. And before you come to the said haven, there is an Island lying Eastward about 5 leagues distant from the same: betwe●n● which and the land there is no passage saving only for small boats. The haue● of S. john's Islets drieth up all the waters that rise by flowing, although they flow two fathom at the lest. The best place to harbour ships therein is on the South part of a little Island that is over against the said haven, whereby the bank or shore of the Island rises. Upon the sirst of September we departed out of the said haven, purposing to go toward Canada, & about 15 leagues from it toward the West, & Westsouthwest, amid the river, there are three Islands, over against the which there is a river which runneth swift, and is of a great depth, & it is that which leadeth, and runneth into the country and kingdom of Saguenay, This is the river of Tadi●e●, or of Saguenay. as by the two wild men of Canada it was told us. This river passeth and runneth along very high and steep hills of bore stone, where very little earth is, & notwithstanding there is great quantity of ●undry sorts of trees that grow in the said bore stones, even as upon good & fertile ground, in such sort that we have seen some so great as well would suffice to make a mast for a ship of 30 ●unne burden, and as green as possibly can be, growing in a stony rock without any earth at all. At the entrance of the said river we met with 4 boats full of wild me● which as far as we could perceive, very fearfully came toward us, so that some of them went back again, & the other came as near us as easily they might he are & understand one of our wild men, who told them his name, and then took acquaintance of them, upon whose word they came to us. The next day being the 2 of September, we came out of the said river to go to Canada, and by reason of the seas flowing, the tide was very swift and dangerous, for that on the South part of it there lie two Islands, about which, more than three leagues compass, lie many rocks and great stones, & but two fathom water: and the flowing amid those Islands is very unconstant and doubtful, so that if it had not been for our boats, we had been in great danger to loose our Pinnace: & coasting along the said dry sands, there is more than 30 sadom wa●er. About five leagues beyond the river of Saguenay Southwest, The river o● Saguenay. there is another Island on the Northside, wherein are certain high lands, and thereabouts we thought to have cast anchor, on purpose to stay the next tide, but we could sound no ground in a 120 fathom, within a flight sho●● from shore, so that we were constrained to wind back to the said Island, where we sounded again and found 35 fathom. The next morning we hoist sail and went thence, sailing further on, where we had notice of a certain kind of fish never before of any man seen or known. They are about the bigness of a purpose, yet nothing like them, of body very well proportioned, headed like Grayhounds, altogether as white as snow without any spot, within which river there is great quantity of them: they do live altogether between the Sea and the fresh water. These people of the Country call them Adhothuys, they told us that they be very savoury and good to be eaten. Moreover they affirm no●e to be found elsewhere but in the mouth of that river. The sixth of the month, the weather being calm and fair, we went about 15 leagues more upward into the river, and there lighted on an Island that looketh Northward, and it maketh a little haue● or creak wherein are many and innumerable great Tortoyzes, Innumerable Tortoises. continually lying about that Island. There are likewise great quantity of the said Adhothuys taken by the inhabitors of the country, and there is as great a current in that place as is at Bordeux in France at every tide. This Island is in length about three leagues, and in breadth two, and is a goodly and fertile plot of ground, replenished with many goodly and great trees of many sorts. Among the rest ther● are many Filberd-trees, which we found hanging full of th●m, somewhat bigger and better in savour then ours, but somewhat harder, and therefore we called it The Island of filberts. The I'll of Co●●●es 〈◊〉 filberts. The seventh of the month being our Ladies even, after service we went from that Island to go up higher into the river, and came to 14 islands seven or eight leagues from the Island of filberts, where the country of Canada beginneth● one of which islands is ten leagues in length, and five in breadth, greatly inhabited of such men as only live by fishing of such sorts o● fish as the river affords, according to the season of them. After we had cast anchor between the said great Island, This great Island is called The I'll of O●leans. & the Northerly coast, we went on land and took our two wild men with us, meeting with many of those country people, who would not at all approach unto us, but rather fled from us, until our two men began to speak unto them, telling them that they were Taignoagny and Domagaia, who so soon as they had taken acquaintance of them, began greatly to rejoice, dancing and showing many sorts of ceremonies: and many of the chiefest of them came to our boats & brought many Eels and other sorts of fish, Ma●●. with two or three burdens of great Millet where with they make their bread, and many great musk million. The same day came also many other bo●tes full of those countrymen and women, to see and take acquaintance of our two men, all which ●ere as courteously received and friendly entertained of our Captain, as possibly could be. And to have them the better acquainted with him, and make them his friends, he gave them many small gifts, but of small value: nevertheless they were greatly contented with them. The nex● day following, the Lord of Canada (whose proper name was Donnacona, but by the name of Lord they call him Agouhanna) with ●welue boats came to our ships, accompanied with many people, who causing ten of his boats to go back with the other two, approached unto us ●i●h sixteen men. Then began the said Agouhanna over against the smallest of our ships, according to their manner and fashion, to frame a long Oration, moving all his body and members after a strange fashion, which thing is a ceremony and sign of gladness and security among them, and then coming to the General's ship, where Taignoagny and Domagaia were, he spoke with them & they with him, where they began to tell and show unto him what they had seen in France● and what good entertainment they had had: hearing which things the said Lord seemed to be very glad thereof, and prayed our Captain to reach him his arm, that he might kiss it, which thing he did: their Lord taking it, laid it about his neck, for so they use to do when they wil● make much of one. Then our Captain entered into Agouhannas' boat, causing bread and w●ne to be brought to make the said Lord and his company to eat and drink, which thing they did, and were greatly thereby contented and satisfied. Our Captain for that time gave them nothings because he looked for a fit opportunity. These things being done, each one took leave of oth●rs, and the said Lord went with his boats again to his place of adobe. Our Captain then caus●● our boats to be set in order, that with the next tide he might go up higher into the river, to found some safe harbour for our ships: and we passed up the river against the stream about ten leagues, coasting the said Island, at the end whereof, we found a goodly and pleasant sound, where is a little river and haven, where by reason of the flood there is about three fathom wa●er. T●is place seemed to us very fit and commodious to harbour our ships therein, and so we did ver● safely, we named it the holy Cross, for on that day we came thither. Near unto it, there is a village, 〈…〉. whereof Donnacona is Lord, and there he keepeth his abode: it is called Stadacona, Stadacona. as goodly a plot of ground as possibly may be seen, and there withal very fruitful, full of goodly trees even as in France, as Okes, Elmes, Ashes, Walnut trees, Maple tres, Cydrons, Uines, and white Thorns, that bring forth fruit as big as any damsons, and many other sorts of trees, under which groweth as fair tall hemp, as any in France, without any seed or any man's work or labour at all. Goodly deury Having considered the place, and finding it fit for our purpose, our Captain withdrew himself on purpose to return to our ships: but behold, as we were coming out of the river we met coming against us one of the Lords of the said village of Stadacona, accompanied with many others, as men, weamen, and children, who after the fashion of their country, in sign of mirth and joy, began to make a long Oration, the women still singing and dancing up to the knees in water. Our Captain knowing their good will and kindness toward us, caused the boat wherein they were, to come unto him, and gave them certain trifles, as knives, and beads of glass, whereat they were marvelous glad, for being go about three leagues from them, for the pleasure they conceived of our coming, we might hear them sing, and see them dance for all they were so far. How our Captain went to see and note the bigness of the Island, and the nature of it, and then returned to the ships, causing them to be brought to the river of The holy Crosse. Chap. 3. AFter we were come with our boats unto our ships again, our Captain caused our barks to be made ready to go on land in the said Island, to note the trees that in show seemed so fair, and to consider the nature and quality of it: which thing we did, and found it full of goodly trees likes to ours. Also we see many goodly Uines, a thing not before of us seen in those countries, and therefore we named it Bacchus' Island. The I'll of Bacchus, or the isle of Orleans. It is in length about twelve leagues, in sight very pleasant, but full of woods, no part of it manured, unless it be in certain places, where a few cottages be for Fisher's dwellings as before we have said. The next day we departed with our ships to bring them to the place of the holy Cross, and on the 14 of that month we came thither, and the Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia, with 25 boats full of those people, came to meet us, coming from the place whence we were come, and going toward Stadacona, where their abiding is, and all came to our ships, showing sundry and divers gestures of gladness and mirth, except those two that we had brought, to wit, Taignoagny, and Domagaia, who seemed to have altered and changed their mind and purpose, for by no means they would come unto our ships, albeit sundry times they were earnestly desired to do it, whereupon we began to mistrust somewhat. Our Captain asked them if according to promise they would go with him to Hochelaga? They answered yea, for so they had purposed, and then each one withdrew himself. The next day being the fifteenth of the month, our Captain went on shore, to 'cause certain poles and piles to be driven into the water, and set up, that the better and safelier we might harbour our ships there: and many of those country people came to meet us there, among whom was Donnacona and our two men, with the rest of their company, who kept themselves aside under a point or nook of land that is upon the shore of a certain river, and no one of them came unto us as the other did that were not on their side. Our Captain understanding that they were there, commanded part of our men to follow him, and he went to the said point where he found the said Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and divers other: and after salutations given on each side, Taignoagny settled himself foremost to speak to our Captain, saying that the Lord Donnacona did greatly grieve and sorrow that our Captain and his men did wear warlike weapons, and they not. Our Captain answered, that albeit it did grieve them, yet would not he leave them off, and that (as he known) it was the manner of France. But for all these words our Captain and Donnacona left not off to speak one to another, and friendly to entertain one another. Then did we perceive, that whatsoever Taignoagny spoke, was only long of himself and of his fellow, for that before they departed thence our Captain and Donnacona entered into a marvelous steadfast league of friendship, whereupon all his people at once with a loud voice, cast out three great cries, (a horrible thing to hear) and each one having taken leave of the other for that day, we went aboard again. The day following we brought our two great ships within the river and harbour, where the waters being at the highest, are three fathom deep, and at the lowest, but half a fathom. We left our Pinnace without the road to the end we might bring it to Hochelaga. So soon as we had safely placed our ships, behold we see Donnacona, Taignoagny & Domagaia, with more than five hundred people, men, women and children, and the said Lord with ten or twelve of the chiefest of the country came aboard of our ships, who were all courteously received, and friendly entertained both of our Captain and of us all: and divers gifts of small value were given them. Then did Taignoagny tell our Captain, that his Lord did greatly sorrow that he would go to Hochelaga, and that he would not by any means permit that any of them should go with him, because the river was of no importance. Our Captain answered him, that for all his saying, he would not leave off his going thither, if by any means it were possible, for that that he was commanded by his king to go as far as possibly he could: and that if he (that is to say Taignoagny) would go with him, as he had promised, he should be very well entertained, beside that, he should have such a gift given him, as he should well content himself: for he should do nothing else but go with him to Hochelaga and come again. To whom Taignoagny answered, that he would not by any means go, and thereupon they suddenly returned to their houses. The next day being the 17 of September, Donnacona and his company returned even as at the first, and brought with him many Eels, with sundry sorts of other fish, whereof they take great store in the said river, as more largely hereafter shall be showed. And as some as they were come to our ships, according to their wont use they began to sing and dance. This done, Donnacona caused all his people to be set on the one side: then making a round circle upon the san● he caused our Captain with all his people to enter thereinto, than he began to make a long Oration, holding in one of his hands a maiden child of ten or twelve years old, which he presented unto our Captain: then suddenly began all his people to make three great shrieks or howls, in sign of joy and league of friendship: presently upon that he did present unto him two other young male children one after another, but younger than the other, at the giving of which even as before they gave out shrieks and howls very loud, with other ceremonies: for which presents, our Captain gave the said Lord great and hearty thanks. Then Taignoagny told our Captain, that one of the children was his own brother, and that the maiden child was daughter unto the said Lords own sister, and the presents were only given him to the end he should not go to Hochelaga at all: to whom our Captain answered, that if they were only given him to that intent, if so he would, he should take them again, for that by no means he would leave his going off, for as much as he was so commanded of his King. But concerning this, Domagaia told our Captain that their Lord had given him those children as a sign and token of good will and security, and that he was contented to go with him to Hochelaga, upon which talk great words arose between Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which we plainly perceived that Taignoagny was but a crafty knave, and that he intended but mischief and treason, as well by this deed as others that we by him had seen. After that our Captain caused the said children to be put in our ships, and caused two Swords and two copper Basins, the one wrought, the other plain, to be brought unto him, and them he gave to Donnacona, who was therewith greatly contented, yielding most hearty thanks unto our Captain for them, and presently upon that he commanded all his people to sing and dance, and desired our Captain to 'cause a piece of artillery to be shot off, because Taignoagny and Domagaia made great brags of it, and had told them marvelous things, and also, because they had never herded nor seen any before: to whom our Captain answered, that he was content: and by and by he commanded his men to shoot off twelve cannons charged with bullets into the wood that was hard by those people and ships, at whose noise they were greatly astonished and amazed, for they thought that heaven had fallen upon them, and put themselves to flight, howling, crying, and shrieking, so that it seemed hell was broken lose. But before we went thence, Taignoagny caused other men to tell us, that those men which we had left in our Pinnace in the road, had slain two men of their company, with a piece of ordinance that they had shot off, whereupon the rest had put themselves all to flight, as though they should all have been slain: which afterward we found untrue, because our men had not shot off any piece at all that day. How Donnacona and Taignoagny with others, devised a pretty sleight or policy: for they caused three of their men to be attired like Devils, feigning themselves to be sent from their God Cudr●aigny, only to hinder our voyage to Hochelaga. Chap. 4. THe next day being the eighteenth of September, these men still endeavoured themselves to seek all means possible to hinder and let our going to Hochelaga, and devised a pretty guile, as hereafter shallbe showed. They went and dressed three men like Devils, being wrapped in dogs skins white and black, their faces besmeered as black as any coals, with horns on their heads more than a yard long, and caused them secretly to be put in one of their boats, but came not near our ships as they were wont to do, for they lay hidden within the wood for the space of two hours, looking for the tide, to the end the boat wherein the Devils were, might approach and come near us, which when time was, came, and all the rest issued out of the wood coming to us, but yet not so near as they were wont to do. There began Taignoagny to salute our Captain, who asked him if he would have the boat to come for him; he answered, not for that time, but after a while he would come unto our ships: then presently came that boat rushing out, wherein the three sergeant Devils were with such long horns on their heads, and the middlemost come making a long Oration and passed along our ships without turning or looking toward us, but with the boat went toward the land. Then did Donnacona with all his people pursue them, and lay hold on the boat and Devils, who so soon as the men were come to them, fallen prostrate in the boat even as if they had been dead: then were they taken up and carried into the wood, being but a ston●s cast off, than every one withdrew himself into the wood, not one staying behind with us, where being, they began to make a long discourse, so loud that we might hear them in our ships, which lasted above half an hour, & being ended we began to espy Taignoagny and Domagaia coming towards us, holding their hands upward joined together, carrying their hats under their upper garment, showing a great admiration, and Taignoagny looking up to heaven, cried three times jesus, jesus, jesus, and Domagaia doing as his fellow had done before, cried, jesus Maria, james Cartier. Our Captain hearing them, and seeing their gestures and ceremonies, asked of them what they ailed, and what was happened or chanced anew; they answered, that there were very ill tidings befallen, saying in French, Nenni est il bon, that is to say, it was not good: our Captain asked them again what it was, then answered they, that their God Cudruaigny had spoken in Hochelaga: and that he had sent those three men to show unto them that there was so much ice and snow in that country, that whosoever went thither should die, which words when we herded, we laughed and mocked them saying, that their God Cudruaigny was but a fool and a noddy, for he known not what he did or said: then bade we them show his messengers from us, that Christ would defend them all from cold, if they would believe in him. Then did they ask of our Captain if he had spoken with jesus: he answered no, but that his Priests had, and that he had told them they should have fair weather: which words when they had herded, they thanked our Captain, and departed toward the wood to tell those news unto their fellows, who suddenly came all rushing out of the wood, seeming to be very glad for those words that our Captain had spoken, and to show that thereby they had had, and felt great joy, so soon as they were before our ships, they altogether gave out three great shrieks, and thereupon began to sing and dance, as they were wont to do. But for a resolution of the matter Taignoagny and Domagaia told our Captain, that their Lord Donnacona would by no means permit that any of them should go with him to Hochelaga, unless he would leave him some hostage to stay with him: our Captain answered them, that if they would not go with him with a good will, they should stay, and that for all them he would not leave off his journey thither. How our Captain with all his Gentlemen and fifty Mariners departed with our Pinnace, and the two boats from Canada to go to Hochelaga: and also there is described, what was seen by the way upon the said river. Chap. 5. THe next day being the 19 of September we hoist sail, and with our Pinnace and two boats departed to go up the river with the flood, where on both shores of it we began to see as goodly a country as possibly can with eye be seen, all replenished with very goodly trees, and Uines laden as full of grapes as could be all along the river, Uines laden with grapes. which rather seemed to have been planted by man's hand than otherwise. True it is, that because they are not dressed and wrought as they should be, their bunches of grapes are not so great nor sweet as ours: also we saw all along the river many houses inhabited of Fishers, which take all kinds of fish, and they came with as great familiarity and kindness unto us, as if we had been their Countrymen, and brought us great store of fish, with other such things as they had, which we exchanged with them for other wares, who lifting up their hands toward heaven, gave many signs of joy: we stayed at a place called Hochelai, Hochelay. about five and twenty leagues from Canada, where the river waxeth very narrow, and runneth very swift, wherefore it is very dangerous, not only for that, but also for certain great stones that are therein: Many boats and barks come unto us, in one of which came one of the chief Lords of the country, making a long discourse, who being come near us, did by evident signs and gestures show us, that the higher the river went, the more dangerous it was, and bade us take heed of ourselves. The said Lord presented and gave unto our Captain two of his own children, of which our Captain took one being a wench 7 or 8 eight years old, the man child he gave him again, because it was too young, for it was but two or three years old. Our Captain as friendly and as courteously as he could did entertain and receive the said Lord and his company, giving them certain small trifles, and so they departed toward the shore again. Afterwards the said Lord and his wife came unto Canada to visit his d●ughter, bringing unto our Captain certain small presents. From the nineteenth until the eight and twentieth of September, we sailed up along the said river, never losing one hour of time, all which time we see as goodly and pleasant a country as possible can be wished for, full (as we have said before) of all sorts of goodly trees, that is to say, Okes, Elmes, Walnut-trees, Cedars, Firres, Ashes, Box, Willows, and great store of Uines, all as full of grapes as could be, so that if any of our fellows went on shore, they came home laden with them: there are likewise many Cranes, Swans, Geese, Ducks, Feasants, Partridges, Thrushes, Blackbirds, Turtles, Finches, Redbreasts, Nightingales, Sparrows of diverse kinds, with many other sorts of Birds, even as in France, and great plenty and store. Upon the 28 of September, we came to a great wide lake in the middle of the river five or six leagues broad, The lake of Angole●me. and twelve long, all that day we went against the tide, having but two fathom water, still keeping the said scantling: being come to one of the heads of the lake, we could espy no passage or going out, nay, rather it seemed to have been closed and shut up round about, and there was but a fathom and an half of water, little more or less. And therefore we were constrained to cast anchor, and to stay with our Pinnace, and went with our two boats to seek some going out, and in one place we found four or five branches, which out of the river come into the lake, and they came from Hochelaga. But in the said branches, because of the great fierceness and swiftness wherewith they break out, and the course of the water, they make certain bars and shouldst, and at that time there was but a fathom water. Those Should as being passed, we found four or five fathom, and as far as we could perceive by the flood, it was that time of the year that the waters are lowest, for at other times they flow higher by three fathoms. All these four or five branches do compass about five or six islands very pleasant, which make the head of the lake: about fifteen leagues beyond, they do all come into one. That day we landed in one of the said islands, and met with five men that were hunting of wild beasts, who as freely and familiarly came to our boats without any fear, as if we had ever been brought up together. Our boats being somewhat near the shore, one of them took our Captain in his arms, and carried him on shore, as lightly and as easily as if he had been a child of five years old: so strong and sturdy was this fellow. We found that they had a great heap of wild Rats that live in the water, as big as a Coney, ●ild rats as big as ●o●●●. and very good to eat, which they gave unto our Captain, who for a recompense gave them knives and glassen Beads. We asked them with signs if that was the way to Hochelaga, they answered yea, and that we had yet three days sailing thither. How our Captain caused our boats to be mended and dressed to go to Hochelaga: and because the way was somewhat difficult and hard, we left our Pinnace behind: and how we came thither, and what entertainment we had of the people. Chap. 6. THe next day our Captain seeing that for that time it was not possible for our Pinnace to go on any further, They leave ●heir Pinnace behind. he caused our boats to be made ready, and as much munition and victuals to be put in them, as they could well bear: he departed with them, accompanied with many Gentlemen, that is to say, Claudius of Ponte Briand, Cupbearer to the Lord Dolphin of France, Charles of Pommeray●, john Govion, john Powlet, with twenty & eight Mariners: and Mace jallobert, and William Briton, who had the charge under the Captain of the other two ships, to go up as far as they could into that river: we sailed with good and prosperous weather until the second of October, on which day we came to the town of Hochelaga, distant from the place where we had left our Pinnace five and forty leagues. Hochelaga distant from the lake of Angolesme 45● leagues. In which place of Hochelaga, and all the way we went, we met with many of those countrymen, who brought us fish and such other vicuals as they had, still dancing and greatly rejoicing at our coming. Our Captain to lure them in, and to keep them our friends, to recompense them, gave them knives, beads, and such small trifles, wherewith they were greatly satisfied. So soon as we were come near Hochelaga, there came to meet us above a thousand people, men, women and children, who afterward did as friendly and merrily entertain and receive us as any father would do his child, which he had not of long time seen, the men dancing on one side, the women on another, and likewise the children on another: after that they brought us great store of fish, & of their bread made of Millet, casting them into our boats so thick, that you would have thought is to fall from heaven. Which when our Captain see, he with many of his company went on shore: so soon as ever we were aland they came clustering about us, making very much of us, bringing their young children in their arms, only to have our Captain and his company to touch them, making signs and shows of great ●irth and gladness, that la●ted more than half an hour. Our Captain seeing their loving kindness and entertainment of us, caused all the women orderly to be see in array, and gave them Beads made of Tin, and other such small trifles, and to some of the men h● gave knife's: than he returned to the boats to supper, and so passed that night, all which while all those people stood on the shore as near our boats as they might, making great fires, and dancing very merrily, s●ill crying Ag●i●ze, which in their tongue signifieth Mi●●h and Safety. How our Captain with five Gentlemen and twenty armed men all well in order, went to see the town of Hochelaga, and the situation of it. Chap. 7. The third of October. OUr Captain the next day very early in the morning, having very gorgeously attired himself caused all his company to be set in order to go to see the town and habitation of those people, and a certain mountain that is somewhat near the city: with whom went also five Gentlemen and twenty Mariners, leaving the rest to keep and lo●ke to our boats: we took with us three men of Hochelaga to bring us to the place. All along as we went we found the way as well beaten and frequented as can be, the fairest and best country that possibly can be seen, full of as goodly great Oaks as are in any wood in Fr●●ce, under which the ground was all covered over with fair A●ornes. Hochelaga si●e miles from the river side. After we had go about four or five miles, we met by the way one of the chiefest Lords of the city, accompanied with many m●●, who so so●ne as he saw us beckoned and made signs upon us that we must rest us in that place where they had made a great fire and so we did. After that we had rested ourselves there a while, the said Lord began to make a long discourse, even as we have said above, they are accustomed to do in sign of mirth and friendship, showing our Captain and all his company a joyful countenance, and good will, who gave him two hat●hets, a pair of knives and a cross which he made him to kiss, and then put it about his neck, for which he gave our Captain hearty thanks. This done, we went along, and about a mile and a half farther● we began to ●●●de goodly and large fields, full of such corn as the country yieldeth. It is even as the Millet of Bresil, as great and somewhat bigger than small p●ason, wherewith they live even as we do with ours. This Millet is Ma●●. In the midst of those fields is the city of Hochelaga, place● near, and as it were joined to a great mountain that is ●used round about, The description of Hochelaga very fertile, on the top of which you may see very farre● we named it Mount Royal. The c●●●e of Hochelaga is round, compassed about with timber, wi●● three course, of Rampires, one within another framed like a sharp Spire, but laid across abou●. The middlemost of them is made and built as a direct line, but perpendicular. The Rampires are framed and fashioned wi●h pieces of timber, l●●d ●long on the ground, very well and cunningly joined together after their fashion. This enclosure is in height about two rods. It hath but one g●t● or entry thereat, which is shut with piles, stakes, and bars. Over it, and also in many places of the brickwall, there be places to run along, and ladders to get up, all full of stones, for the defence of it. There are in the town about fifty houses, about fifty paces long, and twelve, or fifteen ●road, built all of wood, covered over with the bark of the wood as broad as any board, very fi●ely and cunningly joined together. Within the said houses, there are many rooms, lodgings and chambers. In the midst of every one there is a great Court, in the middle whereof they make their fire. They live in common together: then do the husbands, wives and children each one retire themselves to their chambers. They have also on the top of their houses certain garre●s, wherein they keep their corn to make their bread withal: they call it Carraconny, which they make as hereafter shall follow. They have certain pieces of wood, made hollow like those whereon we beaten our hemp, and with certain beetles of wood they beaten their corn to powder: then they make paste of it, an● of the paste, cakes or wreaths, than they lay them on a broad and hot stone, and then cover it with hot stones, Ma●●, pease, beans, musk-melons, cucumbers, and other first-fruits. Plenyie of fish and the preserving thereof. and so they bake their bread in stead of Ovens. They make also sundry sorts of pottage with the said corn and also of pease and of beans, whereof they have great store, as also with other first-fruits, as Muske-Millions, and very great Cucumbers. They have also in their houses certain vessels as big as any Butt or Tun, wherein they preserve and keep their fish, causing the same in summer to be dried in the sun, and live therewith in winter, whereof they make great provision, as we by experience have seen. All their viands and meats are without any taste or savour of salt at all. They sleep upon barks of trees laid all along upon the ground being overspread with the skins of certain wild Beasts, wherewith they also clot and cover themselves. The thing most precious that they have in all the world they call Esurgny: it is as white as any snow: they take it in the said river of Cornibotz, in the manner following. When any one hath deserved death, or that they take any of their enemies in Wars, first they kill him, then with certain knives they give great slashes and strokes upon their buttocks, flanks, thighs, and shoulders: then they cast the same body so mangled down to the bottom of the river, in a place where the said Esurgny is, and there leave it ten or 12 hours, than they taken up again, and in the cuts found the said Esurgny or Cornibotz. Of them they make beads, and wear them about th●i● necks, even as we do cha●nes of gold and silver, accounting it the preciousest thing in the world. They have this virtue and property in them, they will stop or staunch bleeding at the nose, for we have proved it. ●u●g●i g●●d to staunch blood. These people are given to no other exercise, but only to husbandry and fishing for their sustenance: they have no care of any other wealth or commodity in this world, for they have no knowledge of it, and that is, because they never travel and go out of their country, as those of Canada and Saguenay do, albeit the Canadians with eight or ne'er Uillages more alongst that river be subjects unto them. How we came to the Town of Hochelaga, and the entertainment which there we had, and of certain gifts which our Captain gave them, with divers other things. Chap. 8. SO soon as we were come near the Town, a great number of the inhabitants thereof came to present themselves before us after their fashion, making very much of us: we were by our guides brought into the midst of the town. They have in the middlemost part of their houses a large square place, being from side to side a good stones cast, whither we were brought, and there with signs were commanded to stay: the● suddenly all the women and maidens of the Town gathered themselves together, part of which had their arms full of young children, and as many as could came to rub our faces, our arms, and what part of the body soever they could touch, weeping for very joy that they see us, showing us the best countenance that possibly they could, desiring us with their signs, that it would please us to touch their children. That done, the men caused the women to withdraw themselves back, than they every one sat down on the ground round about us, as if they would have shown and rehearsed some Comedy or other show: then presently came the women again, every one bringing a four square mat in manner of Carpets, and spreading them abroad on the ground in that place, they caused us to sit upon them. That done, the Lord & King of the country was brought upon 9 or 10 men's shoulders, (whom in their tongue they call Agouhanna) sitting upon a great stags skin, and they laid him down upon the foresaid mats near to the Captain, every one beckoning unto us that he was their Lord and King. This Agouhanna was a man about fifty years old: he was no whit better appareled then any of the rest, only excepted, that he had a certain thing made of the skins of Hedgehogs like a read wreath, and that was in stead of his Crown. He was full of the palsy, and his members shrunk together. After he had with certain signs saluted our Captain and all his company, and by manifest tokens bid all welcome, he showed his legs and arms to our Captain, and with signs desired him to touch them, and so he did, rubbing them with his own hands: then did Agouhanna take the wreath or crown he had about his head, and gave it unto our Captain: that done they brought before him diverse diseased men, some blind, some cripple, some lame and impotent, and some so old that the hair of their eyelids came down and covered their cheeks, and laid them all along before our Captain, to the end they might of him be touched: for it seemed unto them that God was descended and come down from heaven to heal them● Our Captain seeing the misery and devotion of this poor people, recited the Gospel of Saint john, that is to say, In the beginning was the word; touching every one that were diseased, praying to God that it would please him to open the hearts of this poor people, and to make them know his holy word, and that they might receive Baptism and Christendom: that done, he took a service-book in his hand, and with a loud voice read all the passion of Christ, word by word, that all the standers by might hear him: all which while this poor people kept silence, & were marvelously attentive, looking up to heaven, and imitating us in gestures. Then he caused the men all orderly to be set on one side, the women on another, & likewise the children on an other, & to the chiefest of them he gave hatchets, to the other knives, & to the women beads & such other small trifles. Then where the children were, he cast rings, counters, & brooches made of Tin, whereat they seemed to be very glad. That done, our Captain commanded Trumpets and other musical instruments to be sounded● which when they herded, they were very merry. Then we took our leave and went to our boat: the woman seeing that, put themselves before to stay us, and brought us out of their meats that they had made ready for us, as fish, pottage, beans, and such other things, thinking to make us eat, and dine in that place: but because the meats had no favour at all of salt, we liked them not, but thanked them, and with signs gave them to understand that we had no need to eat. When we were out of the ●ow●e, diverse of the men and women followed us, and brought us to the tap of the foresaid mountain, which we named Mount Royal, Mount Royal. it is about a league from the Town. When as we were on the top of it, we might discern and plainly see thirty leagues about. ● ridge of ● ounta●●●s to 〈◊〉 Forth or loca●logo, and another to the South. On the Northside of it there are many hills to be seen running West and East, and as many more on the South, amongst and between the which the Country is as fair and as pleasant as possibly can be seen, bring level, smooth, and very plain, ●it to be husbanded and tilled: and in the midst of those fie●des we see the river further up a great way then where we had left our boats, where was the greatest and the swiftest fall of water that any where hath been seen, and as great, wide, and large as our sight might disce● ne, going South-west along three fair and round mountains that we ●awe, as we ●●●ged about fifteen leagues ●rom us. Those which brought us thither told and showed us, The 3 faults or falle● of water in 44 degrees of latitude. that in the said river there w●re three such falls of water more, as that was where we had left our b●ates: but because we could not understand their language, we could not know how far they were one from another. Moreover they showed us with signs, that the said three falls being past, a man might sail the space of three months more alongst that River, and that along the hills that are on the North side there is a great river, which (even as the other) cometh from the West, The river of Sag●enay cometh from the West. Where there is gold and silver. we thought it to be the river that runneth through the Country of Sagu●nay: and without any sign or question moved or asked of them, they took the chain of our captains whisile, which was of silver, and the dagger-haft of one of our fellow Mariners, hanging on his side being of yellow copper guilt, and showed us that such stuff came from the said River, and that there be Agovionda, that is as much to say, as evil people, who go ●ll armed even to their finger's ●●●s. Also they showed us the manner and making of their armour: they are made of cords and wood, ●inely and cunningly wrought together. They gave us also to understand that those Agovionda do continually war ●n● against another, but because we did not understand them we●l, we could not perceive how fa●re it was to that Country. Our Captain she●ed them r●d●e Copper, which in their language they call Caignetadze, and looking ●●warde that Country, with signs asked them if any came from thence, they shaking their heads answere● no: Read copper in Sague●●y. but they showed us that it came from Sag●enay, and that lieth clean contrary to the other. After we had herded and seen these things of them, we drew to our boated accompanied with a great multitude of those people: some of them when as they saw any of our follows weary, would take them up on their shoulders, and carry them as on horseback. So soon as we came to our boats we hoist sail to go toward our Pinnace, doubting of some mischance. Our departure grieved and displeased them very much, for they followed us along the river as far as they cou●●: we went so fast that on mu●day being the fourth of October we came where our Pinnace was. The Tuesday following being the fift of the month, we hoist sail, and with our Pinnace and boats departed from thence toward the Province of Canada, to the port of the Holy Cross, where we had left our ships. The seventh day we came against a river that cometh from the North, and curred into that river, at the entrance whereof are four little islands full of fair and goodly trees: we named that river. The river of Fovetz: But because one of those Islands stretcheth itself a great way into the river, our Captain at the point of it caused a goodly great Cross to be set up, and commanded the boats to be made ready, that with the ne●t tide he might go up the said river, and consider the quality of it which we did, and that day went up as far as we could: but because we found it to be of no importance, and very shallow, we returned and sailed down the river. How we came to the Port of the Holy Cross, and in what state we found our ships: and how the Lord of the Country came to visit our Captain, and our Captain him: and of certain particular customs of the people. Chap. 9 Upon Monday being the 11 of October we came to the Port of the Ho●y Cross, where our ships were, and found that the Masters and Mariners we had left there, had made and reared a trench before the ships, altogether closed with great ●eeres of timber set upright and very well fastened together: then had they beset the said trench about with pieces of Artilleti●●nd other necessary things to shield and defend themselves from the power of all the country. So soon as the Lord of the country herded of our coming, the next day being the twelfth of October, he came to visit us, accompanied with Taignoagny, Domagala and many others, feigning to be very glad of our coming, making much of our Captain, who as friendly as he could, entertained them, albeit they had not deserved it. Donnacona their Lord desired our Captain the next day to come and see Canada, which he promised to do: for the next day b●ing the 13 of the month, he with all his Gentlemen and fifty Mariners very well appointed, went to visit Donnacona and his people, about a league from our ships. The place where they make their abode is called Stadacona. Stadacona. When we were about a stones cast from their houses, many of the inhabitants came to meet us, being all set in a rank, and (as their custom is) the men all on one side, & the women on the other, still dancing and singing without any ceasing: and after we had saluted and received one another, our Captain gave them knives and such other sleight things: then he caused all the women and children to pass along before him, giving each one a ring of Tin, for which they gave him hearty thanks: that done, our Captain was by Donnacona and Taignoagny, brought to see their houses, which (the quality considered) were very well provided, and stored with such victuals as the country yieldeth, to pass away the winter withal. Then they showed us the skins of five men's heads spread upon boards as we do use parchment: Donnacona told us that they were skins of Toudamani, Toudamani dw●ling Southware● of Canada. a people dwelling toward the South, who continually do war against them. Moreover they told us, that it was two years past that those Toudamans came to assault them, yea even into the said river, in an Island that lieth over against Saguenay, where they had been the night before, as they were going a warfaring in Hognedo, with 200 people, men, women, and children, who being all asleep in a Fort that they had made, they were assaulted by the said Toudamans, who put fire round about the Fort, and as they would have come out of it to save themselves, they were all slain, only five excepted, who escaped. For which loss they yet sorrowed, showing with signs, that one day they would be revenged: that done, we came to our ships again. The manner how the people of that Country live: and of certain conditions: of their faith, manners, and customs. Chap. 10. THis people believe no whit in God, but in one whom they cal● Cud●uaigni: they say that often he speaketh with them and telleth them what weather shall follow, whether good or bad. Moreover they say, that when he is angry with them he casts dust into then eyes: they believe that when they die they go into the stars, & thence ●● little & little descend down into the Orisons even as the stars do, & that then they go into certain green fields full of goodly fair & precious trees, flowers, & first-fruits. After that they had given us these things to understand, we showed them their error, and told that their Cudruaigni did but deceive them, for he is but a Devil & an evil spirit: affirming unto them, that there is but one only God, who is in heaven, and who giveth us all necessaries, being the Creator of all himself, and that only we must believe in him: moreover, that it is necessary for us to be baptized, otherwise we are damned into hell. These and many other things concerning our faith and religion we showed them, all which they did easily believe, calling their Cudruaigni, Agoviada, that is to say, naught, so that very earnestly they desired and prayed our Captain that he would 'cause them to be baptized, and their Lord, and Taignoagny, Domagaia, and all the people of the town came unto us, hoping to be baptized: They ●esire to be baptised. but because we did not thoroughly know their mind, and that there was no body could teach them our belief & religion, we excused ourselves, desiring Taignoagny & Domagaia to tell the rest of their countrymen, that he would come again another time, & bring Priests & chr●some with us, for without them they could not be baptized: which they did easily believe, for Domagaia & T●ignoagny had seen many children baptized in Britain while they were there. Which promise when they herded they seemed to be very glad. They live in common together, and of such commodities as their country yieldeth they are indifferently well stored, the inhabitants of the country clot themselves with the skins of certain wild beasts, but very miserably. In winter they wear hosen and shoes made of wild beasts skins, and in Summer they go barefooted. They keep and observe the rites of matrimony, saving that every one weddeth 2 or ● v●●tes, which (their husbands being dead) do never marry again, but for the death of their husbands wear a certain black weed all the days of their life, be s●earing all their faces with cole●●u●●●●●ease mingled together as thick as the back of a knife, and by that they are known to be w●●●owes. They have a filthy and detestable use in marrying of their maidens, and that is this, they put them all (after they are of lawful age to marry) in a common place, as harlots free for every man that will have to do with them, until such time as they found a match. This I say, because I have seen by experience many houses full of those Damosels, even as our schools are full of children in France to learn to read. Moreover, the misrule and riot that they keep in those houses is very great, for very wanton they sport and dally together, showing whatsoever God hath sent them. They are no men of great labour. They dig their grounds with certain pieces of wood, as big as half a sword, on which ground groweth their corn, which they call Offici: Their Maiz. it is as big as our small peason: there is great quantity of it growing in bresil. They have also great store of Muske-milions, Pompions, Gourds, Cucumbers, Peason and beans of every colour, yet differing from ours. There groweth also a certain kind of herb, whereof in Summer they make great provision for all the year, making great account of it, and only men use of it, and first they 'cause it to be dried in the sun, T●ba●●o described. then wear it about their necks wrapped in a little beasts skin made like a little bag, with a hollow piece of s●oue or woodlike a pipe: then when they please they make powder of it, and then put it in one of the ends of the said Cornet or p●pe, and laying a coal of fire upon it, at the other end suck so long, that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till that it cometh out of their mouth and nostrils, even as out of the ●onnell of a chimney. They say that this doth keep them warm and in health: they never go without some of it about them. We ourselves have try●d the same smoke, and having put it in our mouths, it seemed almost as hot as Pepper. The women of that country do labour much more th●n the men, as well in fishing (whereto they are greatly given) as in tilling and husbanding their grounds, and other things: as well the men as women and children, are very much more able to resist cold then savage beasts, for we with our own eyes have seen some of them, when it was coldest (which cold was extreme raw and bitter) come to our ships stark naked going upon snow & ice, which thing seemeth incredible to them that have not seen it. When as the snow and ice lieth on the ground, they take great store of wild beasts, as Fauns, Stags, Bears, Marterns, Hares & Foreste, with divers other sorts whose flesh they eat raw, having first dried it in the sun or smoke, and so they do their fish. As far forth as we could perceive and understand by these people, it were a very easy thing to bring them to some familiarity & civility, and make them learn what one would. The Lord God for his mercy's sake set thereunto his helping hand when he seethe cause. Amen. Of the greatness and depth of the said river, and of the sorts of beasis, birds, fish, and other things that we have seen, with the situation of the place. Chap. 11. THe said river beginneth beyond the Island of The Assumption, over against the high mountains of Hognedo, and of the seven islands. The distance over from one side to the other is about 35 or 40 leagues. In the midst it is above 200 fathom deep. The surest way to sail upon it is on the South side. And toward the North, that is to say, from the said 7 islands, from side to side, there is seven leagues distance, where are also two great rivers that come down from the hills of Saguenay, and make divers very dangerous shelves in the sea. At the entrance of those two rivers we see many & great store of Whales and Sea horses. Overthwart the said islands there is another little river that runneth along those marish grounds about 3 or 4 leagues, wherein there is great store of water fowls. It is now found to be but 200 leagues. From the entrance of that river to Hochelaga there is about 300 leagues distance: the original beginning of it is in the river that cometh from Saguenay, which rises and springeth among high & s●eepe hills: it entereth into that river before it cometh to the Province of Canada on the North side. That river is very deep, high, and straight, wherefore it is very dangerous for any vessel to go upon it. After that river followeth the Province of Canada, wherein are many people dwelling in open boroughs and villages. There are also in the circuit and territory of Canada, along, and within the said river, many other islands, some great, & some small, among which there is one that containeth above ten leagues in length, full of goodly and high trees, and also many Uines. You may go into it from both sides, but yet the surest passage is on the South side. On the shore or bank of that river Westward, there is a goodly, fair, and delectable bay or creak, convenient and fit for to harbour ships. H●rd by there is in that river one place very narrow, deep, & swift running, but it is not passing the third part of a league, over against the which there is a goodly high piece of land, with a town therein: and the country about it is very well tilled & wrought & as good as possibly can be seen. That is the place and abode of Donnacona, and of our two men we took in our first voyage, it is called Stadacona. But before we come to it, there are 4 other peopled towns, that is to say, Ayras●e, Starnatan, Tailla, which standeth upon a hill, Scitadin, and then Stadagona, under which town toward the North the river and port of the holy cross is, where we s●aied from the 15 of September, until the 16 of May 1536, and there our ships remained dry, as we have said before. That place being past, we found the habitation of the people called Teguenondahi, standing upon an high mountain, and the valley of Hochelay, which standeth in a champaign country. All the said country on both sides of the river as far as Hochelay & beyond, is as fair and plain as ever was seen. There are certain mountains far distant from the said river, which are to be seen above the foresaid towns, from which mountains divers rivers descend, Riuer● falling from mountains. which fall into the said great river. All that country is full of sundry sorts of wood and many Uines, unless it be about the places that are inhabited, where they have pulled up the trees to 〈◊〉 and labour the ground, and to build their houses and lodgings. There is great store of Stags, Dear, Bears, B●asts. and other such like sorts of beasts, as Coneys, Hares, Marterns, Foxes, Otters, Bevers, Wea●ls, Badgets, and Rats exceeding great, and divers other sorts of wild beasts. They cloth themselves with the skins of those beasts, because they have nothing else to make them apparel withal. There are also many sorts of birds, Birde●. as Cranes, Swans, Bustards, wild Geese white and grey, Ducks, Thrushes, Black-birdes, Turtles, wild Pigeons, Lenites, Finches, Redbreasts, stars, Nightingales, Sparrows, and other Birds, even as in France. Also, as we have said before, Fish. the said river is the plentifullest of fish that ever hath of any man been seen or herded of, because that from the mouth to the end of it, according to their seasons, you shall find all sorts of fresh water fish and salt. There are also many Whales, Porpoises, Seahorses, and Adhothuis, which is a kind of fish that we had never seen nor herded of before. They are as great as Porpoises, as white as any snow, their body and head fashioned as a grayhound, they are wont always to abide between the fresh & salt water, which beginneth between the river of Saguenay and Canada. Of certain advertisements and notes given unto us by those countrymen, after our return from Hochelaga. Chap. 12. AFter our return from Hochelaga, we dealt, trafficked, and with great familiarity and love were conversant with those that dwelled nearest unto our ships, except that sometimes we had strife and contention with certain naughty people, full sore against the will of the others. We understood of Donnacona and of others, that the said river is called the river of Saguenay, and goeth to Saguenay, being somewhat more than a league farther Westnorthwest, and that 8 or 9 days journeys beyond, it will bear but small boats. The right way to Saguenay. But the right and ready way to Saguenay is up that river to Hochelaga, and then into another that cometh from Saguenay, and then entrech into the foresaid river, & that there is yet one months sailing thither. Moreover, they told us and gave us to understand, that there are people clad with clot as we are, very honest, and many inhabited ●ownes, and that they have great store of Gold and read Copper: Store of gold & read copper. and that about the land beyond the said first river to Hochelaga and Saguenay, is an Island environed round about with that and other rivers, Two or three great lakes. More dulcium aquarium. and that beyond Saguenay the said river entereth into two or 3 great Lakes, and that there is a Sea of fresh water found, and as they have herded say of those of Saguenay, there was never man herded of that found out the end thereof: for, as they ●old us, they themselves were never there. Moreover they told us, that where we had left our Pinnace when we went to Hochelaga, there is a river that goeth Southwest, from whence there is a whole months sailing to go to a certain land, where there is neither ye nor snow seen, where the inhabitants do continually war one against another, The river of Ir●o●●c●s ●alling into the lake of A●g●le●●ne. where is great shore of Oranges, Almonds, Nuts, and Apples, with many other sorts of first-fruits, and that the men and women are clad with beasts skins even as they: we asked them if there were any gold or read copper, they answered no. I take this place to be toward Florida, as far as I could perceive and understand by their signs and tokens. Of a strange and cruel disease that came to the people of Stadacona, wherewith because we did haunt their company, we were so infected, that there died 25 of our company. Chap. 13. IN the month of December, we● understood that the pestilence was come among the people of Stadacona, in such sort, that before we known of it, according to their confession, there were dead above 50: whereupon we charged them neither to come near our Fort, nor about our ships, or us. And albeit we had driven them from us, the said unknown sickness began to spread itself amongst us, after the strangest sort that ever was either herded of or se●ne, insomuch as some did loose all their strength, and could not stand on their feet, than did their legs swell, their sinews shrink as black as any coal. Others also had all their skins spotted with spots of blood of a purple colour: then did it ascend up to their ankels, knees, thighs, shoulders, arms, and neck: their mouth become stinking, their gums so rotten, that all the flesh did fall off, even to the roots of the teeth, which did also almost all fall out. With such infection did this sickness spread itself in our three ships, that about the middle of February, of a hundredth and ten people that we were, there were not ten whole, so that one could not help the other, a most horrible and pitiful case, considering the place we were in, forsomuch as the people of the country would daily come before our fort, and see but few of us. There were already eight dead, and more than fifty sick, and as we thought, past all hope of recovery. Our Captain seeing this our misery, & that the sickness was go so far, ordained and commanded, that every one should devoutly prepare himself to prayer, and in remembrance of Christ, caused his Image to be set upon a tree, about a flight shot from the fort amid the ice and snow, giving all men to understand, that on the Sunday following, service should be said there, and that whosoever could go, sick or whole, should go thither in Procession, singing the seven Psalms of David, with other Litanies, praying most hearty that it would please the said our Christ to have compassion upon us. Service being done, and as well celebrated as we could, our Captain there made a vow, that if it would please God to give him leave to return into France, he would go on Pilgrimage to our Lady of Rocquemado. That day Philip Rouge-mount, born in Amboise, died, being 22 years old, and because the sickness was to us unknown, our Captain caused him to be ripped to see if by any means possible we might know what it was, and so seek means to save and preserve the rest of the company: he was found to have his heart white, but rotten, and more than a quart of read water about it: his liver was indifferent fair, but his ●ungs black and mortified, his blood was altogether shrunk about the heart, so that when he was opened great quantity of rotten blood issued out from about his heart: his mi●t toward the back was somewhat perished, rough as if it had been rubbed against a stone. Moreover, because one of his thighs was very black without, it was opened, but within it was whole and sound: that done, as well as we could he was buried. In such sort did the sickness continued and increase, that there were not above three sound men in the ships, and none was able to go under hatches to draw drink for himself, nor for his fellows. Sometimes we were constrained to bury some of the dead under the snow because we were not able to dig any graves for them the ground was so hard frozen, and we so weak. Besides this, we did greatly fear that the people of the country would perceive our weakness and misery, which to hide, our Captain, whom it pleased God always to keep in health, would go out with two or three of the company, some sick and some whole, whom when he see out of the Fort, he would throw stones at them and chide them, feigning that so soon as he came again, he would beat them, and then with signs show the people of the country that he caused all his men to work and labour in the ships, some in calking them, some in beating of chalk, some in one thing, and some in another, and that he would not have them come forth till their work was done. And to make his ●ale seem true and likely, he would make all his men whole & sound to make a great noise with knocking sticks, stones, hammers, and other things together, at which time we were so oppressed and grieved with that sickness, that we had lost all hope ever to see France again, if God of his infinite goodness and mercy had not with his pitiful eye looked upon us, and revealed a singular and excellent remedy against all diseases unto us, ●●e best that ever was found upon earth, as hereafter shall follow. How long we stayed in the Port of the holy Cross amid the snow and ice, and how many died of the said disease, from the beginning of it to the midst of March. Chap. 14. FRom the midst of November until the midst of March, we were kept in amid the ice above two fathoms thick, and snow above four foot high and more, higher than the sides of our ships, which lasted till that time, in such sort, that all our drinks were frozen in the ●essels, and the ice through all the ships was above a hand-breadth thick, as well above hatches as beneath, and so much of the river as was fresh, even to Hochelaga, was frozen, in which space there died five and twenty of our best and chiefest men, and all the rest were so sick, that we thought they should never recover again, only three or four excepted. Then it pleased God to cast his pitiful eye upon us, and sent us the knowledge of remedy of our healths and recovery, in such man●● as in the next Chapter shall be showed. How by the grace of God we had notice of a certain tree, whereby we all recovered ou● health: and the manner how to use it. Chap. 15. OUr Captain considering our estate (and how that sickness was increased and hot amongst us) one day went forth of the Fort, and walking upon the ice, he see a troop of those Countrymen coming from Stadacona, among which was Domagaia, who not passing ten or twelve days afore, had been very sick with that disease, and had his knees swollen as big as a child of two years old, all his s●ews shrunk together, his teeth spoiled, his gums rotten, and stinking. Our Captain seeing him whole and sound, was there at maruelious glad, hoping to understand and know of him how he had healed himself, to the end he might ease and help his men. So soon as they were come near him, he asked Domagaia how he had done to heal himself: he answered, that he had taken the ●●ice and sap of the leaves of a certain Tree, and therewith had healed himself: For it was a singular remedy against that disease. Then our Captain asked of him if any were to be had thereabouts, desiring him to show him, for to heal a servant of his, who whilst he was in Canada with Donnacona, was stricken with that disease: That he did because he would not show the number of his sick men. Domagaia strait sent two women to fetch some of it, which brought ten or twelve branches of it, and therewithal showed the way how to use it, and that is thus, to take the bark and leaves of the said tree, and boil them together, then to drink of the said decoction every other day, and to put the dregss of it upon his legs that is sick: moreover, they told us, that the virtue of that tree was, to heal any other disease: the tree is in their language called Ameda or Hanneda, this is thought to be the Sassafras tree. Our Captain presently caused some of that drink to be made for his men to drink of it, but there was none dared taste of it, except one or two, who ventured the drinking of it, only to taste & prove it: the other seeing that did the like, and presently recovered their health, and were delivered of that sickness, & what other disease soever, in such sort, that there were some had been diseased and troubled with the French Pocks four or five years, and with this drink were clean healed. A perfect remedy against the French Pocks. After this medicine was found and proved to be true, there was such strife about it, who should be first to take of it, that they were ready to kill one another, so that a tree as big as any ●ake in France was spoilt and lopped bore, and occupied all in five or six days, and it wrought so well, that if all the physicians of Mountpelier and Louvain had been there with all the drugs of Alexandria, they would not have done so much in one year, as that tree did in si●e days, for it did so prevail, that as many as used of it, by the grace of God recovered their health. How the lord Donnacona accompanied with Taignoagny and divers others, feigning that they would go to hunt Stags, and Dear, ●aried out two months, and at their return brought a great multitude of people with them, that we were not wont to se● before. Chap. 16. WHile that disease sailed in our ships, the lord Donnacona, Taig●oagny, with many others went from home, feigning that they would go to catch Stags and ●eere, which are in their tongue called Aiounesta, and Asquenoudo, because the ice and snow was not so broken along the river that they could sail: it was told us of Domagaia and others, that they woul● stay out but a fortnight, & we believed it, but they slayed above two months, which made us mistrust that they had been go to raise the country to come against us, and do us some displeasure, we seeing ourselves so weak & faint. Albeit we had used such diligence and policy in our Fort, that if all the power of the country had been about it, they could have done nothing but look upon us: and whilst they were forth, many of the people came daily to our ships, and brought us fresh meat, A long winter as Stags, ●e●re, fish, with divers other things, but held them as such an excessive price, that rather than they would cell them any thing cheap, many times they would carry them back again, because that year the Winter was very long, and they had some scarcity and need of them. How Donnacona came to Stadacon● a gain with a great number of people, and because he would not come to visit our Captain, failed himself to be sore sick, which he did only to have the Captain come see him. Chap. 17. ON the one and twentieth day of April Domagaia came to the shore side, accompanied with divers lusty and strong men, such as we were not wont to see, and told us that their lord Donnacona would the next day come and see us, and bring great store of Deeres flesh, and other things with him. The next day he came and brought a great number of men to Stadacona, to what end, and for what cause we known not, but (as the proverb saith) he that takes beede and shields himself from all men, may hap to scape from some: for we had need to look about us, considering how in number we were diminished, and in strength greatly weakened, both by reason of our sickness and also of the number that were dead, so that we were constrained to leave one of our ships in the Port of the Holy Crosse. Our Captain was warned of their coming, and how they had brought a great number of men with them, for Domagaia came to tell it us, and durs● not pass the river that was betwixt Stadacona and us, as he was wont to do, whereupon we mistrusted some treason. Our Captain seeing this, sent one of his servants to them, accompanied with john Poulet being best beloved of those people, to see who were there, and what they did. The said Poulet & the other feigned themselves only to be come to visit Donnacona, & bring him certain presents, because they had been together a good while in the said Donnaconas' Town. So soon as he herded of their coming, he got himself to bed, feigning to be very sick. That done, they went to Taignoagny his house to see him, and wheresoever they went, they see so many people, that in a manner one could not stir for another, and such men as they were never wont to see. Taignoagny would not permit our men to enter into any other houses, but still kept them company, and brought them half way to their ships, and told them that if it would please our captain to show him so much favour as to take a Lord of the Country, whose name was Agonna, of whom he had received some displeasure, and carry him with him into France, he should therefore for ever be bond unto him, and would do for him whatsoever he would command him, and bade the servant come again the next day, and bring an answer. Our Captain being advertised of so many people that were there, not knowing to what end, purposed to play a pretty prank, that is to say, to take their Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and some more of the chiefest of them prisoners, in so much as before he had purposed, to bring them into France, to show unto our King what he had seen in those Western parts, and marvels of the world, for that Donnacona had told us, that he had been in the Country of Saguenay, Rubies, Gold, and woollen clot with other riches in Saguenay. in which are infinite Rubies, Gold, and other riches, and that there are white men, who cloth themselves with woollen clot even as we do in France. Moreover he reported, that ●ee had been in another country of a people called Picquemians, A people called Picquemians and other strange people. The said Lord was an old man, and even from his childhood had never left off nor ceased from travailing into strange Countries, as well by water and rivers, as by land. The said Poulet, and the other having told our Captain their Embassage, and showed him what Taignoagny his will was, the next day he sent his servant again to bid Taignoagny come and see him, and show what he should, for he should be very well entertained, and also part of his will should be accomplished. Taignoagny sent him word, that the next day he would come and bring the Lord Donnacona with him, and him that had so offended him, which he did not, but stayed two days, in which time none came from Stadacona to our ships, as they were wont to do, but rather fled from us, as if we would have slain them, so that then we plainly perceived their knavery. The town of Sidatin. But because they understood, that those of Sidatin did frequent our company, and that we had forsaken the bottom of a ship which we would leave, to have the old nails out of it, the third day following they came from Stadacona, and most of them without difficulty did pass from one side of the river to the other with small Skiffes: but Donnacona would not come over: Taignoagny, and Domagaia stood talking together above an hour before they would come over, at last they came to speak with our Captain. There Taignoagny prayed him that he would caused the foresaid man to be taken and carried into France, Our Captain refused to do it, saying, that his King had forbidden him to bring any man or woman into France, only that he might bring two or three young boys to learn the language, but that he would willingly carry him to Newfoundland, and there leave him in an Island. Our Captain spoke this, only to assure them, that they should bring Donnacona with them, whom they had left on the other side: which words, when Taignoagny herded, he was very glad, thinking he should never return into France again, and therefore promised to come the next day, which was the day of the Holy Cross, and to bring Donnacona and all the people with him. How that upon Holyrood day our Captain caused a Cross to be set up in our Fort: and how the Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and others of their company came: and of the taking of the said Lord Chap. 18. THe third of May being Holyroode day, our Captain for the solemnity of the day, caused a goodly fair cross of 35 foot in height to be set up, under the crosset of which he caused a shield to be hanged, wherein were the Arms of France, and over them was written in antic letters, Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex regnat. And upon that day about noon, there came a great number of the people of Stadacona, men, women, and children, who told us that their Lord Donnacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia were coming, whereof we were very glad, hoping to retain them. About two of the clock in the afternoon they came, & being come near our ships, our Captain went to salute Donnacona, who also showed him a merry countenance, albeit very fearfully his eyes were still bend toward the wood. Shortly after came Taignoagny, who bade Donnacona that he should not enter into our Fort, and therefore fire was brought forth by one of our men, & kindled where their Lord was. Our Captain prayed him to come into our ships to eat & drink as he was wont to do, and also Taignoagny, who promised, that after a whilche would come, and so they did, & entered into our ships: but first it was told our Captain by Domagaia, that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him, & that he had did Donnacona he should not come aboard our ships. Our Captain perceiving that, came out of the Fort, and see that only by Taignoagny his warning the women ran away, and none but men stayed in great number, wherefore he strait commanded his men to lay hold on Donnacona, Taignoagny, and Domagaia, Donnacona, Taignoagny, & Domagaia take & two more of the chiefest whom he pointed unto: then he commanded them to make the other to retire. Presently after, the said lord entered into the Fort with the Captain, but by & by Taignoagny came to make him come out again. Our Captain seeing that there was no other remedy, began to call unto them to take them, at whole cry and voice all his men came forth, and tocke the said Lord with the others, whom they had appointed to take. The Canadians seeing their Lord taken, began to run away, even as sheep before the wolf, some crossing over the river, some through the woods, each one seeking for his own advantage. That done, we re●●red ourselves, and laid up the prisoners under good guard and safety. How the said Canadians the night following came before our ships to seek their men, crying and howling all night like Wolves: of the talk and conclusion they agreed upon the next day: and of the gifts which they gave our Captain. Chap. 19 THe night following they came before our ships, (the river being betwixt us) striking their breasts, and crying and howling like wolves, still calling Agouhanna, thinking to speak with him, which our Captain for that time would not permit, neither all the next day till noon, whereupon they made signs unto us, that we had hanged or killed him. About noon, there came as great a number in a cluster, as ever we see, who went to hide themselves in the Forest, except some, who with a loud voice would call and try to Donnacona to speak unto them. Our Captain then commanded Donnacona to be brought up on high to speak unto them, and bade him be merry, for after he had spoken, and showed unto the King of France what he had seen in Saguenay and other countries, after ten or twelve months, he should return again, and that the King of France would give him great rewards, whereat Donnacona was very glad, and speaking to the others, told it them, who in token of joy, gave out three great cries, and then Donnacona and his people had great talk together, which for want of interpreters, cannot be described. Our Captain bade Donnacona that he should 'cause them to come to the other side of the river, to the end they might better talk together without any fear, & that he should assure them: which Donnacona did, and there came a boat full of the chiefest of them to the ships, and there anew began to talk together, giving great praise to our captain, and gave him a present of four and twenty chains of Esurgny, Four and twenty chains of Esurgny. for that is the greatest and preciousest riches they have in this world, for they esteem more of that, then of any gold or silver. After they had long talked together, and that their Lord saw that there was no remedy to avoid his going into France, he commanded his people the next day, to bring him some victuals to serve him by the way. Our Captain gave Donnacona, as a great present, two Frying pans of copper, eight Hatchets, and other small trifles, as Knives, and Beads, whereof he seemed to be very glad, who sent them to his wives and children. Likewise, he gave to them that came to speak with Donacona, they thanked him greatly for them, and then went to their lodgings. How the next day, being the fift of May, the said people came again to speak unto their Lord, and how four women came to the shore to bring him victuals. Chap. 20. Upon the fifth of May, very early in the morning, a great number of the said people came again to speak unto their Lord, and sent a Boat, which in their tongue they call Casnoni, wherein were only four women, without any man, for fear their men should be retained. These women brought great store of victuals, as great Millet, which is their corn that they live withal, flesh, fish, and other things after their fashion. These women being come to our ships, our Captain did very friendly entertain them. Then Donnacona prayed our Captain to tell those women that he should come again after ten or twelve months, and bring Donnacona to Canada with him: this he said only to appease them, which our captain did: wherefore the women, as well by words as signs, seemed to be very glad, giving our Captain thanks, and told him, if he came again, and brought Donnacona with him, they would give him many things: in sign whereof, each one gave our Captain a chain of Esurgny, and then passed to the other side of the river again, where stood all the people of Stad●cona, who taking all leave of their Lord, went home again. On Saturday following, being the sixt of the month, we departed out of the said Port of Santa Croix, and came to harbour a little beneath the Island of Orleans, The Isle of Orleans. about twelve leagues from the Port of the Holy Cross, and upon Sunday we came to the Island of filberts, Isle de Coudres. where we stayed until the sixteenth of that month, till the fierceness of the waters were passed, which at that time ran too swift a course, and were too dangerous to come down along the river, and therefore we stayed till fair weather came. In the mean while many of Donnaconas' subjects came from the river of Saguenay to him, but being by Domagaia advertised, that their Lord was taken to be carried into France, they were all amazed: yet for all that they would not lean to come to our ships, to speak to Donnacona, who told them that after twelve months he should come again, and that he was very well used by the Captain, Gentlemen, and Mariners. Which when they herded, they greatly thanked our Captain and gave their Lord three bundles of Beavers, and sea Wolves skins, with a great knife of read copper that cometh from Saguenay, A knife of read coper brought from Saguenay. and other things. They gave also to our Captain a chain of Esurgny, for which our Captain gave them ten or twelve Hatchets, and they gave him hearty thanks, and were very well contented. The next day, being the sixteenth of May, we hoist sail, and came from the said island of filberts, to another about fifteen leagues from it, which is about five leagues in length, and there, to the end we might take some rest the night following, we stayed that day, in hope the next day we might pass and avoid the dangers of the river of Saguenay, which are great. That evening we went a land and found great store of Hares, of which we took a great many, and therefore we called it The Island of Hares: The Isle of Hares in the night there arose a contrary wind, with such storms and tempest, that we were constrained to return to The Island of filberts again, from whence we were come, because there was none other passage among the said Islands, and there we stayed till the one and twentieth of that month, till fair weather and good wind came again: and then we sailed again, and that so prosperously, that we passed to Honguedo, which passage until that time had not been discovered: we caused our ships to course athwart Cape Prat which is the beginning of the Port of Chaleur: and because the wind was good and convenient, we sailed all day and all night without staying, and the next day we came to the middle of Brions Island, The Isle of Brion. which we were not minded to do, to the end we might shorten our way. These two lands lie Northwest, and Southeast, and are about fifty leagues one from another. The said Island is in latitude 47 degrees and a half. Upon Thursday being the twenty six of the month, and the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, we coasted over to a land and shallow of low sands, which are about eight leagues South-west from Brions Island above which are large Champains, full of trees and also an enclosed sea, whereas we could neither see, nor perceive any gap or way to enter there into. On Friday following, being the 27 of the month, because the wound did change on the coast, we came to Brions Island again, where we stayed till the beginning of june, and toward the Southeast of this Island, we saw a land, seeming unto us as an Island, we coasted it about two leagues and a half, and by the way we had notice of three other high Islands, lying toward the Sand: after we had known these things we returned to the Cape of the said land, which doth divide itself into two or three very high Capes: the waters there are very deep, and the flood of the sea runneth so swift, that it cannot possibly be swifter. That day we came to Cape Lorraine, which is in forty seven degrees and a half toward the South: on which cape there is a low land, and it seemeth that there is some entrance of a river, but there is no haven of any worth. Above these lands we see another cape toward the South, we named it Saint Paul's Cape, it is at 47 degrees and a quarter. The Sunday following, being the fourth of june, and Whit sunday, we had notice of the coast lying Eastsoutheast, distant from the Newfoundland about two and twenty leagues: and because the wound was against us, we went to a Haven, which we named S. Spiritus port, where we stayed till Tewesday that we departed thence, sailing along that coast until we came to Saint Pe●ers Islands. We found along the said coast many very dangerous Islands and shelves, which lie all in the way Eastsoutheast and Westnorthwest● about three and twenty leagues into the sea. Whilst we were in the said Saint Peter's Islands we met with many ships of France and of Britain, we stayed there from Saint Barnabas day, being the eleventh of the month, until the sixteenth that we departed thence & came to Cape Raze, and entered into a Port called Rognoso, where we took in fresh water, and wood to pass the sea: there we left one of our boats. Then upon Monday, being the nineteenth of june, we went from that Port, and with such good and prosperous weather we sailed along the sea, in such sort, that upon the sixt of july 1536 we came to the port of S. Malo, by the grace of God, to whom we pray, here ending our Navigation, that of his infinite mercy he will grant us his grace and favour, and in the end bring us to the place of everlasting felicity. Amen. Here followeth the language of the country, and kingdoms of Hochelaga and Canada, of us called New France: But first the names of their numbers. Secada 1 Tigneni 2 Hische 3 Hannaion 4 Ouiscon 5 Indahir 6 Aiaga 7 Addigue 8 Madellon 9 Ass●m 10 Here follow the names of the chiefest parts of man, and other words necessary to be known. the Head aggonzi the Brow hegueniascon the Eyes higata the Ears abontascon the Mouth esahe the Teeth esgongay the Tongue osnache the Throat agonhon the Beard hebelim the Face hegovascon the Hairs aganiscon the Arms aiayascon the Flanks atssonne the Stomach aggruascon the Belly eschehenda the Thighs hetnegradascon the Knees agochinegodascon the Legs agouguenehonde the Feet onchidascon the Hands aignoascon the Fingers agenoga the Nails agedascon a Man's member a●moascon a Woman's member eastaigne an Eel esgueny a Snail undeguezi a Tortoise henlenxinia Woods conda leaves of Trees hoga God cudragny give me some drink quaz ●hoaquea give me to breakfast quaso hoa quascaboa give me my supper quaza h●a quat frian. let us go to bed casigno agnydaho● a Man agueh●m a woman ag●uaste a Boy addegesta a Wench agniaquesta a Child exiasta a Gown cabata a Doublet caioza Hosen hemondoha Shoes atha a Shirt amgona a Cap castrua Corn osizi Bread carraconny Water ame Flesh quahovascon Reisins' queion Damsons honnesta Figs absconda Grapes ozoba Nuts quahoya a Hen sahomgahoa a Lamprey zisto a Salmon ondacon a Whale ainne honne a Goose sadeguenda a Street add Cucumber seed casconda to Morrow achide the Heaven quenhia the Earth damga the Sun ysmay the Moon assomaha the Stars stagnehoham the Wind cohoha good morrow a●gnag let us go to play casigno caudy come & speak with me assigniquaddadi● ●ooke upon me quagathoma hold your peace aista let us go with that boat casigno casnovy give me a knife buazahca agoheda a Hatchet adogne a Bow ahenca a Dart quahetan let us go a hunting Casigno donnascat a Stag aionnesta a Sheep asquenondo a Hare Sourbanda a Dog agaya a Town canada the Sea agogasy the waves of the sea coda an ●sland cohena an Hill agacha the ice honnesca Snow camsa Cold athau Hot odazani Fire azista Smoke quea a House canoca beans sahe Cinnamom adhotathny my Father addathy my Mother adunahot my Brother addagrim my Sister adhoasseve They of Canada say, that it is a months sailing to go to a land where Cinnamom and Cloves are gathered. Here endeth the Relation of james Cartiers discovery and Navigation to the Newfoundlands, by him named New France. The third voyage of discovery made by Captain jaques Cartier, 1540 unto the Countries of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay. KIng Francis the first having herded the report of Captain Cartier his Pilot general in his two former Uoyages of discovery, as w●ll by writing as by word of mouth, touching that which he had found and seen in the Western parts discovered by him in the parts of Canada and Hochelaga, and having also seen and talked with the people, which the said Cartier had brought out of those countries, whereof one was king of Canada, whose name was Donnacona, and others: which after that they had been a long time in France and Britain, were baptised at their own desire and request, and died in the said country of Britain. And albeit his Majesty was advertised by the said Cartier of the death and decease of all the people which were brought over by him (which were ten in number) saving one little girl about ten years old, Ten Savages brought into France. yet he resolved to sand the said Cartier his Pilot thither again, with john Francis de la Roche, Knight, Lord of Roberual, john Francis de la Roche, lord of Roberual. whom he appointed his Lieutenant and Governor in the Countries of Canada and Hochelaga, and the said Cartier Captain general and leader of the ships, that they might discover more than was done before in the former voyages, and attain (if it were possible) unto the knowledge of the Country of Saguenay, whereof the people brought by Cartier, as is declared, made mention unto the King, that there were great riches, Great riches & very good soil in Saguenay, which to beyond the saults. and very good countries. And the King caused a certain sum of money to be delivered to furnish out the said voyage with five ships: which thing was performed by the said Monsieur Roberual and Cartier. After that they had agreed together to rig the said five ships at Saint Malo in Britain, where the two former voyages had been prepared and set forth. And the said Monsieur Roberual sent Cartier thither for the same purpose. And after that Cartier had caused the said five ships to be built and furnished and set in good order, Monsieur Roberual came down to S. Malo and found the ships fallen down to the road, with their yards across full ready to departed and set sail, staying for nothing else but the coming of the General, and the payment of the furniture. And because Monsieur Roberual the king's lieutenant had not as yet his artillery, powder and munitions, and other things necessary come down, which he had provided for the voyage, in the Countries of champaign and Normandy: and becanse the said things were very necessary, and that he was loath to repart without them, he determined to departed from S. Malo to Rouen, and to prepare a ship or two at Honfleur, whether he thought his things were come: And that the said Cartier should departed with the five ships which he had furnished, and should go before. Considering also that the said Catier had received letters from the king, The king's letters to Cartier. whereby he did expressly charge him to departed and set sail immediately upon the sight and receipt thereof, on pain of incurring his displeasure, and to lay all the fault on him. And after the conclusion of these things, and the said Monsieur Roberual had taken muster and view of the gentlemen, soldiers, and mariners which were retained and choose for the performance of the said voyage, he gave unto Captain Cartier full authority to departed and go before, and to govern all things as if he had been there in person: and himself departed to Honfleur to make his farther preparation. After these things thus dipatched, the wind coming fair, the foresaid five ships set sail together well furnished and victualled for two year, the 23. 23. of May, 1540 of May, 1540 And we sailed so long with contrary winds and continual torments, which fallen out by reason of our late departure, that we were on the sea without said five ships full three months before we could arrive at the Port and Haven of Canada, without ever having in all that time 30. hours of good wound to serve us to keep our right course: The great mischief of losing the season. so that our five ships through those storms lost company one of another, all save two that kept together, to wit that wherein the Captain was, and the other wherein went the Uicount of Beaupre, until at length at the end of one month we met all together at the Haven of Carpont in Newfoundland. Carpont Haven. But the length of time which we were in passing between Britain and Newfoundland was the cause that we stood in great need of water, because of the cattle, aswell Goats, Hogs, as other beasts which we carried for breed in the Country, Transporting of divers sorts o● cattle for breed. which we were constrained to water with Cider and other drink. Now therefore because we were the space of three months in sailing on the sea, and staying in Newfoundland, waiting for Monsieur Roberual, and taking in of fresh water and other things necessary, we arrived not before the Haven of Saint Croix in Canada, (where in the former voyage we had remained eight months) until the 23. day of August. The 23 of August. In which place the people of the Country came to our ships, making show of joy for our arrival, and namely he came thither which had the rule and government of the Country of Canada, The new king of Canada. named Agona, which was appointed king there by Donacona, when in the former voyage we carried him into France: And he came to the captains ship with 6. or 7. boats, and with many women and children. And after the said Agona had enquired of the Captain where Donacona and the rest were, the Captain answered him, That Donacona was dead in France, and that his body rested in the earth, and that the rest stayed there as great Lords, and were married, and would not return back into their Country: the said Agona made no show of anger at all these speeches: and I think he took it so well because he remained Lord and Governor of the country by the death of the said Donacona. After which conference the said Agona took a piece of tanned leather of a yellow skin edged about with Esnoguy (which is their riches and the thing which they esteem most precious, as we esteem gold) which was upon his head in stead of a crown, and he put the same on the head of our Captain, and took from his wrists two bracelets of Esnoguy, and put them upon the captains arms, colling him above the neck and showing unto him great signs of joy: which was all dissimulation, as afterward it well appeared. Great dissimulation of a Savage. The captain took his said crown of leather and put it again upon his head, and gave him and his wives certain small presents, signifying unto him, that he had brought certain new things, which afterward he would bestow upon him: for which the said Agona thanked the Captain. And after that he had made him and his company eat and drink, they departed and returned to the shore with their boats. After which things the said Captain went with two of his boats up the river, beyond Canada and Port of Saint Croix, to view a Haven and a small river, which is about 4. leagues higher: A good road 4. leagues above Saint Croix. which he found better and more commodious to ride in and lay his ships, than the former. And therefore he returned and caused all his ships to be brought before the said river, and at a low water he caused his Ordinance to be planted to place his ships in more safety, which he meant to keep and stay in the Country, which were three: which he did the day following, and the rest remained in the road in the midst of the river (In which place the victuals and other furniture were discharged, which they had brought) from the 26. of August until the second of September, what time they departed to return for S. Malo● in which ships he sent back Mace lolloberte his brother in law, and Steven Noel his Nephew, skilful and excellent pilots, with letters unto the king, and to advertise him what had been done and found: and how Monsieur de Roberual was not yet come, and that he feared that by occasion of contrary winds and tempests he was driven back again into France. The description of the aforesaid River and Haven. THe said River is small, not past 50. pases broad, and ships drawing three fathoms water may enter in at a full sea: and at a low water there is nothing but a channel of a foot deep or thereabouts. On both sides of the said River t●ere are very good and fair grounds, full of as fair and mighty trees as any be in the world, and divers sorts, which are above ten fathoms higher than the rest, and there is one kind of tree above three fathoms about, Trees above 3. fathoms about. Hanneda the most excellent tree of the world. which they in the Country call Hanneda, which hath the most excellent virtue of all the trees of the world, whereof I will make mention hereafter. Moreover there are great store of Okes the most excellent that ever I see in my life, which were so laden with Mast that they cracked again: besides this there are fairer Arables, Cedars, Beethes, and other trees, th●n grow in France: and hard unto this wood on the South side the ground is all covered with Uines, which we found laden with grapes as black as Mulbertes, Abundance of Uines full of grapes. but they be not so kind as those of France because the Uines be not tilled, and because they grow of their own accord. Morever there are many white Thorns, which bear leaves as big as oaken leaves, and fruit like unto Meddlers. Fruit like Meddlers. To be short, it is as good a Country to blow and manure as a man should fi●d or desire. We sowed seeds here of our Country, Seed sprung out of the ground within 8 days. as Cabbages, Naveaus, Lettises and others, which grew and sprung up out of the ground in eight days. The mouth of the river is toward the South, and it windeth Northward like unto a snake: and at the mouth of it toward the East there is a high and steep cliff, where we made a way in manner of a pair of stairs, and aloft we made a Fort to keep the neither Fort and the ships, and all things that might pass aswell by the great as by this small river. Moreover a man may behold a great extension of ground apt for tillage, A great plain of very good arable ground. strait and handsome and somewhat inclining toward the South, as easy to be brought to tillage as I would desire, and very well replenished with fair Okes and other trees of great beauty, no thicker than the Forests of France. Here we set twenty men to work, which in one day had laboured about an acre and an half of the said ground, and sowed it part with Nanea●s or small Turnips, which at the end of eight days, as I said before, sprung out of the earth. And upon that high cliff we found a fair fountain very near the said Fort: adjoining whereunto we found good store of stones, which we esteemed to be Diamonds. Diamonds of Canada. An iron Mine. On the other side of the said mountain and at the foot thereof, which is towards the great River is all along a goodly Mine of the best iron in the world, and it reacheth even hard unto our Fort and the sand which we tread on is perfect refined Mine, ready to be put into the furnace. And on the water's side we found certain leaves of fine gold as thick as a man's nail. Leaves of fine gold as thick as a man's nail found in Canada. And Westward of the said River there are, as hath been said, many fair trees: and toward the water a goodly Meadow full of as fair and goodly grass as ever I saw in any Meadow in France: and between the said Meadow and the Wood are great store of Uines: and beyond the said Uines the land groweth full of Hemp which groweth of itself, which is as good as possibly may be seen, and as strong. Excellent and strong hemp. And at the end of the said Meadow within an hundred pases there is a rising ground, which is of a kind of state stone black and thick, wherein are veins of mineral matter, which show like gold and silver: and throughout all that stone there are great grains of the said Mine. And in some places we have found stones like Diamonds, the most fair, polished and excellently cut that it is possible for a man to see, when the Sun shines upon them, they glister as it were sparkles of fire. How after the departure of the two ships which were sent back into Britain, and that the Fort was begun to be builded, the Captain prepared two boats to go up the great River to discover the passage of the three Saults or falls of the River. THe said Captain having dispatched two ships to return to carry news, according as he had in charge from the king, and that the Fort was begun to be builded, for preservation of their victuals and other things, determined with the Uicount of Beaup●e, The Uicount of Beau●●e and the rest of their council. and other Gentlemen, Masters, and Pilots choose for counsel, to make a voyage with two boats furnished with men and victuals to go as far as Hochelaga, of purpose to view and understand the fashion of the Saults of water, which are to be passed to go to Saguenay, The rich co●ntrey of Saguena● simard h●rond the saul's which are in 44. deg. They departed from Charlesburg Royal the 7. of Septem. that he might be the readier in the spring to pass farther, and in the Winter time to make all things needful in a readiness for their business. The foresaid boats being made ready, the Captain and Martin de Painpont, with other Gentlemen and the remnant of the Mariners departed from the said place of Charlesburg Royal the seventh day of September in the year aforesaid 1540 And the Uicount of Beaupre stayed behind for the guarding and government of all things in the Fort And as they went up the river, the Captain went to see the Lord of Hochelay, which dwelleth between Canada and Hochelaga: which in the former voyage had given v●to the said Captain a little girl, and had oftentimes informed him of the treasons which Taignoagny and Domagaya (whom the Captain in his former voyage had carried into France) would have wrought against him. In regard of which his courtesy the said Captain would not pass by without visiting of him, and to let him understand that the Captain though; himself beholding unto him, he gave unto him two young boys, and left them with him to learn their language, and bestowed upon him a cloak of Paris read, They delight in read clot. which cloak was set with yellow and white buttons of Tin, and small bells. And with all he gave him two Basins of Laton, and certain hachets and knives: whereat the said Lord seemed highly to rejoice, and thanked the Captain. This done, the Captain and his company departed from that place: And we sailed with so prospercus a wound, that we arrived the eleventh day of the month at the first Sault of water, which is two leagues distant from the Town of Tutonaguy. The 11 of September. The Town of Tutonag●y. And after we were arrived there, we determined to go and pass as far up as it was possible with one of the boats, and that the other should stay there till it returned: and we double manned her to row up against the course or stream of the said Sault. And after we had passed some part of the way from our other boat, Bad ground● and a great current. we found bad ground and great rocks, and so great a current, that we could not possibly pass any further with our Boate. And the Captain resolved to go by land to see the nature and fashion of the Sault. And after that we were come on shore, we found hard by the water side a way and beaten path going toward the said Saultes, by which we took our way. And on the said way, and soon after we found an habitation of people which made us great cheer, and entertained us very friendly. A Town of friendly people. And after that he had signified unto them, that we were going toward the Saults, and that we desired to go to Saguenay, four young men went along with us to show us the way, and they brought us so far that we came to another village or habitation of good people, Another village of good people which devil over against the second Sault. They were at the second Sault. The river not navigable to pass to Saguenay. which devil over against the second Sault, which came and brought us of their victuals, as Pottage and Fish, and offered us of the same. After that the Captain had inquired of them as well by signs as words, how many more Saults we had to pass to go to Saguenay, and what distance and way it was thither, this people showed us and gave us to understand, that we were at the second Sault, and that there was but one more to pass, that the River was not navigable to go to Saguenay, and that the said Sault was but a third part farther than we had travailed, showing us the same with certain little sticks, which they laid upon the ground in a certain distance, and afterward laid other small branches between both, representing the Saults. And by the said mark, if their saying be true, it can be but six leagues by land to pass the said Saults, Here after followeth the figure of the three Saults. AFter that we had been advertised by the said people, of the things abouementioned, both because the day was far spent, and we had neither drunk nor eaten the same day, we concluded to return unto our boats, and we came thither, where we found great store of people to the number of 400. people or thereabouts, 400 person● about their boated. which seemed to give us very good entertainment and to rejoice of our coming: And therefore our Captain gave each of them certain small trifles, as combs, brooches of tin and copper, and other small toys, and unto the chief men every one ●is little hatchet & hook, whereat they made certain cries and ceremonies of joy. Like those of new Albion. But a man must not trust them for all their fair ceremonies and signs of joy, for if they had thought they had been too strong for us, than would they have done their best to have killed us, as we understood afterward. The Sauage● are great di●●semb●●●●. This being done, we returned with our boats, and passed by the dwelling of the Lord of Hochelay, with whom the Captain had left the two youths as he came up the river, thinking to have found him: But he could found no body save one of his sons, who told the Captain that he was go to Maisouna, Maisouna. The Savages conspire together against the French. as our boys also told us, saying, that it was two days since he departed. But in truth he was go to Canada to conclude with Agona, what they should do against us. And when we were arrived at our Fort, we understood by our people, that the Savages of the Country came not any more about our Fort as they were accustomed, to bring us fish, and that they were in a wondered doubt and fear of us. Wherefore our Captain, having been advertised by some of our men which had been at Stadacona to visit them, A very great number of Savages assembled together. that there were a wonderful number of the Country people assembled together, caused all things in our fortress to be set in good order: etc. The rest is wanting. A letter written to M. john Growte student in Paris, by jaques Noel of S. Malo, the nephew of jaques Cartier, touching the soresaid discovery. MAster Growte, your brother in law Giles Walter showed me this morning a Map printed at Paris, dedicated to one M. Hakluyt an English Gentleman: wherein all the West Indies, the kingdom of New Mexico, and the Countries of Canada, Hochelaga and Saguenay are contained. I hold that the River of Canada which is described in that Map is not marked as it is in my book, which is agreeable to the book of jaques Cartier: and that the said Chart doth not mark or set down The great Lake, which is above the Saults, according as the Savages have advertised us, which devil at the said Saults. In the foresaid Chart which you sent me hither, the Great Lake is placed too much toward the North. The Saults or falls of the River stand in 44. degrees of latitude: The Saults are in 44. deg. and easy to pass. it is not so hard a matter to pass them, as it is thought: The water falls not down from any high place, it is nothing else but that in the midst of the River there is bad ground. It were best to build boats above the Saults: and it is easy to march or travel by land to the end of the three Saults: it is not above five leagues journey. But 5. leagues journey to pass the 3. Saults. I have been upon the top of a mountain, which is at the foot of the Saults, where I have seen the said River beyond the said Saultes, which showed unto us to be broader than it was where we passed it. The people of the Country advertised us, that there are ten days journey from the Saults unto this Great Lake. Ten days journey from the Saults to this great Lake. We know not how many leagues they make to a days journey. At this present I cannot writ unto you more at large, because the messenger can stay no longer. Here therefore for the present I will end, saluting you with my hearty commendations, praying God to give you your hearts desire. From S. Malo in haste this 19 day of june. 1587. Your loving Friend; JAQVES NOEL. Cousin, I pray you do me so much pleasure as to sand me a book of the discovery of New Mexico, and one of those new Maps of the West Indies dedicated to M. Hakluyt the English Gentleman, which you sent to your brother in law Giles Walter. I will not fail to inform myself, if there be any mean to found out those descriptions which Captain Cartier made after his two last voyages into Canada. underneath the aforesaid unperfit relation that which followeth is written in another letter sent to M. john Growte student in Paris from jaques Noel of S. Malo, the grand nephew of jaques Cartier. I Can writ nothing else unto you of any thing that I can recover of the writings of Captain jaques Cartier my uncle diseased, although I have made search in all places that I could possibly in this Town: saving of a certain book made in manner of a sea Chartley, which was drawn by the hand of my said uncle, which is in the possession of master Cremeur: which book is passing well marked and drawn for all the River of Canada, whereof I am well assured, because I myself have knowledge thereof as far as to the Saults, where I have been: The Saults are in the latitude of 44. deg. The height of which Saults is in 44. degrees. I found in the said Chart beyond the place where the River is divided in twain in the midst of both the branches of the said river some what nearest that arm which runneth toward the Northwest, these words following written in the hand of jaques Cartier. By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said, That here is the land of Saguenay, which is rich and wealth in precious stones. And about an hundred leagues under the same I found wri●ten these two lines following in the said Card inclining toward the South-west. Here in this Country are Cinnamon and Cloves, which they call in their language Canodeta. Touching the effect of my book whereof I spoke unto you, it is made after the manner of a sea Chartley, which I have delivered to my two sons Michael and john, which at this present are in Canada. If at their return, which will be God willing about Magdalene tide, they have learned any new thing worthy the writing, I will not fail to advertise you thereof. Your loving Friend, JAQVES NOEL. Here followeth the course from bell Isle, Carpont, and the Grand Bay in Newfoundland up the River of Canada for the space of 230. leagues, observed by john Alphonse of Xanctoigne chief Pilot to Monsieur Roberual. 1542. Bells' Isles are in 51 degrees and ⅓. Bell's Isles and Carpont are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast, and they are ten leagues distant. bell Isle. Carpont in 52. degrees. Carpont is in 52 degrees. Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand Bay are Northeast and Southwest, and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand Bay is 7 leagues. The Grand ●●● in 52. and an half. The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52 degrees and a half, and on the Northside thereof there is a rock: half a league from the Isle, over against Carpont toward the East there is a small flat Island, and on the side toward the North-east there is a flat rock. A flat rock. And when thou comest out of the harbour of Carpont thou must leave this rock on the starreboord side, and also on the larboard side there are two or three small Isles: and when thou comest out on the North-east side, ranging along the shore toward the West about two pikes length in the midway there is a should which lieth on thy starboard side: and sail thou by the North coast, and leave two parts of the Grand Bay toward the South; because there is a rock which runneth 2 or 3 leagues into the sea. And when thou art come athwart the haven of Butes; Butes. run along the North shore about one league or an half off, for the coast is without all danger: Bell Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay, and the Isles of Blanc Sablon, The Isle of Blanc Sablon o● white sand. The several bread●hs of the Grand Bay. which are within the Grand Bay, near unto the North shore lie Northeast, West and Southwest, & the distance is 30 leagues. The Grand Bay at the entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land to land until it come over against the Bay des Chasteaux: and from theuce forward it hath not past 5 leagues in breadth. And against Blanc Sablon it is 8 leagues broad from land to land. And the land on the South shore is all low land along the sea coast. The North shore is reasonable high land. Blanc Sablon is in 51 degrees ●. Blanc Sablon in 51. deg 2. third parts. The Isl●s de la Damo●selle in 50 deg. 3. fourth parts. The Isles of Blanc Sablon & the Isles de la Damoiselle, are North-east, Westsouthwest, and take a little of the Westsouthwest, and they are distant 36 leagues: these Isles are in 50. deg. ¾. And there is a good haven: & you may enter by an high Cape which lieth along toward the North-east, and within the distance of a pike & an half, because of a rock which lieth on your larrebord side, & you may anchor in 10 fathom water over against a little nook: and from the great headland unto the place where thou dost anchor there is not above the length of 2 Cables. And if thou wouldst go out by the West side, thou must sail near the Isle by the starrebord, & give room unto the Isle on the larbord at the coming forth: and when thou art not past a cables length out thou must sail hard by the Isles on the larbord side, by reason of a sunken flat which lieth on the starrebord, and thou shalt sail so on to the Southsouthwest, until thou come in sight of a rock which shines, which is about half a league in the sea distant from the Isles, and thou shalt leave it on the larrebord: (and from the Isles of Damoiselle unto Newfoundland the sea is not in breadth above 36. leagues, because that Newfoundland even unto Cape Briton runneth not but Northnortheast & Southsouthwest.) Between the Isles de la Damoiselle and the Isles of Blank Sablon there be many Isles and good harbours: Many Isles & good harbo●●. and on this coast there are falcons & hawks, and certain fowls which seem to be seasants. The Isles de la Damoiselle & Cape Tienot are Northeast & Westsouthwest & take a little of the North-east and south-west, & they are distant 18. leagues. Cape Tienot is in 50. deg. and ¼. Cape Tienot in 50 deg. one fourth part. And there the sea is broadest. And it may be to the end of Newfoundland, which is at the entrance of Cape Briton 70 leagues, which is the greatest breadth of this sea. And there are 6 or 7 Isles between the Isles de la Damoiselle & Cape Tienot. Cape Tienot hath in the sea 5 or 6 leagues distant from it a sunken I●land dangerous for ships. The Cape Tienot and the midst of the Isle of Ascension are Northeast and southsouthwest, & they are 22. leagues distant, the midst of the Isle of Ascension is in 49 deg. & ½. The Isle Ascension, As●●●p●ion or N●tiscotto The said Isle lieth Northwest and Southeast● the Northwest end is in 50. degrees of latitude and the Southeast end is in 48. degrees and a halfe● and it is about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad: and from the Northwest end of the Isle unto the firm land of the North side the Sea is not above seven leagues broad, but unto the firm land on the South side are about 15. leagues. Cape Tienot and the end of the Isle of Ascension toward the Southeast are North-east and Southwest, and are distant 30. leagues. The said Cape of Tienot and the Northwest end of the Isle of Ascension are East and West, and take a little of the North-east and Southwest, and they are distant 34. leagues. The Isle of Ascension is a goodly Isle, The commendation of the Isle of Ascen●ion. and a goodly champion land without any hills, standing all upon white rocks and Alabaster, all covered with trees unto the Sea shore, and there are all sorts of trees as there be in France: and there be wild beasts, as bears, Luserns, Porkespicks. From Cape Briton to the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension is but 50 leagues. The Cape of Mon●z nostre Dame. The Bay of Molues' o● Gaspay. The Bay de Chaleu● or of Heat The Bay of Ognedoc. And from the Southeast end of the Isle of Ascension unto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues. The Northwest end of the Isle & the Cape des Monts nostre Dame, which is on the main land towards the South, are Northeast and Westsouthwest, and the distance between them is 15. leagues. The Cape is in 49. degrees, which is a very high land. The Cape and end of the Isle of Ascension toward the Southeast are East and West and there is 15. leagues distance between them. The Bay of Molues or Gaspay is in 48. degrees, and the coast lieth North and South, and taketh a quarter of the North-east and South-west unto the Bay of Heat: and there are 3. Isles, one great one and two small: from the Bay of Heat until you pass the Monts nostre Dame all the land is high and good ground all covered with trees. Ognedoc is a good Bay and lieth Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast, and it is a good Harbour: and you must sail along the shore on the Northside by reason of the low point at the entrance thereof: and when you are passed the point bring yourself to an anchor in 15. or 20. fathoms of water toward the South shore, and here within this Haven are two rivers, one which goeth toward the Northwest, and the other to the South-west. Greater store and bette● fish then in Newfoundland. Foule●. Trees. And on this coast there is great fishing for cods and other fish, where there is more store than is in Newfoundland, and better fish. And here is great store of river foul, as Malards', wild Geese, and others: And here are all sorts of trees, Rose trees, Raspesses, Filbird trees, Apple trees, Pear trees, and it is hotter here in Summer then in France. The Isle of Ascension and the 7. Isles which lie on the North shore lie Southeast and Westnorthwest, and are distant 24. leagues. The Cape of Ognedoc and the 7. Isles are Northnorthwest and Southsoutheast, & are distant 35. leagues. The Cape of Monts nostre Dame and the 7. Isles are North and South, and the cut over from the one to the other is 25. leagues: The month of the river of Canada twenty five leagues broad. The 7 I●les in 50 degrees and a half. and this is the breadth of this Sea, and from thence upward it beginneth to wax narrower and narrower. The 7. Isles are in 50. degrees and ½. The 7. Isles and the point of Ongear lie Northeast and Southwest and the distance between them is 15. leagues, and between them are certain small Islands: and the point of Ongear and the mountains Nostre Dame, which are on the South side of the entrance of the river, are North and South: and the cut over from the one to the other is ten leagues: and this is here the abredth of the Sea. The river is here but 10 leagues broad. The point of Ongear and the river of Caen lie East and West, and they are distant 12. leagues. And all the coast from the Isle of Ascension hither is very good ground, wherein grow all sorts of trees that are in France and some first-fruits. The point of Ongear is in 49. degrees and ¼. The point of Ongear in 49 degrees and a quarter. The Isle of Raquelle in 48 degrees and two third parts. The river 8 leagues broad. And the river of Caen and the Isle of Raquelle lie Northeast and Southwest, and they are distant 12. leagues. The Isle of Raquelle is in 48. degrees and ⅔. In this river of Caen there is great s●ore of fish. And here the Sea is not past 8. leagues broad. The Isle of Raquelle is a very low Isle, which is near unto the South shore, hard by a high Cape which is called the Cape of Marble. There is no danger there at all. And between Raquelle and the Cape of Marble ships may pass. And there is not from the Isle to the South shore above one league, and from the Isle unto the North shore about four leagues. The Isle of Raquelle and the entrance of Saguenay are North-east Westsouthwest, and are distant 14. leagues, and there are between them two small Islands near the North shore. The entrance of Saguenay is in 48. degrees and ⅓, The entrance o● Saguenay. and the entrance hath not past a quarter of a league in breadth, and it is dangerous toward the South-west: and two or three leagues within the entrance it beginneth to wax wider and wider: and it seemeth to be as it were an arm of the Sea: And I think that the same runneth into the Sea of Cathay, The sea of Cathay. for it sendeth forth there a great current, and there doth run in that place a terrible race or tide. And here the river from the North shore to the South shore is not past four leagues in breadth, The river not past 4 leagues over. and it is a dangerous passage between both the lands, because there lie banks of rocks in the river. The Isle of Raquelle and the Isle of Hares lie North-east and Southwest, and take ¼ of the East and the West, and they are distant 18. leagues. The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Liepueres or Hares lie Northnortheast & Southsouthwest, and are distant 5. leagues. The entrance of Saguenay and the Isle of Raquelle are Northnorthwest, and Southsouthwest, The Isle of Hares in 48 and one si●●●nth part. and are distant three leagues. The Isle of Hares is in 48, and 1/16 of a degree. From the Mountains of Nostre Dame unto Canada and unto Hochelaga, all the land on the South coast is fair, a low land and goodly champaign, all covered with trees unto the brink of the river. And the land on the North side is higher, and in some places there are high mountains. And from the Isle of Hares unto the Isle of Orleans the river is not past 4 or 5 leagues broad. Note Between the Isle of Hares and the high land on the North side the sea is not past a league and an half broad, and it is very deep, for it is above 100 fathoms deep in the midst. To the East of the Isle of Hares there are 2 or 3 small Isles and rocks. And from hence to the Isle Des Coudres or of Filbeards, all is nothing but Isles and rocks on the Southshore: and towards the North the sea is fair and deep. The Isle of Hares and the Isle of Filbeards lie north-east, West and Southwest, and they are distant 12 leagues. And you must always run along the high land on the north shore; for on the other shore there is nothing but rocks. And you must pass by the side of the Isle of Filbeards, and the river there is not past a quarter of a league broad, and you must sail in the midst of the channel: and in the midst runneth the best passage either at an high or a low water, because the sea runneth there strongly, and there are great dangers of rocks, and you had need of good anchor and table. The isle of Filbeards is a small isle, about one league long, and half a league broad, but they are all banks of sand. The isle of filberts stands in 47. deg. and ¾. The isle of Filbeards in 47 degree● and 3. quarters. The isle of filberts and the isle of Orleans lie north-east and south-west, and they are distant 10 leagues, and thou must pass by the high land on the northside about a quarter of a league, because that in the midst of the river there is nothing but sholds and rocks. And when thou shalt be over against a round Cape, thou must take over to the South shore south-west, and a quarter toward the South; and thou shalt sail in 5.6 and 7 fathoms: and there the river of Canada beginneth to be fresh, and the salt water endeth. And when thou shalt be athwart the point of the isle of Orleans, The beginning of the fresh water. The river but a quarter of a league broad. where the river beginneth to be fresh, thou shalt sail in the midst of the river, and thou shalt leave the isle on the starreboord, which is on the right hand: and here the river is not past a quarter of a league broad, and hath 20 and 30 fathoms water. And towards the South shore there is a ledge of Isles all covered with trees, and they end over against the point of the Isle of Orleans. And the point of the isle of Orleans toward the North-east is in 47 degrees and one terce of a degree. The Isle of Orleans in 47. degrees and one third part. And the Isle of Orleans is a fair Isle, all covered with trees even unto the rivers side: and it is about 5 leagues long, and a league and an half broad. And on the North shore there is another River, which falls into the main River at the end of the Island: and Ships may very well pass there. From the midst of the Isle unto Canada the River runneth West; and from the place of Canada unto France-Roy the river turneth West Southwest: and from the West end of the Isle to Canada is but one league; and unto France-Roy 4 leagues. Canada ● league to the West of the Isle of Orleans. The Fort of France-Roy stood in 47 degrees and one six● part. And when thou art come to the end of the Isle, thou shalt see a great River which falls fifteen or twenty fathoms down from a rock, and maketh a terrible noise. The Fort of France-roy stands in 47 degrees, and one sixt part of a degree. The extension of all these lands, upon just occasion is called New France. For it is as good and as temperate as France, and in the same latitude. And the reason wherefore it is colder in the Winter is, because the fresh River is naturally more cold than the Sea; Why the country is colder in the Winter than France. A second reason. and it is also broad and deep: and in some places it is half a league and above in breadth. And also because the land is not tilled, nor full of people, and is all full of Woods, which is the cause of cold, because there is not store of fire nor cattle. And the sun hath his Meridian as high as the Meridian at Rochel: and it is noon here when the Sun is at South Southwest at Rochel. And here the north star by the compass standeth Northnortheast. The variation of the compass. And when at Rochel it is noon, it is but half an hour pass nine at France-Roy. From the said place unto the Ocean sea and the coast of New France, is not above 50 leagues distance. And from the entrance of Norumbega unto Florida are 300 leagues: and from this place of France-Roy to Hochelaga, are about 80 leagues: and unto the Isle of Rasus 30 leagues. And I doubt not but Norumbega entereth into the river of Canada, and unto the Sea of Saguenay. And from the Fort of France-Roy until a man come forth of the grand Bay is not above 230 leagues. From the fo●t of France Roy unto the mouth of the Grand Bay 230 legs. And the course is Northeast and West Southwest not above 5 degrees and ⅓ difference: and reckon 16 leagues and an half to a degree. By the nature of the climate the lands toward Hochelaga are still better and better, and more fruitful. And this land is fit for Figs and Pears. Gold and silver like to be ●ound in Canada. And I think that gold and silver will be found here, according as the people of the country say. These lands lie over against Tartary, and I doubt not but that they stretch toward Asia, according to the roundness of the world. And therefore it were good to have a small Ship of 70 tons to discover the coast of New France on the back side of Florida: A Bay in 42. degrees giving some hope of a passage. for I have been at a Bay as far as 42 degrees between Norumbega and Florida, and I have not searched the end thereof, and I know not whether it pass through. Trees. And in all these countries there are oaks, and bortz, ashes, elms, arables, trees of life, pines, prussetrees, ceders, great walnut trees, and wild nuts, hasel-trees, wild pear trees, wild grapes, and there have been found red plums, ●edde plums. And very fair corn groweth there, and peason grow of their own accord, gooseberries and strawberries. And there are goodly Forests, wherein men may hunt. And there are great store of stags, dear, porkepicks, and the Savages say there be Unicorns. Fowl there are in abundance, Fowl. as bustards, wild geese, crane's, turtle doves, ravens, crows, and many other birds. All things which are sown there, are not past 2. or 3. days in coming up out of the ground. I have told in one ear of corn an hundred and twenty grains, like the corn of France. Corne. And you need not to sow your Wheat until March, and it will be ripe in the midst of August. Wheat to be ●owen in March. The cause of the often snowing in Canada. The waters are better and perfecter than in France. And if the Country were tilled and replenished with people, it would be as hot as Rochel. And the reason why it snoweth there oftener than in France is, because it raineth there but seldom: for the rain is converted into snows. All things above mentioned, are true. john Alphonse made this Voyage with Monsieur Roberual. There is a pardon to be seen fo● the pardoning of Monsieur de Sain● terre, Lieutenant of the said Monsieur de Roberual● given in Canada in the presence of the said john Alphonse. The Voyage of john Francis de la Roche, knight, Lord of Roberual, to the Countries of Canada, Saguenai, and Hochelaga, with three tall Ships, and two hundred people, both men, women, and children, begun in April, 1542. In which parts he remained the same summer, and all the next winter. SIr john Francis de la Roche knight, lord of Roberual, appointed by the king as his Lieutenant general in the countries of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, furnished 3. tall Ships, chief at the king's cost: And having in his fleet 200. people, aswell men as women, accompanied with divers gentlemen of quality, as namely with Monsieur Saine-terre his lieutenant, l'Espiney his Ensign, captain Guine-court, Monsieu● Noire fontaine, Dieu lamont, Frote, la Brosse, Francis de Mire, la Salle, and Roieze, and john Alfonse of Xanctoigne an excellent pilot, set sail from Rochel the 16. of April 1542. The same day about noon we came athwart of Chief de boys, where we were enforced to stay the night following. On Monday the seventeenth of the said month we departed from Chief deboys. The wind served us notably for a time: but within few days it came quite contrary, which hindered our journey for a long space: For we were suddenly enforced to turn back, and to seek Harbour in bell Isle, on the coast of Bretaigne, where we stayed so long, and had such contrary weather by the way, that we could not reach Newfound land, until the seventh of june. The eight of this month we entered into the Road of Saint john, where we found seventeen Ships of fishers. While we made somewhat long abode here, jaques Cartier and his company returning from Canada, Diamonts. Gold fo●●d. whither he was sent with five sails the year before, arrived in the very same Harbour. Who, after he had done his duty to our General, told him that he had brought certain Diamonts, and a quantity of Gold over, which was found in the Country. Which o'er the Sunday next ensuing was tried in a Furnace, and found to be good. Furthermore, he informed the General that he could not with his small company withstand the Savages, which went about daily to annoyed him: and that this was the cause of his return into Fra●ce. Nevertheless, he and his company commended the Country to be very rich and fruitful. But when our General being furnished with sufficient forces, commanded him to go back again with him, I●q●es Car●●er s●o●e away. he and his company, moved as it seemeth with ambition, because they would have all the glory of the discovery of those parts themselves, stolen privily away the next night from us, and without taking their leaves departed home for Bretaigne. We spent the greatest part of june in this Harbour of Saint john, partly in furnishing ourselves with fresh water, whereof we stood in very great need by the way, and partly in composing and taking up of a quarrel between some of our Countrymen, and certain Portugals. At length, about the last of the aforesaid month, we departed hence, and entered into the Grand Bay, and passed by the Isle of Ascension: and finally arrived four leagues Westward of the Isle of Orleans. In this place we found a convenient Harbour for our shipping, where we cast anchor, went a shore with our people, and chose out a convenient place to fortify ourselves in, fit to command the main River, and of strong situation against all invasion of enemies. Thus toward the end of july, july. we brought our victuals and other munitions and provisions on shore, and began to travail in fortifying of ourselves. Of the Fort of France-Roy, and that which was done there. Having described the beginning, the midst, and the end of the Uoyage made by Monsieur Roberual in the Countries of Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, and other Countries in the Westpartes: He sailed so far, (as it is declared in other books) that he arrived in the said Country, accompanied with two hundred people, soldiers, mariners, and common people, with all furniture necessary for a Fleet. The said General at his first arrival built a fair Fort, near and somewhat Westward above Canada, which is very beautiful to behold, and of great force, situated upon an high mountain, wherein there were two courts of buildings, a great Tower, and another of forty or fifty foot long: wherein there were divers Chambers, an Hall, a Kitchine, houses of office, Sellers high and low, and near unto it were an Oven and miles, and a stoove to warm men in, and a Well before the house. And the building was situated upon the great River of Canada, called France prime, France prime by Monsieur Roberual. There was also at the foot of the mountain another lodging, part whereof was a great Tower of two stories high, two courts of good building, where at the first all our victuals, and whatsoever was brought with us was sent to be kept: and near unto that Tower there is another small river. In these two places above and beneath, all the meaner sort was lodged. And in the month of August, August 1542. and in the beginning of September every man was occupied in such work as each one was able to do. But the fourteenth of September, September 14 our aforesaid General sent back into France two Ships which had brought his furniture, and he appointed for Admiral Monsieur de Saine-terre, and the other captain was Monsieur Guine-court, to carry news unto the King, and to come back again unto him the year next ensuing, furnished with victuals and other things, as it should please the King: and also to bring news out of France how the King accepted certain Diamonds which were sent him, and were found in this country. After these two Ships were departed, consideration was had how they should do, and how they might pass out the Winter in this place. First they took a view of the victuals, and it was found that they fallen out short: The proportion of their victuals. and they were scantled so, that in each mess they had but two loaves weighing a pound a piece, and half a pound of beef. They are Bacon at dinner with half a pound of butter: and Beef at supper, and about two handfuls of Beans without butter. On the Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday they did eat dry Cod, and sometimes they did eat it green at dinner with butter, and they are of Porpoises and beans at supper. About that time the Savages brought us great store of Aloses, which is a fish some what red like a Salmon, to get knives and other small trifles for them. In the end many of our people fallen sick of a certain disease in their legs, reins, and stomach, so that they seemed to be deprived of all their limbs, and there died thereof about fifty. Note that the ice began to break up in April. The length of the winter. Monsieur Roberual used very good justice, and punished every man according to his offence. One whose name was Michael Gaillon, was hanged for his theft. john of Nantes was laid in irons, They had women with them. and kept prisoner for his offence, and others also were put in irons, and divers were whipped, as well men as women: by which means they lived in quiet. The manners of the Savages. TO declare unto you the state of the Savages, they are people of a goodly stature, and well made, they are very white, but they are all naked: and if they were appareled as the French are, they would be as white and as fair: but they paint themselves for fear of heat and sun burning. Their apparel. In stead of apparel, they we are skins upon them like mantles; and they have a small pair of breeches, wherewith they cover their privities, aswell men as women. So have they of Cevola, and Quivira, and Me●a Incognita. Their victuals. They have hosen and shoes of leather excellently made. And they have no shirts: neither cover they their heads, but their hair is trussed up above the crown of their heads, and palyted or broided. Touching their victuals, they eat good meat, but all unsalted, but they dry it, and afterward they broil it, aswell fish as flesh. They have no certain dwelling place, They remove from place to place. and they go from place to place, as they think they may best find food, as Aloses in one place, and other fish, Fish. Salmon, Sturgeons, Mullets, Surmullets, Barz, Carp, Eels, Pinperneaux, and other fresh water fish, and store of Porpoises. They feed also of Stags, wild Boars, Bugles, Porkespynes', and store of other wild beasts. Beasts. And there is as great store of Fowl as they can desire. Fowl. Their brea● of great Mill or Ma●●. Touching their bread, they make very good: and it is of great mill: and they live very well; for they take care for nothing else. Drink of Se●●e oil at their great ●east●. They drink Seal oil, bu● this is at their great feasts. They have a King in every Country, and are wonderful obedient unto him: and they do him honour according unto their manner and fashion. Their government. And when they travail from place to place, they carry all their goods with them in their boats. The women nurse their children with the breast, and they sit continually, and are wrapped about the bellies with skins of fur. The voyage of Monsieur Roberual from his Fort in Canada unto Saguevay, the fifth of june, 1543. MOnsieur Roberual the king's Lieutenant general in the Countries of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, departed toward the said province of Saguenay on the Tuesday the 5. day of june 1543. after supper: The 5. of june and he with all his furniture was embarked to make the saijd voyage. But upon a certain occasion they lay in the Road over against the place before mentioned: but on the Wednesday about six of the clock in the morning they set sail, and sailed against the stream: The 6. of june. in which voyage their whole furniture was of eight barks, aswell great as small, and to the number of threescore and ten people, with the aforesaid General. The General left behind him in the aforesaid place and Fort thirty people to remain there until his return from Saguenay, which he appointed to be the first of july, or else they should return into France. And he left there behind him but two Barks to carry the said thirty people, and the furniture which was there, while he stayed still in the Country. Monsieur de Roye●e. And for effectuating hereof, he left as his Lieutenant a gentleman named Monsieur de Royeze, to whom he gave commission, and charged all men to obey him, and to be at the commandment of the said lieutenant. The victuals which were left for their maintenance until the said first day of july, were received by the said Lieutenant Royeze. The 14. of june. On Thursday the 14. of june Monsieur de l'Espiney, lafoy Brosse, Monsieur Frete, Monsieur Longeval, and others, returned from the General, from the voyage of Saguenay. And note that eight men and one Bark were drowned and lost, among whom was Monsieur de Noirefontaine, and one named lafoy Vasseur of Constance. The 19 of june. Maiz. On Tuesday the 19 of june aforesaid, there came from the General, Monsieur de Villeneusue, Talebot, and three others, which brought sixscore pounds' weight of their corn, and letters to stay yet until Magdalentyde, which is the 22. day of july. The 22. of july 1543. The rest of this Uoyage is wanting. THE VOYAGES AND NAVIGATIONS OF the English nation to Virginia, and the several discoveries thereof chief at the charges of the honourable Sir Walter Ralegh knight, from 33 to 40 degrees of latitude: together with the success of the English colonies there planted; as likewise a description of the Country, wi●h the Inhabitants, and the manifold commodities. Whereunto are annexed the Patents, letters, discourses, etc. to this part belonging. The letters patents, granted by the Queen's Majesty to M. Walter Ralegh now Knight, for the discovering and planting o● new lands and Countries, to continued the space of 6. years and no more. ELizabeth by the grace of God of England, France and Ireland Queen, defender of the faith, etc. To all people to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Know you that of our especial grace, certain science, & mere motion, we have given and granted, and by these presents for us, our h●ires and successors do give and grant to our trusty and well-beloved servant Walter Ralegh Esquire, and to his heirs and assigns for ever, free liberty & licence from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, to discover, search, find out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countries, and territories, not actually possessed of any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, as to him, his heirs and assigns, and to every or any of them shall seem good, and the same to have, hold, occupy & enjoy to him, his heirs and assigns for ever, with all prerogatives, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, privileges, franchises and pre-eminences, thereto or thereabouts both by sea and land, whatsoever we by our letters pa●ents may grant, and as we or any of our noble progenitors have heretofore granted to any person or people, bodies politic or corporate: and the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and all such as from time to time, by licence of us, our heirs and successors, shall go or travail thither to inhabit or remain, there to build and fortify, at the discretion of the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs & assigns, the statutes or act of Parliament made against fugitives, or against such as shall departed, remain or continued out of our Realm of England without licence, or any other statute, act, law, or ●ny ordinance whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And we do likewise by these presentest of our especial grace, mere motion, and certain knowledge, for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant full authority, liberty and power to the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every of them, that he and they, and every or any of them, shall and may at all and every time and times hereafter, have, take, and lead in the said voyage, and travail thitherward, or to inhabit there with him or them, and every or any of them, such, and so many of our subjects as shall willingly accompany him or them, and every or any of them: and to whom also we do by these presents, give full liberty and authority in that behalf, and also to have, take and employ, and use sufficient shipping and furniture for the transportations, and Navigations in that behalf, so that none of the same people or any of them be such as hereafter shall be restrained by us, our heirs or successors. And further that the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every of them, shall have, hold, occupy and enjoy to him, his heirs and assigns, and every of them for ever, all the soil of all such lands, territories, and Countries, so to be discovered and possessed as aforesaid, and of all such Cities, Castles, Towns, Uillages, and places in the same, with the right, royalties, franchises, and jurisdictions, as well marine as other within the said lands, or Countries, or the seas thereunto adjoining, to be had, or used, with full power to dispose thereof, and of every part in fee simple or otherwise, according to the order of the laws of England, as near as the same conveniently may be, at his, and their will and pleasure, to any people then being, or that shall remain within the allegiance of us, our heirs and successors: reserving always to us, our heirs and successors, for all services, duties, and demands, the fift part of all the oar of gold and silver, that from time to time, and at all times after such discovery, subduing and possessing, shall be there got and obtained: All which lands, Countries, and territories shall for ever be held of the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, of us, our heirs and successors, by homage, and by the said payment of the said fift part, reserved only for all services. And moreover, we do by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant licence to the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs, and assigns, and every of them, that he, and they, and every or any of them, shall and may from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, for his and their defence, encounter and expulse, repel and resist aswell by sea as by land, and by all other ways whatsoever, all and every such person and people whatsoever, as without the especial liking and licence of the said Walter Ralegh, and of his heirs and assigns, shall attempt to inhabit within the said Countries, or any of them, or within the space of two hundredth leagues near to the place or places within such Countries as aforesaid (if they shall not be before planted or inhabited within the limits as aforesaid with the subjects of any Christian Prince being in amity with us) where the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs, or assigns, or any of them, or his, or their, or any of their associates or company, shall within six years (next ensuing) make their dwellings or abidings, or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter unlawfully to annoyed, either by Sea or Land the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs or assigns, or any of them, or his or their, or any of his or their companies: giving, and granting by these presents further power and authority to the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every of them from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, to take and surprise by all manner of means whatsoever, all and every those person or people, with their Ships, Uessels, and other goods and furniture, which without the licence of the said Walter Ralegh, or his heirs, or assigns, as aforesaid, shallbe found trafficking into any Harbour, or Harbours, creak, or Creeks, within the limits aforesaid, (the subjects of our Realms and Dominions, and all other people in amity with us, trading to the Newfound lands for fishing as heretofore they have commonly used, or being driven by force of a tempest, or shipwreck only excepted:) and those people, and every of them, with their ships, vessels, goods, and furniture to detain and possess as of good and lawful prize, according to the discretion of him the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs, and assigns, and every, or any of them. And for uniting in more perfect league and amity, of such Countries, lands and territories so to be possessed and inhabited as aforesaid with our Realms of England and Ireland, and the better encouragement of men to these enterprises: we do by these presents, grant and declare that all such Countries, so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as is aforesaid, from thenceforth shall be of the allegiance of us, our heirs and successors. And we do grant to the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs, and assigns, and to all, and every of them, and to all, and every other person and people, being of our allegiance, whose names shall be noted or entered in some of our Courts of record within our Realm of England, that with the assent of the said Walter Ralegh, Note. his heirs or assigns, shall in his journeys for discovery, or in the journeys for conquest, hereafter travail to such lands, countries and territories, as aforesaid, and to their, and to every of their heirs, that they, and every or any of them, being either born within our said Realms of England or Ireland, or in any other place within our allegiance, and which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the Lands, Countries, and Territories, with such licence, (as aforesaid) shall and may have all the privileges of free Denizens, Free denization granted. and people native of England, and within our allegiance in such like ample manner and form, as if they were born and personally resident within our said Realm of E●gland, any law, custom, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. And for as much as upon the finding out, discovering, or inhabiting of such remote lands, countries, and territories as aforesaid, it shallbe necessary for the safety of all men, that shall adventure themselves in those journeys or voyages, to determine to live together in Christian peace, and civil quietness each with other, whereby every one may with more pleasure and profit enjoy that whereunto they shall attain with great pain and peril, we for us, our heirs and successors, are likewise pleased and contented, and by these presents do give & grant to the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns for ever, that he and they, and every or any of them, shall and may from time to time for ever hereafter, within the said mentioned remote lands and countries, in the way by the seas thither, and from thence, have full and mere power and authority to correct, punish, pardon, govern, and rule by their and every or any of their good discretions and policies, aswell in causes capital, or criminal, as civil, both marine and other, all such our subjects, as shall from time to time adventure themselves in the said journeys or voyages, or that shall at any time hereafter inhabit any such lands, countries, or territories as aforesaid, or that shall abide within 200. leagues of any of the said place or places, where the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs or assigns, or any of them, or any of his or their associates or companies, shall inhabit within 6. years next ensuing the date hereof, according to such statutes, laws and ordinances as shall be by him the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every or any of them devised, or established, for the better government of the said people as aforesaid. So always as the said statutes, laws, and ordinances may be, as near as conveniently may be, agreeable to the form of the laws, statutes, government, or policy of England, and also so as they be not against the true Christian faith, now professed in the Church of England, nor in any wise to withdraw any of the subjects or people of those lands or places from the allegiance of us, our heirs and successors, as their immediate Sovereign under God. And further, we do by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant full power and authority to our trusty and well-beloved counsellor Sir William Cecil knight, Lord Burghley● our high treasurer of England, and to the Lord treasurer of England for us, our heirs and successors for the time being's and to the privy Cousaile of us, our heirs and successors, or any four or more of them for the time being, that he, they, or any four or more of them, shall and may from time to time, and at all times hereafter, under his or their hands or Seals by virtue of these presents, authorize and licence the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and every or any of them by him, & by themselves, or by their, or any of their sufficient Atturneiss, Deputies, Officers, Ministers, Factors, and servants, to embark & transport out of our Realm of England and Ireland, and the Dominions thereof, all or any of his or their goods, and all or any the goods of his and their associates and companies, and every or any of them, with such other necessaries and commodities of any our Realms, as to the said Lord Treasurer, or four or more of the privy Counsel, of us our heirs and successors for the time being (as aforesaid) shallbe from time to time by his or their wisdoms, or discretions thought meet and convenient, for the better relief and supportation of him the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs, and assigns, and every or any of them, and of his or their or any of their associates and companies, any act, statute, law, or any thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Provided always, and our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby declare to all Christian kings, princes, and states, that if the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs or assigns, or any of them, or any other by their licence or appointment, shall at any time or times hereafter rob or spoil by sea or by land, or do any act of unjust or unlawful hostility, to any of the subjects of us, our heirs or successors, or to any of the subjects of any the kings, princes, rulers, Governors, or estates, being then in perfect league and amity with us, our heirs and successors, and that upon such injury, or upon just complaint of any such Prince, Ruler, Governor or estate, or their subjects, we, our heirs and successors, shall make open Proclamation within any the ports of our Realm of England, that the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and adherents, or any to whom these our Letters patents may extend, shall within the terms to be limited, by such Proclamation, make full restitution, and satiffaction of all such injuries done: so as both we and the said Princes, or other so complaining, may hold us and themselves fully contented: And that if the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, shall not make or cause to be made satisfaction accordingly within such time so to be limited, that then it shall be lawful to us, our heirs and successors, to put the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs and assigns, and adherents, and all the inhabitants of the said places to be discovered (as is aforesaid) or any of them out of our allegiance and protection, and that from and after such time of putting out of protection of the said Walter Ralegh, his heirs, assigns and adherents, and others so to be put out, and the said places within their habitation, possession and rule, shall be out of our allegiance and protection, and free for all Princes and others to pursue with hostility, as bring not our subjects, nor by us any way to be avouched, maintained, or defended, nor to be held as any of ours, nor to our protection, or dominion, or allegiance any way belonging: for that express mention of the clear yearly value of the certainty of the premisses● or any part thereof, or of any other gift, or grant by us, or any our progenitors, or predecessors to the said Walter Ralegh, before this time made in these presents be not expressed, or any o●her grant, ordinance, provision, proclamation, or restraint to the contrary thereof, before this ●ime● given, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding. In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to be made Patents. Witness ourselves, at Westminster the five and twenty day of March, in the six and twentieth, Anno 1581. year of our Reign. The first voyage made to the coasts of America, with two barks, where in were Captains M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlowe, who discovered part of the Country now called Virginia, Anno 1584. Written by one of the said Captains, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at whose charge and direction, the said voyage was set forth. THe 27 day of April, in the year of our redemption, 1584. we departed the West of England, with two barks well furnished with men and victuals, having received our last and perfect directions by your letters, confirming the former instructions, and commandments delivered by yourself at our leaving the river of Thames. And I think it a matter both unnecessary, for the manifest discovery of the Country, as also for tediousness sake, to remember unto you the diurnal of our course, sailing thither and returning: only I have presumed to present unto you this brief discourse, by which you may judge how profitable this land is likely to succeed, as well to yourself, (by whose direction and charge, and by whose servants this our discovery hath been performed) as also to her Highness, and the Common wealth, in which we hope your wisdom willbe satified, considering that as much by us hath been brought to light, as by those small means, and number of men we had, could any way have been expected, or hoped for. The tenth of May we arrived at the Canaries, and the tenth of june in this present year, we were fallen with the Islands of the West Indies, keeping a more Southeasterly course than was needful, A Southerly course not greatly needful for Virginia. because we doubted that the current of the Bay of Mexcio, disbogging between the Cape of Florida and Havana, had been of greater force than afterwards we found it to be. At which Islands we found the air very unwholesome, and our men grew for the most part ill disposed: so that having refreshed ourselves with sweet water, & fresh victual, we departed the twelfth day of our arrival there. These Islands, with the rest adjoining, are so well known to yourself, and to many others, as I will not trouble you with the remembrance of them. A sweet smell from the land. The second of july, we found shoal water, where we smelled so sweet, and so strong a smell, as if we had been in the midst of some delicate garden abounding with all kind of odoriferous flowers, by which we were assured, that the land could not be far distant: and keeping good watch, and bearing but slack sail, the fourth of the same month we arrived upon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and firm land, and we sailed along the same a hundred and twenty English miles before we could find any entrance, or river issuing into the Sea. The first that appeared unto us, The first river. we entered, though not without some difficulty, & cast anchor about three harquebuz-shot within the havens mouth, on the left hand of the same: and after thanks given to God for our safe arrival thither, we manned our boats, and went to view the land next adjoining, and july 13 possession taken. to take possession of the same, in the right of the Queen's most excellent Majesty, as rightful Queen, and Princess of the same, and after delivered the same over to your use, according to her majesties grant, and letters patents, under her highness great Seal. Which being performed, according to the ceremonies used in such enterprises, we viewed the land about us, being, whereas we first landed, very sandy and low towards the water's side, but so full of grapes, Abundance of grapes. as the very beating and surge of the Sea overflowed them, of which we found such plenty, as well there as in all places else, both on the sand and on the green soil on the hills, as in the plains, as well on every little shrub, as also climbing towards the tops of high Cedars, that I think in all the world the like abundance is not to be found: and myself having seen those parts of Europe that most abound, found such difference as were incredible to be written. The Isle of Wokokon. We passed from the Sea side towards the tops of those hills next adjoining, being but of mean higth, and from thence we beheld the Sea on both sides to the North, and to the South, finding no end any of both ways. This land lay stretching itself to the West, which after we found to be but an Island of twenty miles long, and not above six miles broad. Under the bank or hill whereon we stood, we beheld the valleys replenished with goodly Cedar trees, and having discharged our harquebuz-shot, such a flock of Cranes (the most pat white) arose under us, with such a cry redoubled by many echoes, as if an army of men had shouted all together. This Island had many goodly woods full of Deer, Coneys, Hares, and Fowl, even in the midst of Summer in incredible abundance. The woods are not such as you find in Boh●mia, Moscovia, or Hercynia, barren and fruitless, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, far bettering the Ceders of the Açores, of the Indies, or Lybanus, Pynes, Cypress, Sassaphras, Goodly Cedars, Pines, Cypress, Sassaphras. the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth the Mastic, the tree that beareth the rind of black Sinaean, of which Master Winter brought from the straits of Magellan, and many other of excellent smell and quality. We remained by the side of this Island too whole days before we see any people of the Country: the third day we espied one small boat rowing towards us, having in it three people: this boat came to the Island side, four harquebuz-shot from our ships, and there two of the people remaining, the third came along the shore side towards us, and we being then all within board, he walked up and down upon the point of the land next unto us: Conference with a Sa●ag●●. then the Master and the Pilot of the Admiral, Simon Ferdinando, and the Captain Philip Amadas myself, and others rowed to the land, whose coming this fellow attended, never making any show of fear or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things not understood by us, we brought him with his own good liking, aboard the ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat & some other things, and made him taste of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very well: and after having viewed both barks, he departed, and went to his own boat again, which he had left in a little Cove or Cre●ke adjoining: assoon as he was two bow shoot into the water, Abundance of fish. he fallen to fishing, and in less than half an hour, he had laden his boat as deep, as it could swim, with which he came again to the point of the land, and there he divided his fish into two parts, pointing one part to the ship● and the other to the pinnace: which, after he had (as much as he might) requited the former benefits received departed out of our sight. The next day there came unto us divers boats and in one of them the King's brother, The arrival of t●e kings brother. accompanied with forty or fifty men, very handsome and goodly people, and in their behaviour as mannerly and civil as any of Europe. His name was Granganimco, and the king is called Wingina, the country Wingandacoa, and now by her Majesty Virginia. The manner of his coming was in this sort: he left his boars altogether as the first man did a little from the ships by the shore, and came along to the place over against the ships, followed with forty men. When he came to the place, his servants spread a long mat upon the ground, on which he sat down, and at the other end of the mat four others of his company did the like, the rest of his men stood round about him, somewhat a far off: when we came to the shore to him with our weapons, he never moved from his place, nor any of the other four, nor never mistrusted any harm to be offered from us, but sitting still he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we performed: and being set he made all signs of joy and welcome, striking on his head and his breast and afterwards on ours, to show we were all one, smiling and making show the best he could of all love, and familiarity. After he had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers things, which he received very joyfully, and thankfully. None of the company dared speak one word all the time: only the four which were at the other end, spoke one in the others ear very softly. The King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children reverenced: the King himself in person was at our being there, sore wounded in a fight which he had with the King of the next country, called Wingina, and was shot in two places through the body, and once clean through the thigh, but yet he recovered: by reason whereof and for that he lay at the chief town of the country, being six days journey off, we see him not at all. After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he liked, we likewise gave somewhat to the other that sat with him on the mat: but presently he arose and took all from them and put it into his own basket, making signs and tokens, that all things aught to be deliu●red unto him, and the rest were but his servants, and followers. Traffic with the Savages. A day or two aft●r this, we fallen to trading with them, exchanging some things that we had, for Chamoys, Buff, and Dear skins: when we showed him all our packet of merchandise, of all things that he saw, a bright tin dish most pleased him, which he presently took up and clapped it before his breast, Tin much esteemed. and after made a hole in the brim thereof and hung it about his neck, making signs that it would defend him against his enemy's arrows: for those people maintain a deadly and terrible war, with the people and King adjoining. We exchanged our tin dish for twenty skins, worth twenty Crowns, or twenty Nobles: and a copper kettle for fifty skins worth fifty Crowns. They offered us good exchange for our hatchets, and axes, and for knives, and would have giu●n any thing for sword: but we would not departed with any. After two or three days the King's brother came aboard the ships, and drank wine, and eat of our meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof: and after a few days overpassed, he brought his wife with him to the ships, his daughter and two or three children: his wife was very well favoured, of mean stature and very bashful: she had on her back a long cloak of leather, with the surre side next to her body, and before her a piece of the same: about her forehead she had a band of wit Coral, White coral Perl●s. and so had her husband many times: in her ears she had bracelets of pearls hanging down to her middle, whereof we delivered your worship a little bracelet) and those were of the bigness of good peas●● The rest of her women of the better sort had p●nd●nts of c●pp●r hanging in ●ither ●are, and l●me of the children of the king's brother and other noble men● have five or s●●e in either ear: h● himself had upon his head a broad plate of gold, or copper, for being unpolished we kn●w not what methal it should be, neither would he by any means suffer us to take it off his head but feeling it, it would bow very easily. His apparel was as his wives, only the women wear their hair long on bo●h sides, and the men but on one. They are of colour yellowish, and their hair black for the most part, and yet we see children that had very fine aburne, and chestnut coloured hair. After that these women had been there, there came down from all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, coral, divers kinds of di●s very excellent, and exchanged with us: but when Granganimco the king's brother was present, none dared trade but himself: except such as wear read pieces of copper on their heads like himself: for that is the difference between the noble men, and the governors of countries, and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and you have understood since by these men, which we brought home, that no people in the world carry more respect to their King. Nobility and Governors, than these do. The King's brother's wife, when she came to us (as she did many times) was followed with forty or fifty women always: and when she came into the ship, she left them all on land, saving her two daughters, her nurse and one or two more. The King's brother always kept this order, as many boats as he would come withal to the ships, so many fires would he make on the shore a far off, to the end we might understand with what strength and company he approached. Their boats are made of one tree, either of Pine, or of Pitch trees: Pitch trees. a wood not commonly known to our people, nor found growing in England. They have no edge-tools to make them withal: if they have any they are very few, and those it seems they had twenty years since, which, as those two men declared, was out of a wreck which happened upon their coast of some Christian ship, being beaten that way by some storm and outrageous weather, whereof none of the people were saved, but only the ship, or some part of her being cast upon the land, out of whose sides they drawn the nails and the spikes, and with those they made their best instruments. The manner of making their boats is thus: The manner of making their boats. they burn down some great tree, or take such as are wind fallen, and putting gum and rosin upon one side thereof, they set fire into it, and when it hath burned it hollow, they cut out the coal with their shells, and ever where they would burn it deeper or wider they lay on gums, which burn away the timber, and by this means they fashion very fine boats, and such as will transport twenty men. Their oars are like scoops, and many times they set with long poles, as the depth serveth. The King's brother had great liking of our armour, a sword, and divers other things which we had: and offered to lay a great box of pearl in gage for them: but we refused it for this time, because we would not make them know, that we esteemed thereof, until we had understood in what places of the country the pearl grew: which now your Worship doth very well understand. He was very just of his promise: for many times we delivered him merchandise upon his word, but ever he came within the day and performed his promise. He sent us every day a brace or two of fat Bucks, Coneys, Hares, Fish the best of the world. He sent us divers kinds of fruits, Melons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourds, Pease, and divers roots, and fruits very excellent good, and of their Country come, which is very white, fair and well tas●ed, and groweth three times in five months: in May they sow, in july they reap: in june they sow, in August they scape: in july they sow, in September they reap: only they cast the corn into the ground, breaking a little of the soft turf with a with wooden mattock, or pick ear: ourselves proved the soil, and put some of our Pease in the ground, and in ten days they were of fourteen inches high: they have also Beans very fair of divers colours and wonderful plenty: some growing naturally, and some in their gardens, and so have they both wheat and oats. The soil is the most plentiful, sweet, fruitful and wholesome of all the world: there we ●boue fourteen several sweet smelling timber trees, and the most part of their underwoods' are Bays, and such like: they have those Oaks that we have, but far greater and better. 〈◊〉 they had been divers times aboard our ships, myself, with se●●● 〈◊〉 w●nt tw●ntie 〈…〉 the River, that runneth toward the City of Skicoak, which River they call Occam 〈◊〉 the evening following, we came to an Island, which they call Ra●●oak, SATURN'S Island. distant from the h●●●bour by which we entered, seven leagues: and at the North end thereof was a village of 〈◊〉 ho●ses, built of Cedar, and fortified round about with sharp ●etces. 〈◊〉 out 〈◊〉, and the entrance into it made like a turn pi●e very artificially: wh●n we 〈…〉, standing near unto the water's side, the wit of Granganimo, the king's brother came running out to meet us very cheerfully and friendly, her husband was not then in the village; some of her people she commanded to draw our boat on shore for the beating of the billow: others she appointed to carry us on their backs to the dry ground, and others to bring our oars into the house for fear of stealing. The great kindness of the king's brother's wife. When we were come into the utter room, having ●iue rooms in her house, she caused us to sit down by a great fire, and after took off our clotheses and washed them, and dried them again: some of the women plucked off our stockings and washed them, some washed our feet in warm water, and she herself took great pains to see all things ordered in the best manner she could, making great haste to dress some meat for us to eat. After we had thus dried ourselves, she brought us into the inner room, A solemn banker. where she set on the board standing along the house, some wheat like furmentie, sodden Uenison, and roasted, fish sodden, boiled, and roasted, Melons raw, and sodden, roots of divers kinds, and divers fruits: their drink is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drink wine, and for want of calkes to keep it, all the year after they drink water, but it is sodden with Ginger in it, and black Cinnamon, and sometimes Sassaphras, and divers other wholesome, and medicinable herbs and trees. We were entertained with all love and kindness, and with as much bounty (after their manner) as they could possibly devise. We found the people most gentle, loving, and faithful, void of all guile and treason, and such as live after the manner of the golden age. The people only care how to defend themselves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such meat as the soil affordeth: there meat is very well sodden and they make bro●h very sweet and savoury: their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white and sweet, their dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber: within the place where they feed was their lodging, and within that their Idol, Their Idol●. which they worship, of whom they speak incredible things. While we were at meat, there came in at the gates two or three men with their bows and arrows from hunting, whom when we espied, we began to look one towards another, and offered to reach our weapons: but assoon as she espied our mistrust, she was very much moved, and caused some of her men to run out, and take away their bows and arrows and break th●m, and withal beat the poor fellows out of the gate again. When we departed in the evening and would not tarry all night, she was very sorry, and gave us into our boat our supper half dressed, pots and all, and brought us to our boat side, in which we lay all night, removing the same a pretty distance from the shore: she peceiuing our jealousy, was much grieved, and sent divers men and thirty women, to sit all night on the bank side by us, and sent us into our boats fine mats to cover us from the rain, using very many words to entreat us to rest in their houses: but because we were few men, and if we had miscarried, the voyage had been in very great danger, we dared not adventure any thing, although there was no cause of doubt: for a more kind and loving people there can not be found in the world, as far as we have hitherto had trial. Beyond this Island there is the main land, and over against this Island falls into this spacious water, the great river called Occam by the inhabitants, on which standeth a town called Pomeiock, & six days journey from the same is situate their greatest city, called Skicoak, Skicoak a great town. which this people affirm to be very great: but the Savages were never at it, only they speak of it by the report of their fathers and other men, whom they have herded affirm it to be above one hours journey about. In to this river falls another great river, called Cipo, in which there is found great store of muscles in which there are pearls: likewise there descendeth into this Occam, another river, called Nomopana, on the one side whereof standeth a great town called Chawanook, and the Lord of that town and country is called Pooneno: this Pooneno is not subject to the king of Wingandacoa, but is a free Lord: beyond this country is there another king, whom they call Menatonon, and these three kings are in league with each other. Towards the South-west, four days journey is situate a town called Sequotan, which is the Southermost town of Wingandacoa, near unto which, six and twenty years past, there was a ship cast away, A ship cast away. whereof some of the people were saved, and those were white people, whom the country people preserved. And after ten days remaining in an out Island unhabited, called Wocokon, they with the help of some of the dwellers of Sequotan, fastened two boats of the country together & made masts unto them, and sails of their shirts, and having taken into them such victuals as the country yielded, they departed after they had remained in this out Island 3 weeks: but shortly after it seemed they were cast away, for the boats were found upon the coast, cast a land in another Island adjoining: other than these, there was never any people appareled, or white of colour, either seen, or hear of amongst these people, and these aforesaid w●re seen only of the inhabitances of Secotan, which appeared to 〈◊〉 very true, for they wondered marvelously when we were amongst them at the whiteness of our ski●s, ●uer coveting to touch our breasts, and to view the same. Besides they had our ships in marvelous admiration, & all things else were so strange unto them, as it appeared that none of them had ever seen the like. When we discharged any piece, were it but an hargubuz, they would tr●mble thereat for very feare● and for the strangeness of the same: for the weapons which themselules use are bows and arrows: the arrows are but of small canes, headed with a sharp shell or tooth of a fish sufficient enough to kill a naked man. Their sword be of wood hardened: Their weapons. likewise they use wooden breastplates for their defence. They have beside a kind of club, in the end whereof they fasten the sharp horns of a stag, or other beast. When they go to wars they carry about with them their idol of whom they ask counsel, as the Romans were wont of the Oracle of Apollo. They sing songs as they march towards the battle in stead of drums and trumpets: their wars are very cruel and bloody, by reason whereof, and of their civil dissensions which have happened of late years amongst them, the people are marvelously wasted, and in some places the country left desolate. O● P●●●●uaioc. Adjoining to this country aforesaid called Secotan begins a country called Pomovik, belonging to another king whom they call Piamacum, and this king is in league with the next king adjoining towards the setting of the Sun, and the country Newsiok, situate upon a goodly river called Neus: th●se kings have mortal war with Wingina king of Wingandacoa: but about two years passed there was a peace made between the king Piemacum, and the Lord of Secotan, as these men which we have brought with us to England, have given us to understand: but there remains a mortal malice in the Secotanes, for many injuries & slaughters done upon them by this Piemacum. They invited divers men, and thirty women of the best of his country to their town to a feast: and when they were altogether merry, & praying before their Idol, (which is nothing else but a mere illusion of the devil) the captain or Lord of the town came suddenly upon them, and slew them every one, reserving the women and children: and these two have oftentimes since persuaded us to surprise Piemacum his town, having promised and assured us, that there will be found in it great store of commodities. But whether their persuasion be to the end they may be revenged of their enemies, or for the love they bear to us, we leave that to the trial hereafter. Beyond this Island called Roanoak, are main Islands very plentiful of first-fruits and other natural increases, together with many towns, and villages, along the side of the continent, some bounding upon the Islands, and some stretching up further into the land. When we first had sight of this country, some thought the first land we see to be the continent: but after we entered into the Haven, we see before us another mighty long Sea: for there lieth along the coast a tract of Islands● two hundredth miles in length, adjoining to the Ocean sea, and between the Islands, two or three entrances: when you are entered between them (these Islands being very narrow for the most part, as in most places six miles broad, in some places less, in few more) then there appeareth another great Sea, containing in breadth in some places, forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty miles over, before you come unto the continent● and in this enclosed Sea there are above an hundredth Islands of divers bignesses, whereof one is sixteen miles long, Roanoak sixteen miles long. at which we were, finding it a most pleasant and fertile ground, replenished with goodly Cedars, and divers other sweet woods, full of Corrants, of flax, and many other notable commodities, which we at that time had no leisure to view. Besides this Island there are many, as I have said, some of two, of three, of four, of five miles, some more, some less, most beautiful and pleasant to beholds replenished with Deer, Coneys, Hares and divers beasts, and about them the goodliest and best fish in the world, and in greatest abundance. Thus Sir, we have acquainted you with the particulars of our discovery made this present voyage, as far forth as the shortness of the time we there continued would afford us to take view of: and so contenting ourselves with this service at this time, which we hope hereafter ●o enlarge, as occasion and assistance shallbe given, we resolved to leave the country and to apply ourselves to return for England, which we did accordingly, and arrived safely in the West of England about the midst of September. And whereas we have above certified you of the country taken in possession by us, to her majesties use, and so to yours by her majesties gra●t, we thought good for the better assurance thereof, to record some of the particular Gentlemen, & men of account, who then were present, as witnesses of the same, that thereby all occasion of cavil to the title of the country, in her majesties behalf may be prevented, which otherwise, such as like not the action may use and pretend, whose names are: Master Philip Amadas, Captains. Master Arthur Barlow, Captains. William Greenevile, Of the company. john Wood, Of the company. james Browewich, Of the company. Henry green, Of the company. Benjamin Wood, Of the company. Simon Ferdinando, Of the company. Nicholas Perman, Of the company. john hews, Of the company. We brought home also two of the Savages being ●ustie men, whose names were Wanchese and Man●eo. The voyage made by Sir Richard Greenuile, for Sir Walter Ralegh, to Virginia, in the year 1585. THe 9 day of April, in the year abovesaid, we departed from Plymmouth, our Fleet consisting of the number of seven sails, to wit, the Tiger, of the burden of seven score tons, a Flieboat called the Roebuck, of the like burden, the Lion of a hundred tons or thereabouts, the Elizabeth, of fifty tons, and the Dorothy, a small bark: whereunto were also adjoined for speedy services, two small pinnesses. The principal Gentlemen of our company, were these. M. Ralph Lane, M. Tomas Candish, M. john Arundel, M. Raymund, M. St●keley, M. Bremige, M. Vincent, and M. john Clarke, and divers others, whereof some were Captains, and other some Assistants for counsel, and good directions in the voyage. The 14. day of April we fallen with Lancerota and Forteuentu●a, Isles of the Canaries, and from thence we continued our course for Dominica, one of the Antiles of the West India, wherewith we fallen the 7. day of May, and the 10. day following we came to an anchor at Cotesa, a little Island situate near to the Island of S. john, where we landed, and refreshed ourselves all that day. The 12. day of May we came to an anchor in the Bay of Moski●o, in the Island of S. john, They land upon the Island of S. john de Porto Rico. within a Falcon shot of the shore: where our General Sir Richard Greenevil, and the most part of our company landed, and began to fortify very near to the Sea side: the river ran by the one sid● of our fort, and the other two sides were environed with woods. The 13. day we began to build a new pinnace within the Fort, with the timber that we then felled in the country, some part whereof we fet three miles up in the land, and brought it to our Fort upon trucks, the Spaniard not daring to make or offer resistance. The 16. day there appeared unto us out of the woods eight horsemen of the Spaniards, about a quarter of a mile from our Fort, staying about halfa an hour in viewing our forces: but assoon as they see ten of our shot marching towards them, they presently retired into the woods. The 19 day Master Candish, who had been separated from our fleet in a storm in the Bay of Portugal, arrived at Cotesa, within the sight of the Tiger: we thinking him a far off to have been either a Spaniard or Frenchman of war, thought it good to weigh anchors, and to go room with him, which the Tiger did, and discerned him at last to be one of our consorts, for joy of whose coming our ships discharged their ordinance, and saluted him according to the manner of the Seas. The 22. day twenty other Spanish horsemen showed themselves to us upon the other side of the river: who being seen, our General dispatched 20. footmen towards them, and two horsemen of ours, mounted upon Spanish horses, which we before had taken in the time of our being on the Island: they showed to our men a flag of truce, and made signs to have a parley with us: whereupon two of our men went half of the way upon the sands, and two of there's came and met them: the two Spaniards offered very great salutations to our men, but began according to their Spanish proud humors● to expostulate with them about their arrival and fortifying in their country, who notwithstanding by our men's discreet answers were so cooled, that (whereas they were told, that our princpall intention was only to furnish ourselves with water and victuales, and other necessaries, whereof we stood in need, which we craved might be yielded us with fair and friendly means, otherwise our resolution was to practise force, and to relieve ourselves by the sword) the Spaniards in conclusion seeing our men so resolute, yielded to our requests with large promises of all courtesy, and great favour, and so our men and there's departed. The 23. day our pinnace was finished, and launched: which being done, our General with his Captains and Gentlemen, marched up into the Country about the space of 4. miles, where in a plain marsh they stayed expecting the coming of the Spaniards according to their promise, to furnish us with victuals: who keeping their old custom for perjury and breach of promise, came not, whereupon our General fired the woods thereabouts, and so retired to our Fort, which the same day was fired also, and each man came aboard to be ready to set sail the next morning. The 29. day we set sail from Saint john's, being many of us stung before upon shore with the Muskitoes: but the same night we took a Spanish Frigate, which was forsaken by the Spaniards upon the sight of us, and the next day in the morning very early we took another Frigate, with good and rich freight, and divers Spaniards of account in her, which afterwards we rausomed for good round sums, and landed them in S. john's. The 26. day our Lieutenant Master Ralph Lane went in one of the Frigates which we had taken, to Roxo bay upon the South-west side of Saint john's, to fetch salt, being thither conducted by a Spanish Pilot: as soon as he arrived there, he landed with his men to the number of 20. and entrenched himself upon the sands immediately, compassing one of their salt hills within the trench: who being seen of the Spaniards, there came down towards him two or three troops of horsemen and foo●nen, who gave him the looking, and gazing on, but dared not come near him to offer any resistance, so that Master Lane maugre their troops, carried their salt aboard and laded his Frigate, and so returned again to our fleet the 29. day, which road at S. Germane Bay. The same day we all departed, and the next day arrived in the Island of Hispaniola. june. THe 1. day of june we anchored at Isabel, on the North side of Hispaniola. The 3. day of june, the Governor of Isabel, and Captain of the Port de Plata, being certified by the reports of sundry Spaniards, who had been well entertained aboard our ships by our General, that in our fleet were many brave and gallant Gentlemen, who greatly desired to see the Governor aforesaid, he thereupon sent gentle commendations to our General, promising within few days to come to him in person, which he performed accordingly. The 5. day the aforesaid Governor accompanied with a lusty Friar, and twenty other Spaniards, with their servants, and Negroes, came dow●e to the Sea side, where our ships road at anchor, who being seen, our General manned immediately the most part of his boats with the chief men of our Fleet, every man appointed, and furnished in the best sort: at the landing of our General, the Spanish governor received him very courteously, and the Spanish Gentlemen saluted our English Gentlemen, and their inferior sort did also salute our Soldiers and Sea men, liking our men, and likewise their qualities, although at the first they seemed to stand in fear of us, and of so many of our boats whereof they desired that all might not landlord their men, yet in the end, the courtesies that passed on both sides were so great, that all fear and mistrust on the Spaniards part was abandoned. In the mean time while our English General and the Spanish Governor discoursed betwixt them of divers matters● as of the state of the Country, the multitude of the Towns and people, and the commodities of the Island, our men provided two banqueting houses covered with green boughs, the one for the Gentlemen, the other for the servants, and a sumptuous banquet was brought in served by us all in plate, with the sound of trumpets, and consort of music, wherewith the Spaniards were more then delighted. Which banquet being ended, the Spaniards inrecompence of our courtesy, caused a great herded of white bulls, and kine to be brought together from the mountains, and appointed for every Gentleman and Captain that would ride, a horse ready saddled, and then singled out three of the best of them to be hunted by horsemen after their manner, so that the pastime grew very pleasant for the space of three hours, wherein all three of the beasts were killed, whereof one took the Sea, and there was slain with a musket. After this sport, many rare presents and gifts were given and bestowed on both parts, and the next day we played the Merchants in bargaining with them by way of truck and exchange of divers of their commodities, as horses, mares, cows, bulls, goats, swine, sheep, bull-hides, sugar, ginger, pearl, tobacco, and such like commodities of the Island. The 7. day we departed with great good will from the Spaniards from the Island of Hispaniola: but the wiser sort do impute this great show of friendship, and courtesy used towards us by the Spaniards rather to the force that we were of, and the vigilancy, and watchfulness that was amongst us, then to any hearty good will, or sure friendly entertainment: for doubtless if they ●●d been stronger than we, we might have looked for no better courtesy at their hands, than Master john Hankins received at Saint john de ullua, or john Oxnam ●eere the straits of Dariene, and divers others of our Countrymen in other places. The 8. day we ankred at a small Island to take Seals, which in that place we understood to have been in great quantity, where the General and certain others with him in the pinnace were in very great danger to have been all cast away, but by the help of God they escaped the hazard, and returned aboard the Admiral in safety. The 9 day we arrived and landed in the isle of Caycos, in which Island we searched for saltepondes, They land on the Isles of Caico. upon the advertisement and information of a Portugal: who indeed abused our General and us, deserving a haster for his hire, if it had so pleased us. The 12. we ankered at Guanima, and landed. Guanima. The 15. and 16. we ankered and landed at Cyguateo. Cyguateo. The 20. we fallen with the main of Florida. The 23. we were in great danger of a wrack on a breath called the Cape of Fear. They land in Florida. The 24. we came to anchor in a harbour, where we caught in one tide so much fish as would have yielded us twenty pounds in London: this was our first landing in Florida. The 26. we came to anchor at Wocokon. The 29. we weighed anchor to bring the Tiger into the harbour, where through the unskilfulness of the Master whose name was Fernando, the Admiral struck on ground, and sunk. The 3. we sent word of our arriving at Wococon, to Wingina at Roanoak. july. The 6. M. john Arundel was sent to the main, and Manteo with him: and Captain Aubry and Captain Boniten the same day were sent to Croatoan, where they found two of our men left there with 30 other by Captain Reymond, some 20. days before. The 8. Captain Aubry and Captain Boniten returned, with two of our men found by them, to us at Wocokon. The 11. day the General accompanied in his Tilt boat with Master john Arundel; Master Stukley, and divers other Gentlemen, Master Lane, Master Candish, Master Hariot, and twenty others in the new pinnace, Captain Amadas, Captain Clarke, with ten others in a shipboat, Francis Brooke, and john White in another shipboate, passed over the water from Wococon to the main land victualled for eight days, in which voyage we first discovered the towns of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc and Secotan, and also the great lake called by the Savages Paquipe, with divers other places, and so returned with that discovery to our Fleet. The 12. we came to the Town of Pomeiok. The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok. The 15. we came to Secotan, and were well entertained there of the Savages. The 16. we returned thence, and one of our boats with the Admiral was sent to Aquascogok, to demand a silver cup which one of the Savages had stolen from us, and not receiving it according to his promise, we burned, and spoiled their corn, and Town, all the people being fled. The 18. we returned from the discovery of Secotan, and the same day c●me aboard our Fleet riding at Wococon. The 21. our Fleet ankering at Wococon, we weighed anchor for Hatoraske. The 27. our Fleet ankered at Hatorask, and there we rested. The 29. Grangin● brother to king Wingina came aboard the Admiral, and Mant●● with him. The 2. the Admiral was sent to Weapomeiok. The 5. M. john Arundel was sent for England. The 25. our General weighed anchor, and set sail for England. About the 31. he took a Spanish ship of 300. tun richly loaden, boarding her with a bea● made with boards of chests, which cell asunder, and sunk at the ships side, assoon as ever he and his men were out of it. The 10. of September, September by foul weather the General then shipped in the prize, just sight of the Tiger. The 6. the Tiger fallen with the Lands end, and the same day came to anchor at Falmouth. October. The 18. the General came with the prize to Plymmouth and was courteously received by 〈◊〉 of his his worshipful friends. The names of those as well Gentlemen as others, that remained one whole year in Virginia, under the Government of Master Ralph Lane. MAster Philip Amadas, Admiral of the country. Master Hariot. Master Acton. Master Edward Stafford. Thomas Luddington. Master Maruyn. Master Gardiner. Captain Vaughan. Master Kendal. Master Prideox. Robert Holecroft. Rise Courtney. Master Hugh Rogers. Master Thomas Harvey. Master Snelling. Master Anthony Russee. Master Allyne. Master Michael Polison. john Cage. Thomas Parr. William Rants. Geoffrey Churchman. William Farthow. john Taylor. Philip Robyns. Thomas Philips. Valentine Beale. Thomas Fox. Derby Glande. Edward Nugen. Edward Kelley. john Gostigo. Erasmus Cless. Edward Ketcheman. john Linsey. Thomas Rottenbury. Roger Deane. john Harris. Francis Norris. Matthew line. Edward Kettell. Thomas Wisse. Robert Biscombe. William Backhouse. William White. Henry Potkin. Dennis Barnes. joseph Borges. Dougham Gannes. William Tenche. randal Latham. Thomas Hulme. Walter Mill. Richard Gilbert. Steven Pomarie. john Brock. Bennet Harrie. james Stevenion. Charles Stevenson. Christopher Loud. jeremy Man. james Mason. David Salter. Richard Ireland. Thomas Bookener. William Philips. randal maine. james Skinner. George Eseven. john Chandeler. Philip Blunt. Richard Poor. Robert Yong. Marmaduke Constable. Thomas Hesket. William Was. john Fever. Daniel. Thomas Taylor. Richard Humphrey. john Wright. Gabriel North. Benne● Chapel. Richard Sarc. james Lacie. Smolkin. Thomas Smart. Robert. john Euans. Roger Large. Humphrey Garden. Francis Whitton. Rowland Griffyn. William Millard. john Twit. Edward Seclemore. john Anwike. Christopher Martial. David Williams. Nicholas Swabber. Edward Chipping. Silvester Beching. Vincent chain. Hance Walters. Edward Barecombe. Thomas Skevelabs. William Walters. An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire, and another Gentleman of the middle Temple, from Virginia. IN the mean while you shall understand, that since Sir Richard Greenuils' departure from us, as also before, we have discovered the main to be the goodliest soil under the cope of heaven, so abounding with sweet trees, that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gums, grapes of such greatness, yet wild, as France, Spain nor Italy have no greater, so many sorts of Apothecary drugs, such several kinds of flax, & one kind like silk, the same gathered of a grass, as common there, as grass is here. And now within these few days we have sound here Maiz or or Guinie wheat, whose ear yieldeth corn for bread 400. upon one ear, and the Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar, also Terra Samia, otherwise Terra sigillara. Besides that, it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territory of the world: for the continent is of an huge and unknown greatness, and very well peopled and towned, though savagely, and the climate to wholesome, that we had not one sick since we touched the land here. To conclude, if Virginia had ●ut horses and cows in some reasonable proportion, I dare as●●●● myself being inhabited with English, no realm in Christendom were comparable to it. For this already we find, that what commodities soever Spain, France, Italy, or the East parts do yield unto us, in wives of all sorts, in oils, The rich and manifold commodities o● Virginia. in flax, in rosens, pitch, frakensence, corrans, sugars, and such like, these parts do abound with the growth of them all, but being Savages that possess the land, they know no use of the same. And sundry other rich commodities, that no parts of the world, be they West or East Indies, have, here we find great abundance of. The people naturally are most courteous, and very desirous to have clotheses, Commodity's fit to came to Virginia. but especially of course clot rather than silk, course canvas they also like well of, but copper carrieth the price of all, so it be made read. Thus good M. Hakluyt and M.H. I have joined you both in one letter of remembrance, as two that I love dearly well, and commending me most hearty to you both, I commit you to the tuition of the Almighty. From the new Fort in Virginia, this third of September, 1585. Your most assured friend RALPH LANE. An account of the particularities of the employments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greenevill under the charge of Master Ralph Lane General of the same, from the 17. of August 1585. until the 18. of june 1586. at which time they departed the Country: sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh. THat I may proceed with order in this discourse, I think it requisite to divide it into two parts. The first shall declare the particularities of such parts of the Country within the main, as our weak number, and supply of things necessary did enable us to enter into the discovery of. The second part shall set down the reasons generally moving us to resolve on our departure at the instant with the General Sir Francis Drake, 2. parts of this discourse. and our common request for passage with him, when the barks, pinnesses, and boats with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to be left in the Country for the supply of such, as for a further time meant to have stayed there, were carried away with tempest and foul weather: In the beginning whereof shall be declared the conspiracy of Pe●isapan, with the Savages of the main to have cut us off, etc. The first part declaring the particularities of the Country of Virginia. FIrst therefore touching the particularities of the Country, you shall understand that our discovery of the same hath been extended from the Island of Roanoak, (the same having been the place of our settlement or inhabitation) into the South, into the North, into the Northwest, and into the West. The uttermost place to the Southward of any discovery was Secotan, being by estimation fourscore miles distant from Roanoak. The passage from thence was through a broad sound within the main, the same being without kenning of land, and yet full of flats and shoalds: we had but one boat with four oars to pass through the same, which boat could not carry above fifteen men with their furniture, baggage, and victual for seven days at the most: and as for our pinnace, besides that she drawn too deep water for that shallow sound, she would not stir for an oar: for these and other reasons (winter also being at hand) we thought good wholly to leave the discovery of those parts until our stronger supply. To the Northward our furthest discovery was to the Chesepians, distant from Roanoak about 130. miles, the passage to it was very shallow and most dangerous, by reason of the breadth of the sound, and the little succour that upon any flaw was there to be had. But the Territory and soil of the Chesepians (being distant fifteen miles from the shore) was for pleasantness of seat, for temperature of Climate, for fertility of soil, and for the commodity of the Sea, besides multitude of Bears (being an excellent good victual) with great woods of Sassafras, and walnut trees, The excellency of the seat of Chesepi●ok. is not to be excelled by any other whatsoever. There be sundry Kings, whom they call Weroances, and Countries of great fertility adjoining to the same, as the Mandoages, Tripanicks, and Opossians, which all came to visit the Colony of the English, which I had for a time appointed to be resident there. To the Northwest the farthest place of our discovery was to Chawanook distant from Roanoak about 130. miles. Our passage thither lieth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channel of a great depth, navigable for good shipping, but out of the channel full of shoalds. The Towns about the waters side situated by the way are these following: Paslaquenoke The woman's Town, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok, Muscamunge, & Metack●em: all these being under the jurisdiction of the king of Weapomeiok, called Okisco: ●rom Muscamunge we enter into the River, and jurisdiction of Chawanook: There the River beginneth to straighten until it come to Chawanook, and then groweth to be as narrow as the Thames betewene Westminster, and Lambeth. Between Muscamunge and Chawanook upon the left hand as we pass thither, is a goodly high land, and there is a Town which we called The blind Town, but the Savages called it Ohanoak, and hath a very goodly corn field belonging unto it: it is subject to Chawanook. Chawanook itself is the greatest Province & Signiory lying upon that River, and the very Town itself is able to put 700. fight men into the field, The town of Chawanook able to make 700. men of war. besides the forces of the Province itself. The King of the said Province is called Menatonon, a man impotent in his limbs, but otherwise for a Savage, a very grave and wise man, and of a very singular good discourse in matters concerning the state, not only of his own Country, and the disposition of his own men, but also of his neighbours round about him as well far as near, and of the commodities that each Country yieldeth. When I had him prisoner with me, for two days that we were together, he gave me more understanding and light of the Country than I had received by all the searches and Savages that before I or any of my company had had conference with: it was in March last past 1586. Among other things he told me, that going three days journey in a Canon up his River of Chawanook, and then descending to the land, you are within four days journey to pass over land North-east to a certain King's country, whose Province lieth upon the Sea, but his place of greatest strength is an Island situate, as he described unto me, in a Bay, the water round about the Island very deep. An Island in a Bay. Out of this Bay he signified unto me, that this King had so great quantity of Pearl, Pearls in exceeding quantity. and doth so ordinarily take the same, as that not only his own skins that he weareth, and the better sort of his gentlemen and followers are full set with the said Pearl, but also his beds, and houses are garnished with them, and that he hath such quantity of them, that it is a wonder to see. He showed me that the said King was with him at Chawanook two years before, & brought him certain Pearl, but the same of the worst sort, yet was he feign to buy them of him for copper at a dear rate, as he thought. He gave me a rope of the same pearl, but they were black, and nought, yet many of them were very great, and a few amongst a number very orient and round, all which I lost with other things of mine, coming aboard. Sir Francis Drake his Fleet: yet he told me that the said King had great store of Pearl that were white, great, and round, and that his black Pearl his men did take out of shallow water, but the white Pearl his men fished for in very deep water. It seemed to me by his speech, that the said King had traffic with white men that had clotheses as we have, for these white Pearl, and that was the reason that he would not departed with other then with black Pearls, to those of the same country. The king of Chawanook promised to give me guides to go over land into that king's country whensoever I would: but he advised me to take good store of men with me, and good store of victual, for he said, that king would be loath to suffer any strangers to enter into his Country and especially to meddle with the fishing for any Pearl there, and that he was able to make a great many of men into the field which he said would fight very well. Hereupon I resolved with myself, that if your supply had come before the end of April, and that you had sent any store of boats or men, to have had them made in any reasonable time, with a sufficient number of men and victuals to have found us until the new come were come in, I would have sent a small bark with two pinnesses about by Sea to the Northward to have found out the Bay he spoke of, and to have sounded the bar if there were any, which should have ridden there in the said Bay about that Island, while I with all the small boats I could make, and with two hundred men would have go up to the head of the river of Chawanook with the guides that Menatonon would have given me, which I would have been assured should have been of his best men, An interpose of special importance. (for I had his best beloved son prisoner with me) who also should have kept me company in an handlocke with the rest, foot by foot, all the voyage over land. My meaning was further at the head of the River in the place of my descent where I would have left my boats, to have raised a scouse with a small trench, and a palisado upon the top of it, in the which, and in the guard of my boats I would have left five and twenty, or thirty men, with the rest would I have marched with as much victual as every man could have carried, with their furniture, mattocks, spades and axes, two days journey. In the end of my march upon some convenient plot would I have raised another sconce according to the former, where I would have left fifteen or twenty. And if it would have fallen out conveniently, in the way I would have raised my said sconce upon some Corn field, that my company might have lived upon it. And so I would have held this course of ensconcing every two days march, until I had been arrived at the Bay or Port he spoke of: which finding to be worth the possession, Wither M. Ralph Lane meant to remove. I would there have raised a main fort, both for the defence of the harbour, and our shipping also, and would have reduced our whole habitation from Roanoak and from the harbour and port there (which by proof is very nought) unto this other beforementioned, from whence, in the four days march before specified, could I at all times return with my company back unto my boats riding under my sconce, very near whereunto directly from the West runneth a most notable River, and in all those parts most famous, called the River of Moratoc. This River openeth into the broad Sound of Weapomeiok. And whereas the River of Chawanook, and all the other Sounds, and Bays, salt and fresh, show no current in the world in calm weather, but are moved altogether with the wind: This River of Moratoc hath so violent a current from the West and Southwest, that it made me almost of opinion that with oars it would scarce be navigable: it passeth with many creckes and turnings, and for the space of thirty miles rowing, and more, it is as broad as the Thames betwixt Green-wich and the Isle of dogs, in some placemore, and in some less: the current runneth as strong, being entered so high into the River, as at London bridge upon a vale water. And for that not only Menatonon, but also the Savages of Moratoc themselves do report strange things of the head of that River, and that from Moratoc itself, which is a principal Town upon that River, it is thirty days as some of them say, and some say forty days voyage to the head thereof, which head they say springeth out of a main rock in that abundance, that forthwith it maketh a most violent stream: and further, that this huge rock standeth so near unto a Sea, that many times in storms (the wind coming outwardly from the sea) the waves thereof are beaten into the said fresh stream, so that the fresh water for a certain space, groweth salt and brackish: I took a resolution with myself, having dismissed Menatonon upon a ransom agreed for, and sent his son into the Pinnace to Roanoak, to enter presently so far into that River with two double whirries, and forty people one or other, as I could have victual to carry us, until we could meet with more either of the Moratoks, or of the Mangoaks, which is another kind of Savages, dwelling more to the Westward of the said River: but the hope of recovering more victual from the Savages made me and my company as narrowly to escape starving in that discovery before our return, as ever men did, that miss the same. For Pemisapan, who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his brother Granganimo, Wingina changes his name. had given both the Choanists, and Mangoaks word of my purpose touching them, I having been enforced to make him privy to the same, to be served by him of a guide to the Mangoaks, and yet he did never rest to solicit continually my going upon them, certifying me of a general assembly even at that time made by Menatonon at Chawanook of all his Weroances, and allies to the number of three thousand bows, preparing to come upon us at Roanoak, and that the Mangoaks also were joined in the same confederacy, who were able of themselves to bring as many more to the enterprise: And true it was that at that time the assembly was held at Chawanook about us, as I found at my coming thither, Conspiracy of the Savages against the English. which being unlooked for did so dismay them, as it made us have the better hand at them. But this confederacy against us of the Choanists and Mangoaks was altogether and wholly procured by Pemisapan himself, as Menatonon confessed unto me, who sent them continual word, that our purpose was fully bend to destroy them: on the other side he told me, that they had the like meaning towards us. He in like sort having sent word to the Mangoaks of mine intention to pass up into their River, and to kill them (as he said) both they and the Moratoks, with whom before we were entered into a league, and they had ever dealt kindly with us, abandoned their Towns along the River, and retired themselves with their * Their women. Crenepos, and their Corn within the main: insomuch as having passed three days voyage by the River, we could not meet a man, nor find a grain of Corn in any their Towns: whereupon considering with myself that we had but two days victual left, and that we were then 160. miles from home, besides casualty of contrary winds or storms, and suspecting treason of our own Savages in the discovery of our voyage intended, though we had no intention to be hurtful to any of them, otherwise then for our copper to have had corn of them: I at night upon the Corpse of guard, before the putting forth of Sentinels, advertised the whole company of the case we stood in for victual, and of mine opinion that we were betrayed by our own Savages, and of purpose drawn forth by them upon vain hope to be in the end starved, seeing all the Country fled before us, and therefore while we had those two days victual left, I thought it good for us to make our return homeward, and that it were necessary for us to get the other side of the Sound of Weopomeiok in time, where we might be relieved upon the wears of Chypanum, and the women's Town, although the people were fled. Thus much I signified unto them, as the safest way: nevertheless I did refer it to the greatest number of voices, whether we should adventure the spending of our whole victual in some further view of that most goodly River in hope to meet with some better hap, or otherwise to retire ourselves back again. And for that they might be the better advised, I willed them to deliberate all night upon the matter, and in the morning at our going aboard to set our course according to the desires of the greatest part. Their resolution fully and wholly was (and not three found to be of the contrary opinion) that while there was left but one half pint of Corn for a man, we should not leave the search of that River, and that there were in the company two Mastiffs, upon the pottage of which with Sassafras leaves (if the worst fallen out) the company would make shift to live two days, which time would bring them down the current to the mouth of the River, and to the entry of the Sound, and in two days more at the farthest they hoped to cross the Sound and to be relieved by the wears, which two days they would fast rather than be drawn back a foot till they had seen the Mangoaks, either as friends or foes. This resolution of there's did not a little please me, since it came of themselves, although for mistrust of that which afterwards did happen, I pretended to have been rather of the contrary opinion. And that which made me most desirous to have some doings with the Mangoaks either in friendship or otherwise to have had one or two of them prisoners, was, for that it is a thing most notorious to all the country, that there is a Province to the which the said Mangoaks have recourse and traffic up that River of Moratoc, which hath a marvelous and most strange Mineral. A marvelous Mineral in the country of Chaunis Temoatan. This Mine is so notorious amongst them, as not only to the Savages dwelling up the said river, and also to the Savages of Chawanook, and all them to the Westward, but also to all them of the main: the countries name is of fame, and is called Chaunis Temoatan. The Mineral they say is Wassador, which is copper, but they call by the name of Wassador every metal whatsoever: they say it is of the colour of our copper, but our copper is better than there's: and the reason is for that it is redder and harder, whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan is very soft, and pale: they say that they take the said metal out of a river that falls very swift from high rocks and h●ls, and they take it in shallow water: the manner is this. They take a great bowl by their description as great as one of our targets, and wrap a skin over the hollow part thereof, leaving one part open to receive in the mineral: that done, they watch the coming down of the current, and the change of the colour of the water, and then suddenly chop down the said bowl with the skin, and receive into the same as much oar as will come in, which is ever as much as their bowl will hold, which presently they cast into a fire, and forthwith it melteth, and doth yield in five parts, at the first melting, two parts of metal for three parts of oar. Of this metal the Mangoaks have so great store, by report of all the Savages adjoining, that they beautify their houses with great plates of the same: and this to be true, I received by report of all the country, and particularly by young Skiko, the King of Chawanooks son my prisoner, who also himself had been prisoner with the Mangoaks, and set down all the particularities to me before mentioned: but he had not been at Chawnis Temoatan himself: for he said, it was twenty days journey overland from the Mangoaks, to the said Mineral Country, and that they passed through certain other territories between them and the Mangoaks, before they came to the said Country. Upon report of the premises, which I was very inquisitive in all places where I came to take very particular information of, by all the Savages that dwelled towards those parts, and especially of Menatonon himself, who in every thing did very particularly inform me, and promised me guides of his own men, who should pass over with me, even to the said Country of Chaunis Temoatan (for overland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but one days journey from Sun rising to Sun setting, whereas by water it is seven days with the soon:) These things, I say, made me very desirous by all means possible to recover the Mangoaks, and to get some of that their copper for an assay, and therefore I willingly yielded to their resolution: But it fallen out very contrary to all expectation, and likelihood: for after two days travel, and our whole victual spent, lying on shore all night, we could never see man, only fires we might perceive made alongst the shore where we were to pass, and up into the Country, until the very last day. In the evening whereof, about three of the clock we herded certain Savages call as we thought, Manteo, who was also at that time with me in the boat, whereof we all being very glad, hoping of some friendly conference with them, and making him to answer them, they presently began a song, as we thought, in token of our welcome to them: but Manteo presently betook him to his piece, and told me that they meant to fight with us: which word was not so soon spoken by him, and the light horseman ready to put to shore, A conflict begun by the Savages. but there lighted a volley of their arrows amongst them in the boat, but did no hurt (God be thanked) to any man. Immediately, the other boat lying ready with their shot to scour the place for our hand weapons to land upon, which was presently done, although the land was very high and steep, the Savages forthwith quit the shore, and betook themselves to flight: we landed, and having fair and easily followed for a small time after them, who had wooded themselves we know not where: the Sun drawing then towards the setting, and being then assured that the next day if we would pursue them, though we might happen to meet with them, yet we should be assured to meet with none of their victual, which we then had good cause to think of: therefore choosing for the company a convenient ground in safety to lodge in for the night, making a strong Corpse of guard, and putting out good Sentinels, I determined the next morning before the rising of the Sun to be going back again, if possibly we might recover the mouth of the river, into the broad sound, which at my first motion I found my whole company ready to assent unto: for they were now come to their dogs porridge, that they had be spoken for themselves if that befallen them which did, and I before did mistrust we should hardly escape. The end was, we came the next day by night to the rivers mouth within four or five miles of the same, having rowed in one day down the current, The great current of the River of Moratico● as much as in four days we had done against the same: we lodged upon an Island, where we had nothing in the world to eat but pottage of Sassafras leaves, the like whereof for a meat was never used before as I think. The broad sound we had to pass the next day all fresh and fasting: that day the wind blew so strongly, and the billow so great, that there was no possibility of passage without sinking of our boats. This was upon Easter eve, which was fasted very truly. Upon Easter day in the morning the wind coming very calm, we entered the sound, and by four of the clock we were at Chipanum, whence all the Savages that we had left there were fled, but their wears did yield us some fish, as God was pleased not utterly to suffer us to be lost: for some of our company of the light horsemen were far spent. The next morning we arrived at our home Roanoak. I have set down this Uoyage somewhat particularly, to the end it may appear unto you, (as true it is) that there wanted no great good will from the most to the lest amongst us, to have perfited this discovery of the Mine: for that the discovery of a good Mine, by the goodness of God, or a passage to the South-sea, or some way to it, and nothing else can bring this Country in request to be inhabited by our nation. And with the discovery of either of the two above showed, it will be the most sweet and healthfullest climate, and therewithal the most fertile soil (being manured) in the world: and then will Sassafras, and many other roots and gums there found make good merchandise and lading for shipping, which otherwise of themselves will not be worth the fetching. Provided also, that there be found out a better harbour than yet there is, which must be to the Northward, if any there be, which was mine intention to have spent this Summer in the search of, and of the Mine of Chawnis Temoatan: the one I would have done, if the barks that I should have had of Sir Francis Drake, by his honourable courtesy, had not been driven away by storm: the other if your supply of more men, and some other necessaries had come to us in any convenient sufficiency. For this river of Moratico promises great things, and by the opinion of of M. Hariots the head of it by the description of the Country, either rises from the bay of Mexico, or else from very near unto the same, that openeth out into the South sea. And touching the Mineral, thus doth M. Youghan affirm, that though it be but copper, seeing the Savages are able to melt it, it is one of the richest Minerals in the world. Wherefore a good harbour found to the Northward, as before is said, and from thence four days overland, to the River of Choanoak sconces being raised, from whence again over-land through the province of Choanoak one days voyage to the first town of the Mangoaks up the River of Moratico by the way, as also upon the said River for the defence of our boats like sconces being set, in this course of proceeding you shall clear yourself from all those dangers and broad shallow sounds before mentioned, and gain within four days travel into the heart of the main 200. miles at the lest, and so pass your discovery into that most notable country, and to the likeliest parts of the main, with far greater felicity than otherwise can be performed. Thus Sir, I have though simply, yet truly set down unto you, what my labour with the rest of the gentlemen, and poor men of our company (not without both pain and peril, which the Lord in his mercy many ways delivered us from) could yield unto you, which might have been performed in some more perfection, if the Lord had been pleased that only that which you had provided for us had at the first been left with us, or that he had not in his eternal providence now at the last set some other course in these things, than the wisdom of man could look into, which truly the carrying away by a most strange & unlooked for storm of all our provision, with Barks, Master, Mariners, and sundry also of mine own company, all having been so courteously supplied by the general Sir Francis Drake, the same having been most sufficient to have performed the greatest part of the premises, must ever make me to think the hand of God only (for some his good purpose to myself yet unknown) to have been in the matter. The second part touching the conspiracy of Pemisapan, the discovery of the same, and at the last, of our request to departed with Sir Francis Drake for England. ENsenore a Savage father to Pemisapan being the only friend to our nation that we had amongst them, and about the King, died the 20. of April 1586. He alone had before opposed himself in their consultations against all matters proposed against us, which both the King and all the rest of them after Grangemoes' death, were very willing to have preferred. And he was not only by the mere providence of God during his life, a mean to save us from hurt, as poisonings and such like, but also to do us very great good, and singularly in this. The King was advised and of himself disposed, as a ready mean to have assuredly brought us to ruin in the month of March 1586. himself also with all his Savages to have run away from us, and to have left his ground in the Island unsowed: which if he had done, there had been no possibility in common reason, This sails of making wears would be learned. (but by the immediate hand of God) that we could have been preserved from starving out of hand. For at that time we had no wears for fish, neither could our men skill of the making of them, neither had we one grain of Corn for seed to put into the ground. In mine absence on my voyage that I had made against the Chaonists, and Mangoaks, they had raised a brute among themselves, that I and my company were part slain, and part starved by the Chaonists, and Mangoaks. One part of this tale was too true, that I and mine were like to be starved, but the other false. Nevertheless until my return i● took such effect in Pernisapans breast, and in those against us, that they grew not only into contempt of us, but also (contrary to their former reverend opinion in show, of the Almighty God of heaven, and jesus Christ whom we serve and worship, whom before they would acknowledge and confess the only God) now they began to blaspheme, and flatly to say, that our Lord God was not God, since he suffered us to sustain much hunger, and also to be killed of the Renapoaks, for so they call by that general name all the inhabitants of the whole main, of what province soever. Insomuch as old Ensenore, neither any of his fellows, could for his sake have no more credit for us: and it came so far that the king was resolved to have presently go away as is aforesaid. But even in the beginning of this bruit I returned, which when he saw contrary to his expectation, and the advertisement that he had received: that not only myself, and my company were all sa●e, but also by report of his own 3. Savages which had been with me besides Manteo in that voyage, that is to say, Tetepano, his sister's husband Eracano, and Cossine, that the Chanoists and Mangoaks (whose name and multitude besides their valour is terrible to all the rest of the provinces) dared not for the most part of them abide us, and that those that did abide us were killed, and that we had taken Menatonon prisoner, and brought his son that he best loved to Roanoak with me, it did not a little assuage all devices against us: on the other side, it made Ensenores' opinions to be received again with greater respects. For he had often before told them, and then renewed those his former speeches, both to the king and the rest, that we were the servants of God, and that we were not subject to be destroyed by them: but contrariwise, that they amongst them that sought our destruction, should find their own, and not be able to work ours, and that we being dead men were able to do them more hurt, than now we could do being alive: an opinion very confidently at this day held by the wisest amongst them, and of their old men, as also, that they have been in the night, being 100 miles from any of us, in the air shot at, and strooken by some men of ours, that by sickness had died among them: and many of them hold opinion, that we be dead men returned into the world again, and that we do not remain dead but for a certain time, and that then we return again. All these speeches then again grew in full credit with them, the King, and all, touching us, when he saw the small troop returned again, and in that sort from those whose very names were terrible unto them: But that which made up the matter on our side for that time was an accident, yea rather (as all the rest was) the good providence of the Almighty for the saving of us, which was this. Within certain days after my return from the said journey, Menatonon sent a messenger to visit his son the prisoner with me, and sent me certain pearl for a present, or rather, as Pemisapan told me, for the ransom of his son, and therefore I refused them: but the greatest cause of his sending then, was to signify unto me, that he had commanded Okisko King of Weopomiok, to yield himself servant, and homager, to the great Weroanza of England, and after her to Sir Walter Raleigh: to perform which commandment received from Menatonon, the said Okisko jointly with this Menatonons' messenger sent four and twenty of his principallest men to Roanoak to Pemisapan, to signify that they were ready to perform the same, and so had sent those his men to let me know that from that time forward, he, and his successors were to acknowledge her Majesty their only Sovereign, and next unto her, as is aforesaid. All which being done, and acknowledged by them all, in the presence of Pemisapan his father, and all his Savages in counsel then with him, it did for the time thoroughly (as it seemed) change him in disposition toward us: Insomuch as forthwith Ensenore wan this resolution of him, that out of hand he should go about, and withal, to 'cause his men to set up wears forthwith for us: both which he at that present went in hand withal, and did so labour the expedition of it, that in the end of April he had sowed a good quantity of ground, so much as had been sufficient, to have fed our whole company (God blessing the growth) and that by the belly, for a whole year: besides that he gave us a certain plot of ground for ourselves to sow. All which put us in marvelous comfort, if we could poise from April until the beginning of july, (which was to have been the beginning of their harvest, The beginning of the●● harvest in july. ) that then a new supply out of England or else our own s●ore would well enough maintain us: All our fear was of the two months betwixt, in which mean space if the Savages should not help us with Cassavi, and China, and that our wears should fail us, (as often they did,) we might very well statue, notwithstanding the growing corn, like the starving horse in the stable, with the growing grass, as the proverb is: which we very hardly had escaped but only by the hand of God, as it pleased him to try us. For within few days after, as before is said, Ensenore our friend died, who was no sooner dead, but certain of our great enemies about Pemisapan, as Osacan a Weroance, Tanaquiny and Wanchese most principally, were in hand again to put their old practices in ure against us, which were readily embraced, and all their former devices against us renewed, and new brought in question. But that of starving us, by their forbearing to sow, was broken by Ensenore in his life, by having made the King all at one instant to sow his ground, not only in the Island, but also at Dasamonquepeio in the main, within two leagues over against us. Nevertheless there wanted no store of mischievous practices among them, and of all they resolved principally of this following. First that Okisko king of Weopomeiok with the Mandoages should be moved, The conspiracy of Pemisapan, and with great quantity of copper entertained to the number of 7. or 8. hundredth bows, to enterprise the matter thus to be ordered. They of Weopomeiok should be invited to a certain kind of months mind which they do use to solemnise in their Savage manner for any great parsonage dead, and should have been for Ensenore. At this instant also should the Mandoaks, who were a great people, with the Chesepians & their friends to the number of 700. of them, be armed at a day appointed to the main of Dasamonquepeio, and there lying close at the sign of fires, which should interchangeably be made on both sides, when Pemisapan with his troop above named should have executed me, and some of our Weroances (as they called all our principal officers,) the main forces of the rest should have come over into the Island, where they meant to have dispatched the rest of the company, whom they did imagine to find both dismayed and dispersed abroad in the Island, seeking of crabs and fish to live withal. The manner of their enterprise was this. Tarraquine and Andacon two principal men about Pemisapan, and very lusty fellows, with twenty more appointed to them had the charge of my person to see an order taken for the same, The form of the treason. which they meant should in this sort have been executed. In the dead time of the night they would have beset my house, and put fire in the reeds that the same was covered with: meaning (as it was likely) that myself would have come running out of a sudden amazed in my shirt without arms, upon the instant whereof they would have knocked out my brains. The same order was given to certain of his fellows, for M. Heriots': so for all the rest of our better sort, all our houses at one instant being set on fire as afore is said, and that as well for them of the fort, as for us at the town. Now to the end that we might be the fewer in number together, and so be the more easily dealt withal (for in deed ten of us with our arms prepared, The sufficiency of our men to deal against the Savages, 10. to an hundredth. were a terror to a hundred of the best sort of them,) they agreed and did immediately put it in practice, that they should not for any copper cell us any victuals whatsoever: besides that in the night they should send to have our wears rob, and also to 'cause them to be broken, and once being broken never to be repaired again by them. By this means the King stood assured, that I must be enforced for lack of sustenance there, to disband my company into sundry places to live upon shell fish, for so the Savages themselves do, going to Hatorask, Croatoan, and other places, fishing and hunting, The Savages line by fishing, and hunting, till harvest. while their grounds be in sowing, and their corn growing: which failed not his expectation. For the famine grew so extreme among us, our wears failing us of fish, that I was enforced to send Captain Stafford with 20. with him to Croatoan my Lord Admiral's Island to serve two turns in one, that is to say, to feed himself and his company, and also to keep watch if any shipping came upon the coast to warn us of the same. I sent M. Pridiox with the pinnace to Hatorask, and ten with him, with the Provost Marshal to live there, and also to wait for shipping: also I sent every week 16. or 20. of the rest of the company to the main over against us, to live of Casada and oysters. In the mean while Pemisapan went of purpose to Dasamonquepeio for three causes: The one to see his grounds there broken up, and sowed for a second crop: the other to withdraw himself from my daily sending to him for supply of victual for my company, for he was afraid to deny me any thing, neither dared he in my presence but by colour and with excuses, which I was content to accept for the time, meaning in the end as I had reason, to give him the jump once for all: but in the mean while, as I had ever done before, I and mine bore all wrongs, and accepted of all excuses. My purpose was to have relied myself with Menatonon, and the Chaonists, who in truth as they are more valiant people and in greater number than the rest, so are they more faithful in their promises, and since my late being there had given many tokens of earnest desire they had to join in perfect league with us, and therefore were greatly offended with Pemisapan and Weopomeiok for making him believe such tales of us. The third cause of his going to Dasamonquepeio was to dispatch his messengers to Weopomeiok, and to the Mandoages, as aforesaid: all which he did with great impressed of copper in hand, making large promises to them of greater spoil. The answer within few days after came from Weopomeiok, which was divided into two parts. First for the King Okisko, who denied to be of the party for himself, or any of his especial followers, and therefore did immediately retire himself with his force into the main: the other was concerning the rest of the said province who accepted of it: and in like sort the Mandoags received the impressed. The day of their assembly aforesaid at Roanoak was appointed the 20. of june: all which the premises were discovered by Skyco, the King Menatonon his son my prisoner, who having once attempted to run away, I laid him in the bylboes, threatening to cut off his head, whom I remitted at Pemisapans request: whereupon he being persuaded that he was our enemy to the death, he did not only feed him with himself, but also made him acquainted with all his practices. On the other side, the young man finding himself as well used at my hand, as I had means to show, and that all my company made much of him, he flatly discovered all unto me, which also afterwards was revealed unto me by one of Pemisapans own men, that night before he was slain. These mischiefs being all instantly upon me and my company to be put in execution, it stood me in hand to study how to prevent them, and also to save all others, which were at that time as aforesaid so far from me: whereupon I sent to Pemisapan to put suspicion out of his head, that I meant presently to go to Croatoan, for that I had herded of the arrival of our Fleet, (though I in truth had neither herded nor hoped for so good adventure,) and that I meant to come by him, to borrow of his men to fish for my company, & to hunt for me at Croatoan, as also to buy some four days provision to serve for my voyage. He sent me word that he would himself come over to Roanoak, but from day to day he deferred, only to bring the Weopomeioks with him & the Mandoags, whose time appointed was within eight days after. It was the last of May 1586 when all his own Savages began to make their assembly at Roanoak, at his commandment sent abroad unto them, and I resolved not to stay longer upon his coming over, since he meant to come with so good company, but thought good to go and visit him with such as I had, which I resolved to do the next day: but that night I meant by the way to give them in the Island a canuisado, and at the instant to seize upon all the canoas about the Island, to keep him from advertisements. But the town took the alarm before I meant it to them; the occasion was this. I had sent the Master of the light horseman, with a few with him, to gather up all the canoas in the setting of the Sun, & to take as many as were going from us to Dasamonquepeio, but to suffer any that came from thence, to land. He met with a Canoa going from the shore, and overthrew the Canoa, and cut off two Savages heads: this was not done so secretly but he was discovered from the shore; The slaughter and surprise of the Savages. whereupon the cry arose: for in truth they, privy to their own villainous purposes against us, held as good espial upon us, both day and night, as we did upon them. The alarm given, they took themselves to their bows, and we to our arms: some three or four of them at the first were slain with our shot; the rest fled into the woods. The next morning with the light horseman & one Canoa taking 25 with the Colonel of the Chesepians, and the Sergeant mayor, I went to Dasamonquepeio: and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by one of his own Savages that met me at the shore, that I was going to Croatoan, and meant to take him in the way to complain unto him of Osocon, who the night past was conveying away my prisoner, whom I had there present tied in an handblocke. Hereupon the king did abide my coming to him, and finding myself amid seven or eight of his principal Weroances and followers, (not regarding any of the common sort) I gave the watchword agreed upon, (which was, Christ our victory) and immediately those his chief men and himself had by the mercy of God for our deliverance, that which they had purposed for us. The king himself being shot thorough by the Colonel with a pistol, lying on the ground for dead, & I looking as watchfully for the saving of Manteos friends, as others were busy that none of the rest should escape, suddenly he started up, and ran away as though he had not been touched, insomuch as he overran all the company, being by the way shot thwart the buttocks by mine Irish boy with my petronel. In the end an Irish man serving me, one Nugent, and the deputy provost, undertook him; and following him in the woods, overtook him: and I in some doubt lest we had lost both the king & my man by our own negligence to have been intercepted by the Savages, we met him returning out of the woods with Pemisapans head in his hand. Pemisapan slain. This fallen out the first of june 1586, and the eight of the same came advertisement to me from captain Stafford, lying at my lord Admiral's Island, that he had discovered a great fleet of three and twenty sails: but whether they were friends or foes, he could not yet discern. He advised me to stand upon as good guard as I could. The ninth of the said month he himself came unto me, having that night before, & that same day traveled by land twenty miles: and I must truly report of him from the first to the last; he was the gentleman that never spared labour or peril either by land or water, fair weather or foul, to perform any service committed unto him. He brought me a letter from the General Sir Francis Drake, A letter from Sir Francis Drake. with a most bountiful and honourable offer for the supply of our necessities to the performance of the action we were entered into; and that not only a victuals, munition, and clothing, but also of barks, pinnesses, and boats; they also by him to be victualled, manned, and furnished to my contentation. The tenth day he arrived in the road of our bad harborough: and coming there to an anchor, the eleventh day I came to him, whom I found in deeds most honourably to perform that which in writing and message he had most courteously offered, he having aforehand propounded the matter to all the captains of his fleet, and got their liking and consent thereto. With such thanks unto him and his captains for his care both of us and of our action, not as the matter deserved, but as I could both for my company and myself, I (being aforehand prepared what I would desire) craved at his hands that it would please him to take with him into England a number of weak and unfit men for my good action, which I would deliver to him; and in place of them to supply me of his company with oar-men, artificers, and others. That he would leave us so much shipping and victual, as about August than next following would carry me and all my company into England, when we had discovered somewhat, that for lack of needful provision in time left with us as yet remained undone. That it would please him withal to leave some sufficient Masters not only to carry us into England, when time should be, but also to search the coast for some better harborough, if there were any, and especially to help us to some small boats and oar-men. Also for a supply of calievers, handweapons, match and lead, tools, apparel, and such like. He having received these my requests, according to his usual commendable manner of government (as it was told me) calling his captains to counsel; the resolution was that I should sand such of my officers of my company as I used in such matters, with their notes, to go aboard with him; which were the Master of the victuals, the Keeper of the store, and the Uicetreasurer: to whom he appointed forthwith for me The Francis, being a very proper bark of 70 tun, and took present order for bringing of victual aboard her for 100 men for four months, with all my other demands whatsoever, to the uttermost. And further, he appointed for me two pinnesses, and four small boats: and that which was to perform all his former liberality towards us, was that he had got the full assents of two of as sufficient experimented Masters as were any in his flect, by judgement of them that known them, with very sufficient gings to tarry with me, and to employ themselves most earnestly in the action, and I should appoint them, until the term which I promised of our return into England again. The names of one of those Masters was Abraham Kendal, the other Griffith Herne. While these things were in hand, the provision aforesaid being brought, and in bringing aboard, my said Masters being also go aboard, my said barks having accepted of their charge, and mine own officers, with others in like sort of my company with them (all which was dispatched by the said General the 12 of the said month) the 13 of the same there arose such an unwonted storm, and continued four days, that had like to have driven all on shore, if the Lord had not held his holy hand over them, and the General very providently forescene the worst himself, then about my dispatch putting himself aboard: but in the end having driven sundry of the fleet to put to Sea the Francis also with all my provisions, my two Masters, and my company aboard, she was seen to be free from the same, and to put clear to Sea. This storm having continued from the 13 to the 16 of the month, and thus my bark put away as aforesaid, the General coming ashore made a new proffer unto me; which was a ship of 170 tun, called The Bark Bonner, with a sufficient Master and guide to tarry with me the time appointed, and victualled sufficiently to carry me and my company into England, with all provisions as before: but he told me that he would not for any thing undertake to have her brought into our harbour, and therefore he was to leave herein the road, and to leave the care of the rest unto myself, and advised me to consider with my company of our case, and to deliver presently unto him in writing what I would require him to do for us; which being within his power, he did assure me aswell for his Captains as for himself, should be most willingly performed. Hereupon calling such Captains and gentlemen of my company as then were at hand, who were all as privy as myself to the General's offer; their whole request was to me, that considering the case that we stood in, the weakness of our company, the small number of the same, the carrying away of our first appointed bark, with those two especial Masters, with our principal provisions in the same, by the very hand of God as it seemed, stretched out to take us from thence; considering also, that his second offer, though most honourable of his part, yet of ours not to be taken, insomuch as there was no possibility for her with any safety to be brought into the harbour: seeing furthermore, our hope for supply with Sir Richard Greenuill, so undoubtedly promised us before Easter, not yet come, neither then likely to come this year, considering the doings in England for Flanders, and also for America, that therefore I would resolve myself with my company to go into England in that fleet, and accordingly to make request to the General in all our names, that he would be pleased to give us present passage with him. Which request of ours by myself delivered unto him, he most readily assented unto: and so he sending immediately his pinnesse● onto our Island for the fetching away of a few that there were left with our baggage, the weather was so Boisterous, & the pinnesses so often on ground, that the most of all we had, with all our Cards. Books and writings were by the Sailors cast overboard, the greater number of the fleet being much aggrieved with their long and dangerous abode in that miserable road. From whence the General in the name of the Almighty, weighing his anchors (having bestowed us among his fleet) for the relief of whom he had in that storm sustained more peril of wrack then in all his former most honourable actions against the Spaniards, with praises unto God for all, set sail the nineteenth of june 1586, and arrived in Portsmouth the seven and twentieth of july the same year. The third voyage made by a ship sent in the year 1586, to the relief of the Colony planted in Virginia, at the sole charges of Sir Walter Ralegh. IN the year of our Lord 1586 Sir Walter Ralegh at his own charge prepared a ship of an hundred tun, freighted with all manner of things in most plentiful manner, for the supply and relief of his Colony then remaining in Virginia: but before they set sail from England it was after Easter, so that our Colony half despaired of the coming of any supply: wherefore every man prepared for himself, determining resolutely to spend the residue of their life time in that country. And for the better performance of this their determination, they sowed, planted, and set such things as were necessary for their relief in so plentiful a manner as might have sufficed them two years without any further labour. Thus trusting to their own harvest, they passed the Summer till the tenth of june: at which time their corn which they had sowed was within one fortnight of reaping: but than it happened that Sir Francis Drake in his prosperous return from the sacking of Sant Domingo, Cartagena, and Saint Augustine, determined in his way homeward to visit his countrymen the English Colony then remaining in Virginia. So passing along the coasts of Florida, he fallen with the parts where our English Colony inhabited: and having espied some of that company, there be ankered and went aland, where he conferred with them of their state and welfare, and how things had passed with them. They answered him that they lived all; but hitherto in some scarcity: and as yet could hear of no supply out of England: therefore they requested him that he would leave with them some two or three ships, that if in some reasonable time they herded not out of England, they might then return themselves. Which he agreed to. Whilst some were then writing their letters to sand into England, and some others making reports of the accidents of their travels each to other, some on land, some on board, a great storm arose, and drove the most of their fleet from their anchors to Sea, in which ships at that instant were the chiefest of the English Colony: the rest on land perceiving this, hasted to those three sails which were appointed to be left there; and for fear they should be left behind they left all things confusedly, as if they had been chased from thence by a mighty army: and no doubt so they were; for the hand of God come upon them for the cruelty and outrages committed by some of them against the native inhabitants of that country. Immediately after the departing of our English Colony out of this paradise of the world, This ship arrived in Virginia. the ship abouementioned sent and set forth at the charges of Sir Walter Ralegh and his direction, arrived at Hatorask; who after some time spent in seeking our Colony up in the country, and not finding them, returned with all the aforesaid provision into England. About fourteen or fifteen days after the departure of the aforesaid ship, Sir Richard Grinuile General of Virginia, Sir Richard Grinuils' third voyage. accompanied with three ships well appointed for the same voyage, arrived there; who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any news of our English Colony there seated, and left by him anno 1585., himself traveling up into divers places of the country, as well ●o see if he could hear any news of the Colony left there by him the year before, under the charge of Master Lane his deputy, as also to discover some places of the country: but after some time spent therein, not hearing any news of them, and finding the places which they inhabited desolate, yet unwilling to lose the possession of the country which Englishmen had so loug held: after good deliberation, he determined to leave some men behind to retain possession of the country: whereupon he landed fifteen men in the Isle of Roanoak, Fifteen men more le●t in Virginia. furnished plentifully with all manner of provision for two years, and so departed for England. Not long after he fallen with the Isles of Açores, on some of which Islands he landed, and spoilt the towns of all such things as were worth carriage, where also he took divers Spaniards. With these and many other exploits done by him in this voyage, aswell outward as homeward, he returned into England. A brief and true report of the new found land of Virginia: of the commodities there found, and to be raised, aswell merchantable as others: Written by Thomas Heriot, servant to Sir Walter Ralegh, a member of the Colony, and there employed in discovering a full twelvemonth. Ralph Lane one of her majesties esquires, and Governor of the Colony in Virginia, above mentioned, for the time there resident, to the gentle Reader wisheth all happiness in the Lord ALbeit (gentle Reader) the credit of the reports in this Treatise contained can little be furthered by the testimony of one as myself, through affection judged partial, though without desert: nevertheless, for somuch as I have been requested by some my particular friends, who conceive more rightly of me, to deliver freely my knowledge of the same, not only for the satisfying of them, but also for the true information of any other whosoever, that comes not with a prejudicate wind to the reading thereof: thus much upon my credit I am to affirm, that things universally are so truly se● down is this Treatise by the author thereof, an actor in the Colony, and a man no less for his honesty then learning commendable, as that I dare boldly avouch, it may very well pass with the credit of truth even amongst the most true relations of this age. Which as for mine own part I am ready any way with my word to acknowledge, so also (of the certainty thereof assured by mine own experience) with this my public assertion I do affirm the same. Farewell in the Lord To the Adventurers, Favourers, and Well-willers of the enterprise for the inhabiting and planting in Virginia. SInce the first undertaking by Sir Walter Ralegh to deal in the action of discovering of that country which is now called and known by the name of Virginia, many voyages having been thither made at sundry times to his great charge; as first in the year 1584., and afterwards in the years 1585., 1586, and now of late this l●st year 1587.: there have been divers and variable reports with some slanderous and shameful speeches bruited abroad by many that returned from thence: especially of that discovery which was made by the Colony transported by Sir Richard Grinuile in the year 1585., being of all others the most principal, and as yet of most effect, the time of their abode in the country being a whole year, when as in the other voyage before they stayed but six weeks, and the others after were only for supply and transportation, nothing more being discovered then had been before. Which reports have not done a little wrong to many that otherwise would have also favoured and adventured in the action, to the honour and benefit of our nation, besides the particular profit and credit which would redound to themselves the dealers therein, as I hope by the sequel of events, to the shame of those that have avouched the contrary, shall be manifest, if you the adventurers, favourers and well-willers do but either increase in number, or in opinion continued, or having been doubtful, renew your good liking and furtherance to deal therein according to the worthiness thereof already found, and as you shall understand hereafter to be requisite. Touching which worthiness through cause of the diversity of relations and reports, many of your opinions could not be firm, nor the minds of some that are well disposed be seeled in any certainty. I have therefore thought it good, being one that have been in the discovery, and in dealing with the natural inhabitants specially employed: and having therefore seen and known more than the ordinary, to impart so much unto you of the first-fruits of our labours, as that you may know how iniutiously the enterprise is slandered, and that in public manner at this present, chief for two respects. First, that some of you which are yet ignorant or doubtful of the state thereof, may see that there is sufficient cause why the thief enterpriser with the favour of her Majesty, notwithstanding such reports, hath not only since continued the action by sending into the country again, and replanting this last year a new Colony, but is also ready, according as the times and means will afford, to follow and prosecute the same. Secondly, that you seeing and knowing the continuance of the action, by the view hereof you may generally know and learn what the country is, and thereupon consider how your dealing therein, if it proceed, may return you profit and gain, be it either by inhabiting and planting, or other wise in furthering thereof. And lest that the substance of my relation should be doubtful unto you, as of others by reason of their diversity, I will first open the cause in a few words, wherefore they are so different, referring myself to your favourable constructions, and to be adiudg●d of, as by good consideration you shall find cause. Of our company that returned, some for their misdemeanour and ill dealing in the country have been there worthily punished, who by reason of their bad natures, have maliciously not only spoken ill of their Governors, but for their sakes slandered the country itself. The like also have those done which were of their consort. Some being ignorant of the state thereof, notwithstanding since their return amongst their friends & acquaintance, and also others, especially if they were in company where they might not be gainsaid, would seem to known so much as no men more, and make no men so great travelers as themselves. They stood so much, as it may seem, upon their credit and reputation, that having been a twelve month in the country, it would have been a great disgrace unto them, as they thought, if they could not have said much, whether it were true or false. Of which some have spoken of more than ever they see, or otherwise known to be there. Other some have not been ashamed to make absolute denial of that, which although not by them, yet by others is most certainly and there plentifully known, & other some make difficulties of those things they have no skill of. The cause of their ignorance was, in that they were of that many that were never out of the Island where we were seated, or not far, or at the lest wise in few places else, during the time of our above in the country: or of that many, tha● after gold & silver was not so soon found, as it was by them looked for, had little or no care of any other thing but to pamper their bellies: or of that many which had little understanding, less discretion, and more tongue than was needful or requisite. Some also were of a nice bringing up, only in cities or towns, or such as never (as I may say) had seen the world before. Because there w●re not to be found any English cities, nor such fair houses, nor at their own with any of their old accustomed dainty food, nor any soft beds of down or feathers, the country was to them miserable, and their reports thereof according. Because my purpose was but in brief to open the cause of the variety of such speeches, the particularities of them, and of many envious, malicious, and slanderous reports and devices else, by our own countrymen besides, as trifles that are not worthy of wise men to be thought upon, I mean not to trouble you withal, but will pass to the commodities, the substance of that which I have to make relation of unto you. The Treatise whereof, for your more ready view and easier understanding, I will divide into three special parts. In the first I will make declaration of such commodities there already found or to be raised, which will not only serve the ordinary turns of you which are and ●●all be the planters and inhabitants, bu● such an overplus sufficiently to be yielded, or by men of skill to be provided, as by way of traffic and exchange with our own nation of England, will enrich yourselves the providers: those that shall deal with you, the enterprisers in general, and greatly profit our own countrymen, to supply them with most things which heretofore they have been fa●ne to provide either of strangers or of our enemies, which commodities, for distinction sake, I call Merchantable. In the second I will set down all the commodities which we know the country by our experience doth yield of itself for victual and sustenance of man's life, such as are usually fed upon by the inhabitants of the country, as also by us during the time we were there. In the last part I will make mention generally of such other commodities besides, as I am able to remember, and as I shall think behoveful for those that s●all inhabit, and plant there, to know of, which specially concern building, as also some other necessary uses: with a brief description of the nature and manners of the people of the country. The first part of Merchantable commodities. Silk of grass, or Grass silk. There is a kind of grass in the country, upon the blade● whereof there groweth very good silk in form of a thin glittering skin to be stripped off. It groweth two foot & an half high or better: the blades are about two foot in length, and half an inch broad. The like groweth in Persia, which is in the self same climate as Virginia, of which very many of the Silk works that come from thence into Europe are made. Hereof if it be planted and ordered as in Persia, it cannot in reason be otherwise, but that there will rise in short time great profit to the dealers therein, seeing there is so great use and vent thereof aswell in our country as elsewhere. And by the means of sowing and planting it in good ground, it will be far greater, better, and more plentiful than it is. Although notwithstanding there is great store thereof in many places of the country growing naturally and wild, which also by proof here in England, in making a piece of Silk grogran, we found to be excellent good. Worm silk. In many of our journeys we found Silkworms fair and great, as big as our ordinary Walnuts. Although it hath not been our hap to have found such plenty, as ●ls● here to be in the country we have herded of, yet seeing that the country doth naturally breed and nourish them, there is no doubt but if art be added in planting of Mulberie●rees, and others, fit for them in commodious places, for their feeding & nourishing, and some of them carefully gathered & husbanded in that sort, as by men of skill is known to be necessary: there will rise as great profit in time to the Uirginians, as thereof doth now to the Persians, Turks, Italians and Spaniards. Flax and Hemp. The truth is, that of Hemp and Fla●e there is no great store in any one place together, by reason it is not planted but as the soil doth yield of itself: and howsoever the leaf and stem or stalk do differ from ours, the stuff by judgement of men of skill is altogether as good as ours: and if not, as further proof should find otherwise, we have that experience of the soil, as that there cannot be showed any reason to the contrary, but that it will grow there excellent well, and by planting will be yielded plentifully, seeing there is so much ground whereof some may well be applied to such purposes. What benefit hereof may grow in cordage and linens who cannot easily understand? Alum. There is a vein of ●arth along the sea coast for the space of forty or fifty miles, whereof by the judgement of some that have made trial here in England, is made good Alum, of that kind which is called Roch alum. The richness of such a commodity is so well known, that I need not to say any thing thereof. The same earth doth also yield White coprasse, Nitrum● and Alumen plumeum, but nothing so plentifully as the common Alum, which ●e also of price, and profitable. Wapeih. A kind of earth so called by the natural inhabitants, very like to Terra sigillara, and having been refined, it hath been found by some of our Physicians and Chyrurgians, to be of the same kind of virtue, and more effectual. The inhabitants use it very much for the cure of sores and wounds: there is in divers places great plenty, and in some places of a blue sort. Pitch, Tar, Resin and Turpentine. There are those kinds of trees which yield them abundantly and great store. In the very same Island where we were seated, being fifteen miles of length, and five or six miles in breadth, there are few trees else but of the same kind, the whole Island being full. Sassafras, called by the inhabitants Winauk, a kind of wood of most pleasant and sweet smell, and of most rare virtues in physic for the cure of many diseases. It is found by experience to be far better and of more uses then the wood which is called Guaiacum, or Lignum vi●ae. For the description, the manner of using, and the manifold virtues thereof, I refer you to the book of Monardes', translated and entitled in English, The joyful news from the West Indies. Cedar. A very sweet wood, and fine timber, whereof if nests of chests be there made, or timber thereof fitted for sweet and fine bedsteds, tables, desks, lutes, virginals, and many things else, (of which there hath been proof made already) to make up freight with other principal commodities, will yield profit. Wine. There are two kinds of grapes that the soil doth yield naturally, the one is small and sour, of the ordinary bigness as ours in England, the other far greater and of himself luscious sweet. When they are planted and husbanded as they aught, a principal commodity of wines by them may be raised. Oil. There are two sorts of Walnuts, both holding oil; but the one far more plentiful than the other. When there are mills and other devices for the purpose, a commodity of them may be raised, because there are infinite store. There are also three several kinds of betries in the form of Oke-akornes, which also by the experience and use of the inhabitants, we found to yield very good and sweet oil. Furthermore, the bears of the country are commonly very fat, and in some places there are many. Their fatness, because it is so liquid, may well be te●med oil, and hath many special uses. Furs. All along the Sea coast there are great store of O●ters, which being taken by wears and other engines made for the purpose, will yield good profit. We hope also of Marten furs, and make no doubt by the relation of the people, but that in some places of the country there are store, although there were but two skins that came to our hands. Luzernes also we have understanding of, although for the time we see none. Deers skins dressed after the manner of Chamoes', or undressed, are to be had of the natural inhabitants thousand yearly by way of traffic for trifles, and no more waste or spoil of Deer than is and hath been ordinarily in time before. Civer-cats. In our travels there was found one to have been killed by a Savage or inhabitant, & in another place the smell where one or more had lately been before, whereby we gather, besides then by the relation of the people, that there are some in the country: good profit will rise by them. Iron. In two places of the country specially, one about fourscore, & the other six score miles from the fort or place where we dwelled, we found near the water side the ground to be rocky, which by the trial of a Mineral man was found to hold iron richly. It is found in many places of the country else: I know nothing to the contrary, but that it may be allowed for a good merchantable commodity, considering there the small charge for the labour & feeding of men, the infinite store of wood, the want of wood & be erenesse thereof in England, and the necessity of ballasting of ships. Copper. An hundred and fifty miles into the main in two towns we found with the inhabitants divers small places of Copper, that had been made as we understood by the inhabitants that devil further into the country, where as they say are mountains and rivers that yield also white grains of metal, which is to be deemed Silver. For confirmation whereof, at the time of our first arrival in the country, I see, with some others with me, two small pieces of Silver gros●y beaten, about the weight of a testron, hanging in the ears of a Wiroans or chief lord that dwelled about four score miles from us: of whom through inquiry, by the number of days and the way, I learned that it had come to his hands from the same place or near, where I after understood the Copper was made, and the white grains of metal found. The aforesaid Copper we also found by trial to hold Silver. Pearl. Sometimes in feeding on Muscles we found some Pearl: but it was our hap to meet with rags, or of a pine colour: not having yet discovered those places where we herded of better and more plenty. One of our company, a man of skill in such matters, had gathered together from among the Savage people about five thousand: Five thousand pearls gathered. of which number he chose so many as made a fair chain, which for their likeness and uniformity in roundness, orientnesse, and pidenesse of many excellent colours, with equality in greatness, were very fair and rare: and had therefore been presented to her Majesty, had we not by casualty, and through extremity of a storm lost them, with many things else in coming away from the country. Sweet gums of divers kinds, and many other Apothecary drugs, of which we will make special mention, when we shall receive it from such men of skill in that kind, that in taking reasonable pains shall discover them more particularly than we have done, and then now I can make relation of, for want of the examples I had provided and gathered, and are now lost, with other things by casualty before mentioned. Dyes of divers kinds: There is Shoemake well known, and used in England for black: the seed of an herb called Wasebur, little small roots called Chappacor, and the bark of the tree called by the inhabitants Tangomockonomindge: which dyes are for divers sorts of read: their goodness for our English clotheses remain yet to be proved. The inhabitants use them only for the dying of hair, and colouring of their faces, and mantles made of Dear skins: and also for the dying of rushes to make artificial works withal in their mats and baskets: having no other thing besides that they accounted of, apt to use them for. If they will not prove merchantable, there is no doubt but the planters there shall find apt uses for them, as also for other colours which we know to be there. Woad: a thing o● so great vent and uses amongst English Dyer's, which can not be yielded sufficiently in our own country for spare of ground, may be planted in Virginia, there being ground enough. The growth thereof need not to be doubted, when as in the Islands of the Açores it groweth plentifully, which are in the same climate. So likewise of Madder. We carried thither Suger-canes to plant, which being not so well preserved as was requisite, and besides the time of the year being passed for their setting when we arrived, we could not make that proof of them as we desired. Notwithstanding, seeing that they grow in the same climate, in the South part of Spain●, and in Barbary, our hope in reason may yet continued. So likewise for Oranges and Limmons. There may be planted also Quinses. Whereby may grow in reasonable time, if the action be diligently prosecuted, no small commodities in Sugars, Suckets, an● Marmelades. Many other commodities by planting may there also be raised, which I leave to your discreet and gentle considerations: and many also may be there, which yet we have not discovered. Two more commodities of great value, one of certainty, and the other in hope, not to be planted, but th●re to be raised, and in short time to be provided, and prepared, I might have specified. So like wise of those commodities already set down I might have said more: as of the particular places where they are found, and best to be pla●ted and prepared: by what means, and in what reasonable space of time they might be raised to profit, and in what proportioned but because others then well-willers might be therewithal acquainted, not to the good of the action, I have wittingly omitted them: knowing that to those that are well disposed. I have uttered, according to my promise and purpose, for this part sufficient. The second part of such commodities as Virginia is known to yield for victual and sustenance of man's life, usually fed upon by the natural inhabitants; as also by us, during the time of our abode: and first of such as are sowed and husbanded. PAgatow●, a kind of grain so called by the inhabitants: the same in the West Indies is called Mayz: English men call it Guiny-wheat or Turky-wheat, according to the names of the countries from whence the like hath been brought. The grain is about the bigness of our ordinary English pease, and not much different in form and shape: but of divers colours: some white, some read, some yellow, and some blue. All of them yield a very white and sweet flower: being used according to his kind, it maketh a very good bread. We made of the same in the country some Malt, whereof was brewed as good Ale as was to be desired. So likewise by the help of Hops, thereof may be made as good Beer. It is a grain of marvelous great increase: of a thousand, fifteen hundred, and some two thousand fol●e. There are three sorts, of which two are ripe in eleven & twelve weeks at the most, sometimes in ten, after the time they are set, and are then of height in stalk about six or seven foot. The other sort is ripe in fourteen, and is about ten foot high, of the stalks some bear four heads, some three, someone, and some two; every head containing five, six, or seven hundred grains, within a few more or less. Of these grains, besides bread, the inhabitants m●ke vi●tuall, either by parching them, or seething them whole until they be broken: or boiling the flower with water into a pap. Okindgier, called by us B●anes, because in greatness and partly in shape they are like to the beaner in England, saving that they are flatter, of more divers colours, and some pied. The leaf also of the stem is much different. In taste they are altogether as good as our English pease. Wickonzowr, called by us Pease, in respect of the Bea●es, for distinction sake, because they are much less, although in form they little differ: but in goodness of taste much like, and are far better than our English pease. Both the beans and pease are ripe in ten weeks after they are set. They make them victual either by boiling them all to pieces into a broth, or boiling them whole until they be soft, and begin to break, as is used in England, either by themselves, or mixedly together: sometime they mingle of the Wheat with them: sometime also, being whole sodden, they bruise or pun them in a mortar, and thereof make loaves or lumps of doughish bread, which they use to eat for variety. Macocquer, according to their several forms, called by us Pompions, Melons, and Gourds, because they are of the like forms as those kinds in England. In Virginia such of several forms are of one taste, and very good, and do also spri●g from one seed. There are of two sorts: one is ripe in the spate of a month, and the other in two months. There is an herb which in Dutch is called Melden. Some of those that I describe it unto, take it to be a kind of Orage: it groweth about four or five foot high: of the ●●ed thereof they make a thick broth, and pottage of a very good taste: of the stalk by burning into ashes they make a kind of salt earth, wherewithal many use sometimes to season their broths● other salt they know not. We ourselves used the leaves also for potherbs. There is also another great herb, in form of a Marigold, about six foot in height, the head with the flower is a span in breadth. Some take it to be Planta Solis: of the seeds hereof they make both a kind of bread and broth. All the aforesaid commodities for victual are set or sowed, sometimes in grounds apart and severally by themselves, but for the most part together in one ground mixedly: the manner thereo●, with the dressing and preparing of the ground, because I will note unto you the fertility of the soil, I think good briefly to describe. The ground they never fatten with muck, dung, or any other thing, neither plough nor dig i● as we in England, but only prepare it in sort as followeth. A few days before they sow or set, the men with wooden instruments made almost in form of mattocks or ho's with long han●dles: the women with short peckers or parers, because they use them sitting, of a foot long, and about five inches in breadth, do only break the upper part of the ground to raise up the weeds, grass, and old stubbes of corn stalks with their roots. The which after a day or two days drying in the Sun, being scraped up into many small heaps, to save them labour fo● carrying them away, they burn into ashes. And whereas some may think that they use the ashes for to better the ground, I say that then they would either disperse the ashes abroad, which we observed they do not, except the heaps be too great, or else would take special care to see their corn where the ashes lie, which also we find they are careless of. And this in all the husbanding of their ground that they use. Then their setting or sowing is after this manner. First for their corn, beginning in one corner of the plot, with a pecker they make a hole, wherein they put four grains, with care that they touch not one another (about an inch a sunder) & cover them with the mould again: and so throughout the whole plot making such holes, and using them after such manner, but with this regard, that they be made in ranks, every rank differing from other half a fathom or a yard, and the holes also in every rank as much. By this means there is a yard spare ground between every hole: where according to discretion here and there, they set as many Beans and Pease; in divers places also among the seeds of Macocquer, Melden, and Planta solis. The ground being thus set according to the rate by us experimented, an English acre containing forty perches in length, and four in breadth, doth there yield in crop or of ●ome of corn. Beans and Pease, at the lest two hundred London bushels, besides the Macocquer, Melden, and Planta solis; when as in England forty bushels of our Wheat yielded out of such an acre is thought to be much. I thought also good to note this unto you, that you which shall inhabit, and plaint there, may know how specially that country corn is there to be preferred before ours: besides, the manifold ways in applying it to victual, the increase is so much, that small labour & pains is needful in respect of that which must be used for ●urs. For this I can assure you that according to the rate we have made proof of, one man may prepare and husband so much groun● (having once born corn before) with less than four and twenty hours labour, as shall yield him victual in a large proportion for a twelve month, if he have nothing else but that which the same ground will yield, and of that kind only which I have before spoken of: the said ground being also but of five and twenty yard squ●re. And if need require but that there is ground enough, there might be raised out of one and the selfsame ground two harvests or of comes: for they sow or set, and may at any time when they think good, from the midst of March until the end of june: so tha● they also set when they have eaten of their first crop. In some places of the country notwithstanding they have two harvests, as we have herded, out of one and the same ground. For English corn nevertheless, whether to use or not to use it, you that inhabit may do as you shall have further cause to think best. Of the growth you need not to doubt: for Barley, Oats, and Pease, we have seen proof of, not being purposely so●en, but fallen casually in the worst sort of ground, and yet to be as fair as any we have ever seen here in England. But of Wheat, because it was musty, and had taken salt water, we could make no trial: and of Rye we had none. Thus much have I digressed, and I hope not unnecessarily: now will I return again to my course, and entreat of that which yet remains, appertaining to this chapter. There is an herb which is sowed apart by itself, and is called by the inhabitants Vppo●oc: in the West Indies it hath divers names, according to the several places and countries where it groweth and is used: the Spaniards generally call it Tobacco. Tobacco. The leaves thereof being dried and brought into powder, they use to take the fume or smoke thereof, by sucking it thorough pipes made of clay, into their stomach and head; from whence it purgeth superfluous phlegm and other gross humours, and openeth all the pores and passages of the body: by which means the use thereof not only preserveth the body from obstructions, but also (if any be, so that they have not been of too long continuance) in short time breaketh them: whereby their bodies are notably preserved in health, and know not many grievous diseases, wherewithal we in England are often times afflicted. This Vppowoc is of so precious estimation amongst them, that they think their gods are marvelously delighted therewith: whereupon sometime they make hallowed fires, and cast some of the powder therein for a sacrifice: being in a storm upon the waters, to pacific their ●ods, they cast some up into the air and into the water: so a wear for fish being newly set up, they cast some therein and into the air: also after an escape of danger, they cast some into the air likewise: but all done with strange gestures, stamping, sometime dancing, clapping of hands, holding up of hands, and staring up into the heavens, uttering there withal, and chattering strange words and noises. We ourselves, during the time we were there, used to suck it after their manner, as also since our return, and have found many rare and wonderful experiments of the virtues thereof: of which the relation would require a volume by itself: the use of it by so many of late men and women of great calling, as else, and some learned Physicians also, is sufficient witness. And there are all the commodities for sustenance of life, that I know and can remember, they use to husband: all else that follow, are found growing naturally or wild. Of Roots. OPenauk are a kind of roots of round form, some of the bigness of Walnuts, some far greater, which are found in moist and marish grounds growing many together one by another in ropes, as though they were fastened with a string. Being boiled or sodden, they are very good meat, Monardes' calleth these roots, Monardes' par●e ●, lib, 1. cap. 4. Beads or Pater nostri of Santa Helena. Okeepenauk are also of round shape, found in dry grounds: some are of the bigness of a man's head. They are to be eaten as they are taken out of the ground: for by reason of their dryness they will neither roast nor seeth. Their taste is not so good as of the former roots: notwithstanding for want of bread, and sometimes for variety the inhabitants use to eat them with fish or flesh, and in my judgement they do as well as the household bread made of Rye here in England. Kaishucpenauk, a white kind of roots about the bigness of hens eggs, and near of tha● form: their taste was not so good to our seeming as of the other, and therefore their place and manner of growing not so much cared for by vs● the inhabitants notwithstanding used to boil and eat many. Tsinaw, a kind of root much like ●nto that which in England is called the China root brought from the East Indies. And we know not any thing to the contrary but that it may be of the same kind. These roots grow many together in great clusters, and do bring forth a brier stalk, but the leaf in shape far unlike: which being supported by the trees it groweth nearest unto, will reach or climb to the top of the highest. From these roots while they be new or fresh, being chop● into small pieces, and stamped, is strained with water a juice that maketh bread, and also being boiled, a very good spoonmeat in manner of a jelly, and is much better in taste, if it be tempered with oil. This Tsinaw is not of that sort, which by some was caused to be brought into England for the China root; for it was discovered since, and is in use as is aforesaid: but that which was brought hither is not yet known, neither by us nor by the inhabitants to serve for any use or purpose, although the roots in shape are very like. Coscushaw some of our company took to be that kind of root which the Spaniards in th● West Indies call Cassavy, whereupon also many called it by that name: it groweth in very muddy pools, and moist grounds. Being dressed according to the country manner, it maketh a good bread, and also a good spoonmeat, and is used very much by the inhabitants. The juice of this root is poison, The juice of Coscushaw is poison. & therefore heed must be taken before any thing be made therewithal: either the roots must be first sliced and dried in the Sun, or by the fire, and then being punned into flower, will make good bread: or else while they are green they are to be pared, cut in pieces, and stamped: loaves of the same to be laid near or over the fire until it be sour; and then being well punned again, bread or spoonmeat very good in taste and wholesome may be made thereof. Habascon is a root of hot taste, almost of the form and bigness of a Parsnip: of itself it is no victual, but only a help, being boiled together with other meats. There are also Leeks, differing little from ours in England, that grow in many places of the country; of which, when we came in places where they were, we gathered and eat many, but the natural inhabitants never. Of Fruits. CHestnuts there are in divers places great store: some they use to eat raw, some they stamp and boil to make spoonmeat, and with some being sodden, they make such a manner of dough bread as they use of their beans before mentioned. Walnuts. There are two kinds of Walnuts, and of them infinite store: in ma●y places, where are very great woods for many miles together, the third part of trees are Walnut trees. The one kind is of the same taste and form, or little differing from ours of England, but that they are harder and thicker shelled: the other is greater, and hath a very ragged and hard shell; but the kernel great, very oily and sweet. Besides their eating of them after our ordinary manner, they break them with stones, and pun them in mortars with water, to make a milk which they use to put into some sorts of their spoonmeat; also among their sodde wheat, pease, beans and pompions which maketh them have a far more pleasant taste. Medlars, a kind of very good fruit; so called by us chief for these respects: first ●n that they are not good until they be rotten, then in that they open at the head as our Medlars, and are about the same bigness: otherwise in taste and colour they are far different; for they are as read as cherries, and very sweet: but whereas the cherry is sharp sweet, they are luscious sweet. Mutaquesu●nauk, a kind of pleasant fruit almost of the shape and bigness of English pears, but that they are of a perfect read colour aswell within as without. There are i● kinds of Tu●●● whereof that which beareth no fruiths bringeth forth the Cochinillo They grow on a plant whose leaves are very thick, and full of prickles as sharp as needles. Some that have been in the Indies, where they have seen that kind of read die of great price, which is called Cochinile, to grow, do describe his plant right like unto this of Metaquesunnauk; but whether it be the true Cochinile, or a bastard or wild kind, it cannot yet be certified, seeing that also, as I herded, Cochinile is not of the fruit, but found on the leaves of the plant: which leaves for such matter we have not so specially observed. Grapes there are of two sorts, which I mentioned in the merchantable commodities. Strawberries there are as good and as great as those which we have in our English gardens. Mulberries, Applecrabs, Hurts or Hurtleberies, such as we have in England. Sacquenummener, a kind of ●erries almost like unto Capers, but somewhat greater, which grow together in clusters upon ● plant or herb that is found in shallow waters: being boiled eight or nine house's according to their kind, are very good meat and wholesome: otherwise if they be eaten they will make a man for the time frantic or extremely sick. There is a kind of Reed which beareth a seed almost like unto our Rye or Wheat: and being boiled is good meat. In our travels in some places we found Wild pease like unto ours in England, but that they were less, which are also good meat. Of a kind of fruit or berry in form of Acorns. THere is a kind of berry or acorn, of which there are five sorts that grow on several kinde● of trees: the one is called Sagatemene●, the second Osamener, the third Pummuckoner. These kind of acorns they use to dry upon hurdles made of reeds, with fire underneath, almost after the manner as we dry Malt in England. When they are to be used, they first water them until they be soft, and then being sod, they make a good victual, either to eat so simply, or else bring also punned to make loaves or lumps of bread. These be also the three kinds, of which I said before the inhabitants used to make sweet oil. Another sort is called Sapummener, which being boiled or parched, doth eat and ●aste like unto Chestnuts. They sometime also make bread of this sort. The fift sort is called Mangummenauk, and is the acorn of their kind of Oak, the which being dried after the manner of the first sorts, and afterward watered, they boil them, and their servants, or sometime the chief themselves, either for variety or for want of bread● do eat them with their fish or flesh Of Beasts. DE●re, in some places there are great store: near unto the Sea coast they are o● the ordinary bigness of ours in England, and some less: but further up into the country, where there is better food, they are greater: they differ from ours only in this, their tails are longer, and the snags of their horns look backward. Coneys. Those that we have seen, and all that we can hear of are of a grey colour like unto Hares: in some places there are such plenty that all the people of some towns make them mantles of the fur or slew of the skins of those which they usually take. Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinds of small beasts greater than Coneys, whic● are very good meat. We never took any of them ourselves, but sometime eat of such as the inhabitants had taken and brought unto us. Squirrels, which are of a grey colour, we have taken and eaten. Bears, which are of black colour. The bears of this country are good meat. The inhabi●tants in time of Winter do use to take & eat many; so also sometime did we. They are taken commonly in this sort: In some Islands or places where they are, being hunted for, assoon as they have espial of a man, they presently run away, and then being chased, they climb and get up the next tree they can; from whence with arrows they are shot down stark dead, or with those wounds that they may after easily be killed. We sometime shot them down with our calievers. I have the names of eight and twenty several sorts of beasts, which I have herded of to be here and there dispersed in the country, especially in the main: of which there are only twelve kinds that we have yet discovered; and of those that be good meat we know only them before mentioned. The inhabitants sometime kill the Lion, and eat him: and we sometime as they came to our hands of their Wolves or Wolvish dogs, which I have not set down for good meat, lest that some would understand my judgement therein to be more simple than needeth, although I could allege the difference in ●aste of those kinds from ours, which by some of our company have been experimented in both. Of Fowl TVrkie cocks and Turkey hens, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, and in Winter great store of Swans and Geese. Of all sorts of fowl I have the names in the country language of fourscore and six, of which number, besides those that be named, we have taken, eaten, & have the pictures as they were there drawn, with the names of the inhabitants, of several strange sorts of water fowl eight, and seventeen kinds more of land fowl, although we have seen and eaten of many more, which for want of leisure there for the purpose, could not be pictured: and after we are better furnished and stored upon further discovery with their strange beasts, fish, trees, plants, and herbs, they shallbe also published. There are also Parrots, Falcons, and Marlin hawks, which although with us they be not used for meat, yet for other causes I thought good to mention. Of Fish. FOr four months of the year, February, March, April and May, there are plenty of Sturgeons. And also in the same months of Herrings, some of the ordinary bigness of ours in England, but the most part far greater, of eighteen, twenty inches, and some two foot in length and better: both these kinds of fish in those months are most plentiful, and in best season, which we found to be most delicate and pleasant meat. There are also Trout, Porpoises, Rays, Oldwives, Mullets, Plaice, and very many other sorts of excellent good fish, which we have taken and eaten, whose names I know not but in the country language: we have the pictures of twelve sorts more, as they were drawn in the country, with their names. In the ●n●fe of California they use the like fishing. The inhabitants use to take them two manner of ways; the one is by a kind of wear made of reeds, which in that country are very strong: the other way, which is more strange, is with poles made sharp at one end, by shooting them into the fish after the manner as Irish men cast darts, either as they are rowing in their boats, or else as they are wading in the shallows for the purpose. There are also in many places plenty of these kinds which follow: Sea-crabs, such as we have in England. Oysters, some very great, and some small, some round, and some of a long shape: they are found both in salt water and brackish, and those that we had out of salt water are far better than the other, as in our country. Also Muscles, Scalops, Periwinkles, and Crevices. Seekanauk, a kind of crusty shellfish, which is good meat, about a foot in breadth, having a crusty tail, many legs like a crab, and her eyes in her back. They are found in shallows of waters, and sometime on the shore. There are many Tortoises both of land and sea kind, their backs and bellies are shelled very thick; their head, feet, and tail, which are in appearance, seemeougly, as though they were members of a serpent or venomous beasts: but notwithstanding they are very good meat, as also their eggs. Some have been found of a yard in breadth and better. And thus have I made relation of all sorts of victual that we fed upon for the time we were in Virginia, as also the inhabitants themselves, as far forth as I know and can remember, or that are specially worthy to be remembered. The third and last part of such other things as are behoveful for those which shall plant and inhabit to know of, with a description of the nature and manners of the people of the Country. Of commodities for building and other necessary uses THose other things which I am more to make rehearsal of, are such as concern building, & other mechanical necessary uses, as divers sorts of trees for house and ship-timber, and other uses else: Also lime, stone, and brick, ●east that being not mentioned some might have been doubted of, or by some that are malicious the contrary reported. Okes there are as fair, strait, call, and as good timber as any can be, and also great store, and in some places very great. Walnut trees, as I have said before very many, some have been seen excellent fair timber of four and five fathom, and above fourscore foot straight without bough. Fir trees fit for masts of ships, some very tall and great. Rakiock, a kind of trees so called that are sweet wood, of which the inhabitants that were ●eere unto us do commonly make the●● boats or Canoas' of the form of trowes, only with the help of fire, hatchets of stones, and shells: we have known some so great being made in that sort of one tree, that they have carried well 20. men at once, besides much baggage: the timber being great, tall, straight, soft, light, and yet tough enough I think (besides other uses) to be ●it also for masts of ships. Cedar, a sweet wood good for ceilings, chests, boxes, bedsteads, lutes, virginals, and many things else, as I have also said before. Some of our company which have wandered in some places where I have not been, have made certain affirmation of Cyprus, which for such and other excellent uses is also a wood of price and no small estimation. Maple, and also Wich-●azle, whereof the inhabitants use to make their bows. Holly, a necessary thing for the making of birdlime. Willows good for the making of wears and wecles to take fish after the English manner, although the inhabitants use o●●ly reeds, which because they are so strong as also flexible, do serve for that turn very well and sufficiently. Beech and ash, good for caske-hoopes, and if need require, plough work, as also for many things else. Elm●. Sassafras trees. Ascopo a kind of tree very like unto Laurel, the bark is hot in taste and spicy, it is very like to that tree which Monardes' describeth to be Cassia Lignea of the West In●ies. There are many other strange trees whose names I know not but in the Virginian language, of which I am not now able, neither is it so convenient for the present to trouble you with particular relation: seeing that for timber and other necessary uses I have ●amed sufficient. And o● many of the rest, but that they may be applied to good use, I know no cause to doubt. Now for stone, brick and lime, thus it is. Near unto the Sea coast where we dwelled, there are no kind of stones to be found (except a few small pebbles about four miles off) but such as have been brought from further out of the main. In some of our voyages we have seen divers hard raggy stones, great pebbles, and a kind of grey stone like unto marble, of which the inhabitants make their hatchets to cleave wood. Upon inquiry we herded that a little further up into the Country were of all sorts very many, although of quarries they are ignorant, neither have they use of any store whereupon they should have occasion to seek any. For if every household have one or two to crack nuts, grind shells, whet copper, and sometimes other stones for hatch●ts, they have enough: neither use they any digging, but only for graves about three foot deeper and therefore no marvel that they know neither quarries, nor lime-stones, which both may be in places nearer than they wots of. In the meantime until there be discovery of sufficient store in some place or other convenient, the want of you which are & shallbe the planters therein may be as well supplied by brick: for the making whereof in divers places of the Country there is clay both excellent good, and plenty's and also by lime made of oyster shells, and of others burned, after the manner as they use in the Isles of Tenet and Shepy, and also in divers other places of England: Which kind of lime is well known to be as good as any other. And of oyster shells there is plenty enough: for besides divers other particular places where are abundance, there is one shallow Sound along the coast, where for the space of many miles together in length, and two or three miles in breadth, the ground is nothing else, being but half a foot or a foot under water for the most part. Thus much can I say furthermore of stones, that about 120. miles from our fort near the water in the side of a hill, was found by a Gentleman of our company, a great vein of hard rag stones, which I thought good to remember unto you. Of the nature and manners of the people. IT rests I speak a word or two of the natural inhabitants, their natures and manners, leaving large discourse thereof until time more convenient hereafter: now only so far forth, as that you may know, how that they in respect of troubling our inhabiting and planting, are not to be feared, but that they shall have cause both to fear and love us, that shall inhabit with them. They are a people clothed with lose mantles made of dear skins, and aprons of the same round about their middles, all ●ls naked, of such a difference of statures only as we in England, having no edge tools or weapons of iron or steel to offend us withal, jaques Cartier, voyage 2. chap. 8. neither know they how to make any: those weapons that they have, are only bows made of Witch-hazle, and arrows of reeds, flat edged cruncheons also of wood about a yard long, neither have they any thing to defend themselves but targets made of barks, and some armours made of sticks wickered together with thread. Their towns are but small, and near the Sea coast but few, some containing but ten or twelve houses: some 20. the greatest that we have seen hath been but of 30. houses: if they be walled, it is only done with barks of trees made fast to stakes, or else with poles only fixed upright, and close one by another. Their houses are made of small poles, made fast at the tops in round form after the manner as is used in many arbories in our gardens of England, in most towns covered with barks, and in some with artificial mats made of long rushes, from the tops of the houses down to the ground. The length of them is commonly double to the breadth, in some places they are but 12. and 16. yards long, and in other some we have seen of four and twenty. In some places of the Country, one only town belongeth to the government of a Wiroans or chief Lord, in other some two or three, in some six, eight, and more: the greatest Wiroans that yet we had dealing with, had but eighteen towns in his government, and able to make not above seven or eight hundredth fight men at the most. The language of every government is different from any other, and the further they are distant, the greater is the difference. Their manner of wars amongst themselves is either by sudden surprising one an other most commonly about the dawning of the day, or moonlight, or else by ambushes, or some subtle devices. Set battles are very rare, except it fall out where there are many trees, where either part may have some hope of defence, after the delivery of every arrow, in leaping behind some or other. If there fall out any wars between us and them, what their fight is likely to be, we having advantages against them so many manner of ways, as by our discipline, our strange weapons and devices else, especially Ordinance great and small, it may easily be imagined: by the experience we have had in some places, the turning up of their heels against us in running away was their best defence. In respect of us they are a people poor, and for want of skill and judgement in the knowledge and use of our things, do esteem our trifles before things of greater value: Notwithstanding, in their proper manner (considering the want of such means as we have,) they seem very ingenious. For although they have no such tools, nor any such crafts, Sciences and Arts as we, yet in those things they do, they show excellency of wit. And by how much they upon due consideration shall find our manner of knowledges and crafts to exceed there's in perfection, and speed for doing or execution, by so much the more is it probable that they should desire our friendship and love, and have the greater respect for pleasing and obeying us. Whereby may be hoped, if means of good government be used, that they may in short time be brought to civility, and the embracing of true Religion. Some religion they have already, which although it be far from the truth, yet being as it is, there is hope it may be the easier and sooner reform. They believe that there are many gods, which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts & degrees, one only chief and great God, which hath been from all eternity. Who, as they affirm, when he purposed to make the world, made first other gods of a principal order, to be as means and instruments to be used in the creation and government to follow, and after the Sun, moon, and stars as petty gods, and the instruments of the other order more principal. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods was made all diversity of creatures that are visible or invisible. For mankind they say a woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods, conceived and brought forth children: And in such sort they say they had their beginning. But how many years or ages have passed since, they say they can make no relation, having no letters nor other such means as we so keep Records of the particularities of times past, but only tradition from father to son. They think that all the gods are of human shape, and therefore they represent them by images in the forms of men, which they call Kewasowok, one alone is called Kewas: them they place in houses appropriate or temples, which they call Machicomuck, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many times offering unto them. In some Machicomuck we have seen but one Kewas, in some two, and in other some three. The common sort think them to be also gods. They believe also the immortality of the soul, that after this life as soon as the soul is departed from the body, according to the works it hath done, it is either carried to heaven the habitacle of gods, there to enjoy perpetual bliss and happiness, or else to a great pit or hole, which they think to be in the furthest parts of their part of the world toward the Sun set, there to burn continually: the place they call Popogusso. For the confirmation of this opinion, they told me two stories of two men that had been lately dead and revived again, the one happened but few years before our coming into the Country of a wicked man, which having been dead and buried, the next day the earth of the grave being seen to move, was taken up again, who made declaration where his soul had been, that is to say, very near entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saved him, and gave him leave to return again, and teach his friends what they should do to avoid that terrible place of torment. The other happened in the same year we were there, but in a town that was 60. miles from us, and it was told me for strange news, that one being dead, buried, and taken up again as the first, showed that although his body had lain dead in the grave, yet his soul was alive, & had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew most delicate and pleasant trees, bearing more rare and excellent first-fruits, than ever he had seen before, or was able to express, and at length came to most brave and fair houses, near which he met his father that had been dead before, who gave him great charge to go back again, and show his friends what good they were to do to enjoy the pleasures of that place, which when he had done he should after come again. What subtlety soever be in the Wiroances and priests, this opinion worketh so much in many of the common and simple sort of people, that it maketh them have great respect to their Governors, and also great care what they do, to avoid torment after death, and to enjoy bliss, although notwithstanding there is punishment ordained for malefactors, as stealers, whoremongers, and other sorts of wicked doers, some punished with death, some with forfeitures, some with beating, according to the greatness of the facts. And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by having special familiarity with some of their priests. Wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit to their traditions and stories, but through conversing with us they were brought into great doubts of their own, and no small admiration of ours, with earnest desire in many, to learn more than we had means for want of perfect utterance in their language to express. Most things they saw with us, as Mathematical instruments, sea Compasses, the virtue of the loadstone in drawing iron, a perspective glass whereby was showed many strange sights, burning glasses, wild firewoorkes, guns, hooks, writing and reading, spring-clockes that seem to go of themselves, and many other things that we had were so strange unto them, and so far exceeded their capacities to comprehend the reason and means how they should be made and done, that they thought they were rather the works of gods then of men, or at the leastwise they had been given and taught us of the gods. Which made many of them to have such opinion of us, as that if they known not the truth of God and Religion already, it was rather to be had from us whom God so specially loved, then from a people that were so simple, as they found themselves to be in comparison of us. Whereupon greater credit was given unto that we spoke of, concerning such matters. Many times and in every town where I came, according as I was able, I made declaration of the contents of the Bible, that therein was set forth the true and only God, and his mighty works, that therein was contained the true doctrine of salvation through Christ, with many particularities of Miracles and chief points of Religion, as I was able ●hen to utter, and thought fit for the time. And although I told them the book materially and of itself was not of any such virtue, as I thought they did conceive, but only the doctrine therein contained: yet would many be glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kiss it, to hold it to their breasts and heads, and stroke over all their body with it, to show their hungry desire of that knowledge which was spoken of. The Wiroans with whom we dwelled called Wingina, and many of his people would be glad many times to be with us at our Prayers, and many times call upon us both in his own town, as also in others whither he sometimes accompanied us, to pray and sing Psalms, hoping thereby to be partaker of the same effects which we by that means also expected. Twice this Wiroans was so grievously sick that he was like to die, and as he lay languishing, doubting of any help by his own priests, and thinking he was in such danger for offending us and thereby our God, sent for some of us to pray and be a means to our God that it would please him either that he might live, or after death devil with him in bliss, so likewise● were the requests of many others in the like case. On a time also when their corn began to whither by reason of a drought which happened extraordinarily, fearing that it had come to pass by reason that in some thing they had displeased us, many would come to us and desire us to pray to our God of England, that he would preserve their Corn, promising that when it was ripe we also should be partakers of the fruit. There could at no time happen any strange sickness, losses, hurts, or any other cross unto them, but that they would impute to us the cause or means thereof, for offending or not pleasing us. One other rare and strange accident, leaving others, will I mention before I end, which moved the whole Country that either known or herded of us, ●o have us in wonderful admiration. There was no town where we had any subtle devise practised against us, we leaving it unpunished or not revenged (because we sought by all means possible to win them by gentleness) but that within a few days after our departure from every such Town, the people began to die very fast, and many in short space, in some Towns about twenty, in some forty, and in one six score, which in truth was very many in respect of their numbers. This happened in no place that we could learn, but where we had been, where they used some practice against us, & after such time. The disease also was so strange, that they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it, the like by report of the oldest men in the Country never happened before, time out of mind. A thing specially observed by us, as also by the natural inhabitants themselves. Insomuch that when some of the inhabitants which were our friends, and especially the Wiroans Wingina, had observed such effects in four or five Towns to follow their wicked practices, they were persuaded that it was the work of our God through our means, and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would without weapons, and not come near them. And thereupon when it had happened that they had understanding that any of their enemies had abused us in our journeys, hearing that we had wrought no revenge with our weapons, and fearing upon some cause the matter should so rest: did come and entreat us that we would be a means to our God that they as others that had dealt ill with us might in like sort die, alleging how much it would be for our credit and profit, as also there's, and hoping furthermore that we would do so much at their requests in respect of the friendship we professed them. Whose entreaties although we showed that they were ungodly, affirming that our God would not subject himself to any such prayers and requests of men: that indeed all things have been and were to be done according to his good pleasure as he had ordained: and that we to show ourselves his true servants aught rather to make petition for the contrary, that they with them might live together with us, be made partakers of his truth, and serve him in righteousness, but notwithstanding in such sort, that we refer that, as all other things, to be done according to his divine will and pleasure, and as by his wisdom he had ordained to be best. Yet because the effect fallen out so suddenly and shortly after according to their desires, they thought nevertheless it came to pass by our means, & that we in using such speeches unto them, did but dissemble the matter, and therefore came unto us to give us thanks in their manner, that although we satisfied them not in promise, yet in deeds and effect we had fulfilled their desires. This marvelous accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of us, that some people could not tell whether to think us gods or men, and the rather because that all the space of their sickness, there was no man of ours known to die, or that was specially sick: they noted also that we had no women amongst us, neither that we did care for any of there's. Some therefore were of opinion that we were not born of women, and therefore not mortal, but that we were men of an old generation many years past, then risen again to immortality. Some would likewise seem to prophecy, that there were more of our generation yet to come to kill there's and take their places, as some thought the purpose was, by that which was already done. Those that were immediately to come after us they imagined to be in the air, yet invisible and without bodies, and that they by our entreaty and for the love of us, did make the people to die in that sort as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them. To confirm this opinion, their Physicians (to excuse their ignorance in curing the disease) would not be ashamed to say, but earnestly make the simple people believe, that the strings of blood that they sucked out of the sick bodies, were the strings wherewithal the invisible bullets were ●ied and cast. Some also thought that we shot them ourselves out of our pieces, from the place where we dwelled, and killed the people in any Town that had offended us, as we listed, how far distant from us soever it were. And other some said, that it was the special work of God for our sakes, as we ourselves have cause in some sort to think no less, whatsoever some do, or may imagine to the contrary, specially some Astrologers, knowing of the Eclipse of the Sun which we see the same year before in our voyage thitherward, which unto them appeared very terrible. And also of a Comet which began to appear but a few days before the beginning of the said sickness. But to exclude them from being the special causes of so special an accident, there are further reasons than I think fit at this present to be alleged. These their opinions I have set down the more at large, that it may appear unto you that there is good hope they may be brought through discreet dealing and government to the embracing of the truth, and consequently to honour, obey, fear and love us. And although some of our company towards the end of the year, showed themselves too fierce in slaying some of the people in some Towns, upon causes that on our part mi●●t easily enough have been born withal: yet not withstanding, because it was on their part justly deserved, the alteration of their opinions generally and for the most part concerning us is the less to be doubted. And whatsoever else they may be, by carefulness of ourselves need nothing at all to be feared. The best nevertheless in this, as in all actions besides, is to be endeavoured and hoped, and of the worst that may happen notice to be taken with consideration, and as much as may be eschewed. The conclusion. NOw I have (as I hope) made relation not of so few and small things, but that the Country (of men that are indifferent and well disposed) may be sufficiently liked: If there were no more known than I have mentioned, which doubtless and in great reason is nothing to that which remains to be discovered, nei●her the soil, nor commodities. As we have reason so to gather by the difference we found in our travails, for although all which I have before spoken of, have b●ne discovered and experimented not far from the Sea coast, where was our abode and most of our travailing: yet sometimes as we made our journeys further into the main and Country; we found the soil to be fatter, the trees gre●ter and to grow thinner, the ground more firm and deeper mould, more and larger champions, finer grass, and as good as ever we see any in England; in some places rocky and far more high and hilly ground, more plenty of their fruits, more abundance of beasts, the more inhabited with people, and of greater policy and larger dominions, with greater towns and houses. Why may we not then look for in good hope from the inner parts of more and greater plenty, as well of other things, as of those which we have already discovered? Unto the Spaniards happened the like in discovering the main of the West Indies. The main also of this Country of Virginia, extending s●me ways so many hundred of leagues, as otherwise then by the relation of the inhabitants we have most certain knowledge of, where yet no Christian prince hath any possession or dealing, cannot but yield many kinds of excellent commodities, which we in our discovery have not yet seen. What hope there is else to be gathered of the nature of the Climate, being answerable to the Island of japan, the land of China, Persia, jury, the islands of Cyprus and Candy, the South parts of Greece, Italy and Spain, and of many other notable and famous Countries, because I mean not to be tedious, I leave to your own consideration. Whereby also the excellent temperature of the air there at all seasons, much warmer than in England, and never so vehemently hot, as sometimes is under and between the Tropikes, or near them, cannot be known unto you without further relation. For the wholesomeness thereof I need to say but thus much: that for all the want of provision, as first of English victual, excepting for twenty days, we lived only by drinking water, and by the victual of the Country, of which some sorts were very strange unto us, and might have been thought to have altered our temperatures in such sort, as to have brought us into some grievous and dangerous diseases: This want is hereafter to be supplied. Secondly the want of English means, for the taking of beasts, fish and foul, which by the help only of the inhabitants and their means could not be so suddenly and easily provided for us, nor in so great number and quantities, nor of that choice as otherwise might have been to our better satisfaction and contentment. Some want also we had of clotheses. Furthermore in all our travails, which were most specially and often in the time of Winter, our lodging was in the open air upon the ground. And yet I say for all this, there were but four of our whole company (being one hundredth and eight) that died all the year, and that but at the latter end thereof, and upon none of the aforesaid causes. For all four, especially three, were feeble, weak, and sickly people before ever they came thither, and those that known them, much marveled that they lived so long being in that case, or had adventured to travail. Seeing therefore the air there is so temperate and wholesome, the soil so fertile, and yielding such commodities, as I have before mentioned, the voyage also thither to and fro being sufficiently experimented to be performed twice a year with ease, and at any season thereof: And the dealing of Sir Walter Ralegh so liberail in large giving and granting land there, as is already known, with many helps and fur●herances else: (The lest that he hath granted hath been five hundredth acres to a man only for the adventure of his person) I hope there remains no cause whereby the action should be misliked. If that those which shall thither travail to inhabit and plant be but reasonably provided for the first year, as those are which were transported the last, and being there, do use but that diligence and care, that is requisite, and as they may with ease: There is no doubt, but for the time following, they may have victuals that are excellent good and plenty enough, some more English sorts of cattle also hereafter, as some have been before, and are there yet remaining, may, and shall be (God willing) thither transported. So likewise, our kind of fruits, roots, and herbs, may be there planted and sowed, as some have been already, and prove well: And in short time also they may raise so much of those sorts of commodities which I have spoken of, as shall both enrich themselves, as also others that shall deal with them. And this is all the fruit of our labours, that I have thought necessary to advertise you of at this present: What else concerns the nature and manners of the inhabitants of Virginia, the number with the particularities of the voyages thither made, and of the actions of such as have been by Sir Walter Ralegh therein, and there employed, many worthy to be remembered, as of the first discoverers of the Country, of our General for the time Sir Richard Grinu●l, and after his departure of our Governor there Master Ralph Lane, with divers other directed and employed under their government: Of the Captains and Masters of the voyages made since for transportation, of the Governor and assistants of those already transported, as of many people, accidents, and things else, I have ready in a discourse by itself in manner of a Chronicle, according to the course of times: which when time shall be thought convenient, shall be also published. Thus referring my relation to your favourable constructions, expecting good success of the action, from him which is to be acknowledged the author and governor, not only of this, but of all things else, I take my leave of you, this month of February 1587. The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships, in the year 1587. Wherein was transported the second Colony. IN the year of our Lord 1587. Sir Walter Ralegh intending to persevere in the planting of his Country of Virginia, prepared a new Colony of one hundred and fifty men to be sent thither, under the charge of john White, whom he appointed Governor, and also appointed unto him twelve Assistants, unto whom he gave a Charter, and incorporated them by the name of Governor and Assistants of the City of Ralegh in Virginia. April. OUr Fleet being in number three sail, viz. the Admiral a ship of one hundred and twenty Tons, a Flyboat, and a Pinnace, departed the six and twentieth of April from Portesmouth, and the same day came to an anchor at the Cows in the Isle of Wight, where we stayed eight days. May. THe fift of May, at nine of the clock at night we came to Plymouth, where we remained the space of two days. The 8 we weighed anchor at Plymouth, and departed thence for Virginia. The 16 Simon Ferdinando, Master of our Admiral, lewdly forsook our Flyboat, leaving her distressed in the Bay of Portugal. june. THe 19 we fallen with “ One of the Isles of the Indies inhabited with Savages. Circumspectis to be used in strange places. Dominica, and the same ene●ing we sailed between it, and Guadalupe: the 21 the Flyboat also fallen with Dominica. The 22 we came to an anchor at an Island called Santa Cruz, where all the planters were set on land, staying there till the 25 of the same month. At our first landing on this Island, some of our women, and men, by eating a small fruit like green Apples, were fearfully troubled with a sudden burning in their mouths, and swelling of their tongues so big, that some of them could not speak. Also a child by sucking one of those women's breasts, had at that instant his mouth set on such a burning, that it was strange to see how the infant was tormented for the time: but after 24 hours, it ware away of itself. Also the first night of our being on this Island, we took five great Torteses, some of them of such bigness, that sixteen of our strongest men were tired with carrying of one of them but from the sea side to our cabins. In this Island we found no watering place, but a standing pond, the water whereof was so evil, that many of our company fallen sick with drinking thereof: and as many as did but wash their faces with that water, in the morning before the Sun had drawn away the corruption, their faces did so burn and swell, that their eyes were shut up, and could not see in five or six days, or longer. The second day of our abode there, we sent forth some of our men to search the Island for fresh water, three one way, and two another way. The Governor also, with six others, went up to the top of an high hill, to view the Island, but could perceive no sign of any men, or beasts, nor any goodness, but Parrots, and trees of Guiacum. Returning back to our cabins another way, he found in the descent of a hill, certain potsherds of savage making, made of the earth of that Island: whereupon it was judged, that this Island was inhabited with Savages, though Fernando had told us for certain the contrary. The same day at night, the rest of our company very late returned to the Governor. The one company affirmed, that they had seen in a valley eleven Savages, and divers houses half a mile distant from the steep, or top of the hill where they stayed. The other company had found running out of a high rock a very fair spring of water, whereof they br●ught three bottles to the company: for before that time, we drank the stinking water of the pond. The same second day at night Captain Stafford, with the Pinnace, departed from our fleet, riding at Santa Cruz, to an Island, called Beak, lying near S. john, bring so directed by Ferdinando, who assured him he should there found great plenty of sheep. The next day at night, our planters left Santa Cruz, and came all aboard, and the next morning after, being the 25 of june, we weighed anchor, and departed from Santa Cruz. The seven and twentieth we came to anchor at Cottea, where we found the Pinnace riding at our coming. The 28 we weighed anchor at Cottea, and presently came to anchor at S. john's in Musketoes Bay, where we spent three days unprofitably in taking in fresh water, spending in the mean time more beer than the quantity of the water came unto. julie. THe first day we weighed anchor a● “ Musketoes Bay, is a harbour upon the south side of S. john's Island, where we ●ake in ●resh water. Musketoes Bay, where were left behind two Irish men of ●ur company, Derby Glaven, and Denice carrel, bearing along the coast of S. john's till evening, at which time we fallen with Rosse Bay. At this place Ferdinando had promised we should take in salt, and had caused us before, to make and provide as many sacks for that purpose, as we could. The Governor also, for that he understood there was a Town in the bottom of the Bay, not far from the salt hills, appointed thirty shot, ten pikes, and ten targets, to man the Pinnace, and to go a land for salt. Ferdinando perceiving them in a readiness, sent to the Governor, using great persuasions with him, not to take in salt there, saying that he known not well whether the same were the place or not: also, that if the Pinnace went into the Bay, she could not without great danger come back, till the next day at night, and that if in the mean time any storm should rise, the Admiral were in danger to be cast away. Whilst he was thus persuading, he caused the lead to be cast, and having craftily brought the ship in three fathom and a half water, he suddenly began to swear, and tear God in pieces, dissembling great danger, crying to him at the helm, bear up hard, bear up hard: so we went off, and were disappointed of our salt, by his means. The next day sailing along the West end of S. john, the Governor determined to go aland in S. Germane “ A pleasant and fruitful country, lying on the west end of S. john's Island where groweth plenty of Oranges, Lemons, Plantans, & Pines. Bay, to gather young plants of Oranges, Pines, Mameas, and Plantanoes, to set at Virginia, which we known might easily be had, for that they grow near the short, and the places where they grew, well known to the Governor, and some of the planters: but our Simon denied it, saying: he would come to an anchor at Hispaniola, & there landlord the Governor, and some other of the Assistants, with the pinnace, to see if he could speak with his friend Alencon, of whom he hoped to be furnished both of cattle, and all such things as we would have taken in at S. john: but he meant nothing less, as it plainly did appear to us afterwards. The next day after, being the third of july, we see Hispaniola, and bore with the coast all that day, looking still when the pinnace should be prepared to go for the place where Ferdinando his friend Alencon was: but that day passed, and we see no preparation for landing in Hispaniola. The 4 of july, sailing along the coast of Hispaniola, until the next day at noon, and no preparation yet seen for the staying there, we having knowledge that we were past the place where Alencon dwelled, and were come with Isabel: hereupon Ferdinando was asked by the Governor, whether he meant to speak with Alencon, for the taking in of cattle, and other things, according to his promise, or not: but he answered that he was now past the place, and that Sir Walter Ralegh told him, the French Ambassador certified him, that the king of Spain had sent for Alencon into Spain: wherefore he thought him dead, and that it was to no purpose to touch there in any place, at this voyage. The next day we left sight of Hispaniola, and haled off for Virginia, about four of the clock in the afternoon. The sixt of july we came to the Island Caycos, wherein Ferdinando soyd were two salt ponds, assuring us if they were dry, we might found salt to shifted with, until the next supply: but it proved as true as finding of sheep at Baque. In this Island, whilst Ferdinando solaced himself ashore, with one of the company, in part of the Island, others spent the latter part of that day in other parts of the Island, some to seek the salt ponds, some fowling, some hunting Swans, whereof we caught many. The next day early in the morning we weighed anchor, leaving Caycos, with good hope, that the first land that we see next should be Virginia. About the 16 of july we fell with the main of Virginia, which Simon Ferdinando took to be the Island of Croatoan, where we came to anchor, and road there two or three days: but finding himself deceived, he weighed, and bore along the coast, where in the night, had not Captain Stafford been more careful in looking out, than our Simon Ferdinando, we had been all cast away upon the breach, called the Cape of Fear, for we were come within two cables length upon it: such was the carelessness, and ignorance of our Master. The two and twentieth of july we arrived safe at Hatorask, where our ship and pinnace ankered: the Governor went aboard the pinnace, accompanied with forty of his best men, intending to pass up to Roanoak forthwith, hoping there to find those fifteen Englishmen, which Sir Richard Grinuile had left there the year before, with whom he meant to have couference, concerning the state of the Country, and Savages, meaning after he had so done, to return again to the fleet, and pass along the coast, to the Bay of Chesepiok, An intent to plant in the Bay of Chesepiok. where we intended to make our seat and fort, according to the charge given us among other directions in writing, under the hand of Sir Walter Ralegh: but assoon as we were put with our pinnace from the ship, a Gentleman by the means of Ferdinando, who was appointed to return for England, called to the sailors in the pinnace, charging them not to bring any of the planters back again, but to leave them in the Island, except the Governor, & two or three such as he approved, saying that the Summer was far spent, wherefore he would landlord all the planters in no other place. Unto this were all the sailors, both in the pinnace, and ship, persuaded by the Master, wherefore it booted not the Governor to contend with them, but passed to Roanoak, and the same night at sunset went aland on the Island, in the place where our fifteen men were left, but we found none of them, nor any sign that they had been there, saving only we found the bones of one of those fifteen, which the Savages had slain long before. The three and twentieth of july the Governor with divers of his company, walked to the North e●de of the Island, where Master Ralph Lane had his fort, with sundry necessary and decent dwelling houses, made by his men about it the year before, where we hoped to found some signs, or certain knowledge of our fifteen men. When we came thither, we found the fort razed down, but all the houses standing unhurt, saving that the neither rooms of them, and also of the fort, were overgrown with Melons of divers sorts, and Dear within them, feeding on those Melons: so we returned to our company, without hope of ever seeing any of the fifteen men living. The same day order was given, that every man should be employed for the repairing of those houses, which we found standing, and also to make other new Cottages, for such as should need. The 25 our Flyboate and the rest of our planters arrived all safe at Hatoraske, to the great joy and comfort of the whole company: but the Master of our Admiral Ferdinando grieved greatly at their safe coming: for he purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal, and stolen away from them in the night, hoping that the Master thereof, whose name was Edward Spicer, Edward Spicer for that he never had been in Virginia, would hardly find the place, or else being left in so dangerous a place as that was, by means of so many men of war, as at that time were abroad, they should surely be taken, or slain: but God disappointed his wicked pretences. The eight and twentieth, Geo goe How, one of our twelve Assistants was slain by divers Savages, which were come over to Roanoak, either of purpose to espy our company, and what number we were, or else to hunt Dear, whereof w●re many in the Island. These Savages being secretly hidden among high reeds, where oftentimes they found the Dear asleep, and so kill them espied our man wading in the water alone, almost naked, without any weapon, save only a small forked stick, catching Crabs therewithal, and also being strayed two miles from his company, and shot at him in the water, where they gave him sixteen wounds with their arrows: and after they had slain him with their wooden swords, they beaten his head in pieces, and fled over the water to the main. On the thirtieth of july Master Stafford and twenty of our men passed by water to the Island of Croatoan, with Manteo, who had his mother, and many of his kindred dwelling in that Island, of whom we hoped to understand some news of our fifteen men, but especially to learn the disposition of the people of the country towards us, and to renew our old friendship with them. At our first landing they seemed as though they would fight with us: but perceiving us begin to march with our shot towards them, they turned their barks, and fled. Then Manteo their country man called to them in their own language, whom, assoon as they herded, they returned, and threw away their bows and arrows, and some of them came unto us, embracing and entertaining us friendly, desiring us not to gather or spill any of their corn, for that they had but little. We answered them, that neither their corn, nor any other thing of there's, should be diminished by any of us, and that our coming was only to renew the old love, that was between us and them at the first, and to live with them as brethren and friends: which answer seemed to please them well, wherefore they requested us to walk up to their Town, who there feasted us after their manner, and desired us earnestly, that there might be some ●oken or badge given them of us, where by we might know them to be our friends, when we met them any where out of the Town or Island. They told us further, that for want of some such badge, divers of them were hurt the year before, being found out of the Island by Master Lane his company whereof they showed us one, which at that very instant lay lame, and had lain of that hurt ever ●●nce: but they said, they known our men mistook them, and hurt them in stead of Winginos men, wherefore they held us excused. August. THe next day we had conference further with them, concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, & Pomeiok, willing them of Croatoan to certify the people of those towns, that if they would accept our friendship, we would willingly receive them again, and that all unfriendly deal●●igs passed on both parts, should be utterly forgiven and forgotten. To this the chief men of Croatoan answered, that they would gladly do the best they could, and within seven days, bring the Wiroances and chief Governors of those towns with them, to our Governor at Roanoak, or their answer. We also understood of the men of Croatoan, that our man Master How was slain by the remnant of Winginos men dwelling then at Dasamonguepeuk, with whom Wanchese kept company: and also we understood by them of Croatoan, how that the 15 Englishmen left at Roanoak the year before, by Sir Richard Grinuile, were suddenly set upon, by 30 of the men of Secota, Aquascogoc, and Dasamonguepeuk, in manner following. They conveyed themselves secretly behind the trees, were the houses where our men carelessly lived: and having perceived that of those fifteen they could see but eleven only, two of those Savages appeared to the 11 Englishmen, calling to them by friendly signs, that but two of their chiefest men should come unarmed to speak with those two Savages, who seemed also to be unarmed. Wherefore two of the chiefest of our Englishmen went gladly to them: but whilst one of those Savages traitorously embraced one of our men, the other with his sword of wood, which he had secretly hidden under his mantel, struck him on the head and slay him, and presently the other eight and twenty Savages showed themselves: the other Englishman perceiving this, fled to his company, whom the Savages pursued with their bows, and arrows, so fast, that the Englishmen were forced to take the house, wherein all their victual, and weapons were: but the Savages forthwith set the same on fire: by means whereof our men were forced to take up such weapons as came first to hand, and without order to run forth among the Savages, with whom they skirmished above an hour. In this skirmish another of our men was shot into the mouth with an arrow, where he died: and also one of the Savages was shot into the side by one of our men, with a wild fire arrow, whereof he died presently. The place where they fought was of great advantage to the Savages, by means of the thick trees, behind which the Savages through their nimbleness, defended themselves, and so offended our men with their arrows, that our men being some of them hurt, retired fight to the water side, where their boat lay, with which they fled towards Hatorask. By that time they had rowed ou● a quarter of a mile● they espied their four fellows coming from a creak thereby, where they had been to fetch Oysters: these four they received into their boat, leaving Roanoak, and landed on a little Island on the right hand of our entrance into the harbour of Hatorask, where they remained a while, but afterward departed, whither as yet we ●now not. Having now sufficiently dispatched our business at Croatoan, the same day we departed friendly, taking our leave, and came aboard the fleet at Hatorask. The eight of August, the Governor having long expected the coming of the Wiroanses of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secota, and Dasamonguepeuk, seeing that the seven days were passed, within which they promised to come in, or to sand their answers by the men of Croatoan, and no tidings of them herded, being certainly also informed by those men of Croatoan, that the remnant of Wingina his men, which were left alive, who dwelled at Dasamonquepeuk, were they which had slain George How, and were also at the driving of our eleven Englishmen from Roanoak, he thought to defer the revenge thereof no longer. Wherefore the same night about midnight, he passed over the water, accompanied with Captain Stafford, and 24 men, whereof Manteo was one, whom we took with us to be our guide to the place where those Savages dwelled, where he behaved himself toward us as a most faithful Englishman. The next day, being the 9 of August, in the morning so early that it was yet dark, we landed near the dwelling place of our enemies, & very secretly conveyed ourselves through the woods, to that side, where we had their houses between us and the water: and having espied their fire, and some sitting about it, we presently set on them: the miserable souls herewith amazed, fled into a place of thick reeds, growing fast by, where our men perceiving them, shot one of them through the body with a bullet, and therewith we entered the reeds, among which we hoped to acquit their evil doing towards us, but we were deceived, for those Savages were our friends, and were come from Croatoan to gather the corn & fruit of that place, because they understood our enemies were fled immediately after they had slain George How, and for haste had left all their corn, Tobacco, and Pompions standing in such sort, that all had been devoured of the birds, and Dear, if it had not been gathered in time: but they had like to have paid dearly for it: for it was so dark, that they being naked, and their men and women appareled ●ll so like others, we● known not but that they were all men: and if that one of them which was a Wiroance● wife had not had a child at her back, she had been slain in stead of a man, and as hap was, another Savage known Master Stafford, and ran to him, calling him by his name, whereby he was saved. Finding ourselves thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered all the corn, Pease, Pompions, and Tobacco that we found ripe, leaving the rest unspoyled, and took Menatoan his wife, with the young child, and the other Savages with us over the water to Roanoak. Although the mistaking of these Savages somewhat grieved Manteo, yet he imputed their harm to their own folly, saying to them, that if their Wiroances had kept their promise in coming to the Governor at the day appointed, they had not known that mischance. The 13 of August our Savage Manteo, by the commandment of Sir Walter Ralegh, was christened in Roanoak, and called Lord thereof, and of Dasamonguepeuk, in reward of his faithful service. The 18 Elinor, daughter to the Governor, and wife to Ananias Dare one of the Assistants, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak, and the same was christened there the Sunday following, and because this child was the first Christian born in Virginia, she was named Virginia. By this time our ships had unladen the goods and victuals of the planters, and began to take in wood, and fresh water, and to new calke and trim them for England: the planters also prepared their letters and tokens to sand back into England. Our two ships, the Lion and the Flyboat almost ready to departed, the 21 of August, there arose such a tempest at North-east, that our Admiral then riding out of the harbour, was forced to cut his cables, and put to sea, where he lay beating off and on six days before he could come to us again, so that we feared he had been cast away, and the rather for that at the time that the storm took them, the most and best of their sailors were left aland. At this time some controversies arose between the Governor and Assistants, about choosing two out of the twelve Assistants, which should go back as factors for the company into England: for every one of them refused, save only one, which all other thought not sufficient: but at length by much persuading of the Governor, Christopher Cooper only agreed to g●e for England: but the next day, through the persuasion of divers of his familiar friends, he changed his mind, so that now the matter stood as at the first. The next day, the 22 of August, the whole company both of the Assistants and planters came to the Governor, and with one voice requested him to return himself into England, for the better and sooner obtaining of supplies, and other necessaries for them: but he refused it, and alleged many sufficient causes, why he would not: the one was, that he could not so suddenly return back again without his great discredit, leaving the action, and so many whom he partly had procured through his persuasions, to leave their native country, and undertake that voyage, and that some enemies to him and the action at his return into England would not spare to slander falsely both him and the action, by saying, he went to Virginia, but politicly, and to no other en● but to lead so many into a country, in which he never meant to stay himself, and there to leave them behind him. Also he alleged, that seeing they intended to remove 50 miles further up into the main presently, Their m●aning to remove 50 miles into the country. he being then absent, his stuff and goods might be both spoilt, & most of them pilfered away in the carriage, so that at his return he should be either forced to provide himself of all such things again, or else at his coming again to Virginia found himself utterly unfurnished, whereof already he had found some proof, being but once from them but three days. Wherefore he concluded that he would not go himself. The next day, not only the Assistants but divers others, as well women as men, began to renew their requests to the Governor again, to take upon him to return into England for the supply, and dispatch of all such things as there were to be done, promising to make him their bond under all their hands and seals for the safe preserving of all his goods for him at his return to Virginia, so that if any part thereof were spoiled or lost, they would see it restored to him, or his Assigns, whensoever the same should be miss and demanded: which bond, with a testimony under their hands and seals, they forthwith made, and delivered into his hands. The copy of the testimony I thought good to set down. May it please you, her majesties subjects of England, we your friends and countrymen, the planters in Virginia, do by these presents let you and every of you to understand that for the present and speedy supply of certain our known and apparent lacks and needs, most requisite and necessary for the good and happy planting of us, or any other in this land of Virginia, we all of one mind & consent, have most earnestly entreated, and uncessantly requested john White, Governor of the planters in Virginia, to pass into England, for the better and more assured help, and setting forward of the foresaid supplies: and knowing assuredly that he both can best, and will labour and take pains in that behalf for us all, and he not once, but often refusing it, for our seeks and for the honour & maintenance of the action, hath at last, though much against his will, through our importunacy, yielded to leave his government, and all his goods among us, and himself in all our behalfs to pass into England, of whose knowledge and fidelity in handling this matter, as all others, we do assure ourselves by these presents, and will you to give all credit thereunto, the 25 of August 1587. The Governor being at the last through their extreme entreating constrained to return into England, having then but half a days respite to prepare himself for the same, departed from Roanoak the seven and twentieth of August in the morning, and the same day about midnight, came aboard the Flieboat, who already had weighed anchor, and road without the bar, the Admiral riding by them, who but the same morning was newly come thither again. The same day both the ships weighed anchor, and set sail for England: at this weighing their anchors, twelve of the men which were in the Flyboate were thrown from the Capstone, which by means of a bar that broke, came so fast about upon them, that the other two bars thereof struck and hurt most of them so sore, that some of them never recovered it: nevertheless they assayed presently again to weigh their anchor, but being so weakened with the first sling, they were not able to weigh it, but were thrown down and hurt the second time. Wherefore having in all but fifteen men aboard, and most of them by this unfortunate beginning so bruised, and hurt, they were forced to cut their Cable, and lose their anchor. Nevertheless, they kept company with the Admiral, until the seventeenth of September, at which time we fallen with Coruo, and saw Flores. September. THe eighteenth, perceiving of all our fifteen men in the Flyboate there remained but five, which by means of the former mischance, were able to stand to their labour: and that the the Admiral meant not to make any haste for England, but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase: the Flyboate departed for England with letters, where we hoped by the help of God to arrive shortly: but by that time we had continued our course homeward about twenty days, having had sometimes scarce and variable winds, our fresh water also by leaking almost consumed, there arose a storm at North-east, which for six days ceased not to blow so exceeding, that we were driven further in those six than we could recover in thirteen days: in which time others of our sailors began to fall very sick and two of them died, the weather also continued so close, that our Master sometimes in four days together could see neither sun nor star, and all the beverage we could make, with stinking water, dregss of beer, and leeses of wine which remained, was but three gallons, and therefore now we expected nothing but famine to perish at Sea. October. THe 16 of October we made land, but we know not what land it was, bearing in with the same land at that day: about sun set we put into a harbour, where we found a Hulk of Dublin, and a pinnace of Hampton riding, but we known not as yet what place this was, neither had we any boat to go ashore, until the pinnace sent off their boat to us with 6 or 8 men, of whom we understood we were in Smerwick in the West parts of Ireland: Smerwick in the West of Ireland they also relieved us presently with fresh water, wine, and other fresh meat. The 18 the Governor and the Master rid to Dingen a Cushe, 5 miles distant, to take order for the new victualling of our Flieboate for England, and for relief of our sick and hurt men, but within four days after the Boatswain, the Steward, and the Boatswains mate died aboard the Flieboat, and the 28 the Master's mate and two of our chief sailors were brought sick to Dingen. November. THe first the Governor shipped himself in a ship called the Monkey, which at that time was ready to put to sea from Dingen for England, leaving the Flyboat and all his company in Ireland. The same day we set sail, and on the third day we fallen with the North side of the lands end, and were shut up the Severne, but the next day we doubled the same for Mounts Bay. The 5 the Governor landed in England at Martasew, near Saint Michael's mount in Cornwall. The 8 we arrived at Hampton, where we understood that our consort the Admiral was come to Portsmouth, and had been there three weeks before: and also that Ferdinando the Master with all his company were not only come home without any purchase, but also in such weakness by sickness, and death of their chiefest men, that they were scarce able to bring their ship into harbour, but were forced to let fall anchor without, which they could not weigh against but might all have perished there, if a small bark by great hap had not come to them to help them. The names of the chief men that died are these, Roger Large, john Matthew, Thomas Smith, and some other sailors, whose names I known not at the writing hereof. An. Dom. 1587. The names of all the men, women and children, which safely arrived in Virginia, and remained to inhabit there. 1587. Anno regni Reginae Elizabeth●. 29. IOhn White. Roger Baily. Ananias Dare. Christopher Cooper. Thomas Stevens. john Samson. Dyonis Harvey. Roger Prat. George How. Simon Fernando. Nicholas johnson. Thomas Warner. Anthony Cage. john jones. William wills. john Brooke. Cuthbert White. john Bright. Clement Tailor. William Sole. john Cotsmur. Humphrey Newton. Thomas Colman. Thomas Gramme. Mark Bennet. john Gibbes. john Stilman. Robert Wilkinson. john Tydway. Ambrose Viccars. Edmond English. Thomas Topan. Hen●y Berry. Richard Berry. john Spendlove. john Hemmington. Thomas Butler. Edward powel. john Burden. james Hind. Thomas Ellis. William Browne. Michael Myllet. Thomas Smith. Richard Kemme. Thomas Harris. Richard Taverner. john Earnest. Henry johnson. john Start. Richard Darige. William Lucas. Arnold Archard. john Wright. William Dutton. Mauris Allen. William Waters. Richard Arthur. john Chapman. William Clemen●. Robert Little. Hugh Tailor. Richard Wildye. jews Wotton. Michael Bishop. Henry Browne. Henry Rufoote. Richard Tomkins. Henry Dorrell. Charles Florrie. Henry Mylton. Henry Paine. Thomas Harris. William Nichols. Thomas Phevens. john Borden. Thomas Scot Peter Little. john wiles. Brian wiles. George Martin. Hugh Pattenson. Martin Sutton. john far. john Bridger. Griffen jones. Richard Shabedge. james Lazy. john Cheven. Thomas Hewet. William Berde. Women. Elyoner Dare. Margery Harvey. Agnes Wood. Wenefrid powel. joice Archard. jane jones. Elizabeth Glane. jane Pierce. Audery Tappan. Alis Chapman. Emme Merrimoth. Colman. Margaret Lawrence. joan Warren. jane Mannering. Rose pain. Elizabeth Viccars. Boy●● and children. john Samson. Robert Ellis. Ambrose Viccars. Thomas Archard. Thomas Humphrey. Thomas Smart. George How. john Prat. William Wythers. Children born in Virginia. Virginia Dare. Harvey. Savages. Manteo. That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them. Towaye. That were in England and returned home into Virginia with them. To the Worshipful and my very friend Master Richard Hakluyt, much happiness in the Lord SIr, as well for the satisfying of your earnest request, as the performance of my promise made unto you at my last being with you in England, I have sent you (although in a homely stile, especially for the contentation of a delicate care) the true discourse of my last voyage into the West Indies, and parts of America called Virginia, taken in hand about the end of February, in the year of our redemption 1590. And what events happened unto us in this our journey, you shall plainly perceive by the sequel of my discourse. There were at the time aforesaid there●● ships absolutely determined to go for the West Indies, at the special charges of M. john Wattes of London Marchant. But when they were fully furnished, and in readiness to make their departure, a general stay was commanded of all ships throughout England. Which so soon as I herded, I presently (as I thought it most requisite) acquainted Sir Walter Ralegh therewith, desiring him that as I had sundry times afore been chargeable and troublesome unto him, for the supplies and reliefs of the planters in Virginia: so likewise, that by his endeavour it would please him at that instant to procure licence for those three ships to proceed on with their determined voyage, that thereby the people in Virginia (if it were God's pleasure) might speedily be comforted and relieved without further changes unto him. Whereupon he by his good means obtained licence of the Queen's Majesty, and order to be taken, that the owner of the 3 ships should be bond unto Sir Walter Ralegh or his assigns, in 3000 pounds, that those 3 ships in consideration of their releasement should take in, & transport a convenient number of passengers, with their furnitures and necessaries to be landed in Virginia. Nevertheless that order was not observed, neither was the bond taken according to the intention aforesaid. But rather in contempt of the aforesaid order, I was by the owner and Commanders of the ships denied to have any passengers, or any thing else transported in any of the ●aid ships, saving only myself & my chest; not not so much as a boy to attend upon me, although I made great suit, & earnest entreaty aswell to the chief Commanders, as to the owner of the said ships. Which cross and unkind dealing, although it very much discontented me, notwithstanding the scarcity of time was such, that I could have no opportunity to go unto Sir Walter Ralegh with complaint: for the ships being then all in readiness to go to the Sea, would have been departed before I could have made my return. Thus both Governors, Masters, and sailors, regarding very smally the good of their countrymen in Virginia; determined nothing less than to touch at those places, but wholly disposed themselves to se●ke after purchase & spoils, spending so much time therein, tha● summer was spent before we arrived at Virginia. And when we were come thither, the season was so unfit, & weather so foul, that we were constrained of force to forsake that coast, having not seen any of our planters, with less of one of our shipboates, and 7 of our chiefest men: and also with loss of 3 of our anchors and cables, and most of our casks with fresh water left on shore, not possible to be had aboard. Which evils & ●nfortunate events (as well to their own loss as to the hindrance of the planters in Uirginia) had not chanced, if the order set down by Sir Walter Ralegh had been observed or if my daily & continual p●●itions ●or the performance of the same might have t●ken any place. Thus may you plainly perceive the success of my fist & last voyage to Virginia, which was no less unfortunately ended then frowardly begun, and as luckless to many, as sinister to myself. But I would to God it had been as prosperous to all, as noisome to the planters; & as joyful to me, as uncomfortable to them. Yet seeing it is not my first crossed voyage. I remain contented. And wanting my wishes, I leave off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth were answerable to my will. Thus committing the relief of my uncomfortable company the planters in Virginia, to the merciful help of the Almighty, whom I most humbly beseech to help & comfort them, according to his most holy will & their good desire, I take my leave: from my house at New town in Kylmore the 4 of February, 1593. Your most well-wishing friend, JOHN WHITE. The fift voyage of M. john White into the West Indies and parts of America called Virginia, in the year 1590. THe 20 of March the three ships the Hopewell, the john Evangelist, and the Little john, put to Sea from Plymmouth with two small Shallops. The 25 at midnight both our Shallops were sunk being towed at the ships stearnes by the Boatswaines negligence. On the 30 we see a head us that part of the coast of Barbary, lying East of Cape Cantyn, and the Bay of Asaphi. The next day we came to the isle of Mogador, where road, at our passing by, a Pinnace of London called the Moonshine. April. ON the first of April we ankored in Santa Cruz road, where we found two great ships of London lading in Sugar, of whom we had 2 shipboats to supply the loss of our Shallops. On the ● we set sail from the road of Santa Cruz, for the Canaries. On Saturday the 4 we see Alegranza, the East I'll of the Canaries. On Sunday the 5 of April we gave chase to a double flyboat, the which, we also the same day fought with, and took her, with loss of three of their men slain, and one hurt. On Monday the 6 we see Grand Canary, and the next day we landed and took in fresh water on the Southside thereof. On the 9 we departed from Grand Canary, and framed our course for Dominica. The last of April we see Dominica, and the same night we came to an anchor on the Southside thereof. May. THe first of May in the morning many of the Saluages came aboard our ships in their Canowes', and did traffic with us; we also the same day landed and entered their Town from whence we returned the same day aboard without any resistance of the Saluages; or any offence done to them. The 2 of May our Admiral and our Pinnace departed from Dominica leaving the john our Vice-admiral playing off and on about Dominica, hoping to take some Spaniard outwardly bond to the Indies; the same night we had sight of three small islands called Los Santos, leaving Guadalupe and them on our starboard. The 3 we had sight of S. Christopher's Island, bearing North-east and by East of us. On the 4 we sailed by the Virgins, which are many broken islands, lying at the East end of S. john's Island; and the same day towards evening we landed upon one of them called Blanca where we killed an incredible number of fowls: here we stayed but three hours, & from thence stood into the shore Northwest, and having brought this Island Southeast of us, we put towards night thorough an opening or swatch, called The passage, lying between the Virgins, and the East end of S. john: here the Pinnace left us and sailed on the South side of S. john. The 5 and 6 the Admiral sailed along the Northside of S. john, so near the shore that the Spaniards discerned us to be men of war; and therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by, for so their custom is, when they see any men of war on their coasts. The 7 we landed on the Northwest end of S. john, where we watered in a good river called Yaguana, and the same night following we took a Frigate of ten Tun coming from Gwathanelo laden with hides and ginger. In this place Pedro a Mollato, who knew all our state, ran from us to the Spaniards. On the 9 we departed from Yaguana. The 13 we landed on an Island called Mona, whereon were 10 or 12 houses inhabited of the Spaniards; these we burned & took from them a Pinnace, which they had drawn a ground and sunk, and carried all her sails, masts, and rudders into the woods, because we should not take him away; we also chased the Spaniards over all the Island; but they hide them in caves, hollow rocks, and bushes, so that we could not found them. On the 14 we departed from Mona, and the next day after we came to an Island called Saona, about 5 leagues distant from Mona, lying on the Southside of Hispaniola near the East end: between these two islands we lay off and on 4 or 5 days, hoping to take some of the Domingo fleet doubling this Island, as a nearer way to Spain then by Cape Tyburon, or by Cape S. Anthony. On Thursday being the 19 our Vice-admiral, from whom we departed at Dominica ●ame to us at Saona, with whom we left a Spanish Frigate, and appointed him to lie off and on other five days between Saona and Mona to the end aforesaid; then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon. Here I was informed that our men of the Vice-admiral, at their departure from Dominica brought away two young Saluages, which were the thief Casiques' sons of that Country and part of Dominica, but they shortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz Island, where the Vice-admiral landed to take in ball●●. On the ●1 the Admiral came to the Cape Tyburon, where we found the john Evangelist our Pinnace staying for us: here we took in two Spaniards almost starved on the shore● who made a fire to our ships as we passed by. Those places for an 100 miles in length are nothing else but a desolate and mere wilderness, without any habitation of people, and full of wild Bulls and Boars, and great Serpents. The 22 our Pinnace came also to an anchor in Aligato Bay at cape Tyburon. Here we understood of M. Lane, M. William Lane. Captain of the Pinnace; how he was set upon with one of the king's Galleys belonging to Santo Domingo, which was manned with 400 men, who after he had fought with him 3 or 4 hours, gave-over the fight & forsook him, without any great hurt done on either part. The 26 The john our Uizadmirall came to us to cape Tyburon, and the Frigate which we left with him at Saona. This was the appointed place where we should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo Fleet. On Whitsunday Even at Cape Tyburon one of our boys ran away from us, and at ten days end returned to our ships almost starved for want of food. In sundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon we found the bones and carcases of divers men, who had perished (as we thought) by famine in those woods, being either straggled from their company, or landed there by some men of war. june. ON the 14 of june we took a small Spanish frigate which fallen amongst us so suddenly, as he doubled the point at the Bay of Cape Tyburon, where we road, so that he could not escape us. This Frigate came from Santo Domingo, and had but 3 men in her, the one was an expert Pilot, the other a Mountainer, and the third a Uintener, who escaped all out of prison at Santo Domingo, purposing to fly to Yaguana which is a town in the West parts of Hispaniola where many fugitive Spaniards are gathered together. Spanish fugitives. The 17 being Wednesday Captain Lane was sent to Yaguana with his Pinnace and a Frigate to take a ship, which was there taking in freight, as we understood by the old Pilot, whom we had taken three days before. The 24 the Frigate returned from Captain Lane at Yaguana, and brought us word to cape Tyburon, that Captain Lane had taken the ship, with many passengers and Negrees in the same; which proved not so rich a prize as we hoped for, for that a Frenchman of war had taken and spoiled her before we came. Nevertheless her loading was thought worth 1000 or 1300 pounds, being hides, ginger, Cannafistula, Copper-pannes, and Casavi. july. Edward Spicer. THe second of july Edward Spicer whom we left in England came to us at Cape Tyburon, accompanied with a small Pinnace, whereof one M. Harps was Captain. And the same day we had sight of a fleet of 14 sail all of Santo Domingo, to whom we presently gave chase, but they upon the first sight of us fled, and separating themselves scattered here and there: Wherefore we were forced to divide ourselves and so made after them until 12 of the clock at night. But then by reason of the darkness we lost sight of each other, yet in the end the Admiral and the Moonlight happened to be together the same night at the fetching up of the Uizadmirall of the Spanish fleet, against whom the next morning we fought and took him, with loss of one of our men and two hurt, and of there's 4 slain and 6 hurt. This fight was in fight of the Island of Navara. But what was become of our Uiceadmirall, our Pinnace, and Prize, and two Frigates, in all this time, we were ignorant. The 3 of july we spent about rifling, rummaging and fitting the Prize to be sailed with us. The 6 of july we see jamaica the which we left on our larboard, keeping Cuba in sight on our starboard. Upon the 8 of july we see the Island of Pinos, which lieth on the Southside of Cuba nigh v●to the West end or Cape called Cape S. Anthony. And th● same day we gave chase to a Frigate, but at night we lost sight of her, partly by the slow sailing of our Admiral, & lack of the Moonlight our Pinnace, whom Captain Cook had sent to the Cape the day before. On the 11 we came to Cape S. Anthony, where we found our consort the Moonlight and her Pinnace abiding for our coming, of whom we understood that the day before there passed by them 22 sail, som● of them of the burden of 300 and some 400 tons loaden with the King's treasure from the main, bond for Havana; from this 11 of july until 22 we were much becalmed: and the wind being very scarce, and the weather exceeding hot, we were much pestered with the Spaniards we had taken: wherefore we were driven to landlord all the Spaniards saving three, but the place where we landed them was of their own choice on the Southside of Cuba near unto the Organs and Rio de Puercos. The 23 we had sight of the Cape of Florida, and the broken islands thereof called the Martyrs. The 25 being S. james day in the morning we fallen with the Matanças, a head-land 8 leagues towards the East of Havana, where we purposed to take fresh water in, and make our abode two or three days. On Sunday the 26 of july plying too and fro between the Matanças and Havana, we were espied of three small Pinnasses of S. john de ullua bond for Havana, which were exceeding richly loaden. These 3 Pinnasses came very boldly up unto us, and so continued until they came within musket shot of us. And we supposed them to be Captain Harps pinnace, and two small Frigates taken by Captain Harp: wherefore we showed our flag. But they presently upon the sight of it turned about & made all the sail they could from us toward the shore, & kept themselves in so shallow water, that we were not able to follow them, and therefore gave them over with expense of shot & powder to no purpose. But if we had not so rashly set out our flag, we might have taken them all three, for they would not have known us before they had been in our hands. This chase brought us so far leeward as Havana: wherefore not finding any of our consorts at the Matanças, we put over again to the cape of Florida, & from thence thorough the channel of Bahama. On the 28 the C●p● of Florida bore West of us. The 30 we lost sight of the coast of Florida, and stood to Sea for to gain the help of the current which runneth much swifter a far off then in sight of the coast. The state o● the currency from the cap● of Florida to Vi●ginia For from the Cape to Virginia all along the shore are none but eddy currents, setting to the South and Southwest. The 31 our three ships were clearly disbocked, the great prize, the Admiral, and the Moonshine, but our prize being thus disbocked departed from us without taking leave of our Admiral or consort, and sailed directly for England. August. ON the first of August the wind scanted, and from thence forward we had very fowl weather with much rain, thundering, and great spouts, which fallen round about us nigh unto our ships. The 3 we stood again in for the shore, and at midday we took the height of the same. The height of that place we found to be 34 degrees of latitude. Towards night we were within three leagues of the Low sandy islands West of Wokokon. Sandie Ila●● West of Wokokon. But the weather continued so exceeding foul, that we could not come to an anchor nigh the coast: wherefore we stood off again to Sea until Monday the 9 of August. On monday the storm ceased, and we had very great likelihood of fair weather: therefore we stood in again for the shore: & came to an anchor at 11 fathom in 35 degrees of latitude, They land ● 35 degrees within a mile of the shore, where we went on land on the narrow sandy Island, being one of the Islands West of Wokokon: in this Island we took in some fresh water and caught great store of fish in the shallow water. Between the main (as we supposed) and that Island it was but a mile over and three or four foot deep in most places. On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came to an anchor at the North-east end of the Island of Croatoan, by reason of a breach which we perceived to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea: A breach 2 o● 3 leagues into Sea. here we road all that night. The 13 in the morning before we weighed our anchors, our ●oates were sent to sound over this breach; our ships riding on the side thereof at 5 fathom; and a ships length from us we found but 4 and a quarter, and then deeping and shallowing for the space of two miles, so that sometimes we found 5 fathom, and by & by 7, and within two casts with the lead 9, & then 8, next cast 5. & then 6, Great diversity of soundings. & then 4, & then 9 again, and deeper; but 3 fathom was the lest, 2 leagues off from the shore. This breach is in 35 degr. & a half, & lieth at the very North-east point of Croatoan, whereas goeth a fret out of the main Sea into the inner waters, which part the Islands and the main land. The 15 of August towards Evening we came to an anchor at Hatorask, Hatorask in 36 degr. & a ●erc●. in 36 degr. and one third, in five fathom water, three leagues from the shore. At our first coming to anchor on this shore we see a great smoke rise in the isle Raonoak near the place where I left our Colony in the year 1587., which smoke put us in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my return out of England. The 16 and next morning our 2 boats went a shore, & Captain Cook, & Cap. Spicer, & their company with me, with intent to pass to the place at Raonoak where our countrymen were left. At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make ready 2 Minions and a Falkon well laden, and to shoot them off with reasonable space between every shot, to the end that their reports might be herded to the place where we hoped to find some of our people. This was accordingly performed, & our twoe boats put off unto the shore, in the Admiral's boat we sounded all the way and found from our ship until we came within a mile of the shore nine, eight, and seven fathom: but before we were half way between our ships and the shore we see another great smoke to the South-west of Kindrikers' mounts: we therefore thought good to go to that second smoke first: but it was much further from the harbour where we landed, than we supposed it to be, They land. so that we were very sore tired before we came to the smoke. But that which grieved us more was that when we came to the smoke, we found no man nor sign that any had been there lately, nor yet any fresh water in all this way to drink. Being thus wearied with this journey we returned to the harbour where we left our boats, who in our absence had brought their cask a shore for fresh water, so we deferred our going to Roanoak until the next morning, and caused some of those sailors to dig in those sandy hills for fresh water whereof we found very sufficient. Fresh water found in sandy hills That night we returned aboard with our boats and our whole company in safety. The next morning being the 17 of August, our boats and company were prepared again to go up to Roanoak, but Captain Spicer had then sent his boat ashore for fresh water, by means whereof it was ten of the clock aforenoone before we put from our ships which were then come to an anchor within two miles of the shore. The Admiral's boat was half way toward the shore, when Captain Spicer put off from his ship. The Admiral's boat first passed the breach, but not without some danger of sinking, for we had a sea broke into our boat which filled us half full of water, but by the will of God and careful styrage of Captain Cook we came safe ashore, saving only that our furniture, victuals, match and powder were much wet and spoiled. For at this time the wind blue at Northeast and direct into the harbour so great a gale, that the Sea broke extremely on the bar, and the tide went very forcibly at the entrance. By that time our Admiral's boat was halled ashore, and most of our things taken out to dry, Captain Spicer came to the entrance of the breach with his mast standing up, and was half passed over, but by the rash and undiscreet styrage of Ralph Skinner his Master's mate, a very dangerous Sea broke into their boat and overset them quite, the men kept the boat some in it, and some hanging on it, but the next sea set the boat on ground, where it beaten so, that some of them were forced to let go their hold, hoping to wade ashore, but the Sea still beaten them down, so that they could neither stand nor swim, and the boat twice or thrice was turned the keel upward; whereon Captain Spicer and Skinner hung until they sunk, & were seen no more. Captain Spicer drowned. But four that could swim a little kept themselves in deeper water and were saved by Captain Cook's means, who so soon as he see their oversetting, stripped himself, and four other that could swim very well, & with all haste possible rowed unto them, & saved four. They were a 11 in all, & 7 of the chiefest were drowned, whose names were Edward Spicer, Ralph Skinner, Edward Kelley, Thomas Bevis, Hance the Surgeon, Edward Kelborne, Robert Coleman. This mischance did so much discomfort the sailors, that they were all of one mind not to go any further to seek the planters. But in the end by the commandment & persuasion of me and Captain Cook, they prepared the boats: and seeing the Captain and me so resolute, they seemed much more willing. Our boats and all things fitted again, we put off from Hatorask, being the number of 19 people in both boats: but before we could get to the place, where our planters were left, it was so exceeding dark, that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile: there we espied towards the North end of the Island the light of a great fire thorough the woods, to the which we presently rowed: when we came right over against it, we let fall our Grapnel near the shore, & sounded with a trumpet a Call, & afterwards many familiar English tunes of Songs, and called to them friendly; but we had no answer, we therefore landed at day-break, and coming to the fire, we found the grass & sundry rotten trees burning about the place. From hence we went thorough the woods to that part of the Island directly over against Dasamongwepeuk, & from thence we returned by the water side, round about the North point of the Island, until we came to the place where I left our Colony in the year 1586. In all this way we see in the sand the print of the Saluages feet of 2 or 3 sorts trodden that night, and as we entered up the sandy bank upon a tree, in the very brow thereof were curiously carved these fair Roman letters CRO: which letters presently we known to signify the place, where I should found the planters seated, according to a secret token agreed upon between them & me at my last departure from them, which was, that in any ways they should not fail to writ or carve on the trees or posts of the doors the name of the place where they should be seated; for at my coming away they were prepared to remove from Roanoak 50 miles into the main. Therefore at my departure from them in An. 1587. I willed them, that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places, that then they should carve over the letters or name, a Cross ✚ in this form, but we found no such sign of distress. And having well considered of this, we passed toward the place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found the houses taken down, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees, with cortynes and flankers very Fort-like, and one of the chief trees or posts at the right side of the entrance had the bark taken off, and 5. foot from the ground in fair Capital letters was graven CROATOAN without any cross or sign of distress; this done, we entered into the palisado, where we found many bars of Iron, two pigs of Lead, four iron fowlers, Iron sacker-shotte, and such like heavy things, thrown here and there, almost overgrown with grass and weeds. From thence we went along by the water side, towards the point of the creak to see if we could found any of their botes or Pinnisse, but we could perceive no sign of them, nor any of the last Falcons and small Ordinance which were left with them, at my departure from them. At our return from the creak, some of our sailors meeting us, told us that they had found where divers chests had been hidden, and long sithence digged up again and broken up, and much of the goods in them spoiled and scattered above, but nothing left, of such things as the Savages known any use of, undefaced. Presently Captain Cook and I went to the place, which was in the end of an old trench, made two years passed by Captain Amadas: wheere we found five Chests, that had been carefully hidden of the Planters, and of the same chests three were my own, and about the place many of my things spoiled and broken, and my books torn from the covers, the frames of some of my pictures and Maps rotten and spoiled with rain, and my armour almost eaten through with rust; this could be no other but the deed of the Savages our enemies at Dasamongwepeuk, who had watched the departure of our men to Croatoan; and assoon as they were departed, digged up every place where they suspected any thing to be buried● but although it much grieved me to see such spoil of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly joyed that I had safely found a certain token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was born, and the Savages of the Island our friends. When we had seen in this place so much as we could, we returned to our Boats, and departed from the shore towards our Ships, with as much speed as we could: For the weather began to overcast, and very likely that a foul and stormy night would ensue. Therefore the same Evening with much danger and labour, we got ourselves aboard, by which time the wind and seas were so greatly risen, that we doubted our Cables and Anchors would scarcely hold until Morning: wherefore the Captain caused the Boat to be manned with five lusty men, who could swim all well, and sent them to the little Island on the right hand of the Harbour, to bring aboard six of our men, who had filled our cask with fresh water: the Boat the same night returned aboard with our men, but all our Cask ready filled they left behind, unpossible to be had aboard without danger of casting away both men and Boats; for this night proved very stormy and foul. The next Morning it was agreed by the Captain and myself, with the Master and others, to weigh anchor, and go for the place at Croatoan, where our planters were: for that then the wind was good for that place, and also to leave that Cask with fresh water on shore in the Island until our return. So then they brought the cable to the Capston, but when the anchor was almost apecke, the Cable broken, by means whereof we lost another Anchor, wherewith we drove so fast into the shore, that we were forced to let fall a third Anchor; which came so fast home that the Ship was almost aground by Kenricks mounts: so that we were forced to let slip the Cable end for end. And if it had not chanced that we had fallen into a channel of deeper water, closer by the shore than we accounted of, we could never have go clear of the point that lieth to the Southwards of Kenricks mounts. Being thus clear of some dangers, and got into deeper waters, but not without some loss; for we had but one Cable and Anchor left us of four, and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler; our victuals scarce, and our cask and fresh water lost: it was therefore determined that we should go for Saint john or some other Island to the Southward for fresh water. And it was further purposed, that if we could any ways supply our wants of victuals and other necessaries, either at Hispaniola, Sant john, or Trynidad, that then we should continued in the Indies all the Winter following, with hope to make 2. rich voyages of one, and at our return to visit our countrymen at Virginia. The captain and the whole company in the Admiral (with my earnest petitions) thereunto agreed, so that it rested only to know what the Master of the Moonlight our consort would do herein. But when we demanded them if they would accompany us in that new determination, they alleged that their weak and leak Ship was not able to continued it; They leave the coast of Virginia. wherefore the same night we parted, leaving the Moonlight to go directly for England, and the Admiral set his course for Trynidad, which course we kept two days. On the 28. the wind changed, and it was set on foul weather every way: but this storm brought the wind West and Northwest, and blewe so forcibly, that we were able to bear no sail, but our forecourse half mast high, wherewith we ran upon the wind perforce, the due course for England, for that we were driven to change our first determination for Trynidad, and stood for the islands of Açores, where we purposed to take in fresh water, and also there hoped to meet with some English men of war about those islands, at whose hands we might obtain some supply of our wants. And thus continuing our course for the Açores, sometimes with calms, and sometimes with very scarce winds, on the fifteenth of September the wind came South Southeast; and blew so exceedingly, that we were forced to lie arry all that day. At this time by account we judged ourselves to be about twenty leagues to the W●st of Cueruo and Flores, but about night the storm ceased, and fair weather ensued. On Thursday the seventeenth we see Cueruo and Flores, but we could not come to anchor that night, by reason the wind shifted. The next Morning being the eighteenth, standing in again with Cueruo, we escryed a sail ahead us, to whom we gave chase: but when we came near him, we known him to be a Spaniard, and hoped to make sure purchase of him; but we understood at our speaking with him, that he was a prize, and of the Domingo fleet already taken by the john our consort, in the Indies. We learned also of thy prize, that our Uiceadmirall and Pinnisse had fought with the rest of the Domingo fleet, and had foed them with their Admiral to flee unto jamaica under the Fort for succour, and some of them ran themselves aground, whereof one of them they brought away, and took out of some others so much as the t●me would permit. And further we understood of them, that in their return from jamaica about the Organs near Cape Saint Anthony, our Uiceadmirall met with two Ships of the main land, come from Mexico, bond for Havana, with whom he fought; in which fight our Uiceadmirals' Lieutenant was slain, and the Captains right arm strooken off, with faure other of his men slain, and sixteen hurt. But in the end he entered, and took one of the Spanish ships, which was so sore shot by us under water, that before they could take out her treasure, she sunk; so that we lost thirteen Pipes of silver which sunk with her, 13. Pipes of silver. besides much other rich merchandise. And in the mean time the other Spanish ship being pierced with nine shot under water, got away; wh●m our Uiceadmirall intended to pursue: but some of their men in the top made certain rocks, which they see above water near the shore, to be Galleys of Havana and Cartagena, coming from Havana to rescue the two Ships; Wherefore they gave over their chase, and went for England. After this intelligence was given us by this our prize, he departed from us, and went for England. On Saturday the 19 of September we came to an Anchor near a small village on the North side of Flores, where we found riding 5. English men of war, of whom we understood that our Uiceadmirall and Prize were go thence for England. One of these five was the Moonlight our consort, who upon the first sight of our coming into Flores, set sail and went for England, not taking any leave of us. On Sunday the 20. the Mary Rose, Admiral of the Queen's fleet, wherein was General Sir john Hawkins, stood in with Flores, and divers other of the Queen's ships, namely the Hope, the Nonpar●ilia, the Rainbow, the Swift-sure, the Foresight, with many other good merchant's ships of war, as the Edward Bonaventure, the Merchant Royal, the Am●tie, the Eagle, the Dainty of sir john Hawkins, and many other good ships and pinnisses, all attending to meet with the king of Spain's fleet, coming from Terra firma of the West Indies. The 22. of September we went aboard the rainbow, and towards night we spoke with the Swift-sure, and gave him 3. pieces. The captains desired our company; wherefore we willingly attended on them: who at this time with 10. other ships stood for Faial. But the General with the rest of the Fleet were separated from us, making two fleets, for the surer meeting with the Spanish fleet. On Wednesday the 23. we see Gratiosa, where the Admiral and the rest of the Queen's fleet were come together. The Admiral put forth a flag of counsel, in which was determined that the whole fleet should go for the main, and spread themselves on the coasts of Spain and Portugal, so far as conveniently they might, for the surer meeting of the Spanish fleet in those parts. The 26. we came to Faial, where the Admiral with some other of the fleet ankred, othersome plied up and down between that and the Pico until midnight, at which time the Antony shot off a piece and weighed, showing his light: after whom the whole fleet stood to the East, the wind at North-east by East. On Sunday the 27. towards Evening we took our leave of the Admiral and the whole fleet, who stood to the East. But our ship accompanied with a Flyboate stood in again with S. George, where we purposed to take in more fresh water, and some other fresh victuals. On Wednesday the 30. of September, seeing the wind hung so Northerly, that we could not attain the Island of S. George, we gave over our purpose to water there, and the next day framed our due course for England. October. THe 2. of October in the Morning we see S. Michael's Island on our Star board quarter. The 23. at 10. of the clock afore noon, we see Vshant in Britain. On Saturday the 24. we came in safety, God be thanked, to an anchor at Plymmouth. CERTAIN VOYAGES TO FLORIDA, AND the later and more perfect discoveries thereof, to wit, of all the Seacoasts, Rivers, Bays, Havens, Isles, and main lands far up into the Country, and a report of some colonies and forts there planted and displanted, with a description of the government, disposition and quality of the natural inhabitants, and a declaration of the temperature of the climate, and of the manifold good commodities found in those regions. TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN King of France, Francis the first. The relation of john de Verrazzano a Florentine, of the land by him discovered in the name of his Majesty. Written in deep the eight of july, 1524. I Written not to your Majesty, most Christian king, since the time we suffered the tempest in the North parts, of the success of the four Ships, which your Majesty sent forth to discover new lands by the Ocean, thinking your Majesty had been already duly informed thereof. Now by these presents I will give your Majesty to understand, how by the violence of the winds we were forced with the two ships, the Norman and the Dolphin (in such evil case as they were) to land in Britain. Where after we had repaired them in all points as was needful, and armed them very well, we took our course along by the coast of Spain, which your Majesty shall understand by the profit that we received thereby. Afterwards with the Dolphin alone we determined to make discovery of new Countries, to prosecute the navigation we had already begun, which I purpose at this present to recount unto your Majesty, to make manifest the whole proceeding of the matter. The 17. of january the year 1524. by the grace of God we departed from the dishabited rock by the isle of Madêra, The Isle of Madêra. appertaining to the king of Portugal, with 50. men, with victuals, weapons, and other ship-munition very well provided & furnished for 8. months: And sailing Westwards with a fair Easterly wind, in 25. days we ran 500 leagues, and the 20. of February we were overtaken with as sharp and terrible a tempest as ever any sailors suffered: whereof with the divine help and merciful assistance of Almighty God, and the goodness of our ship, accompanied with the good hap of her fortunate name, we were delivered, and with a prosperous wind followed our course West and by North. And in other 25. days we made above 400. leagues more, where we discovered a new land, They discover land. never before scene of any man either ancient or modern, and at the first sight it seemed somewhat low, but being within a quarter of a league of it, we perceived by the great fires that we see by the Sea coast, that it was inhabited: and see that the land stretched to the Southwards. In seeking some convenient Harbour wherein to anchor and to have knowledge of the place, we sailed fifty leagues in vain, and seeing the land to run still to the Southwards, we resolved to return back again towards the North, where we found ourselves troubled with the like difficulty. At length being in despair to find any Port, we cast anchor upon the coast, and sent our Boat to shore, where we see great store of people which came to the Sea side; and seeing us approach, they fled a way, and sometimes would stand still and look back, beholding us with great admiration: but afterwards being animated and assured with signs that we made them, some of them came hard to the Sea side, seeming to rejoice very much at the sight of us, and marveling greatly at our apparel, shape and Whiteness, showed us by sundry signs where we might most commodiously come aland with our Boat, offering us also of their victuals to ●ate. Now I will briefly declare to your Majesty their life and manners, as far as we could have notice thereof: These people go altogether naked, except ●nly that they cover their privy parts with certain skins of beasts like unto Marterns, which they fasten unto a narrow girdle made of grass very artificially wrought, hanged about with tails of divers other beasts, which round about thei● bodies hung dangling down to their knees. Some of them wear garlands of birds feathers. The people are of colour ●usset, and not much unlike the Saracens: their hair black, thick and not very long, which they tie together in a knot behind and wea●e it like a little tail. They ar● well featured in their limbs, of mean feature, and commonly somewhat bigger the● we: broad breasted, strong armed, their legs and other parts of t●e●r bodies well fashioned, and they are disfigured in nothing, saving that they have somewhat brou●● visages, and yet not all of them: for we see many of them well favoured, having black and great eyes, with a cheerful and steady look, not strong of body, yet sharp witted, nimble and exc●eding great runners, as far as we could learn by experience, and in those two last qualities they are like to the people of the East parts of the world, and especially to them of the uttermost parts of China. We ●ould not learn of this people their manner of living, nor their particular customs, by reason of the short abode we made on the shore, our company being but small, and our ship ●yding far off in the Sea. And not far from these we found another people, whose living we think to be like unto there's; (as hereafter I will declare unto your Majesty) showing at this present the situation and nature of the foresaid land. The shore is all covered with small sand, and so ascendeth upwards for the space of 15. foot, rising in form of little hills about 50. paces broad. And sailing forward, we found certain small Rivers and arms of the Sea, that fall down by certain creeks, washing the shore on both sides as the coast ly●●h. And beyond this we see the open Country rising in height above the sandy shore with many fair fields and plains, full of mighty great woods, some very thick, and some th●nn●, replenished with divers sorts of trees, as pleasant and delectable to behold, as is possible to imagine. And your Majesty may not think that these are like the woods of Hercynia or the wild deserts of Tartary, and the Northern coasts full of fruitless trees: But they are full of Palm trees, Bay trees, and high Cypress trees, and many other sorts of trees unknown in Europe, which ye●ld most sweet sa●●urs far from the shore, the property whereof we could not learn for the cause aforesaid, and not for any difficulty to pass through the woods, seeing they are not so think but that a man may pass through them. Neither do we think that they partaking of the East world round about them, are altogether void of drugs or spicery, and other riches of gold, seeing the colour of the land doth somuch argue it. And the land is full of many beasts, as Stags, Dear and Hares, and likewise of Lakes and Pools of fresh water, with great plenty of Fowls, convenient for all kind of pleasant game. This land is in latitude 34. degrees, 34. Degrees. with good and wholesome air, temperate, between hot and cold, no vehement winds do blow in those Regions, and those that do commonly reign in those coasts, are the Northwest and West winds in the summer season, (in the beginning whereof we were there) the sky clear and fair with very little rain: and if at any time the andebe cloudy and mis●ie with the Southern wind, immediately it is dissolved and waxeth clear and fair again. The Sea is calm, not boisterous, the waves gentle: and although all the shore be somewhat should and without harbour, yet is it not dangerous to the sailors, being free from r●cks and deep, so that within 4. or 5. foot of the shore, there is 20. foot deep of water without ebb or flood, the depth still increasing in such uniform proportion. There is very good riding at Sea: for any ship being shaken in a tempest, can never perish there by breaking of her cables, which we have proved by experience. For in the beginning of March (as it is usual in all regious) being in the Sea oppressed with Northern winds, and riding there, we found our anchor broken before the earth failed or moved at all. We departed from this place, still running along the coast, which we found to trend toward the East, & we see every where very great ●ires, by reason of the multitude The coast trendeth to the East in 34 degrees of latitude. of the inhabitants. While we road on that coast, partly because it had no harbour, and for that we wanted water, we sent our boat ashore with 25. men: where by reason of great and continual w●ues that beaten against the shoa●e, being an open Coast, without succour, none of our men could possibly go ashore without losing our boat. We see there many people which came unto the shore, making divers signs of friendship, Courteous a●d 〈◊〉. and showing that they were content we should come aland, and by trial we found them to be very courteous and gentle, as your Majesty shall understand by the success. To the intent we might sand them of our things, which the Indians commonly desire and esteem, as sheets of paper, glasses, bells, and such like trifles; we sent a young man one of our Mariners ashore, who swimming towards them, & being within 3. or 4. yards of the shore, not trusting them, cast the things upon the shore: but seeking afterwards to return, he was with such violence of the waves beaten upon the shore, that he was so bruised that he lay there almost dead: which the Indians perceiving, ran to catch him, and drawing him out, they carried him a little way off from the sea. The young man perceiving they carried him, being at the first dismayed, began then greatly to fear, and cried out piteously: likewise did the Indians which did accompany him, going about to cheer him and to give him courage, and then setting him on the ground at the foot of a little hill against the sun, they began to behold him with great admiration, marveling at the whiteness of his flesh: And putting off his clotheses, they made him warm at a great fire, not without our great fear which remained in the boat, that they would have roasted him at that fire, and have eaten him. The young man having recovered his strength, and having stayed a while with them, showed them by signs that he was desirous to return to the ship: and they with great love clapping him fast about with many embracings, accompanying him unto the sea, and to put him in more assurance, leaving him alone, went unto a high ground and stood there, beholding him until he was entered into the boat. This young man observed, as we did also, that these are of colour inclining to Black as the other were, with their flesh very shining, of mean stature, handsome visage, and delicate limbs, and of very little strength, but of prompt wit: farther we observed not. Departing from hence, following the shore which trended somewhat toward the North, in 50. leagues space we came to another land which showed much more fair and full of woods, They run 50. leagues farther. being very great, where we road at anchor: and that we might have some knowledge thereof, we sent 20. men aland, which entered into the country about 2. leagues, and they found that the people were fled to the woods for fear. They see only one old woman with a young maid of 18. or 20. years old, which seeing our company, hide themselves in the grass for fear: the old woman carried too Infants on her shoulders, and behind her neck a child of 8. years old. The young woman was laden likewise with as many: but when our men came unto them, the women cried out: the old woman made signs that the men were fled unto the woods. assoon as they see us to quiet them and to win their favour, our men gave them such victuals as they had with them, to eat, which the old woman received thankfully: but the young woman disdained them all, & threw them disdainfully on the ground. They took a child from the old woman to bring into France, and going about to take the young woman which was very beautiful and of tall stature, they could not possibly, for the great outcries that she made, bring her to the sea: and especially having great woods to pass thorough, and being far from the ship, we purposed to leave her behind, bearing away the child only. We found those folks to be more white than those that we found before, being clad with certain leaves that hung on boughs of trees, which they ●ewe together with threads of wild hemp: Wild hemp. their heads were trussed up after the same manner as the former were: their ordinary food is of pulse, whereof they have great store, differing in colour and taste from ours; of good and pleasant taste. Moreover they live by fishing and fowling, which they take with gins, and bows made of hard wood, the arrows of Canes, being headed with the bones of fish, & other beasts. The beasts in these parts are much wilder than in our Europe, by reason they are continually chased and hunted. We see many of their boats made of one tree 20. foot long, and 4. foot broad, which are not made with iron or stone, or any other kind of metal (because that in all this country for the space of 200. leagues which we ran, They ran along the coast 200. leagues. They make hollow their Canons with fire. we never see one stone of any sort:) they help themselves with fire, burning so much of the tree as is sufficient for the hollowness of the boat; the like they do in making the stern & the forepart, until it be fit to sail upon the sea. The land is in situation, goodness and fairness like the other: it hath woods like the other, thin and full of divers sorts of trees: but not so sweet, because the country is more Northerly and cold. We see in this Country many Uines growing naturally, which growing up, took hold of the trees as they do in Lombardie, Uines like those of Lombardie. which if by husbandmen they were dressed in good order, without all doubt they would yield excellent wines: for having oftentimes seen the fruit thereof dried, which was sweet and pleasant, and not differing from ours, we think that they do esteem the same, because that in every place where they grow, they take away the under branches growing round about, that the fruit thereof may ripen the better. We found also roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of herbs, and sweet and odoriferous flowers different from ours. We knew not their dwellings, because they were far up in the land, and we judge by many signs that we see, that they are of wood & of trees framed together. We do believe also by many conjectures and signs, that many of them s●eeping in the fields, have no other cover then the open sky. Further knowledge have we not of them: we think that all the rest whose countries we passed, live all after one manner. Having made our abode three days in this country, and riding on the coast for want of harboroughs, we concluded to departed from thence, trending along the shore between the North and the East, sailing only in the daytime, and riding at anchor by night. In the space of 100 leagues sailing we found a very pleasant place situated amongst certain little s●eepe hills: 100 ●eagues sailing. from amid the which hills there ran down into the sea an exceeding great stream of water, A mighty river. which win the mouth was very deep, & from the sea to the mouth of the same with the tide which we found to rise 8. foot, any great ship laden may pass up. But because we road at anchor in a place well fenced from the wound, we would not venture ourselves without knowledge of the place: and we passed up with our boat only into the said River, and see the country very well peopled. The people are almost like unto the others, and are clad with the feathers of fowls of divers colours: People clad with leathers of divers colours. they came towards us very cheerefuly, making great shouts of admiration; showing us where we might come to land most safely with our boat. We entered up the said river into the land about half a league, where it made a most pleasant lake about 3. leagues in compass; on the which they rowed from the one side to the other to the number of 30. of their small boats, wherein were many people which passed from one shore to the other to come and see us. And behold upon the sudden (as it is wont to fall out in sailing) a contrary flaw of wound coming from the sea, we were enforced to return to our ship, leaving this land to our great discontentment, for the great commodity and pleasantness thereof, which we suppose is not without some riches, The pleasantness and riches of the land. all the hills showing mineral matters in them. We weighed anchor, and sailed toward the East, for so the coast trended, The coast trendeth to the East. and so always for 50. leagues being in the sight thereof, we discovered an Island in form of a triangle, distant from the main land 10. leagues, The description of Claudia Island, ten leagues from the mayne● Claudia was mother of king Fran●●. about the bigness of the Island of the Rhodes: it was full of hills covered with trees, well peopled, for we see fires all along the coast: we gave it the name of your majesties mother, not staying there by reason of the weather being contrary. And we came to another land being 15. leagues distant from the Island, where we found a passing good haven, A passing good haven. wherein being entered, we found about 20. small boats of the people, which with divers cries and wonder came about our ship, coming no nearer than 50. paces towards us: they stayed and beheld the artificialness of our ship, our shape & apparel: then they all made a loud shout together, declaring that they rejoiced. When we had something animated them, using their gestures, they came so near us, that we cast them certain bells and glasses, and many ●oyes, which when they had received, they looked on them with laughing, and came without fear aboard our ship. There were amongst these people 2. kings of so goodly stature and shape as is possible to declare: the elder was about 40. years of age, the second was a young man of 20. years old. Their apparel was on this manner: the elder had upon his naked body a Heart's skin wrought artificially with divers branches like damask: his head was bore with the hair tied up behind with divers knots: about his neck he had a large chain, garnished with divers stones of sundry colours: the young man was almost appareled after the same manner. This is the goodliest people, & of the fairest conditions that we have found in this our voyage. They exceed us in bigness: they are of the colour of brass, some of them incline more to whiteness: others are of yellow colour, of comely visage, with long and black hair, which they are very careful to trim and deck up: they are black and quick eyed, and of sweet and pleasant countenance, imitating much the old fashion. I writ not to your Majesty of the other parts of their body, having all such proportion as appertaineth to any handsome man. The women are of the like conformity and beauty: very handsome and well favoured, of pleasant countenance, and comely to behold: they are as well mannered and continent as any women, and of good education: they are all naked save their privy parts, which they cover with a Deeres skin branched or embroidered as the men use: there are also of them which wear on their arms very rich skins of Luzernes: they adorn their heads with divers ornaments made of their own hair, which hung down before on both sides their breasts: others use other kind of dressing themselves like unto the women of Egypt and Syria, these are of the elder sort: and when they are married, they wear divers toys, according to the usage of the people of the East, aswell men as women. Copper more esteemed than gold. Among whom we see many plates of wrought copper, which they esteem more than gold, which for the colour they make no account of, for that among all other it is counted the basest: they make most account of Azure and Red. The things that they esteem most of all those which we gave them, were bells, crystal of Azure colour, and other toys to hung at their ears or about their neck. They did not desire clot of silk or of gold, much less of any other sort, neither cared they for things made of steel and iron, which we often showed them in our armour which they made no wonder at, and in beholding them they only asked the art of making them: the like they did at our glasses, which when they beh●ld, they suddenly laughed and gave them us again. They are very liberal, for they give that which they have: we become great friends with these, and one day we entered into the Haven with our ship, whereas before we road a league off at Sea by reason of the contrary weather. They came in great companies of their small boats unto the ship with their faces all be painted with divers colours, showing us that it was a sign of joy, bringing us of their victuals, they made signs unto us where we might safest ride in the Haven for the safeguard of our ship keeping still our company: and after we were come to an anchor, we bestowed 15 days in providing ourselves many necessary things, whither every day the people repaired to see our ship bringing their wives with them, whereof they were very ●●●us: and they themselves entering aboard the ship & staying there a good space, caused their wives to stay in their boats, and for all the entreaty we could make, offering to give them divers things, we could never obtain that they would suffer them to come aboard our ship. And oftentimes one of the two kings coming with his queen, and many gentlemen for their pleasure to see us, they all stayed on the shore 200 paces from us, sending a small boat to give us intelligence of their coming, saying they would come to see our ship: this they did in token of safety, and assoon as they had answer from us, they came immediately, and having stayed a while to behold it, they woudred at hearing the cries and noises of the mariner's. The queen and her maids stayed in a very light boat, at an Island a quarter of a league off, while the king abode a long space in our ship uttering divers conceits with gestures, viewing with great admiration all the furniture of the ship, demanding the property of everything particularly. He took likewise great pleasure in beholding our apparel, and in tasting our meats, & so courteously taking his leave departed. And sometimes our men staying 2 or 3 days on a little Island near the ship for divers necessaries (as it is the use of seamen) he returned with 7 or 8 of his gentlemen to see what we did, & asked of us oftentimes if we meant to make any long abode there, offering us of their provision: then the king drawing his bow and running up and down with his gentlemen, made much sport to gratify our men: we were oftentimes within the land 5 or 6 leagues, which we found as pleasant as is possible to declare, Most pleasant and fruitful lands. very apt for any kind of husbandry of corn, wine and oil: for that there are plains 25 or 30 leagues broad, open and without any impediment, of trees of such fruitfulness, that any seed being sown therein, will bring forth most excellent fruit. We entered afterwards into the woods, which we found so great and thick, that any army were it neu●r so great might have hide itself therein, the trees whereof are oaks, cypress trees, and other sorts unknown in Europe. We found Pomi appii, damson trees, and nut trees, and many other sorts of fruit differing from ours: there are beasts in great abundance, as hearts, dear, luzerns, & other kinds which they take with their nets & bows which are their chief weapons: the arrows which they use are made with great cunning, and in stead of iron, they head them with flint, with jasper stone & hard marble & other sharp stones which they use in stead of iron to cut trees, & to make their boats of one whole piece of wood, making it hollow with great and wondered art, wherein 10. or 12. men may sit commodiously: their cares are short and broad at the end, and they use them in the sea without any danger, and by main force of arms, with as great speediness as they list themselves. The fashion of their houses. We see their houses made in circular or round form 10 or 12 paces in compass, made with half circles of timber, separate one from another without any order of building, covered with mats of straw wrought cunningly together, which save them from the wound and rain: and if they had the order of building and perfect skill of workmanship as we have, there were no doubt but that they would also make eftsoons great & stately buildings. For all the sea coasts are full of clear and glistering stones, & all ablasters, and therefore it is full of good havens and harboroughs for ships. The coast full of good havens. They move the foresaid houses from one place to another according to the commodity of the place & season wherein they will make their abode, and only taking off the mats, they have other houses builded incontinent. The father and the whole family devil together in one house in great number: in some of them we see 25 or 30 people. They feed as the other do aforesaid of pulse which grow in that Country with better order of husbandry then in the others. They observe in their sowing the course of the Moon and the rising of certain stars, and divers other customs spoken of by antiquity. Moreover they live by hunting and fishing. They live long, & are seldom sick, and if they chance to fall sick at any time they heal themselves with fire without any physician, Their curing with Tobacco and perfumes. and they say that they die for very age. They are very pitiful and charitable towards their neighbours, they make great lamentations in their adversity: and in their misery, the kindred reckon up all their felicity. At their departure out of life, they use mourning mixed with singing, which continueth for a long space. This is as much as we could learn of them. This land is situated in the parallel of Rome, in 41. degrees and 2. terces: but somewhat more cold by accidental causes and not of nature, (as I 41 degrees & 2. terces. will declare unto your highness elsewhere) describing at this present the situation of the foresaid Country, which lieth East and West. I say that the mouth of the Haven lieth open to the South, half a league broad, The description of a notable haven in 41. deg and 2. ●●●ces. and being entered within it between the East and the North, it stretcheth twelve leagues: where it waxeth broader and broader, and maketh a gulf about 20. leagues in compass, wherein are five small Islands very fruitful and pleasant, full of high and broad trees, among the which Islands any great Navy may ride safe without any fear of tempest or other danger. Afterwards tu●ning towards the South in the entering into the Haven on both sides there are most pleasant hills, with many rivers of most clear water falling into the Sea. In the midst of this entrance there is a rock of free stone growing by nature apt to build any Castle or Fortress there, for the keeping of the haven. The fift of May being furnished with all things necessary, we departed from the said coast keeping along in the sight thereof, and we sailed 150. leagues finding it always after one manner: but the land somewhat higher with certain mountains, all which bear a show of mineral matter, 150 leagues. A show of mineral. we sought not to landlord there in any place, because the weather served our turn for sailing: but we suppose that it was like the former, the coast ran Eastward for the space of fifty leagues. The coast running Eastward 10. leagues. And trending afterwards to the North, we found another land high full of thick woods, the trees whereof were firres, cipresses and such like as are wont to grow in cold countries. The people differ much from the other, Here the people begin to be more savage. and look how much the former seemed to be courteous and gentle: so much were these full of rudeness and ill manners, and so barbarous that by no signs that ever we could make, we could have any kind of traffic with them. They cloth themselves with Bears skins and Luzernes and Seals and other beasts skins. Their food, as far as we could perceive, repairing often unto their dwellings, we suppose to be by hunting & fishing, and of certain first-fruits, which are a kind of roots which the earth yieldeth of her own accord. They have no grain, neither see we any kind or sign of tillage, neither is the land, for the barrenness thereof, apt to bear fruit or seed. If at any time we desired by exchange to have any of their commodities, they used to come to the seashore upon certain craggy rocks, and we standing in our boats, they let down with a rope what it pleased them to give us, crying continually that we should not approach to the land, demanding immediately the exchange, taking nothing but knives, fishookes, and tools to cut withal, neither did they make any account of our courtesy. And when we had nothing left to exchange with them, when we departed from them, the people showed all signs of discourtesy and disdain, as were possible for any creature to invent. We were in despite of them 2 or 3 leagues within the land, being in number 25 armed men of us: And when we went on shore they shot at us with their bows making great outcries, and afterwards fled into the woods. We found not in this land any thing notable, or of importance, saving very great woods and certain hills, they may have some mineral matter in them, because we see many of them have beadstones of Copper hanging at their ears. Beads of copper. We departed from thence keeping our course North-east along the coast, which we found more pleasant champion and without woods, with high mountains within the land continuing directly along the coast for the space of fifty leagues, we discovered 32 Islands lying all near the land, 32 pleasant Islands. being small and pleasant to the view, high and having many turnings and windings between them, making many fair harboroughs and channels as they do in the gulf of Venice in S●lauonia, and Dalmatia, we had no knowledge or acquaintance with the people: we suppose they are of the same manners and nature as the others a●e. Sailing North-east for the space of 150. leagues we approached to the land that in times past was discovered by the Britons, which is in fifty degrees. They ran almost to 50. degrees. Having now spent all our provision and victuals, and having discovered about 700 leagues and more of new Countries, and being furnished with water and wood, we concluded to return into France. Touching the religion of this people, which we have found, for want of their language we could not understand neither by signs nor gesture that they had any religion or law at all, or that they did acknowledge any first cause or mover, neither that they worship the heaven or stars the Sun or Moon or other planets, and much less whither they be idolaters, neither could we learn whither that they used any kind of sacrifices or other adorations, neither in their villages have they any Temples or houses of prayer. We suppose that they have no religion at all, and that they live at their own liberty. And that all this proceedeth of ignorance, for that they are very easy to be persuaded: and all that they see us Christians do in our divine service, they did the same with the like imitation as they see us to do it. A notable history containing four voyages made by certain French Captains into Florida: Wherein the great riches and fruitfulness of the Country with the manners of the people hitherto concealed are brought to light, written all, having the last, by Monsieur Laúdonniere, who remained there himself as the French Kings Lieutenant a year and a quarter: Translated out of French into English by M. RICHARD HAKLVYT. To the right honourable Sir Walter Ralegh Knight, Captain of her majesties Guard, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, and her highness Lieutenant general of the County of Cornwall, R. H. wisheth true 〈◊〉. SIR, after that this history, which had been concealed many years, was lately committed to print and published in France under your Name by my learned friend M. Martin Basamer of Paris, I was easily induced to turn it into English, understanding that the same was no less grateful to you here, than I know it to be acceptable to many great and worthy people there. And no marvel though it were very welcome unto you, and that you liked of the translation thereof, since no history hitherto set forth hath more affinity, resemblance or conformity with yours of Virginia, than this of Florida: But calling to mind that you had spent more years in France then I, and understand the French better than myself, I forthwith perceived that you approved mine endeavour, not for any private ease or commodity that thereby might redound unto you, but that it argued a singular and especial care you had of those which are to be employed in your own like enterprise, whom, by the reading of this my translation, you would have forewarned and admonished aswell to beware of the gross negligence in providing of sufficiency of victuals, the security, disorders, and mutinies that fallen out among the French, with the great inconveniences that thereupon ensued, that by others mishaps they might learn to prevent and avoid the like, Other 〈◊〉 aught to be our warning. as also might be put in mind, by the reading of the manifold commodities and great fertility of the places herein at large described and so near neighbours unto our Colonies, that they might generally be awaked and stirred up unto the diligent observation of every thing that might turn to the advancement of the action, whereinto they are so cheerfully entered. Many special points concerning the commodities of these parts, the accidents of the French men's government therein, the causes of their good or bad success, with the occasions of the abandoning one of their forts, and the surprise of the other by the enemy are herein truly and faithfully recorded: Which because they be quoted by me in the margins, and reduced into a large alphabetical table, which I have annexed to the end of the work, it shall be needless to reckon up again. And that the rather, because the ●ame with divers other things of chiefest importance are lively drawn in colours at your no small charges by the skilful painter james Morgues, sometime living in the Blackfriars in London (whom Monsieur The chief things wo●●●●e observation in Florida are drawn in colours by james Mo●gues painter sometime living in the Black fr●e●s in London. chastilion then Admiral of France sent thither with Laudonniere for that purpose) which was an eye-witness of the goodness and fertility of those regions, and hath put down in writing many singularities which are not mentioned in this treatise: which since he hath published together with the purtraitures. These four voyages I known not to whom I might better offer then to yourself, and that for divers just considerations. First, for that as I have said before, they were dedicated unto you in French: secondly because now four times also you have attempted the like upon the self same coast near adjoining: thirdly in that you have pe●sed as far up into the main and discovered no less secrets in the parts of your abode, than the French did in the places of their inhabiting: lastly considering you are now also ready (upon the late return of Captain Stafford and good news which he brought you of the safe arrival of your last Colony in their wished haven) to prosecute this action more thoroughly than ever. And here to speak somewhat of this your enterprise, I affirm, that if the same may speedily and effectually be pursued, it will prove far more beneficial in divers respects unto this our realm, than the world, yea many of the wiser sort, have hitherto imagined. A ●●li●●●●● or 〈◊〉 me●● 〈◊〉 agouta. The particular commodities whereof are well known unto yourself and some few others, and are faithfully and with great judgement committed to writing, as you are not ignorant, by one of your fellowers, which remained there about a twelve month with your worshipful Lieutenant M. Ralph Lane, in the diligent search of the secrets of those countries. Touching the speedy and effectual pursuing of your action, though I wot well it would demand a prince's purse to have it thoroughly followed without lingering yet am I of opinion, that you shall draw the same before it be long to be profitable and gainful aswell to those of our nation there remaining, as to the merchants of England that shall trade hereafter thither, partly by certain secret commodities already discovered by your servants, Means to raise benefit in new discoveries used by the Sp●niards & Portugals. & partly by breeding of divers sorts of beasts in those large and ample regions, and planting of such things in that warm climate as will best prospero there, and our realm standeth most in need of. And this I found to have been the course that both the Spaniards and Portugals took in the beginnings of their discoveries & conquests. For the Spaniards at their first entrance into Hispaniola found neither suger-canes nor ginger growing there, nor any kind of our cattle: vine, suger-canes and ginger unreported into Hispaniola and Madera, etc. But finding the place fit for pasture they sent cows & bulls and sundry sorts of other profitable beasts thither, & transported the plants of suger-canes, and set the roots of ginger: the hides of which oxen, with sugar and ginger, are now the chief merchandise of that Island. The Portugals also at their first footing in Madera, as john Barros writes in his first Decade, found nothing there but mighty woods for timber, whereupon they called the Island by that name. Howbeit the climate being favourable, they enriched it by their own industry with the best wines and sugars in the world. The like manner of proceeding they used in the Isles of the Açores by sowing therein great quantity of Woad. Woad and vines planted in the Azores. So dealt they in S. Thomas under the Equinoctial, and in Brasil, and sundry other places. And if our men will follow their steps, by your wise direction I doubt not but in due time they shall reap no less commodity and benefit. Moreover there is none other likelihood but that her Majesty, which hath Christened and given the name to your Virginia, if need require, will deal after the manner of honourable godmothers, which, seeing their gossips not fully able to bring up their children themselves, are wont to contribute to their honest education, the rather if they found any towardliness or reasonable hope of goodness in them. And if Elizabeth Queen of Castille and Arragon, The great zeal of Elizabeth Queen of Castille and Arragon in advancing of new discoveries lending to God's glory. after her husband Ferdinando and she had emptied their coffers and exhausted their treasures in subduing the kingdom of Granada and rooting the Moors, a wicked weed, out of Spain, was nevertheless so zealous of God's honour, that (as Fernandus Columbus the son of Christopher Columbus recordeth in the history of the deeds of his father) she laid part of her own jewels, which she had in great account, to gauge, to furnish his father forth upon his first voyage, before any foot of land of all the West Indies was discovered; what may we expect of our most magnificent and gracious prince ELIZABETH of England, into whose lap the Lord hath most plentifully thrown his treasures, what may we, I say, hope of her forwardness and bounty in advancing of this your most honourable enterprise, being far more certain than that of Columbus, at that time especially, and tending no less to the glory of God than that action of the Spanyardes? For as you may read in the very last words of the relation of New Mezico extant now in English, the main land, where your last Colony mean to seat themselves, The aptness of the people in the main of Virginia to embrace Christianity. is replenished with many thousand of Indians, Which are of better wits than those of Mexico, and Peru, as hath been found by those that have had some trial of them: whereby it may be gathered that they will easily embrace the Gospel, forsaking their idolatry, wherein as this present for the most part they are wrapped and entangled. A wise Philosopher noting the sundry desires of divers men, Seneca. writeth, that if an ox be put into a meadow he will seek to fill his belly with grass, if a Stork be cast in she will seek for Snakes, if you turn in a Hound he will seek to start an Hare: So sundry men entering into these discoveries propose unto themselves several ends. Some seek authority and places of commandment, others experience by seeing of the world, the most part worldly and transitory gain, and that often times by dishonest and unlawful means, the fewest number the glory of God and the saving of the souls of the poor and blinded infidels. Yet because divers honest and well disposed people are entered already into this your business, and that I know you mean hereafter to send some such good Churchmen thither, as may truly say with the Apostle to the Savages, We seek not yours but you: 2. Cor. 12.14. I conceive great comfort of the success of this your action, hoping that the Lord, whose power is wont to be perfected in weakness, will bless the feeble foundations of your building. Only be you of a valiant courage and faint not, as the Lord said unto joshua, joshua 1. 6. exhorting him to proceed on forward in the conquest of the land of promise, and remember that private men have happily wielded and waded through as great enterprises as this, with lesser means than those which God in his mercy hath bountifully bestowed upon you, to the singular good, as I assure myself, of this our Common wealth wherein you live. Hereof we have examples domestical and foreign. Remember I pray you, what you found in the beginning of the Chronicle of the conquest of Ireland newly dedicated unto yourself. Read you not that Richard Strangbow the decayed earl of Chepstow in Monmuthshire, The good success in I●●land of Richard Strangbow earl of Chepstow. being in no great favour of his sovereign, passed over into that Island in the year 1171. and accompanied only with certain of his private friends had in short space such prosperous success, that he opened the way for king Henry the second to the speedy subjection of all that warlike nation to this crown of England? The like conquest of Brasilia, and annexing the same to the kingdom of Portugal was first begun by mean and private men, as Don Antonio de castilio, Ambassador here for that realm, and by office keeper of all the records and monuments of their discoveries, assured me in this city in the year 1581. Now if the greatness of the main of Virginia, and the large extension thereof, especially to the West, should make you think that the subduing of it, were a matter of more difficulty than the conquest of Ireland, first I answer, that as the late experience of that skilful pilot and Captain M. john davis to the Northwest (toward which his discovery yourself have thrice contributed with the forwardest) hath showed a great part to be main sea, The happy late dis●ou●rie to the Northwest of Captain davis. where before was thought to be main land, so for my part I am fully persuaded by Ortelius late reformation of Culuacan and the gulf of California, that the land on the back part of Virginia extendeth nothing so far westward as is put down in the Maps of those parts. Moreover it is not to be denied, but that one hundred men will do more now among the naked and unarmed people in Virginia, than one thousand were able then to do in Ireland against that armed and warlike nation in those days. I say further, that these two years last experience hath plainly showed, that we may spare 10000 able men without any miss. And these are as many as the kingdom of Portugal had ever in all their garrisons of the Açores, Madera, Arguin, Cape verde, Guinea, brasil, Mozambique, Melinde, Zocotora, Ormus, Diu, Goa, Malaca, the Malucos, and Macao upon the coast of China. Yea this I say by the confession of singular expert men of their own nation (whose names I suppress for certain causes) which have been personally in the East Indies, & have assured me that their kings had never above ten thousand natural born Portugals (their slaves excepted) out of their kingdom remaining in all the aforesaid territories. The kings of Portugal had n●uer above ten thousand of their natural subjects in all their new conquered dominions. Which also this present year I see confirmed in a secret extract of the particular estate of that kingdom and of every government and office subject to the same, with the several pensions thereunto belonging. Seeing therefore we are so far from want of people, that retiring daily home out of the Low Countries they go idle up and down in swarms for lack of honest entertainment, I see no fit place to employ some part of the better sort of them trained up thus long in service, then in the inward parts of the firm of Virginia against such stubborn Savages as shall refuse obedience to her Majesty. And doubtless many of our men will be glad and feign to accept this condition, when as by the reading of this present treaty they shall understand the fertility and riches of the regions confining so near upon yours, the great commodities and goodness whereof you have been contented to suffer to come to light. In the mean season I humbly commend myself and this my translation unto you, and yourself, and all those which under you have taken this enterprise in hand to the grace and good blessing of the Almighty, which is able to build farther, and to finish the good work which in these our days he hath begun by your most Christian and charitable endeavour. From London the 1. of May 1587. Your L. humble at commandment. R. HAKLVYT. The Preface of M. Rene Laudonniere. THere are two things, which according to mine opinion have been the principal causes, in consideration whereof aswell they of ancient times, as those of our age have been induced to travel into far and remote regions. The first hath been the natural desire which we have to search out the commodities to live happily, plentifully, and at ease: be it whither one abandon his natural Country altogether to devil in a better, or be it that men make voyages thither, there to search out and bring from thence such things as are there to be found, and are in greatest estistimation and in most request in our Countries. The second cause hath been the multitude of people too fruitful in generation, which being no longer able to devil in their native soils, have entered upon their neighbour's limits, and oftentimes passing further have pierced even unto the uttermost regions. After this sort the North climate, a fruitful father of so many nations hath oftentimes sent forth this way and that way his valiant people, and by this mean hath peopled infinite countries: so that most of the nations of Europe draw their original from these parts. Contrariwise the more Southern regions, because they be too barren by reason of their insupportable heat which reigneth in them, need not any such sending forth of their inhabitants, and have been oftentimes constrained to receive other people more often by force of arms then willingly. All Africa, Spain, and Italy can also testify the same, which never so abounded with people that they had need to sand them abroad to inhabit elsewhere: as on the contrary Scythia, Norway, Gotland, and France have done. The posterity of which nations remains yet not only in Italy, Spain & Africa, but also in fruitful and fair Asia. Nevertheless I found that the Romans proceeding further, or rather adding unto these two chief causes aforesaid, (as being most curious to plant not only their ensigns and victories, but also their laws, customs, & religion in those provinces which they had conquered by force of arms) have oftentimes by the decree of their sovereign Senate sent forth inhabitants, which they called Colonies (thinking by this way to make their name immortal) even to the unfurnishing of their own Country of the forces which should have preserved the same in her perfection: Planting of Colonies. a thing which hindered them much more, than advanced them to the possession of the universal monarchy, whereunto their intention did a spire. For it came to pass that their Colonies here and there being miserably sacked by strange people did utterly ruin and overthrow their Empire. The brinks of the river of Rhine are yet read, those of Danubius are no less bloody, and our France become fat with their blood which they lost. These are the effects and rewards of all such as being pricked forward with this Roman and tyrannical ambition will go about thus to subdue strange people: effects, I say, contrary to the profit which those shall receive, which only are affectioned to the common benefit, that is to say, to the general policy of all men, and endeavour to unite them one with another aswell by traffic and civil conversations, as also by military virtues, and force of arms, When force of arms is to be used. when as the Savages will not yield unto their endeavours so much tending unto their profit. For this cause princes have sent forth out of their Dominions certain men of good activity, to plant themselves in strange Countries, there to make their profit to bring the Country to civility, and if it might be, to reduce the inhabitants to the true knowledge of our God: an end so much more commendable, as it is far from all tyrannical and cruel government: and so they have always thrived in their enterprises, and by little and little gained the hearts of them which they have conquered or won unto them by any means. Hereof we may gather that sometimes it is good, yea very expedient to sand forth men to discover the pleasure and commodity of strange countries: Two conditions required in conquests of countries newly discovered. But so, that the Country out of which these companies are to pass remain not weakened, nor deprived of her forces: And again in such sort that the company sent forth be of so just & sufficient number, that it may not be defeated by strangers, which every foot endeavour nothing else but to surprise the same upon the sudden. As within these few days past the French have proved to my great grief, Nota. being able by no means possible to withstand the same, considering that the elements, men, and all the favours which might be hoped for of a faithful and Christian alliance fought against us: which thing I purpose to discover in this present history with so evideut truth, that the king's Majesty my sovereign prince shall in part be satisfied of the diligence which I have used in his service, and mine adversaries shall found themselves so discovered in their false reports, that they shall have no place of refuge. But before I begin, I will briefly set down the situation and description of the land whereunto we have sailed and where we have inhabited from the year 1561. unto sixty five, to the end that those things may the more easily be born away, which I mean to describe in this discourse. The description of the West Indies in general, but chief and particularly of Florida. America unknown to all antiquity. THat part of the earth which at this day we call the fourth part of the world, or America, or rather the West India, was unknown unto our ancestors by reason of the great distance thereof. In like manner all the Western Islands and fortunate Isles were not discovered but by those of our age. Howbeit there have been some which have said that they were discovered in the time of Augustus Caesar, and that Virgil hath made mention thereof in the sixt book of his AEneidos, when he says, There is a land beyond the stars, and the course of the year and of the Sun, where Atlas the Porter of heaven sustaineth the pole upon his shoulders: nevertheless it is easy to judge that he means not to speak of this land, whereof no man is found to have written before his time, neither yet above a thousand years after. Christopher Colon did first light upon this land in the year 1592. Christopher Colon or Columbe. And five years after Americus went thither by the commandment of the king of Castille, and gave unto it his own name, whereupon afterward it was called America. Americus Vespucius of whom America took the name. This man was very well seen in the Art of Navigation and in Astronomy: whereby he discovered in his time many lands unknown unto the ancient Geographers. This Country is named by some, the land of bresil, and the land of Parrots. The first general part of America. It stretcheth itself, according unto postel, from the one Pole to the other, saving at the straight of Magelan, whereunto it reacheth 53. degrees beyond the Equator. Caboca in the yeer● 1597 had discovered all this tract for the crown of England. I will divide it for the better understanding into three principal parts. That which is toward the Pole Arctic or the North is called new France, because that in the year 1524. john Verrazzano a Florentine was sent by King Francis the first, and by Madam the Regent his mother unto these new Regions, where he went on land, and discovered all the coast which is from the Tropic of Cancer, to wit, from the eight and twentieth unto the fiftieth degree, and farther unto the North. He planted in this Country the Ensigns and Arms of the king of France: so that the Spaniards themselves which were there afterward, have named this Country Terra Francesca. The same then extendeth itself in Latitude from the 25. degree unto the 54. toward the North: and in Longitude from 210. unto 330. The Eastern part thereof is called by the late writers The land of Norumbega, which beginneth at the Bay of Gama, which separateth it from the Isle of Canada, whither jaques Carthier sailed the year 1535. About the which there are many islands, among which is that which is named Terra de Labrador stretching toward Groenland. In the Western part there are many known Countries, as the Regions of Quivira, Civola, Astatlan, and Terlichichimici. The Southern part is called Florida, because it was discovered on Palme-sunday, which the Spaniards call Pascha Florida. The Northern part is altogether unknown. The second part of all America is called new Spain. The second general part of America. It extendeth from the Tropic of Cancer in twenty three degrees and a half, unto the ninth degree. In the same is situated the City of Themistican, and it hath many Regions, and many Islands adjoined unto it, which are called the Antilles, whereof the most famous and renowned are Hispaniola and Isabel, with an infinite number of others. All this land, together with the Bay of Mexico, and all the islands aforesaid, have not in Longitude past seventy degrees, to wit, from the two hundredth and forty, unto three hundredth and ten: it is also long and narrow as Italy. The third part of America is called Peru, The third general part of America. it is very great, and extendeth itself in Latitude from the tenth degree unto the three and fiftieth beyond Equator, to wit, as I have said before, unto the straight of Magelan. It is made in fashion like to an egg, and is very well known upon all sides. The part where it is largest hath threescore degrees, and from thence it waxeth narrower and narrower toward both the ends. In one part of this land Villegagnon planted right under the Tropic of Capricorn, Villegaignon. and he called it France Antarctick, because it draweth toward the pole Antarctick as our France doth toward the Arctic. New France is almost as great as all our Europe. Howbeit the most known and inhabited part thereof is Florida, Florida with an ample description thereof. whither many Frenchmen have made divers voyages at sundry times, insomuch that now it is the best known Country which is in all this part of new France. The Cape thereof is as it were a long head of land stretching out into the Sea an hundred leagues, and runneth directly toward the South: it hath right over against it five and twenty leagues distant the Isle of Cuba otherwise called Isabel, toward the East the Isles of Bahama and Lucaya, and toward the West the Bay of Mexico. The Country is flat, and divided with divers rivers, and therefore moist, and is sandy towards the Sea shore. There groweth in those parts great quantity of Pinetrees, The trees of Florida. which have no kernels in the apples which they bear. Their woods are full of Oaks, Walnutrees, black Cherrietrees, Mulberry trees, Lentiskes, and Chestnut trees, which are more wild than those in France. There is great shore of Cedars, Cypresses, Bays, Palm trees, Hollies, and wild Uines, which climb up along the trees and bear good Grapes. There is there a kind of Meddlers, the fruit whereof is better than that of France, and bigger. These are perhaps those which the Savages call Tunas. There are also Plumtrees, which bear very fair fruit, but such as is not very good. There are Raspasses, and a little berry which we call among us Blues, which are very good to eat. There grow in that Country a kind of Roots which they call in their language Hasez, whereof in necessity they make bread. There is also there the tree called Esquine, which is very good against the Pocks and other contagious diseases. The beasts of Florida. The Beasts best known in this Country are Stags, Hinds, Goats, Dear, Leopards, Ounces, Luse●ns, divers sorts of Wolves, wild Dogs, Hares, Coneys, and a certain kind of beast that differeth little from the Lion of Africa. The fowls are Turkey cocks, Partridges, Parrots, Pigeons, Ringdoves, Turtles, Blackbirdes, Crows, Tarcels, Falcons, Laynerds, Herons, Cranes, Storks, wild Geese, Malards', Cormorauts, Herushawes, white, red, black and grey, and an infinite sort of all wild foul. The ●oule of Florida. There is such abundance of Crocodiles, Crocodiles. that oftentimes in swimming men are assailed by them: of Serpents there are many sorts. There is found among the Savages good quantity of Gold and Silver, which is got out of the ships that are lost upon the coast, as I have understood by the Savages themselves. They use traffic thereof one with another. And that which maketh me the rather believe it is, that on the coast toward the Cape, where commonly the ships are cast away, there is more store of Silver then toward the North. Gold and silver. Nevertheless they say, that in the Mountains of Appala●cy there are Mines of Copper, The mountains of Appala●cy. which I think to be Gold. There is also in this Country great store of grains and herbs, whereof might be made excellent good dies and paintings of all kind of colours. Store of dies and colours. And in truth the Indians which take pleasure in painting of their skins, know very well how to use the same. The men are of an Olive colour, of great stature, fair, without any deformity, and well proportioned. The disposition and maner● of the Flori●ians. They cover their privities with the skin of a Stag well dressed. The most part of them have their bodies, arms, and thighs painted with very fair devices: the painting whereof can never be taken away, because the same is pricked into their flesh. Their hair is very black, and reacheth even down to their hips, howbeit they truss it up after a fashion that becometh them very well. They are great dissemblers and traitors, valiant of their people & fight very well. They have none other weapons but their bows and arrows. They make the string of their bow of a gut of a Stag or of a Stag's skin, which they know how to dress as well as any man in France, and with as different sorts of colours. They head their arrows with the teeth of fish and stone, The wearing of their ha●re. which they work very finely and handsomely. They exercise their young men to run well, Their ex●rcise and pastime. and they make a game among themselves, which he winneth that hath the longest breath. Running for games. They also exercise themselves much in shooting. Shooting. They play at the ball in this manner: Playing at the Ball. they set up a tree in the midst of a place which is eight or nine fathom high, in the top whereof there is set a square mat made of reeds or Bulrushes, which whosoever hitteth in playing thereat, winneth the game. They take great pleasure in hunting and fishing. Hunting. Fishing. The kings of the Country make great war one against the other, Their form of war. which is not executed but by surprise, and they kill all the men they can take: afterward they cut of their heads to have their hair, which returning home they carry away, to make thereof their triumph when they come to their houses. They save the women and children and nourish them and keep them always with them. Being returned home from the war, they assemble all their subjects, and for joy three days and three nights they make good cheer, they dance & sing, likewise they make the most ancient women of the Country to dance, holding the hairs of their enemies in their hands: and in dancing they sing praises to the Sun, ascribing unto him the honour of the victory. Their triumphs after the victor●e. They have no knowledge of God, nor of any religion, saving of that which they see, as the Sun and the Moon. They worship the S●nne and Moon. They have their Priests to whom they give great credit, because they are great magicians great soothsayerss, and callers upon devils. These Priests serve them in stead of Physicians and chirurgeons. Their Priests are both Magicians and Physicians. They carry always about them a bag full of herbs and drugs to cure the sick diseased which for the most part are sick of the pocks, for they love women & maidens exceedingly, which they call the daughters of the Sun: and some of them are Sodemites. They marry, and every one hath his wife, and it is lawful for the King to have two or three: Their marriages. yet none but the first is honoured and acknowledged for Queen: and none but the children of the first wife inherit the goods and authority of the father. The women do all the business at home. The painfulness of the women. They keep not house with them after they know they be with child. And they eat not of that which they touch as long as they have their flowers. There are in all this Country many Hermaphrodites, Many Hermaphrodites which have the nature of both se●es. which take all the greatest pain, and bear the victuals when they go to war. They paint their faces much, and stick their hair full of feathers or down, that they may seem more terrible. The victuals which they carry with them, are of bread, of honey, and of meal made of Maiz parched in the fire, Their food and provision for war. which they keep without being marred a long while. They carry also sometimes fish. which they 'cause to be dressed in the smoke. Their dressing their flesh and fish over the smoke. In necessity they eat a thousand rifraffes, even to the swallowing down of coals, and putting sand into the pottage that they make with this meal. When they go to war, their King marcheth first● Their order in marching to the war. with a club in the one hand, and his bow in the other, with his quiver full of arrows. All his men follow him, which have likewise their bows and arrows. While they fight, they make great cries and exclamations. They take no enterprise in hand, but first they assemble oftentimes their Council together, Their consultations. and they take very good advisement before they grow to a resolution. They meet together every morning in a great common house, whither their King repaireth, and setteth him down upon a seat which is higher than the seats of the other: where all of them one after another come and salute him: and the most ancient begin their salutations, lifting up both their hands twice as high as their face, saying, Ha', he, ya, and the rest answer ha', ha'. assoon as they have done their salutation, every man sitteth him down upon the seats which are round about in the house. Their saluting of their kings. If there be any thing to entreat of, the King calleth the jawas, that is to say, their Priests, and the most ancient men, and asketh them their advise. Afterwards he commandeth Cassine to be brewed, which is a drink made of the leaves of a certain tree: They drink this Cassine very hot: The drinking of Cassine before they go to battle. he drinketh first, than he causeth to be given thereof to all of them one after another in the same bowl, which holdeth well a quart measure of Paris. They make so great account of this drink, that no man may taste thereof in this assembly, unless he hath made proof of his valour in the war. The honour exhibited vnto● men of valour above other. Moreover this drink hath such a virtue, that assoon as they have drunk it, they become all in a sweat, which sweat being past, it taketh away hunger and thirst for four and twenty hours after. The excellency of Cassine. When a King dieth, they bury him very solemnly, and upon his grave they set the cup wherein he was wont to drink: and round about the said grave they stick many arrows, Their manner of the burial of Kings. and weep and fast three days together without ceasing. All the kings which were his friends make the like mourning: and in token of the love which they bore him, they cut of more than the one half of their hair, Their cutting of more than half their hair. as well men as women. During the space of six Moons (so they reckon their months) there are certain women appointed which bewail the death of this King, crying with a loud voice thrice a day, to wit, in the Morning, at Noon, and at Evening. All the goods of this King are put into his house, and afterward they set it on fire, so that nothing is ever more after to be seen. The like is done with the goods of the Priests, and besides they bury the bodies of the Priests in their houses, The burial of their Priests. and then they set them on fire. They sow their Maiz twice a year, to wit, in March and in june, Sowing twice in 6. months. and all in one and the same soil. The said Maiz from the time that it is sowed until the time that it be ready to be gathered, is but three months on the ground. The other 6. months they let the earth rest. They have also fair pompions, Fair pompions. & very good Beans. Goodly beans. They never dung their land, only when they would sow, they set the weeds on fire, which grew up the 6. months, and burn them all. They dig their ground with an instrument of wood which is fashioned like a broad mattock, Instruments wherewith they ●ill their their ground. wherewith they dig their Uines in France, they put two graives of Maiz together. When the land is to be sowed, the King commandeth one of his men to assemble his subjects every day to labour, during which labour the King causeth store of that drink to be made for them, whereof we have spoken. At the time when the Maiz is gathered, it is all carried into a common house, where it is distributed to every man according to his quality. The bringing of all the crop into a common house. They sow no more but that which they think will serve their turns for six months, & that very scarcely. Their provision of corn for 6 months only. For during the Winter they retire themselves for three or four months in the year into the woods, Their manner of living in the Winter. where they make little cottages of Palm boughs for their retreat, and live there of mast, of Fish which they take, of Oysters, of Stags, of Turkeycockes, and other beasts which they take. They eat all their meat broiled on the coals, and dressed in the smoke, which in their language they call Boucaned. The dressing of their meat in the smoke. They eat willingly the flesh of the Crocodile: and in deed it is fair and white: and were it not that it savoureth too much like Musk we would oftentimes have eaten thereof. They have a custom among them, that when they find themselves sick, where they feel the pain, whereas we 'cause ourselves to be let blood, their Physicians suck them until they make the blood follow. Their manner of curing diseases. The women are likewise of good proportion and tall, Their women's dispositions and manners. and of the same colour that the men be of, painted as the men be: Howbeit when they are born, they be not so much of an Olive colour, and are far whiter. For the chief cause that maketh them to be of this colour proceeds of annointings of oil which they use among them: Oil in Florida. and they do it for a certain ceremony which I could not learn, and because of the Sun which shines hot upon their bodies. The agility of the women is so great, that they can swim over the great Rivers bearing their children upon one of their arms. Women great swimmers. They climb up also very nimbly upon the highest trees in the Country. Behold in brief the description of the Country, with the nature and customs of the Inhabitants: which I was very willing to writ, before I entered any further into the discourse of my history, to the end that the Readers might be the better prepared to understand that, which I mean hereafter to entreat of. MY Lord Admiral of Chastillon, a noble man more desirous of the public then of his private benefit, understanding the pleasure of the King his prince, which was to discover new and strange Countries, caused vessels fit for this purpose to be made ready with all diligence, and men to beelevied meet for such an enterprise: Among whom he chose Captain john Ribault, a man in truth expert in sea causes: which having received his charge, set himself to Sea the year 1562. the eighteenth of February, The first vo●age of john Ribault to Florida 1562. accompanied only with two of the king's ships, but so well furnished with Gentlemen, (of whose number I myself was one) and with old Soldiers, that he had means to achieve some notable thing and worthy of eternal memory. Having therefore sailed two months, never holding the usual course of the Spaniards, The course of the Spaniards not altogether necessary. he arrived in Florida, landing near a Cape or Promontory, which is no high land, because the coast is all flat, but only rising by reason of the high woods, which at his arrival he called Cape François in honour of our France. Cape Francois in 30. degrees. This Cape is distant from the Equator about thirty degrees. Coasting from this place towards the North, he discovered a very fair and great River, which gave him occasion to cast anchor that he might search the same the next day very early in the morning: which being done by the break of day, accompanied with Captain Fiquinuille and divers other soldiers of his ship, he was no sooner arrived on the brink of the shore, but strait he perceived many Indians men and women, which came of purpose to that place to receive the Frenchmen with all gentleness and amity, as they well declared by the Oration which their king made, and the presents of Chamois skins wherewith he honoured our Captain, which the day following caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the said River, A pillar set up and not far from the mouth of the same upon a little sandy knap, in which pillar the Arms of France were carved and engraved. This being done he embarked himself again, to the end always to discover the coast toward the North which was his chief desire. After he had sailed a certain time he crossed over to the other side of the river, and then in the presence of certain Indians, which of purpose did attend him, he commanded his men to make their prayers, to give thanks to GOD, Prayer and thanks to God. for that of his grace he had conducted the French nation unto these strange places without any danger at all. The prayers being ended, the Indians which were very attentive to harken unto them, thinking in my judgement, that we worshipped the Sun, because we always had our eyes lifted up toward heaven, rose all up and came to salute the Captain john Ribault, promising to show him their King, which rose not up as they did, but remained still sitting upon green leaves of Bays and Palmetrees: toward whom the Captain went and sat down by him, and herded him make a long discourse, but with no great pleasure, because he could not understand his language, and much less his meaning. The King gave our Captain at his departure a plume or fan of Herushawes' feathers died in read, Presents given to Ribault. and a basket made of Palme-boughes after the Indian fashion, and wrought very artificially, and a great skin painted and drawn throughout with the pictures of divers wild beasts so lively drawn and portrayed, that nothing lacked but life. The Captain to show himself not unthankful, gave him pretty tin bracelets, a cutting hook, a looking glass, and certain knives: whereupon the King showed himself to be very glad and fully contented. Having spent the most part of the day with these Indians, the Captain embarked himself to pass over to the other side of the River, whereat the king seemed to be very sorry. Nevertheless being not able to stay us, he commanded that with all diligence they should take fish for us: which they did with all speed. For being entered into their Wears or enclosures made of reeds and framed in the fashion of a Labirynth or Mase, Their fish-weares like those of Virginia. they loaded us with Trou●es, great Mullets, Plaise, Turbuts, and marvelous store of other sorts of fish altogether different from ours. They pass over the river. This done, we entered into our Boats and went toward the other shore. But before we came to the shore, we were saluted with a number of other Indians, which entering into the water to their armpits, brought us many little baskets full of Maiz, and goodly Mulberries both read and white: Goodly Mulberries white and read. Others offered themselves to bear us on shore, where being landed we perceived their King sitting upon a place dressed with boughs, and under a little Arbour of Cedars and Bay trees somewhat distant from the waters side. He was accompanied with two of his sons which were exceeding fair and strong, and with a troup of Indians who had all their bows and arrows in marvelous good order. His two sons received our Captain very graciously: but the king their father, representing I wots not what kind of gravity, did nothing but shake his head a little: then the Captain went forward to salute him, and without any other moving of himself he retained so constant a kind of gravity, that he made it seem unto us that by good and lawful right he bore the title of a King. Our Captain knowing not what to judge of this man's behaviour, thought he was jealous because we went first unto the other king, or else that he was not well pleased with the Pillar or Column which he had planted. While thus he known not what hereof to think, our Captain showed him by signs, that he was come from a far Country to seek him, to let him understand the amity which he was desirous to have with him: for the better confirmation whereof, he drew out of a budget certain trifles, as certain bracelets covered as it were with silver and guilt, which he presented him withal, and gave his sons certain other trifles. Whereupon the King began very lovingly to entreat both our Captain and us. And after there gentle intertainments, we went ourselves into the woods, hoping there to discover some singularities: where were great store of Mulberry trees white and read, on the tops whereof there was an infinite number of silkworms. Great store of silkworms. Following our way we discovered a fair and great meadow, divided notwithstanding with divers Marshes, which constrained us by reason of the water, which environed it about, to return back again toward the rivers side. Finding not the King there, which by this time was go home to his house, we entered into our Boats and sailed toward our ships: where after we arrived, we called this River The River of May, The river of May. because we discovered it the first day of the said month. Soon after we returned to our ships, we weighed our anchors and hoist our sails to discover the coast farther forward, along the which we discovered another fair River, which the Captain himself was minded to search out, and having searched it out with the king and inhabitants thereof, he named it S●ine, because it is very like unto the River of Seine in France. The river of Seine. From this River we retired toward our ships, where being arrived, we trimmed our sails to sail further toward the North, and to descry the singularities of the coast. But we had not sailed any great way before we discovered another very fair River, which caused us to cast anchor over against it, and to trim out two Boats to go to search it out. We found there an isle and a king no less affable than the rest, afterward we named this River some. The River of some. From thence we sailed about six leagues, after we discovered another River, which after we had viewed was named by us by the name of Loire. The River of Loire. And consequently we there discovered five others: whereof the first was named Cherente, the second Garonne, the third Gironde, the fourth bell, the fift grand: The Rivers of Cherente, Ga●onne, Gironde, bell, grand. which being very well discovered with such things as were in them, by this time in less than the space of threescore leagues we had found out many singularities along nine Rivers. Nevertheless not fully satisfied we sailed yet further toward the North, following the course that might bring us to the River of jordan one of the fairest Rivers of the North, and holding our wont course, great fogs and tempests came upon us, which constrained us to leave the coast to bear toward the main Sea, which was the cause that we lost the sight of our Pinnesses a whole day and a night until the next day in the morning, what time the weather waxing fair and the Sea calm, we discovered a River which we called bell a veoir. The river bell a ●eoir. After we had sailed three or four leagues, we began to espy our Pinnesses which came strait toward us, and at their arrival they reported to the Captain, that while the foul weather and fogs endured, they harboured themselves in a mighty River which in bigness and beauty exceeded the former: wherewithal the Captain was exceeding joyful, for his chief desire was to find out an Haven to harbour his ships, and there to refresh ourselves for a while. Thus making thitherward we arrived athwart the said River, (which because of the fairness and largeness thereof we named Port Royal) we struck our sails and east anchor at ten fathom of water: The River of Port Royal in 32. degrees of latitude. for the depth is such, namely when the Sea beginneth to flow, that the greatest ships of France, yea, the Arguzes of Venice may enter in there. Having cast anchor, the Captain with his Soldiers went on shore, and he himself went first on land: where we found the place as pleasant as was possible, for it was all covered over with mighty high Oaks and infinite store of Cedars, and with Lentiskes growing underneath them, smelling so sweetly, that the very fragrant odor only made the place to seem exceeding pleasant. As we passed thorough these woods we see nothing but Turkeycocks flying in the Forests, Turkeycocks. Partridges grey and read, Partridges grey and read. little different from ours, but chief in bigness. We herded also within the woods the voices of Stags, of Bears, of Lusernes, of Leopards, & divers other sorts of Beasts unknown unto us. Being delighted with this place, we set ourselves to fishing with nets, & we caught such a number of fish, Fish in abundance. that it was wonderful. And amongst other we took a certain kind of fish which we call Salliroques, which were no less than Crevices, so that two draughts of the net were sufficient to feed all the company of our two ships for a whole day. The River at the mouth thereof from Cape to Cape is no less than 3. French leagues broad: The River 3. leagues at the mouth. it is divided into two great arms, whereof the one runneth toward the West, the other towards the North: And I believe in my judgement that the arm which stretcheth toward the North runneth up into the Country as fair as the River jordan, the other arm runneth into the Sea, A passage by a river into the Sea. as it was known and understood by those of our company, which were left behind to devil in this place. These two arms are two great leagues broad: and in the midst of them there is an isle, which is pointed towards the opening of the great River, in which Island there are infinite numbers of all sorts of strange beasts. There are Simples growing there of so rare properties, and in so great quantity, Store of rare simpleses. that it is an excellent thing to behold them. On every side there is nothing to believe but Palmetrees, and other sorts of trees bearing blossoms and fruit of very rare shape and very good smell. But seeing the evening approach, and that the Captain determined to return unto the ships, we prayed him to suffer us to pass the night in this place. In our absence the Pilots and chief Mariners adverised the Captain that it was needful to bring the ships further up within the River, to avoid the dangers of the winds which might annoyed us, by reason of our being so near to the mouth of the River: and for this cause the Captain sent for us. Being come to our ships, we sailed three leagues further up within the River, and there we cast anchor. A little while after, john Ribault accompanied with a good number of soldiers embarked himself, Ribault saileth 12. leagues by the River. desirous to sail further up into the arm that runneth toward the West, and to search the commodities of the place. Having sailed twelve leagues at the lest, we perceived a troup of Indians, which assoon as ever they espied the Pinnesses, were so afraid that they fled into the woods leaving behind them a young Lucerne which they were a turning upon a spit: for which cause the place was called Cape Lucerne: Cape Luc●rne. proceeding forth on our way, we found another arm of the River, which ran toward the East, up which the Captain determined to sail and to leave the great current. A little while after they began to espy divers other Indians both men and women half hidden within the woods: who knowing not that we were such as desired their friendship, were dismayed at the first, but soon after were emboldened, for the Captain caused store of merchandise to be showed th●m openly whereby they known that we meant nothing but well unto them: and then they made a sign that we should come on land, which we would not refuse. At our coming on shore divers of th●m came to salute our General according to their barbarous fashion. Some of them gave him skins of Chamois, Chamois. others little baskets made of Palm leaves, some presented him with Pea●les, Pearls. but no great number. Afterwards they went about to make an arbour to defend us in that place from the parching heat of the Sun. But we would not stay as then. Wherefore the Captain thanked them much for their good will, and gave presents to each of them: wherewith he pleased them so well before he went thence, that his sudden departure was nothing pleasant unto them. For knowing him to be so liberal, they would have wished him to have stayed a little longer, seeking by all means to give him occasion to stay, showing him by signs that he should stay but that day only, and that they desired to advertise a great Indian Lord which had Pearls in great abundance, and Silver also, Store of pearls and silver. all which things should be given unto him at the King's arrival: saying further that in the mean time while that this great Lord came thither, they would lead him to their houses, and show him there a thousand pleasures in shooting, and seeing the Stag killed, therefore they prayed him not to deny them their request. Notwithstanding we returned to our ships, where after we had been but one night, the Captain in the morning commanded to put into the Pinnace a pillar of hard stone fashioned like a column, wherein the Arms of the king of France were graven, A Pillar of ●ree stone wherein the Arms of France were graven, set by in an Island in the river of Port Royal. to plant the same in the fairest place that he could find. This done, we embarked ourselves, and sailed three leagues towards the West: where we discovered a little river, up which we sailed so long, that in the end we found it returned into the great current, and in his return to make a little Island separated from the firm land, where we went on shore: and by commandment of the Captain, because it was exceeding fair and pleasant, there we planted the Pillar upon a hillock open round about to the view, and environed with a lake half a fathom deep of very good and sweet water. In which Island we saw two Stags of exceeding bigness, in respect of those which we had seen before, which we might easily have killed with our harguebuzes, if the Captain had not forbidden us, moved with the singular fairness and bigness of them. But before our departure we named the little river which environed this Isle, The River of Liborne. The River of Liborne. Afterwards we embarked ourselves to search another I'll not far distant from the former: wherein after we had go a land, we found nothing but tall Cedars, the fairest that were seen in this Country. For this cause we called it. The I'll of Cedars: The I'll of C●d●rs. so we returned into our Pinnace to go towards our ships. A few days afterward john Ribault determined to return once again toward the Indians which inhabited that arm of the River which runneth toward the West, and to carry with him good store of soldiers. For his meaning was to take two Indians of this place to bring them into France, as the Queen had commanded him. With this deliberation again we took our former course so far forth, that at the last we came to the self same place where at the first we found the Indians, from thence we took two Indians by the permission of the king, which thinking that they were more favoured than the rest, thought themselves very happy to stay with us. But these two Indians seeing we made no show at all that we would go on land, Two Indians taken away. but rather that we followed the midst of the current, began to be somewhat offended, and would by force have leapt into the water, for they are so good swimmers that immediately they would have got into the forests. Nevertheless being acquainted with their humour, we watched them narrowly and sought by all means to appease them: which we could not by any means do for that time, though we offered them things which they much esteemed, which things they disdained to take, and gave back again whatsoever was given them, thinking that such gifts should have altogether bond them, and that in restoring them they should be restored unto their liberty. In five, perceiving that all that they did availed them nothing, they prayed us to give them those things which they had restored, which we did incontinent: The doleful songs of the Indians. then they approached one toward the other and began to sing, agreeing so sweetly together, that in hearing their song it seemed that they lamented the absence of their friends. They continued their songs all night without ceasing: all which time we were constrained to lie at anchor by reason of the tide that was against us, but we hoist sail the next day very early in the morning, and returned to our ships. assoon as we were come to our ships, every one sought to gratify these 2 Indians, & to show them the best countenance that was possible: to the intent that by such courtesies they might perceive the good desire and affection which we had to remain their friends in time to come. Then we offered them meat to eat, but they refused it, and made us understand that they were accustomed to wash their face and to stay until the Sun were set before they did eat, The Indians eat not before the sun be set. which is a ceremony common to all the Indians of New France. Nevertheless in the end they were constrained to forget their superstitions, and to apply themselves to our nature, which was somewhat strange unto them at the first. They become therefore more iocinide, every hour made us a 1000 discourses, being marvelous sorry that we could not understand them. A few days after they began to bear so good will towards me, that, as I think, they would rather have perished with hunger & thirst, then have taken their refection at any man's hand but mine. Seeing this their good will, I sought to learn some Indians words, Laudonnier● putting down in writing the words and phrases of the Indians speech. & began to ask them questions, showing them the thing whereof I desired to know the name, how they called it. They were very glad to tell it me, and knowing the desire that I had to learn their language, they encouraged me afterward to ask them every thing. So that putting down in writing the words and phrases of the Indian speech, I was able to understand the greatest part of their discourses. Every day they did nothing but speak unto me of the desire that they had to use me well, if we returned unto their houses, and 'cause me to receive all the pleasures that they could devise, aswell in hunting as in seeing their very strange and superstitious ceremonies at a certain feast which they call Toya. The feast of Toya. Which feast they observe as straight as we observe the Sunday. They gave me to understand; that they would bring me to see the greatest Lord of this country which they called Chiquola, which exceedeth them in height (as they told me) a good foot and a half. They said unto me that he dwelled within the land in a very large place and enclosed exceeding high, but I could not learn wherewith. And as far as I can judge, this place whereof they spoke unto me, was a very far city. This seemeth to be La grand Cop●l. For they said unto me that within the enclosure there was great store of houses which were built very high, wherein there was an infinite number of men like unto themselves, which made none accounted of gold, of silver, nor of pearls, seeing they had thereof in abundance. I began then to show them all the parts of heaven, to the intent to learn in which quarter they dwelled. And straightway one of them stretching out his hand showed me that they dwelled toward the North, which makes me think that it was the river of jordan. And now I remember, that in the reign of the Emperor Charles the fift, certain Spaniard's inhabitants of S. Domingo (which made a voyage to get certain slaves to work in their mines) stolen away by subtlety the inhabitants of this river, to the number of 40, thinking to carry them into their new Spain. But they lost their labour: for in despite they died all for hunger, saving one that was brought to the Emperor, which a little while after he caused to be baptized, and gave him his own name & called him Charles of Chiquola, because he spoke so much of this Lord of Chiquola whose subject he was. Also, he reported continually, that Chiquola made his abode within a very great enclosed city. Besides this proof, those which were left in the first voyage have certified me, that the Indians showed them by evident signs, that farther within the land toward the North, there was a great enclosure or city, where Chiquola dwelled. After they had stayed a while in our ships, they began to be sorry, and still demanded of me when they should return. I made them understand that the Captains will was to sand them home again, but that first he would bestow apparel of them, which few days after was delivered unto them. But seeing he would not give them licence to departed, they resolved with themselves to steal away by night, and to get a little boat which we had, and by the help of the tide to sail home toward their dwellings, and by this means to save themselves. The 2 Indi●●s escape away. Which thing th●y failed not to do, and put their enterprise in execution, yet leaving behind th●m the apparel which the Captain had given them, and carrying away nothing but that which was their own, showing well hereby that they were not voided of reason. The Captain cared not greatly for their departure, considering they had not been used otherwise then well: and that therefore they would not estrange themselves from the Frenchmen. The benefit of planting. Captain Ribault therefore knowing the singular fairness of this river, desired by all means to encourage some of his men to devil there, well foreseeing that this thing might be of great importance for the King's service, and the relief of the Common wealth of France. Therefore proceeding on with his intent, he commanded the anchors to be weighed and to set things in order to return unto the opening of the river, to the end that if the wind came fair he might pass out to accomplish the rest of his meaning. When therefore we were come to the mouth of the river, he made them cast anchor, whereupon we stayed without discovering any thing all the rest of the day. The next day he commanded that all the men of his ship should come up upon the deck, saying that he had somewhat to say unto them. They all came up, and immediately the Captain began to speak unto them in this manner. The Oration of john Ribault to his company. I think there is none of you that is ignorant of how great consequence this our enterprise is, and also how acceptable it is unto our young King. Therefore my friends (as one desiring your honour and benefit) I would not fail to advertise you all of the exceeding good hap which should fall to them, which; as men of valour and worthy courage, would make trial in this our first discovery of the benefits and commodities of this new land: which should be, as I assure myself, the greatest occasion that ever could happen unto them, to arise unto the title and degree of honour. And for this cause I was desirous to propose unto you and set down before your eyes the eternal memory which of right they deserve, which forgetting both their parents and their country have had the courage to enterprise a thing of such importance, which even kings themselves understanding to be men aspiring to so high degree of magnanimity and increase of their majesties, do not disdain so well to regard, that afterwards employing them in matters of weight & of high enterprise, they make their names immortal for ever. Howbeit, I would not have you persuade yourselves, as many do, that you shall never have such good fortune, as not being known neither to the king not the Princes of the Realm, and besides descending of so poor a stock, that few or none of your parents, having ever made profession of arms, have been known unto the great estates. For albeit that from my tender years I myself have applied all my industry to follow them, and have hazarded my life in so many dangers for the service of my prince, yet could I never attain thereunto (not that I did not deserve this title and degree of government) as I have seen it happen to many others, only because they descend of a noble race, since more regard is had of their birth then of their virtue. For well I know that if virtue were regarded, there would more be found worthy to deserve the title, & by good right to be named noble and valiant. I will therefore make sufficient answer to such propositions and such things as you may object against me, laying before you the infinite examples which we have of the Romans; which concerning the point of honour were the first that triumphed over the world. For how many find we among them, which for their so valiant enteprizes, not for the greatness of their parentage, have obtained the honour to triumph? If we have recourse unto their ancestors, we shall find that their parents were of so mean condition, that by labouring with their hands they lived very basely. As the father of AElius Pert●nax, AElius Pert●nax descending from base parentage become Emperor of Rome. which was a poor artisan, his Grandfather likewise was a bond man, as the historiographers do witness: and nevertheless, being moved with a valiant courage, he was nothing dismayed for all this, but rather desirous to aspire unto high things, he began with a brave stomach to learn feats of arms, and profited so well therein, that from step to step he become at length to be Emperor of the Romans. For all this dignity he despised not his parents: but contrariwise, & in remembrance of them, he caused his father's shop to be covered with a fine wrought marble, to serve for an example to men descended of base & poor lineages, to give them occasion to aspire unto high things notwithstanding the meanness of their ancestors. I will not pass over in silence the excellency & prowess of the valiant & renowned Agathocles the son of a simple potter, and yet forgetting the contemptible estate of his father, he so applied himself to virtue in his tender years, that by the favour of arms he came to be king of Sicily: Agathocles a porters son become king of Sicily. and for all this title he refused not to be counted the son of a Potter. But the more to eternize the memory of his parents and to make his name renowned, he commanded that he should be served at the Table in vessels of gold and silver and others of earth: declaring thereby that the dignity wherein he was placed came not unto him by his parents, but by his own virtue only. If I shall speak of our time, I will lay before you only Rusten basha, which may be a sufficient example to all men: Rusten B●ssha of an herdsman's son through his valour become the great Turk's son in law. which though he were the son of a poor herdsman, did so apply his youth in all virtue, that being brought up in the service of the great Turk, he seemed to aspire to great and high matters, in such fort that growing in years he increased also in courage, so far forth, that in fine for his excellent virtues he married the daughter of the great Turk his Prince. How much then aught so many worthy examples to move you to plant here? Considering also that hereby you shallbe registered for ever as the first that inhabited this strange country. I pray you therefore all to advise yourselves thereof, and to declare your minds freely unto me, protesting that I will so well imprint your names in the king's ears, and the other princes, that your renown shall hereafter shine unquenchable through our Realm of France. He had scarcely ended his Oration, but the greatest part of our soldiers replied: The soldiers answer to Ribaults Oration. that a greater pleasure could never betide them, perceiving well the acceptable service which by this means they should do unto their Prince: besides that this thing should be for the increase of their honours: therefore they besought the Captain, before he departed out of the place, to begin to build them a Fort, which they hoped afterward to finish, and to leave them munition necessary for their defence, showing as it seemed that they were displeased, that it was so long in doing. Whereupon john Ribault being as glad as might be to see his men so well willing, determined the next day to search the most fit and convenient place to be inhabited. Wherefore he embarked himself very early in the morning and commanded them to follow him that were desirous to inhabit there, to the intent that they might like the beter of the place. Having sailed up the great river on the North side, in coasting an Isle which ended with a sharp point toward the mouth of the river, having sailed a while, he discovered a small river, which entered into the Island, which he would not fail to search out. Which done, & finding the same deep enough to harbour therein Galleys and Galliots in good number, proceeding further, he found a very open place, joining upon the brink thereof, where he went on land, and seeing the place fit to build a Fortress in, and commodious for them that were willing to plant there, he resolved incontinent to 'cause the bigness of the fortification to be measured out. And considering that there stayed but six and twenty there, he caused the Fort to be made in length but sixteen fathom, and thirteen in breadth, with flanks according to the proportion thereof. The length and breadth of the Fort taken by Laudonnier and Captain Salles. The measure being taken by me and Captain Salles, we sent unto the ships for men, and to bring shovels, pickaxes and other instruments necessary to make the fortification. We travailed so diligently, that in a short space the Fort was made in some sort defenciable. A Fort built in Port Royal by Ribault. In which mean time john Ribault caused victuals and warlike munition to be brought for the defence of the place. After he had furnished them with all such things as they had need of, he determined to take his leave of them. But before his departure he used this speech unto Captain Albert, which he left in this place. Captain Albert, I have to request you in the presence of all these men, Ribaults speech to Captain Albert. that you would quit yourself so wisely in your charge, and govern so modestly your small company which I leave you, which with so good cheer remains under your obedience, that I never have occasion but to commend you, and to recount unto the king (as I am desirous) the faithful service which before us all you undertake to do him in his new France: His speech to the soldiers. And you companions, (quoth he to the Soldiers) I beseech you also to esteem of Captain Albert as if he were myself that stayed here with you, yielding him that obedience which a true soldier owes unto his General and Captain, living as brethren one with another, without all dissension: and in so doing God will assist you and bless your enterprises. Having ended his exhortation, we took our leaves of each of them, and sailed toward our ships, calling the Fort by the name of Charles-fort, The aforesaid Fort was called Cha●les-fort. and the River by the name Chenonceau. The next day we determined to departed from this place being as well contented as was possible that we had so happily ended our business, with good hope, if occasion would permit, to discover perfectly the river of jordan. For this cause we hoist our sails about ten of the clock in the morning: after we were ready to departed Captain Ribault commanded to shoot off our Ordinance to give a farewell unto our Frenchmen, which failed not to do the like on their part. This being done we sailed toward the North: and then we named this river port Royal, because of the largeness and excellent fairness of the same. Po●t Royal. After that we had sailed about 15 leagues from thence, we espied a river, The river Base, 15 leagues Northward of Port Royal whereupon we sent our pinnace thither to discover it. At their return they brought us word that they found not passed half a fathom water in the mouth thereof. Which when we understood, without doing any thing else, we continued our way, and called it the Base or Shallow river. As we still went on sounding we found not passed five or six fathom water, although we were six good leagues from the shore: Shallow water. at length we found not passed three fathoms, which gave us occasion greatly to muse. And without making any farther way we struck our sails, partly because we wanted water, & partly because the night approached: during which time Captain john Ribault bethought with himself weather it were best for him to pass any farther, because of the eminent dangers which every hour we sew before our eyes: or whither he should content himself with that which he had certainly discovered, & also left men to inhabit the country. Being not able for that time to resolve with himself, he referred it until the next day. The morning being come he proposed to all the company what was best to be done, to the end that with good advisement every man might deliver his opinion. Some made answer, that according to their judgement he had occasion fully to content himself, considering that he could do no more: laying before his eyes, that he had discovered more in six weeks, than the Spaniards had done in two years in the conquest of their New Spain: and that he should do the king very great service, if he did bring him news in so short a time of his happy discovery. Other showed unto him the loss and spoil of his victuals, and on the other side the inconvenience that might happen by the shallow water that they found continually along the coast. Which things being well and at large debated, we resolved to leave the coast, forsaking the North, to take our way toward the East, which is the right way and course to our France, where we happily arrived the twentieth day of july, the year 1562. Their arrival in France 1562. the 20 of july. The state and condition of those which were left behind in Charles-fort. OUr men after our departure never rested, but night and day did fortify themselves, being in good hope that after their fort was finished, they would begin to discover farther up within the river. It happened one day, as certain of them were in cutting of roots in the groves, that they espied on the sudden an Indian that hunted the Deer, which finding himself so near upon them, was much dismayed, but our men began to draw near unto him and to use him so courteously, that he become assured and followed them to Charles-fort, where every man sought to do him pleasure. Captain Albert was very joyful of his coming, which after he had given him a shirt and some other trifles, he asked him of his dwelling: the Indian answered him that it was farther up within the river, and that he was vassal of king Audusta: King Audusta. he also showed him with his hand the limits of his habitation. After much other talk the Indian desired leave to departed, because it drawn toward night, which Captain Albert granted him very willingly. Certain days after the Captain determined to sail toward Audusta, Note. where being arrived, by reason of the honest entertainment which he had given to the Indian, he was so courteously received, that the king talked with him of nothing else but of the desire which he had to become his friend: giving him besides to understand, that he being his friend and ally, he should have the amity of four other kings, which in might & authority were able to do much for his sake: Besides all this, in his necessity they might be able to secure him with victuals. One of th●se kings was called Mayo●, Ma●on. another Hoya, Hoy●● the third ●ouppa, Touppa. and the fourth Stalame. Stalame. He told him moreover, that they would be very glad, when they should understand the news of his coming, and therefore he prayed him to vouchsafe to visit them. The Captain willingly consented unto him, for the desire that he had to purchase friends in that place. Therefore they departed the next morning very early, and first arrived at the house of king Touppa, and afterward went into the other king's houses, except the house of king Stalame. He received of each of them all the amiable courtesies that might be: they showed themselves to be as affectioned friends unto him as was possible, and offered unto him a thousand small presents. After that he had remained by space of certain days with these strange kings, he determined to take his leave: and being come back to the house of Audusta, he commanded all his men to go aboard their Pinnace: for he was minded to go towards the country of king Stalame, which dwelled toward the North the distance of 15 great leagues from Charles-fort. The country of king Stalame 15 leagues Northward of Charles-fort. Therefore as they sailed up the river they entered into a great current, which they followed so far till they came at the last to the house of Stalame: which brought him into his lodging, where he ●ought to make them the best cheer he could devise. He presented immediately unto Captain Albert his bow and arrows, which is a sign and confirmation of alliance between them. He presented him with Chamoys skins. Chamoys skins. The Captain seeing the best part of the day was now past, took his leave of king Stalame to return to Charles-fort, where he arrived the day following. By this time the friendship was grown so great between our men and king Audusta, that in a manner all things were common between him and them: in such sort that this good Indian king did nothing of importance, but he called our men thereunto. For when the time drawn near of the celebrating their feasts of Toya, The feast of Toya largely described. which are ceremonies most strange to recite, he sent Ambassadors to our men to request them on his behalf to be there present. Whereunto they agreed most willingly for the desire that they had to understand what this might be. They embarked themselves therefore and sailed towards the king's house, which was already come forth on the way towards them, to receive them courteously, to bid them welcome & bring them to his house, where he sought to untreat them the best he might. In the mean while the Indians prepared themselves to celebrated the feast the morrow after, and the king brought them to see the place, wherein the feast should be kept: where they see many women round about, which laboured by all means to make the place clean & neat. This place was a great circuit of ground with open prospect and round in figure. On the morrow therefore early in the morning, all they which were choose to celebrated the feast, being painted and trimned with rich feathers of divers colours put themselves on the way to go from the king's house toward the place of ●oya: The Indians 〈◊〉 of themselves with rich feathers. whereunto when they were come they set themselves in order & followed three Indians, which in painting and in gesture were differing from the rest: each of them bore a Tabret in their hand, dancing & singing in a lamentable tune, when they began to enter into the midst of the round circuit, being followed of others which answered them again. After that they had sung, danced, and turned 3 times, they set on running like unbridled horses, through the midst of the thickest woods. And then the Indian women continued all the rest of the day in tears as sad & woeful as was possible: & in such rage they cut the arms of the young girls, which they lanced so cruelly with sharp shells of muscles that the blood followed which they flung into the air, crying out three times. He Toya. The king Audusta had gathered all our men into his house, while the feast was celebrated, and was exceedingly offended when he see them laugh. This he did, because the Indians are very angry when they are seen in their ceremonies. Notwithstanding one of our men made such shift that by subtle means he got out of the house of Audusta, and secretly went and hide himself behind a very thick bush, where a● his pleasure, he might easily dimery the ceremonies of the feast. They three that began the feast are named jawas: jawas are their guests. and they are as it were three Priests of the Indian law: to whom they give credit and belief partly because that by kindred they are ordained to be over their Sacrifices, and partly also because they be so subtle magicians that any thing that is lost is straightway recovered by their means. Magicians. Again they are not only reverenced for these things, Physicians. but also because they heal diseases by I wot not what kind of knowledge and skill they have. Those that ran so through the woods returned two days after: after their return they began to dance with a cheerful courage in the midst of the fair place, and to cheer up their good old Indian fathers, which either by reason of their too great age, or by reason of their natural indisposition and feebleness were not called to the feast. When all these dances were ended, they fallen on eating with such a greediness, that they seemed rather to devour their meat then to eat it, for they had neither eaten nor drink the day of the feast, nor the two days following. Our men were not forgotten at this good cheer, for the Indians sent for them all thither, showing themselves very glad of their presence. While they remained certain time with the Indians, a man of ours got a young boy for certain trifles, and enquired of him, what the Indians did in the wood during their absence: which boy made him understand by signs, that the jawas had made invocations to Toya, Invocations of the jawas or Priests unto Toya. and that by Magical Characters they had made him come that they might speak with him and demand divers strange things of him, which for fear of the jawas he dared not utter. They have also many other ceremonies, which I will not here rehearse for fear of molesting the reader with a matter of so small importance. When the feast therefore was finished our men returned unto Charles-fort: where having remained but a while their victua●les began to wax short, Their victuals ●ayle them. which forced them to have recourse unto their neighbours, and to pray them to secure them in their necessity: which gave them part of all the victuals which they had, and kept no more unto themselves than would serve to sow their fields. They told them farther that for this cause it was needful for them to retire themselves into the woods, to live of Mast and roots until the time of harvest, The Indians manner of liu●ng in t●e Wi●ter time of Mast and roo●●s. being as sorry as might be that they were not able any farther to aid them. They gave them also counsel to go toward the countries of King Covexis a man of might and renown in this provinces King Coue●i● mighty and renowned. which maketh his abode toward the South abounding at all seasons and replenished with such quantity of mill, corn, and beans that by his only succour they might be able to live a very long time. But before they should come into his territories, they were to repair unto a king called O●ade the brother of Covexis, King O●ade. King Macco●. which in mill, beans, and corn was no less wealth, and withal is very liberal and which would be very joyful if he might but once see them. Our men perceiving the good relation which the Indians made them of those two kings resolved to go thither: ●or they felt already the necessity which oppressed them. Therefore they made request unto king Maccoa that it would please him to give them one of his subjects to guide them the right way thither: whereupon he condescended very willingly, knowing that without his favour they should have much ado to bring their interpri●e to pass. Wherefore after they had given order for all things necessary for the voyage, they put themselves to Sea, and sailed so far that in the end they came into the country of Ouade, which they found to be in the river Belle. Ouades country in the river Belle. Being there arrived they perceived a company of Indians, which assoon as they known of their being there came before them. assoon as they were come near them, their guides showed them by signs that Ouade was in this company, wherefore our men set forward to salute him. And then two of his sons which were with him, being goodly and strong men saluted them again in very good sort, and used very friendly entertainment on their part. The king immediately began to make an Oration in his Indian language of the great pleasure and contentment which he had to see them in that place, protesting that he would become so loyal a friend of there's hereafter, that he would be their faithful defender against all them that would offer to be their enemies. After these speeches he led them toward his house, where he sought to entreat them very courteously. His house was hanged about with tapistry of feathers of divers colours the height of a pike. tapistry of feathers. Moreover the place where the king took his rest was covered with white Coverlettes embroidered with devices of very witty and fine workmanship, and fringed round about with a Fringe died in the colour of Scarlet. White coverlets edged with read fringe They advertised the king by one of the guides which they brought with them, how that (having hea●d of his great liberality) they had put to the Sea to come to beseech him to secure them with victuals in their great want and necessity: and that in so doing, he should bind them all hereafter to remain his faithful friends and loyal defenders against all his enemies. This good Indian assoon ready to do them pleasure, as they were to demand it, commanded his subjects that they should fill our Pinnace with mill and beans. Afterwards he caused them to bring him six pieces of his Capistry made like little coverlets, & gave them to our men with so liberal a mind, The liberality o● king O●ade. as they easily perceived the desire which he had to become their friend. In recompense of all these gifts our men gave him who cutting hooks and certain other trifles, wherewith he held himself greatly satisfied. This being done, our men took their leave of the king, which for their farewell, laid nothing else but that they should return if they wanted victuals, & that they might assure themselves of him, that they should never want anything that was in his power. Wherefore they embarked themselves, and sailed towards Charles-fort, which from this place might be some five and twenty leagues distant. Ouades country twenty five leagues Southward from Charles fort. But as soon as our men thought themselves at their ease, & free from the dangers whereinto they had exposed themselves night and day in gathering together of victuals here and there: Lo, even as they were asleep, the fire caught in their lodgings with such fury, being increased by the wind, that the room that was built for them before our men's departure, was consumed in an instant, without being able to save any thing, saving a little of their victuals. The fort set on fire by casualty. Whereupon our men being far from all succours, found themselves in such extremity, that without the aid of Almighty God, the only searcher of the hearts and thoughts of men, which never forsaketh those that seek him in their afflictions, they had been quite and clean out of all hope. For the next day betimes in the morning the King Audusta and King Maccou came thither, accompanied with a very good company of Indians, which knowing the misfortune, were very sorry for it. The fort re-edified by the Savages in the space of 12 hours. And then they uttered unto their subjects the speedy diligence which they were to use in building another house, showing unto them that the Frenchmen were their loving friends, & that they had made it evident unto them by the gifts and presents which they had received: protesting that whosoever put not his helping hand unto the work with all his might, should be esteemed as unprofitable, and as one that had no good part in him, which the Savages fear above all things. This was the occasion that every man began to endeavour himself in such sort, that in less than 12 hours, they had begun and finished a house which was very near as great as the former. Which being ended, they returned home fully contented with a few cutting hooks, and hatchets, which they received of our men. Within a small while after this mischance, their victuals began to wax short: and after our men had taken good deliberation, thought and bethought themselves again, they found that there was no better way for them then to return again to the king Ouade and Covexis his brother. Wherefore they resolved to sand thither some of their company the next day following: which with an Indian Canoa sailed up into the country about 10 leagues: afterward they found a very fair & great river of fresh water, which they failed not to search out: they found therein a great number of Crocodiles, Crocodiles. which in greames pass those of the river Nilus: moreover, all along the banks thereof, there grow mighty high Cypresses. Cypresses. After they had stayed a small while in this place, they purposed to follow their journey, helping themselves so well with the tides, that without putting themselves in danger of the continual peril of the Sea, they came into the country of Ouade: Their second journey to the country of Ouade. of whom they were most courteously received. They advertised him of the occasion wherefore they came again to visit him, and told him of the mischance, which happened unto them since their last voyages: how they had not only lost their household stuff by casualty of fire, but also their victuals which he had given them so bountifully: that for this cause they were so bold as to come once again unto him, to beseech him to vouchsafe to secure them in such need and necessity. After that the king had understood their case, he sent messengers unto his brother Covexis, to request him upon his behalf to sand him some of his mill and beans, which thing he did: and the next morning, they were come again with victuals, which the king caused to be born into their Canoa. Our men would have taken their leave of him, finding themselves more then satisfied with this liberality. But for that day he would not suffer them, but retained them, and sought to make them the best cheer he could devise. The next day very carely in the morning, he took them with him to show them the place where his corn grew, and said unto them that they should not want as long as all that mill did last. Afterwards he gave them a certain number of exceeding fair pearls, & two stones of fine Crystal, and certain silver oar. Exceeding fair pearls, fine Crystal, silver over. Our men forgot not to give him certain trifles i● recompense of these presents, and required of him the place whence the silver oar and the Crystal came. The place where crystal groweth in very good quantity ten days journey from the river Belle. He made them answer, that it came ten days journey from his habitation up within the country: and that the inhabitants of the country did dig the same at the foot of certain high mountains, where they found of it in very good quantity. Being joyful to understand so good news, and to have come to the knowledge of that which they most desired, Note. they took their leave of the king, and returned by the same see, by which they came. Behold therefore how our men behaved themselves very well hitherto, although they had endured many great mishaps. But misfortune or rather the just judgement of God would have it, that those which could not be overcome by fire nor water, should be undone by their own selves. This is the common fashion of men, which cannot continued in one state, and had rather to overthrow themselves, than not to attempt some new thing daily. We have infinite examples in the ancient histories, especially of the Romans, unto which number this little handful of men, being far from their country and absent from their countrymen, have also added this present example. They entered therefore into partialities and dissensions, which began about a soldier named Guernache, which was a drummer of the French bands: which, as it was told me, was very cruelly hanged by his own captain, and for a small fault: which captain also using to threathen the rest of his soldiers which stayed behind under his obedience, and peradventure (as it is to be presumed) were not so obedient to him as they should have been, was the cause that they fallen into a mutiny, Mutiny against the captain, and the causes thereof. because that many times he put his threatenings in execution: whereupon they so chased him, that at the last they put him to death. And the principal occasion that moved them thereunto was, because he degraded another soldier named Lafoy Cheer (which he had banished) and because he had not performed his promise: for he had promised to sand him victuals, from 8 days to 8 days, which thing he did not, but said on the contrary, that he would be glad to hear of his death. He said moreover, that he would chastise others also, & used so evil sounding speeches, that honesty forbiddeth me to repeat them. The soldiers seeing his madness to increase from day to day, and fearing to fall into the dangers of the other, resolved to kill him. Captain Albert slain by his own soldiers. Having executed their purpose, they went to seek the soldier that was banished, which was in a small Island distant from Charles-fort about 3 leagues, where they found him almost half dead for hunger. When they were come home again, they assembled themselves together to choose one to be governor over them, whose name, was Nicolas Bar a man worthy of commendation, Nico●as Ba●●e● choose captain and one which knew so well to quite himself of his charge, that all rancour and dissension ceased among them, and they lived peaceably one with another. During this time, they began to build a small Pinnace, with hope to return into France, if no succours came unto them, as they expected from day to day. And though there were no man among them that had any skill, notwithstanding necessity, which is the mistress of all sciences, taught them the way to build it. A new Brigandine built in Florida. After that it was finished, they thought of nothing else saving how to furnish it with all things necessary to undertake the voyage. But they wanted those things that of all other were most needful, as cordage and sails, without which the enterprise could not come to effect. Having no means to recover these things, they were in worse case than at the first, and almost ready to fall into despair. But that good God, which never forsaketh the afflicted, did secure them in their necessity. As they were in these perplexities, king Audusta and Maccou came to them, accompanied with two hundred Indians at the lest, whom our Frenchmen went forth to meet withal, and showed the king in what need of cordage they stood: who promised them to return within two days, and to bring so much as should suffice to furnish the Pinnace with tackling. Our men being pleased with these good news & promises, bestowed upon them certain cutting hooks and shirts. After their departure our men sought all means to recover rosin in the woods, Rosen to bray ships. wherein they cut the Pine trees round about, out of which they drawn sufficient reasonable quantity to bray the vessel. Also they gathered a kind of moss which groweth on the trees of this country, Moss to calk ships. to serve to calk the same withal. Cordage for tackle. There now wanted nothing but sails, which they made of their own shirts and of their sheets. Within few days after the judian kings returned to Charles forewith so good store of cordage, that there was found sufficient for tackling of the small Pinnace. Our men as glad as might be, used great liberality towards them, and at their leaving of the country, left them all the merchandise that remained, leaving them thereby so fully satisfied, that they departed from them with all the contentation of the world. They went forward therefore to finish the Brigandine, & used so speedy diligence, that within a short time afterward they made it ready furnished with all things. In the mean season the wind came so fit for their purpose that it seemed to invite them to put to the Sea: which they did without delay, after they had set all their things in order. But before they departed they embarked their artillery, their forge, and other munitions of war which Captain Ribault had left them, They put to the sea without sufficient victuals. and then as much mill as they could gather together. But being drunken with the too excessive joy, which they had conceived for their returning into France, or rather deprived of all foresight & consideration, without regarding the inconstancy of the winds, which change in a moment, they put themselves to sea, and with so slender victuals, that the end of their enterprise become unluckily and unfortunate. For after they had sailed the third part of their way, they were surprised with calms which did so much hinder them, that in three weeks they sailed not above five and twenty leagues. During this time their victuals consumed, Their victuals utterly consumed. and become so short, that every man was constrained to eat not passed twelve grains of mill by the day, which may be in value as much as twelve peason. Yea, and this felicity lasted not long: for their victuals failed them altogether at once: and they had nothing for their more assured refuge but their shoes and leather jerkins which they did eat. Touching their beverage, some of them drank the sea water, others did drink their own urine: They drink their urine for want of fresh water. and they remained in such desperate necessity a very long space, during the which part of them died for hunger. Beside this extreme famine, which did so grievously oppress them, they fallen every minute of an hour out of all hope ever to see France again, insomuch that they were constrained to cast the water continually out, that on alsides entered into their Bark. And every day they fared worse and worse: for after they had eaten up their shoes and their leather jerkins, there arose so boisterous a wind and so contrary to their course, that in the turning of a hand, the waves filled their vessel half full of water and bruised it upon the one side. Being now more out of hope than ever to escape out of this extreme peril, they cared not for casting out of the water which now was almost ready to drown them. And as men resolved to die, every one fallen down backward, and gave themselves over altogether unto the will of the waves. When as one of them a little having taken heart unto him declared unto them how little way they had to sail, assuring them, that if the wind held, they should see land within three days. This man did so encourage them, that after they had thrown the water out of the Pinnace they remained three days without eating or drinking, except it were of the sea water. When the time of his promise was expired, they were more troubled than they were before, seeing they could not descry any land. Wherefore in this extreme despair certain among them made this motion that it was better that one man should dye, then that so many men should perish: Extreme famine. they agreed therefore that one should die to sustain the others. Which thing was executed in the person of Lafoy Cheer, of whom we have spoken heretofore, whose flesh was divided equally among his fellows: a thing so pitiful to recite, that my pen is loath to writ it. After so long time and tedious travels, God of his goodness using his accustomed favour, changed their sorrow into joy, and showed unto them the sight of land. Whereof they were so exceeding glad, that the pleasure caused them to remain a long time as men without sense: whereby they let the Pinnace float this and that way without holding any right way or course. But a small English bark boarded the vessel, in the which there was a Frenchman which had been in the first voyage into Florida, The French succoured by an English Bark. who easily known them, and spoke unto them, and afterward gave them meat and drink. Incontinently they recovered their natural courages, and declared unto him at large all their navigation. The Englishmen consulted a long while what were best to be done, and in fi●e they resolved to put on land those that were most feeble, and to carry the rest unto the Queen of England, which purposed at that time to sand into Florida. It seemeth ●●e m●aneth the voyage intended by S●ukc●y. Thus you see in brief that which happened to them which Captain john Ribault had left in Florida. And now will I go forward with the discourse of mine own voyage. The second voyage unto Florida, made and written by Captain Laudonniere, which fortified and inhabited there two Summers and one whole Winter. AFter our arrival at deep, at our coming home, from our first voyage (which was the twentieth of july 1562) we found the civil wars begun, which was in part the cause why our men were not succoured, as Captain john Ribault had promised them: The civil wa●●es the cause why the French●●n were not ●upplied● which were l●●t behind in their first voyage. whereof it followed that Captain Albert was killed by his soldiers, and the country abandoned, as heretofore we have sufficiently discoursed, and as it may more at large be understood by those men which were there in person. After the peace was made in France, my Lord Admiral De Chastillon showed unto the king, that he herded no news at all of the men which Captain john Ribault had left in Florida, & that it were pity to suffer them to perish. In which respect, the king was content he should 'cause 3 ships to be furnished, the one of six score tons, the other of 100, and the third of 60, to seek them out, and to secure them. My Lord Admiral therefore being well informed of the faithful service which I had done, aswell unto his Majesty as to his predecessors kings of France, advertised the king how able I was to do him service in this voyage, which was the cause that he made me chief. Captain over these 3 ships, and charged me to departed with diligence to perform his commandment, which for mine own part I would not gainsay, but rather thinking myself happy to have been choose out among such an infinite number of others, which in my judgement were very well able to have quit themselves in this charge, I embarked myself at New Haven the 22 of April 1564, and sailed so, that we fallen near unto the coast of England: Laudonniers second voyage to Flo●i●a, with three ships the 22 of April 1564. and then I turned towards the South, to sail directly to the fortunate Islands, at this present called the Canaries, one of which called the Isle Salvage (because as I think it is altogether without inhabitants) was the first that our ships passed. Sailing therefore on forward, we landed the next day in the Isle of Teneriffa, otherwise called the Pike, The Isle of Tenerif●a, or the Pike. because that in the midst thereof there is an exceeding high mountain, near as high as that of Aetna, which rises up like a pike, into the top whereof no man can go up but from the midst of May until the midst of August, by reason of the over great cold which is there all the year: which is a wonderful strange thing, considering that it is not past 27 degrees and an half distant from the Equator. We see it all covered over with snow, although it were then but the fift of May. The inhabitants in this Isle being heretofore pursued by the Spaniards, retired themselves into this mountain, where for a space they made war with them, and would not submit themselves to their obedience, neither by foul nor fair means, they disdained so much the loss of their Island. For those which went thither on the Spaniards behalf, left their carcases there, so that not so much as one of them returned home to bring news. Notwithstanding in the end, the inhabitants not able to live in that place according to their nature, or for want of such things as were necessary for the commodity of their livelihood, did all die there. After I had furnished myself with some fresh water, very good and excellent, which sprung out of a rock at the foot of this mountain, I continued my course toward the West, wherein the winds favoured me so well, that 15 days after our ships arrived safe and sound at the Antilles: and going on land at the Isle of Martinino, The Isle of Martinino. one of the first of them, the next day we arrived at Dominica, D●minica an Island. twelve leagues distant from the former. Dominica is one of the fairest Islands of the West, full of hills, and of very good smell. Whose singularities desiring to know as we passed, and seeking also to refresh ourselves with fresh water, I made the Mariners cast anchor, after we had sailed about half along the coast thereof. As soon as we had cast anchor, two Indians inhabitants of that place sailed toward us in two Canoas' full of a fruit of great excellency which they call Ananas. Ananas' a fruit of great excellency. As they approached unto our Bark, there was one of them which being in some misdoubt of us, went bark again on land, and fled his way with as much speed as he could possibly. Which our men perceived and entered with diligence into the other Canoa, wherein they caught the poor Indian, & brought him unto me. But the poor fellow become so astonished in beholding us, that he known not which way to behave himself, because that (as afterward I understood) he feared that he was fallen into the Spaniards hands, of whom he had been taken once before, and which, as he showed us, had cut of his stones. At length this poor Indian was secure of us, and discoursed unto us of many things, whereof we received very small pleasure, because we understood not his mind but by his signs. Then he desired me to give him leave to departed, and promised me that he would bring me a thousand presents, whereunto I agreed on condition that he would have patience until the next day, when I purposed to go on land, where I suffered him to departed after I had given him a shirt, and certain small trifles, wherewith he departed very well contented from us. The place where we went on shore was hard by a very high Rock, out of which there ran a little river of sweet and excellent good water: by which river we stayed certain days to discover the things which were worthy to be seen, and trafficked daily with the Indians: which above all things besought us that none of our men should come near their lodgings nor their gardens, otherwise that we should give them great cause of jealousy, and that in so doing, we should not want of their fruit which they call Ananas, whereof they offered us very liberally, receiving in recompense certain things of small value. This notwithstanding, it happened on a day that certain of our men desirous to see some new things in these strange countries, walked through the woods: and following still the little rivers side, they spied two serpents of exceeding bigness, which went side by side overthwart the way. My soldiers went before them thinking to let them from going into the woods: but the serpents nothing at all astonished at these gestures glanced into the bushes with fearful hyssings: yet for all that, my men drawn their swords and killed them, and found them afterward 9 great foot long, and as big as man's leg. During this combat, certain others more undiscreet went and gathered their Ananas in the Indians gardens, trampling through them without any discretion: and not therewithal contented they went toward their dwellings; whereat the Indians were so much offended, that without regarding any thing they rushed upon them and discharged their shot, so that they hit one of my men named Martin Chaveau, which remained behind. We could not know whether he where killed on the place, or whether he were taken prisoner: for those of his company had enough to do to save themselves without thinking of their companion. Whereof Monsieur de Ottigni my Lieutenant being advertised, sent unto me to know whether I thought good that he should lay an ambush for the Indians which had either taken or killed our man, or whether he should go directly to their dwellings to know the truth. I sent unto him after good deliberation hereupon, that he should not attempt any thing, and that for divers occasions: but contrariwise that he should embark himself with all diligence, & consequently all they that were on land: which he did with speed. But as he sailed towards our ships he perceived along the shore a great number of Indians which began to charge them with their arrows: he for his part discharged store of shot against them, yet was not able to hurt them, or by any means to surprise them: for which cause he quite forsook them, and came unto our ship. Where staying until the next day morning we set sail following our wanted course, and keeping the same, we discovered diverse Isles conquered by the Spaniards, as the Isles of S. Christopher, and of the Saints, of Monserrate, and La Redonda: Afterwards we passed between Anguilla and Anegada, sailing toward New France. Where we arrived 15 days after, to wit, on Thursday the 22 of june about 3 of the clock in the afternoon, and landed near a little river which is 30 degrees distant from the Equator, and 10 leagues above Cape François drawing toward the South, and about thirty leagues above the River of May. His arrival in Florida the 22 of june 1564. Cape Francois being between the river of Dolphins and the river of May, maketh the distance 30 leagues about, which is but 10 leagues over land. After we had strooken sail and cast anchor athwart the River, I determined to go on shore to discover the same. Therefore being accompanied with Monsieur Ottigni, with Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensign, & a certain number of Gentlemen and soldiers, I embarked myself about 3 or 4 of the clock in the evening. And being arrived at the mouth of the river, I caused the channel to be sounded, which was found to be very shallow, although that farther within the same the water was there found reasonable deep, which separateth itself into two great arms, whereof one runneth toward the South, and the other toward the North. Having thus searched the River, I went on land to speak with the Indians which waited for us upon the shore, which at our coming on land, come before us, crying with a loud voice in their Indian language, Antipola Bonassou, which is as much to say, as brother, friend, or some such like thing. After they had made very much of us, they showed us their Paracoussy, that is to say, their King and Governor, to whom I presented certain toys, wherewith he was well pleased. And for mine own part, I praise God continually, for the great love which I have found in these Savages, which were sorry for nothing, but that the night approached, and made us retire unto our ships. The great love and courtesy of the Floridians. For though they endeavoured by all means to make us tarry with them, and showed by signs the desire that they had to present us with some rare things, yet nevertheless for many just and reasonable occasions I would not stay on shore all night: but excusing myself for all their offers, I embarked myself again and returned toward my ships. Howbeit, before my departure. I named this River, the river of Dolphines, because that at mine arrival, The river of Dolphins, called Seloy by the Savages. I see there a great number of Dolphines, which were playing in the mouth thereof. The next day the 23 of this month (because that toward the South I had not found any commodious place for us to inhabit, and to build a fort) I gave commandment to weigh anchor, & to hoist our sails to sail toward the river of May, where we arrived two days after, & cast anchor. Their arrival at the river of May. Afterwards going on land, with some number of Gentlemen and Soldiers to know for a certainty the singularities of this place, we espied the Paracoussy of the country, which came towards us (this was the very same that we see in the voyage of Captain john Ribault) which having espied us, cried very far off, Antipola, Antipola: and being so joyful that he could not contain himself, he came to meet us, accompanied then with two of his sons, as fair, and mighty people as might be found in all the world, which had nothing in their mouths but this word, Amy, Amy: that is to say, friend, friend: yea, and knowing those which were there in the first voyage, they went principally to them to use this speech unto them. There was in their train a great number of men and women, which still made very much of us, and by evident signs made us understand how glad they were of our arrival. This good entertainment past, the Paracoussy prayed me to go see the pillar which we had erected in the voyage of john Ribault (as we have declared heretofore) as a thing which they made great account of. The pillar set up before 〈◊〉 Ribault crowned with garlands of laurel and environed with small pamers full of corn, worshipped by the Savages. Having yielded unto him and being come to the place where it was set up, we found the same crowned with crowns of Bay, and at the foot thereof many little baskets full of Mill which they call in their language Tapaga Tapola. Then when they came thither they kissed the same with great reverence and besought us to do the like, which we would not deny them, to the end we might draw them to be more in friendship with us. This done, the Paracous●y took me by the hand, Paracously as if he had desire to make me understand some great secret, & by signs showed me very well up within the river the limits of his dominion, and said that he was called Paracoussy Satouriova, which is as much as King Satouriova. Satouri●ua. His children have the self same title of Paracoussy: The elder is named Athore, a man, I dare say, perfect in beauty, wisdom, and honest sobriety, showing by his modest gravity that he deserveth the name which he beareth, besides that he is gentle and tractable. After we had sojourned a certain space with them, the Paracoussy prayed one of his sons to present unto me a wedge of silver, which he did & that with a good will: A wedge of silver. in recompense whereof I gave him a cutting hook and some other better present: wherewith he seemed to be very well pleased. Afterwards we took out leave of them, because the night approached, & then returned to lodge in our ships. Being alured with this good entertainment I failed not the next day to embark myself again with my Lieutenant Ottigni and a number of soldiers to return toward the Paracoussy of the river of May, which of purpose waited for us in the same place, where the day before we conferred with him. We found him under the shadow of an arbour accompanied with fourscore Indians at the lest, and appareled at that time after the Indian fashion, to wit, with a great Heart's skin dressed like Chamois, and painted with devices of strange and divers colours, but of so lively a portraiture, and representing antiquity, with rules so justly compassed, that there is no Painter so exquisite that could find fault therewith: the natural disposition of this strange people is so perfect and well guided, that without any aid and favour of arts, they are able by the help of nature only to content the eye of artisans, yea even of those which by their industry are able to aspire unto things most absolute. Then I advertised Paracoussy Satouriova, that my desire was to discover farther up into the river, but that this should be with such diligence that I would come again unto him very speedily: wherewith he was content, promising to stay for me in the place where he was: and for an earnest of his promise, he offered me his goodly skin, which I refused then, and promised to receive it of him at my return. For my part I gave him certain small trifles, to the intent to retain him in our friendship. Departing from thence, I had not sailed three leagues up the river, still being followed by the Indians, which coasted me a long the river, crying still, Amy, Amy, that is to say friend, friend: but I discovered an hill of mean height, near which I went on land, hard by the fields that were sowed with nu● at one corner whereof there was an house built for their lodging, which keep and guard the mill: Gros●e●. for there are such numbers of Cornish ●houghes in this Country, which continually devour and spoil the mill, that the Indians are constrained to keep and watch it, otherwise they should be deceived of their harvest. I rested myself in this place for certain hours, & commanded Monsieur de Ottigni, ●onsieur de Ottigni. and my Sergeant to enter into the woods to search out the dwellings of the Indians: where after they had go awhile, they came unto a Marish of Reeds, where finding their way to bestopped, they rested under the shadow of a mighty Bay tree to refresh themselves a little and to resolve which way to take. Then they discovered, as it were on the sudden, five Indians half hidden in the woods, which seemed somewhat to distrust our men, until they said unto them in the Indian language Antipola Bonassou, to the end that understanding their speech they might come unto us more boldly, which they did incontinently. But because they saw, that the four that went last, bore up the train of the skin wherewith he that went for most was appareled, our men imagined that the foremost must needs be some man of greater quality than the rest, seeing that withal they called him Paracous●y, Paracous●y, wherefore some of our company went towards him, and using him courteously showed him, Monsieur de Ottigni, their Lieuteant, for whom they had made an harbour with Bay and Palm boughs after the Indian fashion, to the end that by such signs the Savages might think the Frenchmen had compained with such as they at other times. The courtesy of the Floridians to the French. The Indian Paracoussy drawn near to the French, and began to make him along Oration, which tended to no other end, but that he besought the Frenchmen very earnestly to come and see his dwelling and his parents, which they granted him, and strait for pledge of better amity, he gave unto my Lieutenant Ottigni, the very skin tha● he was clad with. Then he took him by the hand, leading him right toward the Marshes, over which the Paracoussy, Monsieur Ottigni, and certain other of our men were born upon the Indians shoulders: and the rest which could not pass because of the mire and reeds, went through the woods, and followed a narrow path which led them forth until they came unto the Paracoussyes' dwelling: out of which there came about fifty Indians to receive our men gallantly, and to feast them after their manner. After which they brought at their entrance a great vessel of earth, made after a strange fashion full of fountain water clear and very excellent. This vessel was born by an Indian, and there was another younger which bore of this water in another little vessel of wood, and presented thereof to every one to drink, observing in doing the same, a certain order and reverence, which he made to each of them, to whom he gave drink. Our thirst well quenched by this means, and our men being sufficiently refreshed, the Paracoussy brought them to his father's lodging, one of the oldest men that lived upon the earth. Our men regarding his age, began to make much of him, using this speech, Amy, Amy, that is to say, friend, friend, whereat the old sire showed himself very glad. Afterwards they questioned with him concerning the course of his age: whereunto he made answer, showing that he was the first living original, from whence five generations were descended, as he showed unto them by another old man that sat directly over against him, which far exceeded him in age. Men of exceeding old age. And this man was his father, which seemed to be rather a dead carkeiss then a living body: for his sinews, his veins, his arteries, his bones, and other parts, appeared so clearly thorough his skin, that a man might easily tell them, and discern them one from another. Also his age was so great, that the good man had lost his sight, and could not speak one only word but with exceeding great pain. Monsieur de Ottigni having seen so strange a thing, turned to the younger of these two old men, praying him to vouchsafe to answer him to that which he demanded touching his age. Then the old man called a company of Indians, and striking twice upon his thigh, and laying his hand upon two of them, he showed him by signs, that these two were his sons: again smiting upon their thighs, he showed him others not so old, which were the children of the two first, which he continued in the same manner until the fift generation. But though this old man had his father alive more old than himself, and that both of them did wear their hair very long, and as white as was possible, yet it was told them, that they might yet live thirty or forty years more by the course of nature: although the younger of them both was not less than two hundred and fifty years old. Savages in Florida of 250. years old. After he had ended his communication, he commanded two young Eagles to be given to our men, Eagles in Florida. which he had bread up for his pleasure in his house. He caused also little Paniers made of Palm leaves full of Gourds read and blue to be delivered unto them. For recompense of which presents he was satisfied with French toys. These two old men caused our men to be guided back again to the place from whence they came, by the young Paracoussy which had brought them thither. And having taken leave of the Paracoussy, they came and sought me out in the place where I stayed, and rehearsed unto me all that they seen, praying me also that I would reward their guide, which so frankly and hearty had received them into his house, which I would not fail to do by any means. Now was I determined to search out the qualities of the hill. Therefore I went right to the top thereof, where we found nothing else but Cedars, Palm, and Baytrees of so sovereign odour, that Balm smelleth nothing like in comparison. Cedars, Palms, Bays exceeding sweet. The trees were environed round about with Uines bearing grapes in such quantity, Abundance of grapes. that the number would suffice to make the place habitable. Besides this fertility of the soil for Uines, a man may see Esquine wreathed about the shrubs in great quantity. E●q●ine a dingge excellent against the pocks. Touching the pleasure of the place, the Sea may be seen plain and open from it, and more than six great leagues off, near the River bell, a man may behold the meadows divided asunder into Isles and Islets interlacing one another: Briefly the place is so pleasant, that those which are melancholic would be enforced to change their humour. After I had stayed there a while, I embarked again my people to sail towards the mouth of the River, where we found the Paracoussy, which according to his promise waited for us. Wherefore to content him, we went on shore, and did him that reverence that on our part was requisite. Then he gave me the skin so richly painted, and I recompensed him with somewhat of our merchandise. I forgot not to demand of him the place whence the wedge of silver came which he had given me before: whereunto he made me a very sudden answer, which notwithstanding I understood not, which he well perceived. And then he showed me by evident signs that all of it came from a place more within the River by certain days journeys from this place, Silver certain days journey up within the river of May. and declared unto us that all that which they had thereof, they got it by force of arms of the inhabitants of this place, named by them Thimogoa, their most ancient and natural enemies, he largely declared. Thimogoa mortal enemies to Sa●ourioua. as Whereupon when I saw with what affection he spoke when he pronounced Thimogoa, I understood what he would say. And to bring myself more into his favour, I promised him to accompany him with all my force, if he would fight against them: which thing pleased him in such sort, that from thenceforth he promised himself the victory of them, and assured me that he would make a voyage thither within a short space, would 'cause store of Mill to be prepared, and would command his men to make ready their Bows, and furnish themselves with such store of arrows, that nothing should be wanting to give battle to Thimogoa. In fine he prayed me very earnestly not to fail of my promise, and in so doing, he hoped to procure me Gold and Silver in such good quantity, that mine affairs should take effect according to mine own and his desire. The matter thus fully resolved upon, I took my leave of him to return unto my ships, where after we had rested ourselves all the night following, we hoist sails the next day very early in the morning, and sailed toward the River of Seine, The river of Seine. distant from the River of May about four leagues: and there continuing our course toward the North, we arrived at the mouth of some, The river of some. which is not past six leagues distant from the River of Seine: where we cast Anchor, and went on shore to discover that place as we had done the rest. There we were graciously and courteously received of the Paracous●y of the Country, The courtesy of the Paracoussy of the river of some. which is one of the tallest men and best proportioned that may be found. His wife sat by him, which besides her Indian beauty, wherewith she was greatly endued, had so virtuous a countenance and modest gravity, that there was not one amongst us but did greatly commend her.; she had in her train five of her daughters of so good grace and so well brought up, that I easily persuaded myself that their mother was their Mistress, and had taught them well and straight to preserve their honesty. After that the Paracoussy had received us as I have said, he commanded his wife to present me with a certain number of bullets of silver, for his own part he presented me with his bow and his arrows, as he had done unto Captain john Ribault in our first voyage, which is a sign of a perpetual amity and alliance with those which they honour with such a kind of present. In our discoursing with one another, we entered into speech as touching the exercise of arms. Then the Paracoussy caused a corselet to be set on end, and prayed me to make a proof of our Harguebuzes and their bows: but this proof pleased him very little; for assoon as he known that our Harguebuzes did easily pierce that which all the force of their bows could not hurt, he seemed to be sorry, musing with himself how this thing might be done. Nevertheless, going about to dissemble in his mind that which his countenance could not do by any means, he began to fall into another matter, and prayed us very earnestly to stay with him that night in his house or lodging, affirming that no greater happiness could come unto him than our long abode, which the desired to recompense with a thousand presents. Nevertheless we could not grant him this point, but took our leave of him to return to our ships: where soon after I caused all my company to be assembled, with the Masters and Pilots of my ships, to consult together of the place whereof we should make choice to plant our habitation. Laudonnieres consultation with his compan● where it might be bes● for them to plant. First I let them understand, how none of them were ignorant, that the part which was toward the Cape of Florida, was altogether a marish Country, and therefore unprofitable for our inhabitation: A thing which could yield neither profit to the King, nor any contentment or pleasure to us, if peradventure we would inhabit there. On the other side if we passed further toward the North to seek out Port Royal, it would be neither very profitable nor convenient: at the lest if we should give credit to the report of them which remained there a long time, although the Haven were one of the fairest of the West Indies: but that in this case the question was not so much of the beauty of the place, as of things necessary to sustain life. And that for our inhabiting it was much more needful for us to plant in places plentiful of victual, then in goodly Havens, fair, deep and pleasant to the view. In consideration whereof that I was of opinion, if it seemed good unto them, to seat ourselves about the River of May: seeing also that in our first voyage we found the same only among all the rest to abound in Maiz and corn, besides the Gold and Silver that was found there: Gold and silver found at the river of May. a thing that put me in hope of some happy discovery in time to come. After I had proposed these things, every one gave his opinion thereof: and in fine all resolved, namely those which had been with me in the first voyage, that it was expedient to seat themselves rather on the River of May then on any other, until they might hear news out of France. This point being thus agreed upon, we sailed toward the River, and used such diligence, that with the favour of the winds we arrived there the morrow after about the break of day, which was on Thursday the 29. of the month of june. june the 29. Having cast anchor, I embarked all my stuff and the soldiers of my company, to sail right toward the opening of the River: wherein we entered a good way up, and found a creak of a reasonable bigness, which invited us to refresh ourselves a little, while we reposed ourselves there. Afterwards we went on shore to seek out a place plain without trees, which we perceived from the creak. But because we found it not very commodious for us to inhabit there: we determined to return unto the place which we had discovered before, when we had sailed up the River. This place is joining to a mountain, and it seemed unto us more fit and commodious to build a fortress, then that where we were last. Therefore we took our way towards the forests being guided therein by the young Paracoussy which had led us before to his father's lodging. Afterwards we found a large plain covered with high Pinetrees distant a little from the other: under which we perceived an infinite number of Stags which brayed amid the plain, athwart the which we passed: then we discovered a little hill adjoining unto a great vale very green and in form flat: wherein were the fairest meadows of the world, and grass to feed rattle. Moreover it is environed with a great number of brooks of fresh water, & high woods, which make the vale more delectable to the eye. After I had taken the view thereof at mine ease, I named it at the request of our soldiers, The Vale of Laudonniere. Thus we went forward. The Vale of Laudonniere. Anon having go a little forward, we met an Indian woman of tall stature, which also was an Hermaphrodite, An Hermaphrodite. who came before us with a great v●ssell full of clear fountain water, wherewith she greatly refreshed us. For we were exceeding faint by reason of the ardent heat which molested us as we passed through those high woods. And I believe that without the succour of that Indian Hermaphrodite, or rather, if it had not been for the great desire which we had to make us resolute of ourselves, we had taken up our lodging all night in the wood. Being therefore refreshed by this mean, we gathered our spirits together, and marching with a cheerful courage, we came to the place which we had choose to make our habitation in: whereupon at that instant near the rivers brink we strewed a number of boughs and leaves, to take our rest on them the night following, which we found exceeding sweet, because of the pain which before we had taken in our travel. On the morrow about the break of day, I commanded a trumpet to be sounded, that being assembled we might give God thanks for our favourable and happy arrival. There we sang a Psalm of thanksgiving unto God, They began their planting with prayer to God. beseeching him that it would please him of his grace to continued his accustomed goodness toward us his poor servants, and aid us in all our enterprises, that all might turn to his glory and the advancement of our King. The prayer ended, every man began to take courage. Afterwards having measured out a piece of ground in form of a triangle, we endeavoured ourselves of all sides, some to bring earth, some to cut faggots, and others to raise and make the rampire, for there was not a man that had not either a shovel, or cutting hook, or hatchet, as well to make the ground plain by cutting down the trees, as for the building of the Fort, which we did hasten with such cheerfulness, that within few days the effect of our diligence was apparent: in which mean space the Paracoussy Satouriova our nearest neighbour, & on whose ground we built our Fort, came usually accompanied with his two sons and a great number of Indians to offer to do us all courtesy. And I likewise for my part bestowed divers of our trifles frankly on him, to the end he might know the good will we bore him, and thereby make him more desirous of our friendship, in such sort, that as the days increased, so our amity and friendship increased also. After that our Fort was brought into form, I began to build a Grange to retire my munition and things necessary for the defence of our Fort: praying the Paracoussy to command his subjects to make us a covering of Palm leaves, In Florida they cover their houses with Palm leaves and this to the ●nde that when that was done, I might unfraight my ships, and put under coverture those things that were in them. Suddenly the Paracoussy commanded in my presence all the Indians of his company to dress the next day morning so good a number of Palm leaves, that the Grange was covered in less than two days: so that business was finished. For in the space of those two days, the Indians never ceased from working, some in fetching Palm leaves, others in interlacing of them: in such sort that their King's commandment was executed as he desired. Our Fort was built in form of a triangle. The form of the Fort Caroline. The side toward the West, The West side. which was toward the land, was enclosed with a little trench and raised with turfs made in form of a Battlement of nine foot high: the other side which was toward the River, was enclosed with a palisado of planks of timber after the manner that Gabions are made. On the South side there was a kind of bastion within which I caused an house for the munition to be built: The South side. it was all builded with faggots and sand, saving about two of three foot high with turfs, whereof the battlements were made. In the midst I caused a great Court to be made of eighteen paces long and broad, in the midst whereof on the one side drawing toward the South I builded a Corpse de guard, and an house on the other side toward the North, which I caused to be raised somewhat too high: for within a short while after the wound beaten it down: and experience taught me, that we may not build with high stages in this Country, High building is not good for this Country. by reason of the winds whereunto it is subject. One of the sides that enclosed my Court, which I made very fair and large, reached unto the Grange of my munitions: and on the other side towards the River was mine own lodging, round about which were galleries all covered. The principal door of my lodging was in the midst of the great place, and the other was toward the River. A good distance from the Fort I built an Oven to avoid the danger against fire, Note. because the houses are of Palm leaves, which will soon be burned after the fire catcheth hold of them, so that with much ado a man shall have leisure to quench them. Lo here in brief the description of our Fortress, which I named Caroline in the honour of our Prince King Charles. Caroline. After we were furnished with that which was most necessary, I would not loose a minute of an hour, without employing of the same in some virtuous exercise: therefore I charged Monsieur de Ottigni my Lieutenant, a man in truth worthy of all honour for his honesty and virtue, to search up within the River, what this Thimogoa might be, whereof the Paracoussy Satouriova had spoken to us so often at our coming on shore. For execution hereof the Paracously gave him two Indians for his guides, which taking upon them to lead him in this voyage, seemed to go unto a wedding, so desirous they were to fight with their enemies. Being embarked they hoist sail, and having sailed about twenty leagues, The first voyage twenty leagues. the Indians which still looked on this side and that side to espy some of their enemies, discovered three Canoas'. And immediately they began to cry Thimogoa, Thimogoa, and spoke nothing else but to hasten forward to go fight with them: which the Captain seemed to be willing to do, to content them. When they came to board them, one of the Indians got hold of an Halberd, another of an Cutlass in such a rage, that he would have leapt into the water to have fought with them alone. Nevertheless Ottigni would not let them do it, for while he deferred to board them, he gave the others respite to turn the prows of their Canoas' toward the shore, and so to escape into the woods. Again, the meaning of Ottigni was not to make war upon them of Thimogoa, but rather to make them friends, and to make them thenceforth to live in peace one with another if it were possible, hoping by this mean to discover daily some new thing, & especially the certain course of the River. For this purpose he caused the bark to retire, wherein were the two Indians his guides, and went with his men toward the Canoas' which were on the rivers side. Being come unto them, he put certain trifles into them, and then retired a good way from them, which thing caused the Indians which were fled away to return to their boats, and to understand by this sign, that those of our Bark were none of their enemies, but rather come only to traffic with them. Wherefore being thus assured of us, they called to our men to come near unto them: which they did incontinently and set foot on land, and spoke freely unto them, with divers ceremonies over long to recount. In the end Ottigni demanded of them by signs if they had any Gold or Silver among them. But they told him they had none as then: and that if he would sand one of his men with them, they would bring him without danger into a place white they might have some. Ottigni seeing them so willing, delivered them one of his men which seemed very resolute, to undertake this voyage: this fellow stayed with them until te●ne of the clock the next morning, Ten leagues further. so that Captain Ottigoy somewhat offended with his long stay, sailed ten great leagues further up the River: although he known not which way he should go, yet he went so far up that he espied the Boat wherein his soldier was: which reported unto him, that the Indians would hat carried him three great days journey further, & told him that a King named Mayrra rich in Gold and Silver, Mayrra a king rich in gold and silver. dwelled in those quarters, and that for small quantity of merchandise enough might be had of him: yet that he would not hazard himself without his leave, and that he brought but a very little Gold. This being done, our men returned toward our Fort Caroline, after they had left the soldier with the Indians to inform himself more and more of such things as he might discover more at leisure. Fifteen days after this voyage to Thimogoa, I dispatched Captain Vasseur and my Sergeant also to return again into this Country, and to seek out the soldier which remained there in the former voyage. The second voyage. Being therefore embarked, they sailed two whole days: and before they came to the dwelling of the Indians, they found two of them on the rivers side, which were expressly sent unto that place to descry whether any of their enemies were come to that part, with intention to surprise them, as they did usually. When they perceived Captain Vasseur, they known incontinently that he was none of their enemies, and therefore made no difficulty to come near unto the Bark, and showed him by signs that the Soldier which they sought was not in that place, but was at that present in the house of King Mollova which was vassal unto another great King named by them Olata Ouae Vrina: King Mollova. and that if the Captain would sail thitherward, he should come thither very quickly: Olata Ouae Vtina a great king. wherewith he was content, and caused his men to row to that part which the Indians showed him: whereat they were so glad, that they ran quickly before by land to declare his arrival, which was at the lodging of king Mollova, after he had rowed not passed half a league. While king Mollova had ended entertaining Captain Vasleur and his men, the soldier cam● in with five or six pounds' weight of silver which he had trucked and trafficked with Indians. Five of six pound weight of silver. This King caused bread to be made, and fish to be dressed after the Indian fashion to feast our men: to whom, while they were at meat, he made a discourse of divers other Kings his friends & allies, reckoning up to the number of nine of them by name, to wit, Cadecha, Chilili, Eclavou, Enacappe, Calany, Anacharaqua, Omittaqua, Aequera, Moquoso: all which with him to the number of more than forty, he assured us to be the vassals of the most renowned Olata Ouae Vtina. Forty kings vassals to Vtina. This done, he went about likewise to discover the enemies of Ouae Vtina, in which number he placed as the first the Paracoussy Satouriova Monarch of the confutes of the river of May, which hath under his obeisance thirty other Paracoussies, whereof there were ten which were all his brethren, and that therefore he was greatly esteemed in those parts: then he named three others no less puissant than Satouriova, whereof the first dwelled two days journey from his lord Olata Ouae Vtina, and ordinarily made war upon him, whose name was Potanou, King Potanou. a man cruel in war, but pitiful in the execution of his fury. For he took the prisoners to mercy, being content to mark them on the left arm with a great mark like unto a seal, and so imprinted as if it had been touched with an hot iron, than he let them go without any more hurt. The two others were named Onatheaqua, and Houstaqua, being great Lords, and abounding in riches, and principally Onatheaqua, An exceeding rich place. which dwelled near unto the high mountains, wherein there was abundance of many rare things, and infinite quantity of a kind of slate stone, wherewith they made wedges to cleave their wood. The occasion which (as he said) moved Potanou to wage war against Olata Ouae Vtina, was the fear that he had, jest he and his companions should get of that hard stone in his Country, wherewith they headed their arrows, and could not get it in any nearer place. Besides all this, Mollova recited to Captain Vasseur, that the king's allies the vassals of the great Olata, armed their breasts, arms, thighs, legs, & foreheads with large plates of gold and silver: Large plates of gold and silver. and that by this means the arrows that were discharged upon them could do them no manner of hurt at all, but rather were broken against them. Hereupon Captain Vasseur enquired whether the Kings Onatheaqua and Houstaqua were like unto us. For by the description that they made of them, he began to doubt whether they were Spaniards or no: but Mollova told him that they were not, but that they were Indians like the rest, saving that they painted their faces with black, and that the rest as Mollova, painted them with read. Some paint their faces with black, and some with read. Then my Lieutenant Vasseur, and my Sergeant promised him, that one day I should march with my forces into those countries, and that joining myself with his Lord Olata, I would subdue the inhabitants of the highest of those mountains. He was very glad of this speech, and answered that the lest of these Kings which he had named, should present unto the General of these succours the height of two foot of gold and silver, which by force of arms they had already got of those two Kings, Onatheaqua, and Houstaqua. The good cheer being done, and the discourses ended, my men embarked themselves again, with intention to bring me those good news unto the Fort Caroline. But after they had sailed a very long while down the River, and were come within three leagues of us, the tide was so strong against them, that they were constrained to go on land, and to retire themselves because of the night, unto the dwelling of a certain Paracoussy named Molona, which showed himself very glad of their arrival: for he desired to know some news of Thimogoa, and thought that the French men went thither for none other occasion but for to invade them. Which Captain Vasseur perceiving, dissembled so well, that he made him believe that he went to Thimogoa with none other intention, but to subdue them, and to destroy them with the edge of the sword without mercy, but that their purpose had not such success as they desired, because that the people of Thimogoa being advertised of this enterprise, retired into the woods, and saved themselves by flight: that nevertheless they had taken some as they were fleeing away, which carried no news thereof unto their fellows. The Parocoussy was so glad of this relation, that he interrupted him, and asked Vasseur of the beginning and manner of his execution, and prayed him that he would show him by signs how all things passed. Immediately Francis la Caille the Sergeant of my band took his sword in his hand, saying, that with the point thereof he had thrust through two Indians which, ran into the woods, and that his companions had done no less for their parts. And that if fortune had so favoured them, that they had not been discovered by the men of Thimogoa, they had had a victory most glorious and worthy of eternal memory. Hereupon the Paracoussy showed himself so well satisfied, that he could not devise how to gratify our men, which he caused to come into his house to feast them more honourably: and having made Captain Vasseur to sit next him, and in his own chair (which the Indians esteem for the chiefest honour) and then underneath him two of his sons, goodly and mighty fellows, he commanded all the rest to place themselves as they thought good. This done, the Indians came according to their good custom, to present their drink Cassine to the Paracoussy, and then to certain of his chiefest friends, and the Frenchmen. Then he which brought it set the cup aside, and drawn out a little dagger stuck up in the roof of the house, and like a mad man he lift his head aloft, and ran apace, and went and smote an Indian which sat alone in one of the corners of the hall, crying with a loud voice, Hyou, the poor Indian stirring not at all for the blow, which he seemed to endure patiently. He which held the dagger went quickly to put the same in his former place, and began again to give us drink, as he did before: but he had not long continued, and had scarce given three or four thereof, but he left his bowl again, took the dagger in his hand, and quickly returned unto him which he had strucken before, to whom he gave a very sore blow on the side, crying Hyou, as he had done before: and then he went to put the dagger in his place, and set himself down among the rest. A little while after he that had been strike fallen down backward, stretching out his arms and legs, as if he had been ready to yield up the latter gasp. And then the younger son of the Paracoussy appareled in a long white skin, fallen down at the feet of him that was fallen backward, weeping bitterly half a quarter of an hour: after, two other of his brethren clad in like apparel, came about him that was so strike, and began to sigh pitifully. Their mother bearing a little infant in her arms came from another part, and going to the place where her sons were, at the first she used infinite numbers of outcries, than one while lifting up her eyes to heaven, another while falling down unto the ground, she cried so dolefully, that her lamentable mournings would have moved the most hard and stony heart in the world with pity. Yet this sufficed not, for there came in a company of young girls, which did never leave weeping for a long while in the place where the Indian was fallen down, whom afterward they took, and with the saddest gestures they could devise, carried him away into another house a little way off from the great hall of the Paracoussy, and continued their weep and mournings by the space of two long hours: in which mean while the Indians ceased not to drink Cassine, but with such silence that one word was not herded in the parlour. Vasseur being grieved that he understood not these ceremonies, demanded of the Paracoussy what these things meant: which answered him slowly, Thimogoa, Thimogoa, without saying any more. Being more displeased than he was before with so slight an answer, he turned unto another Indian the Paracoussyes' brother, who was a Paracoussy as well as his brother, called Malica, King Malica. which made him a like answer as he did at the first, praying him to ask no more of these matters, and to have patience for that time. The subtle old Paracoussy prayed him within a while after, to show him his sword, which he would not deny him, thinking that he would have beheld the fashion of his weapons: but he soon perceived that it was to another end: for the old man holding it in his hand, beheld it a long while on every place, to see if he could find any blood upon it, which might show that any of their enemies had been killed: for the Indians are wont to bring their weapons wherewith their enemies have been defeated, with some blood upon them, for a token of their victories. But seeing no sign thereof upon it, he was upon the point to say unto him, that he had killed none of the men of Thimogoa: when as Vasseur preventing that which he might object, declared and showed unto him by signs, the manner of his enterprise, adding, that by reason of the two Indians which he had slain, his sword was so bloody, that he was enforced to wash and make it clean a long while in the River: which the old man believed to be like to be true, and made no manner of reply thereunto. Vasseur, La Caille, and their other companions went out of the hall to go into the room whither they had carried the Indian: there they found the Paracoussy sitting upon tapestries made of small reeds, Tapestry made of small reed. which was at meat after the Indian fashion, and the Indian that was smitten hard by him, lying upon the self same tapestry, about whom stood the wife of the Paracous●y, with all the young damsels which before bewailed him in the hall: which did nothing else but warm a great deal of moss in stead of napkins to rub the Indians side. They lap moss about their wounds and use it instead of napkins. Hereupon our men asked the Paracous●y again for what occasion the Indian was so persecuted in his presence: he answered, that this was nothing else but a kind of ceremony, whereby they would call to mind the death and persecutions of the Paracoussies their ancestors executed by their enemy Thimogoa: A ceremony to call to mind the death of their ancestors slain by their enemies. alleging moreover, that as often as he himself, or any of his friends and allies returned from the Country, without they brought the heads of their enemies, or without bringing home some prisoner, he used for ap●rpetuall memory of all his predecessors to beat the best beloved of all his children with the self same weapons wherewith they had been killed in times past: to the end that by renewing of the wound their death should be lamented afresh. Now when they were thus informed of those ceremonies, they thanked the Paracoussy for their good entertainment which they had received, & so setting sail came to me unto the fort: where they declared all unto me as I have recited it heretofore. The eight and twentieth of july our ships departed to return into France. The return of their ships toward France the 28. of july. And within a while, about two months after our arrival in Florida, the Paracoussy Satouriova sent certain Indians unto me to know whether I would stand to my promise which I had made him at my first arrival in that Country, which was that I would show myself friend to his friends, and enemy unto his enemies, and also to accompany him with a good number of Harquebusses, when he should see it expedient, and should find a fit occasion to go to war. Now seeing he rested upon this promise, he prayed me not to defer the same: seeing also that making account thereof, he had taken such good order for the execution of his enterprise, that he was ready, and was furnished with all things that were necessary for the voyage: I made him answer, that for his amity I would not purchase the enmity of the other, and that albeit I would, yet notwithstanding I wanted means to do it. For it behoved me at that present to make provision of victuals and munition for the defence of my Fort. On the other side, that my Barks were nothing ready, and that this enterprise would require time: Moreover, that the Paracoussy Satouriova might hold himself ready to departed within two months, and that then I would think of fulfilling my promise to him. The Indians carried this answer to their Paracoussy, which was little pleased with it, because he could not defer his execution or expedition, aswell because all his victuals were ready, as also because ten other Paracoussies were assembled with him for the performance of this enterprise. The ceremony which this Savage used before he embarked his army deserveth not to be forgotten. The ceremony which they use before they got to warr●. For when he was set down by the rivers side, being compassed about with ten other Paracoussies, he commanded water to be brought him speedily. This done, looking up into heaven, he fallen to discourse of divers things with gestures that showed him to be in exceeding great choler, which made him one while shake his head hither and thither, and by and by with I wot not what fury to turn his face toward the Country of his enemies, and to threaten to kill them. He oftentimes looked upon the Sun, praying him to grant him a glorious victory of his enemies. Which when he had done by the space of half an hour, he sprinkled with his hand a little of the water which he held in a vessel upon the heads of the Paracoussies, and cast the rest as it were in a rage and despite into a fire which was there prepared for the purpose. This done, he cried out thrice, He Thimogoa, and was followed with five hundredth Indians at the lest, which were there assembled, which cried all with one voice, He Thimogoa. This ceremony, as a certain Indian told me familiarly, signified nothing else, but that Satouriova besought the Sun to grant unto him so happy a victory, S●reutiou● followed with five hundredth Indians. that he might shed his enemy's blood, as he had shed that water at his pleasure. Moreover, that the Paracoussies which were sprinkled with a part of that water, might return with the heads of their enemies, which is the only and chief triumph of their victories. The Paracoussy Satouriova had no sooner ended his ceremonies and had taken a view of all his company, but he embarked himself, and used such diligence with his Almadies or boats, that the next day two hours before the Suns set, he arrived on the territories of his enemies about eight or ten leagues from their villages. Afterwards causing them all to go on land, he assembled his counsel, Consultation before they assault their enemies. wherein it was agreed that five of the Paracoussies should sail up the River with half of the troops, and by the break of the day should approach unto the dwelling of their enemy: for his own part, that he would take his journey through the woods and forests as secretly as he could: that when they were come thither, as well they that went by water as he which went by land should not fail by the break of the day to enter into the village, and cut them all in pieces, except the women and little children. These things which were thus agreed upon, were executed with as great fury as was possible: Now they use their enemies which they take in warr●. which when they had done, they took the heads of their enemies which they had slain, and cut off their hair round about with a piece of their skulls: they took also four and twenty prisoners, which they led away, and retired themselves immediately unto their Boats which waited for them. Being come thither, they began to sing praises unto the Sun, to whom they attributed their victory. And afterwards they put the skins of those heads on the end of their javelins, and went altogether toward the territories of Paracoussy Omoloa, King Omoloa. one of them which was in the company. Being come thither, they divided their prisoners equally to each of the Paracoussies, and left thirteen of them to Satouriova, which strait way dispatched an Indian his subject, to carry news before of the victory to them which stayed at home to guard their houses, which immediately began to weep. But assoon as night was come, they never left dancing and playing a thousand gambols in honour of the feast. The next day the Paracoussy Satouriova came home, who before he entered into his lodging caused all the hairy skulls of his enemies to be set up before his door, and crowned them with branches of Laurel, showing by this glorious spectacle the triumph of the victory which he had obtained. Their manner of triumph. Straightway began lamentation and mournings, which assoon as the night began were turned into pleasures and dances. After that I was advertised of these things, I sent a Soldier unto Satouriova, praying him to send me two of his prisoners: which he denied me, saying that he was nothing beholding unto me, and that I had broken my promise, against the oath which I had sworn unto him at my arrival. Which when I understood by my Soldier, which was come back with speed, I devised how I might be revenged of this Savage, and to make him know how dearly this bold bravado of his should cost him: therefore I commanded my Sergeant to provide me twenty Soldiers to go with me to the house of Satouriova: Where after I was come and entered into the hall without any manner of salutation, I went and sat me down by him, and stayed a long while without speaking any word unto him, or showing him any sign of friendship, which thing put him deeply in his dumps: besides that certain Soldiers remained at the gate, to whom I had given express commandment to suffer no Indian to go forth: having stood still about half an hour with this countenance, at length I demanded where the prisoners were which he had taken at Thimogoa, and commanded them presently to be brought unto me. Whereunto the Paracoussy angry at the heart, and astonished wonderfully, stood a long while without making any answer, notwithstanding at last he answered me very stoutly, that being afraid to see us coming thither in such warlike manner they fled into the woods, and that not knowing which way they were go, they were not able by any means to bring them against Then I seemed to make as though I understood not what he said, and asked for his prisoners again, and for some of his principal allies. Then Satouriova commanded his son Athore to seek out the prisoners, Athore. and to 'cause them to be brought into that place, which thing he did within an hour after. After they were come to the lodging of the Paracoussy, they humbly saluted me, and lifting up their hands before me, they would have fallen down prostrate as it were at my feet: but I would not suffer them, and soon after led them away with me unto my own Fort. The Paracoussy being wonderfully offended with this bravado, be thought himself by all means how he might be revenged of us. But to give us no suspicion thereof, and the better to cover his intention, he sent his messengers oftentimes unto us bringing always with them some kind of presents. Among others one day he sent three Indians, which brought us two baskets full of great pompions, Excellent pompions. much more excellent than those which we have in France, and promised me in their King's behalf, that during mine abode in that Country, I should never want victuals: I thanked them for their King's good will, and signified unto them the great desire which I had, aswell for the benefit of Satouriova, as for the quiet of his Subjects, to make a peace between him and those of Thimogoa: which thing could not choose but turn to their great benefit, seeing that being allied with the Kings of those parts, he had an open passage against Onatheaqua his ancient enemy, which otherwise he could not set upon. Moreover that Olata Ouae Vtina was so mighty a Paracoussy, that Satouriova was not able to withstand his forces: but being agreed together they might easily overthrow all their enemies, and might pass the confines of the farthest Rivers that were towards the South. The messengers prayed me to have patience until the morrow, at what time they would come again unto me to certify me of their Lord's inclination: which they failed not to do, advertising me that Paracoussy Satouriova was the gladdest man in the world to treat of this accord (although indeed he was quite contrary) and that he besought me to be diligent therein, promising to observe and perform whatsoever I should agreed upon with those of Thimogoa: which things the messengers also rehearsed unto the prisoners which I had led away. After they were departed, I resolved within two days to send back again the prisoners to Olata Ouae Vtina, whose subjects they were: but before I embarked them, I gave them certain small trifles, which were little knives or tablets of glass, wherein the image of King Charles the ninth was drawn very lively, for which they gave me very great thanks, as also for the honest entertainment which was given them at the Fort Caroline. After this they embarked themselves, with Captain Vasseur, and with Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensign, which I had sent of purpose to remain a certain time with Ouae Vtina, hoping that the favour of this great Paracoussy would serve my turn greatly to make my discoveries in time to come. I sent with him also one of my Sergeants, and six gallant Soldiers. Thus things passed on this manner, and the hatred of Paracoussy Sarouriova against me did still continued, until that on the nine and twentieth of August a lightning from heaven fallen within half a league of our Fort, A wonderful lightning the 29. of August. more worthy I believe to be wondered at, and to be put in writing, than all the strange signs which have been seen in times past, and whereof the histories have never written. For although the meadows were at that season all green, and half covered over with water, nevertheless the lightning in one instant consumed above five hundred acres therewith, and burned with the ardent heat thereof all the fowls which took their pastime in the meadows, which thing continued for three days space, which caused us not a little to muse, not being able to judge whereof this fire proceeded: for one while we thought that the Indians had burned their houses, and abandoned their places for fear of us: another while we thought that they had discovered some ships in the Sea, and that according to their custom they had kindled many fires here and there, to signify that their Country was inhabited: nevertheless being not assured, I determined to send to Paracoussy Serranay to know the truth thereof. King Serranay. But even as I was upon the point to send one by boat to discover the matter, six Indians came unto me from Paracoussy Allimacany, King Allimacany. which at their first entry made unto me a long discourse, and a very large and ample oration (after they had presented me with certain baskets full of Maiz, of Pompions and of Grapes) of the loving amity which Allimacany desired to continued with me, and that he looked from day to day when it would please me to employ him in my service. Therefore considering the serviceable affection that he bore unto me, he found it very strange, that I thus discharged mine Ordinance against his dwelling, The Savages think the lightning to be discharging of the Christians Ordinance. which had burned up an infinite sight of green meadows, and consumed even down unto the bottom of the water, and came so near unto his mansion, that he thought he saw the fire in his house: wherefore he besought me most humbly to command my men that they would not shoot any more towards his lodging, otherwise that hereafter he should be constrained to abandon his country, and to retire himself into some place further off from us. Having understood the foolish opinion of this man, which notwithstanding could not choose but be very profitable for us, I dissembled what I thought thereof for that time, and answered the Indians with a cheerful countenance, that the relation which they made unto me of the obedience of their Paracoussy did please me right well, because that before he had not behaved himself in such sort towards me, especially when I summoned him to sen●e me the prisoners of great Olata Ouae Vtina which he detained, whereof not withstanding he made no great account, which was the principal cause wherefore I had discharged mine Ordinance against him: not that I meant to reach unto his house (as I might have done easily, if it had pleased me) but that I was content to shoot the half way to make him know my force: Laudonniere used the present occasion to his profit. assuring him furthermore, that on condition that he would continued in his good affection, no more ordinance should be discharged against him hereafter: and besides that I would become his faithful protector against his greatest enemies. The Indians contented with mine answer returned to assure their Paracoussy● which notwithstanding the assurance withdrew himself from his dwelling twenty or five and twenty leagues off, and that for the space of more than two months. After that three days were expired, the fire was quite extinguished. But for two days after there followed such an excessive heat in the air, A wonderful heat. that the River near unto which we planted our habitation, become so hot, that I think it was almost ready to seethe. For there died so great abundance of fish, and that of so many divers sorts, that in the mouth of the River only there were found dead enough to have loaden fifty Carts, Fifty cart load of fish dead in the River with this heat. whereof there issued a putrefaction in the air, which bread many dangerous diseases amongst us, insomuch that most of my men fallen sick, and almost ready to end their days. Yet notwithstanding it pleased our merciful God so to provide by his providence, that all our men recovered their health without the loss of any one of them. Monsieur de Arlac, Captain Vasseur, and one of my Sergeants being embarked with their ten Soldiers about the tenth of September, The third voyage the tenth of September. to carry back the prisoners unto Vtina, sailed so far up the River, that they discovered a place called Mayarqua distant from our Fort about fourscore leagues, Mayarqua a place 80. leagues up the River of May. where the Indians gave them good entertainment, and in many other villages which they found. From this place they rowed to the dwelling of Paracoussy Vtina, which after he had feasted them according to his ability and power, prayed Monsieur de Arlac and all his Soldiers to stay a while with him, to aid and assist him in battle against one of his enemies called Potanou, King Potanou. whereunto Monsieur de Arlac consented willingly. And because he known not how long he might have occasion to stay in these parts, he sent me Captain Vasseur and the Bark back again, which brought home only five Soldiers with him. Now because the custom of the Indians is always to wage war by surprise, The Indians manner of war. Vtina resolved to take his enemy Potanou in the morning by the break of the day: to bring this to pass, he made his men to travail all the night, which might be in number two hundred people, Two hundredth Indians. so well advised, that they prayed our French-shot to be in the forefront, to the end (as they said) that the noise of their pieces might astonish their enemies: notwithstanding they could not march so secretly, but that those of the village of Potanou, distant from the dwelling of Vtina about five and twenty leagues, were ware of them: which suddenly employed and bestowed all their endeavour to defend their village enclosed all with trees, A village enclosed with trees. and issued out in great companies: but finding themselves charged with shot, (a thing wherewith they never had been acquainted) also beholding the Captain of their band fall down dead in the beginning of their skirmish, with a shot of an arquebus which struck him in the forehead, discharged by the hand of Monsieur de Arlac, they left the place: and the Indians of Vtina gate into the village, taking men, women, and children prisoners. Thus Paracous●y Vtina obtained the victory by the aid of our men, Vtina getteth the victory of Potanou by the help of the French. which slay many of his enemies, and lost in this conflict one of their companions, wherewith Vtina was very much grieved. Eight or ten days after, I sent Captain Vasseur back again with a Bark to fetch home Monsieur de Arlac and his Soldiers, which at their return brought me certain presents from Vtina, as some silver, a small quantity of gold, painted skins, and other things, Silver, and gold, and painted skins. with a thousand thanks, which the Paracoussy gave me, which promised that if in any enterprise of importance I should have need of his men, he would furnish me with three hundredth and above. While I thus travailed to purchase friends, & to practise one while with one here, an other while with another there, certain Soldiers of my company were suborned under hand by one named lafoy Roquette of the Country of Perigor●, La Roquettes conspiracy. which put in their heads that he was a great Magician, and that by the secrets of Art-magicke he had discovered a Mine of gold and silver far up within the River, whereby (upon the loss of his life,) every Soldier should receive in ready Bullion the value of ten thousand Crowns, beside and above fifteen hundred thousand which should be reserved for the King's Majesty: wherefore they allied themselves with Lady Roquette and another of his confederates, whose name was Le Genre, Monsieu● de Genre. This Genre in whom notwithstanding I had great affiance. exceeding desirous to enrich himself in those parts, and seeking to be revenged, because I would not give him the carriage of the Paquet into France, secretly informed the Soldiers that were already suborned by La Roquette, that I would deprive them of this great gain, in that I did set them daily on work, not sending them on every side to discover the Countries: therefore that it were a good deed, after they had made me understand so much, to seek means to dispatch me out of the way, and to choose another Captain in my place, if I would not give them victuals according to their disordinate appetite. Gieures message to Laudoniere in the soldiers name. He also brought me word hereof himself, making a large discourse unto me of the good affection of the Soldiers, which all besought me that I would conduct them to the Countries where the Mine was: His answer. I made him answer tha● all could not go thither, and that I was necessary before their departure to settle our Fortress in such estate, that those which were to stay at home behind should remain in security against the Indians which might surprise them. Furthermore, that their manner of proceeding seemed strange unto me, for that they imagined, that the King's Majesty was at the charges of our voyage for none other end, but only to enrich them at their first arrival, in as much as they showed themselves much more given unto covetousness, then unto the service of their Prince: But seeing mine answer tended unto none other end but to make our Fortress strong and defensible, they determined to travail in the work, and made an ensign of old linen, which ordinarily they bore upon the rampart when they went to work, always wearing their weapons, which I thought they had done to encourage themselves to work the better. A dangerous practice against the Captain and his Lieutenant. But as I perceived afterwards, and that by the confession of Genre sent me in letters which he written to me of that matter, these gentle Soldiers did the same for none other end, but to have killed me, and my Lieutenant also, if by chance I had given them any hard speeches. About the twentieth of September, as I came home from the woods and coppises to finish the building of my Fort, (and that according to my usual manner, I marched first to give encouragement unto my Soldiers) I chafed myself in such sort, that I fallen into a sore and grievous sickness, whereof I thought I should have died: Laudonniers sickness. During which sickness, I called Le Genre often unto me, as one that I trusted above all others, and of whose conspiracies I doubted not any whit at all. In this mean while assembling his complices, sometime in his chamber and sometime in the woods to consult with them, he spoke unto them to choose another Captain besides me, to the intent to put me to death: Laudonniers Apothecary's but being not able by open force to execute his mischievous intention, he gate him unto mine Apothecary, praying him instantly to mingle in my medicine, which I was to receive one or two days after, some drug that should make me pitch over the perch, or at the lest that he would give him a little Arsenike or quick Silver, which he himself would put into my drink. But the Apothecary denied him, as did in like manner Master S. which was Master of the fireworks. The Master of the fireworks. Thus wholly disappointed of both his means, he, with certain others resolved to hide a little barrel of gunpowder underneath my bed, and by a train to set it on fire. Upon these practices a Gentleman which I had dispatched to return into France, being about to take his leave of me, advertised me, that Gieure had given him a book full of all kind of lewd invectives and slanders against me, against Monsieur de Ottigny, and against the principal of my company: upon which occasion I assembled all my Soldiers together, and Captain Bourdet with all his, which on the fourth of September arrived in the road, and were come into our River. Captain Bo●rde● arr●ued in Florida the 4. of September. In their presence I caused the contents of the book to be read aloud, that they might bear record of the untruths that were written against me. Gieure, which had got him into the woods for fear of being taken, (where he lived for a while after with the Savages by my permission,) written unto me often, and in many of his letters confessed unto me, that he had deserved death, condemning himself so far forth, that he referred all to my mercy and pity. The seventh or eighth day of November, The 4. voyage the 7. of November. after I had caused sufficient provision of such victuals as were needful to be made, I sent two of my men, to wit, La Roche Ferriere, and an other toward King Vtina, to discover every day more and more of the Country: where he was the space of five or si●e months, during which he discovered many small villages, and among others one named Hostaqua, Hostaqua a village. the King whereof being desirous of my friendship, sent unto me a quiver made of a Luserns skin full of arrows, a couple of bows, four or five skins painted after their manner, and a chain of Silver weighing about a pound weight. In recompense of which presents I sent him two whole suits of apparel, with certain cutting hooks or hatchets. After these things therefore in this sort passed, about the tenth of this month, Captain Bourdet determined to leave me and to return into France. Then I requested him, yea rather was exceeding importunate with him, to carry home with him some six or seven Soldiers, whom I could not trust by any means: which he did for my sake, and would not charge himself with Gieure, which offered him a great sum of money, if it would please him to carry him into France: he transported him only to the other side of the River. Three days after his departure thirteen Mariners which I had brought out of France, suborned by certain other Mariners which Captain Bourdet had left me, stolen away my Barks in manner following. One of his Barks stolen away by his Mariners. These Mariners of Captain Bourdet put mine in the head, that if they had such Barks as mine were, they might gain very much in the Isles of the Antilles, and make an exceeding profitable voyage. Hereupon they began to devise how they might steal away my Barks, and consulted that when I should command them to go unto the village of Saravahi distant above a league and an half from our Fort, The ●illage of Saravahi. and situated upon an arm of the River, (whither according to my manner I sent them daily to seek clay, to make brick and mortar for our houses) they would return no more, but would furnish themselves with victuals as well as they might possibly: and then would embark themselves all in one vessel, and would go their way: as in deed they did. Another of his Barks stolen away by two Carpenters. And that which was worse, two Flemish Carpenters, which the said Bourdet had left me, stolen away the other Bark, and before their departure cut the cables of the Bark, and of the shipboate, that it might go away with the tide, that I might not pursue them: so that I remained without either Bark or boat, which fallen out as unluckily for me as was possible. For I was ready to embark myself with all speed, to discover as far up our River, as I might by any means. Now my Mariners, (as I understood afterwards) took a Bark that was a passenger of the Spaniards near the Isle of Cuba, wherein they found a certain quantity of gold and silver, which they seized upon. And having this booty they lay a while at Sea, until their victuals began to fail them: One of these Mariners named Francis jean betrayed his own country men to the Spaniards, and brought them into Florida. which was the cause, that oppressed with famine they came unto Havana the principal Town of the Isle of Cuba: whereupon proceeded that mischief which hereafter I will declare more at large. When I see my Barks returned not at their wont hour, and suspecting that which fallen out indeed, I commanded my Carpenters with all diligence to make a little boat with a flat bottom, to search those Rivers for some news of these Mariners. The boat dispatched within a day and a night, by reason that my Carpenters found planks and timber ready sawed to their hands, as commonly I caused my Sawyers to provide it, A Saw-mill necessary here: I sent men to seek some news of my thieves: but all was in vain. Therefore I determined to 'cause two great Barks to be built, each of which might be thirty five, or thirty six foot long in the keel. And now the work was very well forward which I set my workmen about, when ambition and avarice, the mother of all mischief, took root in the hearts of four or five soldiers which could not away with the work and pains taking: and which from hence forward (namely one Fourneaux, and one La Croix, and another called Steven le Genevois, the three principal authors of the sedition) began to practise with the best of my troop, The third s●●●tion. showing them that it was a vile thing for men of honest parentage, as they were, to moil themselves thus with abject and base work, seeing they had the best occasion of the world offered them to make themselves all rich: which was to arm the two Barks which were in building, and to furnish them with goodmen: and then to sail unto Peru, and the other Isles of the Antilles, By Peru the French meane●the coast of Carthagen● and Nombre de Dios. where every Soldier might easily enrich himself with ten thousand Crowns. And if their enterprise should be misliked withal in France, they should be always able, by reason of the great wealth that they should gain, to retire themselves into Italy, until the heat were overpassed, and that in the mean season some war would fall out, which would 'cause all this to be quite forgotten. This word of riches sounded so well in the ears of my Soldiers, that in fine, after they had oftentimes consulted of their affairs, they grew to the number of threescore and six: which to colour their great desire which they had to go on stealing, they caused a request to be presented unto me by Francis de la Caille Sergeant of my company, containing in sum a declaration of the small store of victuals that was left to maintain us, until the time that ships might return from France: for remedy whereof they thought it necessary to send to New Spain, Peru, and all the Isles adjoining, which they besought me to be content to grant. But I made them answer, that when the Barks were finished, I would take such good order in general, that by means of the King's merchandise, without sparing mine own apparel, we would get victuals of the inhabitants of the Country: seeing also that we had enough to serve us for four months to come. For I feared greatly, that under pretence of searching victuals, they would enterprise somewhat against the King of Spain's Subjects, The captains charge at his setting forth. which in time to come might justly be laid to my charge, considering that at our departure out of France, the Queen had charged me very expressly, to do no kind of wrong to the King of Spain's Subjects, nor any thing whereof he might conceive any jealousy. They made as though they were content with this answer. But eight days after, as I continued in working upon our Fort, and on my Barks, I fallen sick. Then my seditious companions forgetting all honour and duty, supposing that they had found good occasion to execute their rebellious enterprise, began to practise afresh their former designs, handling their business so well, during my sickness, that they openly vowed that they would seize on the Corpse de guard, and on the Fort, yea, and force me also, if I would not consent unto their wicked desire. My Lieutenant being hereof advertised, came and told me that he suspected some evil practice: and the next day in the morning I was saluted at my gate with men in complete harness, what time my Soldiers were about to play me a shrewd trick: then I sent to seek a couple of Gentlemen whom I most trusted, which brought me word that the Soldiers were determined to come to me to make a request unto me: But I told them that this was not the fashion to present a request unto a Captain in this manner, and therefore they should sand some few unto me to signify unto me what they would have. Hereupon the five chief authors of the sedition armed with Corslets, their Pistols in their hands already bend, priest into my chamber, saying unto me, that they would go to New Spain to seek their adventure. Then I warned them to be well advised what they meant to do: but they forthwith replied, that they were fully advised already, and that I must grant them this request. Seeing then (quoth I) that I am enforced to do it, I will send Captain Vasseur and my Sergeant, which will make answer and give me an account of every thing that shall be done in this voyage: And to content you, I think it good that you take one man out of every chamber, that they may accompany Captain Vasseur and my Sergeant. Whereupon, blaspheming the Name of God, they answered that they must go thither: and that there lacked nothing, but that I should deliver them the armour which I had in my custody, for fear lest I might use them to their disadvantage (being so villainously abused by them:) wherein notwithstanding I would not yield unto them. But they took all by force, and carried it out of my house, yea and after they had hurt a Gentleman in my chamber, which spoke against their doings, they laid hands on me, and carried me very sick, as I was, prisoner into a ship which road at anchor in the midst of the River, wherein I was the space of fifteen days, Laudonniere kept 15. days prisoner by his own soldiers. attended upon with one man only without permission for any of my servants to come to visit me: from every one of whom, as also from the rest that took my part, they took away their armour. And they sent me a passport to sign, telling me plainly after I had denied them, that if I made any difficulty, they would all come and cut my throat in the ship. Thus was I constrained to sign their Passport, and forthwith to grant them certain mariners, with Trenchant an honest and skilful Pilot. Trenchant a skilful pilo●, When the barks were finished, they armed them with the king's munition, with powder, with bullets, and artillery, as much as they needed, and chose one of my Sergeants for their Captain, named Bertrand Conferrent, and for their Ensign one name La Croix. They compelled Captain Vasseur to deliver them the flag of his ship. Then having determined to sail unto a place of the Antilles, called Leauguave, belonging unto the king of Spain, and there to go on land on Christmas night, with intention to enter into the Church while the Mass was said after midnight, and to murder all those that they found there, they set sail the eight of December. But because the greatest part of them by this time repent them of their enterprise, and that now they began to fall into mutinies among themselves, when they came forth of the mouth of the river, the two barks divided themselves; the one kept along the coast unto Cuba, to double the Cape more easily, and the other went right forth to pass athwart the Isles of Lucaya: by reason whereof they met not until six weeks after their departure. During which time the bark that took her way along the coast, wherein one of the chief conspirators named De Orange was Captain, and Trenchant his Pilot, near unto a place called Archaha, took a Brigantine laden with a certain quantity of Cassavi, which is a kind of bread made of roots, Cassavi, bread made of roots. and yet nevertheless is very white, and good to eat, and some little Wine, which was not without some loss of their men: for in one assault that the inhabitants of Archaha made upon them, two of their men were taken, to wit, Steven Gondeau, and one named Grand Pré, besides two more that were slain in the place, namely Nicolas Master and Doublet: yet nevertheless they took the Brigantine, wherein they put all their stuff that was in their own Bark, because it was of greater burden and better of sail then their own. Afterwards they sailed right unto the Cape of Santa Maria near to Leauguave, where they went on land to calk and bray their ship which had a great leak. In this mean while they resolved to sail to Baracou, which is a village of the Isle of jamaica: Baracou a village in the Isle of jamaica. where at their arrival they found a Caravel of fifty or threescore tons burden, which they took without any body in it: and after they had made good cheer in the village the space of five or six days, they embarked themselves in it, leaving their second ship: then they returned to the Cape of Tiburon, The cape of Tiburon. where they met with a Patach, which they took by force after a long conflict. In this Patach the governor of jamaica was taken, with great store of riches, aswell of gold and silver as of merchandise and wine, and many other things; The governor of jamaica taken. wherewith our seditious companions not content, determined to seek more in their caravel, and their governor of jamaica also. After they were come to jamaica, they miss of another caravel which did save itself in the haven. The governor being fine and subtle, seeing himself brought unto the place which he desired and where he commanded, obtained so much by his fair words, that t●ey which had taken him let him put two little boys which were taken with him into a little cock boat, and sand them to his wife into the village, to advertise her that she should make provision of victuals to sand unto him. But in stead of writing unto his wife, he spoke unto the boys secretly that with all diligence she should sand the vessels that were in the havens near that place to secure and rescue him. Which she did so cunningly, that on a morning about the break of the day, as our seditious companions were at the havens mouth (which reacheth above two leagues up within the land) there came out of the haven a malguali●e which maketh sail both forward and backward, Malgualire ● kind of vessel that will sail forward and backward. and then two great ships, which might be each of them of fourscore or an hundred tons a piece, with good store of ordinance, and well furnished with men: at whose coming our mutinous fellows were surprised, being not able to see them when they came, aswell because of the darkness of the weather, as also by reason of the length of the haven, considering also they mistrusted nothing. True it is that five or six & twenty that were in the brigantine discovered these ships when they were near them, which seeing themselves pressed for want of leisure to weigh their anchor, cut their cable, and the trumpeter which was in it advertised the rest: whereupon the Spaniards seeing themselves descried, discharged a volley of canon shot against the French men, which they followed by the space of three leagues, and recovered their own ships: the brigantine which escaped away, passed in the sight of the Cape des Aigrettes, and the Cape of S. Anthony situate in the Isle of Cuba, The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba. & from thence passed within the sight of Havana; Havana. but Trenchant their pilot, and the trumpeter, and certain other mariners of this brigantine, which were led away by force in this voyage (as elsewhere we have declared) desired nothing more than to return to me: wherefore these men agreed together (if peradueture the wound served them well) to pass the channel of Bahama, The channel of Bahama. while their seditious companions were asleep: which they did accomplish with such good success, that in the morning toward the break of the day about the five and twentieth of March they arrived upon the coast of Florida: where knowing the fault which they had committed, in a kind of mockery they counterfeited the judges: but they played not this prank until they had tippled well of the Wine which remained yet in their prize. One counterfeited the judge, another presented my person: one other after he had herded the matter pleaded, concluded thus: Make you your causes as good as it pleaseth you, but if when you come to the fort Caroline the Captain cause you not to be hanged, I will never take him for an honest man: others thought that my choler being passed, I would easily forget this matter. Their sail was no sooner descried upon our coast, but the king of the place named Patica, King Patica. dwelling eight leagues distant from our fort, and being one of our good friends, sent an Indian to advertise me that he had descried a ship upon the coast, and that he thought it was one of our nation. Hereupon the brigantine oppressed with famine, came to an anchor at the mouth of the river of May, when at the first blush we thought they had been ships come from France; The return of part of Laudonnieres seditions soldiers. which gave us occasion of great joy: but after I had caused her to be better viewed. I was advertised that they were our seditious companions that were returned. Therefore I sent them word by Captain Vasseur and my Sergeant, that they should bring up their brigantine before the fortress: which they promised to do. Now there was not above two leagues distance from the mouth of the river where they cast anchor unto the fortress. The next day I sent the same Captain and Sergeant with thirty soldiers, because I see they much delayed their coming. Then they brought them: and because certain of them had sworn at their departure, that they would never come again within the fort, I was well pleased they should keep their oath. For this purpose I waited for them at the rivers mouth, where I made my barks to be built, and commanded my Sergeant to bring the four chief authors of the mutiny on shore; whom I caused immediately to be put in fetters: for my meaning was not to punish the rest, considering that they were suborned, and because my council expressly assembled for this purpose had concluded that these four only should die, to serve for an example to the rest. In the same place I made an Oration unto them in this manner. Laudonnieres oration to his mutinous soldiers. MY friends, you know the cause why our king sent us unto this country; you know that he is our natural Prince, whom we are bond to obey according to the commandment of God, in such sort, that we aught neither to spare our goods nor lives to do those things that concern his service: you know, or at lest you cannot be ignorant, that besides this general and natural obligation, you have this also joined thereunto, that in receiving of him reasonable pay and wages, you are bond to follow those whom he hath established over you to be your governors, and to command you in his name, having for this purpose given him an oath of fidelity, which you cannot by any means revoke for any fair appearance which you have to do the contrary: for this is reason, that seeing you live upon his charges on this condition, (this is reason I say) that you should be faithful unto him. Notwithstanding you have had more regard unto your unbridled affections then unto virtue, which invited you to the observance of your oath, in such sort that being become contemners of all honesty, you have passed your bonds, and thought that all things were lawful for you. Whereupon it is fallen out, that while you thought to escape the justice of men, you could not avoid the judgement of God, which as a thing by no means to be avoided hath led you, and in spite of you hath made you to arrive in this place, to make you confess how true his judgements are, and that he never suffereth so foul a fault to escape unpunished. After that I had used unto them these or the like speeches, following that which we had agreed upon in council, in respect of the crimes which they had committed, aswell against the king's Majesty as against me which was their Captain, I commanded that they should be hanged. The sentence of death. Seeing therefore that there was no starting hole, nor means at all to save themselves from this arrest, they took themselves unto their prayers: yet one of the four, thinking to raise a mutiny among my soldiers, said thus unto them: What, brethren and companions, will you suffer us to die so shamefully? And taking the word out of his mouth, I said unto him, that they were not companions of authors of sedition and rebels unto the king's service. Hereupon the soldiers besought me not to hung them, but rather let them be shot thorough, & then afterward, if I thought good, their bodies might be hanged upon certain gibbets along the havens mouth: which I caused presently to be put in execution. Execution. Lo here what was the end of my mutinous soldiers, without which I had always lived peaceably, and enjoyed the good desire which I had to make an happy and quiet voyage. But because I have spoken of nothing but their accidents and adventures which happened unto them after their departure, The continuation of the history. without making any mention of our fort, I will return to the matters from which I digressed, to declare that which fallen out after their departure. First I began to consider, to the end I might confirm and make myself more constant in mine affliction, that these murmurers could not ground their sedition upon want of victuals: for from the time of our arrival, every soldier daily unto this day, and besides until the eight and twentieth of February, had a loaf of bread weighing two and twenty ounces. Again I recounted with myself that all new conquests by sea or by land are ordinarily troubled with rebellions, New conquests subject to rebellions and mutinies. which are easy to be raised, aswell in respect of the distance of place, as in respect of the hope that the soldiers have to make their profit, as we may be well informed both by ancient histories and also by the troubles which lately happened unto Christopher Columbus, after his first discovery, to Francis Pizarro, & Diego de Almagro in Peru, & to Fernando Cortes. An hundred thousand other things came unto my mind, to encourage and confirm me. My Lieutenant Ottigny, and my Sergeant of my band came to seek me in the ship, where I was prisoner, and carried me from thence in a bark assoon as our rebels were departed. After I was come unto the fort, Laudonniere setteth things in order after his return one of prison to the fort. I caused all my company that remained, to be assembled in the midst of the place before the Corpse de guard, and declared unto them the faults which they that had forsaken us had committed, praying them to bear them in memory, to bear witness thereof when need should require. Forthwith I ordained new Captains to command the troops; and prescribed them an order, according whereunto they were to govern themselves from thence forward, and to enter into their watch: for the greatest part of the soldiers, of whom I had the best opinion, were go away with them. My declaration ended, they promised me all with one accord to obey me most humbly, and to do whatsoever I should command them, though it were to die at my feet for the King's service; wherein assuredly they never after failed: so that I dare say, after the departure of my mutinous companions I was as well obeyed as ever was Captain in place where he commanded. The next day after my return unto the fort, I assembled my men together again, to declare unto them that our fort was not yet finished, and that it was needful that all of us should put thereto our helping hands, to assure ourselves against the Indians: wherein having willingly agreed unto me, they raised it all with turfs from the gate unto the river which is on the West side. Reparation of the West side of the fort. This done, I set my Carpenters on work to make another bark of the same bigness that the others were of: I commanded the Sawyers that they should prepare planks, the Smiths to prepare iron and nails, and certain others to make coals: so that the bark was finished in eighteen days. Afterwards I made another lesser than the first, the better to discover up the river. In this mean space the Indians visited me, and brought me daily certain presents, as Fish, Deer, Turki-cocks, Leopards, little Bears, and other things according to the place of their habitation. I recompensed them with certain Hatchets, Knives, Beads of glass, Combs, and Looking-glasses. Two Indians came unto me one day to salute me on the behalf of their King, whose name was Marracou, King Marracou. dwelling from the place of our fort some forty leagues toward the South, and told me that there was one in the house of King Onathaqua which was called Barbu or the bearded man, King Onathaqua. and in the house of King Mathiaca another man whose name they known not, King Mathiaca. which was not of their nation: whereupon I conceived that these might be some Christians. Wherefore I sent to all the kings my neighbours to pray them, that if there were any Christian dwelling in their countries, they would find means that he might be brought unto me, and that I would make them double recompense. They, which love rewards, took so much pain, that the two men, whereof we have spoken, were brought unto the fort unto me. Two Spaniards brought unto Laudonniere by the Savages. They were naked, wearing their hair long unto their hams as the Savages use to do, and were Spaniards born, yet so well accustomed to the fashion of the country, that at the first sight they found our manner of apparel strange. After that I had questioned of certain matters with them, I caused them to be appareled, and to cut their hair; which they would not lose, but lapped it up in a linen clot, saying that they would carry it into their country to be a testimony of the misery that they had endured in the Indies. In the hair of one of them was ●ound a little gold hidden, to the value of five and twenty crowns, which he gave unto me. And examining them of the places where they had been, and how they came thither, they answered me that fifteen years past, three ships, in one of which they were, were cast away over against a place named Calos upon the Flats which are called The Martyrs, Calos a place upon the Flats called The Martyrs near the Cape of Florida. and that the king of Calos recovered the greatest part of the riches which were in the said ships, traveling in such sort that the greatest part of the people was saved, and many women; among which number there were three or four women married, remaining there yet, and their children also, with this king of Calos. The King of Calos. I desired to learn what this king was. They answered me, that he was the goodliest and the tallest Indian of the country, a mighty man, a warrior, and having many subjects under his obedience. They told me moreover, that he had great store of gold and silver, so far forth that in a certain village he had a pit full thereof, which was at the lest as high as a man, and as large as a tun: Great quantity of gold and silver. all which wealth the Spaniards fully persuaded themselves that they could 'cause me to recover, if I were able to march thither with an hundred shot, besides that which I might get of the common people of the country, which had also great slore thereof. They further also advertised me, that the women going to dance, did wear about their girdles plates of gold as broad as a saucer, Plates of gold as broad as a saucer. and in such number, that the weight did hinder them to dance at their ease; and that the men ware the like also. The greatest part of these riches was had, as they said, out of the Spanish ships, which commonly were cast away in this strait; and the rest by the traffic which this king of Calos had with the other kings of the country: Finally, that he was had in great reverence of his subjects; and that he made them believe that his sorceries and charms were the causes that made the earth bring forth her fruit: and that he might the easier persuade them that it was so, he retired himself once or twice a year to a certain house, accompanied with two or three of his most familiar friends, where he used certain enchantments; and if any man intruded himself to go to see what they did in this place, the king immediately caused him to be put to death. One of these Spaniards names was Martin Gomes. Moreover, they told me, that every year in the time of harvest, this Savage king sacrificed one man, which was kept expressly for this purpose, and taken out of the number of the Spaniards which by tempest were cast away upon that coast. One of these two declared unto me, that he had served him a long time for a messenger; and that often times by his commandment he had visited a king named Oathcaqua, King Oathcaqua or Hovathca. distant from Calos four or five days journey, which always remained his faithful friend: but that in the midway there was an Island situate ●n a great lake of fresh water, named Sarrope, Sarrope an Island. about five leagues in bigness, abounding with many sorts of first-fruits, specially in Dates, Abundance of Dates. which grow on the Palm trees, whereof they make a wonderful traffic; yet not so great as of a kind of root, whereof they make a kind of meal, so good to make bread of, A root of great price to make bread of. that it is unpossible to eat better, and that for fifteen leagues about, all the country is fed therewith: which is the cause that the inhabitants of the Isle gain of their neighbours great wealth and profit: for they will not departed with this root without they be well paid for it. Besides that, they are taken for the most warlike men of all that country, as they made good proof when the king of Calos, having made alliance with Oathcaqua, was deprived of Oathcaquaes' daughter, which he had promised to him in marriage. He told me the whole matter in this sort: As Oathcaqua well accompanied with his people carried one of his daughters, exceeding beautiful, according to the colour of the country, unto king Calos, to give her unto him for his wife, the inhabitants of this Isle advertised of the matter, laid an ambush for him in a place where he should pass, and so behaved themselves, that Oathcaqua was discomfited, the betrothed young spouse taken, and all the damosels that accompanied her; which they carried unto their Isle; which thing in all the Indians country they esteem to be the greatest victory: The greatest victory among the Floridians. for afterward they marry these virgins, and love them above all measure. The Spaniard that made this relation, told me that after this defeat he went to devil with Oathcaqua, and had been with him full eight years, even until the time that he was sent unto me. The place of Calos is situate upon a river which is beyond the Cape of Florida, The situation of Calos. forty or fifty leagues towards the South-west: and the dwelling of Oathcaqua is on this side the Cape toward the North, in a place which we call in the Chart Cannaveral, which is in 28 degrees. Cannaveral in 28 degrees. About the five and twentieth of january Paracoussy Satourioüa my neighbour sent me certain presents by two of his subjects, to persuade me to join with him, and to make war upon Ouae Vtina which was my friend: and further besought me to retire certain of my men which were with Vtina; for whom if it had not been, he had often times set upon him, and defeated him. He besought me herein by divers other kings his allies, which for three weeks or a months space sent messengers unto me to this end and purpose: but I would not grant unto them that they should make war upon him; yea rather contrariwise I endeavoured to make them friends; wherein they condescended unto me, so far forth that they were content to allow of any thing that I would set down: whereupon the two Spaniards which of long time known well the nature of the Indians, warned me that in any case I should not trust unto them, because that when they showed good countenance and the best cheer unto men, than was the time that they would surprise and betray them; The Floridians great traitors and dissemblers. and that of their nature they were the greatest traitors and most deep dissemblers of the world. Besides I never trusted them but upon good ground, as one that had discovered a thousand of their crafts and subtleties, aswell by experience as by reading of the histories of la●e years. Our two barks were not so soon finished, but I sent Captain Vasseur to discover along the coast lying toward the North, and commanded him to sail unto a river, the king whereof was called Audusta, which was lord of that place, where those of the year 1562 inhabited. I sent him two suits of apparel, with certain hatchets, knives, and other small trifles, the better to insinuate myself into his friendship. And the better to win him, I sent in the bark with captain Vasseur a soldier called Aimon, which was one of them which returned home in the first voyage, hoping that king Audusta might remember him. But before they were embarked I commanded them to make inquiry what was become of another called Rouffi, which remained alone in those parts when Nicolas Masson and those of the first voyage embarked themselves to return into France. Nicolas Masson otherwise called Nicolas Bar. They understood at their arrival there, that a bark passing that way had carried away the same soldier: and afterward I known for a certainty that they were Spaniards which had carried him to Havana. The king Audusta sent me back my bark full of mill, King Audustas great humanity. with a certain quantity of beans, two stags, some skins painted after their manner, and certain pearls of small value, because they were burned: Pearls burned. and sent me word that if I would dwell in his quarters, he would give me a great country: and that after he had gathered his mill, he would spare me as much as I would have. In the mean while there came unto our fort a flock of stocke-doves in so great number, Peter Martyr writeth cap. 1 decad. 7. that the like flocks of pigeons are in the Isles of the Lucayos. and that for the space of seven weeks together, that every day we killed with harquebus shot two hundred in the woods about our fort. After that Captain Vasseur was returned, I caused the two barks to be furnished again with soldiers & mariners, and sent them to carry a present from me unto the widow of king Hiocaia, The widow of King Hioacaia, or Hi●o●●acara. whose dwelling was distant from our fort about twelve leagues Northward. She courteously received our men, sent me back my barks full of mill and acorns with certain baskets full of the leaves of Cassine, wherewith they make their drink. And the place where this widow dwelleth is the most plentiful of mill that is in all the coast, and the most pleasant. It is thought that the queen is the most beautiful of all the Indians, This queene● name was N● Cubacani● and of whom they make most account: yea, and her subjects honour her so much, that almost continually they bear her on their shoulders, and will not suffer her to go on foot. Within a few days after the return of my barks, she sent to visit me by her Hiatiqui, which is as much to say, as her interpreter. Now while I thought I was furnished with victuals until the time that our ships might come out of France (for fear of keeping my people idle) I sent my two barks to discover along the river, The fift voyage up the river of May. and up toward the head thereof, which went so far up that they were thirty leagues good beyond a place named Mathiaqua, Mathiaqua. and there they discovered the entrance of a lake, upon the one side whereof no land can be seen, The discovery of a mighty lake, on the one side whereof no land can be seen. according to the report of the Indians, which had oftentimes climbed on the highest trees in the country to see land, and notwithstanding could not discern any: which was the cause that my men went no further, but returned back; and in coming home went to see the Island of Edelano situated in the midst of the river, The Isle of Edelano. as fair a place as any that may be seen thorough the world: for in the space of some three leagues, that it may contain in length and breadth, a man may see an exceeding rich country, and marvelously peopled. At the coming out of the village of Edelano to go unto the rivers side a man must pass thorough an alley about three hundred paces long and fifty paces broad: on both sides whereof great tres are planted, the boughs whereof are tied together like an arch, and meet together so artificially that a man would think it were an arbour made of purpose, An excellent work of nature. as fair I say, as any in all christendom, although it be altogether natural. Our men departing from this place rowed to Eneguape, Eneguape. then to Chilily, Chilily. from thence to Patica, Patica. & lastly they came unto Coya: Coya. where leáuing their barks in a little creak of the river with men to guard them, they went to visit Vtina, which received them very courteously: and when they departed from his house, he entreated them so earnestly, that six of my men remained with him; of which number there was one gentleman, named Groutald, which after he had abode there about two months, and taken great pains to discover the country, with another which I had left a great while there to that intent, came unto me to the fort, and told me that he never see a fairer country. Among other things, he reported unto me that he had seen a place named Hostaqua, and that the king thereof was so mighty, that he was able to bring three or four thousand Savages to the field; The king of Hostaqua or Oustaca able to bring three or four thousand Savages to the field. with whom if I would join and enter into league, we might be able to reduce all the rest of the inhabitants unto our obedience: besides that this king known the passages unto the mountain of Apalatci, The mountain of Apalatci. which the French men desired so greatly to attain unto, and where the enemy of Hostaqua made his abode; which was easy to be subdued, if so be we would enter into league together. This king sent me a plate of a mineral that came out of this mountain, out of the foot whereof there runneth a stream of gold or copper, There is a mine of gold or rich coper in the mountain of Apalatci. as the Savages think, out of which they dig up the sand with an hollow and dry cane of reed until the cane be full; afterward they shake it, and find that there are many small grains of copper and silver among this sand: which giveth them to understand, that some rich mine must needs be in the mountain. And because the mountain was not passed five or six days journey from our fort, lying toward the Northwest, I determined as soon as our supply should come out of France, to remove our habitation unto some river more toward the North, that I might be nearer thereunto. One of my soldiers whose name was Peter Gamby, Peter Gamby. slain. which had remained a long space before in this country to learn the languages and traffic with the Indians, at the last came to the village of Edelano, The village of Edelano. where having got together a certain quantity of gold and silver, Gold & silver. and purposing to return unto me, he prayed the king of the village to lend him a canoa (which is a vessel made of one whole piece of wood, which the Indians use to fish withal, and to row upon the rivers) which this lord of Edelano granted him. But being greedy of the riches which he had, he commanded two Indians, which he had charged to conduct him in the canoa, to murder him & bring him the merchandise and the gold which he had. Which the two traitors villainously executed: for they knocked him on the head with an hatchet, as he was blowing of the fire in the canoa to see the fish. The Paracoussy Vtina sent certain days afterward, Vtina sendeth to Laudonniere for his help. to pray me to lend him a dozen or fifteen of my shot, to invade his enemy Potanou, and sent me word, that this enemy once vanquished, he would make me passage, yea, and would conduct me unto the mountains in such sort, that no man should be able to hinder me. Then I assembled my men to demand their advice, as I was wont to do in all mine enterprises. A good note. The greater part was of opinion, that I should do well to sand succour unto this Paracoussy, because it would be hard for me to discover any further up into the country without his help: and that the Spaniards when they were employed in their conquests, did always enter into alliance with some one king to ruin another. Notwithstanding, because I did always mistrust the Indians, and that the more after the last advertisement that the Spaniards had given me, I doubted jest the small number which Vtina demanded might incur some danger; wherefore I sent him thirty shot under the charge of my Lieutenant Ottigny, which stayed not above two days with Vtina, while he prepared victuals for his voyage, which ordinarily and according to the custom of the country are carried by women and young boys, and by hermaphrodites. setting forward with three hundred of his subjects, Three hundred Indians. Vtina having each of them their bow and quiver full of arrows, caused our thirty shot to be placed in the forward, and made them march all the day, until that the night approaching, and having not go past half the way, they were enforced to lie all night in the woods, near a great lake, and there to in camp themselves: they separated themselves by six and six, making each of them a fire about the place where their king lay, for whose guard they ordained a certain number of those archers, in whom he put most confidence. assoon as day was come, the camp of the Indians marched within three leagues of Potanou: there king Vtina requested my Lieutenant to grant him four or five of his men to go and discover the country; which departed immediately, and had not go far, but they perceived upon a lake, distant about three leagues from the village of Potanou, A lake three leagues distant from the village of Potanou. three Indians which fished in a canoa. Now the custom is that when they fish in this lake, they have always a company of watchmen, armed with bows and arrows to guard the fishers. Our men being hereof advertised by those of the company, dared not pass any further, for fear of falling into some ambush: wherefore they returned towards Vtina, which suddenly sent them back with a greater company to surprise the fishers, before they might retire and advertise their king Potanou of the coming of his enemies. Which they could not execute so politicly, but that two of them escaped; the third also did the best he could to save himself by swimming, in which mean while he was stayed with shot of arrows, and they drawn him stark dead unto the banks side, where our Indians flayed off the skin of his head, cut off both his arms in the high way, reserving his hair for the triumph, which their king hoped to make for the defeat of his enemy. Vtina fearing lest Potanou advertised by the fishers which were escaped, should put himself in arms to withstand him valiantly, asked counsel of his jawa, jawa signifieth their Priest or Magician. which is as much to say in their language as his Magician, whether it were best to go any further. Then this Magician made certain signs, hideous and fearful to behold, and used certain words; which being ended, he said unto his king, that it was not best to pass any further, and that Potanou accompanied with two thousand Indians at the lest stayed in such and such a place for him, Potanou accompanied with two thousand Indians. to bid him battle: and besides this, that all the said Indians were furnished with cords to bind the prisoners which they made full account to take. This relation caused Vtina to be unwilling to pass any further: whereupon my Lieutenant being as angry as ever he might be, because he had taken so great pains without doing of any thing of account, said unto him, that he would never think well of him nor of his people, if he would not hazard himself: and that if he would not do it, at the lest, that he would give him a guide to conduct him and his small company to the place where the enemies were encamped. Hereupon Vtina was ashamed, and seeing the good affection of Monsieur de Ottigny determined to go forward: The prediction of the Magician found true. and he failed not to find his enemies in the very place which the Magician had named: where the skirmish began, which lasted three long hours: wherein without doubt Vtina had been defeated, unless our arquebusiers had not born the burden and brunt of all the battle, and slain a great number of the soldiers of Potanou, upon which occasion they were put to flight. Wherewithal Vtina being content for the present, Vtina hath 18 or 20 kings to his vassals. caused his people to retire and return homeward to the great discontentment of Monsieur de Ottigny, which desired nothing more, then to pursue his victory. After he was come home to his house he sent messengers to eighteen or twenty villages of other kings his vassals, and summoned them to be present at the feasts and dances which he purposed to celebrated because of his victory. In the mean while Monsieur de Ottigny refreshed himself for two days: and then taking his leave of the Paracoussi, and leaving him twelve of his men to see that Potanou, bethinking himself of his late loss, should not come to burn the houses of Vtina, he set forward on his way to come unto me unto our Fort, where he up and told me how every thing had passed: and withal that he had promised the twelve soldiers, that he would come back again to fetch them. Then the kings my neighbours all enemies to Vtina, being advertised of the return of my Lieutenant, came to visit me with presents and to inquire how things had passed, praying me all to receive them into my favour, and to become enemy to Vtina, which notwithstanding I would not grant them for many reasons that moved me. The Indians are wont to leave their houses and to retire themselves into the woods, the space of three months, A custom of the Indians to leave their houses for 3 or 4 months and to live in the woods. to wit january, February, and March: during which time by no means a man can see one Indian. For when they go on hunting, they make little cottages in the woods, whereunto they retire themselves, living upon that which they take in hunting. This was the cause that during this time, we could get no victuals by their means: and had it not been that I had made good provision thereof, while my men had store, until the end of April (which was the time when at the uttermost, They look for secure o●● of France by the end of April at the uttermost. we hoped to have had succour out of France) I should have been greatly amazed. This hope was the cause that the soldiers took no great care to look well unto their victuals, although I divided equally among them that which I could get abroad in the country, without reserving unto myself any more than the lest soldier of all the company. The month of May approaching and no manner of succour come out of France, we fallen into extreme want of victuals, constrained to eat the roots of the earth and certain sorrel which we found in the fields. For although the Savages were returned by this time unto their villages, yet they succoured us with nothing but certain fish, without which assuredly we had perished with famine. Besides they had given us before the greatest part of their maiz and of their beans for our merchandise. This famine held us from the beginning of May until the midst of june. Extreme famine for six weeks space. During which tim● the poor soldiers and handicraftmen become as feeble as might be, and being not able to work did nothing but go one after another in Centinel unto the cleft of an hill, situate very near unto the Fort, to see if they might discover any French ship. In fine being frustrated of their hope, they assembled altogether, & came to beseech me to take some order that they might return into France, considering that if we let pass the season to embark ourselves, we were never like to see our country, where it could not be choose but that some troubles were fallen out, seeing they had broken their promise made unto us, Promise' broken. and that no succour was come from thence. Thereupon it was consulted and resolved by all the company, that the bark Breton should be trimmed up, whereof Captain Vasseur had charge. But because the ship was not big enough to receive us all, some thought good to build the Brigandine two decks higher, which our mutinous soldiers had brought back, and that 25 men should hazard themselves to pass therein into France. The rest being better advised said that it should be far better to build a fair ship upon the keel of the Galiote which I had caused to be made, promising to labour courageously thereupon. Then I inquired of my shipwrights to know in what space they could make this ship ready. They assured the whole company that being furnished with all things necessary, they would make it ready by the 8 of August. Immediately I disposed of the time to work upon it, I gave charge to Monsieur de O●tig●y my Lieutenant to cause timber necessary for the finishing of both the vessels to be brought, and to Monsieur de Arlac my Standart-bearer to go with a bark a league off from the Fort to cutdowne trees fit to make planks, and to 'cause the sawiers which he carried with him to see them: and to my Sergeant of the company to 'cause fifteen or sixteen men to labour in making coals: and to Master Hance keeper of the Artillery● & to the gunner to gather store of rosin to bray the vessels: wherein he used such diligence, that in less than 3 weckes he gathered 2 hogsheads of the same together. Two hogsheads of rosin. There remained now but the principal, which was to recover victuals to sustain us while our work endured: which I undertook to do with the rest of my company & the Mariners of the ship. To this end I embarked myself making up the thirtieth in my great bark, to make a voyage of forty or fifty leagues, having with us no provision at all of victuals: whereby it may easily be gathered how simply those of our Fort were provided. True it is that certain soldiers being better husbands than the rest, and having made some provision of mast, sold a little measure thereof for fifteen and twenty sous unto their companions. During our voyage we lived of nothing else but raspices, of a certain round grain little and black, and of the roots of palmitoes which we got by the river sides: wherein after we had sailed along time in vain, I was constrained to return to the Fort: where the soldiers beginning to be weary of working, because of the extreme famine which did consume them, assembled themselves and declared unto me, that seeing we could get no victuals of the Indians, it was expedient for the saving of their lives, to seize upon the person of one of the Kings of the Country: assuring themselves that one being taken, the subjects would not suffer our men to want victuals. I made them answer that this enterprise was not rashly to be attempted: But that we aught to have good regard unto the consequence that might ensue thereof. Hereupon they replied unto me, that seeing the time was passed of our succour from France, & that we were resolved to abandon the Country, that there was no danger to constrain the Savages to furnish us with victuals: which for the present I would not grant unto them, but promised them assuredly that I would sand to advertise the Indians that they should bring me victuals for exchange of merchandise and apparel: which they also did for the space of certain days, during which they brought of their mast and of their fish: which these Indians being traitorous, & mischievous of nature, The vile nature of the Indians. and knowing our exceeding strange famine, sold us at so dear a price, that for less than nothing they had got from us all the rest of our merchandise which remained. And which was worse, fearing to be forced by us and seeing that they had got all from us, they came no nearer to our Fort then the shot of an arqebus. Thither they brought their fish in their little boats, to which our poor soldiers were constrained to go, and oftentimes (as I have seen) to give away the very shirts from their backs to get one fish. If at any time they showed unto the Savages the excessive price which they took, these villains would answer them roughly & churlishly: A cruel answer of the Savages. if thou make so great account of thy merchandise, eat it, and we will eat our fish: then fallen they out a laughing and mocked us with open throat. Whereupon our soldiers utterly impatient, were oftentimes ready to cut them in pieces, and to make them pay the price of their foolish arrogancy. Notwithstanding considering the importance hereof, I took pains to appease the impatient soldier: for I would not by any means enter into question with the Savages, & it suffused me to delay the time. Wherefore I devised to sand unto Vtina to pray him to deal so far forth with his subjects, as to secure me with mast and maiz: which he did very sparingly, sending me 12 or 15 baskets of mast, and two of pinocks, which are a kind of little green first-fruits which grow among the weeds in the river, and are as big as cherries: Pinocke a certain kind of fruit as big as cherries. yea & this was not but by giving of them in exchange twice as much merchandise and apparel as they were worth. For the subjects of Vtina perceived evidently the necessity wherein we were, & began to use the like speech unto us, as the others did: as it is commonly seen that need altereth men's affections. While these things were in doing, a certain breathing space presented itself: for Vtina gave me to understand that there was a king his subject whose name was Astina, Astina ● king. which he determined to take prisoner, and to chastise him for his disobedience: that for this cause, if I would give him aid with a certain number of my soldiers, he would bring them to the village of Astina, where there was means to recover mast and maiz. In the mean season he excused himself unto me because he had sent me no more maiz, and sent me word that the little store that he had left, was scarcely sufficient for his seede-corne. Now being somewhat relieved, as I thought, by the hope which I had of this offer, I would not fail to sand him the men which he desired of me, which nevertheless were very evil entreated: for he deceived them, and in stead of leading them against Astina, he caused them to march against his other enemies. My Lieutenant which had the charge of this enterprise with Captain Vasseur and my Sergeant was determined to be revenged of Vtina and to cut him in pieces & his people: and had it not been that they feared to do any thing against my will, without all doubt they would have put their enterprise in execution. Therefore they would not pass any further without advertising me thereof. Wherefore being come back again unto the Fort, angry & pricked deeply to the quick for being so mocked, they made their complaints unto me, declaring unto me that they were almost dead for hunger. They told the whole matter to the rest of the soldiers, which were very glad that they had not entered into that action, & resolved, assembling themselves again together, to let me understand that they did persist in their first deliberation, which was, to punish the boldness and maliciousness of the Savages, which they could no longer endure, & were determined to take one of their king's prisoner: which thing I was enforced to grant unto them, to the end to avoid a greater mischief, and the sedition which I foresaw would ensue, if I had made refusal thereof. For, said they, what occasion have you to deny us, considering the necessity wherein we are, and the small account that they make of us. Shall it not be lawful for us to punish them for the wrongs which they do unto us, besides that we know apparently how little they respect us? Is not this sufficient although there were no necessity at all, since they thus delude us, and have broken promise with us? After I had therefore resolved with them to seize on the person of Vtina, which besides that he had given us occasion hereof, was also most able to help us to recover victuals, I departed with fifty of my best soldiers all embarked in two Barks & we arrived in the dominions of Vtina, distant from our Fort about 40 or 50 leagues: Vtina taken prisoner in his village by ●audonn ●re and 50 of his soldiers. then going on shore we drawn towards his village situated 6 great leagues from the river, where we took him prisoner, howbeit not without great cries and alarms, and led him away in our barks, having first signified unto his Father in law and his chief subjects, that in that I had taken him, it was not for any desire that I had to do him any harm, but only to relieve my necessity and want of victuals which oppressed me, and that in case they would help me to some, I would found means to set him again at liberty: that in the mean space I would retire myself into my Barks (for I feared lest they would there assemble themselves together, and that some mischief might thereof ensue) where I would stay for him two days to receive his answer: notwithstanding that my meaning was not to have any thing without exchange of merchandise. This they promised they would do. And in very deed the very same evening, his wife accompanied with all the women of the village came unto the rivers brink, and cried unto me to enter into the bark, to see her husband and her son, which I held both prisoners. I discovered the next day five or si●e hundred Indian archers, Five or six hundred Indians. which drawn near unto the river side, and came to me to signify unto me how that during the absence of their king, their enemy Potanou b●ing thereof advertised, was entered into their village, and had set all on fire. They prayed me that I would secure them: The deep dissembling of the Indians. nevertheless in the mean while they had one part of their troup in ambush, with intent to set upon me if I had come on land, which was easy for me to discern. For seeing that I refused so to do, they greatly doubted that they were discovered, and sought by all means to remove out of my mind that evil opinion which I had conceived of them. They brought me therefore fish in their little boats and of their meal of Mast, they made also of their drink which they call cassine, which they sent to Vtina and me. Now albeit I had got this point of them that I held their king prisoner, yet nevertheless I could not get any great quantity of victuals for the present: the reason was, because they thought that after I had drawn victuals from them, I would put their king to death. For they measured my will according to their custom, whereby they put to death all the men prisoners that they take in war. The Indians kill all the men prisoners that they take in war. And thus being out of all hope of his liberty, they assembled themselves in the great house, and having called all the people together they proposed the election of a new King, The election of a new king. at which time the Father in law of Vtina set one of the kings young sons upon the Royal throne: and took such pains that every man did him homage by the mayor part of the voices. This election had like to have been the cause of great troubles among them. For there was a kinsman of the kings near adjoining, which pretended a Title to the kingdom, and in deed he had got one part of the subjects: notwithstanding this enterprise could not take effect, forasmuch as by a common consent of the chief, it was consulted and concluded, that the son was more meet to succeed the Father then any other. Now all this while I kept Vtina with me, to whom I had given some of mine apparel to clothe him, as I had likewise done unto his son. But his subjects which before had an opinion that I would have killed him, being advertised of the good entertainment which I used towards him, sent two men which walked along the river, and came to visit him, and brought us some victuals. These two men at their coming were received by me with all courtesy, and entertained according to the victuals which I had. While these things thus passed, there arrived from all quarters many Savages of the countries adjoining, The hatred among the Savage kings of Florida. which came to see Vtina, and sought by all means to persuade me to put him to death, offering that if I would do so, they would take order that I should want no victuals. There was also a King my neighbour whose name was Saturioüa, a subtle and crafty man, and one that showed by proof that he was greatly practised in affairs. Note. This King sent ordinarily messengers unto me, to pray me to deliver Vtina unto him: and to win me the more easily, he sent twice seven or eight baskets of Maiz or of Mast, thinking by this way to allure me, & to make me come to composition with him: in the end notwithstanding when he see he lost his time, he ceased to visit me with ambassages & victuals: & in the mean while I was not able with the same store of victuals which I had, so well to proportion out the travail upon the ships which we built to return into France, but that in the end we were constrained to endure extreme famine, which continued among us all the month of May: Note. for in this latter season, neither Maiz nor Beams, nor Mast was to be found in the villages, because they had employed all for to sow their fields, insomuch that we were constrained to eat roots, roots. which the most part of our men punned in the mortars which I had brought with me to beat gunnepowder in, and the grain which came to us from other places: some took the wood of Esquine, Esquine. beat it, and made meal thereof, which they voyled with water, and eat it: others went with their harquebusies to seek to kill some foul. Yea this misery was so great, that one was found that gathered up among the filth of my house, all the fish bones that he could find, which he dried and beat into powder to make bread thereof. The effects of this hideous famine appeared incontinently among us, for our bones eftsoons began to cleave so near unto the skin, that the most part of the soldiers had their skins pierced thorough with them in many parts of their bodies: in such sort that my greatest fear was, lest the Indians would rise up against us, considering that it would have been very hard for us to have defended ourselves in such extreme decay of all our forces, besides the scarcity of all victuals, which failed us all at once. For the very river had not such plenty of fish as it was wont, and it seemed that the land and water did fight against us. Now as we were thus upon terms of despair, about the end of the month of May, New corn by the end of May in Florida. and the beginning of june, I was advertised by certain Indians that were my neighbours, that in the high Country up above the river, there was new Maiz, and that that country was most forward of all. This caused me to take upon me to go thither with a certain number of my men, and I went up the river to a place called Enecaque: The village of Enecaque. where I met the sister of Vtina in a villge where she made us very good cheer and sent us fish. We found that which was told us to be true: for the maiz was now ripe: but by this good luck one shrewd turn happened unto me. For the most part of my soldiers fallen sick with eating more of it then their weakened stomachs could digest. We had also been the space of four days since we departed from our Fort, A little green fruit that groweth in the rivers as big as cherries. without eating any thing, saving little pinockes, and a little fish, which we got of the fishers which we met sometimes along the river. And yet this was so little that certain soldiers eat privily little whelps which were newly whelped. The next day I purposed to go into the isle of Edelano to take the king which had caused one of my men to be slain, The I'll of Edelano. as I have mentioned before: but being advertised of my departing out of my Fort, and of the way which I took up the river, he feared that I went forth with a purpose to be revenged of the evil turn which he played: so that when I came thither, I found the houses empty, for he was retired a little before with all his people: & I could not by any means keep my soldiers, being angry because they had lost one of their companions, from setting the village on fire. At my departure from thance I passed back again by Enecaque, where I gathered as much maiz as I could possibly: which with great diligence I conveited to our Fort to secure my poor men, which I had left in great necessity. They therefore seeing me a far off coming, ran to that side of the river where they thought I would come on land: for hunger so pinched them to the heart, that they could not stay until the victuals were brought them to the Fort. And that they well showed assoon as I was come, and that I had distributed that little maiz among them, which I had given to each man, before I came out of the bark: for they eat it before they had taken it out of the husk. But seeing myself in this extreme need, I took pains day by day to seek some villages where there was some food. And as I travailed this way and that way, it happened that two of my Carpenters were killed by the two sons of king Emola, Two Carpenters killed for gathering the Indians maiz. and by one whose name was Casti, as they went on walking to the village called Athore. The village Athore. The cause of this murder was, because they could not refrain themselves as they walked through the fields from gathering a little maiz, which as they were doing, they were taken in the manner: whereof I was presently advertised by an Indian which a little before had brought me a present from Nia Cubacani Queen of a village, Nia Cubacani a Queen. and neighbour to our Fort. Upon receipt of this advertisement, I sent my Sergeant with a number of soldiers which found nothing else but the 2 dead corpses, which they buried and returned without doing any other exploit, because the inhabitants were fled away, fearing they should be punished for such a foul fact. As these things thus passed, & that by this time we had almost driven out the month of May, two subjects of king Vtina came unto me with an Hermaphrodite, which showed me that by this time the maiz was ripe in the greatest part of their quarters. Whereupon Vtina signified unto me that in case I would carry him home to his house, he would take such good order that I should have plenty of maiz & beans: and withal, that the field which he had caused to be sown for me, should be reserved to my use. I consulted with my men concerning this matter, and found by the advice of all my company, that it was best to grant him his request, saying, that he had means to secure us with food sufficient to serve our turns for our embarkement, and that therefore I might do well to carry him home. Wherefore I caused the two barks forthwith to be made ready, wherein I sailed to Patica; Patica a village. a place distant from his village 8 or 9 leagues, where I found no body, for they were got into the woods, and would not show themselves, albeit Vtina showed himself unto them, for as much as they imagined that I should be constrained to let him go. But seeing no body to show themselves, I was constrained to hazard one of my men which had been acquainted with the state of the country, to whom I delivered the young son of Vtina, and commanded him to go with diligence to the village of Vtina, unto his father in law and his wife, to advertise them that if they would have their king again, they should bring me victuals unto the side of the little river whither I was go. At my man's coming every one made much of the little thilde, neither was there a man that thought not himself well appaide to touch him. His father in law and his wife hearing of these news came presently towards our barks, and brought bread which they gave unto my soldiers, they held me there three days, and in the mean while did all that they could to take me: which presently I discovered, and therefore stood diligently upon my guard. Wherefore perceiving they could not have their purpose, and that they were already discovered, they sent to advertise me that as yet they could not help me to victuals, and that the corn was not yet ripe. Thus I was constrained to return and to carry back Vtina home, where I had much ado to save him from the rage of my soldiers: which perceiving the maliciousness of the Indians, went about to have murdered him. Moreover it seemed they were content that they had got the son, & that they cared not greatly for the father. Now my hope failing me on this side, I devised to sand my men to the villages where I thought the maiz was by this time ripe; I went to divers places, and continued so doing 15 days after, when as Vtina besought me again to sand him unto his village, assuring himself that his subjects would not stick to give me victuals: and that in case they refused so to do, he was content that I should do what I thought good with him. I undertook this voyage the second time with the two barks furnished as before. At my coming unto the little river, we found his subjects there, which failed not to come thither with some quantity of bread, beans, and fish, to give my soldiers. Nevertheless again to their former practice they sought all means to entrap me, Desire of revenge rooted in the savages. hoping to try quittance for the imprisonment of their king, if they might have got the victory of me. But after that they saw the small means, which they had to annoyed me, they returned to entreaties, and offered that if I would give them their king with certain of my soldiers, they would conduct them unto the village, and that the subjects seeing him, would be more willing to give us victuals. Which thing notwithstanding I would not grant unto them (mistrusting their subtlety, which was not so covert, but that one might espy day at a little hole) until they had first given me two men in pledge with charge that by the next day they should bring me victuals. Which thing they granted, and gave me two men which I put in chains for fear they should escape away, as I known well they were instructed to do. Four days were spent in these conferences, at the end whereof they declared unto me, that they could not fully and wholly perform their promise: and that the uttermost that they could do for the present, was to 'cause each subject to bring his burden of mill. To conclude, they were content to do so on condition that I would sand them their two pledges within ten days. As my Lieutenant was ready to departed, I warned him above all things to take heed he fallen not into the Indians hands: A necessary admonition. because I known them to be very subtle and crafty to enterprise and execute any thing to our disadvantage. He departed therefore with his troup, and came to the small river whereinto we were accustomed to enter to approach as near as we could unto the village of Vtina, being six French leagues distant from thence. There he went on shore, put his men in good array, and drawn straight towards the great house that was the kings, where the chief men of the country were assembled, which caused very great store of victuals to be brought now one and then another, in doing whereof they spent notwithstanding three or four days: in which mean white they gathered men together to set upon us in our retreat. The Floridians subtil●●●●. They used therefore many means to hold us still in breath. For one while they demanded their pledges, another while (seeing my Lieutenant would not yield to them, until such time as they had brought the victuals unto the boats, according to the agreement passed between us) they signified unto him that the women and young children were afraid out of all measure to see fire in their matches so near their harquebuses: and that therefore they most earnestly be sought them to put them out, that they might more easily get people enough to carry the victuals, and that they for their parts would leave their bows and arrows, and would be contented that their servants should carry them. This second request was as flatly denied them as the former: For it was an easy matter to smell out their intention. But while these things were thus in handling, Vtina by no means was to be seen, but hide and kept himself secret in a little house apart, where certain choose men of mine went to see him showing themselves aggrieved with him for the long delays of his subjects: whereunto he answered, that his subjects were so much incensed against us, that by no means possible he was able to keep them in such obedience as he willingly would have done, and that he could not hold them from waging of war against Monsieur de Ottigny. That he also called to mind, that even while he was prisoner, at what time our men led him into his Country to obtain some victuals, he see along the high ways arrows stuck up, at the ends whereof long hairs were fastened, which was a certain sign of open war proclaimed, A certain sign of war. which arrows the Captain also carried with him to the fort. He said further that in respect of the good will he bore to the Captain, he forewarned his Lieutenant that his subjects were determined to cut down the trees, and 'cause them to fall a thwart the little river where the boats were, to keep them from departing thence, that they might fight with them at their ease, and that if it thus fallen out, he assured him for his part he would not be there to meddle in the matter. And that which much more augmented the suspicion of war was, that as my messengers departed from Vtina, they herded the voice of one of my men, which during the voyage had always been among the Indians, and whom as yet they would never tender, until they had got their pledges home. This poor fellow cried out a main because two Indians would have carried him into the woo●s to have cut his throat: whereupon he was succoured and delivered. These admonitions being well understood, after ripe deliberation thereof Monsieur de Ottigny resolved to retire himself the seven and twentieth of july. Wherefore he set his soldiers in order, and delivered to each of them a sack full of mill: and afterward he marched toward his barks, thinking to prevent the enterprise of the savages. There is at the coming forth of the village a great alley about three or four hundred paces long, An alley of 3 or 4 hundred paces long. which is covered on both sides with great trees. My Lieutenant disposed his men in this alley and set them in such order as they desired to march: for he was well assured that if there were any ambush, it would be at the coming out of the trees. Therefore he caused Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensign to march somewhat before with 8 arquebusiers to discover whether there were any danger: besides he commanded one of my Sergeants & Corpor●ls to march on the out side of the alley with four arquebusiers while he himself conducted the rest of his company through it. Now as he suspected, so it fallen out: for Monsieur de Arlac met with two or three hundred Indians at the end of the alley, A skirmish between the Savages and the French. which saluted him with an infinite number of their arrows, & with such fury that it was easy to see with what desire they sought to charge us. Howbeit they were so well sustained in the first assault which mine Ensign gave them, that they which fallen down dead, did somewhat abate the choler of those which remained alive. This done my Lieutenant hasted to gain ground in such sort as I have already said. After he had marched about four hundred paces, A second fresh charge of Savages. he was charged afresh with a new troup of Savages which were in number about 300, which assailed him before, while the rest of the former set upon him behind. This second assault was so valiantly sustained, that I may justly say that Monsieur de Ottigny so well discharged his duty, as was possible for a good Captain to do. And so it stood them upon: for he had to deal with such kind of men, as knew well how to fight and to obey their head which conducted them, and which knew so well to behave themselves in this conflict, as if Ottigny had not prevented their practice, he had been in danger to have been defeated. Their manner in this fight was, that when two hundred had shot, The Floridians manner of fight. they retired themselves and gave place to the rest that were behind, and all the while had their eye and foot so quick and ready, that assoon as ever they see the arqebus laid to the cheek; so soon were they on the ground, and eftsoon up to answer with their bows and to fly their way, if by chance they perceived we went about to take them: for there is nothing that they fear so much, because of our swords and daggers. The Floridians chief fear●. This conflict continued and lasted from nine of the clock in the morning, until the night departed them. And if Ottigny had not be thought himself to 'cause his men to break the arrows which they found in the way, & so to deprive the Savages of the means to begin again, without all doubt he should have had very much to do: for by this mean they lacked arrows, and so were constrained to retire themselves. During the time of the conflict they cried and made signs that they were the Captains and Lieutenants friends: and that they fought for none other cause but to be revenged on the soldiers, which were their mortal enemies. My Lieutenant ●eing come unto his boats took a review of his company, and found two men wanting which were killed, Two slain. of whom the one was called james Sale, and the others name was Mesureur. He found moreover 22 of them wounded, Two & twenty wounded. which with much ado he caused to be brought unto the boats. All the mill that he found among his company came but to two men's burdens, which he divided equally among them. For assoon as the conflict began, every man was constrained to leave his sack to put his hand to his weapon. In this mean while I remained at the Fort, and caused every man diligently to travel, hoping that my Lieutenant would bring us victuals. But seeing the time consume away, I began to suspect the truth of that which fallen out, whereof I was assured immediately after at their return. Seeing therefore mine hope frustrate on that side, I made my prayer unto God, Prayer and thank unto God for their deliverance. and thanked him of his grace which he had showed unto my poor soldiers which were escaped: Afterwards I thought upon new means to obtain victuals, aswell for our return into France, as to drive out the time until our embarking. I was advertised by certain of our company, which usually went on hunting into the woods and through the villages, that in the village Saravahi situated on the other side of the river, The village Seravabi. and two leagues distant from the Fort, and in the village Emoloa there were fields wherein the mill was very forward, The village Emoloa. and that there was thereof in those parts in great abundance. Wherefore I caused my boats to be made ready, and sent my Sergeant thither with certain souldieurs, which used such diligence, that we had good store of mill. I sent also to the river which the Savages call Iracana, named by Captain Ribault the River of some, The river of I●acana called by Ribault the river of some where Captain Vasseur and my Sergeant arrived with two boats and their ordinary furniture, and found th●re a great assembly of the Lords of the country, among whom was Athore the son of Sarouriova, Apalou, and Tacadocorou, which were there assembled to make merry: because that in this place are the fairest maids and women of all the country. Courtesy and liberality the best means to deal with the savages. Captain Vasseur in my name gave certain small trifles to all the Lords, to the Queen, to the maids and women of the villages. Whereupon the boats were forthwith laden with mill, after they had made our men as good cheer as they could devise. The Queen sent me two small Mats so artificially wrought as it was unpossible to make better. Most artificial mats. Now finding ourselves by this mean sufficiently furnished with victuals, we began each of us in his place, to travail and use such diligence, as the desire to see our native countrey-might move us. But because two of our Carpenters were slain by the Indians (as heretofore I mentioned) john de Hais, master Carpenter, a man very worthy of his vocation, repaired unto me, and told me that by reason of want of men he was not able to make me up the ship against the time that he had promised me: which speech caused such a mutiny among the soldiers that very hardly he escaped kill: howbeit I appeased them aswell as I could, and determined to work no more from thenceforth upon the ship, but to content ourselves to repair the Brigandine which I had. The beating down of the houses without the fort, & the Palisade. So we began to beat down all the houses that were without the Fort, and caused coals to be made of the timber thereof: likewise the soldiers beat down the palisade which was toward the water's side, neither was I ever able to keep them from doing it. I had also determined to beaten down the Fort before my departure and to set it on fire, for fear lest some newcome guest should have enjoyed and possessed it. In the mean while there was none of us to whom it was not an extreme grief to leave a country, wherein we had endured so great travails and necessities, to discover that which we must forsake through our own countrymen's default. The cause why the French lost Florida. For if we had been succoured in time & place, & according to the promise that was made unto us, the waire which was between us and Vtina, had not fallen out, neither should we have had occasion to offend the Indians, which with all pains in the world I entertained in good amity, aswell with merchandise and apparel, as with promise of greater matters, and with whom I so behaved myself, that although sometimes I was constrained to take victuals in some few villages, yet I lost not the alliance of eight Kings and Lords my neighbours, Eight kings La●do●●●ers friends and al●ice. which continually succoured and aided me with whatsoever they were able to afford. Yea this was the principal scope of all my purposes, The principal scope of planters in strange countries. to wi●ne and entertain them, knowing how greatly their amity might advance our enterprise, and principally while I discovered the commodities of the country, and sought to strengthen myself therein. I leave it to yourcogitation to think how near it went to our hearts, to leave a place abounding in riches (as we were thoroughly informed thereof) in coming whereunto, Florida a rich country. and doing service unto our Prince, we left our own country, wives, children, parents, and friends, and passed the perils of the sea, and were therein arrived, as in a plentiful treasure of all our hearts desire. As each of us were much tormented in mind with these or such like cogitations, the third of August. A descried four fails in the sea, as I walked upon a little hill, Aug. 1565. whereof I was exceeding well paid: I sent immediately one of them which were with me to advertise those of the Fort thereof, which were so glad of those news, that one would have thought them to be out of there wits to see them laugh and leap for joy. After these ships had cast anchor, we descried that they sent one of their ship beats to land: whereupon I caused one of mine to be armed with diligence to sand to meet them, and to know who they were. In the mean while, tearing left they were Spaniards, I set my soldiers in order and in readiness, accending the return of Captain Vasseur and my Lieutenant, which were go to meet them, which brought me word that they were Englishmen: and in truth they had in their company one whose name was Martin Atinas of deep, which at that time was in their service, which on the behalf of Master john Hawkins their General came to request me that I would suffer them to take fresh water, M. john Hawkins the English General. whereof they stood in great need, signifying unto me that they had been above fifteen days on the coast to get some. He brought unto me from the General two flagons of wine, and bread made of wheat: which greatly refreshed me, forasmuch as for seven months space I never tasted a drop of wine: nevertheless it was all divided among the greatest part of my soldiers. This Martin Atinas had guided the Englishmen unto our coast, wherewith he was acquainted: for in the year 1562 he came thither with me, and therefore the General sent him to me. Therefore after I had granted his request, he signified the same unto the General, which the next day following caused one of his small ships to enter into the river, and came to see me in a great shipboate, accompanied with gentlemen honourably appareled, yet unarmed. He sent for great store of bread and wine, to distribute thereof to every one: On my part I made him the best cheer I could possibly, and caused certain sheep and poultry to be killed, Sheep and poultry carried into Florida. which until this present I had carefully preserved hoping to store the country withal. For notwithstanding all the necessities and sickness that happened unto me, I would not suffer so much as one chicken to be killed: by which means in a short time I had gathered together above an hundred pullets. Now three days passed, while the English General remained with me, during which time the Indians came in from all parts to see him, and asked me whether he were my brother: An advantage wisely taken. I told them he was so, and signified unto them, that he was come to see me and aid me with so great store of victuals, that from thence forward I should have no need to take any thing of them. The bruit hereof incontinently was spread over over all the country, in such sort as Ambassadors came unto me from all parts, which on the behalf of the kings their masters desired to make alliance with me: and even they, which before sought to make war against me, came to offer their friendship and service unto me: Whereupon I received them and gratifie● them with certain presents. The General immediately understood the desire & urgent occasion which I had to return into France: whereupon he offered to transport me and all my company home: whereunto notwithstanding I would not agreed, being in doubt upon what occasion he made so large an offer. For I knew not how the case stood between the French and the English: and although he promised me on his faith to put me on land in France, The French mistrussed that the Englishmen would plant in Florida. before he would touch in England, yet I stood in doubt lest he would attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistress. Wherefore I flatly refused his offer: whereupon there arose a great mutiny among my soldiers, which said that I sought to destroy them all, and that the Brigandine, whereof I spoke before, was not sufficient to transport them, considering the season of the year wherein we were. The bruit and mutiny increased more and more: for after that the General was returned to his ships, he told certain gentlemen and soldiers which went to see him, partly to make good cheer with him, he declared, I say unto them, that he greatly doubted that hardly we should be able to pass safely in those vessels which we had: and that in case we should enterprise the same, we should no doubt be in great jeopardy: notwithstanding, if I were so contented, he would transport part of my men in his ships, and that he would leave me a small ship to transport the rest. The soldiers were no sooner come home, but they signified the offer unto their companions, which incontinently consented together that in case I would not accept the same, they would embark themselves with him and forsake me, so that he would receive them according to his promise. They therefore assembled themselves altogether and came to seek me in my chamber, and signified unto me their intention, whereunto I promised to answer within one hour after. In which mean space I gathered together the principal members of my company, which after I had broken the matter with them, answered me all with one voice, that I aught not to refuse this offer, nor contemn the occasion which presented itself, and that they could not think evil of it in France, if being forsaken, as we were, we aided ourselves with such means as God had sent us. After sundry debating of this matter, in conclusion I gave mine advise, Silver found in Florida. that we aught to deliver him the price of the ship which he was to leave us, and that for my part I was content to give him the best of my stuff, and the silver which I had gathered in the country. Whereupon notwithstanding it was determined that I should keep the silver, for fear jest the Queen of England seeing the same, Note. should the rather be encouraged to set footing there, as before she had desired: The great importance of this enterprise. that it was far better to carry it into France to give encouragement unto our Princes not to leave off an enterprise of so great importance for our commonwealth, and that seeing we were resolved to departed, it was far better to give him our Artillery, which otherwise we should be constrained to leave behind us, or to hide it in the ground by reason of the weakness of our men, being not able to embark the same. This pain being thus concluded and resolved on, I went myself unto the English General, accompanied with my Lieutenant, and Captain Vasse●r, Captain Verdi●r, and Trenchant the Pilot, and my Sergeant, all men of experience in such affairs and knowing sufficiently how to drive such a bargain. We therefore took a view of the ship which the General would cell, whom we drawn to such reason, that he was content to stand to mine own men's judgement, who esteemed it to be worth seven hundredth crowns, whereof we agreed very friendly. Wherefore I delivered him in earnest of the sum, two bastards, two minions, one thousand of iron, & one thousand of powder. This bargain thus made, he considered the necessity wherein we were, having for all our sustenance but mill and water: The great humanity and bounty of Master john Hawkins to the French. whereupon being moved with pity, he offered to relieve with 20 barels of meal, six pipes of beans, one hogshead of salt, and a hundred of wax to make candles. Moreover forasmuch as he saw my soldiers go barefoot, he offered me besides fifty pairs of shoes, which I accepted and agreed of a prior with him, and gave him a bill of mine hand for the same, for which until this present I am indebted to him. He did more than this: for particularly he bestowed upon myself a great jar of oil, a jar of vinegar, a barrel of Olives, and a great quantity of Rice, and a barrel of white Biscuit. Besides he gave divers presents to the principal Officers of my company according to their qualities: so that I may say that we received as many courtesies of the General, as it was possible to receive of any man living. Wherein doubtless he hath won the reputation of a good and charitable man, deserving to be esteemed as much of us all as if he had saved all our lives. Incontin●nt after his departure I spared no paint to hasten my men to make biscuits of the meal which he had left me, The departure of the English General. and to hoop my cask to take in warter needful for the voyage. A man may well think what diligence we used, in respect of the great desire we had to departed, wherein we continued so well, that the fifteenth day of August the biscuit, August ●. the greatest part of our water, & all the soldiers stuff was brought aboard: so that from that day forward we did nothing but stay for good winds to drive us into France: which had freed us from an infinite number of mischiefs which afterward we suffered, if they had come as we desired: but it was not God's good pleasure, as shall appear hereafter. Being thus in a readiness to set sail, we be thought ourselves that it would do well to bring certain men and women of the country into France, to the end that if this voyage should be taken in hand again they might declare unto their Kings the greatness of our King, the excellency of our Princes, the goodness of our Country, and the manner of living of the Frenchmen● and that they might also learn our language, to serve our turns thereby in time to come. Wherein I took so good order, that I found means to bring away with me the goodliest people of all the country, if our intentions had succeeded as I hoped they would have done. In the mean season the Kings my neighbours came often to see and visit me: which, after that they understood that I would return into France, demanded of me whether I meant to return again or not, and whether it should be in short time. I signified unto them that within ten Moons (so they call their Months) I would visit them again with such force, The Floridians measure their months by the revolutions of the Moon. that I would be able to make them conquerors over all their enemies. They prayed me that I would leave them my house, that I would forbidden my soldiers to beat down the Fort and their lodgings, and that I would leave them a boat to aid them withal in their war against their enemies. Which I made as though I would grant unto them, to the end I might always remain their friend until my last departure. The third voyage of the Frenchmen made by Captain john Ribault unto Florida. AS I was thus occupied in these conferences, the wind and the tide served well to set sail, which was the eight and twentieth of August, The arrival of Captain john Ribault at the Fort the 28 of August 1565. at which instant Captain Vasseur which commanded in one of my ships, and Captain Verdier which was chief in the other, now ready to go forth, began to descry certain sails at sea, whereof they advertised me with diligence: whereupon I appointed to arm forth a boat in good order to go to descry and know what they were. I sent also to the Sentinels, which I caused to be kept on a little knap, to 'cause certain men to climb up to the top of the highest trees the better to discover them. Note. They descried the great boat of the ships, which as yet they could not perfectly discern, which as far as they could judge, seemed to chase my boat, which by this time was passed the bar of the river: so that we could not possibly judge whether they were enemies which would have carried her away with them: for it was too great a ken to judge the truth thereof. Upon this doubt I put my men in order and in such array as though they had been enemies: and indeed I had great occasion to mistrust the same: for my boat came unto their ship about two of the clock in the afternoon, and sent me no n●wes all that day long to put me out of doubt who they should be. The next day in the morning about eight or nine of the clock I see seven boats (among which mine own was one) full of soldiers enter into the river, having every man his arqebus and morion on his head, which marched all in battle along the cliffs where my sentinels were, to whom they would make no kind of answer, notwithstanding all the demands that were made unto them, insomuch as one of my soldiers was constrained to bestow a shot at them without doing hurt nevertheless to any of them, by reason of the distance between him and the boats. The report hereof being made unto me, I placed each of my men in his quarter, with full deliberation to defend ourselves, if they had b●ne enemies, as in truth we thought them to have been: likewise I caused the two small field-pieces which I had left me, to be trimmed in such sort, as if in approaching to the Fort they had not cried that it was Captain Ribault, I had not failed to have discharged the same upon them. Afterwards I understood that the cause why they entered in this manner, proceeded of the false reports which had been made unto my Lord Admiral by those which were returned into France in the first ships. False re●o●ts of la●d 〈◊〉 to the Admiral of F●ance. For they had put in his head, that I played the Lord and the King, and that I would hardly suffer that any other save myself should enter in thither to govern there. Thus we see how the good name of the most honest is oftentimes assailed by such, as having no means to win themselves credit by virtuous and laudable endeavours, think by debasing of other men's virtues to augment the feeble force of their fame courage, which nevertheless is one of the most notable dangers which may happen in a commonwealth, The danger of backbiting. and chief among men of war which are placed in government. For it is very hard, yea utterly unpossible, that in governing of a company of men gathered out of divers places and sundry Nations, and namely such as we know them to be in our wars, it is, I say, unpossible, but there will be always some of evil conditions and hard to be ruled, which easily conceive an hatred against him, which by admonitions and light corrections endeavoureth to reduce them to the discipline of war. For they seek nothing else, but for a small occasion grounded upon a light pretext to sound into the ears of great Lords that which mischievously they have contrived against those, whose execution of justice is odious unto them. And albeit I will not place myself in the rank of great and renowned Captains, such as lived in times passed, yet we may judge by their examples, how hurtful backbiters have been unto commonwealths. I will only take Alcibiades for witness in the commonwealth of the Athenians, Alcibiades banished by backbiters. which by this mean was cast into banishment, whereupon his citizens felt the smart of au infinite number of mischiefs: insomuch as in the end they were constrained to call him home again, and acknowledge at length the fault they had committed in forgetting his good services, and rather believing a false report, then having had regard unto so many notable exploits which in former time he had achieved. But that I lose not myself in digressing so fair in this my justification. I will return again to my first course. Being therefore advertised that it was Captain Ribault, Laudon●ere: receiving of Captain Ribault. I went forth of the Fort to go to meet him, and to do him all the honour I could by any means, I caused him to be welcomed with the artillery, and a gentle volley of my shot, whereunto he answered with his. Afterwards being come on shore and received honourably with joy, I brought him to my lodging, rejoicing not a little because that in this company I known a good number of my friends, which I entreated in the best sort that I was able, with such victuals as I could get in the country, and that small store which I had left me, with that which I had of the English General. Howbeit I marveled not a little when as all of them with one voice began to utter unto me these or the like speeches. My Captain, we praise God that we have found you alive, and chief because we know, that the reports which have been made of you, are false. These speeches moved me in such sort, that I would needs out of hand know more, mistrusting some evil. Wherefore having accosted Captain john Ribault, & going both of us aside together out of the Fort, he signified unto me the charge which he had, praying me not to return into France, but to stay with him myself and my company, and assured me that he would make it well thought of at home. Whereupon I replied that out of this place I would do him all service: that for the present I could not nor aught not accept this o●fer, since he was come for no other intent then to occupy the place which I before possessed, that I could have no credit to be there commanded: that my friends would never like of it, and that he would hardly give me that counsel, if in good earnest I should demand his advise therein. He made me answer, that he would not command me, that we should be companions, & that he would build another fortress, & that he would leave mine own unto me. This notwithstanding I fully advertised him that I could not receive a greater comfort than the news which he brought me to return into France: and farther that though I should stay there, yet it must needs be that one of us both was to command with title of the King's Lieutenant, that this could not well agreed together: that I had rather have it cast in my teeth to be the poorest beggar in the world, then to be commanded in that place, where I had endured so much to inhabit and plant there, if it were not by some great Lord or Knight of the order: and that in these respects I prayed him very heartily to deliver me the letters which my Lord Admiral had written unto me, which he performed. The contents of those letters were these. Captain Laudonniere, Letters of the Lord Admiral unto Laudonnie●e. because some of them which are returned from Florida speak indifferently of the Country, the King desireth your presence, to the end, that according to your trial, he may resolve to bestow great cost thereon, or wholly to leave it: and therefore I sand Captain john Ribault to be governor there, to whom you shall deliver whatsoever you have in charge, and inform him of all things you have discovered. And in a postscript of the letter was thus written. Think not, that whereas I sand for you, it is for any evil opinion or mistrust that I have of you, but that it is for your good and for your credit, and assure yourself that during my life you shall found me your good Master. CHASTILLON. Now after I had long discoursed with Captain Ribault, Captain la Grange accosted me, and told me of an infinite number of false reports which had been made of me to my great hindrance: Accusations against him. and among other things he informed me, that my Lord Admiral took it very evil that I had carried a woman with me: likewise that some body had told him that I went about to sergeant the King, and to play the tyrant: that I was too cruel unto the men that went with me: that I sought to be advanced by other means then by my Lord Admiral: and that I had written to many Lords of the Court, which I aught not to have done. Whereunto I answered, that the woman was a poor chambermaid, which I had taken up in an Inn, to oversee my household business, to look to an infinite sort of divers beasts, as sheep and poultry which I carried over with me to store the country withal: Laudonniere● answer thereunto. that it was not meet to put a man to attend this business: likewise, considering the length of the time that I was to abide there, me thought it should not offend any body to take a woman with me, aswell to help my soldiers in their sicknesses, as in mine own, whereinto I fallen afterward. And how necessary her service was for us, each one at that time might easily perceive: That all my men thought so well of her, that at one instant there were six or seven which did demand her of me in marriage; as in very deed one of them had her after our return. Touching that which was said that I played the King, these reports were made, because I would not bear with any thing which was against the duty of my charge, and the King's service. Moreover, that in such enterprises it is necessary for a Governor to make himself known and obeyed, for fear lest every body would become a master, perceiving themselves far from greater forces. And that if the tale-tellers called this rigour, it rather proceeded of their disobedience, then of my nature less subject to cruelty than they were to rebellion. For the two last points, that I had not written to any of the Lords of the Court but by the advice & commandment of my Lord Admiral, which willed me at my departure to sand part of such things as I should found in the country unto the Lords of the Counsel: to the end that being moved by this mean, they might deal with the Queen mother for the continuance of this enterprise: that having been so sm●●l time in the country, continually hindered with building of fortresses, and unlading of my ships, I was not able to come by any new or rare things to sand them, whereupon I thought it best to content them in the mean while with letters, until such time as I might have longer space to search out the Country, and might recover some thing to send them: the distribution of which letters I meant not otherwise bu● to refer to my Lord Admiral's good pleasure: that if the bearer had forgot himself so far, as that he had broken the covering of the letters, and presented them himself for hope of gain, it was not my commandment. And that I never honoured noble man so much, nor did to any man more willing and faithful service then to my Lord Admiral, nor ever sought advancement but by his means. You see how things passed for this day. The next day the Indians came in from all parts, to know what people these were: to whom I signified that this was he which in the year 1562. arrived in this country, and erected the pillar which stood at the entry of the river. Some of them known him: for in truth he was easy to be known by reason of the great beard which he ware. He received many presents of them which were of the villages near adjoining, among whom there were some that he had not yet forgotten. The kings Homoloa, Seravahi, Alimacani, Malica, and Cas●i came to visit him and welcome him with divers gifts according to their manner. Five Indian kings. I advertised them that he was sent thither by the king of France, to remain there in my room, and that I was sent for. Then they demanded and prayed him, if it might stand with his good pleasure, to 'cause the merchandise that he had brought with him to be delivered them, and that in few days they would bring him to the mountains of Apalatcy, The mountans of Apalatcy wherein A●e mines or perfect gold. Sicroa Pira read metal. whither they had promised to conduct me, and that in case they performed not their promise, that they were content to be cut in pieces. In those mountains, as they said, is found red copper, which they call in their language Sicroa Pira, which is as much to say as read metal, whereof I had a piece, which at the very instant I showed to Captain Ribault, which caused his gold-finer to make an assay thereof, which reported unto him that it was perfect gold. Perfect gold. About the time of these conferences, come and doings of the kings of the country, being weakened with my former travail, and fallen into a melancholy upon the false reports that had been made of me, I fallen into a great continual fever, which held me eight or nine days: during which time Captain Ribault caused his victuals to be brought on shore, and bestowed the most part thereof in the house which my Lieutenant had built about two hundred pases without the fort: which he did to the end they might be the better defended from the weather, and likewise to the intent that the meal might be nearer to the bakehouse, which I had built of purpose in that place, the better to avoid the danger of the fire, Good means to avoid the danger of fire. as I said before. But lo how oftentimes misfortune doth search and pursue us, even then when we think to be at rest! lo see what happened after that captain Ribault had brought up three of his small ships into the river, which was the fourth of September! September 4. Six great Spanish ships arrived in the road, where four of our greatest ships remained, which cast anchor, assuring our men of good amity. The Spaniards undermining and surprising of the French. They asked how the chief captains of the enterprise did, & called them all by their names and surnames. I report me to you if it could be otherwise but these men before they went out of Spain must needs be informed of the enterprise & of those that were to execute the same. About the break of day they began to make toward our men: but our men which trusted them never a deal, had hoist their sails by night, being ready to cut the strings that tied them. Wherefore perceiving that this making toward our men of the Spaniards was not to do them any pleasure, and knowing well that their furniture was too small to make head against them, because that the most part of their men were on shore, they cut the●r cables, left their anchors, and set sail. The Spaniards seeing themselves discovered, lent them certain volleyss of their great ordinance, made sail after them, and chased them all day long: but our men got way of them still toward the sea. And the Spaniards seeing they could not reach them, by reason that the French ships were better of sail then there's, and also because they would not leave the coas●, turned back and went on shore in the river Seloy, The river Seloy or the river of Dolphins but 8 or 10 leagues over land from the fort: but it is thirty doubling the Cape by sea. which we call the river of Dolphines 8 or 10 leagues distant from the place where we were. Our men therefore finding themselves be●ter of sail then th●y, followed them to descry what they did, which after they had done, they returned unto the river of May, where captain Ribault having descried them, embarked himself in a great boat to know what news they had. Being at the entry of the river he met with the boat of captain Cousets' ship, wherein there was a good number of men which made relation unto him of all the Spaniards doings: and how the great ship named the Trinity had kept the sea, and that she was not returned with them. They ●old him moreover that they had seen three Spanish ships enter into the river of Dolphins, & the other three remained in the road; farther that they had put their soldiers, their victuals & munition on land. After he understood these news he returned to the fortress, and came to my chamber where I was sick, and there in the presence of the captains, La Grange, S. Marry, Ottigny, Visty, Yonuille, and other gentlemen, he propounded, that it was necessary for the king's service, to embark himself with all his forces, and with the three ships that were in the road to seek the Spanish fleet, whereupon he asked our advise. I first replied, and showed unto him the consequence of such an enterprise, advertising him among other things of the perilous flaws of winds that rise on this coast, Dangerous flaws of wound on the coast of Florida in September. and that if it chanced that he were driven from the shore, it would be very hard for him to recover it again, that in the mean while they which should stay in the Fort should be in fear and danger. The Captains, Saint Marie, and La Grange declared unto him farther, that they thought it not good to put any such enterprise in execution, that it was far better to keep the land, & do their best endeavour to fortify themselves: And that after that the Trinity (which was the principal ship) were returned, there would be much more likelihood to enterprise this voyage. This notwithstanding he resolved to undertake it, and that which more is, after he understood by king Emola, King Emola. one of our neighbours which arrived upon the handling of these matters, that the Spaniards in great numbers were go on shore, which had taken possession of the houses of Seloy, in the most part whereof they had placed their Negroes, A village and river both of that ca●e. which they had brought to labour, and also lodged themselves and had cast divers trenches about them. Th●s for the considerations which he had, and doubting (as he might well do) that the Spaniards would encamp themselves there to molest us, and in the end to chase us out of the Country, he resolved and continued in his embarkment, caused a Proclamation to be made, that all soldiers that were under his charge should presently with their weapons embark th●m, and that his two ensigns should march: which was put in execution. He came into my chamber, and prayed me to lend him my Lieutenant, mine ensign, and my sergeant, and to let all my good soldiers, which I had, go with him, which I denied him, because myself being sick, there was no man to stay in the fort. Thereupon he answered me that I needed not to doubt at all, and that he would return the morrow after, that in the mean space Monsieur de Lys should stay behind to look to all things. Then I showed unto him that he was chief in this Country, and that I for my part had no further authority: that therefore he would take good advisement what he did, for fear lest some inconvenience might ensue. Then he told me that he could do no less, then to continued this enterprise, and that in the letter which he had received from my Lord Admiral, there was a postscript, which he showed me written in these words: An advertisement of my Lord Admiral to Captain Ribault. Captain john Ribault, as I was enclosing up this letter, I received a certain advice, that Don Pedro Melendes departeth from Spain to go to the coast of New France: see you that you suffer him not to encroach upon you, no more than he would that you should encroach upon him. You see (quoth he) the charge that I have, and I leave it unto yourself to judge, if you could do any less in this case, considering the certain advertisement that we have, that they are already on land, and will invade us. This stopped my mouth. Thus therefore confirmed or rather obstinate in this enterprise, and having regard rather unto his particular opinion then unto the advertisements which I had given him, and the inconveniences of the time whereof I had forewarned him, he ●mbarked himself the eight of September, Captain Ribault ●mbarkment Sept. 8. and took mine ensign and eight and thirty of my men away with him. I report me to those that know what wars mean, if when an ensign marcheth, any soldier that hath any courage in him will stay behind, to forsake his ensign: Thus no man of commandment stayed behind with me, for each one followed him as chief, in whose name strait after his arrival, all cries and proclamations were made. Captain Grange, which liked not very well of this enterprise, was unto the tenth of the month with me, The tenth of September. and would not have go aboard, if it had not been for the instant requests that Captain Ribault made unto him, which stayed two days in the road attending until La Grange was come unto him: Who being come aboard, they set sail altogether, and from that time forward I never see them more. The very day that he departed, which was the tenth of September, A mighty tempest the tenth of Sept. there rose so great a tempest accompanied with such storms, that the Indians themselves assured me that it was the worst weather that ever was seen on the coast: whereupon two or three days after, searing lest our ships might be in some distress, I sent for Monsieur du Lys unto me, to take order to assemble the rest of our people to declare unto them what need we had to fortify ourselves: which was done accordingly: and then I gave them to understand the necessity and inconveniences wherein to we were like to fall, aswell by the absence of our ships, as by the nearness of the Spaniards, at whose hands we could look for no less than an open and sufficient proclaimed war, seeing they had taken land and fortified themselves so near unto us. And if any misfortune were fallen unto our men which were at Sea, we aught to make a full account with ourselves that we were to endure many great miseries, being in so small number, and so many ways afflicted as we were. Thus every one promised me to take pains; and therefore considering that their proportion of victuals was small, and that so continuing, they would not be able to do any great work, I augmented their allowance: although that after the arrival of Captain Ribault my portion of victuals was allotted unto me as unto a common soldier, Lau●onnier● hardly used by Ribault. neither was I able to give so much as part of a batt●ll of wine to any man which deserved it: for I was so far from having means to do so, that the Captain himself took two of my boats, wherein the rest of the meal was, which was left me of the biscuits which I caused to be made to return into France: so that if I should say that I received more favour at the hands of the Englishmen being Strangers unto me, I should say but a truth. 〈…〉 and ●is company begin 〈◊〉 fortify themselves. We began therefore to fortify ourselves and to repair that which was broken down, principally toward the water side, where I caused threescore foot of trees to be planted, to repair the Palislado with the planks which I caused to be taken of the Ship which I had builded. Nevertheless notwithstanding all our diligence and travail, we were never able fully to repair it by reason of the storms, which commonly did us so great annoy, that we could not finish our enclosure. Perceiving myself in such extremity I took a muster of the men, which captain Ribault had left me, A muster of the men left in the fort by Ribault. to see if there were any that wanted weapon: I found nine or ten of them whereof not past two or three had ever drawn sword out of a seabbard, as I think. Let them which have been bold to say, that I had men enough left me, so that I had means to defend myself, give ear a little now unto me, and if they have eyes in their heads, let them see what men I had. Of the nine there were four but young striplings, which served Captain Ribault and kept his dogs, the fift was a cook: among those that were without the fort, and which were of the foresaid company of Captain Ribault, there was a Carpenter of threescore years old, one a Beere-brewer, one old Crossbow maker, two Shoemakers, and four or five men that had their wives, a player on the Uirginals, two servants of Monsieur du Lys, one of Monsieur de Beauhaire, one of Monsieur de la Grange, and about fourscore and five or six in all, Fourscore and five left in the fort with Laudonnie●e. counting as well Lackeys as women and children. Behold the goodly troop so sufficient to defend themselves, and so courageous as they have esteemed them to be: and for my part I leave it to others consideration to imagine whether Captain Ribault would have left them with me to have borrowed my men, if they had been such. Those that were left me of mine own company were about sixteen or seventeen that could bear arms, and all of them poor and lean: the rest were sick and maimed in the conflict which my Lieutenant had against Vtina. This view being thus taken, we set our watches, whereof we made two Sentinels, that the soldiers might have one night free. Then we be thought ourselves of those which might be most sufficient, among whom we those two, one of whom was named Monsieur Saint Cler, and the other Monsieur de la Vigne, to whom we delivered candles and Lanterns to go round about the fort to view the watch, because of the foul and foggy weather. I delivered them also a sandglasse or clock, that the Sentinels might not be troubled more one then another. In the mean while I ceased not, for all the foul weather nor my sickness which I had, to oversee the Corpse de guard. The night between the nineteenth and twentieth of September La Vigne kept watch with his company, wherein he used all endeavour, although it rained without ceasing. When the day was therefore come, and that he see that it rained still worse than it did before, he pitied the Sentinels so too moiled and we●te: and thinking the Spanyardes would not have come in such a strange time, he let them departed, and to say the truth, he went himself unto his lodging. In the mean while one which had something to do without the fort, and my trumpet which went up unto the rampart perceived a troop of Spaniards which came down from a little knap. The Spaniards discep●d the 20 of September. Where incontinently they began to cry alarm, and the Trumpeter also: Which assoon as ever I understood, forthwith I issued out, with my target and sword in my hand, and got me into the midst of the Court, where I began to cry upon my soldiers. Some of them which were of the forward sort went toward the breath, which was on the Southside, and where the munitions of the artillery lay, where they were repulsed and slain. By the self same place two ensigns entered, The Spaniards enter the fort. which immediately were planted on the walls. Two other ensigns also entered on the other side toward the West, where there was another breath: and those which were lodged in this quarter, & which showed themselves, were likewise defeated. ●s I went to secure them which were defending the breath on the south-west side, I encountered by chance a great company of Spaniards, which had already repulsed our men and were now entered, which ●raue me back unto the court of the fort: being there I espied with them one called Francis jean, Francis jean a traitor to his nation. which was one of the Mariners which stolen away my barks, and had guided and conducted the Spaniards thither. assoon as he saw me, he began to say, This is the Captain. This troop was led by a captain whose name, as I think, was Don Pedro Melendes: Don Pedro Melendes captain of the Spaniards. these made certain bushes at me with their pikes which lighted on my tarket. But perceiving that I was not able to withstand so great a company, and that the court was already won, and their ensigns planted on the ramparts, & that I had never a man about me, saving one only whose name was Bartholomew, I entered into the yard of my lodging, into which they followed me, and had it not been for a tent that was set up. I had been taken: but the Spaniards which followed me were occupied in cutting of the cords of the tent, and in the mean while I saved myself by the breach which was on the West side near unto my Lieutenant's lodging, and gate away into the woods: Laudonnier● escape. where I found certain of my men which were escaped, of which number there were three or four which were sore hurt. Then spoke I thus unto them: Sirs, since it hath pleased God that this mischance is happened unto us, we must needs take the pains to get over the marshes unto the ships which are at the mouth of the river. Some would needs go to a little village which was in the woods, the rest followed me through the reeds in the water, where being able to go no farther by reason of my sickness which I had, I sent two of my men which were with me, which could swim well, unto the ships, to advertise them of that which had happened, and to sand them word to come and help me. They were not able that day to get unto the ships to certify them thereof: so I was constrained to stand in the water up to the shoulders all that night long, with one of my men which would never forsake me. The next day morning, being scarcely able to draw my breath any more, I betook me to my prayers with the soldier which was with me, whose name was john du Chemin: john du Chemin a faithful servant. for I felt myself so feeble, that I was afraid I should die suddenly: and in truth if he had not embraced me in both his arms, and so held me up, it had not been possible to save me. After we had made an end of our prayers, I herded a voice, which in my judgement was one of there's which I had sent, which were over against the ships and called for the ship boat, which was so in deed: and because those of the ships had understanding of the taking of the fort by one called john de Hais, master Carpenter, which fled unto them in a shallep, they had see sail to run along the coast to see if they might save any: wherein doubtless they did very well their endeavour. The diligence of the Cha●ne●s to save them that escaped out of the fort. They went strait to the place where the two men were which I had sent, and which called them. assoon as they had received them in and understood where I was, they came and f●und me in a pitiful case. Five or six of them took me and carried me into the shallop: for I was not able by any means to go one foot. After I was brought into the shallop some of the Mariners taken their clotheses from their backs to lend them me, and would have carried me presently to their ships to give me a little Aqua vitae. Howbeit I would not go thither, until I had first go with the boat along the reeds, to seek out the poor souls which were scattered abroad, where we gathered up 18 or 20 of them. The last that I taken in was the nephew of the Treasurer le Beau. Among these was jaques Mor●ues painter sometime living in the Black foyers in London. Francis jean cause of thi● enterprise. After we were all come to the ships, I comforted them as well as I could, and sent back the boat again with speed to see if they could found yet any more. Upon her return, the Mariners told me how that captain james Ribault which was in his ship about two muskets shot distant from the fort, had parled with the Spaniards, and that Francis jean came unto his ship, where he stayed a long space, whereat they greatly marveled, considering he was the cause of this enterprise, how he would let him escape. After I was come into the ship called the Greyhound, captain james Ribault & captain Valuot came to see me: and there we concluded to return into France. Now forasmuch as I found the ship unfurnished of Captain, Pilot, Master, and Masters-mate, I gave advice to choose out one of the most able men among all the mariners, & that by their own voices. I took also six men out of another small ship, which we had sunk because it wanted ballast and could not be saved. Thus I increased the furniture of the ship wherein I was myself embarked, and made one, which had been Masters-mate in the foresaid small ship, Master of mine. And because I lacked a pilot, I prayed james Ribault that he would grant me one of the four men that he had in his ship, The bad dealing of james Ribault. which I should name unto him, to serve me for a Pilot: he promised to give me them, which nevertheless he did not at the instant when we were ready to departed, notwithstanding all the speech I used to him, in declaring that it was for the king's service. I was constrained to leave the ship behind me which I had bought of the English Captain, because I wanted men to bring her away. For captain james Ribault had taken away her furniture: I took away her ordinance only, which was all dismounted, whereof I gave nine pieces to james Ribault to carry into France, the other five I put into my ship. The 25 of September we set sails to return into France, Our return into France th● 25. of September 1565. and Captain james Ribault and I kept company all that day and the next until three or four a clock in the afternoon: but because his ship was better at bowline than ours, he kept him to the wound and left us the same day. Thus we continued our voyage, wherein we had marvelous flaws of wound. And about the eight and twentieth of October in the morning at the break of the day we descried the Isle of Flores, October 28. one of the Acores, where immediately upon our approaching to the land we had a mighty gust of wound which came from the North-east, which caused us to bear against it four days: afterward the wound came South and Southeast, and was always variable. In all the time of our passage we had none other food saving biscuit and water. About the tenth or eleventh of November, November 10 after we had sailed a long time, and supposing we were not far from land, I caused my men to sound, where they found threescore and fifteen fathoms water, whereat we all rejoiced, and praised God because we had sailed so prosperously. Immediately after I caused them to set sail again and so we continued our way: but forasmuch as we had born too much toward the North-east we entered into Saint George's channel, The channel of Saint George. a place much feared of all Sailor's, and where as many ships are cast away: But it was a fair gift of God that we entered in it when the weather was clear. We sailed all the night, supposing we had been shot into the narrow Sea between England and France, and by the next day to reach deep, but we were deceived of our longing: for about two or three of the clock after midnight as I walked upon the hatches, I descried land round about me, whereat we were astonished. Immediately I caused them to strike sail and sound: we found we had not under us past 8 fathoms of water, whereupon I commanded them to stay till break of day: which being come, and seeing my Mariners told me that they known not this land, I commanded them to approach unto it. Being near thereunto I made them cast anchor, & sent the boat on shore to understand in what Country we were. Word was brought me that we were in Wales a province of England. I went incontinently on land, where after I had taken the air, a sickness took nice whereof I thought I should have died. In the mean while I caused the ship to be brought into the bay of a small town called Swansey, 〈◊〉 arrival in S●ansey Barnes in Glamorgan shire in South-Wales. where I found merchants of S. Malo, which lent me money, wherewith I made certain apparel for myself and part of my company that was with me: and because there were no victuals in the ship, I bought two Oxen, and salted them, and a tun of Be●re, which I delivered into his hands which had charge of the ship● praying him to carry it into France, which he promised me to do: for mine own part I purposed with my men to pass by land, and after I had taken leave of my Mariners, I departed from Swansey, and came that night with my company to a place called Morgan, The courtesy of o●● Master Morgan. where the Lord of the place, understanding what I was, stayed me with him for the space of 6 or 7 days, and at my departure moved with pity to see me go on foot, especially being so weak as I was, gave me a little Hackney. Thus I passed on my journey first to Bristol, B●is●oll. & then to London, London. where I went to do my duty to Monsieur de Foix, Monsieur de Foix Ambassador for the French king in England. which for the present was the king's Ambassador, and holp me with money in my necessity. From thence I passed to Caleis, afterward to Paris, where I was informed that the king was go to Molins to sojourn there: incontinently, & with all the hast I could possibly make, The conclusion. I gate me thither with part of my company. Thus briefly you see the discourse of all that happened in New France since the time it pleased the king's Majesty to sand his subjects thither to discover those parts. The indifferent and unpassionate readers may easily weigh the truth of my doings, and be upright judges of the endeavour which I there used. For mine own part I will not accuse nor excuse any: it sufficeth me to have followed the truth of the history, whereof many ar● able to bear witness, which were there present. I will plainly say one thing, That the long delay that Captain john Ribault used in his embarking, and the 15. days that he spent in roving along the coast of Florida, The causes why the French lost Florida. before he came to our fort Caroline, were the cause of the loss that we sustained. For he discovered the coast the 14 of August, and spent the time in going from river to river, which had been sufficient for him to have discharged his ships in, and for me to have embarked myself to return into France. I wot well that all that he did was upon a good intent: yet in mine opinion he should have had more regard unto his charge, then to the devices of his own brain, which sometimes he printed in his head so deeply, that it was very hard to put them out: which also turned to his utter undoing: for he was no sooner departed from us, but a tempest took him, which in fine wracked him upon the coast, where all his ships were cast away, The French Fleet cast away on the coast of Florida. and he with much ado escaped drowning, to fall into their hands which cruelly massacred him and all his company. The fourth voyage of the Frenchmen into Florida, under the conduct of Captain Gourgues, in the year, 1567. Captain Gourgues a Gentleman born in the Country near unto Bourdeaux incited with a desire of revenge, to repair the honour of his nation, borrowed of his friends and sold part of his own goods to set forth and furnish three ships of indifferent burden with all things necessary, having in them an hundred and fifty soldiers, and fourscore choose Mariners under Captain Cazenove his lieutenant, and Francis Bourdelois Master over the Mariners. He set forth the 22 of August 1567. And having endured contrary winds and storms for a season, at length he arrived and went on shore in the Isle of Cuba. From thence he passed to the Cape of Saint Antony at the end of the isle of Cuba, about two hundred leagues distant from Florida, where the captain disclosed unto them his intention which hitherto he had concealed from them, praying and exhorting them not to leave him being so near the enemy, so well furnished, and in such a cause: which they all swore unto him, and that with such courage that they would not stay the full Moon to pass the channel of Bahama, The channel of Bahama between Florida and the Isles of Lucayos. but speedily discovered Florida, where the Spaniards saluted them with two Canon shot from their fort, supposing that they had been of their nation, and Gourgues saluted them again to entertain them in this error, that he might surprise them at more advantage, yet sailing by them, & making as though he went to some other place until he had sailed out of sight of the place, so that about evening, he landed 15 leagues from the fort, at the mouth of the River Tacatacouru, The Frenchmens' landing at the River Tacatacouru. which the Frenchmen called Seine, because they thought it to be like Seine in France. Afterwards perceiving the shore to be covered with Savages with their vows and arrows, (besides the sign of peace and amity which he made them from his ships) he sent his Trumpeter, to assure them, that they were come thither for none other end but to renew the amity and ancient league of the French with them. The Trumpeter did ●is message so well (by reason he had been there before under Laudonniere) that he brought back from king Satouriona, the greatest of all the other kings, a kid and other meat to refresh us, besides the offer of his friendship and amity. Afterwards they retired dalsing in sign of joy, to advertise all the kings Satouriovaes' kinsmen to repair thither the next day to make a league of amity with the Frenchmen. Whereupon in the mean space our general went about to sound the channel of the river to bring in his ships, and the better to traffic and deal with the Savages, of whom the chief the next day in the morning presented themselves, namely the great king Satouriova, Tacatacourou, Halmacanir, Athore, Harpaha, Helmacapé, Helicopilé, Mollo●a, and others his kinsmen and allies, Eight savage kings. with their accustomed weapons. Then sent they to entreat the French general to come on shore, which he caused his men to do with their swords, and harqueb●sies, which he made them leave behind them, in token of mutual assurance, leaving his men but their swords only, after that the Savages complaining thereof had left and likewise sent away their weapons at the request of Gourgues. This done Satouriova going to meet him, caused him to sit on his right hand in a seat of wood of lentisque covered with moss made of purpose like unto his own. The king's seat. Then two of the elder of the company pulled up the brambles & other weeds which were before them, and after they had made the place very clean, they all sat round about them on the ground. Afterwards Gourgues b●ing about to speak, Satouriova prevented him, declaring at large unto him the incredible wrongs, and continual outrages that all the Savages, Complaints of th● Savages against the Spaniards, their wives and children had received of the Spaniards since their coming into the Country and massacring of the Frenchmen, with their continual desire if we would assist them thoroughly to revenge so shameful a treason, aswell as their own particular griefs, for the firm good will they always had born unto the Frenchmen. Whereupon Gourgues giving them his faith, and making a league between them and him with an oath gave them certain presents of daggers, knives, looking glasses, hatchets, rings, bells, and such other things, trifles unto us, but precious unto these kings: which moreover, seeing his great liberality, demanded each one a shirt of him to wear only on their festival days, and to be buried in at their death. Which things after that they had received, and Satouriova had given in recompense to Captain Gourgues two chains of silver grains which hung about his neck, Two chain●s of silver given to Gourgues. and each of the kings certain dear skins dressed after their manner, they retired themselves dancing and very jocund, with promise to keep all things secret, and to bring unto the said place good companies of their subjects all well armed to be avenged thoroughly on the Spaniards. In the mean space Gourgues very narrowly examined Peter de Bré born in Newhaven, Peter de Bré had lived above two years with Satourieva. which being but a young stripling escaped out of the fort into the woods while the Spaniards murdered the rest of the French, & was afterward brought up with Satouriova, which at that time bestowed him on our general, whose advise stood him in great stead: Whereupon he sent to discover the fort and the estate of the enemies by certain of his men, being guided by Olotacara Satourioua●s nephew which he had given him for this purpose and for assurance of Estampes a gentleman of Cominges, and others which he sent to descry the state of the enemies. Moreover he gave him a son of his stark naked as all of them are, and his wife which he loved best of all the rest, of eighteen years old, appareled with the moss of trees, which for 3 days space were in the ships, Three pledges delivered to Gourgues by Satouriova. until our men returned from descrying the state of the enemy, and the kings had furnished their preparation at their rendezvous. Their marching being concluded, and the Savages rendezvous being appointed them beyond the river Salinacani, of our men called some, The river of Salinacani, called some by the French. they all drank with great solemnity their drink called Cassine, made of the juice of certain herbs (as they are wont to do, when they go to any place of danger,) which hath such force, that it taketh from them hunger and thirst for 24 hours, and Gourgues was feign to make as though he drank thereof for company. Afterwards they lift up their hands and swore all that they would never forsake him. Olotocara followed him with pike in hand. Being all met at the river of Saravahi, The river of Sarau●hi. not without great trouble, by reason of the rain and places full of water which they must needs pass, which hindered their passage, they were distressed with famine ●inding nothing by the way to eat, their Bark of provision being not arrived, which was to come unto him from the ships, the oversight and charge whereof he had left unto Burdelois with the rest of the Mariners. Now he had learned that the Spaniards were four hundred strong, The estate o● the Spaniards in Florida. divided into three ●orts builded and flanked, and well fortified upon the river of May, the great fort especially begun by the French, and afterward repaired by them: upon the most dangerous and principal landing place whereof, two leagues lower and nearer toward the rivers mouth, they had made two smaller Forts, which were defended, the river passing between them, with six score soldiers, good store of artillery and other munition, which they had in the same. From Saracary unto these small forts was two leagues space, The river of Saracary, or Saraua●●. which he found very painful, because of the bad ways and continual rains. Afterwards he departed from the river Catacouru with 10, shot, to view the first fort, and to assault it the next day in the morning by the break of day, which he could not do, because of the foul weather, and darkness of the night. King Helicopile seeing him out of quiet in that he had failed of his purpose there, assured him to guide him a more easy way, though it were farther abou●. Insomuch as leading him through the woods, he brought him within sight of the fort, where he discerned one quarter which was but begun to be entrenched. Thus after he had sounded the small river that falls down thereby, he stayed until ten of the clock in the morning for an ebb water, that his men might pass over there, unto a place where he had seen a little grove between the river & the fort (that he might not be seen to pass and set his soldiers in array) causing them to fasten their flasks to their Morions, & to hold up their swords and kalivers in their hands, for fear lest the water, which reached up to their girdles, should not wet them: where they found such abundance of great oysters, and shells which were so sharp, that many had their legs cut with them, and many others lost their shoes. Notwithstanding assoon as they were passed ou●r, with a French courage they prepared themselves to the assault on the sunday eve next after Easter day, in April 1568. Insomuch that Gourgues to employ the ardent heat of this good affection, gave twenty shot to his Lieutenant Cazenove, and ten Mariners laden with pots and balls of wild fire to burn the gate: and then he assaulted the Fort on another side, The assault and taking of the first Fort. after he had made a short speech unto his men of the strange treasons which the Spaniards had played their companions. But being descried as they came holding down their heads within two hundred paces from the Fort, the Gunner being upon the terrace of the Fort, after he had cried, Arm, Arm, these be French men, discharged twice upon them a coluerine, whereon the Arms of France were graven, which had been taken from Laudonniere. But as he went about to charge it the third time, Olotocara, The valour of Olotocara. which had not learned to keep his rank, or rather moved with rage, leapt on the platform, and thrust him through the body with his pike and slay him. Whereupon Gourgues advanced forward, and after he had herded Cazenove cry, that the Spaniards which issued out armed at the cry of the alarm, were fled, he drawn to that part, and so hemmed them in between him and his Lieutenant, that of threescore there escaped not a man, saving only fifteen reserved unto the same death which they had put the French unto. The Spaniards of the other fort in the meanwhile ceased not to play with their ordinance, which much annoyed the assailants: although to answer them they had by this placed and oftentimes pointed the four pieces found in the first Fort. The assault and taking of the second fort. Whereupon Gourgues being accompanied with fourscore shot went aboard the bark which met him there to good purpose to pass into the wood near unto the Fort, out of which he supposed the Spaniards would issue to save themselves thorough the benefit of the woods in the great fort, which was not passed one league distant from the same. Afterwards the Savages not staying for the return of the bark, leapt all into the water holding up their bows & arrows in one hand, & swimming with the other, The Savages great swimmers. so that the Spaniards seeing both the shores covered with so great a number of men, thought to flee towards the woods: but being charged by the French, and afterward repulsed by the Savages, toward whom they would have retired, they were sooner than they would bereft of their lives. To conclude they all there ended their days saving 15 of those which were reserved to be executed for the example of others. The Spaniards of the second Fort all s●a●ie. Whereupon Captain Gourgues having caused all that he found in the second fort to be transported unto the first, where he meant to strengthen himself to take resolution against the great Fort, the state whereof he did not understand: in fine a Sergeant of a band one of the prisoners assured him that they might be there very near 300 well furnished under a brave Governor, which had fortified there, attending farther succours. Thus having obtained of him the platform, the height, the fortification and passages unto it, and having prepared eight good lathers, Note. and raised all the Country against the Spaniard, that he neither might have news, nor succours, nor retract on any side, he determined to march forward. In the mean while the Governor sent a Spaniard disguised like a Savage to spy out the state of the French. A notable Spanish subtlety. And though he were discovered by Olorocara, yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to persuade them that he was one of the second fort, out of which having escaped, and seeing none but savages on every side, he hoped more in the Frenchmens' then their mercy, unto whom he came to yield himself disguised like a savage, for fear jest if he should have been known, he should have been massacred by those Barbarians: but the spy being brought face to face with the sergeant of the the band, & convicted to be one of the great fort, was reserved until an other time: after that he had assured Gourgues that the bruit was that he had 2000 Frenchmen with him for fear of whom the 200 and threescore Spaniards which remained in the great fort, were greatly astonished. Whereupon Gourgues being resolved to set upon them, while they were thus amazed, and leaving his Standrad-bearer and a Captain with fifteen shot to keep the Fort, and the entry of the River, he caused the Savages to departed by night to lie in ambush within the woods on both sides of the river, than he departed in the Morning, leading the Sergeant and the spy fast bond along with him, to show him that in deed, which they had only made him understand befor● in painting. As they marched Olotocara a resolute Savage which never left the Captain, said unto him, that he had served him faithfully, and done whatsoever he had commanded him, that he was assured to dye in the conflict at the great Fort, wherein nevertheless he would not fail, though it were to save his life: but he prayed him to give that unto his wife, if he escaped not, which he had meant to bestow on him, that she might bury the same with him, The cause why the Floridian: bury their goods with them. that thereby he might be better welcome unto the village of the souls or spirits departed. To whom Captain Gourgues answered, after he had commended his faithful valour, the love toward his wife, and his noble care of immortal honour, that he desired rather to honour him alive then dead, and that by God's help he would bring him home again with victory. After the discovery of the Fort, the Spaniards were no niggards of their Canon shot, nor of two double Coluerines, which being mounted upon a Bulwark, commanded all along the River, which made captain Gorgues to get to the hill covered with wood, at the foot whereof the Fort beginneth, and the forest or wood continueth and stretcheth forth beyond it: Not● so that he had sufficient coverture to approach thereunto without offence. He purposed also to remain there until the Morning, wherein he was resolved to assault the Spaniards by scaling their walls on the side toward the hill, where the Trench seemed not sufficiently flanked for the defence of the courtains, and from whence part of his men might draw them that were besieged, which should show themselves to defend the rampart while the rest were coming up. But the Governor hastened his unhappy destiny, causing threescore shot to sally forth, which passing through the Trenches, advanced forward to descry the number and valour of the French, whereof twenty under the conduct of Cazenove, getting between the Fort and them which now were issued forth, cut off their repassage, while Gorgues commanded the rest to charge them in the Front, but not to discharge but near at hand, and so that they might be sure to hit them, that afterward with more ease they might cut them in pieces with their sword. So that turning their backs assoon as they were charged, and compassed in by his Lieutenant, they remained all slain upon the place. The slaughter of the Spaniards of the third For● Whereat the rest that were besieged were so astonished, that they known none other mean to save their lives, but by fleeing into the Woods adjoining, where nevertheless being encountered again by the arrows of the Savages which lay in wait there for them (whereof one ran through the target and body of a Spaniard, which therewithal fallen down stark dead) some were constrained to turn back, choosing rather to dye by the hand of the French, which pursued them: assuring themselves, that none of them could find any favour neither with the one nor the other Nation, whom they had alike and so out of measure cruelly entreated, saving those which were reserved to be an example for the time to come. The Fort when it was taken, The taking of the third Fort. was found well provided of all necessaries: namely of five double Coluerines, and four Minions, with divers other small pieces of all sorts, and eighteen gross coke's of gunnepowder, all sorts of weapons, which Gourgues caused with speed to be embarked, saving the powder and other movables, by reaso● it was all consumed with fire through the negligence of a Savage, which in seething of his fish, set fire on a train of powder which was made and hidden by the Spanyardes, to have feasted th● French at the first assault, thus blowing up the store house, and the other houses built of Pin●trees. The rest of the Spaniards being led away prisoners with the others, after that the General had showed them the wrong which they had done without occasion to all the French Nation, were all hanged on the boughs of the same trees, whereon the French hung: of which number five were hanged by one Spaniard, which perceiving himself in the like miserable estate, confessed his fault, and the just judgement which God had brought upon him. But in stead of the writing which Pedro Melendes had hanged over them, The 〈◊〉 hanged ou●● the French and Spaniards flame Fl●●●● importing these words in Spanish, I do not this as unto French men, but as unto Lutherans, Gourgues caused to be imprinted with a searing iron in a table of Firrewood, I do not this as unto Spaniards, nor as unto Mariners, but as unto Traitors, Robbers, and Murderers. Afterwards considering he had not men enough to keep his Forts which he had won, much less to store them, fearing also jest the Spaniard which hath Dominions near adjoining should renew his forces, or the Savages should prevail against the French men, unless his Majesty would sand thither, he resolved to raze them. And indeed, after he had assembled, and in the end persuaded all the Savage kings so to do, they caused their subjects to run thither with such affection, that they overthrew all the three Forts flat even with the ground in one day. The three Forts r●●ed. This done by Gourgues, that he might return to his Ships which were left in the River of Sey●e called Tacatacourou, fifteen leagues distant from thence, he sent Caze●roue and the artillery by water: afterward with fourscore harquebusiers, armed with corsi●ts, and matches light, followed with forty Mariners bearing pikes, by reason of the small confidence he was to have in so many Savages, he marched by land always in battle ray, finding the ways covered with Savages, Great honour done by the Savages to 〈◊〉. which came to honour him with presents and praises, as the deliverer of all the countries round about adjoining. An old woman among the rest said unto him, that now she cared not any more to dye, since she had seen the Frenchmen once again in Florida, and the Spaniards chased out. Briefly being arrived, and finding his ships set in order, and every thing ready to set sail, he counseled the kings to continued in the amity and ancient league which they had made with the king of France, which would defend them against all Nations: which they all promised, shedding tears because of his departure. Olotorara especially: for appeasing of whom he promised them to return within twelve Moons, (so they count the years) and that his king would sand them an army, Knives in great estimation. and store of knives for presents, and all other things necessary. So that after he had taken his leave of them, and assembled his men● he thanked God of all his success since his se●ting forth, and prayed to him for an happy return. The third of May 1568. all things were made ready, The third of May. the Rendez-nous appointed, and the Ankers weighed to set sail so prosperously, that in seventeen days they ran eleven hundred leagues: continuing which course they arrived at Rochel the sixt of june, The arrival of Gourgues at Rochel the sixt of june. the four and thirtieth day after their departure from the River of May, having lost but a small Pinnace and eight men in it, with a few gentlemen and others which were slain in the assaulting of the Forts. After the cheer and good entertainment which he received of those of Rochel, he sailed to Bordeaux to inform Monsieur Monluc of the things above mentioned, albeit he was advertised of eighteen Pinnesses, and a great Ship of two hundred Tons full of Spanyardes, which being assured of the defeat in Florida, and that he was at Rochel, came as far as Che-de Bois, Che-de Bois. the same day that he departed thence, and followed him as far as Blay (but he was got already to Bourdeaux) to make him yield another account of his voyage, then that, where with he made many Frenchmen right glad. The Catholic king being afterward informed that Gourgues could not easily be taken, offered a great sum of money to him that could bring him his head, praying moreover king Charles to do justice on him as of the author of so bloody an act contrary to their alliance and good league of friendship. In so much as coming to Paris to present himself unto the King, to signify unto him the success of his Uoyage, and the means which he had to subdue this whole Country unto his obedience, (wherein he offered to employ his life, and all his goods) he found his entertainment and answer so contrary to his expectation, that in fine he was constrained to hide himself a long space in the Court of Road, about the year 1570 And without the assistance of Precedent Matig●y, in whose house he remained certain days, and of the Receiver of Vacquieulx, which always was his faithful friend, he had been in great danger. Which grieved not a little Dominique de Gourgues, considering the services which he had done aswell unto him as to his predecessors kings of France. He● was born in Mount Marsan in Guyenne, and employed for the service of the most Christian Kings in all the Armies made since these twenty five or thirty years: The birth, life and death of captain Gourgues. at last he had the charge and honour of a Captain, which in a place near unto Siene, with thirty Soldiers sustained the brunt of a part of the Spanish Army, by which being taken in the assault, and having all his men cut in pieces, he was put into a Galley in token of the good war and singular favour which the Spaniard is wont to show us. But as the Galley was going toward Sicillie, being taken by the Turks, led away to Rhodes, and thence to Constantinople, it was shortly afterward recovered by Romeguas, commander over the Army of Malta. By this mean returning home, he made a Uoyage on the coast of Africa, whence he took his course to Bresil, and to the South Sea. At length being desirous to repair the honour of France, he set upon Florida with such success as you have herded. So that being become by his continual warlike actions both by Land and Sea no less valiant Captain then skilful Mariner, he hath made himself feared of the Spaniard, and acceptable unto the Queen of England for the desert of his virtues. To conclude, he died in the year 1582. to the great grief of such as known him. The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard, which sir Francis Drake brought from Saint Augustine's in Florida, where he had remained six years, touching the state of those parts, taken from his mouth by Master Richard Hakluyt 1586. THree score leagues up to the Northwest from Saint Helena are the mountains of the gold and Crystal Mines, named Apalatci. The river of Wateri is thirty leagues from S. Helena Northward, Wateri which is able to receive any Fleet of ships of great burden. a goodly river. Wateri and Caiowa are two kings, and two rivers to the North of Saint Helena. Kings and Rivers to the South of Saint Helena. Oriston, Ahoia, Ahoiave, Isamacon, Icosa or Dicosa The Spaniards have killed three hundred of the subjects of Potanou. The greatest number of Spaniards that have been in Florida this six years, was three hundred, and now they were but two hundred in both the Forts. There is a great City sixteen or twenty days journey from Saint Helena Northwestward, which the Spaniards call La grand Copal, La grand Copa● a rich city. which they think to be very rich and exceeding great, and have been within the sight of it, some of them. They have offered in general to the King to take no wages at all of him, if he will give them leave to discover this city, and the rich mountains, and the passage to a sea or mighty Lake which they hear to be within four and twenty days travel from Saint Helena, which is in 32. degrees of latitude: and is that river which the French called Port-royal. He says also that he hath seen a rich Diamond which was brought from the mountains that lie up in the country Westward from S. Helena. These hills seem wholly to be the mountains of Apalatci, whereof the Savages advertised Laudonn●ere, and it may be they are the hills of Chaunis Temoatam, which Master Lane had advertisement of. The relation of Nicholas Burgoignon, aliâs Holy, whom sir Francis Drake brought from Saint Augustine also in Florida, where he had remained six years, in mine and Master Heriots' hea●ing. THis Nicholas Burgoignon saith, that between S. Augustine and S Helen there is a Casique whose name is Casicôla, which is lord of ten thousand Indians, and another casique whose name is Dicasca, and another called Touppekyn toward the North, and a fourth named Potanou toward the South, and another called Moscita toward the South likewise. Besides these he acknowledgeth Oristou, Ahoia, Ahoiave, Isamacon, alleged by the Spaniard. He further affirmeth, that there is a city Northwestward from S. Helenes in the mountains, which the Spaniards call La grand Copal, and is very great and rich, and that in these mountains there is great store of Crystal, gold, and Rubies, and Diamonds: And that a Spaniard brought from thence a Diamond which was worth five thousadd crowns, which Pedro Melendes the marquess nephew to old Pedro Melendes that slay Ribault, & is now governor of Florida, weareth. He says also, that to make passage unto these mountains, it is needful to have store of Hatchets to give unto the Indians, and store of Pickares to break the mountains, which shine so bright in the day in some places, that they cannot behold them, and therefore they travel unto them by night. Also corflets of Cotton, which the Spaniards call Zecopitz, are necessary to be had against the arrows of the Savages. He saith farther, that a Tun of the sassafras of Florida is sold in Spain for sixty ducats: and that they have there great store of Turkey cocks, of Beans, of Peason, and that there are great store of pearls. The things, as he reporteth, that the Floridians make most account of, are read Cloth, or red Cotton to make baudricks or gyrdles: copper, and hatchets to cut withal. The Spaniards have all demanded leave at their own costs, to discover these mountains, which the King denieth, for fear jest the English or French would enter into the same action, once known. All the Spaniards would pass up by the river of Saint Helena unto the mountains of gold and Crystal. The Spaniards entering 50. leagues up Saint Helena, found Indians wearing gold ring's at their nostrils and ears. They found also Oren, O●●n. but less than ours. Sir leagues from Saint Helena toward the North, there is a point that runneth far into the sea, which is the mark to the Seamen to find Saint Helena and Waterin. Waterin is a river forty leagues distant Northward from Saint Helena, where any fleet of great ships may ride safely. I take this river to be that which we call Waren in Virginia, whither a● Christmas l●st 1585. the Spaniards sent a bark with forty men to discover where we were seated: in which bark was Nicholas Burgoignon the reporter of all these things. The Spaniards of S. Augustine have slain three hundred of the subjects of Potanou. One Potassi is neighbour to Potanou. Oratina is he which the French history calleth Olata Outina. Calavai is another casique which they know. SUNDRY VOYAGES MADE FROM Nueva Galicia, and Nueva Viscaia in new Spain, to the 15. Provinces of new Mexico, and to Quivira and Cibola, all situate on the backside of Guastecan, Florida, and Virginia, as far as 37. degrees of Northerly latitude: with a description of the rivers, lakes, cities, towns, nations, fertile soil, and temperate air in those parts; and most certain notice of many exceeding rich siluer-mines, and other principal commodities. A discourse of the famous Cosmographer john Baptista Ramusius, concerning the three voyages of friar Marco de Niça, Francis Vasquez de Coronado, and Ferdinando Alorchon next following: taken out of his third volume of Navigations and Voyages. THe right honourable Don Antonio de Mendoça being sent by Charles the Emperor to be viceroy of Mexico and Nueva Espanna, and having understood that Don Ferdinando Cortes had sent many ships along the coast of Nueva Espanna to discover countries, and to found out the Isles of the Malucos, began himself to desire to do the like, as viceroy of Nueva Espanna; and hereupon they fallen out: for Cortes said that he was general and discoverer of the South sea, and that it belonged to him to set forth those voyages. On the other side, the lord Don Antonio alleged that it belonged to him to make that discovery, as being viceroy of Nueva Espanna. So that they fallen at great variance, and Cortes returned into Spain to complain unto the Emperour● Don Antonio in the mean season having obtained knowledge of the voyage, which Andrew Dorantez (who was one of the company of Pamphilo Naruaez that escaped, as you may read in the relation of Alvaro Nunnez, called Cabeça de Vaca) made; sent Friar Marco de Niça with a Negro of the said Dorantez to discover that country. Which Friar Marco de Niça being returned, & having informed his lordship of all his discovery, he sent captain Francis Vasquez de Coronado with many Spaniards on horseback and Indians on foot● likewise he sent a fleet by sea, whereof Ferdinando Alorchon was captain, as may be seen in the relations following. An extract of a letter of captain Francis Vasques de Coronado, written to a Secretary of the right noble Don Antonio de Mendoça, viceroy of of Nueva Espanna. Dated in Culiacan, the 8. of March 1539. HE says that Friar Marcus de Niça arrived in the Province of Topira, where he found all the Indians fled unto the mountains for fear of the Christians, and that for his sake they came all down to see him, with great joy & boldness. They are men of good making, and whiter than others, and their women are more beautiful than others of the neighbour-provinces. There are no great cities there, yet are the houses built of stone, and are very good, and in them they have great store of gold, Store of gold, silver and precious stones in Topira. which is as it were lost, because they know not what use to put it to. The people wear Emeralds and other precious jewels upon their bodies: they are valiant, having very strong armour made of silver, fashioned after divers shapes of beast. They worship for their gods such things as they have in their houses, as namely herbs, and birds, and sing songs unto them in their language, which differeth but little from that of Culiacan. They told the Friar that they were willing to become Christians, and the Emperor's subjects, for they were without a governor; with condition that no man should hurt them: and that they would change their gold for such things as they wanted. Commandment was given, that they should be received without doing them any displeasure. Near unto this country there is another Province heretofore discovered by our men, where the people go naked without any thing before them: they are very hardly reduced to Christianity, and they are valiant and stout. Their houses are covered with straw. They seek no other riches but to feed cattle. They go at certain seasons to their sacrifices into a valley situate in that Province, which is inhabited with people● esteemed by those of the country as saints and priests, whom they call Chichimecas, which devil in the woods without houses: and they eat such things as they of the country give them of alms. They go naked● and are tanned in the smoke, and tie their privy member with a string unto their knee, and the women likewise go stark naked. They have certain temples covered with straw, with small round windows full of the skulls of dead men; before their temple is a great round ditch, the brim whereof is compassed with the figure of a serpent made of gold and silver, and with another mixture of unknown metals: and this serpent holdeth his tail in his mouth. They of this valley from time to time cast lots, whose luck it shall be to be sacrificed, and they make him great cheer, on whom the lot falls, and with great joy they crown him with flowers upon a bed prepared in the said ditch all full of flowers and sweet herbs, on which they lay him along, and lay great store of dry wood on both sides of him, and set it on fire on either part, and so he dieth. Where he continueth so quietly without being bond, as though he did something, wherein he took great pleasure. And they say that he is a Saint, and do worship him for that year, and sing praises, and Hymns unto him, and afterward set up his head with the rest in order within those windows. Also they sacrifice their prisoners, whom they burn in another deeper ditch, and not with the foresaid ceremonies. The Spanyardes which are in Xalisco writ, that having good assistance, they hope that those people will become Christians. The Country is very good and fruitful, and hath great store of good and wholesome waters. A Letter of Francis Vazquez de Coronado, Governor of Nueva Galicia, to the lord Don Antonio de Mendoça, Viceroy of Nueva Espanna. Dated in Saint Michael of Culiacan the 8. of March, 1539. Of the hard passage from Saint Michael of Culiacan to Topira. The description of that Province, and of another near unto the same, very rich in gold and precious stones● The number of the people which Vazquez carried with him in his journey thither; and how greatly Friar Marcus of Niça is honoured by the Indians of Petailan. BY the help of God I mean to set forward from this City of S. Michael of Culiacan toward Topira the 10. of April: neither can I any sooner set forward, because the powder and match which your Lordship sendeth me, cannot he brought thither before that time, and I think it be now in Compostella. Besides this, I am to pass many leagues over mighty high mountains, which reach up to the skies, and over a River, which at this present is so big and swollen, that it can in no place be waded over. And if I departed at the time aforesaid, they say we may wade over it. They told me that from hence to Topira was not above 50. leagues● and I have learned since that it is above fourscore leagues. I do not remember that I have written to your Lordship the information which I have of Topira: Top●ra. and though I had written thereof unto you, yet because that since that time I have learned something more, I think it meet to signify the same unto your Lordship in these my letters. It may please your honour therefore to understand, that they tell me, that Topira is a very populous Province, lying between two rivers, and that there are above 50. inhabited towns therein. And that beyond the same there is another Country greater than it, Another greater Province. the name whereof the Indians could not tell me, wherein there is great store of victuals of Maiz, French peason, Ariosto or Pepper, Melons, and Gourds, and great store of Hens of the country. The people wear on their body's gold, Emeralds, and other precious stones, and are served commonly in gold and silver, wherewith they cover their houses: and the chief men wear great chains of gold well wrought, about their necks, and are appareled with painted garments, and have store of wild cows; and they say they enter not into their country, because themselves have no great store of people: Those man seem to be the Pini●●● ever one ●●●rier Marcus de Ni●a in his 2. Chap. these Indians being many in number, and very valiant. That which here I say, I learned by two other relations of Indians dwelling near unto them. I mean to set forward at the tune before mentioned, and I carry with me 150. horsemen, and twelve spare horses, and 200. footmen, cross bowmen, and gunner's. I take also with me live hogs, sheep, and all such things as I can get for money: assure your Lordship that I mean not to return to Mexico, until I be able to inform your honour more perfectly, what the state of that place is: and if I found ouch: that we may do good in, I will stay there, until I have advertised your Lordship, that you may command what you will have done: and if it fall out so unluckily, that there be nothing of importance, I will seek to discover 100 leagues farther, wherein (I hope in God) there will be something found in which your Lordship may employ all these gentlemen, and those which shall come hither thereafter. I think I cannot choose but stay there: and the waters, the seasons, and disposition of the country, and other accidents will direct me what is best to be done. Friar Marco de Niça entered a good way into the country, accompanied with Stephan Dorantez● the 7. of February last passed: when I departed from them, I left them with above 100 Indians of Petatlan● and and from the time of their coming thither they greatly honoured the father, showing him all the courtesies they could possibly. I cannot sand you, nor describe unto you his entrance among them better than I have done in all my relations which I written in my letters from Composteila, and I signified unto you all things to the full from the city of S. Michael: and though there be but the tenth part of these things, it is a great matter. Herewithal I have sent your Lordship a Letter, which I received from the said father: the Indians tell me, that all the people of the country do greatly reverence him: and I believe he may travel many leagues farther in that sort. He says, that if he find any good country, he will writ to me thereof: I will not go thither without informing your Lordship of my journey. I hope in God, that by one way or other we shall discover some good thing. A Letter written by the most honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça, Viceroy of Nueva Espanna, to the Emperor's Majesty. Of certain Noblemen which sought to discover the end of the firm land of Nueva Espanna toward the North. The arrival of Vazquez de Coronado with Friar Marco at S. Michael of Culiacan, with commission to the Governors of those parts, to pacific the Indians, and not to make them slaves any more. IN the ships that went last from hence (whereof Michael de Vsnago was Admiral) I written unto your Majesty, how I had sent two Franciscan Friars to discover the end of this firm land, which stretcheth to the North. And because their journey fallen out to greater purpose than was looked for, I w●l declare the whole matter from the beginning. It may please your Majesty to call to mind how often I written unto your Highness, that I desired to know the end of this Province of Nueva Espanna, because it is so great a country, and that we have yet no knowledge thereof. Neither had I only this desire; for Nunno de Guzman departed out of this city of Mexico with 400. horsemen, and 14000. Indians footmen born in these India's, being the best men, & the best furnished, which have been seen in these parts: and he did so little with them, that the most part of them were consumed in the enterprise, & could not enter nor discover any more than already was discovered. After this the said Nunno Guzman being Governor of Nueva Galicia, sent Captains and Horsemen forth divers times, which sped no better than he had done. Likewise the Marquis de valle Hernando Cortes sent a captain with 2. ships to discover the coast: which 2● ships and the captain perished. After that he sent again 2. other ships, one of the which was divided from her consore, and the Master and certain mariners slew the captain, & usurped over the ship. After this they came to an Island, This was the Port of Santa Cruz in the Isle of California. where the Master with certain mariners going on land, the Indians of the country slay them, and took their boat: and the ship with those that were in it, returned to the coast of Nueva Galicia, where it ran on ground. By the men which came home in this ship, the Marquis had knowledge of the country which they had discovered: and then, either for the discontentment which he had with the bishop of Saint Domingo, and with the judges of this royal audience in Mexico, or rather because of his so prosperous success in all things here in Nueva Espanna, without seeking any farther intelligence of the state of that Island, he set forward on that voyage with 3. Ships, and with certain footmen and horsemen, not thoroughly furnished with things necessary; which fallen c●t so contrary to his expectation, that the most part of the people which he carried with him, died of hunger. And although he had ships, and a Country very near him abounding with victuals, yet could he never find means to conquer it, but rather it seemed, that God miraculously did hide it from him: and so he returned home without achieving aught else of moment. After this, having here in my company Andrew Dorantez, which is one of those who were in the voyage of Panphilo Narua●ez, I often was in hand with him, supposing that he was able to do your: Majesty great service, to employ him with forty or fifty horses, to search out the secret of those parts, and having provided all things necessary for his journey, and spent much money in that behalf, the matter was broken off, I wots not how, and that enterprise was given 〈◊〉. Yet of the things which were provided for that purpose, I had left me a Negro, which returned from the foresaid voyage of Naruaez with Dorantez, and certain slaves which I had bought, and certain Indians which I had gathered together, who were born in those North parts, whom I sent, with Friar Marco de Niça, and his companion a Franciscan Friar, because they had been long traveled, and exercised those parts, and had great experience in the affairs of the Indies, and were men of good life and conscience, for whom I obtained leave of their superiors: and so they went with Francis Vazquez de Coronado, governor of Nueva Galicia unto the City of Saint Michael of Culiacan, which is the last Province subdued by the Spaniards toward that quarter, being two hundred leagues distant from this City of Mexico. assoon as the governor, and the Friars were come unto that City, he sent certain of those Indians which I had given him, home into their Country, to signify, and declare to the people of the same. That they were to understand, that your Majesty had commanded they should not hereafter ●e● made slaves, and that they should not be afraid and more, but might return unto their houses, and live peaceably in them, (for before that time they had been greatly troubled by the evil dealings which were used toward them) and that your Majesty would 'cause them to be chastened, which were the causes of their veration. With these Indians about twenty days after returned about 400. men; which coming before the governor said unto him, that they came on the behalf of all their Countrymen, to tell him, that they desired to see and know those men which did them so great a pleasure as to suffer them to return to their houses, and to sow Maiz for their sustenance: for by the space of many years they were driven to flee into the mountains, hiding themselves like wild beasts, for fear left they should be made slaves, and that they and all the rest of their people were ready to do whatsoever should be commanded them. Whom the governor comforted with good words, and gave them victuals, and stayed them with him three or four days, wherein the Friars taught them to make the sign of the Cross, and to learn the name of our Lord jesus Christ, and they with great diligence sought to learn the same. After these days he sent them home again, willing them not to be afraid, but to be quiet, giving them apparel beads, knives, and other such like things, which I had given him for such purposes. The said Indians departed very well pleased, and said, that whensoever he would sand for them, there and many others would come to do whatsoever he would command them. The entrance being thus prepared, Friar Marco and his companion, with the Negro and other slaves, and Indians which I had given him, went forward on their voyage 10. or 12. days after. And because I had likewise advertisement of a certain Province called Topira situate in the mountaines● and had appointed the governor Vazquez de Coronado, that he should use means to learn the state thereof; he supposing this to be a matter of great moment, determined himself to go and search it, having agreed with the said Friar, that he should return by that part of the mountain, to meet with him in a certain valley called Valle de los Coraçones, Valle de los Corazones mentioned by Vasquez de Coronado cap. 1. being 120. leagues distant from Culiacan. The governor traveling into this Province (as I have written in my former letters) found great scarcity of victuals there, and the mountains so craggy, that he could find no way to pass forward, and was enforced to return home to Saint Michael: so that aswell in choosing of the entrance, as in not being able to find the way, it seemeth unto all men, that God would shut up the gate to all those, which by strength of human force have go about to attempt this enterprise, and hath reue●led it to a poor and barefooted friar. And so the Friar began to enter into the Land, who because he found his entrance so well prepared, was very well received; and because he written the whole success of his voyage, according to the instruction which I had given him to undertake the same, I will not writ any more at large, but sand your Majesty this copy of all such things as he observed in the same. A relation of the reverend father Friar Marco de Niça, touching his discovery of the kingdom of Cevola or Cibola, situate about 30. degrees of latitude, to the North of Nueva Espanna Chap. I Friar Marco de Niça departeth from Saint Michael in the Province of Culiacan, standing in 24. degrees of Northerly latitude: and coming to the Town of Petatlan, received many courtesies of the Indians there. Departing from thence, he had information of many Islands, and of a great country inhabited with civil people; he cometh to Vacupa: where during his abode, he herded news of Cevola, and of the state of the 7. Cities, and of other provinces, & of the rich Islands of pearls, which extend north ward upon the coast. I friar Marco de Niça of the order of S. Francis, for the execution of the instruction of the right honourable lord Don Antonio de Mendoça, Uiceroy and captain General for the Emperor's Majesty in New Spain, departed from the town of S. Michael in the province of Culiacan on Friday the 7. of March, in the year 1539● having for my companion Friar Honoratus, and carrying with me Stephan a Negro, belonging to Andrew Dorantez, and certain of those Indians which the said lord Uiceroy had made free, and bought for this purpose: whom Francis Vazquez de Coronado governor of Nueva Galicia delivered me, and with many other Indians and Petatlan, and of the town called Cuchillo, which is some 50. leagues from Petatlan, who came to the valley of Culiacan, showing themselves to be exceeding glad, because they were certified by the Indians which had been set free, whom the said governor had sent before to advertise them of their liberty, that none of them from thence forth should be made slaves, and that no man should invade them, nor use them badly; signifying unto them, that the Emperor's Majesty had willed and commanded that it should be so. With the foresaid company I went on my voyage until I came to the town of Petatlan, Petatlan a town. finding all the way great entertainment, and provision of victuals, with roses, flowers, and other such things, and bowers which they made for me of chalk and boughs plaited together in all pieces where there were no houses. In this town of Petatlan I rested 3. days, because my companion Honoratus fallen so sick, that I was constrained to leave him there behind. Then, according to my said instruction, I followed my journey as the holy Ghost did leave me, without any merit of mine, having in my company the said Stephan the Negro of Dorantez, and certain of the Indians which had been set at liberty, and many of the people of the country, which gave me great entertainment and welcome in all places where I came, and made me bowers of trees, giving me such victuals as they had, although they were but small: because (as they said) it had not reigned there in 3 years, and because the Indians of this country sought means rather to hide themselves, then to sow corn, sore fear of the Christians of the town of S. Michael, which were wont to make inroads even to that place, and to war upon them, and to carry them away captives. In all this way, which may be about 25 or 30. leagus from that part of Petatlan, I see nothing worthy the noting, save that there came to seek me certain Indians from the Island, where Fernando Cortes the Marquis of the valley had been, of whom I was informed, that it was an island, The Island of 〈…〉. & not firm land, as some suppose it to be. They came to that firm land upon certain rafts of wood: and from the main to the island is but half a league by sea, little more or less. Likewise certain Indians of another island greater than this came to visit me, which island is farther off, of whom I was informed that there were 30. other small islands, A great island, and 30. small islands, which serve to be the new islands of California rich in pearls. which were inhabited, but had small store of victuals, saving 2. which have Maiz or corn of the country. These Indians had about their necks many great shells which were mother of Pearl. I showed them pearls which I carried with me for a show, and they told me that there were in the Islands great store of them, and those very great: howbeit I see none of them. I followed my voyage through a desert of 4. days journey, having in my company both the Indians of the islands, & those of the mountains which I had passed, and at the end of this desert I found other Indians which marveled to see me, because they had no knowledge of any Christians, having no traffic nor conversation with those Indians which I had passed, in regard of the great desert which was between them. A desert four days journey. These Indians intermed me exceeding courteously, & gave me great store of victuals, & sought to touch my garments, and called me Hayo●a, which in their language signifieth A man come from heaven. These Indians I advertised by my interpreter, according to my instructions, in the knowledge of our Lord God in heaven, & of the Emperor. In these countries & in all places else by all ways and means possible, I sought information where any countries were of more Cities and people of civility and understanding, than those which I had found; and I could hear no news of any such: howbeit they told me, that four or five days journey within the Country, This was the 〈…〉 at the foo●e of the mountains, there is a large and mighty plain, wherein they told me, that there were many great Towns, and people clad in Cotton: and when I showed them certain: Metals which I carried with me, to learn what rich Metals were in the Land, they took the mineral of Gold and told me, that thereof were vessels among the people of that plain, and that they carried certain round green stones hanging at their nostrils, and at their cares, and that they have certain thin plates of that Gold, where with they scrape off their swea●, and that the walls of their Temples are covered therewith, and that they use it in all their household vessels. And because this Ualley is distant from the Sea-coast, and my instruction was not to leave the Coast, I determined to leave the discovery thereof until my return; at which time I might do it more commodiously. Thus I traveled three days journey through Towns inhabited by the said people, of whom I was received as I was of those which I had passed, and came unto a Town of reasonable bigness, called Vacupa, Vacupa a town 4●. leagues from 〈◊〉 Barnes of 〈◊〉. where they showed me great courtesies, and gave me great store of good victuals, because the soil is very fruitful, and may be watered. This Town is forty leagues distant from the Sea. And because I was so far from the Sea, it being two days before Passion Sunday, I determined to stay there until Easter, to inform myself of the Islands, whereof I said before that I had information. And so I sent certain Indians to the Sea by three several ways, whom I commanded to bring me some Indians of the Sea-coast and of some of those Islands, that I might receive information of them: and I sent Stephan Doramez the Negro another way, whom I commaunted to go directly Northward fifty or threescore leagues, to see if by that way he might learn any news of any notable thing which we sought to discover, and I agreed with him, that if he found any knowledge of any peopled and rich Country which were of great importance, that he should go no further, but should return in person, or should send me certain Indians with that token which we were agreed upon, to wit, that if it were but a mean thing, he should send me a white Cross of one handful long; and if it were any great matter, one of two handfuls long; and if it were a Country greater and better than Nueva Espanna, he should sand me a great cross. So the said Stephan departed from me or Passion-sunday after dinner: and within four days after the messengers of Stephan returned unto me with a great Cross as high as a man, and they brought me word from Stephan, that I should forthwith come away after him, for b● c had found people which gave him information of a very mighty Province, and that he had certain Indians in his company, which had been in the said Province, and that he had sent me one of the said Indians. This Indian told me, that it was thirty days journey from the Town where Stephan was, unto the first City of the said Province, From Vacupa to Cevola are 37 days journey. which is called Cevola. He affirmed also that there are seven great Cities in this Province, all under one Lord, the houses where of are made of lime and Stone, and are very great, and the lest of them with one loft above head, and some of two and of three lostes, and the house of the Lord of the Province of four; and that all of them join one unto the other in good order, and that in the gates of the principal houses there are many Turques-stoves cunningly wrought, whereof he saith they have there great plenty: also that the people of this City go very well appareled: and that beyond this there are other Provinces, all which (he saith) are much greater than these seven cities. I gave credit to his speech, because I found him to be a man of good understanding: but I deferred my departure to follow Stephan Dorantes, both because I thought he would stay for me, and also to attend the return of my messengers which I had sent unto the Sea, who returned unto me upon Easter day, bringing with them certain inhabitants of the Sea-coast, and of two of the Islands. Of whom I understood, that the Islands above mentioned were scar of victuals, as I had learned before, and that they are inhabited by people, which wear shells of Pearls upon their foreheads, and they say that they have great Pearls, and much Gold. Great pearls and 〈◊〉 gold in the Isle of California which he is in number. They informed me of four and thirty Islands, lying one near unto another: they say that the people on the Sea-coast have small store of victuals, as also those of the Islands, and that they traffic me with the other upon raf●es. This coast stretcheth Northward as is to be seen. These Indians of the Coast brought me certain Targets made of Cow-hydes very well dressed, which were so large, that they covered them from the head to the very foot, with a hoy in the stop of the same to look out before: they are so strong, that a Crossbow (as I suppose) will not pierce them. Chap. 2. He hath new information of the seven Cities by certain Indians called Pintadoes, and of three other kingdoms called Marata, Acus, and Totonteac, being Countries very rich in Turqueses and Hides of cattle. Following his voyage through those countries, he taketh possession thereof for the Emperor's Majesty, and of the Indians is much honoured and served with victuals. THe same day came three Indians of those which I called Pintadoes, because I see their faces, breasts and arms painted. These dwell farther up into the country towards the East, and some of them border upon the seven cities, which said they came to see me, because they had herded of me: and among other things, they gave me information of the seven cities, and of the other Provinces, which the Indian that Stephan sent me had told me of, almost in the very same manner that Stephan had sent me word; and so I sent back the people of the sea-coast: and two Indians of the Islands said they would go with me seven or eight days. So with these and with the three Pintadoes above mentioned, I departed from Vacupa upon Easter tuesday, the same way that Stephan went, from whom I received new messengers with a Cross of the bigness of the first which he sent me: which hastened me forward, and assured me that the land which I sought for, was the greatest and best country in all those parts. The said messengers told me particulary without failing in any one point, all that which the first messenger had told me, and much more, and gave me more plain information thereof. So I traveled that day being Easter tuesday, and two days more, the very same way that Stephan had go: at the end of which 3 days they told me, that from that place a man might travel in thirty days to the city of Cevola, which is the first of the seven. Neither did one only tell me thus much, but very many; who told me very particularly of the greatness of the houses, and of the fashion of them, as the first messengers had informed me. Also they told me, that besides these seven Cities, there are 3. other kingdoms which are called Marata, Acus, and Totonteac. I inquired of them wherefore they traveled so far from their houses? They said that they went for Turqueses, and Hides of cows, and other things; and that of all these there was great abundance in this Country. Likewise I inquired how, and by what means they obtained these things? They told me, by their service, and by the sweat of their brows, and that they went unto the first city of the Province which is called Cevola, and that they served them in ●illing their ground, and in other businesses, and that they give them Hides of oxen, which they have in those places, and turquoises for their service, and that the people of this city wear very fine and excellent turquoises hanging at their ears and at their nostrils. They say also, that of these turquoises they make fine works upon the principal gates of the houses of this city. They told me, that the apparel which the inhabitants of Cevola wear, is a gown of cotton down to the foot, with a button at the neck, and a long string hanging down at the same, and that the sleeves of these gowns are as broad beneath as above. They say, they gird themselves with gyrdles of turquoises, and that over these coats some wear good apparel, others hides of cows very well dressed, which they take to be the best apparel of that country, whereof they have there great quantity. Likewise the women go appareled, and covered down to the foot. These Indians gave me very good entertainment, and curiously enquir●d the day of my departure from Vacupa, that at my return they might provide me of food and lodging. They brought certain sick folks before me, that I might heal them, and sought to touch my apparel, and gave me certain Cow-hydes so well trimmed and dressed, that by them a man might conjecture that they were wrought by civil people, and all of them affirmed, that they came from Cevola. Another village. The next day I followed my journey, and carrying with me the Pintadoes, I came another village where I was well received by the people of the same: who likewise sought to touch my garments, and gave me as particular knowledge of the Land aforesaid, as I had received of those which meet me before: and also told me, that from that place certain people were go with Stephan Dorantez four or five days journey. And here I found a great cross, which Stephan had left me for a sign, that the news of the good Country increased, and left word, that with all haste they should send me away, and that he would stay for me at the end of the first Desert that he met with. here I set up two Crosses, and took possession according to mine instruction, because that the Country seemed better unto me than that which I had passed, and that I thought it meet to make an act of possession as far as that place. In this manner I travailed five days, always finding inh●b●ted places 〈…〉 and intertainments, and many Turqueses, and Ore-hides, and the like report 〈…〉 country. here I understood, that after two days journey I should find a desert where the●● is no food: but that there were certain g●●e before to build me lodgings, and to 〈…〉 for me: whereupon I hastened my way, hoping to find Stephan at the end thereof, because 〈◊〉 that place he had left word that he would stay for me. Before I came to the desert, I 〈◊〉 with a very pleasant Town, by reason of great store of waters conveyed 〈…〉 the same. here I me●te with many people both men and women clothed in Cotton, and som● covered with Ore-hydes, which generally they take for better apparel than tha● of cotto●● 〈◊〉 the people of this village go in Caconadoes, that is to say, with Turqueses hanging at 〈◊〉 nostrils and ears: which Turqueses they call Cacona. Among others, the Lord 〈◊〉 village came unto me, and two of his brethren very well appareled in Cotton, who 〈…〉 in Caconadoes, each of them having his collar of Turqueses about his neck: and the● 〈◊〉 unto me many wild beasts, as Coneys, Quails, Ma●, nuts of Pine trees, and 〈◊〉 great abundance, and offered me many Turqueses, and dressed Ore-hydes, and very 〈◊〉 vessels to drink in, and other things● whereof I would receive no ● h●●. 〈…〉 garment of grey clot, which in Spain is called ●uago●●, the Lord of this village, and the other Indians touched my gown with these hands, and ●olde me, that of such Cloth th●●● was great store in Totonteac, and that the people of that Country wore the same. Whereas I laughed, and said that it was nothing else bu● such apparel of Cotton as they wore. And they replied: We would have thee think that we understand, that that apparel which then wearest, and that which we wear are of divers sorts. Understand than, that in Cevola all the ●●●se● are full of that apparel which we wear, but in Totonteac there are certain little beasts, from whom they take that thing wherewith such apparel as thou wearest● is made. I prayed them to inform me more plainly of this matter. And they told me that the said beasts were ●bout the bigness of the two branches or spaniels which Stephan carried with him, and 〈◊〉 sa● that there is great store of that cattle in Totonteac. Chap. 3. He entereth into a desert, and the Indians suffer him to want nothing necessary. Follow●●● his Voyage, he cometh into a fertile valley, and hath certain knowledge given 〈◊〉 (as he had before) of the state of Cevola, and of Totonteac; and that the coast o● th● 〈◊〉 35. degrees trendeth much to the Westward: and also of the kingdoms of M●●●● and A●●●●. THe next day I entered into the Desert, and where I was ●o ●i●e, I found ●●●ers mad● and victuals in abundance by a rivers' side; and at night I found bowers and victuals in like sort, and after that manner I found for 4. days travel: all which ●ime the wilderness continueth. At the end of these four days, I entered into a valley very well inhabited with people. At the first village there me●te me many men and women with victuals, and al● of them ha● Turqueses hanging at their nostrils and ears, and some had collars of turquoises like th●se which the Lord of the village before I came to the Desert, and his two brethren wore; sa●●●g th●t th●y ware them but single about their necks, and these people wear them three or four times d●●ble, and go in good apparel, and skins of Or●●: and the women wear of the said Turqueses at their nostrils and ears, and very good waistcoats and other garments. here there was as great knowledge of Cevola, as in N●e●a Espann● of Te●i●●●n, and in Pe●u of 〈◊〉 and they told us particularly the manner of their houses, lodgings, streets and market-places, 〈◊〉 men that had been oftentimes there, and as those which were furnished from thence with thing necessary for the service of their household, as th●se also had ●●ne● which I already had 〈◊〉 I told them it was impossible that the houses would be made in such sort as they informed 〈◊〉, and they for my better understanding took earth or a●●●s, and powered water thereupon, 〈◊〉 showed me how they laid stones upon it, and how the building gr●we up, as they 〈◊〉 ●a●ing stones thereon, until it mounted a●●●. I asked them whether the m●n of that Country ●●wings to m●● it up unto those lo●●es: wher● 〈◊〉 they laughed, and s●●wed me a Lad●●● in agood sort as I myself was able to describe it. Then they took a staff and 〈◊〉 ●t over their heads, and said that the l●fte were so high and above another. Likewise heer● I 〈◊〉 formation of the woollen clot of Totonteac, where they say are houses like those of Cevola, and better and more in number, and that it is a great Province, and hath no governor. Here I understood that the coast of the sea trended much toward the West: for unto the entrance of this first desert which I passed, the coast still stretched Northward: and because the trending of the coast is a thing of great importance, I was desirous to know and see it: and I see plainly, that in 35. degrees the coast stretcheth to the West, This graduation is mistaken by 6. or ●. degrees at the 〈◊〉. whereat I rejoiced no less, then of the good news within land, and so I returned back to proceed on my journey. Through the foresaid valley I travailed five days journey, which is inhabited with goodly people, and so aboundeth with victuals, that it sufficeth to feed above three thousand horsemen: it is all well watered and like a garden: the burroughss and towns are half and a quarter of a league long, and in all these villages, I found very ample report of Cevola, whereof they made such particular relation unto me, as people which go yearly thither to earn their living. Here I found a man born in Cevola, who told me that he came thither, having escaped from the governor or Lieutenant of the town; for the Lord of these seven Cities liveth and abideth in one of those towns called Ahacus, and in the rest he appointeth lieutenants under him. This townsman of Cevola is a white man of a good complexion, somewhat well in years, and of far greater capacity than the inhabitants of this valley, or then those which I had left behind me. He said that he would go with me, that I might beg his pardon: and of him I learned many particulars: he told me that Cevola was a great City, inhabited with great store of people, and having many Streets and Market-places: and that in some parts of this City there are certain very great houses of five stories high, wherein the chief of the City assemble themselves at certain days of the year. He sayeth that the houses are of lime and Stone, according as others had told me before, and that the gates, and small pillars of the principal houses are of Turqueses, and all the vessels where in they are served, and the other ornaments of their houses were of gold: and that the other six Cities are built like unto this, whereof some are bigger: and that Ahacus is the chiefest of them. He saith that toward the Southeast there is a kingdom called Marata, Marata lieth toward the Southeast. and that there were wont to be many, and those great Cities, which were all built of houses of Stone, with divers lofts; and that these have and do wage war with the Lord of the seven cities, through which war this kingdom of Marata is for the most part wasted, although it yet continueth and maintaineth war against the other. ●ot●nteac lieth ●est. Likewise he says, that the kingdom called Totanteac lieth toward the West, which he says is a very mighty Province, replenished with infinite store of people and riches: and that in the said Kingdom they wear woollen clot like that which I wear, and other finer sorts of woollen clot made of the fleeces of those beasts which they described before unto me; and that they are a very civil people. Moreover he told me, that there is another great Province and kingdom called Acus; for there is Acus, and Ahacus with an aspiration, which is the principal of the seven cities: and Acus without an aspiration is a kingdom and Province of itself. He told me also, that the apparel which they wear in Cevola is after the same manner as they before had certified me, and that all the inhabitants of the City lie upon beds raised a good height from the ground, with quiles and canopies over them, which cover the said Beds: and he told me that he would go with me to Cevola and farther also, if I would take him with me. The like relation was given unto me in this town by many others, but not so particularly. I traveled three days journey through this valley: the inhabitants whereof made me exceeding great cheer and entertainment. In this valley I see above a thousand Oxe-hides most excellently trimmed and dressed. And here also I see far greater store of Turqueses and chains made thereof, then in all places which I had passed; and they say, that all cometh from the city of Cevola, whereof they have great knowledge, as also of the kingdom of Marata, and of the kingdoms of Acus and Totonteac. Chap. 4. Of a very great beast with one horn upon his forehead; and of the courtesies which the Indians showed Friar Marcus of Niça, in his Voyage. Also how cruelly Stephan Dorantez and his companions were used upon their arrival at Cevola, by the Lord thereof. A mighty beast with one horn. HEre they showed me an hide half as big again as the hide of a great ox, and told me that it was the skin of a beast which had but one horn upon his forehead, & that this horn bendeth toward his breast, and that out of the same goeth a point right forward, wherein he hath so great strength, that it will break any thing how strong so ever it be, if he run against it, and that there are great store of these beasts in that Country. The colcur of the hide is of the colcur of a great Goatskin, and the hair is a finger thick. Here I had messengers from Stephan which brought me word, that by this time he was come to the farthest part of the desert, and that he was very joyful, because the farther he went, the more perfect knowledge he had of the greatness of the country, and sent me word, that since his departure from me, he never had found the Indians in any lie; for even unto that very place he had found all in such manner as they had informed him, & hoped that he should found the like at his arrival in the valley which he was going unto, as he had found in the villages before passed. I set up crosses, and used those acts and ceremonies, which were to be done according to my instructions. The inhabitants requested me to stay here three or four days, because that from this place there were four days journey unto the desert, and from the first entrance into the same desert unto the city of Cevola are 15 great days journey more; Fifteen D●●●● journey from the end of the desert to Cevola or Ciu●l● also that they would provide victuals for me and other necessaries for that voyage. Likewise they told me, that with Stephan the Negro were go above 300 men to bear him company, and to carry victuals after him, and that in like sort many of them would go with me to serve me, because they hoped to return home rich. I thanked them, and willed them to set things in order with speed, and so I rested there three days, wherein I always informed myself of Cevola, and of as many other things as I could learn, and called many Indians unto me, and examined them severally, and all of them agreed in one tale, and told me of the great multitude of people, and of the order of the streets, of the greatness of the houses, and of the strength of the gates, agreeing altogether with that which the rest before had told me. After three days many assembled themselves to go with me, 30 of the principal of whom I took, being very well appareled, and with chains of turquoises, which some of them wear five or six times double, other people to carry things necessary for them and me, and so set forward on my voyage. Thus I entered into the second desert on the 9 of May, The second desert entered the 9 of May. and traveled the first day by a very broad and beaten way, & we came to dinner unto a water, where the Indians had made provision for me: and at night we came to another water, where I found a house which they had fully made up for me, and another house stood made where Stephan lodged when he passed that way, and many old cottages and many signs of fire which the people had made that traveled to Cevola by this way. In this sort I traveled 12 days journey being always well provided of victuals, Twelve days journey. of wild beasts, Hares, and Partridges of the same colour and taste with those of Spain although they are not so big, for they be somewhat less. Here met us an Indian the son of one of the chief men that accompanied me, which had go before with Stephan, who came in a great f●ight, having his face and body all covered with sweat, and showing exceeding sadness in his countenance; and he told me that a days journey before Stephan came to Cevola he sent his great Mace made of a gourd by his messengers, as he was always wont to sand them before him, that he might know in what sort he came unto them, which gourd had a string of bells upon it, and two feathers one white and another read, in token that he demanded safe conduct, and that he came peaceably. And when they came to Cevola before the Magistrate, which the Lord of the city had placed there for his Lieutenant, they delivered him the said great gourd, who took the same in his hands, and after he had spied the bells, in a great rage and fury he cast it to the ground, and willed the messengers to get them packing with speed, for he known well enough what people they were, and that they should will them in no case to enter into the city, for if they did he would put them all to death. The messengers returned and told Stephan how things had passed, who answered them, that it made no great matter, and would needs proceed on his voyage till he came to the city of Cevola: where he found men that would not let him enter into the town, but shut him into a great house which stood without the city, and strait way took all things from him which he carried to truck and barter with them, and certain turquoises, and other things which he had received of the Indians by the way, and they kept him there all that without giving him meat or drink, and the next day in the morning this Indians was a thirst, and went out of the house to drink at a river that was near at hand, and within little while after he see Stephan running away, and the people followed him, and slay certain of the Indians which went in his company. And when this Indian see these things, he hide himself on the banks of the river, and afterward crossed the high way of the desert. The Indians that went with me hearing these news began incontinently to lament, and I thought these heavy and bad news would cost me my life, neither did I fear so much the loss of mine own life, as that I should not be able to return to give information of the greatness of that Country, where our Lord God might be glorified: and straight way I cut the cords of my budgets which I carried with me full of merchandise for traffic, which I would not dece●●●●h●n, nor give any thing to any mau, and began to divide all that I carried with me a●● 〈◊〉 principal men, willing them not to be afraid, but to go forward with me, and so they 〈◊〉. And going on our way, within a days journey of Cevola we met two other Indians of these which went with Stephan, which were bloody and wounded in many places: and assoon as they came to us, they which were with me began to make great lamentation. These wounded Indians I al●●d ●or Stephan, and they agreeing in all points with the first Indian said, that after they ha● put him into the foresaid great house without giving him meat or drink all that day and all that night, they ●●oke from Stephan all the things which he carried with him. The next day when the Sun was a lanc● high, Stephan went out of ●he house, and some of the ch●●fe men with him, and suddenly came ●●ore of people from the city, whom assoon as he saw he began to run away and we likewise and forthwith they shot at us and wounded us, and certain dead men fallen ●pon us and sow ●y till night and dared not ●●●re, and we herded great rumours in the city, and see many men and women keeping watch and ward upon the walls thereof, and after this we could not see Stephan any more, and we think they have shot him to death, as the● have done all the rest which went with him, so that none are escaped but we only. Chap. 5. The situation and greatness of the City of Cevola, and how friar Marcus took pos●●sli●●. thereof and of other provinces, calling the same The new kingdom of S. Francis, and how after his departure from thence being preserved by God in so dangerous a voyage, he arrived at Compostella in Nueva Galicia. Having considered the former report of the Indians, and the evil means which I had to prosecute my voyage as I desired, I thought it not good wilfully to lose my life as Stephan did; and so I told them, that God would punish those of Cevola, and that the Uiceroy when he should understand what had happened, would sand many Christians to chastise them: but they would not believe me, for they said that no man was able to withstand the power of Cevola. And herewithal I left them, and went aside two or three stones cast, and when I returned I found an Indian of mine which I had brought from Mexico called Marcus, who wept and say●● unto me: Father, these men have consulted to kill us, for they say, that through your and Stephans means their fathers are slain, and that neither man nor woman of them shall remain unslain. Then again I divided among them certain other things which I had, to appease them, whereupon they were somewhat pacified, albeit they s●i●● showed great grief for the people which were slain. I requested some of them to go to Cevola, to see if any other Indian were escaped, with ●●●nt that they might learn some news of Stephan; which I could not obtain at their hands. When I see this, I said unto them, that I purposed to see the city of Cevola, whatsoever came of it. They said that none of them would go with me. At the last when they saw me resolute, two of the chief of them said they would go with me; with whom and with mine Indians and interpreters I followed my way, till I came within sight of Cevola, which is situate on a plain at the foot of a round hill, and maketh show to be a fair city, and is better seated then any that I have seen in these parts. The houses are builded in order, according as the Indians told me, all made of stone with divers stories, and slatte roofes● as far as I could dis●erne from a mountain, whither I ascended to view the city. The people are somewhat white, they we are apparel, and lie in beds their weapons are bows, they have Emeralds and other jewels, although they esteem none so much as turquoises, wherewith they adorn the walls of the porches of their houses, and their apparel and vessels, and they use them in stead of money through all the Country. Their apparel is of cotton of ox hides, and this is their most commendable and honourable apparel. They use vessels of gold and silver, for they have no other metal, whereof there is greater use and more abundance then in Peru, and they buy the same for turquoises in the province of the Pintadoes, where there are said to be mines of great abundance. ●ost rich 〈◊〉 of gold and silver in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ce the 〈◊〉 Of other kingdoms I could not obtain so particular instruction. divers times I was tempered to go thither, because I knew I could but hazard my life, and that I had offered unto God the first day that I began my journey: in the end I began to be afraid, considering in what danger I should put myself, and that if I should dye, the knowledge of this Country should be lost, which in my judgement is the greatest and the best that hitherto hath been discovered: and when I told the chief men, what a goodly 〈◊〉 Cevola seemed unto me, they answered me that it was the lest of the seven cities, and that Totonteac is the greatest and best of them all, Totonteac the greatest ●●d most popul●●●rouince. because it hath so many houses and people, that there is no end of them. Having seen the disposition and situation of the place, I thought good to name that Country El Nuevo reyno de san Francisco: in which place I made a great heap of stones by the help of the Indians, and on the top thereof I set up a small slender cross because I wanted means to make a greater, and said that I set up that cross and heap in the name of the most honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Uiceroy and Captain general of Nueva Espanna, for the Emperor our Lord, in taken of possession, according to mine instruction. Which possession I, said that I took in that place of all the seven cit●es, & of the kingdoms of Totonteac, of Acus, and of Ma●a●a. Thus I returned with much more fear than victuals, and went until I found the people which I had left behind me, with all the speed that I could make, whom I evertooke in two days travel, and went in their company till I had passed the desert, A desert where I was not made so much of as before: for both men and women made great lamentation for the people which were slain at Cevola, and with fear I hastened from the people of this valley, and traveled ten leagues the first day, and so I went daily eight or ten leagues, without staying until I had passed the second desert. A second desert And though I were in fear, yet I determined to go to the great plain, whereof I said before, that I had information, being situate at the foot of the mountains, and in that place I understood, that this plain is inhabited for many days journey toward the East, but I dared not enter into it, considering, that if hereafter we should inhabit this other Country of the seven cities, and the kingdoms before mentioned, that then I might better discover the same, without putting myself in hazard, and leave it for this time, that I might give relation of the things which I had now seen. At the entrance of this plain I saw but seven Towns only of a reasonable bigness, which were a far off in a low valley being very green and a most fruitful soil, out of which ran many Rivers. I was informed that there was much gold in this valley, and that the inhabitants work it into vessels and thin plates, wherewith they strike and take off their sweat, and that they are people that will not suffer those of the other side of the plain to traffic with them, and they could not tell me the cause thereof. Here I set up two crosses, and took possession of the plain and valley in like sort and order, as I did at other places before mentioned. And from thence I returned on my voyage with as much haste as I could make, until I came to the city of Saint Michael in the province of Culiacan, thinking there to have found Francis Vazquez de Coronado governor of Nueva Galicia, and finding him not there, I proceeded on my journey till I came to the City of Compostella, Compostella in 21 degrees of latitude. where I found him. I writ not here many other particularities, because they are impertinent to this matter: I only report that which I have seen, and which was told me concerning the Countries through which I traveled, and of those which I had information of. The relation of Francis Vazquez de Coronado, Captain general of the people which were sent in the name of the emperors majesty to the Country of Cibola newly discovered, which he sent to Don Antonio de Mendoça Viceroy of Mexico, of such things as happened in his voyage from the 22. of April in the year 1540 which departed from Culiacan forward, and of such things as he found in the Country which he passed. Chap. 1. Francis Vazquez departeth with his army from Culiacan, and after divers troubles in his voyage, arriveth at the valley of the people called Los Caracones, which he finds barren of Maiz: for obtaining whereof he sendeth to the valley called The valley of the Lord: he is informed of the greatness of the valley of the people called Caracones, and of the nature of those people, and of certain Islands lying along that coast. THe 22. of the month of April last passed I departed from the province of Culiacan with part of the army, and in such order as I mentioned unto your Lordship, and according to the success I assured myself, by all likelihood that I shall not bring all mine army together in this enterprise: because the troubles have been so great and the want of victuals, that I think all this year will not be sufficient to perform this enterprise, & if it should be performed in so short a time, it would be to the great loss of our people. For as I written unto your Lordship, I was fourscore score days in travailing to Culiacan, This was but 2●0 leagues ●rom Mexico. in all which time I and those Gentlemen my companions which w●re horsemen, carried on our backs and on our horses, a little victual, so that from henceforward we carried none other n●edefull apparel with us, that was above a pound w●ight: and all this notwithstanding, and though we put our s●lues to such a small proportion of victuals which we● carried, for all the order that possibly we could take, we were driven to our shifts. And no marvel, because the way is rough and long: and with the carriage of our Harquebuses down the mountains and hills, and in the passage of Rivers, the greater part of our corue was spoiled. And because I sand your Lordship our voyage drawn in a Map, I will speak no more thereof in this my letter. Friar Ma●●●●●f N●●. Thirty leagues before we arrived at the place which the father provincial told us so well of in his relation, I sent Melchior Di●z before with fifteen horses, giving him order to make but one day's journey of two, because he might examine all things, against mine arrival: who travailed faure d●yes journey through exceeding rough Mountains where he● found neither victuals, nor people, nor information of any things, saving that he found two or three poor little villages, containing 20. or 30. cottages a piece, and by the inhabitants thereof he understood that from thence forward there were nothing but exc●eding rough mountains which ran very far, utterly disinhabited and void of people. And because it was labour lost, I would not writ unto your Lordship thereof. It grieved the whole company, that a thing so highly commended, and whereof the father had mad● so great brags, should be found so contrary, and it made them suspect that all the rest would fall out in like sort. Which when I perceived I sought to encourage them the best I could, telling them that your Lordship always was of opinion, that this voyage was a thing cast away, and that we should fix● our cogitation upon those seven Cities, and other provinces, whereof we had knowledge: that there should be the end of our enterprise: ●nd with this resolution and purpose we all marched che●refully through a very bad way which was not passable but one by one, or else we must force out with Pioners the path which we found, wherewith the Soldiers were not a little offended, finding all that the Friar had said to be quite contrary: for among other things which the father said and affirmed, this was one, that the way was plain and good, and that there was but one small hill of half a league in length. And yet in truth th●re are mountains which although the way were w●ll mended could not be passed without great danger of breaking the horses necks: and the way was such, that of the cattles which your Lordship sent us for the provision of our army we lost a great part in the voyage through the roughness of the rocks. The lambs and sheep lost their hooves in the way: and of those which I brought from Culiacan, I left the greater part at the River of Lachimi, The river of Lachimi. because they could not keep company with us, and because they might come softly after us, four m●n on horseback remained with them which are now come unto us, and have brought us not past four and twenty lambs, and four sheep, for all the rest were dead with travailing through that rough passage, although they travailed but two leagues a day, and rested themselves every day. The valley of the people called Caracones. At length I arrived at the valley of the people called Caracones, the 26. day of the m●neth of May: and from Culiacan until I came thither, I could not help my s●lfe, save only with a great quantity of bread of Maiz: for seeing the Maiz in the fields were not yet ripe, I was constrained to leave them all behind me. In this valley of the Caracones we found more store of people then in any other part of the Country which we had passed, and great store of tillage. But I understood that there was store thereof in another valley called The Lord's valley, V●lle del Se●nor. which I would not disturb with force, but sent thither Melchior Diaz with wares of exchange to procure some, and to give the said Maiz to the Indians our friends which we brought with us, and to some others that had lost their cattle in the way, and were not able to carry their victuals so far which they brought from Culiacan. It pleased God that we gate some small quantity of Maiz with this traffic, whereby certain Indians were relieved and s●me Spaniards. And by that time that we were come to this valley of the Caracones, some ten or twelve of our horse's wer● dead through weariness: for being overcharged with great burdens, and having but little meat, they could not ●ndure the travail. Likewise some of our Negroes and some of our Indians died here; which was no small want unto us for the performance of our ●●t●rprise. They told me that this valley of the Coracones is five days journey from the Western Sea. The valley de lo● Ca●a●ones distant fiu● d●yes journey from the Western ●●a. I sent for the Indians of the Sea coast to understand their estate, and while I stayed for them the horses rested: and I stayed there four days, in which space the Indians of the Sea coast came unto me: which told me, that two days sailing from their coast of the Sea, there were seven or eight Islands right over against them, S●●●n or eigh● Isles, which are the Isles of California. well inhabited with people, but badly furnished with victuals, and were a rude people: And they told me●, that they had se●ne a Ship pass by not far from the shore; A ship seen o● the se● c●●●t. which I wot not what to think whither it were one of those that went to discover the Country, or else a Ship of the Portugals. Chap. 2. They come to Chichilticale: after they had rested themselves two days the●●, they ente● into a Country very barren of victuals, and hard to travail for thirty leagues, beyond which they found a Country very pleasant, and a river called Rio del Lino, they fight with the Indians being assaulted by them, and with victory vanquishing their city, they relieved themselves of their pinching hunger. I Departed from the Caracones, and always kept by the Sea coast as near as I could judge, and in very deed I still found myself the farther off: in such sort that when I arrived at Chichilticale I found myself ten days journey from the Sea: Chichiltic●●● ●● days journey from the se● and the father provincial said that it was only but five leagues distance, and that he had seen the same. We all conceived great grief and were not a little confounded, when we see that we found every thing contrary to the information which he had given your Lordship. The Indians of Chichilticale say, that if at any time they go to the Sea for fish, and other things that they carry, they go traversing, and are ten days journey in going thither. And I am of opinion that the information which the Indians give me should be true. The sea returns toward the West right over against the Coracones the space of ten or twelve leagues. Where I found that your Lordship's ships were seen, which went to discover the haven of Chichilticale, which father Marcus of Niça said to be in five and thirty degrees. This C●i●●i●●icale is indeed but in 28 de●. God knoweth what grief of mind I have sustained: because I am in doubt that some mishap is fallen unto them: and if they follow the coast, as they said they would, as long as their victuals last which they carry with them, whereof I left them store in Culiacan, and if they be n●t fallen into some misfortune, I hope well in God that by this they have made some good discovery, and that in this respect their long staying out may be pardoned. I rested myself two days in Chichilticale, and to have done well I should have stayed longer, in respect that here we found our horses so tired: but because we wanted victuals, we had no leisure to rest any longer: The ●3. o● june. I entered the confines of the desert Country on Saint john's eeve, and to refresh our former travails, the first days we found no grass, but worse way of mountains and bad passages, than we had passed already: and the horses being tired, were greatly molested therewith: so that in this last desert we lost more horses than we had lost before: and some of my Indians which were our friends died, and one Spaniard whose name was Spinosa; and two Negroes, which died with eating certain herbs for lack of victuals. From this place I sent before me one days journey the master of the field Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with fifteen horses to discover the Country, Don Garcia L●pe● de Ca●denas. and prepare our way: wherein he did like himself, and according to the confidence which your Lordship reposed in him. And well I wot he failed not to do his part: for as I have informed your Lordship, it is most wicked way, at lest thirty leagues and more, because they are inaccessible mountains. But after we had passed th●se thirty leagues, we found fresh rivers, and grass like that of Castille, A godly and fruitful country found. and specially of that sort which we call Scaramoio, many Nut trees and Mulberry trees, but the Nut trees differ from those of Spain in the leaf: and there was Flax, but chief ne●re the banks of a certain river which therefore we called El Rio del Lino, Ri● d●l Lin● that is to say, the river of Flax: we found no Indians at all for a days travail, but afterward four Indians came out unto us in peaceable manner, saying that they were sent even to that desert place to signify unto us that we were welcome, and that the next day all the people would come out to meet us on the way with victuals: and the master of the field gave them a cross, willing them to signify to those of their citi● that they should not fear, and they should rather let the people stay in their houses, because I came only in the name of his majesty to defend and aid them. And this done, Fernando Aluarado returned to advertise me, that certain Indians were come unto them in p●aceable manner, and that two of them stayed for my coming with the master of the fi●lde. Whereupon I went unto them and gave them heads and certain short cloaks, willing them to return unto their city, and bid them to stay quiet in their houses, and fear nothing. And this done I sent the master of the field to search whether there were any bad passage which the Indians might keep against us, A wise forecast. and that he should take and defend it until the next day that I should come thither. So he went, and found in the way a very bad passage, where we might have sustained very great harm: wherefore th●re he seated himself with his compan● that w●re with him: and that very night the Indians came to take that passage to defend it, and finding it taken, they assaulted our men th●re, and as they tell me, they assaulted th●m like valiant men; The treason of the Indians. although in the end they recited and fled away; for the master of the field was watchful, and was in order with his company: the Indians in token of retreat sounded on a certain small trumpet, and did no hurt among the Spaniards. Great forecast and diligence of the Campe-ma●●er. The very same night the master of the fi●lde certified me hereof. Whereupon the next day in the best order that I could I departed in so great want of victual, that I thought that if we should stay one day longer without food, we should all p●rish for hunger, especially the Indians, for among us all we had not two bushels of c●rne: wherefore it behoved me to prick forward without delay. The Indians h●re and their made fires, and were answered again afar off as orderly as we for our lives could have done, to give their fellows understanding, how we marched and where we arround. They arrive at the city ●● of ●ibola. assoon as I came within sight of this city of Granada, I sent Don Garcias Lopez Campe-master, friar Daniel, and friar Lewis, and Fernando Vermizzo somewhat before with c●rtaine horesemen to se●ke the Indians and to advertise them that our coming was not to hurt them, but to defend them in the name of the Emperor our Lord, according as his majesty had given us in charge: which message was delivered to the inhabitants of that country by an interpreter. But they like arrogant people made small account thereof; The arrogancy of the people of Cibola. because we seemed very few in their eyes, and that they might destroy us without any difficulty: and they struck friar Lewis with an arrow on the gown, which by the grace of God did him no harm. In the mean space I arrived with all th● rest of the horsemen, and footmen, and found in the fields a great sort of the Indians which began to shoot at us with their arrows: and because I would obey your will and the command of the Marquis, Commandment to use gentleness to the Savages. I would not let my people charge them, forbidding my company, which entreated me that they might s●t upon them, in any wise to provoke them, saying that that which the enemies did was nothing, and that it was not meet to set upon so few people. On the other side the Indians perceiving that we stirred not, took great stomach and courage unto them: insomuch that they came hard to our horses heels to shoot at us with their arrows. Whereupon s●eing that it was now time to stay no longer, and that the Friars also were of the same opinion, I set upon them without any danger: for suddenly they fled part to the city which was near and well fortified, and other into th● field, which way they could shifted: and some of the Indians were slain, and more had been if I would have suffered them to have been pursued. But considering that hereof we might reap but small profit, because the Indians that were without, were few, and those which were retired into the city, with them which stayed within at the first were many, There were 800 men within the town. Goma●a, Hist. gen. cap. 213. where the victuals were whereof we had so great need, I assembled my people, and divided them as I thought best to assault the city, and I compassed it about: and because the famine which we sustained suffered no delay, myself with certain of these gentlemen and soldiers put ourselves on foot, and commanded that the crossbows and arquebusiers should give the assault, and should beat● the ●nemies from the walls, that they might not hurt us, and I assaulted the walls on one side, where they told me there was a sealing ladder set up, and that there was one gate: but the crossebowmen suddenly broke the strings of their bows, and the harquebusiers did nothing at all: for they came thither so weak and feeble, that scarcely they could stand on their feet: and by this means the people that w●re aloft on the walls to defend the town were no way hindered from doing us all the mischief they could: so that twice they struck me● to the ground with infinite number of great stones, which they cast down: and if I had not been defended with an excellent good hearpiece which I ware, They defend the walls with stones like those of Hochelaga. I think it had go hardly with me: nevertheless my company took me up with two small wounds in the face, and an arrow sticking in my foot, and many blows with stones on my arms and legs, and thus I went out of the battle very weak. I think that if Don Garcias Lopez de Card●nas the second time that they struck me to the ground had not succoured me with striding ou●r me like a good knight, I had been in far greater danger th●n I was. But it pleased God that the Indians yielded themselves unto us, and that this city was taken: and such store of Maiz was found therein, as our necessity requi●ed. The Master of the field●, and Don Pedro de Tovar, and Fernando de Aluarado, and Pual de Melgosa Captains of the footmen escaped with centaine knocks with stones: though none of them were wounded with arrows, yet Agomez Quarez was wounded in on● arm with the shot of an arrow, and one Torres a townsman of Panuco was shot into the face with another, and two foot●men more had too small wounds with arrows. And because my armour was gilded and glittering, they all laid load on me, and therefore I was more wounded th●n th● rest, not that I did more than they, or put myself forwarder than the ●est, for all the●● Gentlemen and soldiers carried themselves as manfully as was looked for at their hands. I am now well recovered I thank God, although somewhat bruised with stones. Likewise in the skirmish which we had in the fields, two of three other soldiers were hurt, and three hor●●s slain, one of Don Lopez, the other of Viliega and the third of Don Alonso Manrique, and s●u●n or eight other horses were wounded; but both with the men and horses are whole and sound. Chap. 3. Of the situation and state of the seven cities called the Kingdom of Cibola, and of th● customs and qualities of those people, and of the beasts which are found there. IT remains now to certify your Honour of the s●u●n cities, and of the kingdoms and provinces whereof the Father provincial made report unto your Lordship. And to be brief, I can assure your honour, he said the truth in ●othing that he reported, but all was quite contrary, saving only the names of the cities, and great houses of stone: for although they be not wrought with Turqueses, nor with lime, nor bricks, yet are they very excellent good houses of three or four or five lofts high, E●●●ll●nt houses ●oure or five lofts high. wherein are good lodgings and fair● chambers with lathers in st●ad of stairs, and certain cellars under the ground very good and paved, which are made for winter, they are in man●r like stooves: and the lathers which they have for their houses are ●ll in a manner movable and portable, which are taken away and set down wh●n th●y please, and they are made of two pi●c●s of wood with their steps, as ours be. The seven cities are seven small towns, all made with these kind of houses that I speak of: and they stand all within four leagues together, and they are all called th● kingdom of Cibola, Cibola is a province con●●●ning s●u●n tow●●●. and eu●●y one of them have thei● particular name: and none of them is call●d Cibola, but altogether ●h●y ar● called Cibola. And this town which I call a city, I have named Granada, as well because it is somewhat like unto it, as also in remembrance of your lordship. In this town wh●re I now r●maine, there may be some two hundred houses, all compassed with walls, and I think that with the r●st of the houses which are not so walled, they may be together five hundred. Five hund●ed house's in Gra●ad●. There is another t●wne n●●re this, which is one of the s●u●n, & it is somewhat bigger th●n this, and another of the same bigness that this is of, and the other four are somewhat l●sse: and I sand th●m all painted unto your lordship with the voyage. And the parchment wherein the picture is, was sound he●e with other parchments. A paint: necessary in a n●w discovery The people of this town seem● unto m● of a reasonable stature, and writti●, yet they seem not to be such as they should b●e, of that judgement and wit to build these houses in such sort as they are. For the most part they go all naked, except their privit parts which are covered: and they have painted mantles like those which I sand unto your lordship. Painted mantles. They have no cotton wool growing, because the country is cold, yet they wear mantles thereof as your honour may see by the show thereof: and true it is that there was found ●n their house's certain yarn made of cotton wool. They wear their hair on their heads like those of Mexico, and they are well nurtured and conditioned: And they have Turquoises I think good quantity, Store of Turquoises. which with the rest of the goods which they had, except their corn, they had conveyed away before I came thither: for I found no women there, nor no youth under fifte●ne ●e●res old, nor no old folks above sixty, saving two or three old folks, who stayed behind ●o govern all the rest of the youth and men of war. There were sound in a certain paper two points of Emeralds, Emeralds. and certain small stones broken which are in colour somewhat like Granates v●ry bad, Granat●s. and other stones of Crystal, Crh●●●all. which I gave one of my servants to lay up to sand them to your lordship, and he hath lost them as he t●lleth me. We found here Guinea cocks, but f●we. The Indians tell me in all these seven cities, that they eat them not, but that they ke●pe them only for their feathers. I believe them not, for they are excellent good, Excellent and very ●●eat cocks. and greater than tho●e of Mexico. The season which is in this country, and the temperature of the air is like that of Mexico: for sometime it is hot, and sometime it raineth: but hitherto I never saw it rain, but once there fallen a little shower with wind, as they are woent to fall in Spain. The snow and cold are wont to be great, for so say the inhabitants of the Country: and it is very likely so to be, both in respect of the manner of the Country, and by the fashion of their house's, and th●ir furs and other things which this people have to defend them from cold. G●mara hist. gen. Cap 213. says that the cold● is by rea●on of the ●ig● mountains. Th●re is no kind of fruit nor trees of fruit. The Country is all plain, and is on no side mountainous: albeit there are some hilly and bad passages. There are ●mall store of Foules: the cause whereof is the cold, and because the mountain's are not near. Here is no great store of wood, because they have wood for their fuel sufficient four leagues off from a wood of small Cedars. A wood of Cedars. There is most excellent grass within a quarter of a league hence, Excellent grass. for our horses as well to feed them in pasture, as to mow and make hay, whereof we stood in great need, because our horses came hither so weak and feeble. The victuals which the people of this country have, is Maiz, whereof they they have great store, and also small white Pease: and Uenison, which by all likelihood they feed upon, (though they say no) for we found many stunnes of Deer, of Hares, and Covies. Dear, hares, and covies. They eat the best cakes that ever I saw, and every body generally eateth of them. They have the finest order and way to grind that we ever saw in any place. And one Indian woman of this country will grind as much as four women of Mexico. They have most excellent salt in kernel, ●ery good salt. which they fetch from a certain lake a days journey from hence. They have no knowledge among them of the North Sea, nor of the Western Sea, The Western sea within 150. leagues from Cibola. neither can I t●ll your lordship to which we be nearest: But in reason they should seem to be nearest to the Western Sea: and at the lest I think I am an hundred and fifty leagues from thence: and the Northern Sea should be much further off. Your lordship may see how broad the land is here. Here are many sorts of beasts, Bears, Tigers, Lions, Porkespicks mighty sheep, wild goats. as Bears, Tigers, Lions, Porkespicks, and certain Sheep as big as an horse, with very great horns and little tails, I have seen their horns so big, that it is a wonder to behold their greatness. Here are also wild goats whose heads likewise I have seen, and the paws of Bears, and the skins of wild Boars. Wild Boars. There is gain of Deer, Dear. Ounces, Ounces. and very great Stags: Stags. and all men are of opinion that there are some bigger than that beast which your lordship bestowed upon me, The●●rauaile 8. da●es journey toward the North sea. which once belonged to john Melaz. They travel eight days journey unto certain plains lying toward the North Sea. In this country there are certain skins well dressed, Ox hides dressed and painted very cunningly. and they dress them and paint them where they kill their Oxen, for so they say themselves. Chap. 4. Of the state and qualities of the kingdoms of Totonteac, Marata, and Acus, quite contrary to the relation of friar Marcus. The conference which they have with the Indi●●s of the city of Granada which they had taken, which had fifty years passed foreseen the coming of the Christians into their country. The relation which they have of other seven cities, whereof Tucano is the principal, and how he sent to discover them. A present of divers things had in these countries sent unto the Viceroy Mendoça by Vasques de Coronado. THe kingdom of Totonteac so much extolled by the Father provincial, which said that there were such wonderful things there, and such great matters, and that they made clot there, the Indians say is an hot lake, Totonteac is an hot lake. Tadovac seemeth because it is a lake, and endeth in it to have some affinity herewith. about which are five or six houses; and that there were certain other, but that they are ruinated by war. The kingdom of Marata is not to be found, neither have the Indians any knowledge thereof. The kingdom of Acus is one only small city, where they gather cotton which is called Acucu. And I say that this is a town. For Acus with an aspiration nor without, is no word of the country. And because I guess that they would derive Acucu of Acus, I say that it is this town whereinto the kingdom of Acus is converted. Other towns near a river. Beyond this town they say there are other small towns which are near to a river which I have seen and have had report of by the relation of the Indians. I would to God I had better news to writ unto your lordship: nevertheless I must say the truth: And as I written to your lordship from Culiacan. I am now to advertise your honour as well of the good as of the bad. Yet this I would have you be assured, that if all the riches and the treasures of the world we●e here, I could have done no more in the service of his Majesty and of your lordship, than I have done in coming hither whither you have sent me, myself and my companions carrying our victuals upon our shoulders and upon our horses three hundred leagues; and many days going on foot travailing over hills and rough mountains, with other troubl●s which I cease to m●ntion, neither purpose I to departed unto the death, if it please his Majesty and your lordship that it shall be so. Three days after this city was taken, certain Indians of these people came to offer me peace, and brought me certain Turqueses and bad mantles, Turquoises. Man●l●s. and I received them in his majesties name with all the good speeches that I could devise, certifying them of the purpose of my coming into this country, which is in the name of his Majesty, and by the commandment of your Lordship, that they and all the rest of the people of this province should become Christians, and should know the true God for their Lord, and receive his Majesty for their King, and earthly Sovereign: And herewithal they returned to their houses, and suddenly the next day they see in order all their goods and substance, their women and children, and fled to the hills, The Indians flee to the hi● with their wives, ch●●●dren and goods. leaving their towns as it were abandoned, wherein remained very few of them. When I saw this, within eight or ten days after being recovered of my wounds, I went to the city, which I said to be greater than this where I am, and found there some few of them, A city great● than Granada. to whom I said that they should not be afraid, and that they should call their governor unto me: howbeit, forasmuch as I can learn or gather, none of them hath any governor: for I saw not there any chief house, whereby any pre-eminence of one over another might be gathered. Aft●r this an old man came, which said that h●e was their lord, with a piece of a mantle made of many pieces, with whom I reasoned that small while that he stayed with me, and he said that within three days after, he and the rest of the chief of that town would come and visit me, and give order what course should be taken with them. Which they did: for they brought me certain mantles and some Turqueses. I advised them to come down from their holds, and to return with their wives and children to their houses, and to become Christians, and that they would acknowledge the emperors majesty for their King and lord. And even to this present they keep in those strong holds their women and children, and all the goods which they have. I commanded them that they should paint me out a clot of all the beasts which they know in their country: And such bad painters as they are, forth with they painted me two clotheses, Tw● table● painted by th● Indian●, one of b●ast●, ●nother o● birds and fish. one of their beasts, another of their birds and fish. They say that they will bring their children, that our religious men may instruct them, and that they desire to know our law: And they assure us, that above fifty years past it was prophesied among them, An old prophesy that ●hose parts should be subdued by Christians. that a certain people like us should come, and from that part that we came from, and that they should subdue all that country. That which these Indians worship as far as hitherto we can learn, is the water: They worship the water. for they say it causeth their corn to grow, and maintaineth their life; and that they know none other reason, but that their ancestors did so. I have sought by all means possible to learn of the inhabitants of these towns, whether they have any knowledge of other people, countries and cities: And they tell me of seven cities which are far distant from this place, Seven cities far from Granada. which are like unto these, though they have not houses like unto these, but they are of earth, and small: and that among them much cotton is gathered. The chief of these towns whereof they have knowledge, they say is called Tucano: Tuc●●o and they gave me no perfect knowledge of the rest. And I think they do not tell me the truth, imagining that of necessity I must speedily departed from them, and return home. But herein they shall soon find themselves deceived. I sent Don Pedro de Tovar with his company of footmen and with certain other horsemen to see this town: And I would not have dispatched this packet unto your lordship, until I had known what this town was, if I had thought that within twelve or fifteen days I might have had news from him: for he will stay in this journey thirty days at lest. And having examined that th● knowledge hereof is of small importance, and that the cold and the waters approach: I thought it my duty to do according as your lordship gave me charge in your instructions, which is, that immediately upon mine arrival here, I should signify so much unto your lordship, and so I do, sending withal the bore relation of that which I have seen. I have determined ●o sand round about the country from hence to have knowledge of all things, and rather to suffer all extremity, then to leave this enterprise to serve his majesty, if I may found any thing wherein I may perform it, and not to omit any diligence therein, until your lordship sand me order what I shall do. We have great want of pasture: and your lordship also shall understand, that among all those which are here, there is not one pound of raisins, nor sugar, nor oil, nor any wine, save only one pint which is saved to say Mansse: for all is spent & spilled by the way. The Spaniards virtualling in discovery. Now your lordship may provide us what you think needful. And if your honour mean to sand us cattle, your lordship must understand that they will be a summer in coming unto us; for they will not be able to come unto us any sooner. I would have sent your lordship with this dispatch many musters of things which are in this country: but the way is so long and rough, that it is hard for me to do so: nevertheless I sand you twelve small mantles, such as the people of the country are wont to wear, and a certain garment also, which seemeth unto me to be well made: I kept the same, because it seemed to me to be excellent well wrought, because I believe that no man ever saw any needle work in these Indies, A garment excellently embroidered with needle work. except it were since the Spaniards inhabited the same. I sand your Lordship al●o two clotheses painted with the beasts of this country, although as I have said, the picture be very rudely done, because the painter spent but one day in drawing of the l●me. I have se●ne other pictures on the walls of the houses of this city with fair better proportion, and bett●r m●de. I sand your honour one Oxhide, An orelude. certain Turqueses, and two catering of the s●me, and fifteen combs of the Indians, and certain tablets set with these Turqueses, ●ertaine Turquoises. and two small baskets made of wicker, whereof the Indians have great store. I sand your lordship also two rolls which the women in these parts are wont to wear on their heads when they fetch water from their w●lles, as we use to do in Spain●. And one of these Indian women with one of these rolls on her head, will carry a pitcher of water without touching the same with her hand up a lather. I sand you also a muster of the weapons wherewith these people are woost to fight, a tuckler, a mace, a bow, and certain arrows, among which are two with points of bones, the like whereof, as these conquerors say, have never been seen. I can say nothing unto your lordship touching the apparel of their women. For the Indians keep them so carefully from us, that hitherto I have not seen any of them, saving only two old women, and these had two long robes down to the foot open before, and girded to them, and they are buttoned with certain cordons of cotton. I requested the Indians to give me one of these robes, which they ware, to sand your honour the the same, seeing they would not show me their women. And they brought me two mantles which aree these. Which I sand you as it were painted: they have two pendents like the women of Spain, which hung somewhat over their shoulders. The death of the Negro is most certain: The death of Stephan the Negro. for here are many of the things found which he carried with him: And the Indians tell me that they killed him here, because the Indians of Chichil●●cale told them that he was a wicked villain, and not like unto the Christians: because the Christians kill no women: and he killed women; and also he touched their women, which the Indians ●ou● more than themselves; therefore they determined to kill him: But they did it not after such sort as was reported, for they killed none of the rest of those that came with him: neither stew they the young lad which was with him of the province of Peratlan, but they took him and kept him in safe custody until now. And when I sought to have him, they excused themselves too or three days to give him me, telling me that he was dead, and sometimes that the Indians of Acucu had carried him away. Acucu. But in conclusion, when I told them that I should be very angry if they did not give him me, they gave him unto me. He is an interpreter, for though he cannot w●ll speak their language, yet he understandeth the same very well. In this place there is ●ound some quantity of gold and silver, Gold and silver found in Cibola. which tho●e which are skilful in mineral matters esteem to be very good. To this hour I could never learn of these people from whence they have it: And I see they refuse to tell me the truth in all things, imagining, as I have said, that in short time I would departed hence, but I hope in God they shall no longer excuse themselves. I vesceth your lordship ●o certify his Majesty of the success of this voyage. For seeing we have ●o mor● then that which is aforesaid, and until such time as it please God that w●e find that which we desire, I mean not to writ myself. Our Lord God keep and preserve your Excellency. From the Province of Cibola, and from this city of Granada the third of August 1540 Francis Vasqu●s de Coronado kisseth the hands of your Excellency. The rest of this voyage to Acuco, Tiquex, Cicuio, and Quivira, and unto the Western Ocean, is thus written in the general history of the West Indies by Francis Lopez de Gomara, Chap. 214. BEcause they would not return to Mexico without doing something, nor with empty hands, they agreed to pass further into the country, which was told them to be better and better. So they came to Acuco a town upon an exceeding streng hill. Acuco. And from thence Don Garcias Lopez de Carcenas with this company of horsemen went unto the Sea: The Western sea discovered. and Francis Vasques went to Tiguex, Tigu●●. which standeth on the bark of a great river. There they had news of Axa and Quivira. A●a and Quiviray There they said was a King whose name was Ta●●●rax with a long beard, hor●e headed, and rich, which was gi●ded with a Bracama●●, which pr●y●d upon a pair of beads, which worshipped a Cross of golde● and the image of a woman, the Queen of heaven. This news did greatly rejoice and cheer ●p the army: alt●o●g● 〈◊〉 to be ●alle●. and the report of the Friars. They determined to go thither, with intention to winter in ●o ●ich a country as that was reported to be. One night the Indians ran away, and in the morning they found thirty horses dead, which put the army in fear. In their journey they burned a certain town: A town● burn. And in another town which they assaulted, Another town assaulted. they killed certain Spaniards, and wounded fifty horses, and the inhabitants drew into their town Francis de Ouando wounded or dead, to eat and sacrifice him as they thought or peradventure to see more perfectly, what manner of men the Spaniards were: for there was not found there any sign of sacrificing men. Our people laid siege unto the town, but could not take it in more than five and forty days space. The townsmen that were besieged, drank snow in stead of water: and seeing themselves forlorn they made a fire, wherein they cast their mantles, feathers, Turqueses and precious things, Mantles. Turqueses. Feathers. Precious things. that those strangers might not enjoy them. They issued out in a squadron with their women and children in the midst, to make way by force, and to save themselves, but few escaped the edge of our sword and the horses, and a certain river which was near the town. Seven Spaniards were slain in this conflict, and fourscore were wounded, and many horses: whereby a man may see of what force resolution is in necessity. Many Indians returned to the town with the women and children, and defended themselves, until our men set fire on the town. In this country there are melons, Melons. and white and r●dde cotton, Cotton. whereof they make far larger mantles, Large mantles. then in other parts of the Indies. From Tigues they went in four days journey to Cicuic, which is a small town, and four leagues from thence they met with a new kind of oxen wild and fierce, whereof the first day they killed fourscore, which sufficed the army with flesh. From Cicuic they went to Quivira, Cicuic four● days journey from Tigu●●. Qu●●ira. which after their account, is almost three hundred leagues distant, through mighty plames, and sandy heaths so smooth, and wearisome, and bore of wood, that they made heaps of oxe-dung for want of stones and trees, ●●eapes of 〈◊〉 d●●● made for marks to know the way that they might not loose themselves at their return: for three horses were lost on that plain, and on● Spaniard, which went from his company on hunting. All that way & plains are as full of crookebacked oxen, as the mountain Serena in Spain is of sheep: but there is no people but such as keep those cattle. They were a great succour for the hunger and want of bread which our people stood in. One day it rained in that plain a great shower of hail, as big as Oranges, which caused many tears, weakness, and vows. At length they came to Quivira and found Tatarrax, whom they sought, an hoary headed man, naked, and with a jewel of copper hanging at his neck, which was all his riches. The Spaniards seeing the false report of so famous riches, returned to Tiguex, The Spaniards return to 〈◊〉, and so to Mexico 154●. without seeing either cross or show of Christianity: and from thence to Mexico. In the end of March of the year 1542. Francis Vasquez fallen from his horse in Tiguex, and with the fall fallen out of his wits, and become mad. T●e Spaniards wou●d have inhabited the country. Which some took to be for grief, and others thought it to be but counterfeited: for they were much offended with him, because he peopled not the country. Quivira is in forty degrees: it is a temperate country, and hath very good waters, and much grass, plums, mulberries, nuts, melons and grapes, which ripen very well. There is no cotton: and they apparel themselves with ore-hides and deer's skins. They saw ships on the sea coast, Ships se●ne on t●e sea coast of Quiuira● Which w●re 30. days in sailing thither. which bore Alcatraizes or Pelicans of gold and silver in their prows, and were laden with merchandises, and they thought them to be of Cathaya, and China, because they showed our m●n by signs that they had sailed thirty days. Friar john de Padilla stayed behind in Tigues, with another of his companions called Friar Francis, and returned to Quivira, with some dozen Indians of Mechuacan, and with Andrew de Campo a Portugal, the gardener of Francis de Solis: He took with him horses and mules with provision. He took sheep and hens of Castille, and ornaments to say Mass withal. The people of Quivira stew the Friars, and the Portugal escaped with certain Indians of Mechuacan. Who albeit at that time he escaped death, yet could he not free himself out of captivity: for by and by after they caught him again. But ten months after he was taken captive, he fled away with a couple of dogs. As he travailed, he blessed the people with a cross, whereunto they offered much, and wheresoever he came, they gave him alms, lodging, and food. He came to the country of the Chichimechas, and arriu●d at Panuco. Andrew de Campo trammelled from Quivira to Panuco. When he came to Mexico, he ware his hair very long, and his beard tied up in a lace, and reported strange things of the lands, rivers and mountains that he had passed. It grieved Don Antonio de Mendoça very much that the army returned home: for he had spent above threescore thousand pesoes of gold in the enterprise, and aught a great part thereof still. Many sought to have dwelled there; The cause why the Spaniards peopled not in Cibola. but Francis Vasquez de Coronado, which was rich, and lately married to a fair wife, would not consent, saying, that they could not maintain nor defend themselves in so poor a country, and so far from succour. They travailed above nine hundred leagues in this country. The foresaid Francis Lopez de Gomara in his general history of the West Indies, Chap. 215. writeth in manner following of certain great and strange beasts never seen nor herded of in our known world of Asia, Europe, and Africa: which somewhat resembling our oxen, having high bunches on their backs like those on the backs of Camels, are therefore called by him Vacas corcobadas, that is to say, Crookebacked oxen, being very deformed & terrible in show, and fierce by nature: which notwithstanding for food, apparel, and other necessary uses, are most serviceable and beneficial to the inhabitants of those countries. He reporteth also in the same chapter of certain strange sheep as big as horses, and of dogs which use to carry burdens of 50. pound weight pound weight upon their backs. ALl the way between Cicuic and Quivira is a most plain soil, without trees and stones, and hath but few and small towns. The men cloth and shoe themselves with leather; and the women which are esteemed for their lo●g locks, cover their heads and secrets with the same. These are much like the people that Captain Frobisher brought into England from Meta incogni●a. They have no bread of any kind of grain, as they say: which I accounted a very great matter. Their chiefest food is flesh, and that oftentimes they eat raw, either of custom or for lack of wood. They eat the fat as they take it out of the Ox, and drink the blood hot, and die not there withal, though the ancient writers say that it killeth, as Empedocles and others affirmed, they drink it also cold dissolved in water. They seethe not the flesh for lack of pots, but roast it, or to say more properly, warm it at a fire of Oxe-dung: when they eat, they chaw their meat but little, and raven up much, and holding the flesh with their teeth, they cut it with razors of stone, which seemeth to be great bestiality: but such is their manner of living and fashion. They go together in companies, and move from one place to another, as the wild Moors of Barbary called Alarbes do, following the seasons, and the pasture after their Oxen. The description of the oxen of Quivira. These Oxen are of the bigness and colour of our Bulls, but their horns are not so great. They have a great bunch upon their fore shoulders, and more hair on their fore part then on their hinder part: and it is like wool. They have as it were an horsemane upon their back bone, and much hair and very long from the knees downward. They have great turfs of hair hanging down their foreheads, and it seemeth that they have beards, because of the great store of hair hanging down at their chins and throats. The males have very long tails, and a great knob or flock at the end: so that in some respect they resemble the Lion, and in some other the Camel. They push with their horns, they run, they overtake and kill an horse when they are in their rage and anger. Finally, it is a foul and fierce beast of countenance and form of body. The horses fled from them, either because of their deformed shape, or else because they had never seen them. Their masters have no other riches nor substance: of them they eat, they drink, they apparel, they shoo● themselves: and of their hides they make many things, as houses, shoes, apparel and ropes: of their bones they make bodkins: of their sinews and hair, thread: of their horns, maws, and bladders, vessels: of their dung, fire: and of their calues-skinnes, budgets, wherein they draw and keep water. To be short, they make so many things of them as they have need of, or as many as suffice them in the use of this life. Sheep as big as horses. There are also in this country other beasts as big as horses, which because they have horns and fine wool, they call them sheep, and they say that every horn of there's weigheth is fifty pound weight. Mighty dogs carrying 50. pound weight. There are also great dogs which will fight with a bull, and will carry fifty pound weight in sacks when they go on hunting, or when they remove from place to place with their flocks and herds. EL VIAIE QVE HIZO ANTONIO de ESPEIO en el anno de ochenta y tres: el qual con sus companneros descubrieron una tierra en que hallaron quinze Provincias todas llenas de pueblos, y de casas de quatro y cinco altos, a quien pusieron por number El nuevo Mexico, por parecerse en muchas cosas all viejo. Esta à la part deal Norte, y se cree que por ella, y por poblado, se puede venir hasta llegar a la tierra que llaman del Labrador. Del Nuevo Mexico, y de su descubrimiento, y lo que del se sabe. Y A dixe en el titulo del libro, que el anno de mill y quinientoes y ochenta y tres, se avian descubierto quinze Provincias, aquien los inventores llamaron El nuevo Mexico en la tierra firm de Nueva Espanna, Nu●uo Mexic●. y prometi de dare noticia del descubrimiento, common lo hare con la mayor brevedad que sea possible, porque si vuiera de poner diffusament todo lo que vieron y supieron, fuera menester hazer dello nueva historia, La substancia dello es, que el anno de mill y quinientoes y ochenta y uno, teniendo noticia un Religioso de la Orden de saint Francisco, que se llamava fray Augustin Ruyz, Augustin Ruy● que morava en el valle de saint Bartholome, por relation de cier●os Indios Conchos que se comunicavan con otros sus convezinos llamadoes Passaguates: que hazia la part del Norte (caminando siempre por tierra) avia ciertas poblaciones grandes, y nunca sabidas de nuestros Espannoles, ni descubiertas, con zelo de caridad, y de salvation de las almas, pidio licencia all Conde de Corunna Virey de la dicha Nueva Espanna, y a sus mayo●es, para yr a ellas, a procurar aprender su lengua, y sabida, bautizarlos, y predicarles el santo evangelio. Alcançada la licentia deloes sobredichos, tomando otros does compa●neros de su mesma Orden, s● partio con ocho soldadoes, que de voluntad le quisieron acompannar, a poner en execution su Christiano y zeloso intento. Los quales a pocos dias de camino toparon con una Provincia, que se llamava de los Tiguas, Tig●●● distant de las minas de sancta Barbola (de donde començaron la jornada) dozientas y cinquenta leguas hazia el No●te, en la qual por cierta occasion los naturales le mataron all dicho padre uno de sus does companneros. El qual, los soldadoes que yvan con el, viendo, y sintiendo el successo, y temiendo que del se podria seguir otro mayor danno, acordaron de comum consentimiento de boluerse a las minas de donde avian salido, con consideration de que la gente que yva era muy poca para resistir a los succes●os que se podian offrecer en tanta distancia de la vivienda de los Espannoles, y tan lexos del necessario socorro. Los does Religiosos que havian quedado, no solo no vinieron en su parecer, mas ants viendo la ocasi on para poner en execution su buen desseo, y tanta mies madura para la mesa de Dios, viendo que no podian persuadir a los soldadoes a passar adelante en el descubrimiento, se quedaron elloes en la dicha Provincia con tres muchachos Indios, y un mestizo, que avian llevado consigo, pareciendoles que aun que quedassen solos, estavan alli seguros, por lafoy affabilidad y amor con que los naturales della los tratavan. Llegadoes los ocho soldadoes adonde desseavam, embiaron luego la nueva all dicho Virey delo succedido a la ciudad de Mexico, que dista de 'las dichas minas de santa Barbora ciento y sesenta leguas. Sintieron mucho los religiosos de saint Francisco lafoy quedada de sus hermanos: y timiendo no los matassen viendo los solos, començaron a mover los animos de algunos soldadoes, para que en compannia de otro Religioso de la mesma Orden llamado fray Bernardino Beltran, Fray Bernardino Beltran. tornassen à la dicha Provincia, a sacar de peligro a los dichos dos Religiosos, y proseguir con la empresa començada. En esta a sazon estava en las dichas minas por cierta occasion un vezino de la ciudad de Mexico, llamado Antonio de Espejo, Antonio de Espejo morio en l● Havana 1589. hombre rico, y de mucho animo y industria, y zeloso del seruicio de la maiestad del Rey Don Philippe nuestro sennor, natural de Cordona. El qual common entendiesse el desseo deloes dichos religiosos, y la importancia del negocio, se offrecio a la jornada, y a gastar enella part de su hazienda, y a riesgar su vida, siendo le para ello concedida licencia de alguna persona que represen●as●e a su maiestad, la qual procurandola los dichos religiosos, le few dada porel Capitan ivan de Ontiveros Alcalde mayor ●o● su magestad en los pueblos que llaman las quatro Cienegas, Nueva Bizcaya● que son en la gowernation de la Nueva Vizcaya, setenta leguas de 'las dichas minas de santa Barbora, assi para que el pudiesse yr, common para que iun●asse la gente y soldadoes pew pudiesse, para que le acompannnassen, y ayundassen a conseguir su Christiano intento. El dicho Antonio de Espejo tomo el negocio con tantas veras, que en muy pocos dia● iuntò los soldadoes y bastimentoes necessarios para hazer la iornada, gastando en ello buena pat de su hazienda: y partio con todos elloes del valle de saint Bartholome a los diez de Novembre de mily quinientoes y ochenta y does, llevando para lo que se offreciesse ciento y quinze cavallos, y mulas, y muchas armas, municiones, y bastimentoes, y alguna gente de seruicio. Endereço su camino hazia el Norte, y a does jornadas topo mucha cantidad de Indios de los que llaman Conchos en Rancherias o poblaciones de ca●as pagicas. Conchos Indios. Los quales common lo supiessen, y twiessen dello relation muy de atras, los salieron a recebir con muestras de alegria. La comida de●tos, y deloes de la Provincia, que es grand, es de carne de conejos, liebres, y venadoes que ma●an, y lo aye todo en grandissima cantidad. Tienen mucho maiz, que es el trigo de las India's, calabaças, y melones, y en abundancia: y ay muchos rios que crian mucha cantidad de pescado muy bueno, y de diversas suertes: andan casi todos desnudos, y las armas que usan son arco y flecha, y viven debaxo de govierno, y sennorio de Caciques, common los Mexicanos, y no les hallaron Idolos, ni pudieron entender que adorassen à nadie, por lo qual facilment consintieron en que les pusiessen los Christianos cruzes, y quedaron muy contentos con ellas, despues de aver sido informadoes de los nuestros dela signification dellas, queses hizo porinterpretes que llevauan, por cuyo medio supieron de otras poblaciones, para adonde los dichos Conchos los guiaron, acompannandolos mas de veinte y quatro leguas, que todas estavan pobladas de gente de so nation, y los salian a recebir de paz, por aviso que embiavan los Caciques de unos pueblos a otros. Andadas 'las veinte y quatro leguas dichas, toparon otra nation de Indios, llamadoes Passaguates, Passaguates Indios. los quales vivian all modo que los ya dichos Conchos sus convezinos, y hizieron con elloes loveless proprio, guiandolos adelante otras quatro jornadas, conlos avisos de los Caciques, de la manera ya dicha● hallaron los nuestros en este camino muchas minas de plata, Muchas minas de plata. all parecer de los que lo entendian, de mucho, y muy rico metal. una jornada destas toparon otra nation, llamada los Tobosos, Tobosos Ind●os. los quales en viendo el rastro de los nuestros, se huyeron a las sierras, dexando sus casas y pueblos desiertos. Suppose despues que algunos annos ants avian acudido por alli ciertos soldadoes que yvan en busca de minas, y anian llevado cautivos a ciertos naturales, lo qual tenia temerosoes y abispadoes a los demas. El Capitan dio orden common los fuessen a llamar, assegurandolos de que no les seria hecho ningun mal, y diose tan buena manna que hizo venir a muchos, aquien regalò, y dio dones, acariciandolos, y declarandoles por el interpret, que no yvan a hazer mal a nadie, con lo qual se boluieron todos a sossegar, y consintieron les pusi●ssen Cruzes, y declarassen el mysterio dellas, mostrando recebir dello gran contentamiento, en cuya demostration los fueron acompannando, common lo avian hecho sus vezmos, hasta que los metieron en tierra poblada de otra nation different, que distavan de la suya cosa de dose leguas: usan arco, y flecha, y andan desundos. Prosiguese del descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico. jumanos Indios. LA nation hasta donde los dicho Tobosos los guiaron se llamava jumanos, a quien pot otro number llaman los Espannoles Patarabueyes: tienen una Provincia grand, y de muchos puebloscon mucha gente, y las casas eran con açoteas, y de calicanto, y los pueblos traçados por buen orden: tienen todos los hombres y mugeres los rostros rayados, y los braços, y piernas: es gente corpulenta, y de mas policia, que los que hasta alli avian visto, y tenian muchos mantenimientoes, y mucha caça de pie y de buelo, y gran cantidad de pescado, a causa de tener grandes rios q●e vienen de hazia el Norte, Rio deal Norte. y alguno tan grand common Guadalquivir, el qual entra en la propria mar deal Norte. Tiene muchas lagunas de agua salada que se quaja cie●to tiempo del anno, y se haze muy buena sal. 〈◊〉 sal. Es gente bellicosa, y mostraronlo luego, porque la primera noche que los nuestros assentaron real, les flecharon, y mataron cinco cavallos, hiriendo muy mal otros tantos, y no dexaran ninguno a vida, sino por las guardas que los defendieron. Hecho este mal recado, despoblaron el lugar, y se subieron a una sierra que estava cerca, adonde few luego por la mannana el Capitan con otros cinco soldadoes bien armadoes con un interpret llamado Pedro, Indio de sum mesma nation, y con buenas razones los quiero y dexo de paz, haziendolos baxar a su pueblo y casas, y persuadiendolos a que diesten aviso a sus vezinos de que no eran hombres: que hazian mal a na●●e, ni les yvan a ●omar lus haziendas: que lo alcanço facilment con su prudencia, y con darles a los Caciques algonas sartas de quent●● de vidrio que lievaua para este eff●to, y sombreros, y otras ninnerias: con este, y con el bu●● tratamiento que les hazian, se sueron muchos delloes en compannia de los nuestros algunos dias, caminando siempre por la ribera del rio grand arriba dicho, Rio grandee. portoda la qual hau●a muchos pueblos de Indios desta nation, que duraron por espacio de dose jornadoes, en todas las quales avisadoes los unos Caciques de los otros salian a recebir a los nuestros sin arcos, ni s●echas, y les trayan muchos mantenimientoes, y otros regalos y dadivas, 12 〈◊〉. en especial cueros y camuças muy bien adereçados, y que no les excedian en esto las de Flandes. Es gen●e toda vestida, y hallaron que tenian alguna lumbre de nuestra sancta Fee, porque sennalavan a Dios mirando all cielo, y le llaman en sulengua Apalito, Apalito. y le conocen por sennor, de cuya larga mano, y misericordia confiessan aver recibido la vida, y el ser natural, y los bienes temporales. Venian muchoes delloes, y las mugeres y ninnos, a que el Religioso, que diximos que yva con el dicho Capitan ● soldadoes, los santiguasse, y echasse la benedition: el qual common les preguntasse de quien avian en●endido aquel conocimiento de Dios que tenian: respondieron, que de tres Christianos, y un negro, que aui●n passido por alli, y deremdos● algunos dias en su tierra, que segun las sennas que dieron, eran Aluar Nuns Cabeça de Vaca, y Dorantes, y Castillo Maldonado, y un negro, que todos elloes avian escapado de la armada con que entro Panfilo de Narbaez ●n la Florida, y despues de a●er sido muchos dias esclavos, vinieron a dare a estos pueblos, haziendo Dios por medio delloes muchos milagroes, y sana●do con el tocamento solo de sus manos muchos enfermos, porlo qual dexaron gran number en toda aquella tierra. Toda esta Provincia quedo de paz, y muy lossegada, en cuya demonstration fu●ron acompannando y siruiendo a los nuestros algunos dias por lafoy orilla del rio que diximos ar●iba. A pocos dias toparon con una gran poblation de Indios, 〈…〉 ●●onde los salieron a recebir por nueva que twieron de sus vezinos, y les sacaron muchas cosas muy curiosas de pluma de differentes colores, y muchas mantas de algodon ba●retadas de azul y blanco, common las que traen dela China, pa●a rescata●las, y trocarlas por otras cosas. Yuan todos, assi hombres common mugeres, y ninnos vestidos de camuças muy b●enas y bien adobadas, y nunca pu dieron los nuestros entender que nation era por falta de interpret que intendiesse su lengu●, au●que por sennas tratavan con elloes, à los quales common less mostrassen algunas piedras de metal rico, y les preguntassen si havia de aquello en su tierra: Metal 〈◊〉. Respondieron por las mesmas sennas que cinco dias de camino de alli hazia el Poniente, avia de aquello en muy gran c●ntidad, y que elloes los guiarian para alla, y se lo mostrarian, common loveless cumplieron despues, acompannandolos por espacio de veynte y does leguas, todas pobladas de gente de su mesma nation: a quien immediatament se seguia por el mesmo rio arriba otra de mucha mas gen●e que la de la passada, de quien fueron bien recibidos, y regalados con muchos presents, especialment de pescado que havia infinito, a causa de unas lagunas grandes que cerca de all● havia, Otra pro●●●●● Laguna, grandes● que lo crian en la abundancia dicha. Estu●ieron entre estos tres dias, en los qu●les de dia, y de noche les hizieron muchos bayles a su modo, con particular signification de alegria: no senior supo common se llamava esta nation por salta de interpret, aunque ●●tendieron que se extendia mucho, y que era muy grand. Entre estos hallaron un India Concho de nation, que les dixo, y sennalo, que quinze iornadas de alli hazia el Ponient● ha●ia una laguna muy ancha, Laguna m●y ancha. y cerca della muy grandes pueblos, y casas de tres y quatro altos, y la gen●e bien vestida, y l● t●erra de muchos bastimentoes, el qual se oftrecio de llevarlos alla, y holgaran los nuestros dello, y solo loveless dexaron de poner en effecto, pro proseguir el intento con que avian començado la jornada, que era yr all Norte a dare socorro a los Religiosos arriba dichos. En esta Provincia lo que particularment notaron few, Muchos Metales ricos. que havia muy buen temple y muy ricas tierras, y mucha caça de pie y buelo, y muchos metales ricos, y otras cosas particulares, y de provecho. Desta Provincia fueron siguiendo so derrota por espacio de quinze dias, sin topar en todos elloes nin guna gente por entre grádes pinales de pinnace y pi●nones, common los de Castilia: all cabo de los quales aviendo caminado a sum parecer ochenta leguas, toparon una pequenna Rancheria, oh pueblo de po●a gente, y en sus casas, que eran pobres, y de paja, gran cantidad de cueros de venadoes tan bien aderçados common los de Flandes, y mucha sal blanca, y muy buena. Hizieronles muy buen hospedaje dos dias que alli estwieron, Sal blanc● Rio ●●bioso del No●●e. despues deloes quales los acompannaron common dose leguas a unas poblaciones grandes, caminando siempre● por el rio del Norte ya dicho, hasta llegar a la tierra que llaman el Nuevo Mexico. Nuevo Mexico Estava toda la ribera del dicho rio llena de grandissimas alamedas de alamos blancos, y en parts tomavan quatro leguas de ancho, y ansi mesmo de muchos nogales, y parrales common los de Castilia. Auiendo caminado does dias por estas alamedas, y no guerales, toparon diez pueblos que estavam assentadoes en la ribera del dicho rio por ambas parts, sin otros que se mostravan mas desuiados, en los quales les parecio avia mucha gente, y la que elloes vieron passavan en numero de diez mill animas. En esta Provincia los regalaron mucho con recebimientoes, y con llevarlos a sus pueblos, Casas de quatro ●ltos Est●f●●. donde les davan mucha comida, y gallinas de la tierra, y otras cosas, y to do con gran voluntad. Aqui hallaron casas de quatro altos, y bien edificadas, y con galanos aposentoes, y en las mas dellas avia estufas para tiempo de invierno. Andavan vestidos de algodon, y de cuero de venado, y el traje, assi de los hombres, common de las mugeres, es all modo del de los Indios del reyno de Mexico: y lo que les causo mas estranneza, few ver que todos elloes, y ellas andavan calçados con çapatos y botas de buen cuero con suelas de vaca, Suelas de vaca. cosa que hasta alli nunca la avian visto. Las mugeres trayan el cabello muy peynado, y compuesto, y sin cosa sober la cabeça. En todos estos pueblos avia Caciques que los governavan common entre los Indios Mexicanos, con Alguaziles para executar sus mandamientoes, los quales van por el pueblo, diziendo à vozes la voluntad de los Caciques, y que la pongan por obra. En esta Provincia hallaron los nuestros muchos Idolos que adoravan, y en especial que tenian en cada casa un templo para el Demonio, donde le llevauan de ordinario de comer, y otra cosa, que de la manera que entre los Christianos tenemos en los caminos cruzes; assi tienen elloes unas common capillas altas, donde dizen, descansa, y se recrea el Demonio, quando va de un pueblo a otro: las quales estan muy a dornadas y pintadas. En todas las sementeras, oh labranças, que las tien en muy grandes, tienen a un lado dellas un portal con quatro pilares, donde comen los trabajadores, y passan la siesta, porque es la gente muy dada ala labour, y estan de ordinario en ella: es tierra de muchos montes y pinales. Las armas que usan son arcos muy fuertes, y flechas con las puntas de pedernal con que passan una cota, y macanas, que son unos palos de media vara de largo, y llanos todos de pedernales agudos, que bastan a partir por medio un hombre, y ansi mesmo unas common adargas de cuero de vata crudio. Cuero de vaca. Prosiguese del Nuevo Mexico, y de las cosas que en el se vieron. Tiguas. DEspues de aver estado en esta Provincia quatro dias, y a poca distancia toparon con otra, que se llamava la Provincia de los Tiguas, en la qual avia diez y seys pueblos: en el uno de los quales, llamado por number Poala, Poala. hallaron que avian muerto los indios à los dichos does padres fray Francisco Lopez, y fray Augustin, a quien yvan a buscar, y juntament a tres muchachos, y un mestizo. Quando los deste pueblo, y sus convezinos vieron a los nuestros, remordiendo les la propria consciencia, y temiendose que yvan a castigarlos, y tomar vengança de las muertes de los dichos padres, no los osaron esperar, ants dexando sus casas desiertas se subieron a las sierras mas cercanas, de donde nunca los pudieron hazer baxar, aunque lo procuraron con alagos y mannas. Hallaron en los pueblos y casas muchos mantenimi●●tos, y gran infinidad de gallinas de la tierra, y muchas suertes de metales, y all gunos que parecian muy buenos. Metales muy buenos. Not se pudo entender clarament que tanta gente fuesse la desta Provincia, por causa de averse (common ya dixe) subido a la sierra. Auiendo hallado muertos a los que buscavan, entraron en consulta sober si se boluerian ● la Nueva Vizcaya, Nueva Viscaya. N●ta diligentissime. de donde havian salido, oh passarian adelante: en loveless qual vuo diversos pareceres: pero common alli entendiessen, que a la part de Oriente de aquella Provincia, y muy distant de alli havian grandes pueblos y ricos, hallandose alli tan cerca, acordo el dicho Capitan Antonio de Espejo de consentimiento del Religioso ya dicho, llamado fray Bernardino Beltran, y de la mayor part de sus soldadoes, y companneroes, de proseguir con el descubrimiento hasta ver en que parava, para poder dare dello noticia cierta y clara a su Magestad, common ●estigos de vista: y assi conforms determinaron que quedandose alli el Real, fuessen el Capitan con does companneros en demanda de su desseo, que lo pusieron por obra. Y a does dias de camino toparon con una Provincia donde vieron onze puebloes y en elloes mucha gente, O●●a provincia. que a su parecer passava en numero de quarenta mill animas: era tierra muy fertile y bastecida, cuyos confines estan immediatament juntos con las tierras de Cibola, donde ay muchas vacas, de cuyos cueros se visten, y de algodon: siguiendo e● la manera del govierno el orden que guarden sus convezinos: aye sennales de muchas minas ricas, Minas ricas. y assi hallavan metales dellas en all gunas casas de los Indios, los quales tienen, y adoran Idolos: recibieronlos de paz, y dieron les de comer. Visto esto, y la disposition de la tierra, se boluieron all real de donde avian salido, a dare noticia a sus companneros de todo lo sobredicho. Llegadoes all Real (common esta dicho) twieron noticia de otra Provincia, llamada los Quires, Quire● que estava el rio deal Norte arriba seys leguas de distancia, y common se partiessen para alla, y llegaslen una legua della, les salieron a recebir de paz mucha cantidad de Indios, y a rogar que se fuessen con elloes a sus pueblos, que common lo hiziessen, fueron muy bien recebidos y regalados. Vieron solament cinco pueblos en esta Provincia, en los quales avia muy gran cantidad de gente, y la que elloes vieron passava de quinze mill animas, y adoran Idolos common sus vezinos. Hallaron en uno destos pueblos una Vrraca en una jaula, common se usa en Castilia, y tirasoles, common los que se traen de la China, pintadoes en elloes el sol y la luna, y muchas estrellas. Donde common tomassen la altura, se hallaron en treynta y siete grados y medio debaxo del Norte. Salieron desta Provincia, y caminando por el proprio tumbo, y a catorze leguas, hallaron otra Provincia, llamada los Cunames, Cunames Indi●●. donde vieron otros cinco pueblos, y el principal delloes, y mas grand se llamava Cia, Cia. que era tan grand que tenia ocho plaças, cuyas casas cran encaladas, y pintadas de colores, y mejores que las que havian visto en las Provincias atras: parecioles que la gente que vieron passavan de veynte mill animas: hizieron present a los nuestros de much as mantas curiosas, y de cosas de comer muy bien guisadas, y juzgaron ser la gente mas curiosa, y de mayor policia, de quantas hasta alli havian visto, y de mejor govierno: monstraronles ricos metales, Ricos metales● y unas sierras alli cerca de donde los sacavan. Aqui twieron noticia de otra Provincia, que stava hazia el Nordueste, que se determinaron de yr a ella. Como vuiessen andado common seys leguas, toparon con la dicha Provincia, que se llamava de los Amejes, Ameys. en la qual havia siete pueblos muy grandes, y en elloes a sum entender mas de treynta mill animas. uno destos siete pueblos dixeron era muy grand y hermoso, que le dexaron de yr a ver, assi por estar detras de una sierra, common por temo● de algun r●yn successo, si a caso se dividian los unos de los otros. Es gente all modo de la Provincia su vezina, y tan abastada common ella, y de tan buen govierno, A quinze leguas desta Provincia, 15 Leguas, Acoma. caminando siempre hazia el Poniente, hallaron un pueblo grand llamado Acoma, era de mas de seys mill animas, y estava assentado sober uno penna alta que tenia mas de cinquenta estadoes en alto, not teniendo otra entrada sino por una escalera que estava hecha en la propria penna, cosa que admiro mucho alos nuestros: toda el agua que en el pueblo avia era de cisternas. Vinieron los principales de paz a for a los Espannoles, y traxeron les muchas mantas, y camuças muy bien adere çadas, y gran cantidad de bastimentoes. Tienen sus sembrados dos leguas de alli, y sacan el agua para regarlos de un rio pequenno que esta cerca, en cuya ribera vieron muy grandes rosales common los de aca de Castilia. Aye muchas sierras con sennales de metales, Metaled aunque not subieron a verlo, por ser los Indios dellas muchos, y muy bellicosoes. Estwieron los nuestros en este lugar tres dias, en uno de los quales los naturales les hizieron un bail muy solemn, saliendo a el con galanos vestidos, y con juegoes muy ingeniosoes, con que holgaron en se estremo. Veynte y quartro leguas de aqui, 24 leguas. hazia el Poniente, dieron con una Provincia, que se nombra en lengua de los naturales Zuny, y la llaman los Espannoles Cibola, Zuny o Cibol● aye en ella gran cantidad de Indios, en la qual estavo Francisco Vazquez Coronado, y dexo muchas Cruzes puestas, y otras sennales de Christianidad que siempre se estavan en pie. Hallaron ansi mesmo tres Indios Christianos que se avian quedado de aquella jornada, cuyos numbers eran Andres de Cuyoacan, Gaspar de Mexico, y Antonio de Guadalajara, los quales tenian casi oluidada su mesma lengua, y sabian muy bien lafoy deloes naturales, aunque a pocas bueltas que les hablaron se entendieron facilment. De quien supieron que sesenta jornadas de alli avia una laguna, 60 jornadas. Lago muy grand mucho oto● oh lago muy grand, en cuyas riberas estavan muchos pueblos grandes y buenos, y que los naturales tenian mucho oro, de lo qual era indition el traer todos braceleres y or ejeras dello: y que common el sobredicho Francisco Vazquez Coronado twiesse noticia muy cierta dello, havia salido desta Provincia de Cibola para yr alla, y aviendo andado dose jornadas le falto el agua, y so determino de boluer, common lo hizo, con determination de tornar otra vez mas de proposito a ello, que despues no lo puso en execution, porque la muerte le atajo los passos y pensamientoes. Prosigue del Nuevo Mexico. A La nueva de la riqueza dicha, quiso acudir el dicho Capitan Antonio de Espejo, y aunque eran de sum parecer algunos de sus companneros, la mayor part, y el Religioso few de contrario: diziendo, era ya tiempo de boluerse à la nueva Viscaya de donde havian ●alido, Nueva Viscaia. a dare cuenta de lo que avian visto: que lo pusieron por obra dentro de pocos dias la mayor part, dexando all Capitan con nueve companneros que le quisieron seguir: el qual, despues de haverse certificado muy por entero de la riqueza arriba dicha, y de mucha abundancia de metales que en ello avia muy buenos, salio con los dichos sus companneros desta provincia, y caminando hazia el proprio Poniente, despues de haver andado veinte y ocho leguas, ●● Leguas. Otta Provincia hallaron otra muy grand, en la qual les parecio havia mas de cinquenta mill animas, cuyos moradores common supiessen sum llegada, les embiaron un recado, diziendo, que si no querian que los motassen, no see acercassen mas a sus pueblos: a lo qual respondio el dicho Capitan, que elloes no less yvan a hazer mal, common lo verian, y que assi les rogavan no se pusiessen en llevar adelante su intento, dando all mensajero algunas cosas de las que llevaua: el qual supo tan bien abonar a los nuestros, y allanar los pechos alborotadoes de los Indios, que les dieron lugar de voluntad para que entrassen, que lo hizieron con ciento y cinquenta Indios amigos de la provincia de Cibola ya dicha, y los tres Indios Mexicanos, de quien queda hecha mention. una legua ants que llegassen all primer pueblo, les salieron a recebir mas de does mill Indios cargadoes de bastimentoes, a quien el dicho Capitan dio algunas cosas de poco precio, que a elloes les parecio ser de mucho, y las estimaron mas que si fueran de oro, Llegando mas cerca del pueblo, que se llamava Zaguato, Zaguato o Abuato pueblo. salio a recebitlos gran much dumbre de Indios, y entre elloes los Caciques, haziendo tanta demostration de plazer y regozijo, que echavan mucha harina de maiz por el suelo, para que lafoy pisassen los cavallos: con esta fiesta entraron en el, y sueron muy bien hospedadoes, y regalados, que se lo pago en part el Capitan, con dare a todos los mas principales sombreros, y quentas de vidrio, y otras muchas cosas que llevaua para semejantes ostrecimientoes. Despacharon luego los dichos Caciques recadoes a todos los de aquella Provincia, dandoles noticia de la venida de los huespedes, y de common eran hombres muy corteles, y no les hazian mal: lo qual few bastante para hazer los venir a todos cargadoes de presents para los nuestros, y de que los importunassen, nuessen con elloes a holgarse a sus pueblos, que lo hizieron, aun que siempre con recado de lo que podia succeder. Por lo qual el dicho Capitan uso de una ca●●tela, y few dezir a los Caciques, que por quanto los cavallos eran muy bravos, y les avian dicho que los querian matar, seria neceslario hazer un fuerte de calicanto donde metre los para evitar el danno que querian hazer en los Indios. Creyeronlo los Caciques tan de veras que dentro de pocas horas juntaron tanta gente que hizieron el dicho fuerte que los nuestros querian con una presteza in creyble. Demas desto, diziendo el Capitan que se queria yr, le traxeron un present de 40. mill mantas de algodon pintadas y blancas, y mucha cantidad de pannos de manos con borlas en las puntas, y otras muchas cosas, y entre ellas metales ricos, Metales ricos. y que mostravan tener mucha plata. Hallaron entre estos Indios muy gran noticia de la laguna grand arriba dicha, La laguna grand arriba dicha. y conformaron con los o●ros en loveless tocante a las riquezas, y mucha abundantia de oro. Fiado el Capitan desta gente, y de sus buenos animos, acordo a cabo de algunos dias de dexar alli cinco de sus companneros con los demas Indios amigos, para que se boluiessen a la provincia de Zuny con el bagaje, y de yrse el con los quatro que quedavan a la ligera en descubrimento de cierta noticia que tenia de unas minas muy ricas. Lo qual puesto por obra se partio con las guias que llevaua, y common v●isse caminado hazia el proprio Poniente quarenta y cinco leguas, topo con las dichas minas, y saco con sus proprias manos riquissimos metales, 45 Leguas. Riquissimos metales. y de mucha plata: y las minas, que eran de una veta muy ancha, estavan en una sierra adonde se podia subir con facilidad, a causa de haver para ello camino abierto, Cerca delas avia algunos pueblos de Indios serranos que les hizieron amistad, y los salieron a recebir con Cruzes en las cabeças, y otras sennales de paz. Aqui cer●a toparon does rios razonables, a cuyas orillas havia muchas parras de vuas muy buenas, y grandes noguerales, y mucho lino common lo de Castilia, Rio grand●ssima. y dixeron por sennas que detras de aquellas sierras estava uno que tenia mas de ocho leguas de ancho, pero no se pudo entender que tan cerca, aunque hizieron demonstration que corria hazia la mar deal Norte, Marinell deal Norte. y que en las riberas del de una y otta banda ay muchos puebloes ran grandes, que en so comparation aquelloes en que estava eran barrios. Delpues de haver tomado toda esta relation, se partio el dicho Capitan para la Provincia de Zuny, adonde havia mandado yr a los dichos companneros: y common llegaste a ella con salved, haviendo ydo por muy buen camino, hallo con ella a sus cinco companneros, y all dicho padre Fray Bernardino con los soldadoes que se avian determinado de boluer, comoya diximos. Zuni, Cibola. que aun no see avian partido, por ciertas ocasiones: a los quales los naturales havian hecho muy buen tratamiento, y dadoles todo lo necessario muy complidament, haziendo despues loveless mesmo con el capitan, y los que con el venian, a quien salieron a recebir con demonstration de alegria, y dieron muchos bastimentoes para la jornado que havian de hazer, rogandoles que boluissen con brevedad, y traxessen muchos Castillas' (que assi llaman a los Espannoles) y que a todos les darian de comer. Por lo qual para poderlo hazer con comodidad avian sembrado a quel anno mas trigo y semillas, que en todos los passadoes. En este tiempo se retificaron en so primera determination el dicho ●eligioso, y los soldadoes arriba dichos, y acordaron de boluerse a la provincia de donde avian salido con el designio que queda dicho, a quien se junto Gregorio Hernandez que avia sido Alferez en la jornada: los quales partidos, quedando el Capitan con solos ocho soldadoes, se resoluio de seguir lo començado y corter por el Rio deal Norte arriba, que lo puso por obra. Y haviendo caminado common sesenta leguas hazia la provincia de los Quires ya dicha, Sesenta leguas● dose leguas de alli hazia la part del Oriente, hallaron una provincia que se llamava los Hubates, Hubates Indios. donde los Indios los recibieron de paz, y les dieron muchos mantenimientoes, y noticia de que cerca de alli havia unas minas muy ricas, Minas muy ricas 25000. que las hallaron, y sacaron dellas metales reluzientes y buenos, con los quales se boluieron all pueblo donde avian salido. juzgaron esta provincia por de hasta veynte y cinco mill animas, todos muy bien vestidos de mantas de algodon pintadas, y camuças muy bien adere çadas. Tienen muchos montes de pinales y cedros, y las casas de los pueblo● son de quatro y cinco altos. Aqui twieron noticia de otra provincia que estava una jornada de alli, que se llamava de los Tamos, Tamos● 40000. en que havia mas de quarenta mill animas, donde common llegassen no less quisieron dare de comer los moradores della, ni admitirlos en sus pueblos: por lo qual, y por el peligro en que estavan, y estar algunos soldadoes enfermos, y ser tan pocos (common havemos dicho) se determinaron de yrse saliendo para tierra de Christianos, They returns y lo pusieron en execution a principio de julio del anno de ochenta y tres, julio 1583. siendo guiados por un Indio que se few con elloes, y los llevo por camino different deal que a la venida havian traydo, por un rio abaxo, a quien llamaron de las vacas, Rio de las vacas. por aver gran muchedumbre dellas en ●oda so ribera, por donde caminaron ciento y veynte leguas, Ciento y veynte leguas. topando las ordinariament: de aqui salieron all rio de los Conchos por donde avian entrado, Rio de los Conchos: y del all Valle de Sant Bertholome de donde havian salido para dare principio all descubrimiento: y ya quando llegaron, hallaron que el dicho fray Bernardino Beltran, y sus companneros avian llegado a saluamento all dicho pueblo muchos dias hauía, y que de alli se avian ydo a la villa de Guadiana. Guadian● Hizo en este pueblo el dicho Capitan Antonio de Espejo information muy cierta de todo lo arriba dicho, laqual embio luego all Conde de Corunna Virey de aquel Reyno, y el a su Magestad, y a los sennores, de su Real Consejo de las India's, para que ordenassen lo que fuessen seruidos, que lo han ya hecho con mucho cuydado. Nuestro Sennor se sirua de ayudar este negocio, Nota● de modo que tantas alma● redemidas con su sangres no se condenen, de cuyos buenos ingenios (en que exceden alos de Mexico y Peru, segun se entend●o de los que los trataron) see puede presumir, a braçaran con facilidad la ley evangelica, dexando la idolatria, que agora la mayor part delloes tiene: que lo haga Dios common puede para honra y gloria suya, y augmento de la sancta fe Catholica. A brief relation of two notable voyages, the first made by friar Augustin Ruyz a Franciscan, in the year 1581.: the second by Antonio de Espejo in the year 1583: who together with his company discovered a land wherein they found fifteen provinces all full of towns, containing houses of four and five stories high, which they named New Mexico; for that in many respects it resembleth the province of Old Mexico. This land is situate to the North of Nueva Espanna, and stretcheth from 24 to 34 degrees and better: by the which & by other inhabited lands it is thought that men may travel even to Terra de Labrador. Taken out of the history of China written by Friar ivan Gonzalez de Mendoça, and printed in Madrid 1586. I Have now declared in the title of this present discourse, that in the year 1583 there were discovered fifteen provinces, which the discoverers called New Mexico, situate on the firm land of Nueva Espanna, and I promised to give notice of the said discovery, which I will do with as much brevity as is possible: for if I should record at large all particulars which they see and came to the knowledge of, it would require a full history. The substance thereof is as followeth. In the year of our Lord 1581. a certain Franciscan friar called Augustin Ruiz which dwelled in the valley of S. Bartholomew, being informed by the report of certain Indians called Conchos, The first voyage made by Friar Augustin Ruiz to the province de los Tiguas. which had dealing and conversation with other of their neighbours called Passaguates; that toward the North, traveling always by land, there were certain great towns not hitherto known nor discovered by our Spaniards: moved with a zeal of charity, and a desire to save souls, craved licence of the Conde of Corunna as then Viceroy of Nueva Espanna, and of his superiors, to go to the said towns, and to endeavour to learn their language, and having learned the same, to baptise them, and to preach the holy Gospel unto them. After he had obtained licence of the parties aforesaid, taking with him other two companions of his own order, and eight soldiers, The chief of these 8 soldiers was Francisco Sanchez Kamuzcado which made a map of these provinces, which bring intercepted is come to our hands. who of their own good will offered to bear him company, he departed to put in execution his Christian and zealous intent. Who after certain days travel came unto a country called The province de los Tiguas distant from the mines of Santa Barbara, from whence they began their journey, 250 leagues towards the North: in which province the inhabitants, upon a certain occasion, slay one of the said friars two companions. The soldiers that went with him seeing this mishap, and perceiving the success, and likewise fearing, that thereof might happen some greater danger, determined with a common consent to return unto the mines from whence they departed: The province de los Tiguas distant 250 leagues Northward from the mines of Santa Barbara. considering that their company was too small to resist the dangers that might happen, being so far distant from the dwellings of the Spaniards, and from all necessary succour. But the two friars which remained alive did not only refuse their determination, but rather seeing fit occasion to put their good desire in execution, and so great a harvest ripe for the Lords table, because they could not persuade the soldiers to proceed any further in that discovery, remained behind in the said province with three Indian boys, and one Mestiço whom they had carried with them; thinking that although they remained alone, yet should they be there in security, by reason of the great affability and love which the people of that place showed unto them. The eight soldiers being returned to their wished home, immediately sent news of all that had passed to the Viceroy unto the city of Mexico, which is distant from the said mines of Santa Barbara 160 leagues. The mines of Santa Barbara 160 leagues distant from Mexico. The friars of Sant Francis were very much aggrieved at the staying of their brethren behind in the country, and fearing lest the Savages would kill them seeing them left alone, they began to move the minds of certain soldiers to make another voyage to the said province in the company of another friar of the foresaid Order called Friar Bernardin Beltran, to deliver the aforesaid two religious men out of danger, and to prosecute their former enterprise. The second voyage. At the same time there was at the foresaid mines upon some occasion a citizen of Mexico called Antonio de Espejo, a rich man, and of great courage and industry, and very zealous in the service of king Philip his sovereign, and was born in Cordova. Who understanding the desire of the foresaid friars, and the importance of the action, offered himself to go on that voyage, and also to spend part of his substance, and to adventure his life therein; conditionally that licence might be granted him to the same purpose from some person sufficiently authorised by his Majesty. Which licence at the said friars procurement was granted unto him by the governor ivan de Ontiveros the king's Alcalde mayor or chief justice in the t●wns called Las quatro Cienegas situate within the jurisdiction of Nueva Biscaya seventy leagues from the said mines of Santa Barbara; Las quatro Cienegas in the province of ●ueua Biscaya 70 leagues from the mines of Santa Barbara. authorizing him both to take in ●and the said voyage, and also to assemble such people and soldiers as he could, which might accompany and aid him in the performance of this his Christian intent. The said Antonio de Espejo was so earnest in this matter, that in very few days he had gathered a company of soldiers, and made provision of things necessary for his voyage, spending therein a good part of his substance. And he departed with his whole company from the valley of S. Bartholomew the tenth of November 1582; Antonio de E●pe●o his letting forth from the valley of S. Bartholomew the tenth of November 1582. taking with him (for whatsoever should happen) 115 horses and mules, with great store of weapons, munition, and victuals, and some Indians to serve him in his journey. Directing his course toward the North, after two days journey he met with great store of the foresaid Indians called Conchos, Indians called Conchos. which devil in villages or hamlets of cottages covered with straw. Who, so soon as they understood of his approach, having news thereof long before, came forth to receive him with shows of great joy. The food of this people and of all the rest of that province, which is great, are coneys, hares, and dear which they kill, of all which they have great abundance. Also they have great store of Maiz or Indian wheat, gourds, and melons very good and plentiful: and there are many rivers full of excellent fish of divers sorts. Many rivers. They go almost naked, and the weapons that they use are bows & arrows, and live under the government and lordship of Caçiques like those of Mexico: they found no idols among them, neither could they understand that they worshipped any thing; whereupon they easily consented that the Spaniards should set up crosses, and were very well content therewith, after they were informed by our friars of the signification thereof, which was done by the interpreters that they carried with them; by whose means they understood of other towns, whither the said Conchos did conduct them, and bore them company above four & twenty leagues, all which way was inhabited with people of their own nation: and at all places where they came they were peaceably received by advice that was sent by the Caçiques from one town to another. Having passed the four and twenty leagues aforesaid, they came unto another nation of Indians called Passaguates, Passaguates● who live after the manner of the foresaid Conchos their borderers, and did unto them as the others had done, conducting them forward other four days journey, with advice of the Caçiques, as before. The Spaniards found in this journey many mines of silver, Very great and rich silver mines. which according to the judgement of skilfullmen, were very plentiful and rich in metal. A days journey from thence they met with another nation called Tobosos, Tobosos. who so soon as they beheld the countenance of our people fled unto the mountains, leaving their towns and houses desolate. Afterwards we understood that certain years passed there came unto that place certain soldiers to seek mines, who carried away captive certain of the people of the country, which caused the rest of them to be so shey and fearful. The captain sent messengers to call them back again, assuring them that they should not sustain any harm, and handled the matter so discreetly, that many of them returned, whom he made much of, and gave them gifts, using them kindly, and declaring unto them by the interpreter, that their coming was not to hurt any man: whereupon they were all quieted, and were content they should set up crosses, and declare the mystery of the same, making show that they were highly pleased therewith. For proof whereof they accompanied them on their voyage, as their neighbours had done, until they had brought them to a country inhabited by another nation, which was distant from there's some 12 leagues. They use bows and arrows and go naked. The nation unto which the said Tobosoes conducted them, is called jumanos, whom the Spaniards by another name call Patarabueyes: jumanos or Patarabueyes. their province is very great, containing many towns and great store of people: their houses are flat-rooffed, and built of lime and stone, and the streets of their towns are placed in good order. All the men and women have their faces, arms and legs razed and pounced: they are a people of great stature, and of better government, than the rest which they had seen in their former journeys; and are well provided of victuals, and furnished with plenty of wild beasts, fowls and fish, by reason or mighty rivers which come from the North, Rio tu●bio●o deal Norte. whereof one is as great as Guadalquivir, which falls into the North sea or bay of Mexico. Here are also many lakes of salt water, which at a certain time of the year wareth hard, and becometh very good salt. They are a warlike people, and soon made sh●w thereof: for the first night that our people encamped there, with their arrows they slay five horses, and wounded five other very sore, nor would not have left one of them alive, if they had not been defended by our guard. Having done this mischief, they abandoned the town, and withdrew themselves to a mountain which was hard by, whither our captain went betimes in the morning, taking with him five soldiers well armed, and an interpreter called Peter an Indian of their own nation, and with good persuasions appeased them, causing them to descend to their town and houses, and persuading them to give advice unto their neighbours, that they were men that would hurt no body, neither came they thither to take away their goods: which he obtained easily by his wisdom, and by giving unto the Caçiques certain bracelets of glass beads, with hats and other trifles, which he carried with him for the same purpose: so by this means, and by the good entertainment which they gave them, many of them accompanied our Spaniards for certain days, always traveling along the bank of the great river abovesaid; Rio deal Norte. along the which there were many towns of the Indians of this nation, which continued for the space of twelve days travel, all which time the Caçiques having received advice from one to another, came forth to entertain our people without their bows and arrows, and brought them plenty of victuals, with other presents and gifts, especially hides and chamois-skins very well dressed, so that those of Flanders do nothing exceed them. These people are all clothed, and seemed to have some light of our holy faith; for they made signs of God, looking up towards heaven, and call him in their language Apalito, Apalito. and acknowledge him for their Lord, from whose bountiful hand and mercy they confess that they have received their life and being, and these worldly goods. Many of them with their wives and children came unto the friar (which the captain and soldiers brought with them) that he might cross and bless them. Who demanding of them, from whom they had received that knowledge of God, they answered, from three Christians, & one Negro which passed that way, and remained certain days among them, who by the signs which they made, were Alvaro Nunnez, Cabeça de Vaca, and Dorantes, and Castillo Maldonado, and a Negro; all which escaped of the company which Pamphilo de Naruaez landed in Florida; Pamphilo de Naruaez entered into Florida 1527. who after they had been many days captives and slaves, escaped and came to these towns, by whom God showed many miracles, and healed only by the touching of their hands many sick people, by reason whereof they become very famous in all that country. All this province remained in great peace and security; in token whereof, they accompanied and served our men certain days, traveling along by the great river aforesaid. Rio deal Norte. Another province. Within few days after they came unto another great province of Indians, from whence they came forth to receive them, upon the news which they had herded of their neighbours, and brought them many very curious things made of feathers of divers colours, and many mantles of cotton streaked with blue and white, like those that are brought from China, to barter & truck them for other things. All of them both men, women and children were clad in chamois skins very good and well dressed. Our people could never understand what nation they were for lack of an interpreter: howbeit they dealt with them by signs; and having showed unto them certain stones of rich metal, Very great quantity of silver. and enquired whether there were any such in their country: they answered by the same signs, that five days journey Westward from thence there was great quantity thereof, and that they would conduct them thither, and show it unto them; as afterward they performed their promise, & bore them company 22 leagues, which was all inhabited by people of the same nation. Another province. Next unto the foresaid province they came unto another further up the great river aforesaid, being much more populous than the former, of whom they were well received, and welcomed with many presents, especially of fish, whereof they have exceeding great store, by reason of certain great lakes not far from thence, Great lakes. wherein they are bread in the foresaid plenty. They stayed among these people three days; all which time both day and night they made before them many dances, according to their fashion, with signification of special joy. They could not learn the name of this nation for want of an interpreter, yet they understood that it extended very far, and was very great. Among these people they found an Indian of the foresaid nation of the Conchos, who told them, and showed them by signs, that fifteen days journey from thence toward the West there was a very broad lake, A mighty lake. and near unto it very great towns, and in them houses of three or four stories high, and that the people were well appareled, and the country full of victuals and provision. This Concho offered himself to conduct our men thither, whereat our company rejoiced, but left off the enterprise, only to accomplish their intent for which they undertook the voyage, which was to go Northward to give aid unto the two friars aforesaid. The chief and principal thing that they noted in this province was, that it was of very good temperature, and a very rich soil, and had great store of wild beasts, and wildfowl, and abundance of rich metals, Rich metals. and other excellent things, and very profitable. From this province they followed their journey for the space of fifteen days without meeting any people all that while, passing thorough great woods and groves of pine trees bearing such fruit as those of Castille: Woods of pine trees. at the end whereof, having traveled, to their judgement, four score leagues, they came unto a small hamlet or village of few people, in whose poor cottages covered with straw they found many deeres-skinnes as well dressed as those of Flanders, with great store of excellent white salt. They gave our men good entertainment for the space of two days while they remained there, after which they bore them company about twelve leagues, unto certain great towns, always traveling by the river called Rio deal Norte abovesaid, till such time as they came unto the country called by them New Mexico. New Mexico. Here all along the shore of the said river grew mighty woods of poplar being in some places four leagues broad, and great store of walnut trees, Woods of poplar and walnut trees. and vines like those of Castillia. No●e●. Having traveled two days thorough the said woods of Poplar and Walnut trees, they came to ten towns situate on both sides of the said river, besides others which they might see further out of the way, wherein there seemed to be great store of people, and those which they see were above ten thousand people. In this province they received them very courteously, and brought them to their towns, whereas they gave them great plenty of victuals and hens of the country, with many other things, and that with great good will. Here they found houses of four stories high, Houses of 4 stories high. very well built, with gallant lodgings, and in most of them were Stooves for the Winter season. Their garments were of Cotton and of deere-skinnes, and the attire both of the men and women is after the manner of the Indians of the kingdom of Mexico. But the strangest thing of all was to see both men and women wear shodes and boots with good soles of neat's leather, a thing which they never saw in any other part of the Indies. The women keep their hair well combed and dressed, wearing nothing else upon their heads. In all these towns they had Caçiques which governed their people like the Caçiques of Mexico, with Sergeants to execute their commandments, who go thorough the towns proclaiming with a loud voice the pleasure of the Caçiques, commanding the same to be put in execution. In this province our men found many idols which they worshipped, and particularly they had in every house an Oratory for the devil, whereinto they ordinarily carry him meat: and another thing they found, that as it is an use among the Christians to erect crosses upon the high ways, so have this people certain high chapels, in which they say the devil useth to take his ease and, and to recreate himself as he traveleth from one town to another; which chapels are marvelously well trimmed and painted. In all their arable grounds, whereof they have great plenty, they erect on the one side a little cottage or shed standing upon four studs, under which the labourers do eat, and pass away the heat of the day, for they are a people much given to labour, and do continually occupy themselves therein. This country is full of mountains and forests of Pine trees. These high mountains are a cause of the coldness of the country. The weapons that they use are strong bows and arrows headed with flints, which will pierce thorough a coat of male, and macanas which are clubs of half a yard long, so beset with sharp flints, that they are sufficient to clean a man asunder in the midst: they use also a kind of targets made of raw hides. Having remained four days in this province, not far often they came to another called The province of Tiguas containing sixteen towns, The province of Tiguas. in one whereof, called Poala, Poala. they understood that the inhabitants had slain the two father's aforesaid, to wit, friar Francis Lopez, and friar Augustus Ruyz, whom they went to seek, together with the three Indi●n boys, and the mestiço. So soon as the people of this town and their neighbours see our men there, their own consciences accusing them, and fearing that our men came to punish them, and to be avenged of the death of the foresaid fathers, they dared not abide their coming, but leaving their houses desolate they fled to the mountains next adjoining, from whence they could never 'cause them to descend, although our men attempted the same by divers devices and enticements. They found in the towns and houses good store of victuals, with infinite number of hens in the country, and many sorts of metals, Very rich and good metal. whereof some seemed to be very good. They could not perfectly understand what numbers of people this province might contain, by reason they were fled into the mountains, as I have said before. Having found those to be slain which they went to seek, they entered into consultation, whether they should return to Nueva Biscaya, from whence they came, or should proceed further in their journey; whereabout there were divers opinions: howbeit, understanding there, that toward the Orient or East parts of that province, and very far distant from thence, there were great and rich towns: This draweth toward Virginia. and finding themselves so far on the way, the said captain Antonio de Espeio with the consent of the foresaid friar called Friar Bernardine Beltran, and the greater part of his souldi●rs and companions determined to proceed on the discovery, till such time as they did see to what end it would come; to the end they might give certain and perfect knowledge thereof to his Majesty, as eye-witnesses of the same. And so with one accord they determined, that while the army lay still there, the captain and two more of his company should prosecute their desire, which they did accordingly. And within two days journey they came unto another province, Another province. where they found eleven towns, and much people in them, which in their judgement were above forty thousand people. The country was very fertile and plentiful, whose confines bordered upon the territories of Cibola, where there are great store of cows, with whose hides and with cotton they apparel themselves, imitating in the form of their government their next neighbours. In this place are signs of very rich mines, some quantity of the metals whereof they found in the houses of the Indians; which Indians have and do worship idols. They received our men peaceably, and gave them victuals. Having seen thus much, and the disposition of the country, they returned to the camp, from whence they departed, to inform their companions of the things above mentioned. Being returned to the camp they had intelligence of another province called Los Quires, which stood six leagues higher up the river called Rio deal Norte. Quires bordering upon Rio deal Norte. And in their journey thitherward, being arrived within a league of the place, there came forth very many Indians to receive them in peace, requesting them to bear them company to their towns: which they did, and were marvelous well entertained and cherished. In this province they found five towns only, wherein were great store of people, and those which they see were above 14000 souls, who worship idols as their neighbours do. In one of these towns they found a pie in a cage after the manner of Castille, and certain shadows or canopies like unto those which are brought from China, wherein were painted the Sun, the Moon, and many Stars. Where having taken the height of the pole-star, they found themselves to be in 37 degrees and ½ of Northerly latitude. Seven & thirty degrees and a half. They departed out of this province, and keeping still the same NORTHERLY course, fourteen leagues from thence they found another province called The Cunames, Cunames, or P●●ames. where they see other five towns, the greatest whereof was called Cia, Cia a great ●●●. being so large, that it contained eight market-places, the houses whereof being plastered and painted with divers colours, were better than any which they had seen in the provinces before mentioned: the people which they here see, they esteemed to be above twenty thousand people. They presented to our men many curious mantles, and victuals excellently well dressed; so that our men deemed this nation to be more curious, and of greater civility, and better government, than any other that hitherto they had seen. They showed them rich metals, Rich metals. and the mountains also not far off whereout they digged them. here our people herded of another province standing toward the Northwest, whereunto they purposed to go. Having traveled about six leagues, they came to the said province, the people whereof were called Ameies', Ameys, of ●me●●s. wherein were seven very great towns, containing, to their judgement, above thirty thousand souls. They reported that one of the seven towns was very great and fair, which our men would not go to see, both because it stood behind a mountain, and also for fear of some mishap, if in case they should be separated one from another. This people are like unto their neighbours of the former province, being as well provided of all necessaries as they, and of as good government. Acoma or Aco●●n a town containing about 6000 people. About fifteen leagues from this province, traveling always toward the West, they found a great town called Acoma, containing above six thousand people, and situate upon an high rock which was above fifty paces high, having no other entrance but by a ladder or pair of stairs he wen into the same rock, whereat our people marveled not a little: all the water of this town was kept in cisterns. The chief men of this town came peaceably to visit the Spaniards, bringing them many mantles, and chamois-skinnes excellently dressed, and great plenty of victuals. Their cornfields are two leagues from thence, and they fetch water out of a small river near thereunto, to water the same, on the brinks whereof they see many great banks of Roses like those of Castille. Here are many mountains that bear shows of metals, Signs of metals. but they went not to see them, because the Indians dwelling upon them are many in number, and very warlike. Our men remained in this place three days, upon one of the which the inhabitants made before them a very solemn dance, coming forth in the same with gallant apparel, using very witty sports, wherewith our men were exceedingly delighted. Twenty four leagues from hence toward the West, they came to a certain province called by the inhabitants themselves Zuny, Zuny or Sun. & by the Spaniards Cibola, containing great numbers of Indians; in which province Francisco Vazquez de Coronado had been, Vasquez de Coronado was here 1540 & 1541. and had erected many crosses and other tokens of Christianity, which remained as yet standing. here also they found three Indian Christians which had remained there ever since the said journey, whose names were Andrew de Culiacan, Gaspar de Mexico, and Antonio de Guadalajara, who had almost forgotten their own language, but could speak that country speech very well; howbeit after some small conference with our men, they easily understood one another. By these three Indians they were informed, that threescore days journey from this place there was a very mighty lake, A mighty lake 60 days journey from Cibola. upon the banks where of stood many great and good towns, and that the inhabitants of the same had plenty of gold, Plenty of gold. an evident argument whereof was their wearing of golden bracelets & earrings: and also that after the said Francis Vasquez de Coronado had perfect intelligence thereof, he departed out of this province of Cibola to go thither, and that having proceeded twelve days journey, he began to want water; and thereupon determined to return, as he did indeed, with intention to make a second voyage thither at his better opportunity; which afterward he performed not, being prevented of his determined journey by death. Upon the news of these riches the said Captain Antony de Espcio was desirous to go thither; and though some of his companions were of his opinion, yet the greater part and the friar were of the contrary, saying that it was now high time to return home unto New Biscay from whence they came, to give account of that which they had seen: which the said greater part within few days put in execution, leaving the captain with nine companions only that willingly followed him: who after he had fully certified himself of the riches abovesaid, and of the great quantity of excellent metals that were about that lake, departed out of this province of Cibola with his companions; Another mighty province Westward of Cibola 28 leagues, called 7 ●obone. and traveling directly toward the West, after he had passed 28 leagues, he found another very great province, which by estimation contained above 50000 souls: the inhabitants whereof assoon as they understood of their approach, sent them word, upon pain of death to come no nearer to their towns: whereto the captain answered, that their coming was in no wise to hurt them, as they should well perceive, and therefore requested them not to molest him in his intended voyage, and withal gave to the messenger are ward of such things as they brought with them: who there upon made so good report of our people, and so appeased the troubled minds of the Indians, that they granted them free access unto their towns, and so they went thither with 15. Indians their friends of the province of Cibola aforesaid, and the three Mexican Indians before mentioned. When they were come within a league of the first town, there came forth to meet them above 2000 Indians laden with victuals, whom the Captain rewarded with some things of small value, which they made great account of, and esteemed more precious than gold. As they approached near unto the town which was named Zaguato, Zaguato, or Abuato a town●● a great multitude of Indians came forth to meet them, and among the rest their Caçiques, with so great demonstration of joy and gladness, that they cast much meal of Maiz, upon the ground for the horses to tread upon: with this triumph they entered the town, where they were very well lodged and much made of, which the Captain did in part requited, giving to the chiefest among them hats, and beads of glass, with many such trifles, which he carried with him for the like purpose. The said Caçiques presently gave notice to the whole province of the arrival of these new guests, whom they reported to be a courteous people, and such as offered them no harm: which was occasion sufficient to make them all come laden with presents unto our people, and to entreat them to go and make merry with them in their towns; which they yielded unto, though always with great foresight what might follow. Whereupon the Captain used a certain policy, A witty policy to be used by the English in like cases. making the Caçiques believe, that forasmuch as his horses were very fierce (for they had told the Indians that they would kill them) therefore it was necessary to make a Fort of lime and stone to enclose them, for the avoiding of such inconveniences as otherwise might happen unto the Indians by them. This tale was so steadfastly believed by the Caçiques, that in five hours they assembled such store of people together, that with incredible celerity they built the said Fort which our men required. Moreover, when the Captain said that he would departed, they brought unto him a present of 40000. mantles of cotton, both white and of other colours, and great store of hand-towels, with tassels at the corners, with divers other things, and among the rest rich metals, Rich metals. which seemed to hold much silver. Among these Indians they learned very much concerning The great Lake aforesaid, whose report agreed wholly with the relation of the former, as touching the riches and great abundance of gold about that lake. Great abundance of gold. The Captain reposing great confidence in this people & in their good disposition toward him determined after certain days, to leave there five of his companions with the rest of his Indian friends, that they might return with his carriages to the province of Zuni, while himself with the four other which remained should ride in post to discover certain very rich Mines, whereof he had perfect information. And putting this his purpose in execution he departed with his guides, and having travailed due-west 45. leagues he came unto the said Mines, and took out of the same with his own hands exceeding rich metals holding great quantity of silver: Exceeding rich Mines of silver. and the mines which were of a very broad vein were in a mountain whereon they might easily ascend, by reason of an open way that led up to the same. Near unto these mines were certain towns of Indians dwelling upon the mountains, who showed them friendship, & came forth to receive them with crosses on their heads, and other tokens of peace. Hereabout they found two rivers of a reasonable bigness, upon the banks whereof grew many vines bearing excellent grapes, and great groves of walnut-trees, and much flax like that of Castille: and they showed our men by signs, that behind those mountains there was a river above 8. leagues broad, A mighty River of eight leagues broad running toward the North sea. but they could not learn how near it was; howbeit the Indians made demonstration that it ran towards the North sea, Perhaps this River may fall into the Chesepiouk bay or into the great lake of Tadoac. and that upon both sides thereof stood many towns of so great bigness, that in comparison thereof those wherein they dwelled were but small hamlets. After he had received all this information, the said Captain returned toward the province of Zuni, Zuni. whither he had sent his said companions: and being arrived there in safety, having travailed upon a very good way, he found in the same place his 5. companions, & the said father friar Bernardin Beltran, with the soldiers which were determined to return, as is aforesaid, but upon certain occasions were not as yet departed: whom the inhabitants had most friendly entreated, & furnished with all things necessary in abundance, as afterward likewise they used the Captain, and those that came with him, coming forth to meet them with show of great joy, and giving them great store of victuals to serve them in their journey homewards, and requesting them to return again with speed, and to bring many Castilians with them (for so they call the Spaniards) to whom they promised food sufficient. For the better performance whereof they sowed that year more grain and other first-fruits, than they had done at any time before. At this present the Friar and soldiers aforesaid resolved themselves in their former determination, & agreed to return unto the province from whence they came with intention before mentioned, to seek the two Friars that were slain, to whom also Gregorio Hernandez who had been standard-bearer in the journey, joined himself. Who being departed, the Captain accompanied only with 8. soldiers, determined to prosecute his former attempt, & to pass up higher the said river called Rio deal Norte, which he did accordingly. And having traveled about 60. leagues toward the province of the Quires aforesaid, 60. Leagues. 12 leagues from thence toward the Orient or East they found a province of Indians called Hubates, Hubates. who received them peaceably, and gave them great store of victuals, informing them also of very rich Mines which they found, Very rich Mines. whereout they got glistering & good metal, and therewith returned to the town from whence they came. This province contained by their estimation 25000. people all very well appareled in coloured mantles of cotton, and Chamois-skins very well dressed. They have many mountains full of Pines and Cedars, and the houses of their towns are of 4. and 5. stories high. Houses of 4. and five stories high. Here they had notice of another province distant about one days journey from thence inhabited by certain Indians called Tamos, and containing above 40000. souls: whither being come the inhabitants would neither give them any victuals● nor admit them into their towns: for which cause, and in regard of the danger wherein they were, and because some of the soldiers were not well at ease, and for that they were so few (as we have said) they determined to departed thence, Their return. and to return toward the land of the Christians, which they put in execution in the beginning of july 1583, being guided by an Indian that went with them, who led them another way than they went forth by, down a river, which they called Rio de las vacas; Rio de la vacas. that is to say, The river of orens, in respect of the great multitudes of orens or cows that fed upon the banks thereof, by the which they traveled for the space of 120. leagues, 120. Leagues. still meeting with store of the said cattle. From hence they went forward to the river of Conchos by which they entered, and thence to the valley of S. Bartholomew, from whence they first entered into their discovery. Upon their coming thither they found that the said Friar Bernardin Beltran and his company were safely arrived at the said town many days before, & were go from thence to the town of Guadiana. Guadian●. In this town the foresaid captain Antony de Espeio made most certain relation of all that is aforesaid, which relation presently he sent unto the Conde of Corunna Uizroy of Nueva Espanna, who sent the same to his Majesty, & to the Lords of his royal counsel of the Indies, to the end they might take such order as they thought best, which they have already performed with great care and circumspection. Almighty God vouchsafe his assistance in this business, that such numbers of souls redeemed by his blood may not utterly perish, of whose good capacity, wherein they exceed those of Mexico and Peru (as we be given to understand by those that have dealt with them) we may boldly presume that they will easily embrace the Gospel, and abandon such idolatry as now the most of them do live in: which Almighty God grant for his honour and glory, and for the increase of the holy Catholic faith. A letter of Bartholomew Canon from Mexico the 30. of May 1590. to Francis Hernandes of Sivil, concerning the speedy building of two strong Forts in S. john's de ullua, and in Vera Cruz, as also touching a notable new and rich discovery of Cibola or New Mexico 400● leagues Northwest of Mexico. IT may please you Sir, to be advertised that I have received your letters, whereby I understand that our ship with the treasure is safely arrived, God be praised therefore. The frigate arrived here in safety which brought the letters of advise from the King to the Uiceroy. She arrived in S. john de ullua the 29. of May, & departed from S. Lucar in Spain the 6. of April. By which his Majesty writeth unto the Uiceroy, what time the Fleet shall departed from hence, and what course they shall take, not as they had wont for to do; by reason that there are great store of men of war abroad at the sea, which mean to encounter with the Fleet. I pray God send them well to Spain: for here we were troubled very sore with men of war on this coast. His Majesty hath sent express commandment unto the Marquis of Villa Manrique his cozen, Uiecroy of Nova Hispania, The Marches of Villa Maurique Uiceroy of Nova Hispania. that immediately upon sight of his letters he that command to be builded in S. john de ullua, & in Vera Cruz two strong Forts for the defence of these countries, of his majesties charges: And that there shallbe garrisons in both the Forts for the defence of the ships which ride there, and for the strength of the country. There are departed out of Mexico and other towns hereabout by the commandment of the Uiceroy 500 soldiers Spaniards, under the conduct of Rodorigo del Rio the governor of Nueva Biscaia which are go to win a great City called Cibola, which is 400. leagues beyond Mexico to the Northwest, 500 Spaniard's sent to conquer the great city of Cibola which is 400. leagues from Mexico North westward. and standeth up in the main land. It is by report a very great city, as big as Mexico, and a very rich country both of gold Mines and silver Mines: and the King of the country is a mighty King, and he will not become subject to his Majesty. There were certain Spaniards sent to that king from the Uiceroy in an embassage; It is thought that they are slain, for we can here no news of them. The other news that I can certify you of at this instant is, that there is a judge of the city of Guadalajara called done Nunno de villa Inscensia lately married. Also the king's Attorney of Guadalajara married his daughter of 8. years old with a boy of 12, years old. But the Uiceroy says that he hath a warrant from his Majesty, that if any judge whatsoever dwelling in that kingdom of Guadalajara should marry any some in that jurisdiction, that then the said Uiceroy is to deprive him of his office. And therefore he went about to deprive the judge & the king's Attorney of their offices. Whereupon the people of that province would not thereunto consent, nor suffer them to be dismissed of their offices, nor to be arrested, nor carried prisoners to Mexico. When the viceroy had intelligence thereof, & that the Country did resist his commandment, and would not suffer them to be apprehended, he sent certain Captains with soldiers to go and apprehended the judge, the king's Attorney, and as many as did take their parts. So the citizens of Guadalajara withstood the viceroys forces, & put themselves in defence; and are up in arms against the viceroy; yet they do not rebel against the king, but say: God save king Philip, and will submit themselves to his Majesty, but not to the viceroy. So that all the kingdom of Guadalajara is up in arms, A dangerous rebellion in Guadalajara a province of Nova Hispania. and are all in a mutiny against us of Mexico. I beseech Almighty God to remedy it, and that it may be qualified in time: or else all Nova Spania will be utterly spoilt. I writ this thing, because it is publicly known in all places. And thus I rest, from Mexico the 30. of May 1590. Bartholomew Cano. THE FIRST AND SECOND Discovery of the gulf of California, and of the Sea-coast on the Northwest or backside of America, lying to the West of New Mexico, Cibola and Qui●ira, together with Sir Francis Drakes landing and taking possession upon Nova Albion in the behalf of the Crown of England, and the notable voyage of Francis Gaul; Wherein amongst many other memorable matters is set down the huge breadth of the Ocean sea from China and japan to the Northwest parts of America, in the 38. and 40. degrees. A relation of the discovery, which in the Name of God the Fleet of the right noble Fernando Cortes Marquis of the Valley, made with three ships; The one called Santa Agueda of 120. tons, the other the Trinity of 35. tons, and the third S. Thomas of the burden of 20. tons. Of which Fleet was Captain the right worshipful knight Francis de Vlloa born in the City of Merida. Taken out of the third volume of the voyages gathered by M. john Baptista Ramusio. Chap. 1. Francis Vlloa a captain of Cortes departeth with a Fleet from the port of Acapulco, and goeth to discover unknown lands, he passeth by the coast of Sacatula and Motin, and by tempest runneth to the river of Guajanal, from whence he crosseth over to the haven of Santa Cruz, along the coast whereof he discovereth 3. small islands, and within two days and an half returning to the main land he discovereth the river called Rio de San Pedro y San Pablo, and not far distant from thence two other rivers as big or greater then that of Guadalquivir which runneth by Sivil, together with their head-springs. WE embarked ourselves in the haven of Acapulco on the 8. of july in the year of our Lord 1539, Acapulco in 17. degrees of latitude. calling upon almighty God to guide us with his holy hand unto such places where he might be served, and his holy faith advanced. And we sailed from the said port by the coast of Sacatula and Motin, The coast of Sacatula and Motin. which is sweet and pleasant through the abundance of trees that grow thereon, and rivers which pass through those countries, for the which we often thanked God the creator of them. So sailing along we came to the haven of S. jago in the province of Colima: S. jago de Colima. but before we arrived there, the main mast of our ship called Santa Agueda was broken by a storm of wind that took us, so as the ship was forced to sail without her mast until we arrived in the laid haven. From the port of Acapulco to this haven of Colima we were sailing the space of 20. days. Here we stayed to mend our mast and to take in certain victuals, water, and wood, the space of 27. days. And we departed from the said haven the 23. of August, and sailing by the Isles of Xalisco the 27. or 28. of the said month we were taken with an extreme tempest wherein we thought we should have perished, The Isles of Xalisco. and being tossed and weatherbeaten, we ran as far as the river of Guajaval in the Province of Culiacan. Guajaval. In this storm we lost the pinnace called Saint Thomas, and because we had lost her we crossed over to the port of Santa Cruz in California: Santa C●uz in the pont● of C●lifor●●●. for while we were so beaten in the former tempest, the pilot of the Bark signified unto us, that he perceived she began to leak, and that already she had received in much water, insomuch that she began to founder; whereupon, to help her need, and that we might meet together in a known haven, if by chance the tempest should separate us, as it did indeed, we willed him to repair to the haven of Santa Cruz, where we meant to repair his harms and our own. Wherefore being all arrived in this place of Santa Cruz, we stayed there five days and look in water, wherein we herded no news of our Bark which we had lost: Wereupon the Captain resolved to follow on our voyage; wherefore we set sail the 12. of Sept●mber, and as we sailed we see along the coast of the said haven 3 Islands, Thr●● islands. whereof the Captain made no great account, thinking there could be no great good found in any of them. These Islands seemed not to be great; wherefore he commanded the Masters and pilots to proceed on their voyage, and not to lose time without any profit. So sailing over the gulf of California, in two days and an half we came to the river of S. Peter and S. Paul, Rio de sand Pedro y sand P●blo. finding before we entered into the same a small Island in the mouth of the River, being 4. or 5. miles distant from the main. On both sides of this River we beheld goodly and pleasant great plains full of many green and beautiful trees, and farther within the land we beheld certain exceeding high mountains full of woods very pleasant to behold. From this River we sailed still along the coast the space of 15. leagues● in which course we found two other Rivers in our judgement as great or greater than Guadalquivir the River of Sivilia in Spain. Two great ●●●er●. All the coast by these Rivers is plain as the other which we had passed, with many woods: likewise within the land appeared great mountains covered with woods very beautiful to behold, and beneath in the plain appeared certain lakes of water. From these Rivers we sailed 18. leagues, and found very pleasant plains, and certain great lakes whose mouths opened into the Sea: Certain great lakes. here our Captain thought good thoroughly to discover what those lakes were, and to search whether there were any good haven for his ships to ride in, or to harbour themselves, if any tempest should arise; and so he commanded a boat to be hoist out into the Sea, with a Master and five or six men to view them, and to sound the depth, and bottom of them: who went thither, and found the coast very should, and the mouths of the lakes; whereupon th●y made no account of them, only because the shore was so shallow, for otherwise the land was very pleasant. Here at evening we see on the shore 10. or 12. Indians and fires. The aforesaid two Rivers are two leagues distant the one from the other, little more or less, and are great, as I have said, and being in the last of them we went up to the ship-top, and see many lakes, and one among the rest exceeding great, and we supposed that they had their springs out of this great lake, as other Rivers also have from other lakes, for we saw the course of them severally each by themselves, having goodly woods growing all along their banks. The currents of these Rivers might be discerned three leagues with●n the Sea: and at the mouths of them were many small s●akes set up for marks: the shore here is plain and sandy, and the country very pleasant. Chap. 2. Sailing along the coast from the two aforesaid great Rivers, they discover three mouths of lakes and a goodly Country, they come unto Cabo Roxo, and take possession of those countries for the emperors Majesty. A discourse of the fair havens that are on those coasts, and of very many Islands which they see, before they came to the Cape called Capo de las Plaias'. THis day we sailed along the coast the space of 16. leagues, and in the midst of this voyage there is a Bay very fair of 4. or 5. leagues, having certain banks or fences in it, in beholding whereof we took great pleasure. The night following we road in 20. fathom water. The next day we followed our voyage toward the North, The coast runneth Northward. and having sailed 3. or 4. leagues we see 3. mouths of lakes which entered into the land, where they become like standing pools. We road a league distance from these mouths in 6. fathom water, to see what they were, and sent our boat with certain men, to see if there were any entry for our ships: for half a league from shore we had not passed one or two fathom water. Here our men see 7. or 8. Indians, and found sundry sorts of green herbs somewhat differing from those of Nueva Espanna. The Country is plain, but far within land they see great and small hills extending themselves a great way, and being very fair and pleasant to behold. The day following we proceeded on our voyage sailing always in sight of the plain coast toward the Northwest, in 10. or 15. fathom water. And having sailed 6. good leagues we found a Bay on the coast within the land of about 5. leagues over, from whence the coast trended Northwest, and this day we sailed about 16. leagues. All this coast is plain, and not so pleasant as that which we had passed; here are certain small hills, but not so high as those which we had found before. Thus we sailed all night Northwest, and until the next day at noon, at which time we fallen with a headland of white sand, where by the height which we took that day we found ourselves to be in the latitude of 27. degrees and ¼. This cape we called Capo Roxo. Capo R●●●. All the coast is plain and fair and clean sand, and we see within land some few trees not very great, with certain mountains & woods 3. or 4. leagues distant from the said cape: and here likewise appeared a mouth of a river, which (as far as we could discern) made certain lakes up within the land: from the mouth whereof for the space of a league into the sea it seemed to be very ●l old, because the sea did break very much. Here we see within the land 3. or 4 rivers. In ●his sort we sailed on our voyage to the Northward, The coast runneth Northward. & because we had not good weather we road th●t night in a great haven lying in our way, where on the shore we see certain plains, and up within the land certain hills not very high: and continuing our course toward the North about 3. leagues from this haven, we found an Island of about one league in circuit lying before the mouth of the said haven. And sailing forward we found an haven which hath two mouths into the Sea, into which we entered by the Northermost mouth, which hath 10. or 12. fathom water & so decreaseth till it come to 5. fathom, where we anckered in a pool which the Sea maketh, which is a strange thing to behold, for there are so many entrances & mouths of streams and havens, that w● were all astonished at the sight thereof; and these havens are so excellently framed by nature, as the like are not to be seen in the world, wherein we found great store of fish. Here we anckered, and the Captain went on shore, and took possession, using all such ceremonies as thereunto belong. Here also we found certain wears to catch fish made by the Indians, Fishing w●●r●● like those of Virginia. and certain sm●ll cottages, wherein were divers pieces of earthen pots as finely made as those in Spain. Here by commandment of the Captain a Cross was e●ected upon an hill, and it was set up by Francis Pr●ciado. In this place we see the Country full of fresh and green grass, howbeit differing ●r●m that of New Spain, and up within the Country we see many great and very green mountains. This Country seemed very goodly and deligh some to all of us, in regard of the greenness and beauty thereof, and we judged it to be very populous within the land. From this hau●n we departed and kep● our way toward the Northwest with good weather, and began to s●●de hard by the seashore exceeding high mountains spotted with white, and in them we see man● fowls wh●ch had their nests in certain holes of those rocks, and sailed 10. leagues until night, all w●ich ni●ht we were becalmed. The next day we followed our course Northwest with good weather: ●nd from that day forward we began to see on the Western shore (whereon he foresaid haven of S. Cruz standeth) certain Islands or high lands, An Island whereat we rejoiced not ● little. And so sailing forward we met with an Island about two leagues in bigness, and on the East shore having still the main land and Islands in sight● we sailed 15. leagues until the evening, always finding hard by the sea-coast exceeding high mountains bore of trees, the land appearing still more plainly unto us on the Western shore. Whereupon we began to be of divers opinions, some thinking that this coast of Santa Cruz was a firm land, and that it joined with the continent of Nueva Espanna, others thought the contrary, and that they were nothing else but Islands, Some take the land of Cal●●orni● to be nothing but Islands. which were to the Westward. And in this sort we proceeded forward, having the land on both sides of us, so far, that we all began to wonder at it. This day we sailed some 15. leagues, and called this Cape Capo de las Plaias'. Chap. 3. Of the Straight which they discovered on the coast of Capo de las Plaias' and of the pleasant Country which they found before they came to the rocks called Los diamantes. Of the wonderful whiteness of that Sea, and of the ebbing and flowing thereof; and of the multitude of Islands and lands, which extend themselves Northward from the haven of Santa Cruz. THe day following we sailed until night with so good weather, that we ran about 20. leagues. All this coast along the shore is full of little hills without grass or trees: and that night we anckered in 20. fathom water. The next day we followed our voyage beginning to sail before break of day Northwestward, and we came into the midst of a Straight or mouth which was 12 leagues broad from one land to the other, A Straight of 12. leagues broad, of exceeding depth. which Straight had two islands in the midst thereof being 4. leagues distant the one from the other: and here we discerned the country to be plain, and certain mountains, & it seemed that a certain gut of water like a brook ran through the plain. This straight (as far as we could perceive) was very deep, for we could find no bottom; and here we see the land stretching a far off from the one shore to the other, and on the Western shore of the haven of S. Cruz, the land was more high with very bore mountains. The day following we passed on our way toward the North, The Straight here runneth Northward. and sailed some 15. leagues, and in the midst of our way we found a circuit or bay of 6. leagues into the laud with many cooves or creeks, and the next day following continuing our course we sailed some 10. leagues, and the coast in this days journey was all of high mountains naked and bore without any tree. It is very deep hard by the shore, and that night we were constrained to stay by reason of the contrary wind. The next morning before break of day we sailed still along the coast to the Northwest until evening, and r●nne about some 15. leagues. All along this shore we saw very goodly mountains within the land, and many plains and downs with some few trees, Small rocks called Los Dia●antes. & the sea shore was all sandy. In the midst of this days course we found certain small rocks in the sea 4. leagues distant from the main, where the said land maketh a great point into the sea, and here we stayed the rest of the night, where we had a very great shower of rain. The day following we proceeded on our voyage, and sailed until night by a compass or turning, some 8. or 9 leagues, and see within land a few mountains having no trees upon them, but the Sun shining always very clear, as far as we could descry● they were very great, on the Western shore of the haven of Santa Cruz. Here we stayed all night because we found very shallow water and saw the sea very white, and in a manner like to chalk, so that we all began to marvel thereat. The day following we went forward again along the coast Northwestward, and sailed eight leagues, and see another land which stretched Northwest, and was full of high mountains. And still continuing this course we searched very diligently to see if there were any passage through between both the lands, for right forward we saw no land. And thus sailing we always found more shallow water, and the Sea thick, black, and very muddy, and came at length into five fathom water; and seeing this, we determined to pass over to the sand which we had seen on the other side, and here likewise we found as little depth and less, whereupon we road all night in five fathom water, and we perceived the Sea to run with so great a rage into the land, that it was a thing much to be marveled at, and with the like fury it returned back again with the ebb; during which time we found 11. fathom water, and the flood and ebb continued from sire to sire hours. The day following the Captain and Pilot went up to the ships top, and saw all the land full of sand in a great round compass, and joining itself with the other shore, and it was so low, that whereas we were a league from the same we could not well discern it, and it seemed that there was an i●let of the mouths of certain lakes, whereby the Sea went in and out. There were divers opinions amongst us, and some thought that that current entered into those lakes, and also that some great River there might be the cause thereof. And when we could perceive no passage through, nor could discern the country to be inhabited, the Captain accompanied with certain of us went to take possession thereof. The same day with the ebb of the Sea we f●ll down from the other coast from the side of Nueva Espanna, though always we had in sight the firm land on the one side of us, end the other Islands on our left hand, on the side of the port of Santa Cruz situate on the Western shore: for on that side there are so many Islands and lands, so far as we could descry, that it was greatly to be wondered at: for from the said haven of Santa Cruz, and from the coast of Culiacan we had always in a manner land on both sides of us, and that so great a country, that I suppose if it should so continued further inward, there is country enough for many years to conquer. This day we had the wind contrary, and cast anchor until the flood increased, which was in the afternoon, and then we set sail likewise with contrary wind until midnight, and then cast anchor. The next day we d●p●rted, shaping our course along the coast Southwest, until midnight with littl● wind, and we saw within the land high mountains with some opening, and we made way s●me three leagues, and all the next night we were be calmed, and the next day we continued our course but a l●ttle while, for we sailed not above five leagues, and all the night were becalmed, and saw the land full of bore and high mountains, and on our left hand we descried a plain country, and see in the night certain fires. Chap. 4. They land upon an Island to discover the same, and there they see many fires, which issue out of certain mountains, and many Seale-fish. Here they take an Indian, and can not understand his language. Running along they discover another Island, and take possession thereof for the emperors Majesty, and a great haven in the firm land, which they call Ancon de Sant Andres, or The haven of S. Andrew. THe next day following our course we see a great haven with an Island in the sea, within a crossbow shoot of the firm land, and in this Island and on the firm land were se●ne many smokes by the judgement of all the company; wherefore the captain thought good that we should go on land to know the certainty of these smokes and fires, Burning mountains. himself taking ten or twelve of us with a boat in his company: and going on shore in the Island, we found that the smokes proceeded out of certain mountains and breaches of burned earth, whereout ascended into the air certain cinders and ashes which mounted up to the middle region of the air, in such great quantity, that we could not esteem less than twenty loads of wood to be burned for the causing of every of those smokes, whereat we were all not a little amazed. In this Island were such abundance of Seals, as it was wondered. Here we stayed that day, and killed a great number of these Seals, Abundance o● S●ales. with whom we had some trouble: for they were so many, and aided one another so well, that it was strange to behold; for it fallen out, that while we were occupied in kill some of them with staves, they assembled twenty or thirty together, and lifting themselves up assailed us with their feet in a squadron, and overthrew two or three of our company on the ground: whereupon letting go those which they had in their hands, they and the others escaped us and went into the sea● howbeit we killed good store of them, which were so fat as it was wonderful: and when we opened some of them to have their livers, we found certain small black stones in their bodies, whereat we much marveled. The next day we road at anchor here for lack of good weather to sail withal: whereupon the Captain determined to go on shore with nine or ten in his company, to see whether there were any people there, or any sign of people that had been there, and they found on the main land seven or eight Indians like to Chichimecas, which w●re go a fishing, and had a raft of canes; A ra●t of canes who so soon as they espied us ran away and betook themselves to flight, but being pursued by us, in the end we took one of them, whose language was so strange that we could by no means understand him; his clothing was nothing at all, for he was stark naked. These people carried their water in bottles made of beasts skins, they fished with hooks of bone, Bottles of beasts kins and fishhooke of bone. and we found good store of their fish, whereof we took three or four dozen. The Indian which we had taken seeing himself in our hands did nothing but weep, but the Captain called him, and made much of him, giving him certain beads, with a hat and certain hooks of ours, and then let him go. And it seemed that after he was returned to his companions, he declared unto them how we had done him no harm at all, showing them the things which we had given him: whereupon they also determined to come unto us to our boat, but because it was now night, and that our ships were far from us, we forced not to stay for them, especially because it was a bad place and a dangerous. This country hath on the sea-coast high and bore mountains with certain grass in some places like unto our brooms, or like unto woods of rosemary. The next day we sailed near to the coast on the same side, with very scarce wind, and in a manner calm, and ran not above five leagues, and all the night following we lay becalmed, and we see on the shore five of six fires. The land is high with very high mountains without grass, having certain caves in them: the next day also, and part of the night following we were becalmed: and the morrow after we followed our course along the said coast, and passed between a great Island full of exceeding high mountains, and the main land; Ancoa de S. Andres, or The haven of S. Andrew in 32 degrees. where we see a very great haven in the firm land in which we ankered to see what it was, and being come to an anchor, the Captain and some of us went on land the same day to see if there were any people and fresh water, and we found certain small cottages covered with dry grass, with certain little staves laid overthwart, and we went a little way into the country which was very bar●n, by certain small and straight paths, and found a little pond or pit, but dry and without water; and here the Captain took possession for the Marquis of the valley in the name of his Majesty, and after this we returned to our ship, and that night we saw four or five fires on the land. The next day the Captain determined, because he had seen these fires, to go on shore, and so with our two boats we went fifteen or twenty of us unto certain crooked strands two leagues from the place where our ships road, and where we had seen the fires, and we found two Indians of exceeding huge stature, Two Indians of exceeding ●uge stature. so that they caused us greatly to wonder; they carried their bows and arrows in their hands, and as soon as they see us leap on shore they ran away, and we followed them unto their dwellings and lodgings, which were certain cottages and bowers covered with boughs, and there we found great and small steps of many people, but they had no kind of victuals but only cuttle-fish which we found there. The country toward the sea side seemed but barren, for we see neither trees nor green grass there, yet were there certain small paths not well beaten, and along the sea-coast we see many tracts of dogs, hares, and coneys, and in certain small Islands near unto the main we see Seale-fish. This haven is called Ancon de Sant Andres. Ancon de San●●●dre●. Chap. 5. They discover a mountainous Island very great, and near unto it certain other Islands with a goodly green and pleasant country. They have sight of certain Indians in Canoas' of canes, whose language sounded like the Flemish tongue, with whom they could not have any traffic. ●●reat Island THe next day we proceeded on our voyage, sailing between the main and an Island, which we suppose to be in circuit about a hundred or eighty leagues, sailing sometimes within one, and sometimes within two leagues of the main. The soil of this Island is of certain mountains not very steep with caves in them, and as far as we could descry by the coast, there appeared no sign of any plain country. Here from this day forward we began to be afraid, considering that we were to return to the port of Santa Cruz; for it was supposed, that all along this mighty gulf from the entrance in at Culiacan● until the returning back unto the said haven, was all firm land, and also because we had the firm land always on our right hand and it goeth round circlewise unto the said haven; but many thought and hoped that we should find some mouth or outlet, whereby we might pass through unto the other coast. What our success was we will declare in the relation following. They return from the bottom of the gulf of California. The next day being Thursday we sailed with scant wind, for it was almost calm, and passed beyond that great Island, having firm land always on our right hand, and coasting (as I said) very near unto it. The next day likewise we sailed with little wind, it being in a manner calm, and passed near unto the shore by certain round bay, and certain points which the land made, which was pleasant to behold bring somewhat green, and there seemed to be some creak there. This Friday at night we sailed altogether with a fresh gale, and at break of day we were between the main land, and an Island on our left hand, Another Island which was somewhat big, as far as we could discern. There was a great bay in the firm land, and before it was a point which stretched far into the sea. The firm land seemed to be much fresher and pleasanter than those lands which we had passed, having many banks and hills of indifferent height, and beautiful to behold. The country (as far as we could discern) was so pleasant and delightful, that we all desired to go on shore, and to search up into it two or three days journey, to see whether it were inhabited or not. We see within the land of that bay two fires. The night following being Saturday we sailed continually with a prosperous and fresh gale, and the wound was so great that we drawn our bonnet to our main sail, and sailed so till the morning. On Sunday the twelfth of October we found ourselves altogether enclosed with land, on the right hand with the main, which compassed us before and behind, and on the left hand with an Island of a league and a half; and between the main and the Island in the midst of the sea there lay a small Islet, and also between the said main and the Island there were two mouthes● through which there appeared a passage whereby afterwad we passed through. This main was much more fresh and green than the other which we had passed, and had certain plains, and points of mountains of pleasant view, and full of green grass. Here all this night we see two or three villages which were very great, and at break of day we see a Canoa or boat made of canes, which came from the land out of a creak, and we stood still until it came near unto us in the ship, and they began to speak in their language which no man understood, whose pronunciation was like to the Flemings, and being called they returned with great haste unto the shore; and we were very sorry because our boat had not followed them. Here happened unto us a very strange thing, which was, that as this Indian returned to the shore in certain of these creeks where a number of his fellow Indians were, as we viewe● that part, we saw five Canoas' issue forth, which came toward us: whereupon we stayed to see what they would do. In the mean while our Admiral came up unto us, which was near the shore, for she also had seen them, and so being come together we cast anchor, expecting what those Canoas' would do. In the mean while our General commanded us to make ready our boat, and to furnish the same with oars and men, to try if we could by any means take some of them, that we might come to some knowledge of them, and that we might give them some of our trifles, and specially of our hooks and beads to win their friendship. The Indians with their five Canoas' approached within one or two stones cast of us, and then began to speak very loud unto us in a very strange language, always standing upon their guard to retire themselves with speed. When our Captain see this, and that they would not come near us, but rather retired, he commanded six mariners to go into the boat from the stern of the ship, and himself also went with them with all possible haste toward the Indians. The Indians returned to the shore with so great celerity, that they seemed to fly in those little Canoas' of canes. Nevertheless our men used such dissgrace that one of the Canoas' was boarded & taken; but the Indian in the Canoa seeing himself now taken leapt into the water, and our men followed with their boat to take him, but seeing himself within their reach, he ducked with his head under their boat, and so deceived them, and then rose up again, and with their oars and with staves they gave him certain blows, to amaze him, but nothing would serve them; for as they were about to lay hands upon him he still dived underwater, and with his hands and feet got near to the shore: and as he rose up above the water, he called to his fellows which stood on the shore to behold, crying Belen with a loud voice, and so they pursued him, and struck him sometimes being very near the shore, and he always went calling the rest of his fellows to come and help him, whereupon within a short while after three other Canoas' came forth to secure him, being full of Indians with bows and arrows in their hands, crying with a loud voice, that we should come on shore: these Indians were of great stature and salvage, far also and well set, and of a brown colour. Our Captain perceiving this, lest they should wound any of our people with their arrows, returned back, and commanded us immediately to set sail, and so forthwith we departed. This day the wound scanted, and we returned to anchor in the foresaid place, and our Admiral road from the firm land toward the Island, and we which were in the ship called The Trinity lay near unto the main, and before break of day we departed with a fresh gale. And before we dise●●●quod o●●e of that channel we see certain grass very high and green upon the main: whereupon a mariner, and the Pilot went up into the top, and see the mouth of a river which ran through that green country into the sea. Port ●elen a very good ha●●●. But because our Admiral was under all her sails far from us, we could not tell them of this river, where we would have taken water, whereof we had some need, and because it was a very good haven to go on shore to take it, and therefore without watering we followed our course. On monday we departed from this haven which is like unto a lake, for on all sides we were compassed with land, having the continent before, be hind us, and on our right side, and the Island on our left side, and we passed forth at those mouths beforementioned which showed an outlet into the open sea. Thus we sailed along still viewing the situation of the country, rejoicing all of us at the sight thereof, for it always pleased us more and more, still appearing more green and pleasant, and the grass which we found near unto the shore was fresh and delectable, but not very high, being (to all our judgements) not past a span long. Likewise the hills which we see, which were many, and many downs made a very pleasant prospect, especially because we judged, that there were many valleys and dales between them. Chap. 6. They discover a very great bay with four small Islands in it, whereas they take possession. As they sail along and discover divers Islands they come at length to the port of Santa Cruz, where not being able to get any knowledge of those Indians although they lay, in wait for them at a place called. The well of Gr●alua, they departed thence. They, have a perilous and long tempest, which ceased after they had seen a light on their shrouds. AT the coming out of these opening we began to ●●●de a Bay 〈…〉 great haven, A great haven entitled with divers small hills having upon them 〈…〉 pleasant to 〈◊〉 In this bay and strand were two small Islands near unto the shore, one of the which was like unto a table about half a league in bigness, and the other was a round hill almost as big as the former. These Islands served us only to comment our sight, for we passed by them without staying, having but a slack wound on Monday morning: all which day we followed our course with the foresaid slack wind, and within a while after it become flat contrary, so that we were constrained to anchor at the said point of the said haven: and on Tewesday at break of day we set sail, but made but little away all the day, because the wind continued contrary, although but very weak. The night following we were becalmed a little beyond the point of this haven; but about midnight we began to have a fresh gale, and on Wednesday in the morning we were seven leagues distant from that point. This country showed (as it was indeed) more plain than the rest, with certain small woody hills, and within the other point which was before descried, the situation seemed to be more pleasant and delightsome than the rest which we had passed. And at the uttermost end of the point were two small Is●ets. The said Wednesday about nine of the clock the wind blew a good gale, and we sailed by evening between seven and eight leagues, and came over against a land not very high, where we see certain creeks or breaches not very ragged, into every of which a river seemed to fall, because the soil was very green, and had certain trees growing on it far bigger than those which we had found before. Here the Captain with five or six men went on shore, and taking possession passed up one of those rivers, and found the sooting of many Indians upon the sand. On the banks of that river they see many fruitful trees, as cherry-trees and little appletrees, and other white trees: they found also in the wood three or four beasts called Adibes, which are a kind of dogs. The same night we set sail with the wind off the land, which blew so freshly, that it made us to strike our foresail; and on the sixeteenth of October at nine of the clock we came near unto a point of certain high mountains, on which day being Thursday we made little way, because the wind ceased, but it rose again in the night, whereupon by the break of day on Friday we came before the said point being six or seven leagues off. The land seemed to be very mountainous with certain sharp points not greatly clad with grass, but somewhat bore. On our left hand we see two Islands, the one of a league and a half, the other not so much, and it seemed that we drawn near to the port of Santa Cruz, whereat we were sorry, because we were always in good hope to and some outlet into the main Ocean in some place of that land, and that the same port was the same outlet, and also that by the said coast we might return to the foresaid haven of Santa Cruz, and that we had committed a great error, because we had not certainly sought out the secret, whether that were a Street or a river, which we had left behind us unsearched at the bottom of this great sea or gulf. All Friday and the night following we sailed with a scant wind, and on Saturday at break of day we were between two points of land which make a bay, wherein we see before and behind four or five great and small Islands. A bay with 4 or 5 Islands. The land was very mountainous, part whereof was covered with grass, and part was void. Within the land appeared more mountains and hills, and in this place we were come near unto the haven of Santa Cruz, which is all firm land, except it be divided in the very nook by some straight or great river which parteth it from the main, which because we had not thoroughly discovered, all of us that were employed in this voyage were not a little grieved. And this main land stretcheth so far in length, that I cannot well express it: for from the haven of Acapulco, which standeth in seventeen degrees and twenty minutes of latitude, we had always the coast of the firm laud on our right hand, until we came to the great current of the white & read sea; This current is in 32 degrees, and the sea is white and read. and here (as I have said) we known not the secret of this current, whether it were caused by a river or by a straight: and so supposing that the coast which we had on our right hand was closed up without passage, we returned back again, always descending Southward by our degrees, This return is mentioned cap. 5. until we returned unto the said haven of Santa Cruz, finding still along the coast a goodly and pleasant country, and still seeing fires made by the Indians, and Canoas' made of Canes. We determined to take in fresh water at the haven of Santa Cruz, to run along the outward Western coast, and to see what it was, if it pleased God. Here we rested ourselves, and eat of the plums and first-fruits called Pithaias: and we entered into the port of Santa Cruz on Sunday the 18 of October and stayed there eight days to take in wood and water resting ourselves all that while, They arrive at the haven of Santa Cruz. that our men might strengthen and refresh themselves. Our captain determined to divide amongst us certain garments of taffeta, with cloaks and says, and a piece of taffeta, and likewise ordained, that we should go on land to catch a couple of Indians, that they might talk with our interpreter, and that we might come to the knowledge of their language. Whereupon thirteen of us went out of our ship by night, and lay in ambush in a place which is called The well of Grijalua, where we stayed until noon between certain secret ways, and could never see or descry any one Indian: The Spaniards use massives to take the Indians wherefore we returned to our ships, with two massive-dogs which we carried with us to catch the Indians with more ease: and in our return we found two Indians hidden in certain thickets, which were come thither to spy what we did: but because we and our dogs were weary, and thought not on them, these Indians issued out of the thickets, and fled away, and we ran after them, and our dogs see them not: wherefore by reason of the thickness of the wild thistles, and of the thorns and briars, and because we were weary, we could never overtake them: Read more of these stau●● cap. 12. they left behind them certain staves so finely wrought that they were very beautiful to behold, considering how cunningly they were made with a handle and a cord to fling them. The nine and twentieth of October being Wednesday, we set sail out of this haven of Santa Cruz with little wind, and in sailing down the channel our ship called the Trinity came on ground upon certain sholdes: this was at noon at a low water, and with all the remedy that we could use we could not draw her off, whereupon we were constrained to underprop her, and to stay the next tide: and when the tide began to increase we used all diligence to draw her off, and could not by any means, whereat all the company and the Captain were not a little grieved; for we thought we should have lost her there, although we ceased not with all our might to labour with both our boats, and with our cable and capsten. In the end it pleased God about midnight at a full sea with the great force which we used to recover her, that we drawn her off the sand, for which we gave Good most hearty thanks, and road at anchor all the rest of the night, waiting for daylight for fear of falling into any further danger or mishap. When day was come, we set forward with a fresh gale, and proceeded on our voyage, directing our prows to the main sea, to see whether it would please God to let us discover the secret of this point. But whether it pleased not his great goodness, or whether it were for our sins, we spent eight days from this port, before we could double the point, by reason of contrary winds, and great rain, and lightning and darkness every night: also the winds grew so raging and tempestuous, that they made us all to quake, and to pray continually unto God to aid us. And hereupon we made our cables and anchors ready, and the chief Pilot commanded us with all speed to cast anchor, and in this sort we passed our troubles: and whereas we road in no security, he caused us forthwith to weigh our anchors, and to go whither the wound should drive us. And in this sort we spent those eight days, turning back by night the same way that we had go by day, and sometimes making good in the night that which we had lost in the day, not without great desire of all the company to have a wind which might set us forward on our voyage, being afflicted with the miseries which we endured by reason of the thunders, lightnings, and rain, wherewith we were wet from top to toe, by reason of the toil which we had in weighing and casting of our anchors, as need required. And on one of these nights, which was very dark and tempestuous with wind and rain, because we thought we should have perished, being very near the shore, we prayed unto God that he would vouchsafe to aid and save us, without calling our sins to remembrance. And straightway we see upon the shrouds of the Trinity as it were a candle, which of itself shined, and gave a light, whereat all the company greatly rejoiced, in such sort that we ceased not to give thanks unto God. Whereupon we assured ourselves, that of his mercy he would guide and save us, and would not suffer us to perish, as indeed it fallen out; for the ne●● day we had good weather, and all the mariners said, that it was the light of Saint Elmo which appeared on the shrouds, and they saluted it with their songs and prayers. These storms took us between the Isles of Saint jago and Saint Philip, and the Isle called Isla de perlas lying over against the point of California supposed to be firm land. Chap. 7. Sailing on their way they discover a pleasant Country, and in their judgement greatly inhabited, and find the Sea-coast very deep. They went to discover or view the Isle of pearls. And by a current one of their ships is separated from the other, and with great joy after three days they had sight again of her, and following their voyage they discover certain great, green, and pleasant plains. WE began to sail along the coast the seventh or eight of November, Nouember● the land always showing very green with grass pleasant to behold, and certain plains near the shore, and up within the country many pleasant hills replenished with wood, and certain valleys, so that we were delighted above measure, and wondered at the greatness and goodly hue of the country: & every night we see fires, which showed that the country is greatly inhabited. From hence forward they sail on the western or backside of California Thus we proceeded on our voyage until the tenth of the said month of November, having always the coast of the main Ocean on our right hand, and the farther we sailed, we always found the country more delight some and pleasant, as well in beholding the greennes thereof, as also in that it showed certain plains and deep valleys, California. through which rivers did fall down into the land, within certain mountains, and hills full of great woods which were not very high, and appeared within the country. Here we were 54 leagues distant from California little more or less, always toward the South-west, seeing in the night three or four fires, whereby it appeareth that the country is inhabited, and full of people, for the greatness of the country argueth no less: and we supposed that there must needs be great towns inhabited within the land, although in this point we were of divers opinions. The sea is so deep on all this coast that we could scarce found ground in 54 fathoms. On the greatest part of the coast there are hills of very white sand, and it seemeth to be a dangerous coast, because of the great and swift tides which go there, for the sand showeth so much for the space of ten or twelve leagues, for so the Pilots affirmed. This day being Saturday the wind increased, and we had sight of the Isle of pearls, 〈◊〉 de p●●l●●. which on this side of the gulf appeareth with a deep valley all covered over with trees, and showeth much fairer than on the other side, and we entered into the port of Santa Cruz. From the ninth of November to the fifteenth we sailed not above ten leagues, because we had contrary winds, and great showers: and besides this we had another mischance which did not a little grieve us: for we lost company of the ship called The Trinity, and could never see her for the space of three days, whereupon we suspected that she was returned home unto New Spain, or that she was severed from our company; wherefore we were grieved out of measure to see ourselves so left alone, and the Captain of all others was most sad, though he ceased not to encourage us to proceed on our voyage, saying that notwithstanding all this we aught not to leave off this enterprise which we had begun, and that though we were left alone we should deserve the greater commendation and credit: whereupon we all answered him, that we would not have him think that any of us would ever be discouraged, but that we would follow him until he should think it reasonable that we should not proceed any further in the enterprise, and that we were in danger of perishing, and that until than we would be at his commandment: but withal we persuaded him that after he had seen any great difficulty to proceed any further, he should do well to return back to make relation of our success to the R. H. lord the Marquis de valle. Hereupon he made an Oration unto us, wherein he told us, that he could not believe, much less could imagine, wherefore the ship called the Trinity should return into New Spain, nor why she should willingly departed from us, and go unto any other place, and that he thought by all reason, that some current had carried her out of our sight, and that through contrary weather and tempests she could not fetch us up, and that not withstanding all that which we had done in the voyage, he had an instruction, that if by chance we were separated one from the other we were to take this course to meet again together, namely to return back eight or ten leagues to seek one another, beyond certain headlands which lay out into the sea, and that therefore we should do well to return to seek her up. This sentence pleased us all, and so returning to seek her, we espied her two leagues distant from us, coming toward us with a fresh gale of wind, where at we greatly rejoiced. Thus being come together we ankered for that day, because the weather seemed very contrary, and the Captain chid them for their negligence in sailing, A current. because they had in such sort lost our company; and they excused themselves, that they could do no less, because a current had carried them away above three leagues, whereby they could never reach unto us. The next day being the sixeteenth of November we set forward, but sailed very little, for the North and North west winds were against us. Here we discovered certain plains, in my judgement very great and green, and right before us we could not discern any mountains or woods, whereat we marveled to see so great a country. And we met an Indian in a Canoa on the shore whereon the sea did break, who stayed to behold us a great while, and oftentimes he lifted up himself to view us the better, & then returned back along the coast: we used all diligence to see whether he would come out further from the shore, to give him chase, and to try whether we could catch him, but he very cunningly viewed us without coming near unto us, and returned to the shore with his Canoa. Here we see in the evening but one fire, and witted not whether it were done by the cunning of the Indians, because they would not have us know that there were people there, or that it was so indeed. From the said 16 day of November until the 24 of the same month we could not proceed on our way above 12 or 15 leagues● and looking into our Sea-chart, we found ourselves distant from the Xaguges of the port of Santa Cruz about 70 leagues. They are ●● leagues from the port of Santa Cruz Now on the 24 day being monday very early in the morning we began to take very good view of that Country, and all along the coast we see many fair plains with certain furrows made in the midst like unto half plains, the said plain still appearing up into the Country, with pleasant champions, because the grass which grew there was very beautiful, short, and green, and good pasture for cattle. Howbeit because we road so far off, we could not perfectly judge what kind of grass it was, but it showed very short and green, and without thorns. These plains on the right hand made a bay into a valley which seemed to be a piece of a mountain: the rest showed to be all plains without any ●histles or weeds but full of grass ●●od for cattle very green and fair, as I have said. Chap. 8. One of their ships by tempest was separated from the other, and afterward meeting with her con●ort she reporteth that the land stretcheth to the West by the mouth of the great lake. The Pilots are of divers judgements touching the state of this coast inhabited by Chichimecas. They enter into an haven to take in fresh water, and are suddenly assailed by two squadrons of Indians. They defend themselves valiantly, and the Captain with some of his soldiers are grievously wounded. THe 26 of this month being Wednesday at night the North wound took us, which still increased more and more so greatly that it put us to much trouble, for it continued two days, in which the Sea was always boisterous; and this night again we lost the Trinity being beaten with the North wind aforesaid (and we had sight of her on monday the 24) wherewith we were all of us greatly aggrieved, both Captains, Soldiers and Mariners, because we see we were left alone, and our ship call Santa Agueda wherein we were, was but badly conditioned, and this grieved us more than the trouble which we had with the boisterousness of the Sea, imagining that if we should lose the Trinity, or if any mishap should fall unto us, we should not be able to follow our voyage according to our Captains and our own desire. This said 24 day being monday we see a Country with high mountains toward the Northwest, Land ru●n●● towards the Northwest. and it seemed that the land stretched on still forward, whereat we exceedingly rejoiced, because we judged that the land grew always broader and broader, and that we should meet with some special good thing. Whereupon we desired that it would please God to sand us good weather for our voyage, which hitherto we found always contrary, so that in 26 days we sailed not above 70 leagues, No●● and that with much trouble, sometimes riding at anchor and sometimes sailing, and seeking the remedies and benefit of the shore to avoid perils. In this Country which we discovered the 26 day we always see (as I have said) along the shore, and within the land, goodly plains without any tree, in the midst whereof was a lake or gathering together of the Sea-water, which (to our judgement) was above 12 leagues in compass, and the sea-coast reached to the mountains before mentioned. And this day we see our ship called the Trinity, which road 2 leagues distant from us, which so soon as she see us, set sail, and we came together and rejoiced greatly. They brought us great quantity of grey fish, and of another kind: for at the point of those mountains they found a fishing which was very wonderful, A wonderful filling place like Newfoundland. for they suffered themselves to be taken by hand: and they were so great that every one had much ado to find room to lay his fish in. They found also on the said point a fountain of fresh water which descended from those hills, and they told us that at the same place they had found a narrow passage, whereby the Sea entered into the said lake. They comforted us much with the report of these things, and in telling us that the lands trended to the West; for the chief Pilot thought, and the other Pilot was of the same opinion, that we should find a good Country. This night we set sail to go to that point to take in fresh water which we wanted, and to see this lake, and to put some men on shore: and after midnight the wind came upon us so forcibly at the North that we could not stay there: whereupon we● were constrained to put further into the Sea, and returned the same way back again unto th● shore with much ado, and came to an anchor a great way short of the place from whence we were driven: and there we road until Thursday at noon with this bitter North wind, and on Friday about noon, when we most thought it would have ceased, it began to increase again, which grieved us not a little seeing the weather so contrary, hoping always that it would cease, and that some wind would blow from the shore, whereby we might recover the point of land to take in fresh water, and to search whether there were any people about that lake. Here we lay from the 26 of the said month till the 29, driving up and down the Sea, winding in by little and little until we had got under the shelter of those mountains: which being obtained we road the said 29 of the month half a league from those woody mountains, which we had seen in the Sea. We stayed in this place at our ease all the Sunday, and ivan Castilio the chief Pilot went that day in the boat on shore with seven in his company, and they landed near the Sea, and on a certain low ground they found four or five Indians Chichimecas of great stature, and went toward them, who fled away like Deer that had been chased. After this the Pilot went a little way along the Seashore, and then returned to his boat, and by that time he was entered thereinto, he see about fifteen Indians of great stature also, with their bows and arrows which called unto him with a loud and strong voice, making signs with their bows; but the Pilot made no account of their gesture, but rather returned to the ships, and declared what had passed between him and the Indians. The same day the Captain commanded that our cask should be made ready against the next morning to take in water, for in both the ships there were about five and twenty butts empty. The first of December, and the second day in the morning the Captain went with both the barks on shore with some dozen soldiers, and the greatest part of the Mariners which laboured in filling of water, leaving in the ships as many as were needful, and as soon as we were come on shore at the watering place the Captain caused the butts to be taken out, to the end they might be filled with water, and while they returned to fetch the barrels and hogsheads of the ship, the Captain walked a turn or two upon the shore for the space of one or two crossbow shoots, and afterward we went up to certain of those mountains, to view the disposition of the country, and in truth we found it in that place very bad to our judgement, for it was very ragged, full of woods and caves, and so stony, that we had much ado to go. Being come unto the top we found certain small hills full of woods, and cliffs that were not so craggy, although very troublesome to climb up; and while we looked from these little hills, we could not discern any more mountains, but rather judged that from that place forward there were great plains. The Captain would not suffer us to go any further, because in those places we had seen certain Indians which seemed to be spies, and warning us thereof he commanded us to retire unto the shore, where we were to take in water, and to dispatch our business quickly, and appointed us to make certain pits, that our butts might more easily be filled with water. And setting our Guards or Sentinels, we began to fill water. A fishing place and a lake of 30 leagues compass. In the mean while the Captain took certain soldiers, and went to the top of an high hill, from whence he deseryed a great part of the Sea, and a lake which is within the land: for the Sea entereth in the space of a league, and there is a good fishing place round about: and the lake was so great, that it seemed unto us to be very near 30 leagues in compass, for we could not discern the end thereof. Then we came down with no less trouble than we had mounted up unto the hill, by reason of the steepness of the place, and some tumbled down with no small laughter of the rest. And being come somewhat late to our watering place (for it was then past noon) we set ourselves to dinner, always appointing some of our company in Sentinel, until we were called to dinner, and when some were called two others were appointed in their rooms. And about two of the clock after dinner, the Captain and the rest suspecting no danger of assault of Indians, both because the place seemed not to be fit for it, as also for that we had set our Sentinels at the passages; two squadrons of Indians came upon us very secretly and covertly, A sudden assault of the Indians with stones, arrows and slaves. for one came by the great valley through which the water ran which we took, and the other came by a part of that great hill which we had ascended to see the lake, and all of them came so covertly, that our Sentinels could neither see nor hear them; and we had not perceived them, if a soldier by chance lifting up his eyes had not said, Arms, Arm, my masters, for many Indians come upon us. When we herded this the Captain leapt up in a great rage, because the guards were changed out of their place: and with his sword and target, being followed by a soldier, whose name was Haro, and afterward by the rest, he and the said soldier went toward a little gate of certain stones, whither the rest of us were to follow him: for if the Indians had got that place from us, we should have incurred great danger, and the greatest part of us had like to have been slain, and none could have escaped but such as by chance could have leapt into the boats, and the tide went so high, that none could be saved but such as were most excellent swimmers. But at length the Captain bestirred himself very nimbly, using all celerity that was possible. Therefore when he and Haro had won the gate, the rest of the soldiers gate up after them, and the Captain and Haro turned themselves to the Indians and made head against them, and the Indians assailed them with such numbers of stones, arrows, & ●auelius (which was a very strange thing) that they broke in pieces the target which the Captain had on his arm, and besides that wounded him with an arrow in the bending of his knee, and though the wound was not great, yet was it very painful unto him. While they thus stood to withstand their assault, they struck Haro which was on the other side so forcibly with a stone, that they threw him flat upon the ground: and by and by another stone lighted upon him which shivered his Target, and they hit the Captain with another arrow, and shot him quite through one of his ears. Another arrow came and struck a soldier called Graviello Marquis in the leg, of which he felt great pain and went halting. In the mean space Francis Preciado, and certain other soldiers came up and joined himself with the rest on the left hand of the Captain, saying unto him, Sir, withdraw yourself, for you be wounded, but be you not dismayed, for they are but Indians and cannot hurt us. In this wise we began to rush in among them upon the side of a rock always gaining ground of them, which greatly encouraged our minds, and when we began to enforce them to retire, we wan a small woody hill, where we sheltered ourselves, whereas before they shot upon us from alof●, for they were on the higher ground under covert in safety, & then by no means we could offend them, but by running forcibly upon them with our targets on our arms, and our swords in our hands. On the other side, to approach and seek to overtake them was a vain thing, seeing they were as swift as wild goats. By this time Haro was got up on foot, and having clapped a woollen clot upon his head, which had used extremely, he joined himself unto us, of whom we received no small aid. In the mean space the Indians fortified themselves on the nag of a rock, from whence they did not a little molest us, & we likewise fortified ourselves upon an hillock, whereby we descended into their Fort, and there was a small valley between them & us, which was not very deep from the upper part. There we were 6 soldiers & two Negroes with the Captain, & all of us were of opinion that it was not good to pass that place, lest the Indians being many might destroy us all, for the rest of our soldiers which were beneath at the foot of the hill, making head against the other squadron of the Indians, kept them from hurting those which took in water on the strand and from breaking the butts of water, and being but few, we concluded to stay here, and so we stood still fortifying ourselves as well as we could, especially considering that we had no succour on any side; for Berecillo our Mastive-dogge which should have aided us was grievously wounded with 3 arrows, so that by no means we could get him from us: this mastiff was wounded in the first assault when the Indians came upon us, who behaved himself very well, & greatly aided us; for he set upon them, and put 8 or 10 of them out of array, & made them run away, leaving many arrows behind them: but at length (as I have said) he was so wounded, that by no means we could get him to go from us to set any more upon the Indians, The Spaniards use mastiffs in their wars against the Indians' Keade more hereof cap. 17 & the other two mastiffs did us more harm then good: for when they went against them, they shot at them with their bows, and we received hurt and trouble in defending them. The captains leg when he waxed cold was so swollen, that we lapped it up in a woollen clot, and he halted much of it: and while the Indians thus stood still, one part of them began to dance, sing, and shout, and then they began all to lad themselves with stones, and to put their arrows into their bows, and to come down toward us very resolutely to assault us, and with great outcries they began to fling stones and to shoot their arrows. Then Francis Preciado turned him to the Captain and said: Sir, these Indians know or think, that we he afeard of them, & in truth it is a great fault to give them this encouragement, it were better for us resolutely to set upon them with these d●gs, & to assault them on this hill, that they may know us to be no dastards, for they be but Indians and dare not stand us; and if we can get their Fort upon the hill, God will give us victory in all the rest. The Captain answered, that he liked well of the motion, and that it was best so to do, although for any further pursuit up the hill, he thought we were to take another course. By and by Francis Preciado getting his target on his arm, and his sword in his hand, ran unto the other side of the valley, which on that part was not very steep, crying S. jago, upon them my masters, and after him leapt Haro, Tereca, Spinosa, and a Crossebow-man called Montanno, and after them followed the Captain, though very la●e, with a Negro and a soldier which accompanied him, encouraging and comforting them, willing them not to fear. Thus we brave them to the place where they had fortified themselves, and from whence they descended, and we took another hill over against them within a darts cast of them. And having breathed ourselves a little, the Captain came unto us, and said, Go too my masters, upon them before they strengthen themselves on this hill, for now we see plainly that they be afeard of us, seeing we chase the continually from their Forts: & suddenly 3 or 4 of us went toward them well covered with targets, unto the foot ●f their Fort where they were assembled, and the rest of our company followed us: the Indians began to make head against us, and to fling many stones upon us, and shoot many arrows, and we with our swords in our hands rushed upon them in such sort, that they seeing how furiously we set upon them, abandoned the fort, and ran down the hill as swift as Deer, and fled unto another hill over against us, where the other squadron of the Indians stood, of whom they were rescued, and they began to talk among themselves, but in a low voice, and joined together 6 and 6 and 8 & 8 in a company, and made a fire and warmed themselves, and we stood quietly beholding what they did. Chap. 9 After the skirmish the Captain being wounded, and the rest of the soldiers seeing the Indians departed, returned unto their ships. The next day taking in fresh water at the said place he sent mariners to sound the mouth of the lake. Departing thence they came to the port called Baya de Sant Abad, and endured a dangerous storm at sea. And afterward coming near the shore to take fresh water in the said haven, they see certain peaceable Indians. BY this time it was late and the night approached, and the Indians seeing this, within a short while after determined to get them packing, and each of them or the greatest part took firebrands in their hands, & got them away into craggy places. When the Captain see this he commanded us to return aboard our boats, it being now dark night, thanking us all for the good service we had done him. And being not abl● to stand upon his leg, he leaned with his arm upon Francis P●●●iado; and thus we returned to our boats, where with much ado we got aboard, by reason of the great tide and roughness of the sea, so that our boats were filled with every wave. Thus very weary, wet, & some wounded (as is aforesaid) each man returned unto his ship, where our beds which we found, and our refreshing, & the cheer we had at supper did not greatly comfort us in regard of our former travels. We passed that night in this sort, and the nex● day being Tuesday the Captain found himself greatly pained with his wounds, & chief with that on his leg, because it was greatly swollen with his going upon it. We lacked 12 butts to fill wi●h water, and the barrels in both the ships, and the Captain would have go out to 'cause them to be filled, but we would not suffer him, and therefore we left off the business for that day. But he appointed that the cross bows should be made ready, and two special good harquebusses, & the next day being Wednesday very early, he commanded ivan Castilio chief Pilot to go out with both the botes and with all the soldiers and mariners that he could make, having the day before commanded the Trinity to go as near the shore as she might, & to make ready some of her ordinance, that if the Indians should show themselves, they might affright them, & do them as much hurt as they could. Wherefore on the Wednesday all we that w●re soldiers, saving the wounded people, went on shore with certain mariners in the best order that we could, and took the first hill, where we had fortified ourselves, standing all upon our guard until the water was filled, and until we were called, during which time not one Indian showed himself. Thus we went aboard when we thought good ourselves, at lest without any suspicion of the Indians, although the tide of the Sea went so high that it put us to great trouble, for oftentimes with great waves it beaten into our boats. This was on the Wednesday the 3 of December. And to avoid loss of time the Captain commanded ivan Castilio the chief Pilot to take a boat and certain mariners as he should think good, and to view the mouth of the lake to see whether the entrance were deep enough for to harbour the ships. He taking the boat of the Admiral with 8 mariners, and ours of the Trinity, went and sounded the mouth, & on the shallowest place of the heart without they found 3 fathom depth, and farther in 4, & up higher 5. always increasing unto 10 or 12 fathoms, A special good haven. when they were come into the two points of the said lake, which was a league br●ad from one point to the other, and all their sounding was exceeding good ground. Then they went over to the southeast point, & there they see a great boat or raf● which they endeavoured to take to carry unto their ships. In the mean, while they espied certain cottages, which the Pilot determined to go and see, and being come n●●r●ther see 3 other raftes with 3 Indians on them distant from the cottages one or two crossbows shot, and he leapt on land with 4 or 5● mariners in his companie● and while they beheld those cottages, they see many Indians descending down a small hill in warlike manner with their bows and arrows, whereupon they determined to retire to their boats, and to return to their ships, and they were not go from the seashore scarce a stones cast, but the Indians were come upon them to shoot at them with their arrows, and because they were unarmed, they would not fight with them, having go on shore for no other purpose, but to sound the mouth and entrance of that lake. On Thursday the 4 of December we set sail with a fr●sh gale of wind, and sailed some 8 or 10 leagues, and came unto certain mouths or inlets which seemed to all of us as though they had been islands, and we entered into one of them, and came into an haven which we called Baya del Abad all enclosed and compassed with land, Baya del Abad to 100 leagues from the point of California being one of the fairest havens that hath been seen: and about the same, especially on both sides the land was green and goodly to behold; we descried certain rivers on that part which seemed green, & therefore we returned back, going out at that mouth whereby we came in, always having contrary wound: yet the Pilots used their best endeavour to make way: and we see before us certain woody hills, and beyond them certain plains; this we see from the Friday the 5 of the said month, until the Tuesday, which was the ninth. As we drawn near to these woods they seemed very pleasant, and there were goodly and large hills and beyond them towards the sea were certain plains, and through all the country we see these woods. From the day before, which was the Conception of our Lady, we see many great smokes, Many great smokes, of which al●o Francis Gualle maketh mention. whereat we much marveled, being of diverse opinions among ourselves, whether those smokes were made by the inhabitants of the country or no. Over against these woods there fallen every night such a dew, that every morning when we rose, the deck of the ship was so wet, that until the sun was a good height, we always made the deck dirty with going upon it. We road over against these woods from the Tuesday morning when we set sail, until Thursday about midnight, when a cruel Northwest wind took us, which, whither we would or not, enforced us to way our anchor; and it was so great, that the ship Santa Agueda began to return back, until her cable broken, and the ship hulled, and suddenly with a great gust the trinker and the mizzen were rend asunder, the Northwest wind still growing more and more: within a short while after the main sail was rend with a mighty flaw of wind, so that we were enforced, both soldiers, captain, and all of us, to do our best endeavour to mend our sails; and the Trinity was driven to do the like, for she going round upon her anchor, when she came a-head of it, her cable broken, so that there we lost two anchors, each ship one. We went back to seek Baya del Abad, for we were within 20 leagues of the same, and this day we came within four leagues of it, and being not able to reach it by reason of contrary winds, we road under the lee of certain mountains and hills which were bore, and almost void of grass, near unto a strand full of sandy hills. Near unto this road we found a fishing-place under a point of land, A fishing place where having let down our lead to see what ground was there, a fish caught it in his mouth, and began to draw it, and he which held the sounding-lead crying and showing his fellows that it was caught, that they might help him, as soon as he had got it above the water, took the fish, and loosed the cord of the sounding-lead, and threw it again into the sea, to see whether ther● were any good depth, and it was caught again, whereupon he began to cry for help, and all of us made a shout for joy; thus drawing the fish the rope of the sounding-lead being very great was cracked, but at length we caught the fish which was very fair. Here we stayed from Friday when we arrived there, until the Monday, when as it seemed good to our Captain, that we should repair to the watering place, from whence we were some six leagues distant, to take in 12 butts of water, which we had drunk and spent, because he known not whither we should from thenceforth find any water, or no; and though we should find water, it was doubtful whither we should be able to take it by reason of the great tide that goeth upon that coast. Great tides upon this coast. We drew near to that place on Monday at night, when as we saw certain fires of the Indians. And on Tuesday morning our General commanded that the Trinity should come as near our ship & to the shore as it could, that if we had need, they might help us with their great ordinance: and having made 3 or 4 bourds to draw near the shore, there came 4 or 5 Indians to the seaside; who stood and beheld while we put out our boat and anchor, marking also how our bwoy floated upon the water; and when our boat returned to the ship, two of them leapt into the sea, and swam unto the bwoy, and beheld it a great while: then they took a cane of an arrow, and tied to the said bwoy a very fair and shining sea-oyster of pearls, and then returne● to the shore, near to the watering-place. Chap. 10 They give unto the Indians many trifles which stand upon the shore to see them, and seek● to parley with them by their interpreter, which was a Chichimeco, who could not understand their language. They go to take fresh water. Francis Preciado spendeth the time with them with many signs, and trucking and being afeard of their great multitude, retireth himself wisely with his companions, returning with safety to the ships. WHen the Captain and we beheld this, we judged these Indians to be peaceable people; whereupon the Captain took the boat with 4 or 5 mariners carrying with him certain beads to truck, and went to speak with them. In the mean while he commanded the Indian interpreter our Ch●chimeco, to be called out of the Admiral that he should parley with them. And the Captain come unto the b●y, and laid certain things upon it for exchange, & made sinnes unto the Savages to c●me and take them; and an Indian made signs unto our men with his hands, his arms, and head, that th●y understood them not, but signified that they should go aside. Whereupon the Captain departed a small distance from that place with his boat. And they made signs again that he should get him further; whereupon we departing a great way off, the said Indians leap● into the water, came unto the boy, and took those beads, and returned back again to land, and ●hen came unto the other three, and all of them viewing our things, they gave a bow and certain arrows to an Indian, and s●nt him aw●y, running with all haste on the shore, and made signs unto us that they had sent word unto their lord what things we had given them, and that he would come thither. Within a while after the said Indian returned, running as he did before, and began to make signs unto us, that his Lord was coming. And while we stayed here, we see on the shore ten or twelve Indians assemble themselves, which came vn●o the other Indian's, and by and by we see another company of 12 or 15 more appear, who assembled themselves all together. And again they b●gan to make signs unto us, to come forthwith to our boats, and showed us many Oysters of pearls on the top of certain canes, making signs that they would give th●m us. When we beheld this, the Captain commanded us to make ready our boat●, and went abo●rd i● with the said mariners, and rowed to a c●rtaine stone in form of a rock, which lay in the sea near unto the shore. And hither came first 2 or 3 Indians, and laid down one of those Oysters, and a garland made of Parats feathers, or sparrows feathers painted read; they laid down also curtains pl●●nes of white feathers, and others of blue colour. In the mean while we law continually Indians assemble to the shore by ten and ten, and so by little and little they came in squadrons; and one of them assoon as he saw the boat began to leap forward and back w●rd w●th so gr●at nimbleness, that doubtless he seemed to all of us a man of great agility, and we took no sm●ll pleasure while we beheld him fetching those gambols: but the rest of the Indians which stood at th● mouth of the fresh water ran toward him, and cried unto him, forbidding ●im to use those gestures, because we were come thither in peaceable sort, and by this meanus he cam● wi●h the r●st to the water●ng place, where by little and little in this manner th●re assembled above a hundred of them all in order, with certain staves with cords to fling th●m, ●nd with their bows and arrows, and they were all painted. In the mean while our Chichimeco-interpreter born in the isle of California, was come unto us, and the Captain again commanded a mariner ●o strip himself, a●d to swim and say upon the said rock certain bel●es, and more beads, and when he had laid them there, the Indians made signs that he should go a wa●; and so they came thither and took them, and our men drawn near with ●heir boat. The Captain commanded the Indian our Chichimeco to speak unto them, but they could ●ot understand him, so that we assuredly believe, ●hat they understand not ●h● language of ●he I'll of California. This day being Tuesday until night the Indians stayed at this watering place, taking some of our beads, and giving unto us their feathers and other things, and when it was very late they dep●rted. The morrow following being Wednesday very early the Captain comm●nded that our butts should be made ready, that before break of day, and before the Indians should take the hill, which stood ou●r the wat●ring place, we might be landed in good order: which was put in execution: for we went on shore with as many as could go, saving thos● t●at had charge to take in the water, and such as were to stay on shipboard, which in all were about fourte●ne or fifteen people, in as good order as we could devise: for we were four crossbows, two ha●q●ebuziers, and eight or nine targets, and the most part of us carried very good stings, and every one ●ighteene river-stones, which weapon the Captain invented, because the Indian's at the first had handled us very shrewdly with the multitude of stones which they fl●ng at us: we had nothing to defend us saving our targets, and to seek to win the fort●s from whence they ●ndamaged us; he therefore thought with these s●ings, that we might offend them, ●nd we likewise thought well of ●is opinion, for making trial of them, we threw very well with th●m, and much farther than we th●ugh● we could have done: for the s●ings being m●de of he●pe, we fling very far with them. Now being come to the watering place the said W●dnesday by bre●ke of day w● took the fort of the fountain, which were certain crags or rocks hanging over the same, between which there was an opening or deep valley through which thy water runneth, which is no great quantity, but a little brook not past a fathom broad. So standing all in order, other four or five India●s came thither, who as soon as they saw us to be come on shore, and to have got the ●oppe of the watering place, they reti●ed unto a small hill on the other side, for the valley was between them and us: neither stayed they long before they began to assemble themselves as they ha● done the day before by 10 and 10, and 15 and 15, ranging themselves on this high hill, where they made signs unto us. And Francis Preciado craved licence of the General to parley with these Indians, and to give them some trifles; wherewith he was contented, charging him not to come too near them, nor to go into any place where they might hurt him. Whereupon Francis went unto a plain place, under the hill where the Indians stood, and to put them out of fear he laid down his sword and target, having only a dagger hanging down at his girdle, and in a scarf which he carried at his neck, certain beads to exchange with them, combs, fishinghooks and comfits. And he began to go up the hill, and to show them diverse of his merchandise. The Indians as soon as he had laid those things on the ground, and go somewhat aside, came down from the hill and took them, and carried them up, for it seemed that their Lord was among them, to whom they carried those trifles. Then they came down again, and laid to give unto him in the said place, an oyster of pearls, and two feathers like hawks feathers, Truck & traffic with th● Indians for mother of pearl, and other things. making signs to Preciado that he should come and take them; which he did, and again laid there a string of bells, and a great fishhooke, and certain beads; and they taking the same, laid there again another oyster of pearl, and certain feathers: and he laid down other ●eads, too fishhooks, and more comfits, and the Indians came to take them up, and approached much nearer unto him, then at other times, and so n●ere that a man might have touched them with a pike, and then they began to talk together: and 7 or 8 more came down, unto whom Francis Preciado made signs, that th●y should come down no lower, and they incontinently laid their bows and arrows on the ground, and having laid them down came somewhat lower, and there with signs, together with them which came first, they began to parley with him, and required mariners breeches & apparel of him, and above all things a read hat pleased them highly, which the said Francis ware on his head, and they prayed him to reach it unto them, or to lay it in the place; and after this certain of them made sign●s unto him to know whether he would have a harlot, signifying with their fingers those villainies and dishonest actions, and among the rest they set before him an Indian of gr●at stature died wholly with black, with certain shells of the mother of pearl at his neck, and on his head, and speaking by signs to Francis Preciado touching the foresaid act of fornication, thrusting their finger through a hole, they said unto him, that if he would have a woman, they would bring him one; and he answered, that he liked well of it, and that therefore they should bring him one. In the mean space on the other side where the General stood with his company, another squadron of Indians sh●w●d themselves, whereupon the General and his company made a stir, and put themselves in battle array: whereupon Francis Preciado was enforced to come down from them, to join with the General & his company: and here the Indians which came last began to make signs that we should lay down something to truck, and that they would give us some of their shells of mother of pearl, which they brought upon certain small sticks, and herewithal they came very near unto us, wherewith we w●re not well content. And Francis Preciado said unto the Captain, that if it pleased him, he● would 'cause all the Indians to come together and to s●ay upon that high hill; and he answered, that it was best to draw them all together, for by this time our men had taken in all their water, and stayed for the boat: whereupon Francis taking a crown of beads went toward the valley, through which the water ran toward the Indians, and made signs unto them to call the rest, and to come all together, because he would go to the old place, to lay things on the ground for exchange, as at the first; and they answered that he should do so, and that they had called the others, and that they would do, as he would have them, and so they did, for they caused them to come unto them, which they did, and Francis likewise went alone towards them, in which mean space the General commanded his people to get into the boat. Francis coming unto the place began ●o lay down his merchandise of traffic, and afterwards made signs unto them to stay there, because he would go to the ships to bring them other things, and so he returned to the place where the Captain was, and found them all got into the boats, saving the General and three or four others, and the General made as though he had given other trifles to Preciado to carry unto the Indians, and when he was go a little from him, he called him back again, and all this while the Indians stood still, and being come unto him, we went fair and softly to our boats, and got into them at our ease, without any chronging, and thence we came aboard our ship. The Indians seeing us thus go aboard came down to the strand where the brook of water was, and called unto us to come forth with our boats, and to come on shore, and to bring our beads, and that they would give us of their mother of pearls: but we being now set at dinner made no account of them: whereupon they began to shoot arrows at the ship, and although they fallen near us, yet they did not reach us. In the mean season certain mariners went out in the boat, to weigh the anchor, whereupon the Indians seeing them coming towards them, & bringing them nothing, they began in scorn to show them their buttocks, making signs that they should kiss their bums: and these seemed to be those that came last. The General seeing this, commanded a musket to be once or twice shot off, and that they should take their just aim. They seeing these shot to be made ready, some of them rose and went to shoot their arrows at our mariners, which were go to weigh the anchors, than the General commanded the great ordinance speedily to be shot off, whereupon three or four bullets were discharged, and we perceived that we had slain one of them, for we assuredly see him lie dead upon the shore; and I think some of the rest were wounded. They hearing this noise, and seeing him dead ran away as fast as ever they could, some along the shore, and some through the valleys, dragging the dead Indian with them, after which time none of them appeared, save ten or twelve, which peeped up with their heads among those rocks; whereupon another piece of ordinance was discharged aloft against the place where they were, after which time we never see any more of them. Chap. 11. At the point of the Trinity they spend three days in fishing, and in other pastime: after which setting sail they discover pleasant countries, and mountains void of grass, and an Island afterward called Isla de los Cedros, or the isle of Cedars, near which they suffer sharp cold and rain, and to save themselves they return thither. Immediately we set sail to join with the ship Santa Agueda, which was above half a league in the high sea from us, and this was on the Wednesday the seventeenth of December. Being come together because the winds were contrary, we drawn near to a headland, which we called Punta de la Trinidad, and here we stayed fishing, and solacing our siluiss two or three days, although we had always great store of rain. Afterwards we began to sail very slowly, and at night we road over against those mountains where we had left our anchors, and upon knowledge of the place we received great contentment seeing we had sailed some five and thirty leagues from the place where we had taken in water: neither was it any marvel that we so rejoiced, because that the fear which we had of contrary winds caused us to be so well appayd of the way which we had made. The day of the holy Nativity of our Lord, which was on the Thursday the five and twentieth of the said month, God of his mercy began to show us favour in giving us a fresh wind almost in the poop, which carried us beyond those mountains, for the space of ten or twelve leagues, finding the coast always plain: and two leagues within the land, which we coasted along, and between these mountains, there was a great space of plain ground, which we might easily discern with our eyes, although others were of another opinion. We began from Christmas day to sail slowly with certain small land-windes, and sailed from morning to night about s●uen or eight leagues, which w●e esteemed no small matter, always praying to God to continued this his favour toward us, and thanking him for his holy Nativity, and all the days of this feast the Friar said mass in the Admiral, and the father friar Raimund preached unto us, which gave us no small comfort, by encouraging us in the service of God. On Saturday at night being the 27 of the said month we ankored near unto a point which seemed to be plain land all along the shore, and within the country were high mountains with certain woods, which woods and mountains ran overthwart the country, and continued along with certain small hills sharp on the top, and certain little valleys are between those mountains. And in truth to me which with diligent eyes beheld the same both in length and in the breadth thereof, it could not choose but be a good country, and to have great matters in it, as well touching the inhabiting thereof by the Indians, as in gold and silver; Great appearance of gold and silver. for there was great likelihood that there is store thereof. This night we see a fire far within the land towards those mountains, which made us think that the country was thoroughly inhabited. The next day being Sunday and Innocents day, the 28 of the said month, at break of day we se● sail, and by nine or ten of the clock had sailed three or four leagues, where we met with a point which stretched toward the West, the pleasant situation whereof delighted us much. From the eight and twentieth of December we ran our course until Thursday being newyears day of the year 1540, january 1540 and we ran some 40 leagues, Forty leagues passing by certain inlets and bays, and certain high mountains covered with grass in colour like rosemary: but toward the seaside very bore and burned, and toward the top were certain crags somewhat of a read colour, and beyond these appeared certain white mountains, and so all the country showed unto a point which appeared beyond those burned white and read mountains which have neither any grass nor tree upon them, whereat we marveled not a little. This Newyeares' day we saw near the main two small islands, Two 〈◊〉 Islets n●●re the main. and rejoiced greatly to see them; for we stood in great fear, that contrary winds would drive us as far back in one day, as we had sailed in ten, which if they had taken us, we could not have withstood them. We ran from the first of january until Monday which were five days, and the land always stretched Northwest from the mountains aforesaid. And on the Sunday we see a far off a-head of us a high land somewhat severed from the main shore, a●d all of us began to dispute whether it were the land which trended toward the Northwest, for that way the Pilots hoped to discover a better country: and the said Monday the fift of januarie we came to this high land beforesaid, and it was two islands the one a small one and the other a great one: we coasted these two islands some six leagues, which were green, and had on the top of them many high slender trees; and the great Island was twenty leagues in compass. Isla d● l● Cedro● mentioned in the 13 chap We coasted it 6 leagues in length without seeing or discovering any other things, but we see before us high land which stretched eight or ten leagues Northward, where we road on Monday at night. From Thursday being Newyeares' day until the next Monday we sailed about 35 leagues. The land ●re●deth her● Northwest 35 leagues. And in this course we felt great cold, which grieved us much, especially being assailed by two or three windy showers, which pinched us much with cold. We road over against this land two or three nights, having it near unto us, always keeping watch by equal hours, one while mar●●ers, and another souldi●rs, all the night long with great vigilancy. On Tuesday being Twelve day we came within too or three leagues of this land, which we had descried the day before, seeming to us very pleasant for it showed gr●ene with green ●rees of an ordinary bigness, and we see many valleys, out of which certain sm●ll mists arose, which continued in them for a long time, whereupon we gathered, that they rose out of certain rivers. The same morning, to our great comfort we see great smokes, though we were above four leagues distant from them, and the Captain made no great reckoning to approach near unto them, nor to seek nor search what the matter was, and perchance because he was not then in the Santa Agueda, but was aboard the Trinity, as his manner was to come and stay there two or three days, as well to pass the time, as to give order for things that were needful. In this country the winter and rain seemed to be like that of Cast●le. We road all night two or thre● leagues distance from shore, and toward evening we see five or six fires, whereat we all rejoiced, but did not marvel thereat, because the situation of that country showed to be habitable● being ●aire, pleasant, and all gre●ne, and likewise because the Island which we had left behind us being (as I have said) twenty leagues in circuit, made show that it was well peopled. On the Wednesday we were 3 or 4 leagues at sea from the land, and began to see too fires more, & therefore we assured ourselves that the country was very well inhabited; and the farther we sailed, Flotingw●ede ●or 50 league●. we always found it more civil. And for the space of fifty leagues before we came hither we always found swimming on the sea certain floats of weeds of a ships length, and of the breadth of two ships, being round and full of gourds, and under these weeds were many fish, and on some of them were store of fowls like unto white sea-meawes. We supposed that these floating weeds did grow upon some rock under the water. We were now in 30 degrees of Northerly latitude. Thirty degrees of Northerly latitude We sailed from the 7 of january until the 9 still with contrary winds; and on Friday about noon there rose a North and Northeastern wind, which forced us to return under the shelter of that Island which we left behind us, from whence we had sailed above twenty leagues. Twenty leagues beyond the I●● of Cedars. And that Friday at night somewhat late we had sailed back above twelve leagues of the same, and because it was night we stayed in the sea, where we and our ships were not a little troubled, so that all that night none of us slept a wink, but watched every one. The next morning betimes being Saturday we proceeded on our voyage, and gate under the shelter of the said Island, riding in thirty fathom water: and on that side where we ankored, we found high and closed mountains, with heaps of a certain earth which was all ashes and burns, and in other places skorched and as black as coals, and like the rust of iron, and in other places whitish, and here and there small black hills, whereat we marveled exceedingly, considering that when we passed by, it seemed unto us an habitable country full of trees, and now we see not a stick growing on this side. All of us supposed that on the other side toward the firm land the trees gr●we which we saw, although (as I have said) we sailed four or five leagues distant from the same. We stayed here under the shelter of these mountains Saturday, Sunday, and Monday, always having the Northern wind so strong, that we think if it had caught us in the sea, we should have been cast away. Chap. 12. They environ and land upon the Island of Cedars, to discover the same, and to seek water and wood. They are assailed of the Indians, and many of them wounded with stones: but at length getting the upper hand, they go to their cottages, and ranging farther up into the Island they found diverse things which the Indians in their flight had left behind them. ON Friday the 13 of january the Captain commanded us to hoist out our boats, and to go on shore, which was done accordingly, and we did row along the shore for the space of a good half league and entered into a valley: for (as I said) all this country was full of high and bore hills, of such quality as I mentioned before: and in this and other small valleys we found some water which was brackish, and not far from thence certain cottages made of shrubs like unto broom; like wise we found the ●ootings of Indians both small and great, whereat we much marveled that in so rough and wild a country (as far as we could discern) there should be people. Here we stayed all day, making four or five pits to take in water which we wanted, which though it were bad, and in small quantity we refused not; and so the evening being come, we returned to our boats, and so came unto our ships which road a good league from the shore. The next day being Wednesday the fourteenth of the said month our General commanded us to set sail, and we sailed about the said Island on the same side which we coasted when we came from Nueva Espanna: for when we arrived on the coast we see five or six fires; wherefore he desired to see and learn whether it were inhabited; and at the farthest end of this inlet or bay where we road there came out before us a Canoa, wherein were four Indians which came rowing with certain small oars, and came very near us to see what we were: whereupon we told our General, that it were best to sand some of us out with our boats to take these Indians or some one of them to give them something that they might think us to be good people: but he would not consent thereto, because he minded not to stay, having then a pretty gale of wind, whereby he might sail about this Island, hoping that afterward we might find and take some others to speak with them, and give them what we would to carry on shore; and as we sailed near the land, we see a great hill full of goodly trees of the bigness of the trees and Cypresses of Castille. We found in this Island the footing of wild beasts and co●ies, and see a piece of pinetree-wood, whereof we gathered, that there was store of them in that country. Thus sailing near unto the shore, we saw another Canoa coming toward us with other four Indians, but it came not very near us, and as we looked forward, we saw toward a point which was very near before us, three other Canoas', one at the head of the point among certain flattes, and the other two more into the sea, that they might descry us without coming over near us. Likewise between certain hills which were near the point, there appeared here three and there four of them, and afterward we see a small troup of some twenty of them together, so that all of us rejoiced greatly to behold them. On this side the land showed green with pieces of plain ground which was near the sea, and likewise all those coasts of hills showed green, and were covered with many trees, although they grew not very thick together. Here at evening we road near the shore hard upon the said point, to see if we could speak with those Indians, and likewise to see if we could get fresh water, which now we wanted, and still as soon as we were come to an anchor, we see the Indians show themselves on land near unto their lodgings, coming likewise to descry us in a Canoa, by six and seven at a time, whereat we marveled, because we never thought that one of those Canoas' would hold so many men. In this wise we stayed looking still what would be the success, and in the place where we road we were two small leagues distant from the shore, where we found these Indians in their Canoas': whereupon we marveled not a little to see so great an alteration in so small a distance of country, as well because we still discovered pleasant land with trees (whereas on the other side of the isle there were none) as also because it was so well peopled with Indians, which had so many Canoas' made of wood, as we might discern, and not raftes or Balsas, A Balsa is a flat raft made of canes. for so they call those floats which are made all flat with canes. The next day being Thursday the fifteenth of the said month about break of day four or five Indians showed themselves at the head of that point, who as soon as they had spied us retired behind the point, and hide themselves among the bushes upon certain small hills that were there, from whence they issued forth, and covered all the greenehils and mountains, which were along that coast; wher● upon we gathered that they had their dwellings there, in regard of the commodity of the water and the defence against ill weather, and the benefit of fishing. At sunrising we see the Indians appear in greater companies, going up unto the hills in small troops, and from thence they stood and beheld us. Immediately we see five or six Canoas' come out into the sea a good distance from us, and those which were in them stood often on their tiptoes, to view and descry us the better. On the other side we stirred not at all for all these their gestures, but stood still riding at anchor; and the General seemed not to be very willing to take any of them, but this day in the morning very ●arly commanded the Master's mate to convey him to our other ship ca●●●● The Trinity. Things passed in this sort, when about ten of the clock we see three Canoas' lanth far into the sea to fish very near unto us, whereat we took great pleasure. At 12 of the clock the General returned from the Trinity and commanded the boat & men to be made ready, as well soldiers as mariners, and that we should go on shore to see if we could get any wood and water, and catch one of those Indians to understand their language if it were possible: an● so all the men that were ready went into the Admiral's boat, and went toward the Trinity which by this time with the other ship had a small gale of w●nde, wherewith they entered farther within the point, and we discovered the lodgings and houses of the Indians, & see near the waters side those five or six Canoas' which at the first came out to view us, drawn on shore, and over against this place the ships cast anchor in 30 and 35 fathom water, and we were very near the land; whereat we marveled much to found so great depth of water so near the shore. Being go aboard our botes, we made toward the shore over against a village of the Indians, A village of the Indians. who as soon as they see us about to come on laud, left an hill whereon they stood to behold what we did, & came down to the shore, where we were prepared to come on land: but before they came against us they caused their women and children to fly into the mountains with their goods, & then came directly towards us, threatening us with certain great sta●es which they carried in their hands some 3 yards long and thicker than a man's wrist: but perceiving that for all this we ceased not to come near the sea shore to come on land, they began to charge us with stones and to fling cruelly at us, A skirmish o● the Indians fight with stones. and they hit 4 or 5 men, among whom they smote the General with two stones. In the mean while the other boat landed a little beneath, whereupon when they see that they were forced to divide themselves to keep the rest of our company from coming on land, they began to be discouraged, and did not assail the General's boat so fiercely, who began to 'cause his people to go on shore with no small trouble; for albeit he was near the land, y●● as soon as they leap out of the boat they sunk down, because they could find no fall footing; and thus swimming or otherwise as they could, first a soldier called Spinosa got on land, and next to him the General, and then some of the rest, and began to make head against the Indians, and they came hastily with those staves in their hands, for other kinds of weapons we see none, saving bows and arrows of pinetree. After a short combat they broke in pieces the targets of the General, and of Spinosa. In the mean while those of the other boat were got on land, but not without much difficulty, by reason of the multitude of stones which continually reigned down upon them, The great use of targets against arrows and stones. and they stroke Terazzo on the head a very shroud blow, and had it not been for our targets, many of us had been wounded, and in great distress, although our enemies were but few in number. In this manner all our company came on shore with swimming and with great difficulty, and if they had not ho●pen one another, some of them had been drawned. Thus we landed, and within a while after those of the other boat were come on land, the Indians be took themselves to flight, taking their way toward the mountains, whether they had sent their women, children and goods: on the other side we pursued them, & one of those Indians which came to assail the General's boat, was slain upon the strand, & two or three others were wounded, and some said more. While we pursued them in this manner our mastiff dog Berecillo overtook one of them not far from us (who because we were so wet could not run very fast) and pulled him down, having bitten him cruelly, and doubtless he had held him till we had come, The use of ma●●● in the war against Indians. unless it had happened that another of his companions had not followed that Indian which the dog had pulled down, who with a staff which he had in his hands gave the dog a cruel blow on the back, and without any staying drawn his fellow along like a Deer, and Berecillo was feign to leave him for pain, neither had he scarce taken the dog off on him, but the Indian got up, and fled so hastily toward the mountain, that within a short while he overtook his fellow which had saved him from the paws of the dog, who (as it appeared) betook him Iustily to his heels, and thus they came unto their fellows which descended not down to the shore being about some twenty, and they were in all about fifty or sixty. After we had breathed ourselves a while, we viewed their houses where they stood, which were certain cottages covered with shrubs like broom and rosemary, with certain stakes pight in the ground; and the General willed us to march all together without dispersing of ourselves, a little way up those mountains, to see if there were any water and wood, because we stood in great need of them both. And while we marched forward, we see in certain little valleys the goods which the women had left there behind them in their flight: for the Indians as soon as they see us pursue them overtook the women, and for fear charged them to fly away with their children leaving their stuff in this place. We went unto this booty, and found good store of fresh-fish, and dried fish, and certain bags containing above 28 pound weight full of dried fish ground to powder, and many seal-skins, the most part dressed with a fair white grain upon them, Seale-skins well dressed with a white grain. and others very badly dressed. There were also their instruments to fish withal, as hooks made of the pricks of certain shrubs and trees. Here we took the said skins without leaving any one in the place, and then we returned to the sea, because it was ●ow night, or at lest very late, and found our botes waiting for us. Chap. 13. A description of the Canoas' of the Indians of the isle of Cedars, and how coasting the same to found fresh water they found some, and desiring to take thereof they went on shore, and were diversly molested with the weapons of the Indians. They christian an old Indian, and return unto their ships. THe Canoas' which they had were certain thick trunks of Cedars, some of them of the thickness of two men, and three fathom long, being not made hollow at all, but being laid along, and fastened together, they shove them into the sea, neither were they plained to any purpose, for we found no kind of edge-tool, saving that there were certain sharp stones, which we found upon certain rocks that were very keen, wherewith we supposed that they did cut & slay those seals. And near the shore we found certain water, wherewith we filled certain bottles made of the skins of those seals, containing each of them above a great pail of water. The next day our General commanded us so set sail, whereupon sa●ling with a fresh gale about 2 leagues from the shore of this Island, trending about the same to see the end thereof, and also to approach near the firm land, to inform ourselves of the state thereof, because we had seen 5 or 6 fires, we compassed the same about: for by this means we performed 2 or 3 good actions, namely, we returned to our right course, and searched whether any river fallen out of the coast of the firm land, or whether there were any trees there, or whether any store of Indians did show themselves or no. In this manner proceeding on our way all the Friday being the 16 of january at evening, and seeking to double the point of the Island, so fierce and contrary a Northern wind encountered us, that it drove us back that night over against the lodgings and habitations of the Indians, and here we stayed all Saturday, what time we lost the Trinity again, but on Sunday-night being the 18 we see her again, and began to proceed on our way to compass that Island, if it pleased God to sand us good weather. On Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday (which was the twentieth of the said month of januarie) we sailed with scarce and contrary winds, and at length came to the cape of the point of the Island, which we called Isla de los Cedros or the isle of Cedars, ●sla de los Cedros, or The I'll of Cedars in 28 deg. and a quarter. because that on the tops of the mountains therein, there grows a wood of these Cedars being very tall, as the nature of them is to be. This day the Trinity descried a village or town of the Indians, and found water; for on Sunday night we had newly lost her, and had no sight of her until Tuesday, whenas we found her riding near the shore, not far from those cottages of the Indians. And as soon as we had descried her, we made toward her, and before we could reach her, we espied three Canoas' of Indians which came hard aboard the said ship called The Trinity, so that they touched almost the side of the ship, and gave them of their fish, and our people on the other side gave them certain trifles in exchange, and after they had spoken with them, the Indians went back to the shore, and at the same instant we came up unto the Admiral and road by them, and they all saluted us, saying that the Indians were near them, and telling what had passed between them, whereat the General and we received great contentment. They told us moreover, that they had found fresh water, whereby they increased our great joy, because we stood in much need thereof, for at the other place of the Indians we could get but a little. These mighty deep and high words are described in the end of this treatise. While we thus road at anchor, we see a Canoa with 3 Indians put out into the sea from their cottages, and they went unto a fishing place, among certain great and high weeds, which grow in this sea among certain rocks, the greatest part of which weeds groweth in 15 or 20 fathom depth; and with great celerity they caught seven or eight fish, and returned with them unto the Trinity, and gave them unto them, and they in recompense gave the Indians certain trifles. After this the Indians stayed at the stern of the ship, viewing the same above three hours space, and taking the oars of our boat they tried how they could row with them, where at they took great pleasure; and we which were in the Admiral stirred not a whit all this while, to give them the more assurance, that they should not fly away, but should see, that we meant to do them no harm, & that we were good people. As soon as we were come to anchor, & beheld all that had passed between the Indians and those of the Trinity, after the Indians were go to the shore in their Canoas' made of the bodies of trees, the General commanded the boat which was without to be brought unto him: and when it was come, he, and Francis Preciado, and two others went into it, and so we went aboard the Trinity. The Indians seeing people coming out of the other ship into the Trinity, sent two Canoas' unto the stern of the ship, and brought us a bottle of water, and we gave unto them certain beads, and continued talking with them a little while; but evening approaching the air grew somewhat cold. The Indians returned on shore to their lodgings, and the General and we to our ship. The next day being Wednesday in the morning, the General commanded certain of us to take the boat and go ashore, to see if we could found any brook or well of fresh water in the houses of the Indians, because he thought it unpossible for them to devil there without any water to drink. The father friar Raimund likewise went out in our company, because the day before seeing the Indians came to the stern of the ship and parlying with us, he thought he might have spoken a little with them, with the like familiarity. In like sort many mariners and soldiers went out in the boat of the Trinity, and going altogether with their weapons toward the shore, somewhat above the lodgings of the Indians, very early in the morning they watched the boats, and perceived that we would come on land, whereupon they sent away their women & children with certain of them, who carried their goods up into certain exceeding ●leepe mountains and hills, and 5 or 6 of them came toward us, which were excellently well made, and of a good stature. Two of them had bows and arrows, and other two 2 bastonadoes much thicker than the wrist of a man's hand, and other two with 2 long s●aues like javelins with very sharp points, and approached very near us bring now come on shore. And beginning by sig●es very siercely to brave us, they came so near us, that almost they struck with one of those staves one of our soldiers called Garcia a man of good parentage, but the General commanded him to with draw himself, and not to hurt any of them. In the mean season the General and friar Raimund stepped forth, the friar lapping a garment about his arm, because they had taken up stones in their hands, fearing that they would do them some mischief. Then began both of them to speak unto them by signs & words, to be quiet, signifying, that they meant them no harm, but only were come to take water; and the friar showed them a drinking-cup; but nothing would serve to make them leave that bragging, and flinging of stones: and the General continuing still in a mind not to hur● them, commanded his men gently to come near unto them, and that by signs they should all show them, that they meant in no wise to hurt them, but that we were come on land only to take water. On the other side refusing utterly to take knowledge of these things they still insulted more and more: whereupon Francis Preciado counseled the General to give him leave to kill one of them, because all the rest would flee away, whereby at our ease we might take water: but he replied that he would not have it so, but willed them to looze the two mastiffs Berecillo and Achillo: wherefore the dogs were let lose, and as soon as they see them, they vanished immediately, betaking them to their heels, and running up those cliffs like goats. The great use of mas●●es in pursuit of the Indians. Also others which came from the mountains to secure them, betook themselves to flight. The dogs overtook two of them, and bitten them a little, and we running after, laid hold on them, and they seemed as fierce as wild & untamed beasts, for 3 or 4 of us held either of them, to cherish & pacify them, and to seek to give them same thing: but we availed not, for they bitten us by the hands, and stooped down to take up stones for to ●●rike us with them. We led them a while in this manner, & came unto their lodgings, where the General gave a charge, that no man should touch any thing of there's, commanding Francis Preciado to see that this order were observed, in not taking any thing from them, although in very deed there was little or nothing there, because the women and Indians which were fled had carie● all away. Here we found an old man in a cave so extremely aged as it was wondered, which could neither see nor go, because he was so lame and crooked. The father friar Raimund said, it were good (seeing he was so aged) to make him a Christian; whereupon we christened him. The captain gave the Indians which we had taken two pair of ear-rings, and certain sergeant diamonds, and making much of them, suffered them to departed at their pleasure, and in this sort fair● and softly they returned to the rest of their fellows in the mountain. We took the matter of that village which was but a small quantity, and then the General commanded us to return to our ship, because we had eaten nothing as yet, and after our repast we sailed towards a bay which lay beyond that village, where we see a very great valley, and those of the Trinity said, that they had seen there good store of water, and sufficient for us; wherefore we ankered near unto that valley. And the General went on shore with both the boats, and the men that went on land in the morning with the two father's friar Raimund, and friar Antony: and passing up that valley ● cross bow-shot, we found a very small brook of water, which nevertheless supplied our necessity for we filled two bu●s thereof that evening, leaving our vessels to take it with on shore until the next morning; and we rejoiced not a little that we had found this water, for it was fresh, and the water which we had taken up before was somewhat brackish, and did us great hurt both in our bodies and in our taste. Chap. 14. They take possession of the Isle of Cedars for the emperors Majesty, and departing from thence they are greatly tossed with a tempest of the sea, and return to the Island, as to a safe harbour. THe next day being the two and twentieth of january very early the General commanded us to go on shore, and that we should have our dinner brought us, and should take in the rest of our water, which we did, and filled 17 butts without seeing any Indian at al. The next day going out to fill 8 or 9 vessels which were not yet filled, a great wind at Northwest took us, whereupon they made signs to us from the ships, that with all haste we should come on board again, for the wound grew still higher, and higher, and the Masters were afraid that our cables would break, thus we were in the open sea. Therefore being come aboard again not without great trouble, we returned back over against the village of the Indians, Cap. 12. where we had slain the Indian, and because the wound grew more calm about midnight, the Pilots did not cast anchors but ●ulled under the shelter of this Island, which (as I have said) is called The Isle of Cedars, and is one of the 3 Isles of S. Stephan, Isla de los Cedros is the greatest of the 3 Isle● of S. Stephan. the greatest & chiefest of them, where the General took possession. While we hulled here, about midnight, the next Friday being the 23 of the month, without our expectation we had a fresh gale of wound from the Southeast, which was very favourable for our voyage, & the longer it continued, the more it increased: so that between that night and the next day being Saturday the 24 of the said month we sailed 18 great leagues. Read cap. 11. about the end. While we were thus on our way, the wound grew so contrary and so tempestuous, that to our great grief we were constrained to coast about with our ship, and returned twenty leagues back again, taking for our succour the second time, the point of the lodgings of the Indians, where the foresaid Indian was slain, and here we stayed Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, during which 〈◊〉 the Northwest and the North wound blew continually, whereupon we determined not to stir from thence until we see good weather, and well se●led for our voyage: for in this climate these winds do reign so greatly, that we feared they would stay us longer there then we would; and we were so weary of staying, that every day seemed a month unto us. Under this shelter we road Thursday, Friday, and Saturday until noon, which was the last of january in the year 1540 About noon the wound began to blow softly at South-west, whereupon the General told the Pilots, that we should do well to put over to the main land, where with some wound off the shore we might by the grace of God sail some what farther. February. Thus we hoist our sails, and sailed until evening three or four leagues, for the wound scanted, and we remained becalmed. The night being come there arose a contrary wind, and we were enforced of necessity to retire the third time to the same shelter of the Isle of Cedars, where we stayed from the first of February until Shrove sunday, in the which mean time we took in two butts of water which we had spent. During the space of these eight days we sought to make sail two or three times, but as we went out a little beyond the point of this Isle, we found the wound so boisterous and contrary, and the sea so grown, that of force we were constrained to return under the succour of the Island, and often times we were in grea● fear that we should not be able to get in thither again. During this time that we could not proceed on our journey, we employed ourselves in catching a few fish for the Lent. From Shrove-sunday being the 8 of February, on which day we set sail, we sailed with a very scant wound, or rather a calm, until Shrouctewsday, on which we came within ken of the firm land, from whence we were put back these twenty leagues (for in these two days and a half we sailed some 20 small leagues) and we lay in sight of the said point of the firm land. And on the Tuesday we were becalmed, waiting till God of his mercy would help us with a prosperous wound to proceed on our voyage. On Shrovesunday at night, to make good cheer withal we had so great wind and rain, that there was nothing in our ships which was not wet, and a very cold air. On Ash-wednesday at sunrising we struck sail near a point which we fell somewhat short withal in a great bay running into this firm land: A great bay in the sun land. and this is the place where we see five or six fires, and at the rising of the sun being so near the shore that we might well deserie and view it at our pleasure we saw it to be very pleasant, for we descried as far as we could discern with our eyes fair valleys, and small hills, with green shrubs very pleasant to behold, although there grew no trees there. The situation showed their length and breadth. This day was little wind, ●● being in a manner calm, to our no small grief: and the father friar Raimund said us a dry mass, and gave us ashes, preaching unto us according to the time and state wherein we were: with which sermon we were greatly comforted. After noontide we had contrary wound, which still was our enemy in all our journey, at the lest from the point of the port of Santa Cruz. The point of Santa Cruz otherwise called Punta de Bale●a● Here we were constrained to anchor in five fathom water, and after we road at anchor we began to view the country, and took delight in beholding how goodly and pleasant it was, and near unto the sea we judged that we see a valley of white ground. At evening so great a tempest came upon us of wind and rain, that it was so fearful and dangerous a thing that a greater cannot be expressed; for it had like to have driven us upon the shore, and the chief Pilot cast out another great anchor into the sea, yet all would not serve, for both these anchors could not stay the ship. Whereupon all of us cried to God for mercy, attending to see how he would dispose of us; who of his great goodness, while we were in this danger, vouchsafed a little to take the tempest, and with great speed the chief Pilot commanded the mariners to turn the capsten, and the General commanded and prayed all the soldiers to help to turn the capsten, which they were nothing slow to perform: and thus we began to weigh our anchors, and in weighing of one which was far greater ●hen the other, the sea was so boisterous, tha● it forced the capsten in such sort, that the men which were at it could not rule the same, and i● struck a Negro of the Generals such a blow, that it cast him down along upon the deck, and did the like unto another mariner and one of the bars strooke our fire-furnace so violently, tha● it cast it overboard into the sea. Yet for all these trouble's we weighed our anchors, and se● sail, and albeit we had great tempests at sea, yet made we no account thereof in respect of the joy which we conceived to see ourselves ●reed of the peril of being cast on that shore with on ships, especially seeing it fallen out at midnight, at which time no man could have escaped, but by mere miracle from God. We sailed up and down the sea all Thursday, and until Friday in the morning being th● fourteeneth day of February, and the waves of the sea continually came raking over o●● decks. At length, on Saturday morning at break of day we could find no remedy against the contrary winds, notwithstanding the General was very obstinate to have us keep out at sea although it were very tempestuous, lest we should be driven to put back again, but not diligence nor remedy prevailed: for the winds were so boisterous and so contrary, that they could not he worse, and the sea went still higher, and swollen more and more, and that in such fort, that we greatly f●a●ed we should all perish. Whereupon the Pilot thought it our best course t● return to the Isle of Cedars, whither we had repaired three or four times before by reason of the self same contrary winds, for we took this Island for our father and mother, although we received no other benefit thereby save this only, namely, to repair thither in these necessities, and to furnish ourselves with water, and with some small quantity of fish. Being therefore arrived at this Island, and riding under the shelter thereof, the contrary winds did always blow very strongly, and here we took water which we drunk, and wood for our fuel, and greatly desired, that the winds would be more favourable for proceeding on our journey. And though we road under the shelter of the Isle, yet felt we the great fury of those winds, and the rage of the sea, and our ships never ceased rolling. At break of day the twentieth of February we found the cable of our Admiral cracked, whereupon, to our great grief, we were constrained to setsayle, to fall down lower the space of a league, and the Trinity came and road in our company. Chap. 15. They go on land in the isle of Cedars, and take divers wild beasts, and refresh and solace themselves. They are strangely tossed with the Northwest wind, and seeking often to departed they are forced, for the avoiding of many mischiefs, to repair thither again for harbour. THe two and twentieth of February being the second Sunday in Lent, the General went on shore with the greatest part of his people and the friars, near unto a valley which they saw before them. And hearing mass on land, certain soldiers and mariners, with certain dogs which we had in our company went into the said valley, and we met with certain dear, whereof we took a female, which was little, but fat, whose hair was liker the hair of a wild goat then of a dear, and we found her not to be a perfect dear, for she had four dugs like unto a cow full of milk, which made us much to marue●le. And after we had stayed off her skin, the flesh seemed more like the flesh of a goat, then of a dear. We killed likewise a grey conie, in shape like unto those of Nueva Espanna, and another as black as heben-wood. In the cottages at the shelter above, where we broke our cable, we found many pine-nuts opened, which (in mine opinion) the Indians had gathered together to eat the kernels of them. On Monday the 23 of the said month, we road at anchor, taking our pleasure and pastime with fishing. And the Northwest wind began to blow, which warred so great a little before midnight, as it was wonderful: so that although we were under the shelter of the Island, and greatly defended from that wound, yet for all that it was so furious, and the sea become so raging and boisterous, that it greatly shaken our ships, and we were in great fear of breaking our cables, whereof (to say the truth) we had very much need: for having spent longer time in this voyage than we looked for, we had broken two, and lost two of our best anchors. This furious wind continued until the next day being Tuesday the 24 when as we went on shore with the friars, who said us mass, recommending ourselves to God, beseeching him to vouchsafe to secure and help us with some good weather that we might proceed on our voyage, to the advancement of his service. And still the winds were so high and outrageous, that the devil seemed to be loosed in the air. Whereupon the Pilots caused all the masts to be let down, lest they should be shaken with the wound, and took off all the shrouds, and likewise caused the cabbens in the stern to be taken away, that the winds might have more free passage, for the safety of the ships; yet for all this they ceased not to be in great trouble. On Tuesday the second of March, about midnight or somewhat after, riding under the Island in this distress, there came a gust of Northwest wind, which made the cable of the Admiral to slip, and the Trinity broke her cable, and had been cast away, if God of his mercy had not provided for us, together with the diligence which the Pilots used, in hoising the sails of the trinkets and mizzen, wherewith they put to sea, and road by another anchor until day, when the men of both the ships went with their boats to seek the anchor until noon, which at length they found and recovered, not without great pains & diligence which they used in dragging for it, for they were till noon in seeking the same, and had much ado to recover it. After this we set up our shrouds, and all things necessary to sail, for to proceed on our voyage, if it pleased God, and not to stay always in that place, as lost and forlorn. Thus on the Wednesday two or three hours after dinner we set sail, with a scarce wind at Southeast, which was favourable for our course and very scant: and our Pilots & all the rest of us were in no small fear, that it would not continued long. We began therefore to set forward, although we seemed to see before our eyes, that at the end of the Island we should meet with contrary wind at North and Northwest. This day about evening when our ships had discovered the point of this Isle of Cedars, we began to perceive those contrary winds, and the sea to go so loftily, that it was terrible to behold. And the farther we went, the more the winds increased, so that they put us to great distress, sailing always with the sheets of our main sail and trinket warily in our hands, and with great diligence we loosed the ties of all the sails, to save them the better, that the wound might not charge them too vehemently. For all this the mariners thought it best to return back, and that by no means we should run far into the sea, because we were in extreme danger. Whereupon we followed their counsel, turning back almost to the place from whence we departed, whereat we were all not a little grieved, because we could not prosecute our voyage, and began to want many things for the furniture of our ships. The 8 of March being Monday about noon the General commanded us to set sail, for a small gale of wind blew from the West, which was the wound whereof we had most need, to follow our voyage, whereat we were all glad for the great desire which we had to departed out of that place. Therefore we began to set sail, & to pass toward the point of the Island, and to shape our course toward the coast of the firm land, to view the situation thereof. And as we passed the Island, and were betwixt it and the main, the Northwest being a contrary wound began to blow, which increased so by degrees, that we were constrained to let fall the bonnets of our sails, to save them, striking them very low. And the Trinity seeing this bad weather returned forthwith unto the place from whence we departed, and the Admiral cast about all night in the sea, until the morning: and the chief Pilot considering that by no means we could proceed farther without danger, if we should continued at sea any longer, resolved that we should retire ourselves again to that shelter, where we road at anchor until Thursday. And on Friday about noon we set sail again with a scarce wind, & in coming forth unto the point of the Island, we met again with contrary wind at Northwest: whereupon running all night with the firm land, on Saturday in the morning being S. Lazarus day and the 13 of march, we came in sight thereof, in viewing of the which we all rejoiced, and we soldiers would very willingly have go on shore. This night fell great store of rain like the rain in Castilia, The firm land very green and pleasant with goodly valleys and plaine●. and we were all well wet in the morning, & we took great pleasure in beholding the situation of that firm land, because it was green, and because we had discovered a pleasant valley and plains of good largeness, which seemed to be environed with a garland of mountains. At length for fear of misfortunes, seeing the sea so high, we dared not stay here or approach near the land, & because we had great want of cables and anchors, we were again constrained to put to sea; and being in the same, and finding the said contrary winds, the Pilots judged that we had none other remedy, but again to retire ourselves to our wont shelter. And thus we returned, but somewhat above the old place. On Sunday we road here to the great grief of all the company, considering what trouble's we endured, & could not get forward; so that this was such a corrosive, as none could be more intolerable. This day being come to an anchor we had a mighty gale of wound at Northwest, which was our adversary and capital enemy, and when day was shut in, it still grew greater and greater, so that the ships rolled much. And after midnight, toward break of day, the Trinity broke her two cables, which held the two anchors which she had, and seeing herself thus forlorn, she turned up and down in the sea until day, and came & road near us, by one anchor which she had left. This day all of us went to seek these lost anchors, and for all the diligence which we used, we could found but one of them. We road at anchor all day until night, when the Trinity again broke a cable, which certain rocks had cut asunder: whereupon the General commanded that she should ride no longer at anchor, but that she should turn up and down, as she had done before in sight of us, which she did all day long, and at night she came to an anchor over against a fresh water somewhat lower, and we went and road hard by her. On Palme-sunday we went on shore with the fathers, which read the passion unto us and said mass, and we went in procession with branches in our hands. And so being comforted, because we had received that holy Sacrament, we returned to our ships. Chap. 16. Returning to the Isle of Cedars weatherbeaten, and with their ships in evil case, they conclude, that the ship called Santa Agueda or Santa Agatha should return unto Nueva Espanna. Of the multitude of whales which they found about the point of California with the description of a weed, which groweth among the Islands of those seas. HEre we continued until the Wednesday before Easter being the four and twentieth o● March, on which day we consulted together, that because the ships were ill conditioned, and wanted necessary furniture to proceed any further, it were best for us to return back to New Spain, as also because our clotheses were consumed: but the General seemed not willing to return, but to proceed on his voyage: and in fine it was resolved, that seeing both the ships could not proceed forward, as well because they had lost their necessary furnitures, as also that the Santa Agatha had need of calking, because she received much water, and was the worst furnished of the twain, that she should return back to advertise the Marquis of our success in this voyage, and what hindered our proceeding, and in what case we stood, and how we were bereft of our necessary furniture. And because the Trinity was the swifter ship, and better appointed then the other, it was concluded, that it should be provided in the best manner that might be, & that the General should proceed on his journey in her with such company as he should make choice of, and that the rest should return at their good leisure. Wherefore upon this determination we went under a point of this Island, because it was a fit place to c●●ene the ship: & in recovering the same we spent Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday till noon, and yet for all that we could not well double it, until Easter day about noon. Here we ankered very near the shore, and in a valley we found very excellent fresh water, whereof we made no small account, & here stayed all the Easter-holidayes, to set ourselves about the furnishing up of the Trinity: and after the work was taken in hand by the two Masters which were very sufficient calkers (one of which was ivan Castiliano chief Pilot, and the other Peruccio de Bermes) they finished the same so well in five days, as it was wonderful; for no man could perceive how any drop of water could enter into any of the seams. Afterwards they mended the other ship from Saturday till Monday, during which time all those were shriven that had not confessed, and received the communion, and it was resolved by charge of the confessors, that all those seale-skins which they had taken from the Indians should be restored again; and the General gave charge to Francis Preciado to restore them all, charging him on his conscience so to do. Thus they gathered them together, and delivered them into the hands of the fathers, to be kept until they returned to the place, where they were to restore them. The Santa Agueda returns for Newspaine the 5. of April After this manner on Monday before noon we took our leaves of the General Francis Vlloa, and of the people that stayed with him, who at our departure shed no small number of tears, and we chose for our captain in the Santa Agueda master ivan Castiliano the chief pilot, as well of the ship, as of us all, and set sail the same day being the fift of April, having our boat tied at our stern, till we came over against the cottages, whence we had taken the seale-skins. From the country of the Christians and the port of Colima we were now distant some three hundredth leagues, which is the first port where we determined to touch at. And having sailed a league from the Trinity the captain ivan Castiliano commanded us to salute them with three pieces of great Ordinance, and she answered us with other three, and afterward we answered one another with two shot apiece. We sailed on Monday & The sixt of April Tuesday till noon with contrary wound in sight of the Island, and at noon we had a fresh gale in the poop, which brought us over against the cottages of the Indians where we took away those seal-skins; & there certain soldiers & mariners with the father friar Antony de Melo leapt on shore with the boat, carrying the skins with them, & fling them into the said cottages out of which they were taken, and so returned to their ship. This day the weather calmed, The 7 of April wereupon we were driven to cast anchor, fearing that we should forthwith be distressed for want of victuals, if we should stay there any long time: but God which is the true helper provided better for us than we deserved or imagined; for as we road here, after midnight the Wednesday following before ten of the clock we had a favourable gale of wind from the Southeast, which put us into the sea; whither being driven, we had the wound at Northwest so good and constant, that in si●e days it brought us to the cape of the point of the port of Santa Cruz: They sail from the Isle of Cedars to the point of Santa Cruz or California in six da●es for which so great blessing of God we gave unto him infinite thanks. And here we began to allow ourselves a greater proportion of victuals than we had done before, for we had eaten very sparingly for fear jest our victuals would fail us. Before we came to this point of the haven of Santa Cruz by six or seven leagues we see on shore between certain valleys divers great smokes. Pun●● de Bale●as And having passed the point of this port, our captain thought it good to la●ch forth into the main Ocean: yet although we ran a swift course, above 500 whales came athwart of us in 2 or 3 skulls within one hours space, which were so huge, as it was wonderful, and some of them came so near unto the ship, that they swum under the same from one side to another, whereupon we were in great fear, jest they should do us some hurt, but they could not because the ship had a prosperous and good wind, and made much way, whereby it could receive no harm, although they touched and struck the same. Read more of these weeds cap. 13. Among these Islands are such abundance of those weeds, that if at any time we were enforced to sail over them they hindered the course of our ships. They grow fourteen or fifteen fathom deep under the water, their tops reaching four or five fathom above the water. They are of the colour of yellow wax, & their stalk groweth great proportionably. This weed is much more beautiful than it is set forth, and no marvel, for the natural painter and creator thereof is most excellent. Saint jago de Buena esperanza in 19 degrees. This relation was taken out of that which Francis Preciado brought with him. After this ship the Santa Agueda departed from the General Vlloa, and returned back the 5 of April, she arrived in the port of Sant jago de buena esperança the 18 of the said month, and after she had stayed there four or five days, she departed for Acapulco: howbeit until this present seventeenth of May in the year 1540● I have herded no tidings nor news of her. Cabo del Enganno in 30 degrees & a half Moreover after the departure of the Santa Agueda for Nueva Espanna, the General Francis Vlloa in the ship called the Trinity proceeding on his dicovery coasted the land until he came to a point called Cabo del Enganno standing in thirty degrees and a half of Northerly latitude, and then returned back to Newspaine, because he found the winds very contrary, and his victuals failed him. The relation of the navigation and discovery which Captain Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the right honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Vizeroy of New Spain, dated in Colima, an haven of New Spain. Chap. 1. Fernando Alarchon after he had suffered a storm, arrived with his Fleet at the haven of Saint jago, and from thence at the haven of Aguaiaval: he was in great peril in seeking to discover a Bay, and getting out of the same he discovered a river on the coast with a great current, entering into the same, and coasting along he descried a great many of Indians with their weapons: with signs he hath traffic with them, and fearing some great danger returns to his ships. ON Sunday the ninth of May in the year 1540 I set sail with two ships, the one called Saint Peter being Admiral, and the other Saint Catherine, and we set forward meaning to go to the haven of Saint jago of good hope: but before we arrived there we had a terrible storm, wherewith they which were in the ship called Saint Catherine, being more afraid than was need, cast over board nine pieces of Ordinance, two anchors and one cable, and many other things as needful for the enterprise wherein we went, as the ship itself. assoon as we were arrived at the haven of Saint jago I repaired my loss which I had received, The haven of Saint jago. provided myself of things necessary, and took aboard my people which looked for my coming, and directed my course toward the haven of Aguaiavall. The haven of Aguaiaval. And being there arrived I understood that the General Francis Vazquez de Coronado was departed with all his people: whereupon taking the ship called Saint Gabriel which carried victuals for the army I led her with me to put in execution your Lordship's order. Afterwards I followed my course along the coast without departing from the same, to see if I could found any token, or any Indian which could give me knowledge of him: and in sailing so near the shore I discovered other very good havens, for the ships whereof Captain Francis de ullua was General for the marquess de Valle neither saw nor found them. And when we were come to the flats and shoalds from whence the foresaid fleet returned, These shoalds are the bottoms of ma● 〈◊〉, or the Bay of California. it seemed aswell to me as to the rest, that we had the firm land before us, and that those shoalds were so perilous and fearful, that it was a thing to be considered whither with our skiffes we could enter in among them: and the Pilots and the rest of the company would have had us done as Captain ullua did, and have returned back again. But because your Lordship commanded me, that I should bring you the secret of that gulf, I resolved, that although I had known I should have lost the ships, I would not have ceased for any thing to have seen the head thereof: and therefore I commanded Nicolas Zamorano Pilot mayor, and Dominico del Castello that each of them should take a boat, and their lead in their hands, and run in among those shoalds, to see if they could found out the channel whereby the ships might enter in: to whom it seemed that the ships might sail up higher (although with great travel and danger) and in this sort I and he began to follow our way which they had taken, and within a short while after we found ourselves fast on the sands with all our three ships, in such sort that one could not help another, neither could the boats secure us, because the current was so great that it was impossible for one of us to come unto another: whereupon we were in such great jeopardy that the deck of the Admiral was oftentimes under water, and if a great surge of the sea had not come & driven our ship right up, and gave her leave as it were to breathe a while, we had there been drowned: and likewise the other two ships found themselves in very great hazard, yet because they were lesser and drew less water, their danger was not so great as ours. Now it pleased God upon the return of the flood that the ships came on florè, and so we went forward. And although the company would have returned back, yet for all this I determined to go forward, and to pursue our attempted voyage: and we passed forward with much ado, turning our stems now this way, now that way, to seek to found the channel. And it pleased God that after this sort we came to the very bottom of the Bay: The bottom of the Bay of California. where we found a very mighty river, which ran with so great fury of a stream, that we could hardly sail against it. In this sort I determined as well as I could to go up this river, and with two boats, leaving the third with the ships, and twenty men, myself being in one of them with Roderigo Maldonado treasurer of this fleet, and Gaspar de Castill●ia controller, and with certain small pieces of artillery I began to sail up the river, and charged all my company, that none of them should stir nor use any sign, but he whom I appointed, although we found Indians. The same day, which was Thursday the six and twentieth of August, The● got up thee 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 the 26. of August. following our voyage with drawing the boats with hawsers we went about some 6 leagues: and the next day which was Friday by the break of day thus following our way upward, I see certain Indians which went toward certain cottages near unto the water, who assoon as they see us ten or twelve of them rose up furiously, and crying with a loud voice, other of their companions came running together to the number of 50 which with all haste carried out of their cottages such things as they had, and laid them under certain shrubs and many of them came running toward that part whether we approached, making great signs unto us that we should go back again, using great threatenings against us, one while running on this side and an other while on that side. I seeing them in such a rage, caused our beats to launch from the shore into the mids of the river, that the Indians might be out of fear, and I road at anchor, and set my people in as good order as I could, charging them that no man should speak, nor make any sign nor motion, nor shire out of his place, nor should not be offended for any thing that the Indians did, nor should show no token of war: And by this means the Indians came every foot near the rivers side to see us: and I gate by little and little toward them where the river seemed to be deepest. In this mean space there were above two hundred and fifty Indians assembled together with bows and arrows, and with certain banners in warlike sort in such manner as those of New Spain do use: and perceiving that I drew toward the shore, they came with great cries toward us with bows and arrows put into them, and with their banners displayed. And I went unto the stem of my boat with the interpreter which I carried with me, We carried an interpreter with him. whom I commanded to speak unto them, and when he spoke, they neither understood him, nor he them, although because they saw him to be after their fashion, they stayed themselves: and seeing this I drew nearer the shore, and they with great reyes came to keep me from the shore of the river, making signs that I should not come any farther, putting stakes in my way between the water and the sand: and the more I lingered, the more people still flocked together. Which when I had considered I began to make them signs of peace, and taking my sword and target, I cast them down in the boat and set my feet upon them, giving them to understand with this and other tokens that I desired not to have war with them, and that they should do the like. Also I took a banner and cast it down, A very good course taken to appease unknown Savages. and I caused my company that were with me to sit down likewise, and taking the wares of exchange which I carried with me, I called them to give them some of them: yet for all this none of them stirred to take any of them, but rather flocked together, and began to make a great murmuring among themselves: and suddenly one came out from among them with a staff wherein certain shells were set, and entered into the water to give them unto me, and I took them, and made signs unto him that he should come near me, which when he had done, I embraced him, and gave him in recompense certain beads and other things, and he returning with them unto his fellows, began to look upon them, and to parley together, and within a while after many of them came toward me, to whom I made signs to lay down their banners, and to leave their weapons: which they did incongruently, than I made signs that they should lay them altogether, and should go aside from them, which like wise they did: and they caused those Indians which newly came thither to leave them, and to lay them together with the rest. After this I called them unto me, and to all them which came I gave some small trifle, using them gently, and by this time they were so many that came thronging about me, that I thought I could not stay any longer in safety among them, and I made signs unto them that they should withdraw themselves, and that they should stand all upon the side of an hill which was there between a plain & the river, and that they should not press to me above ten at a time. And immediately the most ancient among them called unto them with a loud voice, willing them to do so: and some ten or twelve of them came where I was: whereupon seeing myself in some security, I determined to go on land the more to put them out of fear: and for my more security, I made signs unto them, to sit down on the ground which they did: but when they see that ten or twelve of my companions came a shore after me, they began to be angry, and I made signs unto them that we would be friends, and that they should not fear, & herewithal they were pacified, and sat down as they did before, and I went unto them, & embraced them● giving them certain trifles, commanding mine interpreter to speak unto them, for I greatly desired to understand their manner of speech, and the cry which they made at me. And that I might know what manner of food they had. I made a sign unto them, that we would gladly eat, and they brought me certain cakes of Maiz, and a loaf of Mizquiqui, and they made signs unto me that they desired to see an arquebus shot off, which I caused to be discharged, and they were all wonderfully afraid, except two or three old men among them which were not moved at all, but rather cried out upon the rest, because they were afraid: and through the speech of one of these old men, they began to rise up from the ground, and to lay hold on their weapons: whom when I sought to appease, I would have given him a silken girdle of divers colours, and he in a great rage bit his neither lip cruelly, and gave me a thump with his elbow on the the breast, and turned in a great fury to speak unto his company. After that I see them advance their banners. I determined to return myself gently to my boats, and with a small gale of wound I set sail, whereby we might break the current which was very great, although my company were not well pleased to go any farther. In the mean space the Indians came following us along the shore of the river, making signs that I should come on land, and that they would give me food to eat, some of them sucking their fingers, and others entered into the water with certain cakes of Maiz to give me them in my boat. Chap. 2. Of the habit, armour and stature of the Indians. A relation of many others with whom he had by signs traffic, victuals and many courtesies. IN this sort we went up two leagues, and I arrived near a cliff of an hill, whereupon was an arbove made newly, where they made signs unto me, crying that I should go thither, showing me the same with their hands, Good for●cast. and telling nice that there was meat to eat. But I would not go thither, seeing the place was apt for some ambush, but followed on my voyage, within a while after issued out from thence above a thousand armed men with their bows and arrows, and after that many women and children showed themselves, toward whom I would not go, but because the Sun was almost set, I road in the midst of the river. These Indians came decked after sundry fashions, some came with a painting that covered their face all over, some had their faces half covered, but all be smouthed with coal, Indians besmoutched with coal. and every one as it liked him best. Others carried visards before them of the same colour which had the shape of faces. They wear on their heads a piece of a Deeres skin two spans broad set after the manner of a helmet, and upon it certain small sticks with some sorts of feathers. Their weapons were bows and arrows of hard wood, and two or three sorts of maces of wood hardened in the fire. This is a mighty people, well feitured, and without any grossness. They have holes bored in their nostrils whereat certain pendents hung: and others wear● shells, and their ears are full of holes, whereon they ha●g bones and shells. All of them both great and small wear a girdle about their waste made of diverse colours, and in the middle is fastened a round bunch of feathers, which hangs down behind like a tail. Likewise on the drawn of their arms they wear a straight string, which they wind so often about that it becometh as broad as one's hand. They wear certain pieces of Deeres bones fastened to their arms, wherewith they strike off the sweat, and at the other certain small pipes of canes. They carry also certain little long bags about an hand broad tied to their left arm, Pipes and bags of Tobacco. which serve them also in stead of brasers for their bows, full of the powder of a certain herb, whereof they make a certain beverage. They have their bodies traced with coals, their hair cut before, and behind it hangs down to their waist. The women go naked, and wear a great wreath of feathers behind them, and before painted and glued together, and their hair like the men. There were among these Indians three or four men in women's apparel. Now the next day being Saturday very early I went forward on my way by the river, setting on shore two men for each boat to draw them with the rope, and about breaking forth of the Sunne● we herded a mighty cry of Indians on both sides of the river with their weapons, but without any banner. I thought good to attend their coming, aswell to see what they would have, as also to try whether our interpreter could understand them. When they came over against us they leapt into the river on both sides with their bows and arrows, and when they spoke, our interpreter understood them not: whereupon I began to make a sign unto them that they should lay away their weapons, as the other had done. Some did as I willed them, and some did not, and those which did, I willed to come near me and gave them some things which we had to truck withal, which when the others perceived, that they might likewise have their part, they laid away their weapons likewise. I judging myself to be in security leapt on shore with them, and stood in the the midst of them, who understanding that I came not to fight with them, began to give some of those shells and beads, Shells and beads. and some brought me certain skins well dressed, and others Maiz and a roll of the same naughtily grinded, so that none of them came unto me that brought me not something, and before they gave it me going a little way from me they began to cry our amain, and made a sign with their bodies and arms, and afterward they approached to give me that which they brought. And now that the Sun began to set I put off from the shore, and road in the midst of the river. The next morning before break of day on both sides of the river we herded greater cries and of more Indians, which leapt into the river to swim, and they came to bring me certain gourds full of Maiz, and of those wreaths which I spoke of before. I showed unto them Wheat and Beans, and other seeds, to see whether they had any of those kinds: but they showed me that they had no knowledge of them, and wondered at all of them, and by signs I came to understand that the thing which they most esteemed and reverenced was the Sun: A notable policy. and I signified unto them that I came from the Sun. Whereat they marveled, and then they began to behold me from the top to the toe, and showed me more favour than they did before: and when I asked them for food, they brought me such abundance that I was enforced twice to call for the boats to put it into them, and from that time forward of all the things which they brought me they flung up into the air one part unto the Sun, and afterward turned towards me to give me the other part: and so I was always better served and esteemed of them as well in drawing of the boats up the river, as also in giving me food to eat: and they showed me so great love, that when I stayed they would have carried us in their arms unto their houses: and in no kind of thing they would break my commandment: and for my surety, I willed them not to carry any weapons in my sight: and they were so careful to do so, that if any man came newly thither with them, suddenly they would go and meet him to 'cause him to lay them down far from me: and I showed them that I took great pleasure in their so doing: and to some of the chief of them I gave certain little napkins and other trifles; for if I should have given somewhat to every one of them in particular, all the small wares in New Spain would not have sufficed. Swarms o●●eopl●. Sometimes it fallen out (such was the great love and good will which they showed me) that if any Indians came thither by chance with their weapons, and if any one being warned to leave them behind him, if by negligence, or because he understood them not at the first warning, he had not laid them away, they would run unto him, and take them from him by force, and would break them in pieces in my presence. Afterwards they took the rope so lovingly, and with striving one with another for it● that we had no need to pray them to do it. Wherefore if we had not had this help, the current of the river being exceeding great, An exceeding great current of the river. and our men that drawn the rope being not well acquainted with that occupation, it would have been impossible for us to have got up the river so against the stream. When I perceived that they understood me in all things, and that I likewise understood them. I thought good to try by some way or other to make a good entrance to found some good issue to obtain my desire: And I caused certain crosses to be made of certain small sticks and paper, and among others when I gave any thing I gave them these as things of most price and kissed them, making signs unto them that they should honour them and make great account of them, and that they should wear them at their necks: giving them to understand that this sign was from heaven, and they took them and kissed them, and lifted them up aloft, and seemed greatly to rejoice thereat when they did so, and sometime I took them into my boat, showing them great good will, and sometime I gave them of those trifles which I carried with me. And at length the matter grew to such issue, that I had not paper and sticks enough to make crosses. In this manner that day I was very well accompanied, until that when night approached I sought to launch out into the river, and went to ride in the midst of the stream, and they came to ask leave of me to departed, saying that they would return the next day with victuals to visit me, and so by little and little they departed, so that there stayed not above fifty which made fires over against us, and stayed there all night calling us, and before the day was perfectly broken, they leapt into the water and swam unto us ask for the rope, and we gave it them with a good will, thanking God for the good provision which he gave us to go up the river: for the Indians were so many, that if they had go about to let our passage, although we had been many more than we were, they might have done it. Chap. 3. One of the Indians understanding the language of the interpreter, asketh many questions of the original of the Spaniards, he telleth him that their Captain is the child of the Sun, and that he was sent of the Sun unto them, and they would have received him for their king. They take this Indian into their boat, and of him they have many informations of that country. IN this manner we sailed until Tuesday at night, going as we were wont, causing mine interpreter to speak unto the people to see if peradventure any of them could understand him, I perceived that one answered him, whereupon I caused the boats to be stayed, and called him, which he understood charging mine interpreter that he should not speak nor answer him any thing else, but only that which I said unto him: A wis● de●ise. and I see as I stood still that that Indian began to speak to the people with great fury: whereupon all of them began to draw together, and mine interpreter understood, that he which came to the boat said unto them, that he desired to know what nation we were, and whence we came, and whither we came out of the water, or out of the earth, or from heaven: And at this speech an infinite number of people came together, which marveled to see me speak: and this Indian turned on this side and on that side to speak unto them in another language which mine interpreter understood not. Whereas he asked me what we were, I answered that we were Christians, and that we came from far to see them: and answering to the question, who had sent me, I sa●d, I was sent by the Sun, pointing unto him by signs as at the first, because they should not take me in a lie. He began again to ask me, how the Sun had sent me, seeing he went aloft in the sky and never stood still, and seeing these many years neither he nor their old men had ever seen such as we were, of whom they ever had any kind o● knowledge, and that the Sun till that hour had never sent any other. I answered him that it was true that the Sun made his course aloft in the sky, and did never stand still, yet nevertheless that they might well perceive that at his going down and rising in the morning he came near unto the earth, where his dwelling was, and that they ever saw him come out of one place, and that he had made me in that land and country from whence he came, like as he had made many others which he sent into other parts; and that now he had sent me to visit and view the ●ame river, and the people that dwelled near the same, that I should speak unto them, and should join with them in friendship, and should give them things which they had not, and that I should charge them that they should not make war one against another. Whereunto he answered, that I should tell him the cause why the Sun had not sent me no sooner to pacify the wars which had continued a long time among them, wherein many had been slain. I told him the cause hereof was, because at that time I was but a child. Then he asked the interpreter whether we took him with us perforce having taken him in the war, or whether he came with us of his, own accord. He answered him that he was with us of his own accord, and was very well apaid of our company. He returned to inquire, why we brought non● save him only that understood us, and wherefore we understood not all other men, seeing we were the children of the Sunn● he answered, that the Sun also had begotten him, and given him a language to understand him, and me, and others: that the Sun known well that they dwelled there, but that because he had many other businesses, and because I was but young he sent me no sooner. And he turning unto me said suddenly: Comest thou therefore hither to be our Lord, and that we should serve thee? I supposing that I should not please him if I should have said yea, answered him, not to be their Lord, but rather to be their brother, and to give them such things as I had. He asked me, whether the Sun had begotten me as he had begotten others, and whether I was his kinsman or his son: I answered him that I was his son. He proceeded to ask me whether the rest that were with me were also the children of the Sun, I answered him no, but that they were born all with me in one country, where I was brought up. Then he cried out with a loud voice and said, seeing thou dost us so much good, and will't not have us to make war, and art the child of the Sun, we will all receive thee for our Lord, and always serve thee, therefore we pray thee that thou will't not departed hence nor leave us: and suddenly he turned to the people, and began to tell them, that I was the child of the Sun, and that therefore they should all choose me for their Lord Those Indians hearing this, were astonished beyond measure, and came nearer still more and more to behold me. That Indian also asked me other questions, which to avoid tediousness I do not recite: and in this wise we passed the day, and seeing the night approach, I began by all means I could devise to get this fellow into our boat with us: and he refusing to go with us, the interpreter told him that we would put him on the other side of the river, and upon this condition he entered into our boat, and there I made very much of him, and gave him the best entertainment I could, putting him always in security, and when I judged him to be ou● of all suspicion, I thought it good to ask him somewhat of that country. And among the first things that I asked him this was one, whether he had ever seen any men like us, or had herded any report of them. He answered me no, saving that he had sometime heard of old men, that very far from that Country there were other white men, and with herds like us, News of bearded and white men. and that he knew nothing else. I asked him also whether he knew a place called Cevola, and a River called Totonteac, and he answered me no. Whereupon perceiving that he could not give me any knowledge of Francis Vazquez nor of his company, I determined to ask him other things of that country, and of their manner of life: and began to inquire of him, whether they held that there was one God, creator of heaven and earth, or that they worshipped any other Idol. The Sun worshipped as God And he answered me no: but that they esteemed and reverenced the Sun above all other things, because it warmed them and made their crops to grow: and that of all things which they did eat, they cast a little up into the air unto him. I asked him next whether they had any Lord, and he said no: but that they knew well that there was a great Lord, but they knew not well which way he dwelled. And I cold him that he was in heaven, and that he was called jesus Christ, and I went no farther in divinity with him. I asked him whether they had any war, and for what occasion. He answered that they had war, and that very great, and upon e●ceeding small occasions: for when they had no cause to make war, they assembled together, and some of them said, let us go to make war in such a place, and then all of them set forward with their weapons. I asked them who commanded the army: he answered the eldestand most valiant, and that when they said they should proceed no farther, that suddenly they retired from the war. I prayed him to tell me what they did with those men which they killed in battle: he answered me that they took out the hearts of some of them, and eat them, and others they burned; and he added, that if it had not been for my coming, they should have been now at war: and because I commanded them that they should not war, and that they should cease from arms, therefore as long as I should not command them to take arms, they would not begin to wage war against others, & they said among themselves, that seeing I was come unto them, they had given over their intention of making war, & that they had a good mind to live in peace. He complained of certain people which dwelled behind in a mountain which made great war upon them, Certain warlike people behind a mountain. and slay many of them: I answered him, that from henceforward they should not need to fear any more, because I had commanded them to be quiet, & if they would not obey my commandment, I would chasten them and kill them. He inquired of me how I could kill them seeing we were so few, and they so many in number. And because it was now late, and that I see that by this time he was weary to stay any longer with me, I let him go out of my boat, and therewith I dismissed him very well content. Chap. 4. Of N●guachato and other chief men of those Indians they receive great store of victuals, they 'cause them to set up a cross in their countries, and he teacheth them to worship it● They have news of many people, of their divers languages, and customs in matrimony, how they punish adultery, of their opinions concerning the dead, and of the sicknesses which they are subject unto. THe next day betimes in the morning came the chief man among them called Naguachato, and wished me to come on land because he had great store of victuals to give me. And because I see myself in security I did so without doubting; and incontinently an old man came with rolls of that Maiz, and certain little gourds, and calling me with a loud voice and using many gestures with his body and arms, came near unto me, and causing me to turn me unto that people, and he himself also turning unto them said unto them, Sagueyca, and all the people answered with a great voice, Hu, and he offered to the Sun a little of every thing that he had there, and likewise a little more unto me (although afterward he gave me all the rest) and did the like to all that were with me: & calling out mine interpreter, by means of him I gave them thanks, telling them that because my boats were little I had not brought many things to give them in exchange, but that I would come again another time and bring them, and that if they would go with me in my boats unto my ships which I had beneath at the rivers mouth, I would give them many things. They answered that they would do so, being very glad in countenance. Here by the help of mine interpreter I sought to instruct them what the sign of the cross mean, and willed them to bring me a piece of timber, whereof I caused a great cross to be made, and commanded all those that were with me that when it was made they should worship it, and beseech the Lord to grant his grace that that so great a people might come to the knowledge of his holy Catholic faith: and this done I told them by mine interpreter that I left them that sign, in token that I took them for my brethren, and that they should keep it for me carefully until I returned, and that every morning at the Sun rising they should kneel before it. And they took it in continently, & wihthout suffering it to touch the ground they carried it to set it up in the midst of their houses, where all of them might behold it; and I willed them always to worship it because it would preserve them from evil. They asked me how deep they should set it in the ground, & I showed them. Great store of people followed the same, These people are greatly inclined to learn the Christian faith. and they that stayed behind enquired of me, how they should join their hands, and how they should kneel to worship the same; and they seemed to have great desire to learn it. This done, I took that chief man of the Country, and going to our boats with him, I followed my journey up the River, and all the company on both sides of the shore accompanied me with great good will, and served me in drawing of our boats, and in halling us off the sands, whereupon we often fell: for in many places we found the river so should, The river in divers places full of shelves. that we had no water for our boats. As we thus went on our way, some of the Indians which I had left behind me, came after us to pray me that I would thoroughly instruct them, how they should join their hands in the worshipping of the cross: others showed me whether they were well se● in such & such sort, so that they would not let me be quiet. Near unto the other side of the river was greater store of people, which called unto me very often, that I would receive the victuals which they had brought me. And because I perceived that one envied the other, because I would not leave them discontended, I did so. And here came before me another old man like unto the former with the like ceremonies & offerings: Another old man. and I sought to learn something of him as I had done of the other. This man said likewise to the rest of the people, This is our lord. Now you see how long ago our ancestors told us, that there were bearded & white people in the world, Their ancestors told them t●at there were bearded and white men in the world. and we laughed them to scorn. I which am old and the rest which are here, have never seen any such people as these. And if you will not believe me, behold these people which be in this river: let us give them therefore meat, seeing they give us of their victuals: let us willingly serve this lord● which wisheth us so well, and forbiddeth us to make war, and embraceth all of us: and they have mouth, hands and eyes as we have, and speak as we do. I gave these likewise another cross as I had done to the others beneath, and said unto them the self same words; which they listened unto with a better will, & used greater diligence to learn that which I said. Afterwards as I passed farther up the river, I found another people, Another nation. whom mine interpreter understood not a whit: wherefore I showed them by signs the selfsame ceremonies of worshipping the cross, which I had taught the rest. And that principal old man which I took with me, told me that farther up the river I should found people which would understand mine interpreter: and being now late, some of those men called me to give me victuals, and did in all points as the others had done, dancing and playing to show me pleasure. I desired to know what people lived on the banks of this river: and I understood by this man that it was inhabited by 23 languages, and these were bordering upon the river, People of 23. languages dwelling along this river. besides others not far off, and that there were besides these 23. languages, other people also which he knew not, above the river. I asked him whether every people were living in one town together: and he answered me, Not: but that they had many houses standing scattered in the fields, and that every people had their Country several and distinguished, and that in every habitation there were great store of people. He showed me a town which was in a mountain, Acuco as Gomara writeth is on a strong mountain. and told me that there was there great store of people of ●ad conditions, which made continual war upon them: which being without a governor, and dwelling in that desert place, where small store of Maiz groweth, came down into the plain to buy it in truck of Deeres skins, wherewith they were appareled with long garments, which they did cut with razors, and sewed with needles made of Deeres bones: and that they had great houses of stone. Great houses of stone. I asked them whether there were any there of that Country; and I found one woman which ware a garment like a little Mantle, which clad her from the waste down to the ground, of a Deeres skin well dressed. Then I asked him whether the people which dwelled on the rivers side, dwelled always there, or else sometime went to devil in some other place: he answered me, that in the summer season they abode there, and sowed there; and after they had gathered in their crop they went their way, and dwelled in other houses which they had at the foot of the mountain far from the river. And he showed me by signs that the houses were of wood compassed with earth without, and I understood that they made a round house, Round 〈◊〉 wherein the men and women lived all together. I asked him whether their women were common or no● he told me no, and that he which was married, was to have but one wife only. I desired to know what order they kept in marrying: and he told me, that if any man had a daughter to marry, he went where the people kept, and said, I have a daughter to marry: is there any man here that will have her? And if there were any that would have her, he answered that he would have her: and so the marriage was made. And that the father of him which would have her, brought some thing to give the young woman; and from that hour forward the marriage was taken to be finished, and that they sang & danced: Dancing and singing at marriages of the Savages. and that when night came, the parents took them, and left them together in a place where no body might see them. And I learned that brethren, and sisters, and kinsfolks married not together: and that maids before they were married conversed not with men, nor talked not with them, but kept at home at their houses and in their possessions, and wrought: and that if by chance any one had company with men before she were married, her husband forsook her, and went away into other Countries: and that those women which fallen into this fault, were accounted naughty packs. And that if after they were married, any man were taken in adultery with another woman, they put him to death: and that no man might have more than one wife, but very secretly. They told me that they burned those which dyed● They burn their dead. and such as remained widows, stayed half a year, or a whole year before they married. I desired to know what they thought of such as were dead. He told me that they went to another world, but that they had neither punishment nor glory. The greatest sickness that this people dye of, is vomiting of blood by the mouth: and they have Physicians which cure them with tharmes and blowing which they make. The apparel of these people were like the former: they carried their pipes with them to perfume themselves, like as the people of New Spain use Tobacco. Pipes to 〈◊〉 Tobacco with. I enquired whether they had any governor, and found that they had none, but that every family had their several governor. These people have besides their Maiz certain gourds, Maiz, gourds. and another corn like unto Mill: Mi●l. they have grindstones & earthen pots, wherein they boil those gourds, and fish of the river, which are very good. Grindestones, earthen pots, good fish. My interpreter could go no farther than this place: for he said that those which we should found ●arther on our way, were their enemies, and therefore I sent him back very well contented. Not long after I espied many Indians to come crying with a loud voice, and running after me. I stayed to know what they would have; and they told me that they had set up the cross which I had given them, in the midst of their dwellings as I had appointed, but that I was to wit, that when the river did overflow, This river overfloweth his banks at certain seasons. it was wont to reach to that place, therefore they prayed me to give them leave to remove it, and to set it in another place where the river could not come at it, nor carry it away: which I granted them. Chap. 5. Of an Indian of that country they have relation of the state of Cevola, and of the conditions and customs of these people, and of their governor: and likewise of the countries not far distant from thence, whereof one was called Quicoma, and the other Coama: of the people of Quicoma, and of the other Indians not far distant they retain courtesy. THus sailing, I came where were many Indians, and another interpreter, which I caused to come with me in my boat. And because it was cold, Cold and rain. & my people were wet, I leapt on shore, and commanded a fire to be made, and as we stood thus warming ourselves, an Indian came and struck men on the arm, pointing with his finger to a wood, out of which I see two companies of men come with their weapons, & he told me that they came to set upon us: & because I meant not to fall out with any of them, I retired my company into our boats, & the Indians which were with me swum into the water, and saved themselves on the other side of the river. In the mean season I enquired of that Indian which I had with me, what people they were that came out of the wood: and he told me that they were their enemies, and therefore these others at their approach without saying any word leapt into the water: and did so, because they meant to turn back again, being without weapons, because they brought none with them, because they understood my will & pleasure, that they should carry none. I enquired the same things of this interpreter which I had done of the other of the things of that country, because I understood that among some people one man used to have many wives, and among others but one. Now I understood by him, that he had been at Cevola, and that it was a months journey from his country, Cevola 40 days journey from thence by the river. and that from that place by a path that went along that river a man might easily travel thither in xl. days, and that the occasion that moved him to go thither, was only to see Cevola, because it was a great thing, & had very high houses of stone of 3. or 4. lofts, and windows on each side: that the houses were compassed about with a brickwall containing the height of a man & an half, and that aloft & beneath they were inhabited with people, and that they used the● same weapons, that others used, which we had seen, that is to say, bows & arrows, maces, staves & bucklers: and that they had one governor, & that they were appareled with mantles, and with oxe-hides, & that their mantles had a painting about them, and that their governor ware a long shirt very fine girded unto him, and over the same divers mantles: and that the women ware very long garments, and that they were white, and went all covered: and that every day many Indians waited at the gate of their governor to serve him, Turqueses in Cevola. & that they did wear many Azure or blue stones, which were digged out of a rock of stone, and that they had but one wise, with whom they were married, and that when their governors died, all the goods that they had were buried with them. And likewise all the while they eat, many of their men wait at their table to court them, and see them eat, and that they eat with napkins, and that they have baths. On thursday morning at break of day the Indians came with the like cry to the bank of the river, and with greater desire to serve us, bringing me meat to eat, and making me the like good cheer, which the others had done unto me, having understood what I was: & I gave them crosses, with the self same order which I did unto the former. And going farther up the river, I came to a country where I found better government: for the inhabitants are wholly obedient unto one only. But returning again to confer with mine interpreter touching the dwellings of those of Cevola, he told me, that the lord of that country had a dog like that which I carried with me. Afterwards when I called for dinner, this interpreter see certain dishes carried in the first and later service, whereupon he told me that the lord of Cevola had also such as those were, but that they were green, and that none other had of them saving their governor, and that they were 4. which he had got together with that dog, and other things, of a black man which had a beard, This was the Negro that went with Friar Marco de Niza. but that he known not from what quarter he came thither, and that the king caused him afterward to be killed, as he herded say. I asked him whether he known of any town that was near unto that place: he told me that above the river he known some, & that among the rest there was a lord of a town called Quicoma, Quicoma. and another of a town called Coama: Coama. and that they had great store of people under them. And after he had given me this information, he craved leave of me to return unto his companions. From hence I began again to set sail, and within a days sailing I found a town dispeopled: where assoon as I was entered, by chance there arrived there 500 Indians with their bows & arrows, and with them was that principal Indian called Naguachato, which I had left behind, and brought with them certain coneys & yucas: Coneys and yucas. and after I had friendly entertained them all, departing from them, I gave them licence to return to their houses. As I passed further by the deserts I came to certain cottages, out of which much people came toward me with an old man before them, crying in a language which mine interpreter well understood, and he said unto those men: Brethren, you see here that lord; let us give him such as we have, seeing he doth us pleasure, and hath passed through so many discourteous people, to come to visit us. And having thus said, he offered to the Sun, and then to me in like sort as the rest had done. These had certain great bags & well made of the skins of fish called Sea-bremes. And I understood that this was a town belonging unto the lord of Quicoma, which people came thither only to gather the fruit of their harvest in summmer; and among them I found one which understood mine interpreter very well: whereupon very easily I gave them the like instruction of the cross which I had given to others behind. These people had cotton, Cotton. but they were not very careful to use the same: because there was none among them that known the art of weaving, & to make apparel thereof. They asked me how they should set up their cross when they were come to their dwelling which was in the mountain, A mountain. and whether it were best to make an house about it, that it might not be wet, & whether they should hung any thing upon the arms thereof. I said no; & that it sufficed to set it in a place where it might be seen of all men, until I returned: and jest peradventure any men of war should come that way, they offered me more men to go with me, saying that they were naughty men which I should find above; but I would have none: nevertheless 20. of them went with me, which when I drawn near unto those which were their enemies, they warned me thereof: and I found their sentinels set upon their guard on their borders. On Saturday morning I found a great squadron of people sitting under an exceeding great arbour, & another part of them without: and when I see that they rose not up, I passed along on my voyage: when they beheld this, an old man rose up which said unto me, Sir, why do you not receive victuals to eat o● us, seeing you have taken food of others? I answered, that I took nothing but that which was given me, & that I went to none but to such as requested me. Here without any stay they brought me victuals, saying unto me, that because I entered not into their houses, and stayed all day and all night in the river, and because I was the son of the Sun, all men were to receive me for their lord. I made them signs to sit down, and called that old man which mine interpreter understood, and asked him whose that country was, and whether the lord thereof were there, he said, yea: and I called him to me; and when he was come, I embraced him, showing him great love: & when I see that all of them took great pleasure at the friendly entertainment which I gave him, I put a shirt upon him, and gave him other trifles, and willed mine interpreter to use the like speeches to that lord which he had done to the rest; and that done, I gave him a cross, which he received with a very good will, as the others did: and this lord went a great way with me, until I was called unto from the other side of the river, where the former old man stood with much people: to whom I gave another cross, using the like speech to them which I had unto the rest, to wit, how they should use it. Then following my way, I met with another great company of people, with whom came that very same old man whom mine interpreter understood; and when I see their lord which he showed unto me, I prayed him to come with me into my boat, which he did very willingly, and so I went still up the river, and the old man came an● showed me who were the chief lords: and I spoke unto them always with great courtesy, & all of them showed that they rejoiced much thereat, & spoke very well of my coming thither. At night I withdrew myself into the midst of the river, & asked him many things concerning that country: and I fou●d him as willing & well disposed to show them me, as I was desirous to know them. I asked him of Cevola: Cevola a goodly thing. and he told me he had been there, and that it was a goodly thing, & that the lore thereof was very well obeyed: and that there were other lords thereabouts, with whom he was at continual war. I asked him whether they had silver & gold, and he beholding certain bells, said they had metal of their colour. I enquired whether they made it there, and he answered me no, but that they brought it from a certain mountain, Gold and silver in a mountain● near Cevola. where an old woman dwelled. I demanded whether he had any knowledge of a river ca●led Totonteac, he answered me no, but of another exceeding mighty river, A mighty river. wherein there were such huge Crocodiles, that of their hides they made bucklers, and that they worship the Sun neither more nor less than those which I had passed: and when they offer unto him the first-fruits of the earth, they say: Receive hereof, for thou hast created them, and that they loved him much, because he warmed them; and that when he broke not forth, they were acold. This river seemeth to v●● Northward by the cold. Herein reasoning with him, he began somewhat to complain, saying unto me, I know not wherefore the Sun useth these terms with us, because he giveth us not clotheses, nor people to spin nor to weave them, nor other things which he giveth to many other, and he complained that those of that country would not suffer them to come there, and would not give them of their corn. I told him that I would remedy this, whereat he remained very well satisfied. Chap. 6. They are advertised by the Indians, wherefore the lord of Cevola killed the Negro, which went with Friar Marco, and of many other things: And of an old woman called G●atazaca, which liveth in a lake and eateth no food. The description of a beast, of the skin whereof they make targets. The suspicion that they conceive of them, that they are of those Christians which were seen at Cevola, and how they cunningly save themselves. THe next day which was Sunday before break of day, began their cry as they were wont: and ●his was the cry of 2. or 3. sorts of people, which had lyen all night near the rivers side, waiting for me: and they took Maiz & other corn in their mouth, and sprinkled me therewith, saying that that was the fashion which they used when they sacrificed unto the Sun: afterward they gave me of their victuals to eat, and among other things, they gave me many white peason. I gave them a cross as I had done to the rest: and in the mean season that old man told them great matters of my doing, and pointed me out with his finger, saying, this is the lord, the son of the Sun: and they made me to comb my beard, & to set mine apparel handsomely which I ware upon my back. And so great was the confidence ●hat they had in me, that all of them told me what things had passed, & did pass among them, & what good or bad mind they bore one toward another. I asked them wherefore they imparted unto me all their secrets, and that old man answered me: Thou art our lord, & we aught to hide nothing from our lord. After these things, following on our way, I began again to inquire of him the state of Cevola, & whether he knew that those of this country had ever seen people like unto us: he answered me no, saving one Negro which ware about his legs & arms certain things which did ring. Your lordship is to call to mind how this Negro which went with friar Marco was wont to wear● bells, The Negro that went with Friar Marco de Ni●a s●aine. & feathers on his arms & legs, & that he carried plates of divers colours, and that it was not much above a year ago since he came into those parts. I demanded upon what occasion he was killed; and he answered me, That the lord of Cevola enquired of him whether he had other brethren: he answered that he had an infinite number, and that they had great store of weapons with them, and that they were not very far from thence. Which when he had herded, many of the chief men consulted together, and resolved to kill him, that he might not give news unto these his brethren, where they dwelled, & that for this cause they slay him, and cut him into many pieces, which were divided among all those chief lords, that they might know assuredly that he was dead; The cause wherefore Stephan Dorantez the Negro was slain. and also that he had a dog like mine, which he likewise killed a great while after. I asked him whether they of Cevola had any enemies, They of Cevola have 14. or 15. lords their enemies. and he said they had. And he reckoned unto me 14. or 15. lords which had war with them: and that they had man●les, and bows like those above mentioned: howbeit he told me that I should found going up the river a people that had no war neither with their neighbours, nor with any other. An old wo●● called Gu●●●●●c● in a lake greatly worshipped. He told me that they had 3. or 4. sorts of trees bearing most excellent fruit to eat: and that in a certain lake dwelled an old woman, which was much honoured and worshipped of them: and that she remained in a little house which was there, and that she never did eat any thing: Antonio d'Es●e●o spraketh of such a great lake. and that there they made things which did sound, and that many mantles, feathers and Maiz were given unto her. I asked what her name was, and he told me that she was called Guatuzaca, and that thereabouts were many lords which in their life & death, used the like orders which they of Cevola did, which had their dwelling in the summer with painted mantles, and in the winter dwelled in houses of wood of 2. or 3. lofts high: and that he had seen all these things, saving the old woman. And when again I began to ask him more questions, he would not answer me, saying that he was weary of me: and many of those Indians coming above me, they said among themselves: Let us mark him well, that we may know him when he cometh back again. The Monday following, the river was beset with people like to them, and I began to request the old man to tell me what people w●re in that country, which told me he thought I would soon forget them: and here he reckoned up unto me a great number of lords, and people at the lest 200. 200 lim●es o● people. And discoursing with him of their armour, he said that some of them had certain very large targets of leather, above two fingers thick. I asked him of what beasts skin they made them: and he described unto me a very great beast, like unto an Ox, This might be the stooke ●aked o●● o● 〈◊〉. but longer by a great handful, with broad feet, the legs as big as the thigh of a man, and the head seven handfuls long, the forehead of three spans, and the eyes bigger than once fi●t, and the horns of the length of a man's leg, out of which grew sharp points, an hand full long, the forfeit and hinderfecte above seven handfuls big, with a wre●h●d tail, but very great; and holding up his arms above his head, he said the beast was higher than that. After this he gave me information of another old woman which dwelled toward the sea side. The sea side. I spent this day in giving crosses to those people as I had done unto the former. This old man that was with me leap● on ●hore, & fallen in conference with another which that day had often called him; and here both of them used many gestures in their speech, moving their arms, and pointing at me. Therefore I sent mine interpreter out, willing him to draw near unto them, and listen w●●t they said; and within a while I called him, and asked him whereof they talked, and he said, that he which made those gestures said unto the other, that in Cevola there were oth●rs like unto us with beards, and that they said they were Christians, and that both of them said that we were all of one company● and that it were a good deed to kill us, The Sauage●●●eason● to ●e taken heed of. that those others might have no knowledge of us, jest they might come to do them harm: and that the old man answered him, this is the son of the Sun, & our lord, he doth us good, and will not enter into our houses, although we request him thereunto: he will take away nothing of ours, he will meddle with none of our women, and that to be short, he had spoken many other things in my commendation and favour: and for all th●s the other steadfastly affirmed that we were all one, and that the old man said, Let us go unto him, and ask him whether he be a Christian as the other be, or else the son of the Sun: and th● old man came unto me, and said: Certain news of the Spanyard● at Cevola. In the country of Cevola whereof you spoke unto me do other men like unto you ●well. Then I began to make as though I wondered, and answered him, that it was impossible; and they assured me that it was true, and that two men had seen them wh●ch came from thence, which reported that they had things which did shoot fire, and swords as we had. I asked them whether they had seen them with their own eyes? and they answered no; but that certain of their companions had seen them. Then he asked me ●hether I were the son o● the Sun, I answered him yea. They said that those Christians of Cevola said so likewise. And I answered them that it might well be. Then they asked me if those Christians of Cevola came join themselves with me, whether I would join with them: and I answered them, tha● they needed not to fear any whit at all, for if they were the sons of the Sun as they said, they must needs be my brethren, and would use towards all men the like love and courtesy which I used: whereupon hereat they seemed to be somewhat satisfied. Chap. 7. It is told him that they are ten days journey distant from Cevola, and that there be Christians there, which make war against the lords of that country. Of the Sodomy which those Indians use with four young men, appointed for that service, which wear women's apparel. Seeing they could not sand news of their being there to them of Cevola, they went back again down the river to their ships. THen I pr●yed them to tell me how many days that kingdom of Cevola, which they spoke of, Cevola ten days distant ●rom this place. A desert of t●●● days journey. was distant from that river: and that man answered, that there was the space of ten days journey without h●ritation, and that he made none account of the rest of the way, because there w●re people 〈…〉 found. Upon this advertisement I was desirous to certify Captain Francis Vazquez of my being there, and imparted my mind with my soldiers, among whom I found none that was willing to go thither, although I offered them many rewards in your lordship's name, only one Negro slave though with an evil will offered himself unto me to go thither: but I looked for the coming of those two Indians which they told me of, and herewithal we went on our way up the river against the stream in such sort as we had done before. Here that old man showed me as a strange thing a son of his clad in woman's apparel, exercising their office: I asked him how many there were of these among them, and he told me there were four; & that when any of them died, there was a search made of all the women with child which were in the country, and that the first son which was born of them, was appointed to do that duty belonging unto women, and that the women clad him in their apparel, saying, that seeing he was to do that which belonged to them, he should wear their apparel: these young men may not hau● carnal copulation with any woman: but all the young men of the country which are to marry, may company with th●m. These men receive no kind of reward for this incestous act of the people of that countr●●, because they have liberty to take whatsoever they found in any house for their food. I see likewise certain women wh●ch lived dishonestly among men: and I asked the old man whether they were married, who answered me no, but they were common women, which lived apar● from the married women. I came at length after these discourses to pray them to s●nd for those Indians, which they said had been at Cevola, & they told me that they were eight days journey distant from that place, but that notwithstanding there was one among them which was their companion and which had spoken with them, as he m●t them on the way, when they went to see the kingdom of Cevola, and that they told him that he were not best to go any farther, for he should found there ● fierce nation like us, and of the same qualities and making, which had fought much with the people of Cevola, because they had killed a Negro of their company, saying, Wherefore have ye killed him? what did he to you? did he take any bread from you, or do you any other wrong? and such like speech. And they said moreover, that these people were called Christians, which dwelled in a great house, & that many of them had oxen like those of Cevola, Oxen of Cevola. and other little black beasts with wool and horns, & that some of them had beasts which they road upon, which ran very swiftly; & that one day before their departure, from sun rising until sun s●tting these Christians were all day in coming thither, & all of them lodged in that place where others had lodged, & that these two met with two Christians, which asked them whence they were, & whether they had fields sown with corn; and they told them that they dwelled in a far country, and that they had corn, and that then they gave each of them a little cap, and they gave them another to carry to their other companions, which they promised to do, & departed quickly. When I understood this, I spoken again with my company, to see if any one of them would go thither, but I found them unwilling as at the first, and they laid against me greater inconveniences. Then I called the old man to see if he would give me any people to go with me, & victuals to travel through that wilderness, A desert. but he laid before me many inconveniences & dangers, which I might incur in that voyage, showing me the danger that there was in passing by a lord of Cumana, Cumana. which threatened to make war upon them, because his people had entered into the others country to take a stag, and that I shoul● not therefore departed thence without seeing him punished. And when I replied that in any wise I must needs go to Cevola, he willed me to surcease from that purpose, for they looked that that lord without all doubt would come to annoyed them, & that therefore they could not leave their country naked to go with me, and that it would be better, that I would make an end of that war between them, and that then I might have their company to Cevola. And upon this point we grew to such variance, that we began to grow into choler, and in a rage he would have go out of the boat, but I stayed him, and with gentle speeches began to pacify him, seeing that it imported me much to have him my friend: but for all my courtesies which I showed him, I could not altar him from his mind, wherein he still remained obstinate. In this mean while I sent a man away unto my ships to give them knowledge of the journey that I had determined to make. After this I prayed the old man that he would fetch him back again, because I had determined, that seeing I see no means to be able to go to Cevola, & because I would stay no longer among those people, because they should not discover me, and likewise because I meant in person to visit my ships, with determination to return again up the river, carrying with me other companions, & leave there some which I had sick, and telling the old man and the rest that I would return, and leaving them satisfied the best I could (although they always said that I went away for fear) I returned down the river: and that way which I had go against the stream up the river in 15. days and an half, I made in my return in 2. days and an half, because the stream, was great and very swift. He returns in 2. days and an half to his ships. In this wise going down the river, much people came to the banks, saying, Sir, wherefore do you leave us? what discourtesy hath been done unto you? did you not say that you would remain continually with us, and be our Lord? And turn back again? if any man above the river hath done you any wrong we will go with our weapons with you and kill him; and such like words full of love kindness. Chap. 8. When they came to their ships the Captain named that coast La Campanna de la Cruz, and builded a Chapel unto our Lady, and called the river El Rio de Buena Guia, and returned up the same again: when he came to Quicona and Coama the Lords of those places used him very courteously. Upon mine arrival at my ships I found all my people in health, although very heavy for my long stay, and because the current had fretted four of their cables, and that they had lost two anchors which were recovered. After we had brought our ships together, I caused them to bring them into a good harbour, & to give the carena to the ship called Sanct Peter, & to mend all things that were needful. And here assembling all my company together, I opened unto them what knowledge I had received of Francis Vasquez; and how it might be that in those sixteen days space which I was in sailing up the river he might peradventure have some knowledge of me, and that I was minded to return up the river once again to try if I could find any means to join myself with him: and although some spoke against my determination, I caused all my boats to be made ready, because the ships had no need of them. Ma●ke ●hat 〈◊〉 ●he Spaniards ca●● with t●●m in new de●●oue●i●s. Rio de buena Guia. I caused one of them to be filled with wares of exchange, with corn and other seeds, with hens & cocks of Castille, and departed up the river, leau●ng order that in that province called Campanna de la Cruz they should build an Ora●o●i● or chapel, and called it the Chapel of our Lady de la Buena Guia, and that they should call this river Rio de Buena Guia because that is your Lordship's Devise: I carried with me Nicolas Zamorano Pilot mayor, to take the height of the pole. And I departed on tuesday the fourteenth of September, & on wednesday I came unto the first dwellings of the first Indians, which came running to hinder my passage, supposing that we had been other people, for we carried with us a fifer, & a drummer, and I was clad in other apparel than I went in before, when they see me fi●st of all: and when they known me they stayed, though I could not grow unto perfect friendship with th●m, whereupon I gave them some of those seeds which I brought with me; teaching them how th●y should sow them: and after I had sailed 3 leagues, my first interpreter came even to my boat to seek me with great joy, of whom I demanded wherefore he had left me, he told me that certain companions of his had led him away. I made him good countenance and better entertainment, because he should bear me company again, considering how much it did import me to have him with me. He excused himself because he stayed there to bring me certain feathers of Parrots, Parrots in these par●s. which he gave me. I asked him what people these were, and whether they had any Lord: he answered me, yea; and named three or four unto me, of four or 25 names of people which he known and that they had houses painted within, and that they had traffic with those of Cevola, Two moons to Cevola. and that in two moons he came into the country. He told me moreover many other names of Lords, and other people, which I have written down in a book of mine, Another book w●itten of the particulars of that country. which I will bring myself unto your Lordship. But I thought good to deliver this brief relation to Augustine Guerriero in this haven of Colima, that he might sand it overland to your Lordship, to whom I have many other things to impart. But to return to my journey, I arrived at Quicama, Quicama. where the Indians came forth with great joy and gladness to receive me, advertising me that their Lord waited for my coming; to whom when I was come I found that he had with him five or six thousand men without weapons, from whom he went apart with some two hundred only, all which brought victuals with them, and so he came towards me, going before the rest with great authority, and before him and on each side of him were certain which made the people stand aside, making him way to pass. He ware a garment close before and behind and open on both sides, fastened with buttons, wrought with white and black chequer work, it was very soft and well made, being of the skins of certain delicate fish called Sea bream. assoon as he was come to the waters side his servants took him up in their arms, and brought him into my boat, where I embraced him and received him with great joy, showing unto him much kindness: upon which entertainment his people standing by and beholding the same seemed not a little to rejoice. This Lord turnning himself to his people willed them to consider my courtesy, and that he being of his own accord come unto me with a strange people, they might see how good a man I was, and with how great love I had entertained him, and that therefore they should take me for their Lord, and that all of them should become my servants, and do whatsoever I would command them. There I caused him to sit down, and to eat certain conserves of sugar which I had brought with me, and willed the interpreter to thank him in my name for the favour which he had done me in vouchsafing to come to see me, recommending unto him the worshipping of the cross, and all such other things as I had recommended to the rest of the Indians; namely that they should live in peace, and should leave off wars, and should continued always good friends together: he answered, that of long time they had continued in wars with their neighbours, but that from thence forward he would command his people that they should give food to all strangers that passed through his kingdom, and that they should do them no kind of wrong, and that if any nation should come to invade him, he said he would tell them how I had commanded that they should live in peace, and if they refused the ●ame, he would defend himself, and promised me, that he would never go to seek war, if others came not to invade him. Then I gave him certain trifles, as well of the seeds which I brought, as of the hens of Castille, wherewith he was not a little pleased. And at my departure I carried certain of his people with me, to make friendship between them and those other people which dwelled above the River: and here the interpreter came unto me, to crave leave to return home; and I gave him certain gifts wherewith he d●parted greatly satisfied. Coama. The next day I came to Coama, and many of them known me not, seeing me clad in other apartel, but the old man which was there as soon as he known me leapt into the water, saying unto me; Sir, lo here is the man which you left with me, which came forth very joyful & pleasant declaring unto me the great courtesies which that people had showed him, saying that they had striven together who should have him to his house, and that it was incredible to think what care they had at the rising of the Sun to hold up their hands and kneel before the Crosse. I gave them of my seeds, and thanked them heartily for the good entertainment which they had showed my man, and they besought me that I would leave him with them, which I granted them until my return, and he stayed among them very willingly. Thus I went forward up the River, taking that old man in my company, which told me, that two Indians came from Cumana to inquire for the Christians, Cumana. & that he had answered them that he known none such, but that he known one which was the son of the Sun, Treason of the savages. and that they had persuaded him to join with th●m to kill me and my companions. I wished him to lend me two Indians, and I would sand word by them, that I would come unto them and was desirous of their friendship, but if that they on the contrary would have war, I would make such a war with them, that should displease them. And ●o I passed through all that people, and some came and asked me, why I had not given them Crosses as will as the rest, and so I gave them some. Chap. 9 They go on land, and see the people worship the Cross which they had given them. The Captain causeth an Indian to make a draft of the country: he sendeth a Cross to the Lord of Cumana, and going down the River with the stream, he arriveth at his ships. Of the error of the Pilots of Cortes as touching the situation of this Coast. THe next day I went on land to see certain cottages, and I found many women and children holding up their hands and kneeling before a Cross which I had given them. When I came thither I did the like myself; and couferring with the old man, he began to inform me of as many people and Provinces as he known. And when evening was come I called the old man to come and lodge with me in my boat; he answered that he would not go with me because I would weary him with ask him questions of so many matters: I told him that I would request him nothing ●lse but that he would set me down in a chart as much as he known concerning that River, and what manner of people those were which dwelled upon the banks thereof on both sides: which he did willingly. And then he requested me that I would describe my country unto him, as he had done his unto me. And for to content him, I caused a draft of certain things to be made for him. The next day I entered between certain very high mountains through which this River passeth with a str●ight channel, and the boa●s went up against the stream● very h●●dly for want of men to draw the same. Here certain Indians came and told me, that in the ●ame place, there were certain people of Cumana, and among the rest an enchater, An Enchanter. who inquired which way we would pass; & they telling him that we meant to pass by the River, he set certain canes on both sides thereof, through which we passed, without receiving any kind of d●mage which they intended against us. Thus going forward I came unto the house of the old man which was in my company, and here I caused a very high Cross to be set up, whereupon I engraved certain letters to signify that I was come thither: and this I did, that if by chance any of the people of the general Vasquez de Coronado should come thither, they might have knowledge of my being there. At length seeing I could not attain to the knowledge of that which I sought for, I determined to return back unto my ships. And being ready to departed there arrived two Indians, which by means of the interpreters of the old man, told me that they were sent to me, and that they were of Cumana, and that their Lord could not come himself, because he was far from that place, but desired me ●o signify unto him what my pleasure was. I told them, that I wished that he would always embrace peace, and that I was coming to see that country, but being enforced to return back down the River I could not now do it, but that hereafter I would return, and that in the mean season they should give that Cross unto their Lord, which they promised me to do, and they went directly to carry him that Cross with certain feathers which were on the same. Of these I sought to understand what people dwelled upward upon the banks of the River, This River ran ●●ch farther up than ●e had t●a●●lled. which gave me knowledge of many people, and told me that the River went far more up into the land than I had yet seen, but that they known not the head thereof, because it was very far into the country, and that many other Rivers fallen into the same. Having learned thus much the next day morning I returned down the River, and the day following I came where I had left my Spaniard, with whom I spoke, and told him that all things had go well with me, and that at this time and the former I had go above 30 leagues into the country. The Indians of tha● place enquired of me what the cause was of my departure, and when I would return; to whom I answered, that I would return shortly. Thus sailing down the stream, a woman leapt into the water crying unto us to stay for her, and she came into our boat, and crept under a bench, from whence we could not make her to come out: I understood that she did this, because her husband had taken unto him another wife, by whom he had children, saying that she meant not to devil any longer with him, seeing he had taken another wife. Thus she and another Indian came with me of their own accord, and so I came into my ships, and making them ready we proceeded home on our voyage, coasting and oftentimes going on land, and entering a great way into the country, to see if I could learn any news of Captain Francis Vasquez and his company; of whom I could have no other knowledge, but such as I learned in the aforesaid River. I bring with me many acts of taking possession of all that Coast. And by the situation of the River and the height which I took, I find that that which the Masters and Pilots of the marquess took is false, & that they were deceived by 2 degrees, and I have sailed beyond them above 4 degrees. I sailed up the River 85 leagues, He sailed 85 leagues up the River. where I see and learned all the particulars before mentioned, and many other things; whereof when it shall please God to give me leave to kiss your Lordship's hands, I will deliver you the full and perfect relation. I think myself to have had very good fortune, in that I found Don Luis de Castilia, and Augustine Ghenero in the port of Colima: for the Galiot of the Adelantado came upon me, which was there with the rest of his fleet, The port of Colima. and commanded me to strike sail, which seeming a strange thing unto me, and not understanding in what state things were in Nueva Espanna, I went about to defend myself, and not to do it. In the mean while came Don Luis de Castilia in a boat and conferred with me, and I lay at anchor on the other side of the haven where the said fleet road, and I gave unto him this relation (and to avoid strife I determined to sail away by night) which relation I carried about me briefly written; for I always had a purpose to sand the same, as soon as I should touch upon Nueva Espanna, to advertise your Lordship of my proceed. An extract of a Spanish letter written from Pueblo de los Angeles in Nueva Espanna in October 1597, touching the discovery of the rich Isles of California, being distant eight days sailing from the main. WE have seen a letter written the right of October 1597, out of a town called Pueblo de los Angeles situate eighteen leagues from Mexico, making mention of the islands of California situate two or three hundredth leagues from the main land of Nueva Espanna, in Marinell del Sur: as that thither have been sent before that time some people to conquer them: which with loss of some twenty men were forced back. Af●er that they had well visited and found those Islands or countries to be very rich of gold and silver mines, and of very fair oriental pearls, which were caught in good quantity upon one fathom and an half passing in beauty the pearls of the Island Margarita: the report thereof caused the Uiceroy of Mexico to sand a citizen of Mexico with two hundredth men to conquer the same. Therein also was affirmed that within eight days they could sail thither from the main. The course which Sir Francis Drake held from the haven of Guatulco in the South sea on the back side of Nueva Espanna, to the Northwest of California as far as forty three degrees: and his return back along the said Coast to thirty eight degrees: where finding a fair and goodly haven, he landed, and staying there many weeks, and discovering many excellent things in the country and great show of rich mineral matter, and being offered the dominion of the country by the Lord of the same, he took possession thereof in the behalf of her Majesty, and named it Nova Albion. We kept our course from the Isle of Canon (which lieth in eight degrees of Northerly latitude, and within two leagues of the main of Nicaragua, where we calked and trimmed our ship) along the Coast of Nueva Espanna, until we came to the Haven and Town of Guatulco, which (as we were informed) had but seventeen Spaniards dwelling in it, and we found it to stand in fifteen degrees and fifty minutes. assoon as we were entered this Haven we landed, and went presently to the town, and to the Town house, where we found a judge sitting in judgement, he being associate with three other officers, upon three Negroes that had conspired the burning of the Town: both which judges, and prisoners we took, and brought them a shippeboord, and caused the chief judge to writ his letter to the Town, to command all the Townsmen to avoid, that we might safely water there. Which being done, and they departed, we ransacked the Town, and in one house we found a pot of the quantity of a bushel full of royals of plate, which we brought to our ship. And here one Thomas Moon one of our company, taken a Spanish gentleman as he was flying out of the Town, and searching him, he found a chain of Gold about him, and other jewels, which we took and so let him go. The Portugal Pilot set on land. At this place our General among other Spaniards, set a shore his Portugal Pilot, which he took at the Island of Cape Verde, out of a ship of Saint Marie port of Portugal, and having set them a shore, we departed thence. Our General at this place and time thinking himself both in respect of his private injuries received from the Spaniards, as also of their contempts and indignities offered to our Country and Prince in general, sufficiently satisfied, and revenged: and supposing that her Majesty at his return would rest contented with this service, purposed to continued no longer upon the Spanish coasts, but began to consider and to consult of the best way for his Country. He thought it not good to return by the Straitss, for two special caus●s: the one, lest the Spaniards should there wait, and attend for him in great number and strength, who●e hands he being left but one ship, could not possibly escape. The other cause was the dangerous situation of the mouth of the Straitss of the South side, with continual storms raining and blushing, as he found by experience, besides the shoals and sands upon the coast, wherefore he thought it not a good course to adventure that way: he resolved therefore to avoid these hazards to go ●orward to the Islands of the Malucos, and therehence to sail the course of the Portugals by the Cape of Bona Sperança. Upon this resolution, he began to think of his best way for the Malucos, and finding himself, where he now was, becalmed, he saw that of necessity he must be enforced to take a Spanish course, namely to sail somewhat Northerly to get a wind. We therefore set sail, and nailed 800 leagues at the lest for a good wind, and thus much we sailed from the 16 of April after our old stile till the third of june. Sir Francis Drake sailed on the back ●●de of America. to 43 degrees of Northerly latitude. 38 degrees. The fift day of june being in forty three degrees towards the pole Arctic, being speedily come out of the extreme heat, we found the air so cold, that our men being pinched with the same, complained of the extremity thereof, and the further we went, the more the cold increased upon us, whereupon we thought it best for that time to seek land, and did so, finding it not mountainous, but low plain land, & we drawn back again without landing, till we came within thirty eight degrees towards the li●e. In which height it pleased God to sand us into a far and good Bay, with a good wind to enter the same. In this Bay we ankered the seventeenth of june, and the people of the country having their houses close by the water's side, showed themselves unto us, and sent a present to our General. When they came unto us, they greatly wondered at the things which we brought but our General (according ●o his natural and accustomed humanity) courteously entreated them, and liberally bestowed on them necessary things to cover their nakedness, A description of the people and Country of Nova Albion. whereupon they supposed us to be gods, and would not be persuaded to the contrary: the presents which they sent unto our General were feathers, and calls of net work. Their houses are digged ●ound about with earth, and have from the uttermost brims of the circle cliffs of wood set upon them, joining close together at the top like a spire steeple, which by reason of that closeness are very warm. Their bed is the ground with rushes strawed on it, and lying about the house, they have the fire in the midst. The men go naked, the women take bulrushes and comb them after the manner of hemp, and thereof make their lose garments, which being knit about their middles, hung down about their hips having also about their shoulders a skin of Deer, with the hair vpo● it. These women are very obedient and serviceable to their husbands. After they we●e departed from us, they came and visited us the second time, and brought with them feathers and bags of Tobacco for presents: And when they came to the top of ●he hill (at the bottom whereof we had pitched our tents) they stayed themselves, where one appointed for speaker weaired himself with making a long oration, which done, they left their bows upon the hill and came down with their presents. In the mean time the women remaining on the hill, tormented themselves lamentably, tearing their flesh from their checks, whereby we perceived that they were about a sacrifice. In the mean time our Generall● with his company, went to prayer, and to reading of the Scriptures, at which exercise they were attentive and seemed greatly to be affected with it: but when they were come unto us they restored again unto us those things which before we had bestowed upon them. The news of our being there being spread through the country, the people that inhabited round about came down, and amongst them the king himself, a man of a goodly stature, and comely parsonage, with many other tall and warlike men: before whose coming were sent two Ambassadors to our General, to signify that their king was coming, in doing of which message, their speech was continued about half an hour. This ended, they by signs requested our General to sand something by their hand to their king, as a token that his coming might be in peace: wherein our General having satisfied them they returned with glad tidings to their king, who marched to us with a princely Majesty, the people crying continually after their manner, and as they drew near unto us, so did they strive to behave themselves in their actions with comeliness. In the fore front was a man of a goodly parsonage, who bore the sceptre, or mace before the king, whereupon hanged two crowns, a less and a bigger, with three chains of a marvelous length: the crowns were made of knit work wrought artificially with feathers of divers colours: These are like chains of ●surn●y in Canada and Hochelage. the chains were made of a bony substance and few be the people among them that are admitted to wear them: and of that number also the people are stinted, as some ten, some twelve, etc. Next unto him which bore the sceptre, was the king himself, with his Guard about his person, clad with Come skinnes● and other skins: after them followed the naked common sort of people, every one having his face painted, some with white, some with black, and other colours and having in their hands one thing or other for a present, not so much as their children, but they also brought their presents. In the mean time, our General gathered his men together, and marched within his fenced place, making against their approaching, a very warlike show. They being trooped together in their order, and a general salutation being made, there was presently a general silence. Then he that bore the sceptre before the king, being informed by another, whom they assigned to that office, with a manly and lofty voice, proclaimed that which the other spoke to him in secret, continuing half an hour: which ended, and a general Amen as it were given, the king with the whole number of men, and women (the childre● excepted) came down without any weapon, who descending to the foot of the hill, set themselves in order. In coming towards our bulwarks and tents, the sceptre bearer began a song, observing his measures in a dance, and that with a stately countenance, whom the king with his Guard, and every degree of people following, did in like manner sing and dance, saving only the women which danced and kept silence. The General permitted them to enter within our bulwark where they continued their song and dance a reasonable time. When they had satisfied themselves, they mad: signs to our General to sit down, to whom the king, and divers others made several orations, or rather supplications that he would take their province and kingdom into his hand, and become their king, making signs that they would resign unto him their right and title of the whole land, and become his subjects. In which to persuade us the better, the king and the rest, with one consent and with great reverence, joyfully singing a song, The king resigns his crown and kingdom to Sir Francis Drake. Great riches in Nova Albion. did set the crown upon his head, enriched his neck with all their chains, and offered unto him many other things, honouring him by the name of Hioh, adding thereunto as it seemed a sign of triumph: which thing our General thought not meet to reject, because he knew not what honour and profit it might be to our country. Wherefore in the name, and to the use of her Majesties he took the sceptre, crown and dignity of the said Country in his hands, wishing that the riches & treasure there of might so conveniently be transported to the enriching of her kingdom at home, as it aboundeth in the ●ame. The common sort of the people leaving the king and his Guard with our General, scattered themselves together with their sacrifices among our people, taking a diligent view of every person; and such as pleased their fancy, (which were the youngest) they enclosing them about offered their sacrifices unto them with lamentable weeping, scratching, and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nails, whereof issued abundance of blood. But we used signs to them o● disliking this, and stayed their hands from force, and directed them upwards to the living God, whom only they aught to worship. They showed unto us their wounds, and craved help of them at our hands, whereupon we gave them lotions, plasters, and emiments agreeing to the state of their griefs, beseeching God to cure their diseases. Every third day they brought their sacrifices unto us, until they understood our meaning, that we had no pleasure in them: yet they could not be long absent from us, but daily frequented our company to the home of our departure, which departure seemed so grievous unto them, that their joy was turned into sorrow. They entreated us, that b●ing absent we would remember them, and by stealth provided a sacrifice, which we misliked. Great herds of Dear. Our necessary business being ended, our General with his company travailed up into the Country to their villages, where we found herds of Dear by a thousand in a company, being most large and fat of body. Abundance of strange coneys. We found the whole country to be a warren of a strange kind of Coneys, their bodies in bigness as be the Barbary Coneys, their heads as the heads of ours, the feet of a Want, and the tail of a Rat being of great length: under her chin on either side a bag, into the which she gathereth her meat when she hath filled her belly abroad. The people eat their bodies, and make great account of their skins, for their King's coat was made of them. Nova Albion. Our General called this country, Nova Albion, and that for two causes: the one in respect of the white banks and cliffs, whichly towards the sea: and the other, because it might have some affinity with our Country in name, which sometime was so called. Gold and silver in the ●ar●d of Nova Albion. There is no part of earth here to be taken up, wherein there is not some special likelihood of gold or silver. At our departure hence our General set up a monument of our being there; as also of her majesties right and title to the same, namely a plate nailed upon a ●aire great poste● whereupon was engraven her majesties name, the day and year of our arrival there, with the sree giving up of the Province and people into her majesties hands, together with her highness' picture and arms in a piece of six pennies of current English money under the plate, where under was also written the name of our General. It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had never been in this part of the country, neither did ever discover the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place. The true and perfect description of a voyage performed and done by Francisco de Gualle a Spanish Captain and Pilot, for the Viceroy of New Spain, from the Haven of Acapulco in New Spain, to the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas, unto the Haven of Manilla, & from then● to the Haven of Macao in Chi●na, and from Macao back again to Acapulco, accomplished in the year of our Lord, 1584. Chap. I THe tenth of March in the year of our Lord 1582 we set sail out of the Haven of Acapulco, lying in the country of New Spain, directing our course towards the Islands of the Luçones, or Philippinas West Southwest, running in that manner for the space of twenty five leagues, till we came v●der sixteen degrees, that so we might shun the calms by sailing close by the shore. From thence forward we held our course West for the space of 30 leagues, & being there, we ran West, and West & by South, for the space of 1800 leagues, to the Island called ●●la del Enganno, which is the furthest Island lying in the South parts of the islands called De los Ladrones, that is, The islands of rovers, or Islas de las Velas, under 13. degrees and ½. in latitude Septentrional, and 164. degrees in longitude oriental, upon the sixed Meridional line, which lieth right with the Island of Terçera. From thence we held our course Westward for the space of 280. leagues, till we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo, that is, The point of the holy Ghost, lying in the Island Tandaya, the first Island of those that are called Philippinas, Luçones, or Manillas, which is a country with few hills, with some mines of brimstone in the middle thereof. From the point aforesaid, we sailed West for the space of eighteen leagues to the point or entry of the channel, which runneth in between that Island and the Island of Luçon. This point or entry lieth scarce under 12. degrees. All the coast that stretcheth from the entry of the channel to the point of El capo deal Spirito santo, is not very fair. Eight leagues from the said point lieth a haven of indisserent greatness, called Baya de Lob●s, that is, The Bay of wolves, having a small Island in the mouth thereof: and within the channel about half a league from the end of the said Island lieth an Island or cliff, & when you pass by the point in the middle of the channel ●h●n you have five and twenty fathom deep, with brown sand: there we found so great a stream running Westward, that it made the water to cast a scum as if it had been a sand, whereby it put us in fear, but casting out our lead, we found five and twenty fathom deep. From the aforesaid entry of the channel North, and North and by East about ten leagues, lieth the Island of Catanduanes, about a league distant from the land of Luçon, on the furthest point Eastward, and from the same entry of the channel towards the West and Southwest, lieth the Island Capuli about six leagues from thence, stretching Westsouthwest, and Eastnortheast, being five leagues long, and four leagues broad: and as we passed by it, it lay Northward from us under twelve degrees and ¾. and somewhat high land. Four leagues ●rom the aforesaid Island of Capuli Northwestward lie the three islands of the haven of Bollon in the Island of Luçones, stretching North and South about four leagues, distant from the firm land half a league, whereof the furthest Southward lieth under thirteen degrees: In this channel it is twenty fathom deep, with white sand, and a great stream, running Southeast: we passed through the middle of the channel. From this channel we held our course South-west, and South-west and by West, for the space of twenty leagues, until we came to the West end of the Island of Tycao, which reacheth East and West thirteen leagues. This point or hook lieth under 12. degrees and ¾. In the middle between this Island and the Island Capuli there lie three islands called the Faranias', and we ran in the same course on the Northside of all the islands, at the depth of of 22. fathom with white sand. From the aforesaid West point of the Island Tycao to the point of Buryas it is East and West to sail about the length of a league or a league and an half: we put into that channel, holding our course South, and South and by West about three leagues, until we were out of the channel at sixteen fathom deep, with half white and radish sand in the channel, and at the mouth thereof, whereof the middle lieth under 12. degrees and ●●. and there the streams run Northward. The Island of Buryas stretcheth Northwest and Southeast, and is low land, whereof the Northwest point is about three leagues from the coast of Luçon, but you cannot pass between them with any ship, but with small foists and barks of the country. This shallow channel lieth under twelve degrees: and running thorough the aforesaid channel between the islands Tycao and Buryas, as I said before, we sailed Southward about two leagues from the Island of Masbate, The Isle ●● Masbate. which stretcheth East and West 8. leagues long, being in breadth 4. leagues, and lieth under 12. degrees and ¼. in the middle thereof, and is somewhat high land. From the said channel between Tycao and Buryas, we held our course Westnorthwest for thirteen leagues, leaving the Island Masbate on the Southside, and the Island Buryas on the North side: at the end of thirteen leagues we came by an Island called Banton, which is in form like a hat, under twelve degrees and ●●. when we had sailed the aforesaid thirteen leagues and eight leagues more, on the South side we left the Island called Rebuiam, which stretcheth Northwest, and Northwest and by North, and Southeast, and Southeast and by South, for the space of eight leagues, being high and crooked land, whereof the North point lieth under twelu● degrees and 2/3. and there you find 35. fathom deep, with white sand. From the aforesaid Island of Banton Southward nine leagues, there begin and follow three Islands, one of them being called Bantonsilla, which is a small Island in form of a sugar loaf: the second Crymara, being somewhat great in length, reaching East and West about two leagues: the third Itaa, or the isle of Goats, having certain hovels. By all these islands aforesaid you may pass with all ●ortes of ships, whereof the foremost lieth Southward under twelve degrees and ●●. From the Island of Bantonsilla, or small Banton, we held our course Northwest for the space of four leagues, to the channel between the islands called de Vereys, and the Island Marinduque, the Vercies lying on the South side under twelve degrees and 3/4. (which are two small islands like two Frigates) and the Island Marinduque on the North side under twelve degrees, and 4/5. which is a great Island, stretching West northwest, and East●outheast, having in length 12. & in breadth 7. leagues. On the North side with the Island Luçon it maketh a long and small channel, running somewhat crooked, which is altogether full of shallows and sands, whereby no ships can pass through it. The furthest point Westward of the same Island lieth under thirteen degrees and 1/4. It is high land, on the East side having the form of a mine of brimstone or fiery hill, and on the West side the land runneth down●ward at the point thereof being round like a loaf of bread: in the channel between it and the Vereys, there are 18. fathom deep with small black sand. From the aforesaid channel of Vereys and Marinduque, we held our course Westnorthwest twelve leagues to the land of Mindora, to the point or hook called Dumaryn, lying full under thirteen degrees: Five leagues forward from the said channel on the South side we left an Island called ●sla del maestro del Campo, that is, The Island of the Colonel, lying under twelve degrees and 3/4. which is a small and flat Island: In this course we had 45. fathom deep, with white sand. By this point or end of the Island Marinduque beginneth the Island of Myndoro, which hath in length East and West five and twenty leagues, and in breadth twelve leagues, whereof the furthest point Southward lieth under thirteen degrees, and the furthest point Northward under thirteen degrees and 2/3. and the furthest point Westward under thirteen degrees. This Island with the Island of Luçon maketh a channel of five leagues broad, and tenor twelve fathom deep with muddy ground of divers colours, with white sand. Five leagues forward from Marin●uque lieth the river of the town of Anagacu, which is so shallow, that no ships may enter into it. From thence two leagues further lie the islands called Bacco, which are three islands lying in a triangle, two of them being distant from the land about three hundred cubits, and between them and the land you may pass with small ships: And from the land● to the other Island, are about two hundred cubits, where it is altogether shallows and sands, so that where the ships may pass outward about 150. cubits from the lande● you leave both the islands on the South side, running between the third Island and the river called Rio del Bacco, somewhat more from the middle of the channel towards the Island, which is about a league distant from the other: the channel is ●enne fathom deep, with mud and shells upon the ground: the river of Bacco is so shallow, that no ships may enter into it. From this Island with the same course two leagues forward, you pass by the point called El Capo de Rescalco, where we cast out our lead, and found that a man may pass close by the land, and there you shall find great strong streams: and half a league forward with the same course, lieth the town of Mindoro, which hath a good haven for ships of three hundred tons. Three leagues Northward from the same haven lieth the Island called Cafaa, stretching East and West, being hilly ground. From the said town of Myndoro, we h●lde our course Westnorthwest eight leagues, till we came to the point or hook of the sands called Tulen, lying upon the Island of Luçon, which sand or bank reacheth into the Sea half a league from the coast: you must keep about an hundred cubits from it, where you find eight fathom water, muddy and shellie ground: you run along by those sands North, and North and by West for the space of two leagues, till you come to the river called Rio de Anasebo: all the rest of the coast called De los Limbones to the mouth or entry of the Bay called Manilla, (which are four leagues) is sailed with the same course. The Limbones (which are islands so called) are high in form like a pair of Organs, with good havens for small ships, running along by the Limbones: and two leagues beyond them on the South side, we leave the islands of Fortan, and four islands more, but the three islands of Lubao, which are very low, lie under 13. degrees and 1/3. and the Limbones lie in the mouth or entry of the Bay of Manilla under 14 degrees and 1/4. The Bay of Manilla in 14. degrees and one quarter. From thence we ran Northwest for the space of six leagues to the haven of Cabite, keeping along by the land lying on the West side, where it is shallow, and is called Los Baixos del Rio de Cannae, The shallows of the river of Reeds: all along this Bay in the same course, there is from ten to four fathom deep. Being by the point or hook of Cabite, than we kept but an hundred paces from it● running South-west, southsouthwest, and South, until we discovered the whole mouth or entry of the Bay, where w● might anchor at four fathom about two hundred cubits from the land, and then the town of Manilla was two leagues Northward from us. Chap. 2. The course and voyage of the aforesaid Francisco Gualle out of the haven or road of Manilla, to the haven of Macao in China, with all the courses and situations of the places. Sailing out of the haven of Cabite, lying in the Bay of Manilla, we held our course Westward for the space of eighteen leagues, to the point called El Cabo de Samba●les: and when we were eight leagues in our way, we left the two islands Maribillas' on the South ●ide, and sailed about a league from them: the point of Samballes aforesaid lieth under fourteen degrees, and 2/3. being low land, at the end of the same coast of Luçon, on the West side. From the hook or point aforesaid, we ran North, and North and by West, for the space of five and twenty leagues (about a league from the coast of Luçon) to the point called Cabo de Bullinao: all this coast and Cape is high and hilly ground, which Cape lieth under sixteen degrees and 2/3. From this Cape de Bullinao we held our course North, and North and by East, for 45. leagues to the point called El Cabo de Bojador, which is the furthest land Northward from the Island Luçon lying under 19 degrees. The Cape de Bullinao being past the land maketh a great crecke or bough, and from this creak the coast runneth North to the point of Bojador, being a land full of cliffs and rocks that reach into the Sea, and the land of the hook or point is high and hilly ground. From the point of Bojador, we held our course Westnorthwest an hundred and twenty leagues, vn●ill we came to the Island called A Ilha Branca, or the white Island, lying in the beginning of the coast and Bay of the river Canton under two and twenty degrees, Canton 22● degrees. having four and twenty fathom brown muddy ground. From the Island Ilha Branca, we held the aforesaid course of Westnorthwest, for the space of sixteen leagues, to the Island of Macao lying in the mouth of the riue● of Canton, The Island of Macao. and it maketh the river to have two mouths or entries, and it is a small Island about three leagues great. Chap. 3. The Navigation or course of the aforesaid Francisco Gualle out of the haven of Macao to New Spain, with the situation and stretching of the same, with other notable and memorable things concerning the same voyage. WHen we had prepared ourselves, and had taken our leaves of our friends in Macao, we set sail upon the four and twentieth of july, holding our course Southeast, & Southeast and by East, being in the wane of the Moon: for when the Moon increaseth, it is hard holding the course between the islands, because as then the water and streams run very strong to the Northwest; we travailed through many narrow channels by night, having the depth of eight or ten fathom, with soft muddy ground, until we were about the Island Ilha Branca, Ilha Branca. yet we see it not, but by the height we known that we were passed it. Being beyond it, we ran Eastsoutheast an hundred and fifty leagues, to get above the sands called Os Baixos does Pescadores, and the beginning of the islands Lequeos on the East side, which islands are called As Ilhas fermosas, As Ilhas' fermosas● that is to say, The fair islands. This I understood by a Chinar called Santy of Chinchon, and he said that they lie under one and twenty degrees and 3/4. there it is thirty fathom deep: and although we saw them not, notwithstanding by the height and depth of the water we known we were past them. Being passed As Ilhas fermosas, or the fair islands, we held our course East, and East and by North, for two hundred and sixty leagues, until we were past the length of the islands Lequeos, Lequeos● sailing about fifty leagues from them: the said Chinar told me, that those islands called Lequeos are very many, and that they have many and very good havens, and that the people and inhabitants thereof have their faces and bodies painted like the Bysayas of the islands of Luçon or Philippinas and are appareled like the Bysayas, and that there also are mines of gold: Mines of gold He said likewise that they did often come with small ships and barks laden with Bucks and Harts-hides, and with gold in grains or very small pieces, to traffic with them of the coast of Ch●na, which he assured me to be most true, saying that he had been nine times in the ●mall ●lands, bringing of the same wares with him to China: which I believed to be true, for that afterward I inquired thereof in Macao, and upon the coast of China, and found that he said true. The furthest or uttermost of these islands stretching Northward and Eastward, lie under nine and twenty degrees. Being past these islands, than you come to the islands of japon, whereof the first lying West and South, is the Island of Firando, Firando. where the Portugals use to traffic: they are in length altogether an hundred and thirty leagues, and the furthest Eastward lieth under two and thirty degrees: we ran still East, and East and by North, until we were past the said hundred and thirty leagues. All this information I had of the aforesaid Chinar, as also that there I should see some mines of brimstone or fiery hills, being seventy leagues beyond them, and thirty leagues further I should find four islands lying together, which I likewise found, as he had told me: And that being in japon, he said he had there seen certain men of a very small stature, with great rolls of linen clot about their heads, that brought gold in small pieces, and some white Cangas of cotton, (which are pieces of cotton-linen so called by the Chinars) as also salte-fish like the Spanish A●un, or Tunney, which he said came out of other Islands Eastward from japon: Other islands Eastward of japon. and by the tokens and marks which he showed me, I guessed whereabout those islands should be, and found them not far from whence he said they lay. He said likewise that all the islands of japon have good havens and channels, being a Country full of Rice, Corn, Fish, and flesh, and that they are an indifferent and reasonable people to traffic with, and that there they have much silver. Running thus East, and East and by North about three hundred leagues from japon, we found a very hollow water, with the stream running out of the North and Northwest, with a full and very broad Sea, without any hindrance or trouble in the way that we passed: and what wind soever blue, the Sea continued all in one sort, with the same hollow water and stream, until we had passed seven hundred leagues. About two hundred leagues from the coast and land of new Spain we began to loose the said hollow Sea and stream: japon 900. leagues distant from the coast of America in 37 degrees and an half. whereby I most assuredly think and believe, that there you shall find a channel or strait passage, between the firm land of new Spain, and the Countries of Asia and Tartary. Likewise all this way from the aforesaid seven hundred leagues, we found a great number of Whale-fish and other fish called by the Spaniards A●uns or Tunnies, whereof many are found on the coast of Gibraltar in Spain, as also Albacoras and Bonitoes, which are all fish, which commonly keep in channels, straits, and running waters, there to disperse their seed when they breed: which maketh me more assuredly believe, that thereabouts is a channel or strait to pass through. Seven and thirty deg. and an half. Read Francis Vlla● chap. 16. Being by the same course upon the coast of new Spain, under seven and thirty degrees and ½ we passed by a very high and fair land with many trees, wholly without snow, and four leagues from the land, you find thereabouts many drifts of roots, leaves of trees, reeds, and other leaves like fig leaves, the like whereof we found in great abundance in the country of japon, which they eat: and some of those that we found, I caused to be sodden with flesh, and being sodden, they eat like Coleworts: there likewise we found great store of Seals: whereby it is to be presumed and certainly to be believed, that there are many rivers, bays, and havens along by those coasts to the haven of Acaculpo. From thence we ran Southeast, Southeast and by South, and Southeast and by East, as we found the wind, to the point called El Cabo de Sant Lucas, Cabo de San Lucas in 22. deg. which is the beginning of the land of California, on the Northwest side, lying under two and twenty degrees, being five hundred leagues distant from Cape Mendoçino. In this way of the aforesaid five hundred leagues along by the coast, are many islands: and although they be but small, yet without doubt there are in them some good havens, Havens lately found out. as also in the firm land, where you have these havens following, now lately found out, as that of the isle of Sant Augustine, lying under thirty degrees and ¼. and the Island called Isla de Cedros, scarce under eight & twenty deg. and ¼. and the Island lying beneath Saint Martin, under three and twenty degrees and ½. All this coast and country, as I think, is inhabited, and showeth to be a very good country: for there by night we saw fire, and by day smoke, which is a most sure token that they are inhabited. From the point or hook of Saint Lucas, to the Southeast side of California, we held our course Eastsoutheast, for the space of 80. leagues, to the point called El cabo de las corrientes, that is, the Cape of the streams lying under 19 degrees and ⅔. And running this course, Northward about a league from us we saw three islands called Las tres Maria's, (that is to say, The three Maries) running the same course. About four leagues from the other islands, there are other islands reaching about two or three leagues: All this way from the mouth or gulf of California aforesaid, for the space of the said fourscore leagues, there are great streams that run Westward. From the point or Cape de las Corrientes, we ran Southeast, and sometimes Southeast and by East, for the space of an hundred and thirty leagues to the haven of Acapulco. In this way of an hundred and thirty leagues, being twenty leagues on the way, we had the haven of Natividad, that is, of the birth of the Virgin Mary: and other eight leagues further, the haven of Saint jago, or Saint james: and six leagues further, the sea Strand called La Playa de Colima, that is, the Strand of Colima. All this coast from California to the haven of Acapulco is inhabited by people that have peace and traffic with the Spaniards, Acapulco. and are of condition and qualities like the people of the other places of new Spain. The conclusion of the Author of this last voyage. ALl this description and navigation have I myself seen, proved, and well noted in my voyage made & ended in the year of our Lord 1584. from great China out of the haven and river of Canton, as I will more at large set it down unto your honour, with the longitudes and latitudes thereof, as God shall permit me time and leisure, whom I beseech to sand you long and happy days. And the same was truly translated out of Spanish into low Dutch verbatim out of the Original copy, (which was sent unto the Uiceroy of the Portugal Indies) by john Huyghen Van Linschoten. DIVERSE VOYAGES MADE BY ENGLISHmen to the famous City of Mexico, and to all or most part of the other principal provinces, cities, towns and places throughout the great and large kingdom of New Spain, even as far as Nicaragua, and Panama, & thence to Peru: together with a description of the Spaniards form of government there: and sundry pleasant relations of the manners and customs of the natural inhabitants, and of the manifold rich commodities & strange raricies found in those parts of the continent: & other matters most worthy the observation. The voyage of Robert Tomson Merchant, into Nova Hispania in the year 1555. with divers observations concerning the state of the Country: And certain accidents touching himself. RObert Tomson born in the town of Andover in Hampshire began his travail out of Engla●d in An. 1553. in the month of March: who departing out of the city of Bristol in a good ship called The barkeyong in company of other Merchants of the said city, within 8. days after arrived at Lisbon in Portugal, where the said Robert Tomson remained● 5. days, at the end of which he shipped himself for Spain in the said shipp●, and within 4. days arrived in the bay of Cadiz in Andalusia● which is under the kingdom of Spain, & from thence went up to the city of Sivil by land which is 20. leagues, and there he repaired to one john Field● house an English Merchant, who had dwelled in the said city of Siuil 18. or 20. years married with wife and children: In whose house the said Tomson remained by the space of one whole year or thereabouts, for two causes: The one to learn the castilian tongue, the other to see the orders of the country, and the customs of the people. At the end of which time having seen the fleets of ships come out of the Indies to that city, with such great quantity of gold & silver, pearls, precious stones, sugar, hides, ginger, and divers other rich commodities, he did determine with himself to seek means and opportunity to pass over to see that rich country from whence such great quantity of rich commodities came. And it fallen out that within short time after, the said john Field (where the said Tomson was lodged) did determine to pass over into the West Indies, himself, with his wife, children, and family, and at the request of the said Tomson, he purchased a licence of the King of pass into the Indies, for himself his wife and children, and among them also for the said Tomson to pass with them: so that presently they made preparation of victual and other necessary provision for the voyage. But the ships which were prepared to perform the voyage being all ready to departed, upon certain considerations by the king's commandment were stayed and arrested till further should be known of the King's pleasure. Whereupon the said john Field, with Robert Tomson departed out of Siuil and came down to S. Lucar 15. leagues off, and seeing the stay made upon the ships of the said fleet, & being not assured when they would departed, determined to ship themselves for the Isles of the Canaties, which are 250. leagues from S. Lucar, and there to stay till the said fleet should come thither: for that is continually their port to make stay at 6. or 8. days, to take in fresh water, bread, flesh, & other necessaries. So that in the month of February in An. 1555, the said Robert Tomson with the said john Field and his company, shipped themselves out of the town of S. Lucar in caruel of the city of Cadiz, and within 6. days they arrived at the port of the Grand Canaria, where at our coming the ships that road in the said port began to cry out of all measure with loud voices, in so much that the castle which stood fast by began to shoot at us, and shot 6. or 7. shot at us, and struck down our main mast, before we could hoist out our boat to go on land, to know what the cause of the shooting was, seeing that we were Spanish ships, and were coming into his country. So that being on land, and complaining of the wrong and damage done unto us; they answered, that they had thought we had been French rovers, that had come into the said port to do some harm to the ships that were there. For that 8. days passed there went out of the said port a carvel much like unto ours, laden wit sugars and other merchandise for Spain and on the other side of the point of the said Island, met with a Frenchman of war, who took the said carvel, & unladed out of her into the said French ship both men & goods. And being demanded of the said Spaniards what other ships remained in the port whence they came, they answered that there remained divers other ships, & one laden with sugars (as they were) & ready to departed for Spain: upon the which news the Frenchmen put 30. tall men of their ship well appointed into the said carvel which they had taken, and sent her back again to the said port from whence she had departed the day before. And somewhat late towards the evening came into the port, not showing past 3. or 4. men, and so came to an anchor hard by the other ships that were in the said port, and being seen by the castle and by the said ships, they made no reckoning of her, because they known her, & thinking that she had found contrary winds at the sea, or had forgot something behind them, they had returned back again for the same, and so made no account of her, but let her alone riding quietly among the other ships in the said port: So that about midnight the said caruel with the Frenchmen in her went aboard the other ship that lay hard by laden with sugars, and drove the Spaniards that were in her under hatches & presently let slip her cables and anchors, and set sail & carried her clean away, and after this sort deceived them: And they thinking or fearing that we were the like, did shoot at us as they did. This being past, the next day after our arrival in the said port, we did unbarke ourselves and went on land up to the city or head town of the great Canaria, English factors in the Grand Canaria. where we remained 18. or 20. days: and there found certain Englishmen merchants servants of one Anthony Hickman and Edward Castelin merchants of the city of London that lay there in traffic, of whom we received great courtesy and much good cheer. After the which 20. days being past, in the which we had seen the country, the people, and the disposition thereof, we departed from thence, and passed to the next I'll of the Canaries 18. leagues off, called Teneriffe, and being come on land, went up to the city called La Laguna, where we remained 7. months, attending the coming of the whole fleet, which in the end came, and there having taken that which they had need of we shipped ourselves in ship of Cadiz, being one of the said fleet, which was belonging to an Englishman married in the city of Cadiz in Spain, whose name was john Sweeting, john Sweeting Englishman married in Cadiz, sendeth a ship of his own into the West Indies under the conduct of his son in laws Leonard Chilton. Ralph Sa●re. and there came in the said ship for captain also an Englishman married in Cadiz, and son in law to the said john Sweeting, whose name was Leonard Chilton: there came also in the said ship another Englishman which had been a merchant of the city of Exeter, one of 50. years or thereabouts, whose name was Ralph Sarre. So that we departed from the said islands in the month of October the foresaid year, 8. ships in our company, and so directed our course towards the bay of Mexico, and by the way towards the Island of S. Domingo, otherwise called Hispaniola. So that within 32. days after we departed from the Isles of Canaries we arrived with our ship at the port of S. Domingo, and went in over the bar where our ship knocked her keel at her entry: and there our ship rid before the town, where we went on land, & refreshed ourselves 16. days, where we found no bread made of wheat, but biscuit brought out of Spain, and out of the bay of Mexico: for the country itself doth yield no kind of bread to make grain withal. But the bread they make there, is certain cakes made of roots called Cassavi, which is something substantial, but it hath but an unsavoury taste in the eating thereof. Flesh of beef and mutton they have great store: for there are men that have 10000 head of cattle, of oxen, bulls and cows, which they do keep only for the hides: for the quantity of flesh is so great, that they are not able to spend the hundredth part. Hog's flesh is there good store, very sweet and savoury, and so wholesome, that they give it to sick folks to eat in stead of hens and capons, although they have good store of poultry of that sort, as also of Guinycocks & Guinyhens. At the time of our being there, the city of S. Domingo was not of above 500 households of Spaniards, but of the Indians dwelling in the suburbs there were more. The country is most part of the year very hot, & very full of a kind of flies orgnats with long bills, which do prick & mo●est the people very much in the night when they are asleep, in pricking their faces and hands, and other parts of their bodies that lie uncovered, & make them to swell wonderfully. Also there is another kind of small worm which creepeth into the soles of men's feet & especially of the black Moors and children which use to go barefoot, Many of one men died of these worms at the taking of Puerto rico. & maketh their feet to grow as big as a man's head, & doth so ●ke that it would make one run mad. They have no remedy for the same, but to open the flesh sometimes 3. or 4. inches & so dig them out. The country yieldeth great store of sugar, hides of oxen, bulls and cows, ginger, Cana fistula & Salsa perillia: mines of silver & gold there are none, but in some rivers there is found some small quantity of gold. The principal coin that they do traffic withal in that place, is black money made of copper & brass: and this they say they do use not for that they lack money of gold and silver to trade withal out of the other parts of India, but because if they should have good money, the merchants that deal with them in trade, would carry away their gold and silver, and let the country commodities lie still. And thus much for S. Domingo. So we were coming from the yles of Canaries to S. Domingo, & there staying until the month of December, which was 3. months. About the beginning of january we departed thence towards the bay of Mexico & new Spain, toward which we set our course, and so sailed 24. days till we came within 15. leagues of S. john de ullua, which was the port of Mexico of our right discharge: And being so near our said port, there rose a storm of Northerly winds, which came off from Terra Florida, which caused us to cast about into the sea again, for fear lest that night we should be cast upon the shore before day did break, and so put ourselves in danger of casting away: the wind and sea grew so foul and strong, that within two hours after the storm began, eight ships that were together were so dispersed, that we could not see one another. One of the ships of our company being of the burden of 500 tun called the hulk of Carrion, would not cast about to sea as we did, but went that night with the land, thinking in the morning to purchase the port of S. john de ullua, but missing the port went with the shore and was cast away. There were drowned of that ship 75. people, men, women and children, and 64. were saved that could swim, and had means to save themselves: among those that perished in that ship, was a gentleman who had been present the year before in S. Domingo. his wife and 4. daughters with the rest of his servants & household. We with the other 7. ships cast about into the sea, the storm during 10. days with great might, boisterous winds, fogs & rain: our ship being old and weak was so tossed, that she opened at the stern a fathom under water, and the best remedy we had was to stop it with beds and pilobiers, and for fear of sinking we threw and lightened into the sea all the goods we had or could come by: but that would not serve. Then we cut our main mast and threw all our Ordinance into the sea saving one piece, which early in a morning when we thought we should have sunk, we shot off, and as pleased God there was one of the ships of our company near unto us, which we see not by means of the great fog, which hearing the sound of the piece, & understanding some of the company to be in great extremity, began to make towards us, and when they came within hearing of us, we desired them for the love of God to help to save us, for that we were all like to perish. They willed us to hoist our foresail as much as we could & make towards them, for they would do their best to save us, and so we did: And we had no sooner hoist our foresail, but there came a gale of wind & a piece of a sea, struck in the foresail, and carried sail & mast all overboard, so that then we thought there was no hope of life. And then we began to embrace one another, every man his friend, every wife her husband, and the children their fathers and mothers, committing our souls to Almighty God, thinking never to escape alive: yet it pleased God in the time of most need when all hope was past, to aid us with his helping hand, and caused the wind a little to cease, so that within two hours after, the other ship was able to come aboard us, & took into her with her boat man, woman and child, naked without hose or shoe upon many of our fecte. I do remember that the last person that came out of the ship into the boat, was a woman black Moor, who leaping out of the ship into the boat with a young sucking child in her arms, leapt too short and fell into the sea, and was a good while under the water before the boat could come to rescue her, and with the spreading of her clotheses rose above water again, and was caught by the coat & pulled into the boat having still her child under her arm, both of them half drowned, and yet her natural love towards her child would not let her let the child go. And when she came aboard the boat she held her child so fast under her arm still, that two men were scant able to get it out. So we departed out of our ship & left it in the sea: it was worth four hundredth thousand ducats, ship & goods when we left it. And within three days after we arrived at our port of S. john de ullua in New Spain. I do remember that in the great and boisterous storm of this foul weather, in the night, there came upon the top of our main yard and main mast, a certain little light, much like unto the light of a little candle, which the Spaniards called the Cuerpo santo, Cuerpo Santo. and said it was S. Elmo, whom they take to be the advocate of Sailors. At the which fight the Spaniards fallen down upon their knees and worshipped it, praying God and S. Elmo to cease the torment, and save them from the peril that they were in, with promising him that at their coming on land, they would repair unto his Chapel, and there cause Masses to be said, and other ceremonies to be done. The friars cast relics into the sea, to 'cause the sea to be still, and likewise said Gospels, with other cross and ceremonies upon the sea to make the storm to cease: which (as they said) did much good to weaken the fury of the storm. But I could not perceive it, nor gave no credit to it, till it pleased God to sand us the remedy & delivered us from the rage of the ●ame, His Name be praised therefore. This light continued aboard our ship about three hours, flying from mast to mast, & from top to top: and sometime it would be in two or three places at once. I informed myself of learned men afterward what that light should be, and they said, that it was but a congelation of the wind and vapours of the Sea congealed with the extremity of the weather, which flying in the wind, many times doth chance to hit on the masts and shrouds of the ships that are at sea in foul weather. And in truth I do take it to be so: for that I have seen the like in other ships at sea, and in sundry ships at once. By this men may see how the Papists are given to believe and worship such vain things and toys, as God, to whom all honour doth appertain, and in their need and necessities do let to call upon the living God, who is the giver of all good things. The 16. of April in Anno 1556. we arrived at the port of S. john de ullua in new Spain, very naked and distressed of apparel, and all other things, by means of the loss of our foresaid ship and goods, and from thence we went to the new Town called Vera Cruz● His arrival at Vera Cruz. five leagues from the said port of S. john de ullua, marching still by the sea side, where we found lying upon the sands great quantity of mighty great trees with roots and all, some of them of four, five, and six cart load by our estimation, which, as the people told us, were in the great stormy weather, which we endured at sea, rooted out of the ground in Terra Florida, Florida 300. leagues from San ivan de ullua. which is three hundredth leagues over by Sea, and brought thither. So we came to the said Town of Vera cruz, where we remained a month: and there the said john Field chanced to meet with an old friend of his acquaintance in Spain, called Gonçalo Ruiz de Cordova, a very rich man of the said Town of Vera cruz: Who hearing of his coming thither with his wife and family, and of hi● misfortune by Sea, came unto him and received him and all his household into his house, and kept us there a whole month, making us very good cheer, and giving us good entertainment, and also gave us that were in all eight people of the said john Fields house, double apparel new out of the shop of very good clot, coats, cloaks, hose, shirts, smocks, gowns for the women, hose, shoes, and all other necessary apparel, and for our way up to the City of Mexico, horses, moiles and men, and money in our purses for the expenses by the way, which by our account might amount unto the sum of 400. Crowns. And after we were entered two days journey into the Country, I the said Robert Tomson fallen so sick of an ague, that the next day I was not able to sit on my horse, but was feign to be carried upon Indians backs, from thence to Mexico. And when we came within half a days journey of the City of Mexico, the said john Field also fallen sick, and within three days after we arrived at the said City, he died: And presently sickened one of his children, and two more of his household people, and within eight days died. So that within ten days after we arrived at the City of Mexico, Mexico. of eight people that were of us of the said company, there remained but four alive, and I the said Tomson was at the point of death of the sickness that I got upon the way, which continued with me the space of six months. At the end of which time it pleased Almighty God to restore me my health again, although weak and greatly disabled. And being some thing strong, I procured to seek means to live, and to seek a way how to profit myself in the Country; seeing it had pleased God to send us thither in safety. Then by friendship of one Thomas Blake a Scottishman born, who had dwelled and had been married in the said City above twenty years before I came to the said City, I was preferred to the service of a gentleman a Spaniard dwelling there, a man of great wealth, and one of the first conquerors of the said City, whose name was Gonçalo Cerezo, with whom I dwelled twelve months and a half. At the end of which I was maliciously accused by the Holy house for matters of Religion, and so apprehended and carried to prison, where I lay close prisoner seven months, without speaking to any creature, but to the jailer that kept the said prison, when he brought me my meat and drink. In the mean time was brought into the said prison one Augustin Boacio an Italian of Genova also for matters of Religion, who was taken at Sacatecas 80. leagues to the Northwest of the City of Mexico: At the end of the said seven months, we were both carried to the high Church of Mexico, to do open penance upon an high scaffold, made before the high Altar, upon a Sunday, in the presence of a very great number of people, who were at the lest five or six thousand. For there were that come one hundredth mile off, to see the said Auto (as they call it) for that there were never none before, that had done the like in the said Country, nor could not tell what Lutherans were, nor what it meant: for they never herded of any such thing before. We were brought into the Church, every one with a S. Benito upon his back, which is half a yard of yellow clot, with a hole to put in a man's head in the midst, and cast ou●r a man's head: both flaps hung one before, and another behind, and in the midst of every flap, a S. Andrew's cross, made of read clot, sowed on upon the same, and that is called S. Benito. The common people before they saw the penitents come into the Church, were given to understand that we were heretics, infidels, and people that did despise God, and his works, and that we had been more like devils than men, and thought we had had the favour of some monsters, or heathen people. And when they see us come into the Church in our players coats, the women and children began to cry out, and made such a noise, that it was strange to see and hear, saying, that they never saw goodlier men in all their lives, and that it was not possible that there could be in us so much evil as was reported of us, and that we were more like Angels among men, than such people of such evil Religion as by the Priests and friars we were reported to be, and that it was great pity that we should be so used for so small an offence. So that being brought into the said high Church, and set upon the scaffold which was made before the high Altar, in the presence of all the people, until high Mass was done, and the sermon made by a friar, concerning our matter, they did put us in all the disgrace they could, to 'cause the people not to take so much compassion upon us, for that we were heretics, & people that were seduced of the devil, & had forsaken the faith of the Catholic Church of Rome, with divers other reproachful words, which were too long to recite in this place. High Mass and Sermon being done, our offences, as they called them, were recited, every man what he had said and done, and presently was the sentence pronounced against us. That was, that the said Augustine Boacio was condemned to wear his S. Benito all the days of his life, and put into perpetual prison, where he should fulfil the same, and all his goods confiscated and lost. And I the said Tomson to wear the S. Benito for three years, and then to be set at liberty. And for the accomplishing of this sentence or condemnation, we must be presently sent down from Mexico, to Vera Cruz, and from thence to S. john de ullua, and there to be shipped for Spain, which was 65. leagues by land, with straight commandment, that upon pain of 1000 ducats, the Masters every one should look straightly unto us, and carry us to Spain, and deliver us unto the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Seville, that they should put us in the places, where we should fulfil our penances that the Archbishop of Mexico had enjoined unto us, by his sentence there given. For performance of the which, we were sent down from Mexico, to the Sea side, which was 65. leagues, with fetters upon our feet, and there delivered to the Masters of the ships, to be carried for Spain, as before is said. And it was so, that the Italian, fearing that if he had presented himself in Spain before the Inquisitors, that they would have burned him, to prevent that danger, when we were coming homeward, and were arrived at the island of Terçera, one of the ysles of the Açores, the first night that we came into the said port to an anchor, about midnight he found the means to get him naked out of the ship into the sea, & swum naked a shore, and so presently got him to the further side of the island, where he found a little carvel ready to departed for Portugal, in the which he came to Lisbon, and passed into France, and so into England, where he ended his life in the City of London. And I for my part kept still aboard the ship, and came into Spain, and was delivered to the Inquisitors of the Holy house of Seville, where they kept me in close prison, till I had fulfilled the three years of my penance. Which time being expired, I was freely put out of prison, and set at liberty: and being in the City of Siuil a casher of one Hugh Typton, an English merchant of great doing, by the space of one year, it fortuned that there came out of the City of Mexico, a Spaniard, called john de la Barrera, that had been long time in the Indies, and had got great sums of gold and silver, and with one only daughter shipped himself for to come for Spain, and by the way chanced to die, and gave all that he had unto his only daughter, whose name was Marry de la Barrera, and being arrived at the City of Sivil, it was my chance to marry with her. The marriage was worth to me 2500. pounds in bars of gold and silver, besides jewels of great price. This I thought good to speak of, to show the goodness of God to all them that put their trust in him, that I being brought out of the Indies, in such great misery and infamy to the world, should be provided at God's hand in one moment, of more than in all my life before I could attain unto by my own labour. After we departed from Mexico, our S. Benitoes were set up in the high Church of the said City, with our names written in the same, according to their use and custom, which is and will be a momonent and a remembrance of us, as long as the Romish Church doth reign in that country. The same have been seen since by one john Chilton, and divers others of our nation, which were left in that country long since, by Sir john Hawkins. And because it shallbe known wherefore it was that I was so punished by the Clergies hand, as before is mentioned, I will in brief words declare the same. It is so, that being in Mexico at the table, among many principal people at dinner, they began to inquire of me being an Englishman, whether it were true, that in England they had overthrown all their Churches and houses of Religion, and that all the images of the Saints of heaven that were in them were thrown down, broken, and burned, and in some places high ways stoned with them, and whether the English nation denied their obedience to the Pope of Rome, as they had been certified out of Spain by their friends. To whom I made answer, that it was so, that in deed they had in England put down all the Religious houses of friars and monks that were in England, and the images that were in their Churches and other places were taken away, and used there no more: for that (as they say) the making of them, and putting of them where they were adored, was clean contrary to the express commandment of Almighty God, Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image, etc. and that for that cause they thought it not lawful that they should stand in the Church, which is the house of adoration. One that was at the declaring of these words, who was my master Gonsalo Cereso, answered and said, if it were against the commandment of God, to have images in the Churches, that then he had spent a great deal of money in vain, for that two years passed he had made in the monastery of Santo Domingo, in the said city of Mexico, an image of our Lady of pure silver & gold, with pearls and precious stones, which cost him 7000. and odd pesoes, and every peso is 4. s. 8. d. of our money: which indeed was true, for that I have seen it many times myself where it stands. At the table was another gentleman, who presuming to defend the cause more than any other that was there, said, that they known well enough that they were made but of stocks and stones, and that to them was no worship given, but that there was a certain veneration due unto them after they were set up in the Church, and that they were set there to a good intent: the one, for that they were books for the simple people, to make them understand the glory of the saints that were in heaven, & a shape of them to put us in remembrance to call upon them, to be our intercessors unto God for us, for that we are such miserable sinners, that we are not worthy to appear before God, & that using devotion to saints in heaven, they may obtain at God's hands the sooner, the thing that we demand of him. As for example, said he, imagine that a subject hath offended his king upon the earth in any kind of respect, is it for the party to go boldly to the king in person, & to demand pardon for his offences? Not, says he, the presumption were too great, & possibly he might be repulsed, and have a great rebuke for his labour. Better it is for such a person to seek some private man near the king in his Court, and make him acquainted with his matter, & let him be a mediator to his Majesty for him, & for the matter he hath to do with him, and so might he the better come to his purpose, and obtain the thing which he doth demand: even so says he, it is with God and his saints in heaven: for we are wretched sinners, and not worthy to appear nor present ourselves before the Majesty of God, to demand of him the thing that we have need of: therefore thou hast need to be devout, and have devotion to the mother of God, and the saints of heaven, to be intercessors to God for thee, and so mayest thou the better obtain of God the thing that thou dost demand. To this I answered, & said, sir, as touching the comparison you made of the intercessors to the king, how necessary they were, I would but ask you this question. Set the case that this king you speak of, if he be so merciful, as when he knoweth that one, or any of his subjects hath offended him, he sand for him to his own town, or to his own house, or palace, & say unto him, come hither, I know that thou hast offended many laws, if thou dost know thereof, and dost repent thee of the same, with full intent to offend no more, I will forgive thy trespass, and remember it no more: said I, if this be done by the kings own person, what then hath this man need to go seek friendship at any of the kings private servants hands, but go to the principal, seeing that he is readier to forgive thee, than thou art to demand forgiveness at his hands? Even so is it with our gracious God, who calleth and crieth out unto us throughout all the world, by the mouth of his Prophets, Apostles, and by his own mouth, saying, Come unto me all you that labour and are over laden, and I will refresh you: besides 1000 other offers and prosters which he doth make unto us in his holy Scriptures. What then have we need of the saints help● that are in heaven, whereas the Lord himself doth so freely offer himself unto us? At which sayings, many of the hearers were astonished, and said, that by that reason, I would give to understands that the invocation of Saints was to be disannulled, and by the Laws of God not commanded. I answered, that they were not my words, but the words of God himself: look into the Scriptures yourself, and you shall so find it. The talk was perceived to be prejudicial to the Romish doctrine, and therefore it was commanded to be no more entreated of, and all remained unthought upon, had it not been for a villainous Portugal that was in the company, who said, ●asta les Ingles para saber todo esto ymas: who the next day, without impa●ting any thing to any body, went to the Bishop of Mexico, and his Provisor, and said, that in a place where he had been the day before, was an Englishman, who had said, that there was no need of Saints in the Church, nor of any invocation of Saints, upon whose denomination I was apprehended for the same words here rehearsed, and none other thing, and thereupon was used, as before is written. Now to speak somewhat of the description of the country, you shall understand, that the port of S. john de ullua is a very little Island low by the waterside, Saint ivan de ullua. the broadest or longest part thereof not above a bowshoote over, and standeth within two furlongs of the firm land. In my time there was but one house, and a little Chapel to say Mass in, in all the Island: the side to the land wards is made by man's hands, with freestone and gravel, and is 4. fathom deep down right, wherefore the great ships that come in there do ride so near the shore of the Island, that you may come and go aland upon their beak noses. They use to put great chains of iron in at their hawsers, and an anchor to the landward, and all little enough to more well their ships for fear of the Northerly winds, which come off the coast of Florida, that sometimes have carried ships, & houses, and all away to the shore. The king was wont to have 20. great mighty Negroes, who did serve for nothing else, but only to repair the said Island, where the foul weather doth hurt it. The Country all thereabouts is very plain ground, & a mile from the sea side a great wilderness, with great quantity of read Deer in the same, so that when the mariners of the ships are disposed, they go up into the wilderness, and do kill of the same, and bring them aboard to eat, for their recreation. From this port to the next town, which is called Vera Cruz, The way and distance from San ivan de ●llua to Vera Cruz, is fiu● leagues. are 5. leagues almost by the Sea side, till you come within one league of the place, and then you turn up towards the land, into a wood, till you come to a little river hard by the said towns side, which sometimes of the year is dry without water. The town of Vera Cruz in my time, had not passed 300. households, and served but for the folk of the ships; to buy and bring their goods aland, and deliver it to their owners● as also the owners and their factors to receive their goods of the Masters of the ships. This town standeth also in a very plain on the one side the river, and the other side is environed with much sand blown from the sea side with the tempest of weather, many times coming upon that coast. This town also is subject to great sickness, and in my time many of the Mariners & officers of the ships did die with those diseases, there accustomed, & especially those that were not used to the country, nor known the danger thereof, but would commonly go in the Sun in the heat of the day, & did eat fruit ●f the country with much disorder, and especially gave themselves to women's company a● their first coming: whereupon they were ca●t into a burning ague, of the which few escaped. Half a days journey from Vera Cruz, towards Mexico, is a lodging of five or six houses, called the Rinconado, which is a place, where is a great pinnacle made of lime and stone, Venta de Ri●conado fast by a river side, where the Indians were wont to do their sacrifices unto their gods, and it is plain and low ground betwixt that and Vera Cruz, and also subject to sickness: but afterward half a days journey that you do begin to enter into the high land, you shall found as fair, good, and sweet country, as any in the world, and the farther you go, the goodlier and sweeter the country is, till you come to Pueblo d● los Angeles, Pueblo de los Angeles. which may be some 43 leagues from Vera Cruz, which was in my time a town of 600. households, or thereabouts, standing in a goodly soil. Between Vera Cruz and that you shall come through many towns of the Indians, and villages, and many goodly fields of meadow grounds, R●uers of fresh waters, forests, and great woods, very pleasant to behold. From Pueblo de los angeles, to Mexico, is 20. leagues of very fair way and country, as before is declared. Mexico was a City in my time, M●●i●. of not above 1500. households of Spaniards inhabiting there, but of Indian people in the suburbs of the said city, dwelled above 300000. as it was thought, and many more. This City of Mexico is 65. leagues from the North sea, and 75. leagues from the South sea, so that it standeth in the midst of the main land, betwixt the one sea and the other. It is situated in the midst of a lake of standing water, and environed round about with the same, saving in many places, going out of the City, are many broad ways through the said l●ke or water. This lake and City is environed also with great mountains round about, which are in compass above thirty leagues, and the said City and lake of standing water, doth stand in a great plain in the midst of it. This lake of standing water doth proceed from the shedding of the rain, that falls upon the said mountains, and so gather themselves together in this place. All the whole proportion of this City doth stand in a very plain ground, and in the midst of the said City is a square place of a good bow shoot over from side to side: and in the midst of the said place is the high Church, very fair and well builded all through, at that time not half finished, and round about the said place, are many fair houses built: on the one side, are the houses where Mutezuma the great king of Mexico that was, dwelled, and now there lie always the viceroys that the King of Spain sendeth thither every three years. And in my time there was for viceroy a gentleman of Castil, called Don Luis de Velasco. Don Luis de Velasco. And on the other side of the said place, over against the same, is the Bishop's house, very fair built, and many other houses of goodly building. And hard by the same, are also other very fair houses, built by the Marquis de Valle, otherwise called Hernando Cortes, who was he that first conquered the said City and Country, who after the said conquest which he made with great labour and travail of his person, This is to be understood of his second coming into Spain. and danger of his life, and being grown great in the Country, the King of Spain sent for him, saying that he had some particular matters to impart unto him. And when he came home, he could not be suffered to return back again, as the King before had promised him. With the which, for sorrow that he took, he died; and this he had for the reward of his good service. The said City of Mexico hath the streets made very broad, and right, that a man being in the high place, at the one end of the street, may see at the lest a good mile forward, and in all the one part of the streets of the North part of their City, there runneth a pretty lake of very clear water, that every man may put into his house as much as he will, without the cost of any thing, but of the letting in. Also there is a great cave or ditch of water, that cometh through the City, even unto the high place, where come every morning at the break of the day twenty or thirty Canoas', or troughs of the Indians, which bring in them all manner of provision for the city, which is made, and groweth in the Country, which is a very good commodity for the inhabitants of that place. And as for victuals in the said City, of beef, mutton, and hens, capons, quails, Guiny-cockes, and such like, all are very good cheap: To say, the whole quarter of an ox, as much as a slave can carry away from the Butchers, for five Tomynes, that is, five Royals of plate, which is just two shillings and six pennies, and a fat sheep at the Butchers for three Royals, which is 18. pennies and no more. Bread is as good cheap as in Spain, and all other kind of fruits, as apples, pears, pomegranates, and quinces, at a reasonable rate. The City goeth wonderfully forward in building of Friaries and Nunneries, and Chapels, and is like in time to come, to be the most populous City in the world, as it may be supposed. The weather is there always very temperate, the day differeth but one hour of length all the year long. The fields and the woods are always green. The woods full of popinjays, and many other kind of birds, that make such an harmony of singing, and crying, that any man will rejoice to hear it. In the fields are such odoriferous smells of flowers and herbs, that it giveth great cement to the senses. About the City of Mexico two, three, or four leagues off, are divers towns of Indians, some of 4000 or 6000. households, which do stand in such a goodly soil, that if Christians had the inhabitation thereof, it would be put to a farther benefit. In my time were dwelling and alive in Mexico, many ancient men that were of the conquerors at the first conquest with Hernando Cortes: for than it was about 36. years ago, that the said Country was conquered. Mexico conquered Anno 1519. and 1520. About Mexico there are divers Mines of silver, and also in other places there about, but the principal Mines that are in all New Spain are in Sacatecas, 80. leagues from Mexico, and the Mines of S. Martin, thirty leagues, both to the Northwestward of Mexico, where is great store of gold and silver. Also there is a place called the Misteca, fifty leagues to the Northwest, which doth yield great store of very good silk, and Cochinilla. Wine and oil there is none growing in the Country, but what cometh out of Spain. Also there are many goodly first-fruits in that Country, whereof we have none such, as Plantanoes, Guyaves, Sapotes, Tunas, and in the wilderness great store of black cherries, and other wholesome fruits. The Cochinilla is not a worm, or a fly, Cochinilla is not a worm nor a fly, but a berry. as some say it is, but a berry that groweth upon certain bushes in the wild field, which is gathered in time of the year, when it is ripe. Also the Indigo that doth come from thence to die bl●w, is a certain heath that groweth in the wild fields, and is gathered at one time of the year, and burned, and of the ashes thereof, with other confections put thereunto, the said Indigo is made. Balm, Salsa perilla, Cana fistula, sugar, ox hides, and many other good and serviceable things the Country doth yield, which are yearly brought into Spain, and there sold and distributed to many nations. ROBERT TOMSON. A voyage made by M. Roger Bodenham to S. john de ullua in the bay of Mexico, in the year 1564. I Roger Bodenham having a long time lived in the city of Sivil in Spain, being there married, and by occasion thereof using trade and traffic to the parts of Barbary, grew at length to great loss and hindrance by that new trade begun by me in the city of Fez: A new trade begun in the city of Fez by Roger Bodenham. whereupon being returned into Spain, I began to call my wits about me, and to consider with myself by what means I might recover and renew my state: and in conclusion, by the aid of my friends, I procured a ship called The Bark Fox, pertaining to London, of the burden of eight or nine score tons; and with the same I made a voyage to the West India, having obtained good favour with the Spanish merchants, by reason of my long abode, and marriage in the country. My voyage was in the company of the General Don Pedro Melendes for Nova Hispania: who being himself appointed General for Terra Firma and Peru, made his son General for New Spain, although Pedro Melendes himself was the principal man and director in both fleets. We all departed from Cadiz together the last day of May in the year 1564: and I with my ship being under the conduct of the son of Don Pedro aforesaid, arrived with him in Nova Hispania, where immediately I took order for the discharge of my merchandise at the port of Vera Cruz, otherwise called Villa Rica, to be transported thence to the city of Mexico, which is sixty and odd leagues distant from the said port of Villa Rica. In the way are many good towns, as namely, Pueblo de los Angeles, and another called Tlaxcalan. The city of Mexico hath three great causeyes to bring men to it, compassed with a lake, so that it needeth no walls, being so defended by the water. It is a city plentiful of all necessary things, having many fair houses, churches, and monasteries. I having continued in the country the space of nine months, returned again for Spain with the Spanish fleet, and delivered the merchandise and silver which I had in the ship into the Contractation house, and there received my freight, which amounted outwards and homewards to the value of 13000 ducats and more. I observed many things in the time of my abode in Nova Hispania, aswell touching the commodities of the country as the manners of the people both Span●ards and Indians: but because the Spanish histories are full of those observations, I omit them, and refer the readers to the same: only this I say, that the commodity of Cochinilla groweth in greatest abundance about the town of Pueblo de los Angeles, The place where Cochinilla groweth, and the p●●● thereof. and is not there worth above forty pennies the pound. A notable discourse of M. john Chilton, touching the people, manners, mines, cities, riches, forces, and other memorable things of New Spain, and other provinces in the West Indies, seen and noted by himself in the time of his travels, continued in those parts, the space of seventeen or eighteen years. IN the year of our Lord 1561, in the month of july, I john Chilton went out of this city of London into Spain, where I remained for the space of seven years, & from thence I sailed into Nova Hispania, and so traveled there, and by the South sea, unto Peru, the space of seventeen or eighteen years: and after that time expired, I returned into Spain, and so in the year 1586 in the month of july, I arrived at the foresaid city of London; where perusing the notes which I had taken in the time of my travel in those years, I have set down as followeth. In the year 1568, 1568. in the month of March, being desirous to see the world, I embarked myself in the bay of Cadiz in Andaluzia, Cadiz. in a ship bond for the Isles of the Canaries, where she took in her lading, & set forth from thence for the voyage, in the month of june, the same year. Within a month after, we fallen with the Isle of S. Domingo, and from thence directly to Nova Hispania, and came into the port of S. john de ullua, San ivan de ullua. which is a little Island standing in the sea, about two miles from the land, where the king maintaineth about 50 soldiers, and captains, that keep the forts, and about 150 negroes, who all the year long are occupied in carrying of stones for building, & other uses, and to help to make fast the ships that come in there, with their cables. There are built two bulwarks at each end of a brickwall, that standeth likewise in the said Island, where the ships use to ride, made fast to the said brickwall with their cables, so near, that a man may leap ashore. From this port I journeyed by land to a town called Vera Cruz, Vera Cruz. standing by a rivers side, where all the faccours of the Spanish merchants devil, which receive the goods of such ships as come thither, and also lad the same with such treasure and merchandise as they return back into Spain. They are in number about four hundred, who only remain there, during the time that the Spanish fleet dischargeth, and is sudden again, which is from the end of August to the beginning of April following. And then for the unwholesomeness of the place they departed thence sixteen leagues further up within the country, to a town called Xalapa, Xalapa Sixteen leagues. a very healthful soil. There is never any woman delivered of child in this port of Vera Cruz: for so soon as they perceive themselves conceived with child, they get them into the country, to avoid the peril of the infected air, although they use every morning to drive thorough the town above two thousand head of cattle, to take away the ill vapours of the earth. From Xalapa seven leagues I came to another place, named Perota, Perota seven leagues. wherein are certain houses builded of straw, called by the name of ventas, the inhabitants whereof are Spaniards, who accustom to harbour such travelers as are occasioned to journey that way up into the land. It standeth in a great wood of Pine and Cedar trees, the soil being very cold, by reason of store of snow which lieth on the mountains there all the year long. There are in that place an infinite number of dear, of bigness like unto great mules, having also horns of great length. From Perota nine leagues, I came to the Fuentes of Ozumba, Fuentes de Ozumba nine leagues. Pueblo de los Angeles eight leagues. which suentes are springs of water issuing out of certain rocks into the midst of the high ways, where likewise are certain ranges, and houses, for the uses before mentioned. Eight leagues off from this place I came to the city of the Angels, so called by that name of the Spaniards, which inhabit there to the number of a thousand, besides a great number of Indians. This city standeth in very plain fields, having near adjoining to it many sumptuous cities, as namely the city of Tlaxcalla, a city of two hundred thousand Indians, tributaries to the king, although he exacteth no other tribute of them then a handful of wheat a piece, which amounteth to thirteen thousand hanueges yearly, as hath appeared by the king's books of account. And the reason why he contenteth himself with this tribute, only for them, is, because they were the occasion that he took the city of Mexico, with whom the Tlaxcallians had war at the same time when the Spaniards came into the country. The governor of this city is a Spaniard, called among them The Alcalde mayor, who administereth chiefest causes of justice both unto the Christians and Indians, referring smaller and lighter vices, as drunkenness and such like, to the judgement and discretion of such of the Indians as are choose every year to rule amongst them, called by the name of Alcaldes. These Indians from fourteen years old upwards, pay unto the king for their yearly tribute one ounce of silver, and an hannege of maiz, which is valued among them commonly at twelve reals of plate. The widows among them pay half of this. The Indians both of this city, and of the rest, lying about Mexico, go clothed with man●les of linen clot made of cotton wool, painted thorowent with works of divers and fine colours. It is distant from the city of the Angels four leagues to the Northward, & fourteen from Mexico. Tlaxcalla four leagues northward from los Angeles. There is another city a league from it, called Checula, consisting of more than sixty thousand Indians, tributaries, and there devil not above twelve Spaniards there. From it, about two leagues, there is another, called Acassingo, of above fifty thousand Indians, and about eight or twelve Spaniards, which standeth at the foot of the Vulcan of Mexico, Vulcan is a hill that continually burneth with fire. on the East side. There are besides these, three other great cities, the one named Tepiaca, a very famous city, Waxazingo, and Tichamachalcho: all these in times past belonged to the kingdom of Tlaxcalla: and from these cities they bring most of their Cochinilla into Spain. Cochinilla. The distance from the city of the Angels, to the city of Mexico is twenty leagues. Pueblo de los Angeles 20 leagues from Mexico. This city of Mexico is the city of greatest fame in all the Indies, having goodly and costly houses in it, builded all of lime and stone, and seven streets in length, and seven in breadth, with rivers turning thorough every second street, by which they bring their provision in canoas. It is situated at the foot of certain hills, which contain in compass by estimation above twenty leagues, compassing the s●yd city on the one side, and a lake which is fourteen leagues about on the other side. Upon which lake there are built many notable and sumptuous cities, as the city of Tes●uco, where the Spaniards built sire frigates, at that time when they conquered Mexico, and where also Fernando Cortes made his abode five or six months in curing of the sickness of his people, which they had taken at their coming into the country. There devil in this city about sixty thousand Indians, which pay tribute to the king. In this city the said Fernando built the finest church that ever was built in the Indies, the name whereof is S. Peter's. His voyage from Mexico to Nueva Biscai●. After I had continued two years in this city, being desirous to see further the countries, I employed that which I had, and took my voyage towards the provinces of California, in the which was discovered a certain country, by a Biscaine, whose name was Diego de Guiara, and called it after the name of his country, New Biscay, New Biscay. where I sold my merchandise for exchange of silver, for there were there certain rich mines discovered by the aforesaid Biskaine. Going from Mexico I directed my voyage somewhat toward the South-west, to certain mines, called Tamascaltepec, The Silver mines of Tama●caltepec. and so traveled forward the space of twenty days thorough desert places unhabited, till I came to the valley of S. Bartholomew, The valley of S. Bartholomew. which joineth to the province of New Biscay. In all these places the Indians for the most part go naked, and are wild people. Their common armour is bows and arrows: they use to eat up such Christians as they come by. From hence departing, I came to another province named Xalisco, and from thence to the port of Navidad, The haven where the ship of China & the Philippinas arrive. which is 120 leagues from Mexico, in which port arrive always in the month of April, all the ships that come out of the South sea from China, and the Philippinas, and there they lay their merchandise ashore. The most part whereof is mantles made of Cotton wool, Wax, and fine platters gilded, made of earth, and much gold. The next Summer following, being in the year 1570 (which was the first year that the Pope's Bulls were brought into the Indies) I undertook another voyage towards the province of Sonsonate, which is in the kingdom of Guatimala, whither I carried divers merchandise of Spain, all by land on mules backs. The way thitherward from Mexico is to the city of the Angels, and from thence to another city of Christians 80 leagues off, called Guaxaca, Guaxaca. in which there dwelled about 50 Spaniards, and many India●s. All the Indians of this province pay their tribute in mantles of Cotton wool, and Cochinilla, whereof there groweth abundance throughout this country. Near to this place there lieth a port in the South sea, called Aguatulco, Aguatulco. in the which there devil not above three or four Spaniards, with certain Negroes, which the king maintaineth there: in which place Sir Francis Drake arrived in the year 1579, in the month of April, where I lost with his being there above a thousand ducats, which he took away, with much other goods of other merchants of Mexico from one Francisco Gomes Rangifa, factor there for all the Spanish merchants that then traded in the South sea: for from this port they use to embark all their goods that go for Peru, and to the kingdom of Honduras. From Guaxaca I came to a town named Nixapa, Nixapa. which standeth upon certain very high hills in the province of Sapotecas, Sapotecas. wherein inhabit about the number of twenty Spaniards, by the King of Spain's commandment, to keep that country in peace; for the Indians are very rebellious: and for this purpose he bestoweth on them the towns & cities that be within that province. From hence I went to a city called Tecoantepec, Tecoantepec which is the farthest town to the Eastward in all Nova Hispania, which sometime did belong to the Marquis de Valle, and because it is a very fit port, standing in the South sea, the king of Spain, upon a rebellion made by the said Marquis against him, took it from him, and doth now possess it as his own. here in the year 1572 I see a piece of ordinance of brass, called a Demy culverin, which came out of a ship called the jesus of Lubec, which captain Hawkins left in S. john de ullua, being in fight with the Spaniards in the year 1568; which piece they afterwards carried 100 leagues by land over mighty mountains to the said city, to be embarked there for the Philippinas. Leaving Tecoantepec, I went still along by the South sea about 150 leagues in the desolate province of Soconusco, Soconusco. in which province there groweth cacao, which the Christians carry from thence into Nova Hispania, for that it will not grow in any cold country. The Indians of this country pay the king their tribute in cacao, giving him four hundred cargas, and every carga is 24000 almonds, which carga is worth in Mexico thirty pieces of reals of plate. They are men of great riches, and withal very proud: and in all this province throughout, there devil not twenty Christians. I traveled thorough another province called Suchetepec; and thence to the province of Guasacapan: Suchetepec. Guasacapan. in both which provinces are very few people, the biggest town therein having not above two hundred Indians. The chiefest merchandise there, is cacao. Hence I went to the city of Guatimala, Guatimala. which is the chief city of all this kingdom: in this city do inhabit about 80 Spaniards: and here the king hath his governors, & council, to whom all the people of the kingdom repair for justice. This city standeth from the coast of the South sea 14 leagues within the land, and is very rich, by reason of the gold that they fetch out of the coast of Veragua. From this city to the Eastward 60 leagues lieth the province Sonsonate, Sonsonate. where I sold the merchandise I carried out of Nova Hispania. The chiefest city of this province is called S. Saluador, San Saluador. which lieth 7 leagues from the coast of the South sea, and hath a port lying by the sea coast, called Acaxutla, Acaxutla. where the ships arrive with the merchandise they bring from Nova Hispania; and from thence lad back again the cacao: there devil here to the number of threescore Spaniards. From Sonsonate I traveled to Nicoia, Nicoia a port where the ships which go to the Philippinas are divided. which is in the kingdom of Nicaragua, in which port the king buildeth all the shipping that travel out of the Indies to the Malucos. I went forward from thence to Costa rica, where the Indians both men and women go all naked, and the land lieth between Panama, and the kingdom of Guatimala: and for that the Indians there live as warriors, I dared not pass by land, so that here in a town called S. Saluador I bestowed that which I carried in annile (which is a kind of thing to die blue withal) which I carried with me to the port of Cavallos, Pue●●o de C●uallos a rich place. lying in the kingdom of Honduras, which port is a mighty huge gulf, and at the coming in on the one side of it there lieth a town of little force without ordinance or any other strength, having in it houses of straw: at which town the Spaniards use yearly in the month of August to unlade four ships which come out of Spain laden with rich merchandise, and receive in here again their lading of a kind of merchandise called Annile and Cochinilla (although it be not of such value as that of Nova Hispania) and silver of the mines of Tomaangua, and gold of Nicaragua, and hides, and Salsa perilla, the best in all the Indies: all which merchandise they return, and departed from thence always in the month of April following, taking their course by the Island of jamaica, in which Island there devil on the West side of it certain Spaniards of no great number. From this place they go to the cape of S. Anthony, which is the uttermost part of the Westward of the Island of Cuba, and from thence to Havana lying hard by, The description of Havana at large. which is the chiefest port that the king of Spain hath in all the countries of the Indies, and of greatest importance: for all the ships, both from Peru, Hunduras, Porto rico, S. Domingo, jamaica, and all other places in his Indies, arrive there in their return to Spain, for that in this port they take in victuals and water, and the most part of their lading: here they meet from all the foresaid places always in the beginning of May by the king's commandment: at the entrance of this port it is so narrow, that there can scarce come in two ships together, although it be above six fathom deep in the narrowest place of it. In the North side of the coming in there standeth a tower, in which there watcheth every day a man to descry the sails of ships which he can see on the sea; and as many as he discovereth, so many banners he setteth upon the tower, that the people of the town (which standeth within the port about a mile from the tower) may understand thereof. Under this tower there lieth a sandy shore, where men may easily go aland; and by the tower there runneth a hill along by the water's side, which easily with small store of ordinance subdueth the town and port. The port within is so large that there may easily ride a thousand sail of ships without anchor or cable, for no wind is able to hurt them. There inhabit within the town of Havana about three hundred Spaniards, The small force of Ha●ana. and about threescore soldiers, which the king maintaineth there for the keeping of a certain castle which he hath of late erected, which hath planted in it about twelve pieces of small ordinance, and is compassed round with a small ditch, wherethorow at their pleasure they may let in the sea. About two leagues from Havana there lieth another town called Wanabacoa, in which there is dwelling about an hundred Indians, and from this place 60 leagues there lieth another town named Bahama, situate on the North side of the Island. The chiefest city of this Island of Cuba (which is above 200 leagues in length) is also called Sant jago de Cuba, where dwelleth a bishop & about two hundred Spaniards; which town standeth on the South side of the Island about 100 leagues from Havana. All the trade of this Island is cattle, The commodities of Cuba. which they kill only for the hides that are brought thence into Spain: for which end the Spaniards maintain there many negroes to kill their cattle, and foster a great number of hogs, which being killed, and cut into small pieces, they dry in the Sun, and so make it provision for the ships which come for Spain. Having remained in this Island two months, I took shipping in a frigate, and went over to Number de Dios, Number de Dios. and from thence by land to Panama, which standeth upon the South sea. From Nombre de Dios to Panama is 17 leagues distance: Panama. from which town there runneth a river which is called the river of Chagre, which runneth within 5 leagues of Panama, to a place called Cruzes, thorough which river they carry their goods, and disimbarke them at the said Cruzes, and from thence they are conveyed on mules backs to Panama by land; where they again embark them in certain small ships in the South sea for all the coast of Peru. In one of these ships I went to Potossi, and from thence by land to Cusco, and from thence to Paita. Potossi Cusco. Pait● Here I remained the space of seven months, and then returned into the kingdom of Guatimala, and arrived in the province of Nicoia, and Nicaragua. From Nicaragua I traveled by land to a province called Nicamula (which lieth toward the North sea in certain high mountains) for that I could not pass thorough the kingdom of Guatimala at that time for waters, wherewith all the Low countries of the province of Soconusco, lying by the South sea, are drowned with the rain that falls above in the mountains, enduring always from April to September: which season for that cause they call their Winter. From this province I came into another called De Vera Paz, Vera Paz. in which the chiefest city is also called after that name, where there dwelleth a bishop and about forty Spaniards. Among the mountains of this country toward the North sea, there is a province called La Candona, where are Indian men of war which the king can not subdue, for that they have towns and forts in a great lake of water above in the said mountains: the most part of them go naked, and some wear mantles of cotton wool. Distant from this about 80 leagues, I came into another province called the province of Chiapa, Chiapa 300 leagues from Mexico. wherein the chiefest city is called Sacatlan, where there dwelleth a bishop and about an hundred Spaniards. In this country there is great store of Cott●n wool, whereof the Indians make five linen clot, which the Christians buy and carry into Nova Hispania. The people of this province pay their tribute to the king all in Cotton wool and Feathers. Fourteen leagues from this city there is another called Chiapa, where are the finest gennets in all the Indies, which are carried hence to Mexico, 300 leagues from it. From this city I traveled still thorough hills and mountains, till I came to the end of this province, to a hill called Ecatepec, Ecatepec an hill nine leagues high. which in English signifieth The hill of wind: for that they say, it is the highest hill that ever was discovered: for from the top of it may be discovered both the North and the South seas; and it is in height supposed to be nine leagues. They which travel over it, lie always at the foot of it over night, and begin their journey about midnight, to travel to the top of it before the Sun rise the next day, because the wind bloweth with such force afterwards, that it is impossible for any man to go up: from the foot of this hill to Tecoantepec, Tecoa●tepec● the first town of Nova Hispania, are about fifteen leagues. And so from hence I journeyed to Mexico. By and by after I came to Mexico (which was in the year 1572) in the company of another Spaniard, which was my companion in this journey, His journey to Panuc●. we went together toward the province of Panuco, which lieth upon the coast of the North sea, and within three days journey we entered a city called Mestitlan, Mestitlan. where there dwelled twelve Spaniards: the Indian inhabitants there were about thirty thousand. This city standeth upon certain high mountains, which are very thick planted with towns very wholesome and fruitful, having plentiful fountains of water running thorough them. The high ways of these hills are all set with first-fruits, and trees of divers kinds, and most pleasant. In every town as we passed thorough, the Indians presented us with victuals. Within twenty leagues of this place there is another city called Clanchinoltepec, Clanchinoltepe●. belonging to a gentleman, where there inhabit about forty thousand Indians; and there are among them eight or nine friars of the Order of Saint Augustine, who have there a Monastery. Within three days after we departed from this place, and came to a city called Guaxutla, Gu●xutl● where there is another Monastery of friars of the same Order: there devil in this town about twelve Spaniards. From this place forward beginneth a province called Guastecan, Guastec●n. which is all plain grounds without any hills. The first town we came unto is called Tancuylabo, Tancuylabo. in which there devil many Indians, high of stature, having all their bodies painted with blue, and wear their hair long down to their knees, tied as women use to do with their hair-laces. When they go out of their doors, they carry with them their bows and arrows, being very great archers, going for the most part naked. In those countries they take neither gold nor silver for exchange of any thing, but only Salt, Salt a principal merchandise. which they greatly esteem, and use it for a principal medicine for certain worms which breed in their lips and in their gums. After nine days travel from this place, we came to a town called Tampice, Tampice a port town. which is a port town upon the sea, wherein the●e devil, I think, forty Christians, of which number whilst were abode there, the Indians killed fourteen, as they were gathering of Salt, which is all the trade that they have in this place: it standeth upon the entry of the river of Panuco, Panuco. which is a mighty great river; and were it not for a sand that lieth at the mouth of it, ships of five hundred tun might go up into it above three score leagues. From hence we went to Panuco, fourteen leagues from Tampice, which in times past had been a goodly city, where the king of Spain had his governor: but by reason that the Indians there destroyed the Christians, it lieth in a manner waste, containing in it not above ten Christians with a priest. In this town I fallen sick, where I lay one and forty days, having no other sustenance than fruit and water, which water I sent for above six leagues off within the country. Here I remained till my companion came to me, which had departed from me another way, retaining in my company only a slave, which I brought with me from Mexico. And the last day in Easter week my companion came to me, finding me in a very weak state, by reason of the unholesomenesse of the place. Notwithstanding my weakness, I being set on an horse, and an Indian behind me to hold me, we went forward on our voyage all that day till night. The next day in the morning we passed over the river in a canoa; and being on the other side, I went myself before alone: and by reason there met many ways traled by the wild beasts, I lost my way, and so traveled thorough a great wood about two leagues: and at length fallen into the hands of certain wild Indians, which were there in certain cottages made of straw; who seeing me, came out to the number of twenty of them, with their bows and arrows, and spoke unto me in their language, which I understood not: and so I made signs unto them to help me from my horse; which they did by commandment of their lord, which was there with them; and lighted down. They carried me under one of their cottages, and laid me upon a mat on the ground: and perceiving that I could not understand them, they brought unto me a little Indian wench of Mexico, of fifteen or sixteen years of age, whom they commanded to ask me in her language from whence I came, and for what intent I was c●me among them: for (saith she) dost thou not know Christian, how that these people will kill and eat thee? To whom I answered, let them do with me what they will; here now I am. She replied, saying, thou mayest thank God thou art lean; for they fear thou hast the pocks: otherwise they would eat thee. So I presented to the king a little wine which I had with me in a bottle; which he esteemed above any treasure: for for wine they will cell their wives and children. Afterwards the wench asked me what I would have, and whether I would eat any thing. I answered that I desired a little water to drink, for that the country is very hot: and she brought me a great Venice glass, gilded, full of water. And marveling at the glass, I demanded how they c●me by it. She told me that the Casique brought it from Shallapa, ●●allapa. a great town distant 30 leagues from this place on the hills, whereas dwelled certain Christians, and certain friars of the Order of S. Augustine, which this Casique with his people on a night slay; and burning the friars monastery, among other things reserved this glass: and from thence also brought me. Having now been conversant with them about three or four hours, they bid her ask me if I would go my way. I answered her, that I desired nothing else. So the Casique caused two of his Indians to lead me forward in my way; going before me with their bows and arrows, naked, the space of three leagues, till they brought me into an high way: and then making a sign unto me, they signified that in short time I should come to a town where Christians inhabited, which was called S. jago de los valles, Saint jago de los ●alles. standing in plain fields, walled about with a mud ●all: the number of the Christians that dwelled therein, were not above four or five and twenty, unto which the king of Spain giveth Indians and towns, to keep the countries subject unto him. He●re the Christians have their mighty mules, Mighty mules. which they carry for all the parts of the Indies, and into Peru, for that all their merchandise are carried by this means by land: In this town aforesaid, I found my company which I had lost before, who made no other account o● me but that I had been slain: and the Christians there likewise marveled to hear that I came from those kind of Indians alive, which was a thing never seen nor herded of before: for they take a great pride in kill a Christian, and to wear any part of him where he hath any hair growing, hanging it about their necks, and so are accounted for valiant men. In this town I remained eighteen days, till I recovered my health, and in the mean space there came one Don Francisco de Pago, whom the viceroy Don Henrico Manriques had sent for captain general, Don Henrico Manriques viceroy of Mexico. to open and discover a certain way from the sea side to the mines of Sacatecas, which were from this place 160 leagues, for to transport their merchandise by that way, leaving the way by Mexico, which is seven or eight week's travel. So this captain took me and my company, with the rest of his soldiers, to the number of forty, which he had brought with him, and five hundred Indians, which we took ●ut of two towns in this province called Tanchipa, and Tamaclipa, all good archers, and naked men, and went thence to the river de las Palmas, Rio de la● Palmas. which is of great bigness, parting the kingdom of Nova Hispania and Florida: and going still along by this river the space of three days, seeking passage to pass over: and finding none, we were at length enforced to cut timber to make a balsa or raft, which when we had mate, we sat on it, the Indians swimming in the water, and thrusting it before them to the other side. Within thirty days after, traveling thorough wood's, hills, and mountains, we came to the mines of Sacatecas, The mines of Sacatecas. which are the richest mines in all the Indies, and from thence they fetch most silver: at which mines there dwelled above three hundred Christians: and there our captain gave us leave to departed. So we came to the valley of S. Michael toward Mexico; The valley of S. Michael. and from thence to Pueblo novo; Pueblo nuevo. and from that place to the province of Mechuacan, Mechuacan. after which name the chiefest city of that place is called, where there dwells a bishop, and above an hundred Spaniards in it: it aboundeth with all kind of Spanish first-fruits, and hath woods full of nut trees, and wild vines. here are many mines of copper, Copper mines and great store of cattle. It lieth 60 leagues from Mexico, whither we came within four days after. The Indians of this country are very mighty and big men. Afterwards I returned another way to the province of Sonsonate by Vera cruz, and so to Rio Aluarado, and from thence to the province of Campeche, Campeche. which lieth on the South side of the bay of Mexico: the chief town of this province is called Merida, Merida. in which is a bishop and almost 100 Spaniards. The Indians of this province pay all their tribute in mantles of cotton wool and cacao. There is no port in all this province for a ship of 100 tun to ride in, but only in the river of Tabasco, Rio de Tabas●o. by which river this city of Merida standeth. The chiefest merchandise which they lad there in small frigates, is a certain wood called campeche, (wherewith they use to die) as also hides and annile. By this there lieth the province of jucatan, jucatan near the Honduras by the North sea coast, where there is also another bishop, and a town likewise named jucatan, where there devil a few Spaniards. They have no force at all in all this coast to defend themselves withal, save only that the land is low, and there is no port to receive any shipping, unless they be frigates, which carry from thence to the port of S. john de ullua, wa●e, cacao, honey, and also mantles of cotton wool, whereof they make there great store, and of which kind of merchandise there is great trade thence to Mexico: of the same also they pay their tribute to the king. The king hath tribute brought him yearly out of the Indies into Spain between nine and ten million of gold and silver: The greatness of the king of Spain's tribute out of the West Indies. for he receiveth of every Indian which is subject unto him (excepting those which do belong to the Incommenderos, which are the children of those Spaniards, who first conquered the land, to whom the king gave and granted the government of the cities and towns subdued for three lives) twelve reals of plate, and a hannege of maiz, which is a wheat of the country, (five of them making a quarter of English measure) and of every widow woman he hath six reals, & half a hannege of maiz. And so if any Indian have twenty children in his house, he payeth for every one of them, being above fifteen years old, after that rate. This Wheat being duly brought to the governor of every province and city, is fold in Mexico by the king's governors there every year; so that the money received for it, is put into the king's Treasury there, and so is yearly carried from thence into Spain. Of the Spaniards which are owners of the mines of gold and silver, he receiveth the fift part of it, which he calleth his quintas, The quinta● which being taken out of the heap, there is his arms set on it; for otherwise it may not be brought out of the land into Spain, under pain of death. The mark of silver, which is eight ounces, when it cometh out of the mines, not having the kings seal upon it, is worth three and forty reals of plate, and so it is current: and when they will bring it for Spain, they carry it to the king's Treasure house, where his seal is set upon it; and so it is raised in value thereby to threescore and four reals of plate: The mark of silver is 64 reals of plate. and so the king hath for his custom of every mark of plate one and twenty reals. From the year of 1570, which was the year that the Pope's bulls came into the Indies, as is afore mentioned, he hath received both of the Indians which are tributaries unto him, and also of all others belonging to the Incommenderos, of every one being above twelve years of age, four reals of every bull. Also they carry other pardons with them into the Indies, for such as he dead, although an hundred years before the Spaniards came into the country: which pardon's the friars in their preachings persuaded the poor Indians to take, telling them that with giving four reals of plate for a Mass, they would deliver their souls out of purgatory. Of the Christians likewise dwelling there he hath fourteen reals for every bull: and there be certain bulls brought thither for the Christians besides the former, which serve for pardoning all such faults wherein they have trespassed either against the king, by keeping back his customs, or one against another by any other injury; for every hundred crowns whereof a man's conscience doth accuse him that he hath deceived the king or any other, he must give ten for a bull, and so after that rate for every hundred which he hath any way stolen, and so is pardoned the fault. The revenue of his bulls after this manner yieldeth unto his treasury yearly above three million of gold, The revenue of the king's bulls and pardons came yearly to three million. as I have been credibly informed, although of late both the Spaniards and Indians do refuse to take the bulls; for that they perceive he doth make a yearly custom of it: only each Indian taketh one pardon for all his household, (whereas in former time every Indian used to take one for every person in his house) and teareth the same into small pieces, and giveth to every one of his household a little piece, saying thus, they need now no more, seeing in that which they bought the year before they had above ten thousand years pardon. These pieces they stick up in the brickwall of the houses where they lie. Both the Christians & Indians are weary with these infinite taxes and customs, which of late he hath imposed upon them, more than in the years before: Rebellions in Nova Hispania by too great exactions. so as the people of both sorts did rebel twice in the time that I was among them, and would have set up another king of themselves: for which cause the king hath commanded upon pain of death, that they should not plant either wine or oil there, but should always stand in need of them to be brought out of Spain, although there would more grow there in four years, than there groweth in Spain in twenty, it is so fertile a country. The reasons which move the kings of Spain to forbidden foreign traffic in the West Indies. And the king to keep the country always in subjection, and to his own use, hath straightly provided by law, upon pain of death, and loss of goods, that none of these countries should traffic with any other nation, although the people themselves do much now desire to trade with any other then with them, and would undoubtedly do, if they feared not the peril ensuing thereupon. About Mexico, and other places in Nova Hispania, there groweth a certain plant called magueis, M●gueis which yieldeth wine, vinegar, honey, and black sugar, and of the leaves of it dried they make hemp, ropes, shoes which they use, and tiles for their houses: and at the end of every leaf there groweth a sharp point like an awl, wherewith they use to boar or pierce thorough any thing. Thus to make an end, I have here set down the sum of all the chiefest things that I have observed and noted in my seventeen years travel in those parts. A relation of the commodities of Nova Hispania, and the manners of the inhabitants, written by Henry Hawks merchant, which lived five years in the said country, and drawn the same at the request of M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire of Eston in the county of Hereford, 1572. S. john de Villua. SAint john de ullua is an Island not high above the water, where as now the Spaniards upon M. john Hawkins being there, are in making a strong for't. In this place all the ships that come out of Spain with goods for these parts, do unlade: for they have none other port so good as this is. The coming into this place hath three channels, and the best of all is the Northermost, which goeth by the main land: and on every side of the channels there are many small rocks as big as a small barrel: they will make men stand in doubt of them, but there is no fear of them. There is another Island there by, called The Island of sacrifices, where as the Spaniards did in times past unlade their goods: and for that, they say, there are upon it spirits or devils, Spirits. it is not frequented as it hath been. In these places the North wound hath so great dominion, that oftentimes it destroyeth many ships and barks. This place is given to great sickness. These Islands stand in 18 degrees and a half, and about the same is great plenty of fish. 〈◊〉 Cru●. Five leagues from S. john de ullua is a fair river; it lieth Northwest from the port, and goeth to a little town of the Spaniards called Vera Cruz, and with small vessels or barks, which they call frigates they carry all their merchandise which cometh out of Spain, to the said town: and in like manner bring all the gold, silver, cochinilla, hides, and all other things that the ships carry into Spain unto them. And the goods being in Vera Cruz, they carry them to Mexico, and to Pueblo de los Angeles, Sacatecas, and Saint Martin, and divers other places so far within the country, that some of them are 70 miles off, and some more, and some less, all upon horses, mules, and in wanes drawn with o●en, and in cars drawn with mules. In this town of Vera Cruz within these twenty years, when women were brought to bed, the children new born in continently died; which is not so now in these days, God be thanked. This town is inclined to many kind of diseases, by reason of the great heat, and a certain gnat or fly which they call a musquito, Musquit● which ●i●●th both men and women in their sleep; and assoon as they are bitten, incontinently the flesh swelleth as though they had been bitten with some venomous worm. And this musquito or gnat doth most follow such as are newly come into the country. Many there are that die of this annoyance. This town is situated upon the river aforesaid, and compassed with woods of divers manners and sorts, and many first-fruits, as oranges and lemons, guiaves, and divers others, and birds in them, popinjays both small and great, Popiniay●. and some of them as big as a raven, and their tails as long as the tail of a fezant. There are also many other kind of birds of purple colour, and small monkeys, Monkeys. marvelous proper. This hot or sick country coutinueth five and forty miles towards the city of Mexico; and the five and forty miles being passed, then there is a temperate country, and full of tillage: but they water all their corn with rivers which they turn in upon it. And they gather their Wheat twice a year. Wheat twice in a year. And if they should not water the ground where as their corn is sown, the country is so hot it would burn all. Tlaxcalla a free city. Before you come to Mexico, there is a great town called Tlaxcalla, which hath in it above 16000 households. All the inhabitants thereof are free by the kings of Spain: for these were the occasion that Mexico was won in so short time, and with so little loss of men. Wherefore they are all gentlemen, and pay no tribute to the king. In this town is all the cochinilla growing. Mexico is a great city; Mexico. it hath more than fifty thousand households, whereof there are not past five or six thousand houses of Spaniards: all the other are the people of the country, which live under the Spaniards laws. There are in this city stately buildings, and many monasteries of friars and nuns, which the Spaniards have made. And the building of the Indians is somewhat beautiful outwardly, and within full of small chambers, with very small windows, which is not so comely as the building of the Spaniards. This city standeth in the midst of a great lake, and the water goeth thorough all or the most part of the streets, and there come small boats, which they call canoas, and in them they bring all things necessary, as wood, and coals, and grass for their horses, stones and lime to build, and corn. This city is subject to many earthquakes, which oftentimes cast down houses, and kill people. This city is very well provided of water to drink, and with all manner of victuals, as first-fruits, flesh and fish, bread, hens and capons, Guiny cocks and hens, and all other fowl. There are in this city every week three Fairs or Markets, which are frequented with many people, aswell Spaniards as the people of the country. There are in these Fairs or Markets all manner of things that may be invented, to cell, and in especial, things of the country. The one of these Fairs is upon the Monday, which is called S. Hypolitos' fair, and S. james his fair is upon the Thursday, and upon Saturday is S. john's fair. In this city is always the king's governor or viceroy, and there are kept the Terms and Parliaments. And although there be other places of justice, yet this is above all: so that all men may appeal unto this place, and may not appeal from this city, but only into Spain before the king: and it must be for a certain sum: and if it be under that sum, than there is no appellation from them. Many rivers fall into this lake which the city standeth in: but there was never any place found whither it goeth out. The Indians know a way to drown the city, A way to drown Mexico. and within these three years they would have practised the same: but they which should have been the doers of it were hanged: and ever since the city hath been well watched both day and night, for fear lest at some time they might be deceived: for the Indians love not the Spaniards. Round about the town there are very many gardens and orchards of the first-fruits of the country, marvelous fair, where the people have great recreation. The men of this city are marvelous vicious; and in like manner the women are dishonest of their bodies, more than they are in other cities or towns in this country. There are near about this city of Mexico many rivers and standing waters, Crocodiles. which have in them a monstrous kind of fish, which is marvelous ravening, and a great devourer of men and cattle. He is wont to sleep upon the dry land many times, and if there come in the mean time any man or beast and wake or disquiet him, he speedeth well if he get from him. He is like unto a serpent, saving that he doth not fly, neither hath he wings. There is West out of Mexico a port town which is on the South sea, called Puerto de Acapulco, Navigation to China from Puerto de Acapulco. where as there are ships which they have ordinarily for the navigation of China, which they have newly found. This port is threescore leagues from Mexico. There is another port town which is called Culiacan, on the South sea, which lieth West and by North out of Mexico, and is 200 leagues from the same: and there the Spaniards made two ships to go seek the straight or gulf, which, as they say, is between the New foundland and Groenland; The Northwest straight. and they call it the Englishmens strength: which as yet was never fully found. They say, that straight lieth not far from the main land of China, which the Spaniards accounted to be marvelous rich. Toward the North from Mexico there are great store of silver mines. There is greater quantity of silver found in these mines toward the North, The more Northward, the richer silver mines. than there is in any other parts: and as the most men of experience said always, they find the richer mines the more Northerly. These mines are commonly upon great hills and stony ground, marvelous hard to be laboured and wrought. Out of some of the mines the Indians find a certain kind of earth of divers colours, Painting earth. wherewith they paint themselves in times of their dances, and other pastimes which they use. In this country of Nova Hispania there are also mines of gold, Gold mines. although the gold be commonly found in rivers, or very near unto rivers. And now in these days there is not so much gold found as there hath been heretofore. There are many great rivers, and great store of fish in them, not like unto our kinds of fish. And there are marvelous great woods, and as fair trees as may be seen, of divers sorts, and especially fir trees, that may mast any ship that goeth upon the sea, oaks and pineapples, and another tree which they call Mesquiquez: Mesquiquez. it beareth a fruit like unto a peascod, marvelous sweet, which the wild people gather, and keep it all the year, and eat it in stead of bread. Seven cities by witchcraft not found of the seckers. The Spaniards have notice of seven cities which old men of the Indians show them should lie towards the Northwest from Mexico. They have used and use daily much diligence in seeking of them, but they cannot found any one of them. They say that the witchcraft of the Indians is such, that when they come up these towns they cast a mist upon them, so that they cannot see them. Pedro Morales & Nicolas Burgignon writ the like of Copalla. They have understanding of another city which they call Copalla: and in like manner, at my being in the country, they have used much labour and diligence in the seeking of it: they have found the lake on which it should stand, and a canoa, the head whereof was wrought with copper curiously, and could not find nor see any man nor the town, which to their understanding should stand on the same water, or very near the same. The strange oxen of Cibola. There is a great number of beasts or cows in the country of Cibola, which were never brought thither by the Spaniards, but breed naturally in the country. They are like unto our oxen, saving that they have long hair like a lion, and short horns, and they have upon their shoulders a bunch like a camel, which is higher than the rest of their body. They are marvelous wild and swift in running. They call them the beasts or cows of Cibola. Cibola abandoned. This Cibola is a city which the Spaniards found now of late, without any people in the same, goodly buildings, fair attorneys, windows made of stone & timber excellently wrought, fair wells with wheels to draw their water, and a place where they had buried their dead people, with many fair stones upon the graves. And the captain would not suffer his soldiers to break up any part of these graves, saying, he would come another time to do it. They asked certain people which they met, whither the people of this city were go: and they made answer, they were go down a river, A great river near Cibol●. which was there by, very great, and there had builded a city which was more for their commodity. This captain lacking things necessary for himself and his men, was feign to return back again, without finding any treasure according to his expectation: neither found they but few people, although they found beaten ways, which had been much haunted and frequented. The captain at his coming back again, had a great check of the governor, because he had not go forward, and scene the end of that riue●. Water congealed to salt. They have in the country, far from the sea side, standing waters, which are salt: and in the months of April and May the water of them congealeth into salt, which salt is all taken for the king's use and profit. Dogs of India described. Their dogs are all crocked backed, as many as are of the country breed, and cannot run fast: their faces are like the face of a pig or an hog, with sharp noses. Cacao a fruit currant as money. In certain provinces which are called Guatimala, & Soconusco, there is growing great store of cacao, which is a very like unto an almond: it is the best merchandise that is in all the Indies. The Indians make drink of it, and in like manner meat to eat. It goeth currently for money in any market or fair, and may buy any flesh, fish, bread or cheese, or other things. Fruits. There are many kind of first-fruits of the country, which are very good, as plancans, sapotes, guiaves, pinas, aluacatas, tunas, mamios, lemons, oranges, walnuts very small and hard, with little meat in them, grapes which the Spaniards brought into the country, and also wild grapes, which are of the country, and are very small, quinses, peaches, figs, and but few apples, and very small, and no pears: but there are melons and calabaças or gourds. There is much honey, both of bees and also of a kind of tree which they call magueiz. This honey of magueiz is not so sweet as the other honey is, but it is better to be eaten only with bread, than the other is: and the tree serveth for many things, as the leaves make thread to sow any kind of bags, and are good to cover and thatch houses, and for divers other things. Hot springs. They have in divers places of the country many hot springs of water: as above all other, I have seen one in the province of Mechuacan. In a plain field without any mountain, there is a spring which hath much water, & it is so hot, that if a whole quarter of beef be cast into it, within on half hour it will be as well sodden as it will be over a fire in half a day. I have seen half a sheep cast in, and immediately it hath been sodden, and I have eaten part of it. Hares and coneys. There are many hares, and some coneys. There are no partridges, but abundance of quails. Sea fish. They have great store of fish in the South sea, and many oysters, and very great. The people do open the oysters, and take out the meat of them and dry it as they do any other kind of fish, and keep them all the year: and when the times serve, they sand them abroad into the country to cell, as all other fish. They have no salmon, nor growt, nor peel, nor carp, tench, nor pike in all the country. There are in the country mighty high mountains, and hills, and snow upon them: Burning mountains. they commonly burn; and twice every day they cast out much smoke and ashes at certain open places, which are in the tops of them. There is among the wild people much manna. Manna. I have gathered of the same, and have eaten it, and it is good: for the Apothecaries sand their servants at certain times, to gather of the same for purgations, and other uses. There are in the mountains many wild hogs, which all men may kill, and lions and tigers; Wild hogs, lions, and tigers. which tigers do much harm to men that travel in the wilderness. In this country, not long since, there were two poor men that found a marvelous rich mine; and when these men went to make a register of the same (according to the law and custom) before the king's officers, they thought this mine not meet for such men as they were: and violently took the said mine for the king; and gave no part thereof unto the two poor men. And within certain days the king's officers resorted thither to labour in the mine, Mines discovered, not sound again. & they found two great mighty hills were come together; so they found no place to work in. And in the time while I was among them, which was five years, The authom five years in Nueva Espanna. there was a poor shepherd, who keeping his sheep, happened to find a well of quicksilver; and he went in like manner to manifest the same, as the custom and manner is; the king's officers dealt in like order as they did with the two poor men that found the rich mine, taking it quite from the shepherd: but when they went to fetch home the quicksilver, or part thereof, they could never find it again. So these things have been declared unto the king, who hath given commandment, that nothing being found in the fields, as mines, and such like, shall be taken away from any man. And many other things have been done in this country, which men might count for great marvels. There is great abundance of sugar here, & they make divers conserves, Sugar & conserves. & very good, and sand them into Peru, where as they cell them marvelous well, because they make none in those parts. The people of the country are of a good stature, tawny coloured, broad faced, flat nosed, Description of the Indians person and manners. and given much to drink both wine of Spain and also a certain kind of wine which they make with honey of Magueiz, and roots, and other things which they use to put into the same. They call the same wine Pulco. They are soon drunk, and given to much beastliness, and voided of all goodness. In their drunkenness they use and commit Sodomy; and with their mothers and daughters they have their pleasures and pastimes. Whereupon they are defended from the drinking of wines, upon pains of money, aswell he that selleth the wines as the Indian that drinketh the same. And if this commandment were not, all the wine in Spain and in France were not sufficient for the West Indies only. They are of much simplicity, and great cowards, void of all valour, and are great witches. The people of Nueva Espanna great coward. They use divers times to talk with the devil, to whom they do certain sacrifices and oblations: many times they have been taken with the same, and I have seen them most cruelly punished for that offence. The people are given to learn all manner of occupations and sciences, which for the most part they learned since the coming of the Spaniards: I say all manner of arts. They are very artificial in making of images with feathers, or the proportion or figure of any man, in all kind of manner as he is. The fineness and excellency of this is wonderful, that a barbarous people as they are, should give themselves to so fine an art as this is. They are goldsmiths, blackesmiths; and coppersmiths, carpenters, masons, shoemakers, railers, saddlers, ●nbroderers, and of all other kind of sciences: and they will do work so good cheap, that poor young men that go out of Spain to get their living, are not set on work: which is the occasion there are many idle people in the country. For the Indian will live all the week with less than one groat; which the Spaniard cannot do, nor any man else. They say, that they came of the lineage of an old man which came thither in a boat of wood, The Indians ignorance from whence they came. which they call a canoa. But they cannot tell whether it were before the flood or after, neither can they give any reason of the flood, nor from whence they came. And when the Spaniards came first among them, they did certain sacrifice to an image made in stone, of their own invention. The stone was set upon a great hill, which they made of bricks of earth: they call it their Cowa. And certain days in the year they did sacrifice, certain old men, and young children; and only believed in the Sun and the Moon, saying, that from them they had all things that were needful for them. The Sun and Moon honoured. They have in these parts great store of cotton wool, with which they make a m●ner of linen clot, which the Indians wear, both men and women, and it serveth for shirts & smocks, Score of cotr●. and all other kind of garments, which they wear upon their bodies: and the Spaniards use it to all such purposes, especial●y such as cannot buy other. And if it were not for this kind of clot, all manner of clot that goeth out of Spain, I say linen clot, would be sold out of all measure. The wild Indians. The wild people go naked, without any thing upon them. The women wear the skin of a dear before their privities, and nothing else upon all their bodies. They have no care for any thing, but only from day to day for that which they have need to cat. They are big men, and likewise the women. They shoot in bows which they make of a cherry tree, and their arrows are of cane, with a sharp flint stone in the end of the same; they will pierce any coat of mail: and they kill dear, and crane's, and wild geese, ducks and other fowl, and worms, and snakes, and divers other vermio, which they eat. They live very long: for I have seen men that have been an hundred years of age. They have but very little hair in their face, nor on their bodies. Friars in reverence. The Indians have the friars in great reverence: the occasion is, that by them and by their means they are free and out of bondage; which was so ordained by Charles the emperor: which is the occasion that now there is not so much gold and silver coming into Europe as there was while the Indians were slaves. For when they were in bondage they could not choose but do their task every day, and bring their masters so much metal out of their mines: but now they must be well paid, and much entreated to have them work. So it hath been, and is a great hindrance to the owners of the mines, and to the kings quinto or custom. Copper mines There are many mines of copper in great quantity, whereof they spend in the country as much as serveth their turns. There is some gold in it, but not so much as will pay the costs of the fining. The quantity of it is such, and the mines are so far from the sea, that it will not be worth the freight to carry it into Spain. On the other side, the king's officers will give no licence to make ordinance thereof; whereupon the mines lie unlaboured, and of no valuation. There is much lead in the country; so that with it they cover churches, and other religious houses: wherefore they shall not need any of our lead, as they have had need thereof in times past. The pomp of owners of mines. The pomp and liberality of the owners of the mines is marvelous to behold: the apparel both of them and of their wives is more to be compared to the apparel of noble people then otherwise. If their wives go out of their houses, as unto the church, or any other place, they go out with great majesty, and with as many men and maids as though she were the wife of some noble man. I will assure you, I have seen a miners' wife go to the church with an hundred men, and twenty gentlewomen and maids. They keep open house: who will, may come to eat their meat. They call men with a bell to come to dinner and supper. They are princes in keeping of their houses, and bountiful in all manner of things. A good owner of mines must have at the lest an hundred slaves to carry and to stamp his metals; Things necessary to mines of silver and gold. he must have many mules, and men to keep the mines; he must have mills to stamp his metals; he must have many wanes and oxen to bring home wood to fine the oar; he must have much quicksilver, and a marvelous quantity of salt-brine for the metals; and he must be at many other charges. And as for this charge of quicksilver, it is a new invention, which they find more profitable then to fine their oar with lead. Howbeit the same is very costly: for there is never a hundred of quicksilver but costeth at the lest threescore pounds sterling. And the mines fall daily in decay, and of less value: and the occasion is, the few Indians that men have to labour their mines. The plenty of cattle. There is in New Spain a marvelous increase of cattle, which daily do increase, and they are of a greater growth than ours are. You may have a great steer that hath an hundred weight of tallow in his belly for sixteen shillings; and some one man hath 20000 head of cattle of his own. They cell the hides unto the merchants, who lad into Spain as many as may be well spared. They spend many in the country in shoes and boots, and in the mines: and as the country is great, so is the increase of the cattle wonderful. In the Island of Santo Domingo they commonly kill the beasts for their hides and tallow; and the fowls eat the cark●ises: and so they do in Cuba and Porto Rico, whereas there is much sugar, and cana fistula, which daily they sand into Spain. They have great increase of sheep in like manner, Sheep. and daily do intent to increase them. They have much wool, Wool. and as good as the wool of Spain. They make clot as much as serveth the country, Cloth. for the common people, and sand much clot into Peru. I have seen clot made in the city of Mexico, which hath been sold for ten pesoes a vare, which is almost four pounds English, and the vare is less than our yard. They have woad growing in the country, Woad. and alum, and brasil, Alum. brasil. and divers other things to die withal, so that they make all colours. In Peru they make no clot: but hereafter our clot will be little set by in these parts, unless it be some fine clot. The wools are commonly four shillings every rove, which is five & twenty pounds: and in some places of the country that are far from the places where as they make clot, it is worth nothing, and doth serve but only to make beds for men to lie on. They make hats, as many as do serve the Country, very fine and good, and cell them better cheap, than they can be brought out of Spain, and in like manner sand them into Peru. Many people are set on work both in the one and in the other: they spin their wool as we do, and in steed of oil, they have hog's grease: Hog's grease instead of oil. they twist not their thread so much as we do, neither work so fine a thread. They make no kerseys, but they make much clot, which is course, and cell it for less than 12. pennies the vare. It is called Sayall. They have much silk, and make all manner of sorts thereof, Silks of sundry sorts. as Taffetas, Satins, Velvets of all colours, and they are as good as the silks of Spain, saving that the colours are not so perfect: but the blacks are better than the blacks that come out of Spain. They have many horses, and mares, and mules, Horses. Mules. which the Spaniards brought thither. They have as good gennets, gennets. as any are in Spain, and better cheap than they be in Spain. And with their mules they carry all their goods from place to place. There is rain usually in this Country, from the month of May, to the midst of October, every day, which time they call their winter, by reason of the said waters. And if it were not for the waters which fall in these hot seasons, their Maiz, which is the greatest part of their sustenance, would be destroyed. This Maiz is the greatest maintenance which the Indian hath, Maiz grain● for man and beast, eaten in cakes. and also all the common people of the Spaniards. And their horses and mules which labour, cannot be without the same. This grain is substantial, and increaseth much blood. If the Miners should be without it, they could not labour their Mines: for all their servants eat none other bread, but only of this Maiz, and it is made in cakes, as they make oaten cakes, in some places of England. The Indians pay tribute, being of the age of 20. years, 4. shillings of money, and an hanege of Maiz, An Hanege is a bushel and an half. which is worth 4. shillings more unto the King every year. This is paid in all Nova Hispania, of as many as be of the age of 20. years, saving the City of Tlascalla, which was made free, because the citizens thereof were the occasion that Cortes took Mexico in so little a time. And although at the first they were freed from payment of tribute, yet the Spaniards now begin to usurp upon them, and make them to till a great field of Maiz, at their own costs every year for the King, which is as beneficial unto him, and as great cost unto them, as though they paid their tribute, as the others do. The ships which go out of Spain with goods for Peru, go to Number de dios, and there discharge the said goods: and from thence they be carried over the neck of a land, unto a port town in the South sea, called Panama, which is 17. leagues distant from Number de dios. And there they do ship their goods again, and so from thence go to Peru. They are in going thither three months, and they come back again in 20. days. They have seldom foul weather, and few ships are lost in the South sea. Four years past, to wit 1568. there was a ship made out of Peru, to seek Salomon's Islands, Salomon's islands sought, and ●ound in the South sea 1568. and they came somewhat to the South of the Equinoctial, & found an Island with many black people, in such number that the Spaniards dared not go on land among them. And because they had been long upon the voyage, their people were very weak, and so went not on land, to know what commodity was upon it. And for want of victuals, they arrived in Nona Hispania, in a port called Puerto de Navidad, and thence returned back again unto Peru, whereas they were evil entreated, because they had not known more of the same Island. They have in this port of Navidad ordinarily their ships, which go to the Islands of China, China found by the West. which are certain Islands which they have found within these 7. years. They have brought from thence gold, and much cinnamon, and dishes of earth, and cups of the same, so fine, that every man that may have a piece of them, will give the weight of silver for it. There was a Mariner that brought a pearl as big as a doves egg from thence, & a stone, for which the Uiceroy would have given 3000. ducats. Many things they bring from thence, most excellent. There are many of these ylands, and the Spaniards have not many of them as yet: * This is to be understood of the time where this discourse was written, Anno 1572. for the Portugals disturb them much, and combat with them every day, saying, it is part of their conquest, and to the main land they cannot come at any hand. There are goodly people in them, and they are great Mariners, richly appareled in clot of gold, and silver, and silk of all sorts, and go appareled after the manner of the Turks. This report make such as come from thence. The men of the main land have certain traffic with some of these ylanders, and come thither in a kind of ships, China ships with one sail. which they have with one sail, and bring of such merchandise as they have need of. And of these things there have been brought into New Spain both clot of gold and silver, and divers manners of silks, and works of gold and silver, marvelous to be seen. So by their saying, there is not such a country in the whole world. The main land is from the ylands 190. leagues: and the ylands are not far from the Malucos Northwards. And the people of those ylands, which the Spaniards have, say, that if they would bring their wives and children, that then they should have among them what they would have. So there go women daily, and the king payeth all the charges of the married men and their wives, that go to those ylands. And there is no doubt, but the trade will be marvelous rich in time to come. It was my fortune to be in company with one Diego Gutieres, who was the first Pilot that ever went to that Country of the Philippinas. He maketh report of many strange things in that Country, aswell riches, as other, and says, if there be any Paradise upon earth, it is in that country: and addeth, that sitting under a tree, you shall have such sweet smells, with such great content and pleasure, that you shall remember nothing, neither wife, nor children, nor have any kind of appetite to eat or drink, the odoriferous smells will be so sweet. This man hath good livings in Nova Hispania, notwithstanding he will return thither, with his wife and children, and as for treasure there is abundance, as he maketh mention. In this country of Nova Hispania there are many bucks and does, but they have not so long horns as they have here in England. The Spaniards kill them with handguns, and with grayhounds, and the Indians kill them with their bows and arrows, and with the skins they make chamoyce, Chamoice. such as we in England make doublets and hose of, as good as the skins that are dressed in Flanders, & likewise they make marvelous good Spanish leather of them. Spanish leather. There is a bird which is like unto a Raven, India ravens not killed, to devour cartion. but he hath some of his feathers white: there is such abundance of them, that they eat all the corrupt and dead flesh which is in the country. Otherwise the abundance of carrion is so much, that it would make a marvelous corrupt air in all the Country, and be so noisome, that no man could abide it. Therefore it is commanded, there shall none of them be killed. These birds are always about Cities, and towns, where there is much flesh killed. The Indians are much favoured by the justices of the Country, and they call them their orphans. Wrongs done to the Indians punished. And if any Spaniard should happen to do any of them harm, or to wrong him in taking any thing from him, as many times they do, or to strike any of them, being in any town, whereas justice is, they are aswell punished for the same, as if they had done it one Spaniard to another. When a Spaniard is far from Mexico, or any place of justice, thinking to do with the poor Indian what he list, considering he is so far from any place of remedy, he maketh the Indian do what he commandeth him, and if he will not do it, he beateth and misuseth him, according to his own appetite. The Indian holdeth his peace, until he find an opportunity, and then taketh a neighbour with him, and goeth to Mexico, although it be 20. leagues off, and maketh his complaint. This his complaint is immediately herded, & although it be a knight, or a right good gentleman, he is forthwith sent for, and punished both by his goods, and also his person is imprisoned, at the pleasure of the justice. justice & cause of civilism. This is the occasion that the Indians are so tame and civil, as they are: and if they should not have this favour, the Spaniards would soon dispatch all the Indians, or the Indians would kill them. But they may call them dogs, and use other evil words, as much as they will, and the Indian must needs put it up, and go his way. The poor Indians will go every day two or three leagues to a Fair or market, with a child upon their necks, with as much fruit or roots, or some kind of ware, as cotton wool, or cadis of all colours, as shall be not past worth a penny: and they will maintain themselves upon the same. For they live with a marvelous small matter. They are in such poverty, that if you need to ride into the Country, you shall have an Indian to go with you all the day with your bed upon his back, for one royal of place: and this you shall have from one town to another. Here you are to understand, that all men that travail by the way, are always wont to carry their beds with them. They are great thieves, and will steal all that they may, and you shall have no recompense at their hands. The apparel of the Indians. The garments of the women, are in this manner. The uppermost part is made almost like to a woman's smock, saving that it is as broad above as beneath, and hath no sleeves, but holes on each side one to put out their arms. It is made of linen clot made of cotton wool, and filled full of flowers, of read cadis and blue, and other colours. This garment cometh down to the knees, and then they have another clot made after the same manner, and that goeth round about their waste, and reacheth to their shoes, and over this a white fine sheet upon their heads, which goeth down half the leg. Their hair is made up round with an hair lace about their head. And the men have a small pair of breeches of the same cotton wool, and their shirts which hung over their breeches, and a broad girdle about their middles, and a sheet with flowers upon their backs, and with a knot upon one shoulder, & an hat upon their heads, and a pair of shoes. And this is all their apparel, although it be a Casique, which they use in all the Country. The houses of the Indians. The walls of the houses of the Indians, are but plain, but the stones are laid so close, that you shall not well perceive the joints between one stone and another, they are so finely cut: and by the means that the stones are so workmanly done, and finely joined together, there is some beauty in their walls. They are marvelous small and light, as Pumie stones. They make their doors very little, so that there can go in but one man at a time. Their windows, and rooms within their houses are small, and one room they have reserved for their friends, when they come to talk one with another, and that is always fair matted, and kept marvelous clean, and hanged full of images, and their chairs standing there to sit in. They eat their meat upon the ground, and sleep on the ground upon a mat, without any bed, both the gentlemen, and other. The Indians strike their fire with one stick in another, Fire rubbed out of two sticks. aswell the tame people, as the wild. For they know not how to do it with an iron, and a stone. In Nova Hispania, every 10. or 12. leagues they have a contrary speech, divers speeches. saving only about Mexico: so there is a number of speeches in the Country. Mutezuma which was the last King of this Country, Mutezuma, and his riches. was one of the richest princes which have been seen in our time, or long before. He had all kind of beasts which were then in the country, and all manner of birds, and fish, and all manner of worms, which creep upon the earth, and all trees, and flowers, and herbs, all fashioned in silver and gold, which was the greatest part of all his treasure, and in these things had he great joy, as the old Indians report. And unto this day, they say that the treasure of Mutezuma is hidden, and that the Spaniards have it not. This King would give none of his people freedom, nor forgive any of them that should pay him tribute, though he were never so poor. For if it had been told him that one of his tributaries was poor, & that he was not able to pay his tribute according to the custom, than he would have him bond to bring at such times as tributes should be paid, a quill full of Lice, saying, he would have none free, but himself. He had as many wines or concubines, as he would have, and such as liked him. Always whensoever he went out of his Court to pall the time, he was born upon 4. of his noble men's shoulders set upon a table, some say, of gold, and very richly dressed with feathers of divers and many colours and flowers. He washed all his body every day, The Indians wash themselves every day. were it never so cold. And unto this day so do all the Indians, and especially the women. The Spaniards keep the Indians in great subjection. They may have in their houses no sword nor dagger, nor knife with any point, nor may wear upon them any manner of arms, neither may they ride upon any horse nor mules, in any saddle nor bridle neither may they drink wine, which they take for the greatest pain of all. They have attempted divers times to make insurrections, but they have been overthrown immediately by their own great and beastly cowardliness. There remain some among the wild people, that unto this day eat one another. Canaybal. I have seen the bones of a Spaniard that have been as clean burnished, as though it had been done by men that had no other occupation. And many times people are carried away by them, but they never come again, whether they be men or women. They have in the Sea ylands of read salt in great abundance, Islands of sal●● whereas they lad it from place to place about the Sea coast: and they spend very much salt with salting their hides, and fish: and in their Mines they occupy great quantity. They have much Alum, Alum. and as good as any that is in all the Levant, so that they need none of that commodity. They have also of their own growing much Cana fistula, & much Salsa Perilla, Cassia fistula Salsa Perilla. which is marvelous good for many kind of diseases. There are in Florida many jarrefalcons, Florida. and many other kind of hawks, which the gentlemen of Nova Hispania sand for every year. The Spaniards have two forts there, chief to keep out the Frenchmen from planting there. A discourse written by one Miles Philip's Englishman, one of the company put on shore Northward of Panuco, in the West Indies by M. john Hawkins 1568. containing many special things of that country and of the Spanish government, but specially of their cruelties used to our Englishmen, and amongst the rest to himself for the space of 15. or 16. years together, until by good and happy means he was delivered from their bloody hands, and returned into his own Country. An. 1582. Chap. 1. Wherein is showed the day and time of our departure from the coast of England, with the number and names of the ships, their Captains and Masters, and of our traffic and dealing upon the coast of Africa. Upon monday the second of October 1567. the weather being reasonable fair, our General M. john Hawkins, having commanded all his Captains and Masters to be in a readiness to make sail with him, This Fleet consisted of 6. ships. he himself being embarked in the jesus, I The jesus. whereof was appointed for Master Robert Barre●, hoist sail, and departed from Plymouth upon his intended voyage for the parts of Africa, and America, being accompanied with five other sail of ships, as namely the Minion, 2 The Minion. wherein went for Captain M. john Hampton, and john Garret Master. The William and john, 3 The William and john. wherein was Captain Thomas Bolton, and james rance Master. The judith, 4 The judith. in whom was Captain M. Francis Drake afterward knight, and the Angel, 5 The Angel. whose Master, as also the Captain and Master of the Swallow I now remember not. 6 The Swallow. And so sailing in company together upon our voyage until the tenth of the same month, an extreme storm than took us near unto Cape Finister, which dured for the space of four days, and so separated our ships, that we had lost one another, and our General finding the jesus to be but in ill case, was in mind to give over the voyage, and to return home. Howbeit the eleventh of the same month the Seas waxing calm, and the wind coming fair, he altered his purpose, and held on the former intended voyage: And so coming to the island of Gomera being one of the ylands of the Canaries, where according to an order before appointed, we met with all our ships which were before dispersed, we then took in fresh water and departed from thence the fourth of November, and holding on our course, upon the eighteenth day of the same month we came to an anchor upon the coast of Africa, at Cape Verde in twelve fathom water; and here our General landed certain of our men, to the number of 160. or thereabouts, seeking to take some Negroes. And they going up into the Country for the space of six miles, were encountered with a great number of the Negroes: who with their envenomed arrows did hurt a great number of our men, so that they were enforced to retire to the ships, in which conflict they recovered but a few Negroes, and of these our men which were hurt with their envenomed arrows, there died to the number of seven or eight in very strange manner, with their mouths shut, so that we were forced to put sticks and other things into their mouths to keep them open, and so afterward passing the time upon the coast of Guinea, until the twelfth of january, we obtained by that time the number of 150. negroes. And being ready to departed from the Sea coast, there was a Negro sent as an Ambassador to our General, from a King of the Negroes, which was oppressed with other Kings his bordering neighbours, desiring our General to grant him secure and aid against those his enemies, which our General granted unto, and went himself in person a land, with the number of two hundredth of our men or thereabouts, and the said King which had requested our aid, did join his force with ours, so that thereby our General assaulted, and set fire upon a Town of the said King his enemies, in which there was at the lest the number of eight or ten thousand Negroes, and they perceiving that they were not able to make any resistance sought by flight to save themselves, in which their flight there were taken prisoners to the number of eight or nine hundredth, which our General aught to have had for his share: howbeit the Negro King which requested our aid, falsifying his word and promise, secretly in the night conveyed himself away with as many prisoners as he had in his custody: but our General notwithstanding finding himself to have now very near the number of 500 Negroes thought it best without longer abode to departed with them, and such merchandise as he had from the coast of Africa, towards the West Indies, and therefore commanded with all diligence to take in fresh water and fuel, and so with speed to prepare to departed. Howbeit before we departed from thence, in a storm that we had, we lost one of our ships, namely the William and john, The William and john separated and never after met with the fleete● of which ship and of her people, we herded no tidings during the time of our voyage, Chap. 2. Wherein is showed the day and time of our departure from the coast of Africa, with the day and time of our arrival in the West Indies, also of our trade, and traffic there, and also of the great cruelty that the Spaniards used towards us, by the Viceroy his direction, and appointment, falsifying his faith and promise' given, and seeking to have entrapped us. ALl things being made in a readiness, at our General his appointment, upon the third day of February 1568. we departed from the coast of Africa, having the weather somewhat tempestuous, which made our passage the more hard; and sailing so for the space of 52. days, upon the 27. of March 1568. we came in sight of an island called Dominica, upon the coast of America in the West Indies, situated in 14. degrees of latitude, and 322. of longitude: from thence our General coasted from place to place, ever making traffic with the Spaniards and Indians as he might, which was somewhat hardly obtained, for that the King had straight charged all his governors in those parts not to trade with any: yet notwithstanding, during the months of April and May, our General had reasonable trade and traffic, and courteous entertainment in sundry places, as at Margarita, Coraçao, and else where, till we came to Cape de la vela, and Rio de Hacha, (a place from whence all the pearls do come:) the governor there would not by any means permit us to have any trade or traffic, nor yet suffer us to take in fresh water: by means whereof our General for the avoiding of famine and thirst about the beginning of june, was enforced to landlord two hundredth of our men, and so by main force and strength to obtain that which by no fair means he could procure: And so recovering the Town with the loss of two of our men, there was a secret and peaceable trade admitted, and the Spaniards came in by night, and bought of our Negroes to the number of 200. and upwards, and of our other merchandise also. From thence we departed for Carthagena, where the Governor was so strait, that we could not obtain any traffic there, and so for that our trade was near finished, our General thought it best to departed from thence the rather for the avoiding of certain dangerous storms called the Huricanos, which accustomed to begin there about that time of the year, & so the 24. of july 1568. we departed from thence directing our course North: and leaving the island of Cuba upon our right hand, to the Castward of us, and so sailing toward Florida, upon the 12. of August an extreme tempest arose, which dured for the space of 8. days, in which our ships were most dangerously tossed and beaten hither, & thither, so that we were in continual fear to be drowned by reason of the shallowness of the coast, and in the end we were constrained to flee for secure to the port of S. john de ullua, or Vera Cruz, situated in 19 degrees of latitude, and in 279. degrees of longitude, which is the port that serveth for the City of Mexico: in our seeking to recover this port our General met by the way three small ships that carried passengers, which he took with him, and so the sixteenth of September 1568. we entered the said port of S. john de ullua. The Spaniards there supposing us to have been the King of Spain's Fleet, the chief officers of the Country thereabouts came presently aboard our General, where perceiving themselves to have made an unwise adventure, they were in great fear to have been taken and stayed: howbeit our General did use them all very courteously. In the said port there were twelve ships which by report had in them in treasure to the value of two hundredth thousand pound, all which being in our General his power and at his devotion, he did freely set at liberty, as also the passengers which he had ●efore stayed, not taking from any of them all the value of one groat: only he stayed two men of credit and account, the one named Don Laurenzo de Alva, and the other Don Pedro de Rivera, Mexico 60. lea●●●s fro● S. ivan de Vllu●. and presently our General sent to the Uiceroy to Mexico which was threescore leagues off, certifying him of our arrival there by force of weather, desiring that for ●smuch as our Queen his Sovereign, was the king of Spain his loving sister and friend, that therefore he would, considering our necessities and wants, furnish us with victuals for our Navy, and quietly suffer us to repair and amend our ships. And furthermore that at the arrival of ●he Spanish Fleet which was there daily expected and looked for, to the end that there might no quarrel arise between them, and our General and his company for the breach of amity, he humbly requested of his exe●llencie, that there might in th●● 3 behalf some special order be taken. This message was sent away the 16. of September 1568. they being the very day of our arrival there. The next morning being the seventeenth of the same month, we descried 13. sail of great ships: and after th●t ●ur General understood, that it was the king of Sp●ines fleet th●n looked for, he presently sent to advertise the General hereof, of our being in the said port, and giving him further to understand, that before he should enter there into that harbour, it was requisite that there should pass between the two Generals some orders and conditions to be observed on either part, for the better contriving of peace between them and there's, according to our General's request made unto the Uiceroy. And at ●his instant our General was in a great perplexity of mind, considering wi●h himself that if he should keep out that Fleet from en●ring into the port, a thing which he was very we●ll able to do with the help of God, then should that Fleet be in danger of present ship wrack a●d loss of all their substance, which amounted unto the value of one million and eight hundredth th●●sand pounds. Again he see that if he suffered them to enter, It is put down 6. million in Sir john Hawkins his relations. he was assured that they would practise by all manner of means to betray h●m and his, and on the other side the haven was so little, that the other Fleet entering, the ships were to ride one hard aboard of another. Also he see that if their Fleet should perish by his keeping of them out, as of necessity they must if he should have done so, then stood he in great fear of the Queen our Sovereign's displeasure in so weighty a cause: therefore did he choose the lest evil, which was to suffer them to enter under assurance, and so to stand upon his guard, and to defend himself and his from their treasons which we were well assured they would practise, and so the messenger being returned from Don Martin de Henriques, the new Uiceroy, who came in the same Fleet, and had sufficient authority to command in all cases both by Sea and by land in this province of Mexico or new Spain, did certify our General, that for the better maintenance of amity between the king of Spain and our Sovereign, all our requests should be both favourably granted, and faithfully performed: signifying further that he herded and understood of the honest and friendly dealing of our General, toward the king of Spain's subjects in all places where he had been, as also in the said port: so that to be brief our requests were articled, and s●t down in writing. Viz. 4 Articles concluded upon, betwixt the English & the Spaniards: although the treacherous Spaniards kept none of them. 1 The first was that we might have victuals for our money, and licence to cell as much wares, as might suffice to furnish our wants. 2 The second, that we might be suffered peaceably to repair our ships. 3 The third that the island might be in our possession during the time of our abode there. In which island our General for the better safety of him and his, had already planted and placed certain Ordinance which were eleven pieces of brass, therefore he required that the same might so continued, and that no Spaniards should come to land in the said island, having or wearing any kind of weapon about him. 4 The fourth and the last, that for the better and more sure performance and maintenance of peace, and of all the conditions, there might twelve gentlemen of credit be delivered of either part of hostages. These conditions were concluded and agreed upon in writing by the Uiceroy and signed with his hand, and sealed with his seal, and 10. hostages upon either part were received. And further it was concluded that the two Generals should meet, and give faith each to other for the performance of the premises. At which being done, the same was proclaimed by the sound of a trumpet, & commandment was given that none of either part should violate or break the peace upon pain of death: thus at the end of three days all was concluded, and the Fleet entered the port, the ships saluting one another as the manner of the Sea doth require: the morrow after being friday we laboured on all sides in placing the English ships by themselves, & the Spanish ships by themselves, the Captains and inferior people of either part, offering, and showing great court●sie one to another, and promising great amity upon all sides. Howbeit as the sequel showed, the Spaniards meant nothing less upon their parts. For the Uiceroy and governor thereabouts had secretly at land assembled to the number of 1000 choose men, and well appointed, meaning the next thursday being the 24. of September at dinner time to assault us, and set upon us on all sides. But before I go any further, I think it not amiss briefly to describe the manner of the island as it then was, and the force and strength, that it is now of. For the Spaniards since the time of our Gener●ls being there, for the better fortifying of the same place, have upon the same island built a fair Castle, A fair castle and bulwark divided upon the island of San ivan de ullua. and bulwark very well fortified: this port was then at our being there, a little island of stones, not past three foot above water in the highest place, and not past a bow-shotte over any way at the most, and it standeth from the main land, two bowshootes or more: and there is not in all this coast any other place for ships safely to arrive at: also the North winds in this coast are of great violence and force, a●d unless the ships be safely mored in, with their anckers fastened in this island, there is no remedy, but present destruction and ship wrack. All this our general wisely foreseeing, did provide that he would have the said island in his custody, or else the Spaniards might at their pleasure, have but cut our cables, and so with the first Northwind that blewe we had had our passport, for our ships had go a shore. But to return to the matter. The time approaching that their treason must be put in practice, the same Thursday morning, some appearance thereof began to show itself, as shifting of weapons from ship to ship, and ●lanting, and bending their Ordinance against our men that warded upon the land, with great repair of people: which apparent shows of breach of the Uiceroyes' faith caused our General to send one to the Uiceroy, to inquire of him what was meant thereby, which presently sent and gave order, that the Ordinance aforesaid, and other things of suspicion should be r●mooued, returning answer to our General in the faith of a Uiceroy, that he would be our defence, and safety from all villainous treachery: The vain of a Spanish viceroy his faith. this was upon Thursday in the morning. Our General not being therewith satisfied, seeing they had secretly conveyed a great number of men aboard a great hulk or ship of there's of six hundredth tun, which ship road hard by the Minion, he sent again to the Uiceroy Robert Barret the Master of the jesus, a man that could speak the Spanish tongue very well, and required that those men might be unshipt again, w●ich were in that great hulk. The Uiceroy then perceiving that their treasen was thoroughly espied, stayed our Master, and sounded the Trumpet, and gave order that his people should upon all sides charge upon our men, which warded on shore, and else where, which struck such a mase, and sudden fear among us, that many gave place, and sought to recover our ships for the safety of themselves. The villainous treachery of the Spaniards and their cruelty. The Spaniards which secretly were hide in ambush at land were quickly conveyed over to the island in their long boats, and so coming to the island, they show all our men that they could meet with, without mercy. The Minion which had somewhat before prepared herself to avoid the danger, haled away and abode the first brunt of the 300 men that were in the great hulk: then they fought to fall aboard the jesus, where was a cruel fight, and many of our men slain: but yet our men defended themselves, and kept them out: so the jesus also got loose● and joining with the Minion, the fight waxed hot upon all sides● but they having won and got our ordinance on shore, did greatly annoyed us. In this fight there were two great ships of the Spaniards sunk, and one burned, so that with their ships they were not able to harm us, but from the shore they beaten us cruelly with our own ordinance, in such sort that the jesus was very sore spoiled: and suddenly the Spaniards having fi●ed two great ships of their own, they came directly against us, which bread among our men a marvelous fear, Howbeit the Minion which had made her sails ready, shifted for herself, without consent of the General, Captain or Master, so that very hardly our General could be received into the Minion: the most of our men that were in the jesus shifted for themselves, and followed the Minion in the boat, and those which that small boat was not able to receive, were most cruelly slain by the Spaniards. Of our ships none escaped saving the Minion and the judith: and all such of our men as were not in them were enforced to abide the tyrannous cruelty of the Spaniards. For it is a certain truth, that whereas they had taken certain of our men ashore, they took and hung them up by the arms upon high posts until the blood burst out of their fingers ends: of which men so used, there is one Copstow, Copstow● 〈◊〉 of M. Hawkins men returned from Nueva Espanna. and certain others yet alive, who by the merciful providence of the almighty, were long since arrived here at home in England, carrying still about with them (and shall to their graves) the marks and tokens of those their inhuman and more than barbarous cruel dealings. Chap. 3. Wherein is showed, how that after we were escaped from the Spaniards, we were like to perish with famine at the Sea, and how our General, for the avoiding thereof was constrained to put half of his men on land, and what miseries we after that sustained amongst the Savage people, and how again we fallen into the hands of the Spaniards. AFter that the Uiceroy, Don Martin Henriques, had thus contrary to his faith and promise, most cruelly dealt with our General master Hawkins, at S. john de ullua, where most of his men were by the Spaniards stain and drowned, and all his ships sunk and burned, saving the Minion, and the judith, which was a small bark of fifty tun, wherein was then Captain master Francis Drake aforesaid: the same night the said bark lost us, we being in great necessity, and enforced to remove with the Minion two bowshoote from the Spanish fleet, where we ankered all that night: and the next morning we weighed anchor, and recovered an Island a mile from the Spaniards, where a storm took us with a North wind, in which we were greatly distressed, having but two cables and two anchors left: for in the conflict before we had left three cables and two anchors. The morrow after, the storm being ceased and the weather fair, we weighed, and set sail, being many men in number, and but small store of victuals to suffice us for any long time: by means whereof we were in despair and fear that we should perish through famine, so that some were in mind to yield themselves to the mercy of the Spaniards, other some to the Savages or Infidels, and wandering thus certain days in these unknown seas, hunger constrained us to eat hides, cats and dogs, mice, rats, parrots and monkeys: to be short, our hunger was so great, that we thought it savoury and sweet whatsoever we could get to eat. And on the eight of October we came to land again, in the bottom of the bay of Mexico, where we hoped to have found some inhabitants, that we might have had some relief of victuals, and a place where to repair our ship, which was so greatly bruised, that we were scarce able with our weary arms to keep forth the water: being thus oppressed with famine on the one side, and danger of drowning on the other, not knowing whereto found relief, we began to be in wonderful despair, and we were of many minds, amongst whom there were a great many that did desire our General to set them on land, making their choice rather to submit themselves to the mercy of the Savages of Infidels, then longer to hazard themselves at sea, where they ●ery well saw, that if they should remain together, if they perished not by drowning, yet hunger would enforce them in the end to eat one another: to which request our General did very willingly agreed, considering with himself that it was necessary for him to lessen his number, both for the safety of himself & the rest: and thereupon being resolved to set half his people ashore that he had then left alive, it was a world to see how suddenly men's minds were altered: for they which a little before desired to be set on land, were now of another mind, and requested rather to stay: by means whereof our General was enforced, for the more contentation of all men's minds, and to take away all occasions of offence, to take this order: First he made choice of such people of service and accounted, as were needful to stay, and that being done, of those which were willing to go he appointed such as he thought might be best spared, and presently appointed that by the boat they should be set on shore, our General promising us that the next year he would either come himself, or else sand to fetch us home. Here again it would have caused any stony heart to have relented to hear the pitiful moan that many did make, and how loath they were to departed: the weather was then somewhat stormy and tempestuous, and therefore we were to pass with great danger, yet notwithstanding there was no remedy, but we that were appointed to go away, must of necessity do so. The● were put on land 2● leagues Northward of Panuco the 8 of October 1568. Howbeit those that went in the first boat were safely set on shore, but of them which went in the second boat, of which number I myself was one, the seas wrought so high, that we could not attain to the shore, and therefore we were constrained through the cruel dealing of john Hampton captain of the Minion, and john Sanders boat swain of the jesus, and Thomas Pollard his mate, to leap out of the boat into the main sea, having more than a mile to shore, and so to shifted for ourselves, and either to sink or swim. And of those that so were (as it were) thrown out, and compelled to leap into the sea, there were two drowned, which were of captain Blands' men. In the evening of the same day, it being Monday the eight of October, 1568, when we were all come to shore, we found fresh water, whereof some of our men drunk so much● that they had almost cast themselves away, for we could scarce get life of them for the space of two or three hours after: other some were so cruelly swollen, what with the drinking in of the salt water, and what with the eating of the fruit which we f●und on land, having a stone in it much like an almond (which fruit is called Capule) that they were all in very ill case, Capule a kind of stone fruit. so that we were in a manner all of us both feeble, faint and weak. The next morning being Tuesday, the ninth of October, we thought it best to travel along by the sea coast, to seek out some place of habitation: (whether they were Christians or Savages, we were indifferent, so that we might have wherewithal to sustain our hungry bodies) and so departing from an hill where we had rested all night, not having any dry thread about us, (for those that were not wet being not thrown into the sea, were thoroughly wet with rain, for all the night it reigned cruelly:) As we went from the hill, and were come into the plain, we were greatly troubled to pass for the grass and weeds that grew there higher than any man. On the left hand we had the sea, and upon the right hand great woods, so that of necessity we must needs pass on our way Westward, through those marshes; and going thus, suddenly we were assaulted by the Indians, a warlike kind of people, which are in a manner as Cannibals, although they do not feed upon man's flesh as Cannibals do. Chichi●●ci a warlike and cruel people. These people are called Chichimici, and they use to wear their hair long, even down to their knees, they do also colour their faces green, yellow, read and blue, which maketh them to seem very ugly and terrible to behold. These people do keep wars against the Spaniards, of whom they have been oftentimes very cruelly handled: for with the Spaniards there is no mercy. They perceiving us at our first coming on land, supposed us to have been their enemies, the bordering Spaniards, and having by their forerunners descried what number we were, and how feeble and weak without armour or weapon, they suddenly according to their accustomed manner, Our men assailed by the Chichemi●●. when they encounter with avy people in warlike sort, raised a terrible and huge cry, and so came running fiercely upon us, shooting off their arrows as thick as hail, unto whose mercy we were constrained to yield, not having amongst us any kind of armour, nor yet weapon, saving one caliver, and two old rusty swords, whereby to make any resistance, or to save ourselves: which when they perceived, that we sought not any other then favour and mercy at their hands, and that we were not their enemies the Spaniards, they had compassion on us, and came and caused us all to sit down: and when they had a while surveyed, and taken a perfect view of us, they came to all such as had any coloured clotheses amongst us, and those they did strip stark naked, and took their clotheses away with them, but those that were appareled in black they did not meddle withal, and so went their ways, and left us without doing us any further hurt, only in the first brunt they killed eight of our men. Eight of our men slain. And at our depature, they perceiving in what weak case we were, pointed us with their hands which way we should go to come to a town of the Spaniards, which as we afterwards perceived, was not passed ten leagues from thence, using these words: Tampice, Tampice Christiano, Tampice Christiano, which is as much (we think) as to say in English, at Tampice you shall found the Christians. The weapons that they use are no other but bows and arrows, and their arm is so good, that they very seldom miss to hit any thing that they shoot at. Shortly after they had left us stripped (as aforesaid) we thought it best to divide ourselves into two companies, and so being separated, half of us went under the leading of one Anthony Goddard, Anthony Goddard who is yet a man alive, and dwelleth at this instant in the town of Plymouth, whom before we chose to be captain over us all, and those which went under his leading, of which number I Miles Philips was one, travailed Westward that way which the Indians with their hands had before pointed us to go. The other half went under the leading of one john Hooper, whom they did choose for their captain, & with the company that went with him, David Ing●●● was one, David Ingram and they took their way and traveled Northward, and shortly after, within the space of two days, they were again encountered with the savage people, and their captain Hooper and two more of his company were slain: then again they divided themselves, and some held on their way still Northward, and other some, knowing that we were go Westward, sought to meet with us again, as in truth there was about the number of 25 or 26 of them that met with us in the space of four days again, and then we began to reckon amongst ourselves, how many we were that were set on shore, and we found the number to be an hundred and fourteen, whereof two were drowned in the sea, and eight were slain at the first encounter, so that there remained an hundred and four, of which 25 went Westward with us, and 52 to the North with Hooper and Ingram: and as Ingram since hath often told me, there were not passed three of their company slain, and there were but six and twenty of them that came again to us, so that of the company that went Northward, there is yet lacking, and not certainly herded of, the number of three and twenty men. And verily I do think that there are of them yet alive, and married in the said country, at Cibola, as hereafter I purpose (God willing) to discourse of more particularly, with the reason and causes that make me so to think of them that were lacking, which were David Ingram, Twide, Browne, and sundry others, whose names we could not remember. And being thus met again together, we traveled on still Westward, sometime thorough such thick woods, that we were enforced with cudgels to break away the brambles and bushes from tearing our naked bodies: other sometimes we should travel thorough the plains, in such high grass that we could scarce see one another, and as we passed in some places, we should have of our men slain, and fall down suddenly, being strooken by the Indians, which stood behind trees and bushes, in secret places, and so killed our men as they went by, for we went scatteringly in seeking of fruits to relieve ourselves. We were also oftentimes greatly annoyed with a kind of fly, which in the Indian tongue is called Tequani, and the Spaniards called them Muskitoes. There are also in the said country a number of other kind of flies, but none so noisome as these Tequanies be: you shall hardly see them they be so small, for they are scarce so big as a gnat: they will suck one's blood marvelously, and if you kill them while th●y are sucking, they are so venomous that the place will swell extremely, even as one that is stung with a Wasp or Bee: but if you let them suck their fill, and to go away of themselves, than they do you no other hurt, but leave behind them a read spot somewhat bigger than a flea-biting. At the first we were terribly troubled with these kind of flies, not knowing their qualities, and resistance we could make none against them, being naked: as for cold we feared not any, the country there is always so warm. And as we traveled thus for the space of ten or twelve days, our captain did oftentimes 'cause certain to go up into the tops of high trees, to see if they could descry any town or place of inhabitants, but they could not perceive any, and using often the same order to climb up into high trees, at the length they descried a great river that fallen from the Northwest into the main sea, and presently after, we herded an arqebus shot off, which did greatly encourage us, for thereby we known that we were near to some Christians, and did therefore hope shortly to find some succour and comfort, and within the space of one hour after, as we traveled, we herded a cock crow, which was also no small joy unto us, and so we came to the North side of the river of Panuco, The river o● Panuco. where the Spaniards have certain Salines, at which place it was that the haquebuze was shot off, which before we herded: to which place we went not directly, but missing thereof, we left it about a bow-shot upon our left hand: of this river we drank very greedily, for we had not met with any water in six days before, and as we were here by the river side resting ourselves, and longing to come to the place where the cock did crow, and where the arqebus was shot off, we perceived many Spaniards upon the other side of the river, riding up and down on horseback, and they perceiving us, did suppose that we had been of the Indians their bordering enemies, the Chichimeci: the river was not passed half a bow shoot over: and presently one of the Spaniards took an Indian boat called a Canoa, and so came over, being rowed by two Indians, and having taken the view of us, did presently row over back again to the Spaniards, who without any delay made out about the number of twenty horsemen, and embarking themselves in the Canoas', they led their horses by the reins swimming over after them, and being come over to that side of the river where we were, they saddled their horses, and being mounted upon ●hem with their lances charged, they came very fiercely running at us. Our captain Anthony Goddard seeing them come in that order, did persuade us to submit and yield ourselves unto them, for being naked, as we at this time were, and without weapon, we could not make any resistance, whose bidding we obeyed, and upon the yielding of ourselves, they perceived us to be Christians, and did call for more Canoas', and carried us over by four and four in a boa●● and being come on the other side, they understanding by our captain how long we had been without meat, imparted between two and two a loaf of bread made of that country wheat, which the Spaniards call Maiz, of the bigness of our halfpenny loaves, which bread is named in the Indian tongue Clashacally. This bread was very sweet and pleasant unto us, for we had not eaten any in a long time before: and what is it that hunger doth not make to have a savoury and a delicate taste? And having thus parted the bread amongst us, those which were men they sent afore to the town, having also many Indians inhabitants of that place to guard them: they which were young, as boys, and some such also as were feeble, they took up upon their horses, behind th●m, and so carried us to the town where they dwelled, which was very near distant a mile from the place where we came over. This town is well situated, and well replenished with all kinds of first-fruits, as Oranges, Lemons, Pomegranates, Apricoks, and Peaches, and sundry others, and is inhabited with a great number of tame Indians, or Mexicans, and had in it also at that time about the number of two hundred Spaniards, The Salines of Panuco. men, women, and children, besides Negroes. Of their Salines, which lie upon the West side of the river, more than a mile distant from thence, they make a great profit, for it is an excellent good merchandise there: the Indians do buy much thereof, and carry it up into the country, and there cell it to their own country people, in doubling the price. Also much of the Salt made in this place, is transported from thence by sea to sundry other places, as to Cuba, S. john de ullua, and the other ports of Tamiago, and Tamachos, which are two barred havens West and by South above threescore leagues from S. john de ullua. When we were all come to the town, the Governor there showed himself very severe unto us, and threatened to hung us all: and then he demanded what money we had, which in truth was very little, for the Indians which we first met withal, had in a manner taken all from us, and of that which they left, the Spaniards which brought us over, took away a good part also: howbeit, from Anthony Goddard the Governor here had a chain of gold, which was given unto him at Carthagena, by the Governor there, and from others he had some small store of money: so that we accounted that amongst us all he had the number of five hundred Pesoes, besides the chain of gold. And having thus satisfied himself, when he had taken all that we had, he caused us to be put into a little house much like a hogsty, where we were almost smothered: and before we were thus shut up into that little coat, they gave us some of the country wheat, called Mayz, sodden, which they feed their hogs withal. But many of our men which had been hurt by the Indians at our first coming on land, whose wounds were very sore and grievous, desired to have the help of their Surgeons to cure their wounds. The governor, and most of them all answered, that we should have none other Surgeon but the hangman, which should sufficiently heal us of all our griefs: and thus reviling us, and calling us English dogs, and Lutheran heretics, we remained the space of three days in this miserable state, not knowing what should become of us, waiting every hour to be bereaved of our lives. Chap. 4. Wherein is showed how we were used in Panuco, and in what fear of death we were there, and how we were carried to Mexico to the Viceroy, and of our imprisonment there and at Tescuco, with the courtesies and cruelties we received during that time, and how in the end we were by proclamation given to serve as slaves to sundry gentlemen Spaniards. Upon the fourth day after our coming thither, and there remaining in a perplexity, looking every hour when we should suffer death, there came a great number of Indians and Spaniards weaponed to fetch us out of the house, and amongst them we espied one that brought a great many of new halters, at the sight whereof we were greatly amazed, and made no other account but that we should presently have suffered death, and so crying and calling to God for mercy and forgiveness of our sins, we prepared ourselves, making us ready to die: yet in the end, as the sequel showed, their meaning was not so: for when we were come out of the house, with those halters they bond our arms behind us, and so coupling us two and two together, they commanded us to march on through the town, and so along the country from place to place toward the city of Mexico, which is distant from Panuco West and by South the space of ninety leagues, having only but two Spaniards to conduct us, they being accompanied with a great number of Indians warding on either side with bows and arrows, jest we should escape from them. And traveling in this order, upon the second day at night we came unto a town which the Indians call Nohele, and the Spaniards call it Santa Maria: in which town there is a house of white friars, which did very courteously use us, and gave us hot meat, as mutton and broth, and garments also to cover ourselves withal, made of white bays: we fed very greedily of the meat, and of the Indian fruit, called Nochole, which fruit is long and small, much like in fashion to a little cucumber. Our greedy feeding caused us to fall sick of hot burning agues. And here at this place one Thomas Baker one of our men died of a hurt: for he had been before shot with an arrow into the throat at the first encounter. The next morrow about ten of the clock, we departed from thence, bond two & two together, and guarded as before, and so travailed on our way toward Mexico, till we came to a town within forty leagues of Mexico, named Mestitlan, where is a house of black friars: and in this town there are about the number of three hundred Spaniards, both men, women, and children. The friars sent us meat from the house ready dressed, and the friars, and the men and women used us very courteously, and gave us some shirts and other such things as we lacked. Here our men were very sick of their agues, and with eating of another fruit called in the Indian tongue, Guiaccoes, which fruit did bind us so sore, that for the space of ten or twelve days we could not ease ourselves. The next morning we departed from thence with our two Spaniards and Indian guard, as aforesaid. Of these two Spaniards the one was an aged man, who all the way did very courteously entreat us, and would carefully go before to provide for us both meat and things necessary to the uttermost of his power: the other was a young man who all the way traveled with us, and never departed from us, who was a very cruel caitive, and he carried a iaveline in his hand, and sometimes when as our men with very feebleness and faintness were not able to go so fast as he required them, he would take his javelin in both his hands, and strike them with the same between the neck and the shoulders so violently, that he would strike them down; then would he cry, and say, Marchad, marchad Ingleses perros, Luterianos, enemigos de Dios: which is as much to say in English, as March, march on you English dogs, Lutherans, enemies to God. And the next day we came to a town called Pachuca, and there are two places of that name: as this town of Pachuca, and the mines of Pachuca, which are mines of silver, and are about six leagues distant from this town of Pachuca towards the Northwest. Here at this town the good old man our Governor suffered us to stay two days and two nights, having compassion of our sick and weak men, full sore against the mind of the young man his companion. From thence we took our journey, and traveled four or five days by little villages; and Stantias, which are farms or dairy houses of the Spaniards, and ever as we had need, the good old man would still provide us sufficient of meats, fruits, and water to sustain us. At the end of which five days we came to a town within five leagues of Mexico, which is called Quoghliclan, where we also stayed one whole day and two nights, where was a fair house of grey friars, howbeit we see none of them. Here we were told by the Spaniards in the town, that we had not passed fifteen English miles from thence to Mexico, whereof we were all very joyful and glad, hoping that when we came thither, we should either be relieved, and set free out of bonds, or else be quickly dispatched out of our lives: for seeing ourselves thus carried bond from place to place, although some used us courteously, yet could we never joy, nor be merry till we might perceive ourselves set free from that bondage, either by death or otherwise. The next morning we departed from thence on our journey towards Mexico, and so traveled till we came within two leagues of it, where there was built by the Spaniards a very fair church, called our ladies church, in which there is an image of our Lady of silver & gilt, being as high, & as large as a tall woman, in which church, and before this image, there are as many lamps of silver as there be days in the year, which upon high days are all lighted. Whensoever any Spaniards pass by this church, although they be on horse back, they will alight, and come into the church, and kneel before thy image, and pray to our Lady to defend them from all evil; so that whether he be horseman or footman he will not pass by, but first go into the Church, an● pray as aforesaid, which if they do not, they think and believe that they shall never prospero: which image they call in the Spanish tongue, Nuestra sennora de Guadalupe. Nuestra Sennor●. At this place there are certain cold baths, which arise, springing up as though the water did seethe: the water whereof is somewhat brackish in taste, but very good for any that have any sore or wound, to wash themselves therewith, for as they say, it heals many: and every year once upon our Lady day the people use to repair thither to offer, and to pray in that Church before the image, and they say that our Lady of Guadalupe doth work a number of miracles. About this Church there is not any town of Spaniards that is inhabited, but certain Indians do devil there in houses of their own country building. Here we were met with a great number of Spaniards on horseback, which came from Mexico to see us, both gentlemen, and men of occupations, and they came as people to see a wonder: we were still called upon to march on, and so about four of the clock in the afternoon of the said day we entered into the city of Mexico, by the way or street called Lafoy call Santa Catherina: and we stayed not in any place till we came to the house or palace of the Vice Roy, Don Martin Henriques, which standeth in the midst of the city, hard by the market place, called La plaça deal Marquese. We had not stayed any long time at this place, but there was brought us by the Spaniards from the market place great store of meat, sufficient to have satisfied five times so many as we were: some also gave us hats, & some gave us money: in which place we stayed for the space of two hours, & from thence we were conveyed by water in two large Canoas' to an hospital where as certain of our men were lodged, which were taken before the fight at S. john de ullua: Certain Englishmen taken prisoners at the fight at Sant ivan de ullua. we should have go to our Lady's hospital, but that there were also so many of our men taken before at that fight that there was no room for us. After our coming thither, many of the company that came with me from Panuco died within the space of fourteen days: soon after which time we were taken forth from that place, and put altogether into our Lady's hospital, in which place we were courteously used, and visited oftentimes by virtuous gentlemen and gentlewomen of the city, who brought us divers things to comfort us withal, as succats and marmalades, and such other things, and would also many times give us many things, and that very liberally. In which hospital we remained for the space of six months, until we were all whole and sound of body, and then we were appointed by the Vice Roy to be carried unto the town of Tescuco, which is from Mexico Southwest distant eight leagues: in which town there are certain houses of correction and punishment for ill people called Obraches, like to Bridewell here in London: into which place divers Indians are sold for slaves, some for ten years, and some for twelve. It was no small grief unto us when we understood that we should be carried thither, and to be used as slaves, we had rather be put to death: howbeit there was no remedy, but we were carried to the prison of Tescuco, where we were not put to any labour, but were very straightly kept, & almost famished, yet by the good providence of our merciful God, we happened there to meet with one Robert Sweeting, Robe●t Sweeting an Englishman who was the son of an Englishman born of a Spanish woman: this man could speak very good English, and by his means we were helped very much with victuals from the Indians, as mutton, hens, & bread. And if we had not been so relieved, we had surely perished: and yet all the provision that we had got that way was but slender. And continuing thus straight kept in prison there for the space of two months, at the length we agreed amongst ourselves to break forth of prison, come of it what would, for we were minded rather to suffer death then longer to live in that miserable state. And so having escaped out of prison, we known not what way to fly for the safety of ourselves, the night was dark, and it reigned terribly, and not having any guide, we went we known not whither, and in the morning, at the appearing of the day, we perceived ourselves to be come hard to the city of Mexico, which is 24 English miles from Tescuco. The day being come we were espied by the Spaniards, & pursued, and taken, and brought before the Vice Roy and head justices, English gentlemen hostages. who threatened to hung us for breaking of the king's prison. Yet in the end they sent us into a garden belonging to the Vice Roy, & coming thither, we found there our English gentlemen which were delivered as hostages when as our General was betrayed at S. john de ullua, as is aforesaid, and with them we also found Robert Barret, the Master of the jesus, in which place we remained labouring and doing such things as we were commanded, for the space of 4 months, having but two sheep a day allowed to suffice us all, being very near a hundred men, and for bread we had every man two loaves a day, of the quantity of one halfpenny loaf. Almost an hundred Englishmen prisoners in Mexico● At the end of which four months, they having removed our gentlemen hostages, and the Master of the jesus to a prison in the Vice Roy his own house, did 'cause it to be proclaimed, that what gentleman Spaniard soever was willing, or would have any English man to serve him, and be bond to keep him forth coming, to appear before the justices within one month after notice given, that they should repair to the said garden, and there take their choice: which proclamation was no sooner made, but the gentlemen came and repaired to the garden amain, so that happy was he that could soon get one of us. Chap. 5. Wherein is showed in what good sort, and how wealthily we lived with our master's vntil● the coming of the Inquisition, when as again our sorrows began a fresh: Of our imprisonment in the holy house, and of the severe judgement and sentences given against us, and with what rigour and cruelty the same were executed. THe gentlemen that thus took us for their servants or slaves, did new apparel us through out, with whom we abode, doing such service as they appointed us unto, which was for the most part to attend upon them at the table, and to be as their chamberlains, & to wait upon them when they went abroad, which they greatly accounted of: for in that country no Spaniard will serve one another, but they are all of them attended and served by Indians weekly, and by Negroes which be their slaves during their life. In this sort we remained and served in the said city of Mexico, and thereabouts for the space of a year and somewhat longer. Afterwards many of us were by our masters appointed to go to sundry of their Mines where they had to do, and to be as overseers of the Negroes and Indians that laboured there. In which mines many of us did profit & gain greatly: for first we were allowed three hundred Pesoes a man for a year, which is threescore pound sterling, and besides that the Indians and Negro which wrought under our charge, upon our well using & entreating of them, would at times as upon Saturdayes when they had left work, labour for us, and blow as much silver as should be worth unto us 3 marks or thereabouts, every mark being worth 6 Pezos, and a half of their money, which 19 Pesoes & a half, is worth 4 li. 10 s. of our money. Sundry weeks we did gain so much by this means besides our wages, that many of us become very rich, and were worth three thousand or four thousand Pesoes, for we lived and gained thus in those Mines some three or four years. As concerning those Gentlemen which were delivered as hostages, and that were kept in prison, in the Uiceroy his house, after that we were go from out the garden to serve sundry gentlemen as aforesaid, they remained prisoners in the said house for the space of 4 months after their coming thither, at the end whereof the fleet being ready to departed from S. john de ullua, to go for Spain, the said Gentlemen were sent away into Spain with the fleet, where as I have herded it credibly reported, many of them died with the cruel handling of the Spaniards in the Inquisition house, as those which have been delivered home after they had suffered the persecution of that house can more perfectly declare. Robert Barret also master of the jesus, was sent away with the fleet into Spain the next year following, where afterwards he suffered persecution in the Inquisition, and at the last was condemned to be burned, and with him one more of our men whose name was john Gilbert. Now after that six years were fully expired since our first coming into the Indies, in which time we had been imprisoned and served in the said countries as is before truly declared, In the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred seventy four, the Inquisition began to be established in the Indies, very much against the minds of many of the Spaniards themselves: for never until this time since their first conquering and planting in the Indies, were they subject to that bloody and cruel Inquisition. The chief Inquisitor was named Don Pedro Moya de Contreres, and john de Bovilla his companion, and john Sanches the Fischall, and Pedro de los Rios, the Secretary: they being come and settled, and placed in a very fair house near unto the white Friars, considering with themselves that they must make an entrance and beginning of that their most detestable Inquisition here in Mexico, to the terror of the whole country, thought it best to call us that were Englishmen first in question, and so much the rather, for that they had perfect knowledge and intelligence, that many of us were become very rich, as hath been already declared, and therefore we were a very good booty and pray to the Inquisitors: so that now again began our sorrows a fresh, for we were sent for, and sought out in all places of the country, and proclamation made upon pain of losing of goods and excommunication, that no man should hide or keep secret any Englishmen or any part of their goods. By means whereof we were all soon apprehended in all places, and all our goods seized and taken for the Inquisitors use, and so from all parts of the country we were conveyed and sent as prisoners to the city of Mexico, and there committed to prison in sundry dark dungeons, where we could not see but by candlelight, & were never pa●● two together in one place, so that we see not one another, neither could one of us tell what was become of another. Thus we remained close imprisoned for the space of a year and a half, and others for some less time, for they came to prison ever as they were apprehended. During which time of our imprisonment, at the first beginning we were often called before the Inquisitors alone, and there severely examined of our faith, and commanded to say the Pater noster, the ave Maria, & the Creed in Latin, which God knoweth a great number of us could not say, otherwise then in the English tongue. And having the said Robert Sweeting who was our friend at Tescuco always present with them for an interpreter, he made report for us, that in our own country speech we could say them perfectly, although not word for word as they were in Latin. Then did they proceed to demand of us upon our oaths what we did believe of the Sacrament, & whether there did remain any bread or wine after the words of consecration, yea or not, and whether we did not believe that the host of bread which the priest did hold up over his head, and the wine that was in the chalice, was the very true and perfect body & blood of our Saviour Christ, yea or not: To which if we answered not yea, then was there no way but death. Then they would demand of us what we did remember of ourselves, what opinions we had held, or had been taught to hold contrary to the same while we were in England: to which we for the safety of our lives were constrained to say, that we never did believe, nor had been taught otherwise then as before we had said. Then would they charge us that we did not tell them the truth, that they known the contrary, and therefore we should call ourselves to remembrance, & make them a better answer at the next time, or else we should be racked, and made to confess the truth whether we would or no. And so coming again before them the next time, we were still demanded of our belief while we were in England, and how we had been taught, & also what we thought or did know of such of our own company as they did name unto us, so that we could never be free from such demands, and at other times they would promise' us, that if we would tell them truth, then should we have favour & be set at liberty, although we very well known their fair speeches were but means to entrap us, to the hazard and loss of our lives: howbeit God so mercifully wrought for us by a secret means that we had, that we kept us still to our first answer, & would still say that we had told the truth unto them, and known no more by ourselves nor any other of our fellows then as we had declared, and that for our sins and offences in England against God and our Lady, or any of his blessed Saints, we were hearty sorry for the same, and did cry God mercy, and besought the Inquisitors for God's sake, considering that we came into those countries by force of weather, & against our wills, and that never in all our lives we had either spoken or done any thing contrary to their laws, that therefore they would have mercy upon us. Yet all this would not serve: for still from time to time we were called upon to confess, and about the space of 3 months before they proceeded to their severe judgement, we were all racked, Our men are truly racked. and some enforced to utter that against themselves, which afterwards cost them their lives. And thus having got from our own mouths matter sufficient for them to proceed in judgement against us, they caused a large scaffold to be made in the midst of the market place in Mexico right over against the head church, & 14 or 15 days before the day of their judgement, with the sound of a trumpet, and the noise of their Attabalies, which are a kind of drums, they did assemble the people in all parts of the city: before whom it was then solemnly proclaimed, that whosoever would upon such a day repair to the market place, they should hear the sentence of the holy Inquisition against the English heretics, Lutherans, and also see the same put in execution. Which being done, and the time approaching of this cruel judgement, the night before they came to the prison where we were, with certain officers of that holy hellish house, bringing with them certain fools coats which they had prepared for us, being called in their language S. Benitos, which coats were made of yellow cotton & read crosses upon them, both before & behind: they were so busied in putting on their coats about us, and in bringing us out into a large yard, and placing and pointing us in what order we should go to the scaffold or place of judgement upon the morrow, that they did not once suffer us to sleep all that night long. The next morning being come, there was given to every one of us for our breakfast a cup of wine, and a slice of bread fried in honey, and so about eight of the clock in the morning, we set forth of the prison, every man alone in his yellow coat, and a rope about his neck, and a great green Wax candle in his hand unlighted, having a Spaniard appointed to go upon either side of every one of vs● and so marching in this order and manner toward the scaffold in the market place, which was a bow shoot distant or thereabouts, we found a great assembly of people all the way, and such a throng, that certain of the Inquisitors officers on horseback were constrained to make way, and so coming to the scaffold, we went up by a pair of stairs, and found seats ready made and prepared for us to sit down on, every man in order as he should be called to receive his judgement. We being thus set down as we were appointed, presently the Inquisitors came up another pair of stairs, and the Uiceroy and all the chief justices with them. When they were set down and placed under the clot of estate agreeing to their degrees and calling, than came up also a great number of Friars, white, black and grey, about the number of 300 people, they being set in the places for them appointed. Then was there a solemn Oyes made, and silence commanded, and then presently began their severe and cruel judgement. The first man that was called was one Roger the chief Armourer of the jesus, The cruel judgements of the Spanish Inquisitors upon our poor● countre●men. and he had judgement to have three hundred stripes on horseback, and after condemned to the galleys as a slave for 10 years. After him were called john Gray, john Browne, john Rider, john Moon, james Collier, and one Thomas Browne: these were adjudged to have 200 stripes on horseback, and after to be committed to the galleys for the space of 8 years. Then was called john Keys, and was adjudged to have 100 stripes on horseback, and condemned to serve in the galleys for the space of 6 years. Then were severally called the number of 53 one after another, and every man had his several judgement, some to have 200 stripes on horseback, and some 100, and condemned for slaves to the galleys, some for 6 years, some for 8 and some for 10. And then was I Miles Philip's called, and was adjudged to serve in a monastery for 5 years, without any stripes, and to wear a fools coat, or S. Benito, during all that time. Then were called john Story, Richard Williams, David Alexander, Robert Cook, Paul Horsewell and Thomas Hull: these six were condemned to serve in monasteries without stripes, some for 3 years and some for four, and to wear the S. Benito during all the said time. Which being done, and it now drawing toward night, George Rively, Peter Momfrie, and Cornelius the Iri●hman, were called and had their judgement to be burned to ashes, and so were presently sent away to the place of execution in the market place but a little from the scaffold, where they were quickly burned and consumed. And as for us that had received our judgement, being 68 in number, we were carried back that night to prison again. And the next day in the morning being good Friday, the year of our Lord 1575.; we were all brought into a court of the Inquisitors palace where we found a horse in a readiness for every one of our men which were condemned to have stripes, and to be committed to the galleys, which were in number 60 and so they being enforced to mount upon horseback naked from the middle upward, were carried to be showed as a spectacle for all the people to behold throughout the chief and principal streets of the city, and had the number of stripes to every one of them appointed, most cruelly laid upon their naked bodies with long whips by sundry men appointed to be the executioners thereof: and before our men there went a couple of criers which cried as they went: Behold these English dogs, Lutherans, enemies to God, and all the way as they went there were some of the Inquisitors themselves, and of the familiars of that rakehell order, that cried to the executioners, Strike, lay on those English heretics, Lutherans, Gods enemies: and so this horrible spectacle being showed round about the city, they returned to the Inquisitor a house, with their backs all gore blood, and swollen with great bumps, and were then taken from their horses, & carried again to prison, where they remained until they were sent into Spain to the galleys, there to receive the rest of their martyrdom: and I and the 6 other with me which had judgement, and were condemned amongst the rest to serve an apprenticeship in the monastery, were taken presently and sent to certain religious houses appointed for the purpose. Chap. 6. Wherein is showed how we were used in the religious houses, and that when the time was expired, that we were adjudged to serve in them, there came news to Mexico of M. Francis Drakes being in the South Sea, and what preparation was made to take him, and how I seeking to escape, was again taken and put in prison at Vera Cruz, and how again I made mine escape from thence. I Miles Philips and William low were appointed to the black Friars, where I was appointed to be an overseer of Indian workmen, who wrought there in building of a new church: amongst which Indians I learned their language or Mexican tongue very perfectly, and had great familiarity with many of them, whom I found to be a courteous and loving kind of people, ingenious, and of great understanding, and they hate and abhor the Spaniards with all their hearts, they have used such horrible cruelties against them, and do still keep them in such subjection and servitude, that they and the Negroes also do daily lie in wait to practise their deliverance out of that thraldom and bondage, that the Spaniards do keep them in. William low he was appointed to serve the Cook in the kitchen, Richard Williams and David Alexander were appointed to the grey Friars, john Story and Robert Cook to the white Friars: Paul Horsewel the Secretary took to be his servant: Thomas Hull was sent to a Monastery of priests, where afterward he died. Thus we served out the years that we were condemned for, with the use of our fools coats, and we must needs confess that the Friars did use us very courteously: for every one of us had his chamber with bedding & diet, and all things clean and neat: yea many of the Spaniards and Friars themselves do utterly abhor and mislike of that cruel Inquisition, and would as they dared bewail our miseries, and comfort us the best they could, although they stood in such fear of that devilish Inquisition, that they dared not let the left hand know what the right doth. Now after that the time was expired for which we were condemned to serve in those religious houses, we were then brought again before the chief Inquisitor, and had all our fools coats pulled off and hanged up in the head church, called Ecclesia Maior, and every man's name and judgement written thereupon with this addition, An heretic Lutheran reconciled. And there are also all their coats hanged up, which were condemned to the galleys, with their names and judgements, and underneath his coat, Heretic Lutheran reconciled. And also the coats and names of the three that were burned, whereupon were written, An obstinate heretic Lutheran burned. Then were we suffered to go up and down the country, and to place ourselves as we could, and yet not so free, but that we very well known that there was good espial always attending us and all our actions, so that we dared not once speak or look awry. David Alexander & Robert Cook returned to serve the Inquisitor, who shortly after married them both to two of his Negro women: Richard Williams married a rich widow of Biskay with 4000 Pesoes: Paul Horsewell is married to a Mestisa, as they name those whose fathers were Spaniards, and their mothers Indians, and this woman which Paul Horsewell hath married, is said to be the daughter of one that came in with Hernando Cortes the Conqueror, who had with her in marriage four thousand Pesoes, and a fair house: john Story is married to a Negro women: William low had leave and licence to go into Spain where he is now married: for mine own part I could never thoroughly settle myself to marry in that country, although many fair offers were made unto me of such as were of great ability and wealth, but I could have no liking to live in that place, where I must every where see and know such horrible idolatry committed, and dared not once for my life speak against it: and therefore I had always a longing and desire to this my native country: and, to return and serve again in the Mines where I might have gathered great riches and wealth, I very well see that at one time or another I should fall again into the danger of that devilish Inquisition, and so be stripped of all, with loss of life also, and therefore I made my choice rather to learn to weave Grogranes and taffeties, and so compounding with a Silk-weaver, I bond myself for three years to serve him, and gave him an hundred and fifty Pesoes to teach me the science, otherwise he would not have taught me under seven years prenticeship, and by this means I lived the more quiet, and free from suspicion. Howbeit I should many times be charged by familiars of that devilish house, that I had a meaning to run away into England, and to be an heretic lutheran again: To whom I would answer that they had no need to suspect any such thing in me, for that they knew all very well that it was impossible for me to escape by any manner of means: yet notwithstanding I was called before the Inquisitor, and demanded why I did not marry: I answered that I had bond myself at an occupation. Well said the Inquisitor, I know thou meanest to run away, and therefore I charge thee here upon pain of burning as an heretic relapsed, that thou departed not out of this city, nor come near to the port of S. john de ullua, nor to any other port: To the which I answered, that I would willingly obey. Yea said he, see thou do so and thy fellows also, they shall have the like charge. So I remained at my science the full time, and learned the Art, at the end whereof there came news to Mexico that there were certain Englishmen landed with a great power at the port of Acapulco, upon the South sea, and that they were coming to Mexico to take the spoil thereof, which wrought a marvelous great fear amongst them, & many of those that were rich, began to shifted for themselves, their wives & children: upon which hurlie burlie the Uiceroy caused a general muster to be made of all the Spaniards in Mexico, and there were found to be the number of 7000 and odd householders of Spaniards in the city and suburbs, and of singlemen unmarried, the number of 3000 and of Mestizoes', which are counted to be the sons of Spaniards born of Indian women, twenty thousand people, and then was Paul Horsewel & I Miles Philip's sent for before the Uiceroy, and were examined if we did know an English man named Francis Drake, which was brother to Captain Hawkins: to which we answered, that Captainee Hawkins had not any brother but one, which was a man of the age of threescore years or thereabouts, and was now governor of Plymouth in England. And then he demanded of us if we knew one Francis Drake, and we answered, no. While these things were in doing, there came news that all the Englishmen were go, yet were there eight hundred men made out under the leading of several Captains, whereof two hundred were sent to the port of S. john de ullua, upon the North Sea under the conduct of Don Lewis Suares, two hundred were sent to Guatimala in the South sea, who had for their captain john Cortes, two hundred more were sent to Guatulco, a port of the South sea, over whom went for captain Don Pedro de Robles, and two hundred more were sent to Acapulco, the port where it was said that Captain Drake had been. And they had for Captain doctor Robles Alcalde de Corte, with whom I Miles Philips went as interpreter, having licence given by the Inquisitors. When we were come to Acapulco, we found that Captain Drake was departed from thence, more than a month before we came thither. But yet our captain Alcalde de Corte there presently embarked himself in a small ship of threescore tun or thereabouts, having also in company with him two other small barks, and not past two hundred men in all, with whom I went as interpreter in his own ship, which God knoweth was but weak and ill appointed, so that for certain, if we had met with Captain Drake, he might easily have taken us all: We being embarked kept our course and ran Southward towards Panama, keeping still as nigh the shore as we could, and leaving the land upon our left hand, and having coasted thus for the space of eighteen or twenty days, and being more to the South then Guatimala, we met at last with other ships which came from Panama, of whom we were certainly informed that he was clean go off the coast more than a month before: and so we returned back to Acapulco again, and there landed, our Captain being thereunto forced, because his men were very sore seasick: All the while that I was at Sea with them, I was a glad man, for I hoped that if we met with master Drake, we should all be taken, so that then I should have been freed out of that danger and misery wherein I lived, and should return to mine own country of England again. But missing thereof, when I saw there was no remedy but that we must needs come on land again, little doth any man know the sorrow and grief that inwardly I felt, although outwardly I was constrained to make fair weather of it. And so being landed, the next morrow after, we began our journey towards Mexico, and past these towns of name in our way, Tuatep●c, Washaca, Tepiaca, Pueblo de los Angeles, Stap●lapa. as first the town of Tuatepec, 50 leagues from Mexico, from thence to Washaca, 40 leagues from Mexico: from thence to Tepiaca 24 leagues from Mexico, and from thence to Pueblo de los Angeles, where is a high hill which casts out fire three times a day, which hill is 18 leagues in manner directly West from Mexico, from thence we went to Stapelapa, 8 leagues from Mexico, and there our captain and most of his men took boat, and came to Mexico again, having been forth about the space of seven weeks or thereabouts. Our captain made report to the Uiceroy what he had done, and how far he had traveled, and that for certain he was informed that captain Drake was not to be herded of. To which the Uiceroy replied and said, The Spanish Uiceroy prophesied, bu● falsely. Surely we shall have him shortly come into our hands driven a land through necessity in some one place or other, for he being now in these seas of Sur, it is not possible for him to get out of them again, so that if he perish not at sea, yet hunger will force him to land. And then again I was commanded by the Uiceroy that I should not departed the city of Mexico, but always be at my master's house in a readiness at an hours warning, when soever I should be called: for that notwithstanding within one month after certain Spaniards going to Mecameca, 18 leagues from Mexico, to sand away certain hides and Cochinilla, that they had there at their Stantias or dairy houses, and my master having leave of the Secretary for me to go with them, I took my journey with them being very well horsed and appointed, and coming thither and passing the time there at Mecameca certain days till we had perfect intelligence that the fleet was ready to departed, I not being past 3 days journey from the port of S. john de ullua, thought it to be the meetest time for me to make an escape, and I was the bolder, presuming upon my Spanish tongue, which I spoke as naturally as any of them all, thinking with myself, that when I came to S. john de ullua, I would get to be entertained as a soldier, and so go home into Spain in the same Fleet, and therefore secretly one evening late, the moon shining fair, I conveyed myself away, and riding so for the space of two nights and two days, sometimes in, and sometimes out, resting very little all that time, upon the second day at night I came to the town of Vera Cruz, distant from the port of S. john de ullua, Vera Cruz distant 5 leagues from S. ivan d● Vllua● where the ships road, but only 5 leagues, and here purposing to rest myself a day or two, I was no sooner alighted, but within the space of one half hour after, I was by ill hap arrested, and brought before justices there, being taken and suspected to be a gentleman's son of Mexico, that was run away from his father, who in truth was the man they sought for: So I being arrested, and brought before the justices, there was a great hurly burly about the matter, every man charging me that I was the son of such a man dwelling in Mexico, which I flatly denied, affirming that I knew not the man, yet would they not believe me, but urged still upon me that I was he that they sought for, and so I was conveyed away to prison. And as I was thus going to prison, to the further increase of my grief, it chanced that at that very instant there was a poor man in the press that was come to town to cell hens, who told the justices that they did me wrong, and that in truth he known very well that I was an Englishman and no Spaniard. They then demanded of him how he known that, and threatened him that he said so, for that he was my companion, and sought to convey me away from my father, so that he also was threatened to be laid in prison with me: he for the discharge of himself stood stiffly in it, that I was an Englishman, & one of captain Hawkins men, and that he had known me wear the S. Benito in the Blackfriar's at Mexico, for 3 or 4 whole years together: which when they herded, they forsook him, and began to examine me a new, whether that speech of his were true, yea or not, which when they perceived that I could not deny, and perceiving that I was run from Mexico, & came thither of purpose to convey myself away with the fleet, I was presently committed to prison with a sorrowful heart, often wishing myself that that man whi●h kn●w me had at that time been further off: howbeit he in sincerity had compassion of my distressed estate, thinking by his speech, and knowing of me, to have set me free fr●m that present danger which he see me in: howbeit, contrary to his expectation, I was thereby brought into my extreme danger, and to the hazard of my life, yet there was no remedy but patience perforce. And I was no sooner brought into prison, but I had a great pair of bolts clapped on my legs, and thus I remained in that prison for the space of 3 weeks, where were also many other prisoners which were thither committed for s●●ory crimes, & condemned to the galleys. During which time of imprisonment there. I found amongst those my prison-fellowes some that had known me before in Mexico, and truly they had compassion of me, & would spare of their victuals and any thing e●s that they had to do me good: amongst whom there was one of them that t●ld me that he understood by a secret friend of his which often came to the prison to him, that I should be shortly sent back again to Mexico by waggon, so soon as the fleet was go from S. john de ullua, for Spain. This poor man my prison-fellow of himself, & without any request made by me, caused his said friend which came often unto him to the grate of the prison, to bring him wine and victuals, to buy for him 2 knives which had files in their backs, which files were so well made that they would serve & suffice any prisoner to file off his irons, & of those knives or files he brought one to me, & told me that he had caused it to be made for me, and let me have it at that very price it cost him, which was 2 Pesoes, the value of 8. s. of our mon●y: which knife when I had it, I was a joyful man, and conveyed the same into the foot of my boot, upon the inside of my left leg, and so within 3 or 4 days after that I had thus received my knife. I was suddenly called for, & brought before the head justice which caused those my irons with the round bolt to be strike off and sent to a Smiths in the town, where was a new pair of bolts made ready for me of another fashion, which had a broad iron bar coming between the shackles, and caused my hands to be made fast with a pair of manacles, and so was I presently laid into a waggon all alone, which was there ready to departed with sundry other wagons, to the number of 60, towards Mexico, and they all were laden with sundry merchandise which came in the fleet out of Spain. The waggon that I was in was foremost in all the company, and as we traveled I being alone in the waggon, began to try if I could pluck my hands out of the manacles, and as God would, although it were somewhat painful for me, yet my hands were so slender that I could pull them out, and put them in again, and ever as we went, when the waggon made most noise, and the men were busiest, I would be working to file off my bolts, & traveling thus for the space of 8 leagues from Vera Cruz, we came to an high hill, at the entering up of which (as God would) one of the wheels of the waggon wherein I was, broke, so that by that means the other wagons went afore, and the wagon-man that had charge of me set an Indian Carpenter a work to mend the wheel: and here at this place they baited at an hostrie that a Negro-woman keeps: and at this place, for that the going up of the hill is very steep, for the space of two leagues and better, they do always accustom to take the mostes of 3 or 4 wagons, and to place them all together for the drawing up of one waggon, and so to come down again, and fetch up others in that order. All which came very well to pass: for as it drawn towards night when most of the Wagoners were go to draw up their wagons, in this sort I being alone had quickly filled off my bolts, and so espying my time in the dark of the evening before they returned down the hill again, Miles Philip's his last wonderful escape. I conveyed myself into the woods there adjoining, carrying my bolts and manacles with me, & a few biscuits, and two sma●l cheeses. And being come into the woods, I threw my irons into a thick bush, and then covered them with moss and other things, and then shifted for myself as I might all that night. And thus by the good providence of Almighty God, I was freed from mine irons all saving the collar that was about my neck, and so got my liberty the second time. Chap. 7. Wherein is showed how I escaped to Guatimala, upon the South sea, and from thence to the port of Cavallos, where I got passage to go into Spain, and of our arrival at Havana, and our coming to Spain, where I was again like to have been committed prisoner, and how through ●he great mercy of God I escaped, and came home in safety into England in February 1582. THe next morning (day light being come) I perceived by the Sun rising what way to take to escape their hands, for w●en I fled, I took the way into the woods upon the left hand: and having l●ft that w●y that went to Mexico upon my right hand, I thought to k●●pe my course as the woods and mountains lay, s●ill direct South as near as I could: by means where of I was sure to convey myself far enough from that way that went to Mexico. And as I was thus going in the woods, I see many great fires made to the North not past a league from the mou●taine where I was, and travailing thus in my boots with mine iron collar about my neck, and my bread and cheese, the very same forenoon I met with a company of Indians which were hunting of Deer for their sustenance: to whom I spoke in the Mexican tongue, and told them how that I had of a long time been kept in prison by the cruel Spaniards, and did desire them to help me f●●e to off mine iron collar, which they willingly ●id: rejoicing greatly with me, that I was thus escaped out of the Spaniards hands. Then I desired that I might have one of them to guide me out of those desert mountains towards the South, which they also most willingly did: and so they brought me to an Indian town 8. leagues distant from thence, named Shalapa, where I stayed three days, for that I was somewhat sickly. At which town (with the gold that I had quilted in my doublet) I bought me an horse of one of the Indians, which cost me 6. pesoes, and so travailing South, within the space of 2. leagues I happened to overtake a grey Friar, one that I had been familiar withal in Mexico, whom then I knew to be a zealous good man, and one that did much lament the cruelty used against us by the Inquisitors, and truly he used me very courteously: and I having confidence in him did indeed tell him, that I was minded to adventure to see if I could get out of the said country if I could find shipping, and did therefore pray him of his aid, direction, and advise herein, which he faithfully did, not only in directing me which was my safest way to travail, but he also of himself kept me company for the space of three days, and ever as we came to the Indians houses (who used and entertained us well) he gathered among them in money to the value of 20. pesoes, which at my departure from him he freely gave unto me. So came I to the city of Guatimala upon the South sea, Guatimala on the South sea which is distant from Mexico about 250. leagues, where I stayed 6. days, for that my horse was weak. And from thence I travailed still South and by East seven days journey, passing by certain Indian towns, until I came to an Indian town distant from Mexico, direct South 309. leagues. And here at this town inquiring to go to the Port de Cavallos in the North-east sea, it was answered that in travailing thither I should not come to any town in 10. or 12. days journey: so here I hired two Indians to be my guides, and I bought hens, and bread to serve us so long time, and took with us things to kindle fire every night, because of wild beasts, and to dress our meat: and every night when we rested, my Indian guides would make two great fires, between the which we placed ourselves, and my horse. And in the night time we should hear the Lions roar, with Tigers, Dunces, and other beasts, and some of them we should see in the night, which had eyes shining like fire. And travailing thus for the space of twelve days, we came at last to the port of Cavallos upon the East sea, Puerto de Cavallos. distant from Guatimala South and by East, two hundredth leagues, and from Mexico 450. or thereabouts. This is a good harbour for ships, and is without either castle or bulwark. I having dispatched away my guides, went down to the Hau●n, where I see certain ships laden chief with Canary wines, where I spoke with one of the Masters, who asked me what Country man I was, and I told him that I was ●o●ne in Granado● & he said, that then I was his countryman. I required him that I might pass home with him in his ship, paying for my passage: and he said yea, so that I had a safe conduct, or letter testimonial to show, that he might incur ●o danger; for said he, it may be that you have killed some man, or he indebted, and would therefore run away. To that I answered, that there was not any such cause. Well, in the end we grew to a price, that for 60. pesoes he would carry me into Spain: a glad man was I at this good hap, and I quickly sold my horse, and made my provision of hens and bread to serve me in my passage; And thus within 2. days after we set sail, and never stayed until we came to Havana, which is distant from puerto de Cavallos by sea 500 leagues: where we found the whole fleet of Spain, which was bond home from the Indies. And here I was hired for a soldier to serve in the Admiral ship of the same fleet, wherein the General himself went. There landed while I was here 4. ships out of Spain, being all full of soldiers and ordinance, of which number there were 200. men landed here, & 4. great brass pieces of ordinance, although the castle were before sufficiently provided: 200. men more were sent to Campeche, & certain ordinance: 200. to Florida with ordinance: and 100 lastly to S. john de ullua. As for ordinance there they have sufficient, and of the very same which was ours, which we had in the jesus, and those others which we had planted in the place, where the Viceroy betrayed M. Hawkins our general, as hath been declared. The sending of those soldiers to every of those Ports, and the strengthening of them, was done by commandment from the king of Spain, who written also by them to the general of his fleet, giving him in charge so to do, as also directing him what course he should keep in his coming home into Spain, charging him in any hand not to come nigh to the yles of Açores, but to keep his course more to the Northward, advertising him withal, what number and power of French ships of war, and other, Don Antonio had at that time at Terçera, & the yles aforesaid: which the general of the fleet well considering, and what great store of riches he had to bring home with him into Spain, did in all very dutifully observe and obey: for in truth he had in his said fleet 37. sail of ships, and in every of them there was as good as 30. pipes of silver one with another, besides great store of gold, Cochinilla, sugars, hides, and Cana Fistula, with other Apothecary drugs. This our general, who was called Don Pedro de Guzman, Don Pedro de Guzman. did providently take order for, for their most strength and defence, if need should be, to the uttermost of his power, and commanded upon pain of death, that neither passenger nor soldier should come aboard without his sword and harquebus, with shot and powder, to the end that they might be the better able to encounter the fleet of Don Antonio, if they should hap to meet with them, or any of them: and ever as the weather was fair, the said general would himself go aboard from one ship to another, to see that every man had his full provision according to the commandment given. Yet to speak truly what I think, two good tall ships of war would have made a foul spoil amongst them. For in all this fleet there were not any that were strong and warlike appointed, saving only the Admiral, and Uiceadmiral: And again over and besides the weakness and the ill furnishing of the r●st, they were all so deeply laden, that they had not been able (if they had been charged) to have held out any long fight. Well, thus we set sail, & had a very ill passage home, the weather was so contrary. We kept our course in manner Northeast, and brought ourselves to the height of 42. degrees of latitude, to be sure not to meet with Don Antonio his fleet, and were upon our voyage from the 4. of june, until the 10. of September, and never see land till we fallen with the Arenas Gordas' hard by S. Lucar. And there was an order taken that none should go on shore until he had licence: as for me, I was known by one in the ship, who told the Master that I was an Englishman, which (as God would) it was my good hap to hear: for if I had not herded it, it had cost me my life. Notwithstanding, I would not take any knowledge of it, and seemed to be merry & pleasant, that we were all come so well in safety. Presently after, licence came that we should go on shore, and I pressed to be go with the first: howbeit, the Master came unto me, & said, Sirrah, you must go with me to Siuil by water: I known his meaning wellinough, & that he meant there to offer me up as a sacrifice to the Holy house. For the ignorant zeal of a number of these superstitious Spaniards is such, that they think that they have done God good service, when they have brought a Lutheran herelike to the fire to be burned: for so do they accounted of us. well, I perceiving all this, took upon me not to suspect any thing, but was still ●ocund & merry: howbeit, I known it stood me upon to shifted for myself. And so waiting my time when the Master was in his cabin asleep, I conveyed myself secretly down by the shrouds into the ship boat, and made no stay but cut the rope wherewithal she was moared, and so by the cable haled on shore, where I leapt on land, & let the boat go whither it would. Thus by the help of God I escaped that day, & then never stayed at S. Lucar, but went all night by the way which I had seen other take toward Sivil: so that the next morning I came to Sivil, and sought me out a workemaster, that I might fall to my science, which was weaving of taffetas; and being entertained I set myself close to my work, and dared not for my life once to stir abroad for fear of being known: and being thus at my work, within 4. days after I herded one of my fellows say, that he herded there was great inquiry made for an Englishman that came home in the fleet: what an heretic Lutheran (quoth I) was it, I would to God I might know him, surely I would present him to the Holy house. And thus I kept still within doors at my work, and feigned myself not well at ease, & that I would labour as I might to get me new clotheses. And continuing thus for the space of 3. months I called for my wages, and bought me all things new, different from the apparel that I did wear at sea, and yet dared not be overbold to walk abroad: and after understanding that there were certain English ships at S. Lucar bond for England, I took a boat and went aboard one of them, and desired the Master that I might have passage with him to go into England, and told him secretly that I was one of those which Captain Hawkins did set on shore in the Indies: he very courteously prayed me to have him excused, for he dared not meddle with me, & prayed me therefore to return from whence I came. Which when I perceived, with a sorrowful heart, God knoweth, I took my leave of him, not without watery cheeks. And then I went to S. Marry port, which is 3. leagues from S. Lucar, where I put myself to be a soldier to go in the king of Spain's Galleys, which were bond for Maiorca, He commet● home in an English ship from Maiorca. and coming thither in the end of the Christmas holidays, I found there two English ships, the one of London, and the other of the West country, which were ready freighted and stayed but for a fair wound. To the Master of the one, which was of the West country went I, and told him that I had been 2. years in Spain to learn the language, and that I was now desirous to go home and see my friends, for that I lacked maintenance: and so having agreed with him for my passage, I took shipping. And thus through the providence of Almighty God, after 16. years absence's having sustained many and sundry great troubles and miseries, as by this discourse appeareth. I came home to this my native country of England in the year 1582. in the month of February, in the ship called the Landret, and arrived at Poole. The travails of job Hortop, which Sir john Hawkins set on land within the Bay of Mexico, after his departure from the Haven of S. john de ullua in Nueva Espanna, the 8. of October 1568. NOt untruly nor without cause said job the faithful servant of God (whom the sacred Scriptures tell us, to have dwelled in the land of Hus) that man being born of a woman, living a short time, is replenished with many miseries: which some know by reading of histories, many by the view of others calamities, and I by experience in myself, as this present Treatise ensuing shall show. It is not unknown unto many, that I job Hortop pouder-maker was born at Bourne, a town in Lincolnshire, from my age of twelve years brought up in Redriffe near London, with M. Francis Lee, who was the Queen's majesties powder-maker, whom I served, until I was priest to go on the 3. voyage to the West Indies, with the right worshipful Sir john Hawkins, who appointed me to be one of the Gunners in her majesties ship called the jesus of Lubeck, who set sail from Plymouth in the month of October 1567. having with him another ship of her Majesties, called the Minion, and four ships of his own, namely the Angel, the Swallow, the judith, and the William and john. He directed his Uiceadmiral, that if foul weather did separate them, to meet at the Island of Tenerif. After which by the space of seven days and seven nights, we had such storms at sea, that we lost our long boats and a pinnace, with some men: coming to the Isle of Tenerif, there our General herded that his Uiceadmirall with the Swallow, and the William and john were at the Island called Gomera, where finding his Uiceadmirall, he anchored, took in fresh water● and set sail for Cape Blank, where in the way we took a Portugal caravel, laden with fish called Mullets: from thence we sailed to cape Verde. In our course thither we met a Frenchman of Rochel called captain Bland, who had taken a Portugal caravel, whom our vice admiral chased and took. Captain Drake, now Sir Francis Drake was made master & captain of the Caravel, and so we kept our way till we came to Cape Verde, and there we anchored, took our boats, & set soldiers on shore. Our General was the first that leapt on land, & with him Captain Dudley: there we took certain Negroes, but not without damage to ourselves. For our General, Captain Dudley, & 8, other of our company were hurt with poisoned arrows: about nine days after, the 8. that were wounded died. Our general was taught by a Negro, to draw the poison out of his wound with a clove of garlic, A remedy against poisoned arrows. whereby he was cured. From thence we went to Sierra leona, where be monstrous fish called Sharks, which will devour men. I amongst others was sent in the Angel with two Pinnesses into the river called Calousa, The river of Calousa. to seek two Caravels that were there trading with the Negroes: we took one of them with the Negroes, and brought them away. In this river in the night time we had one of our pinnesses bulged by a sea-horse, so that our men swimming about the river, were all taken into the other pinnesses, except two that took hold one of another, and were carried away by the sea-horse. This monster hath the just proportion of a horse, saving that his legs be short, his teeth very great, and a span in length: he useth in the night to go on land into the woods, seeking at unawares to devour the Negroes in their cabins, whom they by their vigilancy prevent, and kill him in this manner. The Negroes keep watch, and diligently attend their coming, and when they are go into the woods, they forthwith lay a great tree overthwart the way, so that at their return, for that their legs be so short, they cannot go over it: then the Negroes set upon them with their bows, arrows and darts, and so destroy them. From thence we entered the river called the Casserroes, where there were other Caravels trading with the Negroes, and them we took. In this Island betwixt the river and the main, trees grow with Oysters upon them. There grow Palmito trees, which be as high as a ships main mast, and on their tops gr●w nuts, wine and oil, which they call Palmito wine and Palmito oil. The Plantain tree also groweth in that country; the tree is as big as a man's thigh, and as high as a fir pole, the leaves thereof be long and broad, and on the top grow the fruit which are called Plantanoes: they are crooked, and a cubit long, and as big as a man's wrist, they grow on clusters: when they be ripe, they be very good and dainty to eat: Sugar is not more delicate in taste than they be. From thence with the Angel, the judith, and the two pinnesses, we sailed to Sierra leona, where our General at that time was, who with the captains and soldiers went up into the river called Taggarin, The river of Taggarin. to take a town of the Negroes, where he found three kings of that country with fifty thousand Negroes besieging the same town, which they could not take in many years before, when they had warred with it. Our General made a breach, entered, & valiantly took the town, wherein were found five Portugals which yielded themselves to his mercy, and he saved their lives: we took & carried thence for traffic to the West Indies 500 Negroes. 500 Negroes taken. The three kings drove 7000. Negroes into the sea at low water, at the point of the land, where they were all drowned in the Oze, for that they could not take their canoas to save themselves. We returned back again in our pinnesses to the ships, and there took in fresh water, and made ready sail towards Rio grand. Rio grand. At our coming thither we entered with the Angel, the judith, and the 2. pinnesses, and found there seven Portugal Carvels, which made great fight with us. In the end by Gods help we won the victory, and drove them to the shore, from whence with the Negroes they fled, and we fetched the carvels from the shore into the river. The next morning M. Francis Drake with his carvel, the Swallow, and the William and john came into the river, with captain Dudley and his soldiers, who landed being but a hundred soldiers, and fought with seven thousand Negroes, burned the town, and returned to our General with the loss of one man. In that place there be many musk-cats, which breed in hollow trees: the Negroes take them in a net, & put them in a cage, & nourish them very daintily, & take the musk from them with a spoon. Now we directed our course from Guinea towards the West Indies. And by the way died Captain Dudley. In sailing towards the Indies, the first land that we ●scryed, was the Island called Dominica, Do●i●●●●. where at our coming we ancored, & took in fresh water and wood for our provision: which done, we sailed towards the Island called Margarita, Margarita. where our General in despite of the Spaniards anchored, landed, & took in fresh victuals. A mile of the Island there is a rock in the sea, wherein do breed many fowls like unto Barnacles: in the night we went out in our boats, and with cudgels we killed many of them, and brought them with many of their eggs aboard with us: their eggs be as big as Turkey's eggs, and speckled like them. We did eat them, and found them very good meat. From thence we sailed to Burboroata, Burboroata. which is in the main land of the West Indies: there we came in, mored our ships, and tarried two months trimming and dressing our ships, and in the mean time traded with certain Spaniards of that country. There our General sent us unto a town called Placencia, (which stood on a high hill) to have entreated a Bishop that dwelled there for his favour & friendship in their laws, who hearing of our coming, for fear forsook the town. Placencia in the main. In our way up the hill to Placencia, we found a monstrous venomous worm with two heads: his body was a big as a man's arm, and a yard long: our master Robert Barret did cut him in sunder with his sword, and it made it as black as if it were coloured with ink. here be many Tigers, monstrous and furious beasts, which by subtlety devour and destroy many men: they use the traded ways, & will show themselves twice or thrice to the travelers, and so departed secretly, lurking till they be passed, then suddenly & at unawares they leap upon them and devour them: they had so used two of our company, had not one of them looked behind. Our General sent three ships unto the Island called Coraçao, to make provision for the rest, where they remained until his coming. He sent from thence the Angel and the judith to Rio de Hacha, where we anchored before the town. The Spaniards shot three pieces at us from the shore, whom we required with two of ours, and shot through the governors house: we weighed anchor, & anchored again without shot of the town, where we rid five days in despite of the Spaniards, and their ●hot. In the mean space there came a carvel of advise from S. Domingo, whom with the Angel, and the judith we chased and drove to the shore: we fetched him from thence in spite of 200. Spaniard's harquebus shot, and anchored again before the town, and rid there with them, till our General's coming, who anchored, landed his men, and valiantly took the Town, Rio dela Hach● taken. with the loss of one man, whose name was Thomas Surgeon: we landed and planted on the shore for our safeties, our field ordinance: we drove the Spaniards up into the country above two leagues, whereby they were enforced to trade with our General, to whom he sold most part of his Negroes. In this river we killed a monstrous Lagarto or Crocodile in this port at sun set: seven of us went in the pinnace up into the River, carrying with us a dog, unto whom with rope-yarne we bond a great hook of steel, with a chain that had a swivel, which we put under the dog's belly, the point of the ●ooke coming over his back fast bond, as aforesaid: we put him over board, and vexed out our rope by little and little, rowing away with our boat: the Lagarto came & presently swallowed up the dog, than did we row hard, till we had choked him: he plunged and made a wondered stir in the water: we leapt on shore, and haled him on land: he was 23. foot by the rule, headed like a hog, in body like a serpent, full of scales as broad as a saucer; his tail long and full of knots as big as a faw●on shot: he hath four legs, his feet have long nails like unto a dragon: we opened him, took out his guts, flayed him, dried his skin, and stuffed it with straw, meaning to have brought it home, had not the ship been cast away. This monster will carry away and devour both man and horse. From hence we shaped our course to Santa Martha, Santa Martha. where we landed, traded, and sold certain Negroes: there two of our company killed a monstrous adder, going towards his cave with a Conie in his mouth: his body was as big as any man's thigh, and seven foot long: upon his tail he had sixteen knots, every one as big as a great walnut, which they say, do show his age: his colour was green and yellow: they opened him, and found two coneys in his belly. From thence we sailed to Cartagena, Cartagen●● where we went in, mored our Ships, and would have traded with them, but they dared not for fear of the King: we brought up the Minion against the Castle, and shot at the Castle and Town: then we landed in an Island, where were many gardens: there in a cave we found certain Botijos of wine, which we brought away with us, in recompense whereof, our General commanded to be set on shore woollen and linen clot, to the value thereof. From hence by foul weather we were forced to seek the Port of Saint john de ullua. In our way thwart of Campeche we met with a Spaniard, Campeche. a small ship, who was bond for Santo Domingo: he had in him a Spaniard called Augustin de villa nueva, who was the man that betrayed all the Noble men in the Indies, and caused them to be beheaded, wherefore he with two Friars fled to S. Domingo: them we took and brought with us into the Port of S. john de ullua. Our General made great account of him, and used him like a Noble man: howbeit in the end he was one of them that betrayed us. When we had mored our ships, and landed, we mounted the Ordinance that we found there in the Island, and for our safeties kept watch and ward. The next day after we discovered the Spanish fleet, whereof Luçon a Spaniard was General: with him came a Spaniard called Don Martin Henriquez, Don Martin de Henriquez th● treacherous Uiceroy. whom the king of Spain sent to be his Uiceroy of the Indies. He sent a Pinnace with a flag of truce unto our General, to know of what Country those Ships were that road there in the King of Spain's Port; who said, they were the Queen of England's ships, which came in there for victuals for their money: wherefore if your General will come in here, he shall give me victuals and all other necessaries, and I will go out on the one side of the Port, and he shall come in on the other side. The Spaniard returned for answer, that he was a Uiceroy, and had a thousand men, & therefore he would come in. Our General sayda If he be a Uiceroy, I represent my Queen's person, & I am a Uiceroy as well as he: and if he have a thousand men, my powder and that will take the better place. Then the Uiceroy after counsel among themselves, yielded to our General's demand, swearing by his King and his Crown, by his commission and authority that he had from his King, that he would perform it, and thereupon pledges were given on both parts. Our General bearing a godly and Christian mind, void of fraud and deceit, judged the Spaniards to have done the like, delivered to them six gentlemen, not doubting to have received the like from them: but the faithless Spanyardes, in costly apparel gave of the basest of their company, as afterwards it was well known. These things finished, proclamation was made on both sides, that on pain of death no occasion should be given, whereby any quarrel should grow to the breach of the league, and then they peaceably entered the port, with great triumph on both sides. The Spaniards presently brought a great Hulk, a ship of six hundred, and mored her by the side of the Minion, and they cut out ports in their other ships, planting their ordinance towards us, in the night they filled the Hulk with men, to lay the Minion aboard, as the sequel did show, which made our General doubtful of their dealings: wherefore, for that he could speak the Spanish tongue, he sent Robert Barret aboard the Viceroy, to know his meaning in those dealings, who willed him with his company to come in to him, whom he commanded presently to be set in the bilbowes, and forthwith a Cornet (for a watchword among the false Spaniards) was sounded for the enterprising of their pretended treason against our General, whom Augustine de villa nova sitting at dinner with him, Augustine de villa nueva a most thankless traitor. should then presently have killed with apoynado which he had privily in his sleeve, which was espied and prevented by one john chamberlain, who took the poynado out of his sleeve. Our General hastily rose up, and commanded him to be put prisoner in the Steward's room, & to be kept with two men. The faithless Spaniards, thinking all things to their desire had been finished, suddenly sounded a Trumpet, and therewith three hundred Spaniards entered the Minion, whereat our General with a loud and fierce voice called unto us, saying, God and Saint George, upon those traitorous villains, and rescue the Minion, I trust in God the day shallbe ours: and with that the Mariners & soldiers leapt out of the jesus of Lubeck into the Minion, and beaten out the Spaniards, and with a shot out of her fired the Spaniards Vice admiral, The Spanish vice-admiral fi●i●d. where the most part of 300. Spaniards were spoiled, and blown over board with powder. Their Admiral also was on fire half an hour: we cut our cables, wound off our ships, and presently fought with them: they came upon us on every side, and continued the fight from ten of the clock until it was night: they killed all our men that were on shore in the Island, saving three, which by swimming got aboard the jesus of Lubeck. One of those three was job Hortop They sunk the Generals the reporter hereof. Four Spanish ships sunk. ship called the Angel, and took the Swallow: the Spaniards Admiral had above threescore shot through her: many of his men were spoiled: four other of their ships were sunk. There were in that fleet, and that came from the shore to rescue them, fifteen hundred: we s●ew of them five hundred and forty, as we were credibly informed by a note that came to Mexico. In this fight the jesus of Lubeck had five shot through her main Mast: her foremast was struck in sunder under the hounds with a chain shot, and her hull was wonderfully pierced with short, therefore it was unpossible to bring her away. They set two of their own Ships on fire, intending therewith to have burned the jesus of Lubeck, which we prevented by cutting our cables in the half, and winding off by our sternefast. The Minion was forced to set sail and stand off from us, and come to an anchor without shot of the Island. Our General courageously cheered up his soldiers and gunner's, and called to Samuel his page for a cup of Beer, who brought it him in a silver cup, and he drinking to all men willed the gunner's to stand by their Ordinance lustily like men. He had no sooner set the cup out of his hand, but a demi Culverin shot struck away the cup and a Cooper's plane that stood by the main mast, and ran out on the other side of the ship: which nothing dismayed our General, for he ceased not to encourage us, saying, fear nothing, for God, who hath preserved me from this shot, will also deliver us from these traitors and villains. Then Captain Bland meaning to have turned out of the port, had his main mast stroke over board with a chaineshot that came from the shore, wherefore he ankered, fired his ship, took his pinnace with all his men, and came aboard the jesus of Lubek to our General, who said unto him, that he thought he would not have run away from him: he answered, that he was not minded to have run away from him, but his intent was to have turned up, and to have laid the weathermost ship of the Spanish fleet aboard, and fired his ship in hope there with to have set on fire the Spanish fleet, he said if he had done so he had done well. With this, night came on. Our General commanded the Minion, for safeguard of her masts to be brought under the jesus of Lubeck's lee: he willed M. Francis Drake to come in with the judith, and to lay the Minion aboard, to take in men and other things needful, and to go out, and so he did. At night when the wound came off the shore, we set sail, and went out in despite of the Spaniards and their shot, where we ankered, with two anchors under the Island, the wi●d being Northerly, which was wonderful dangerous, and we feared every hour to be driven with the lee shore. In the end when the wound came larger, we weighed anchor, and set sail, seeking the river of Panuco for water, whereof we had very little, and victuals were so scarce, that we were driven to eat hides, cats, rats, parrots, monkeys, and dogs: wherefore our General was forced to divide his company into two parts, for there was a mutiny among them for want of victuals: and some said that they had rather be on the shore to shifted for themselves amongst the enemies, then to starve on shipboard. He asked them who would go on shore, and who would tarry on shipboard, those that would go on shore, he willed to go on foremast, and those that would tarry, on baf● mast: fourscore and sixteen of us were willing to departed. Our General gave unto every one of us six yards of Roan clot, and money to them that demanded it. When we were landed, About an hundred Englishmen landed. he came unto us, where friendly embracing every one of us, he was greatly grieved that he was forced to leave us behind him, he counseled us to serve God, and to love one another, and thus courteously he gave us a sorrowful farewell, and promised if God sent him safe home, he would do what he could, that so many of us as lived should by some means be brought into England, & so he did. Since my return into England I have herded that many misliked that he left us so behind him, and brought away negroes: but the reason is this, for them he might have had victuals, or any other thing needful, if by foul weather he had been driven upon the Islands, which for gold nor silver he could not have had. And thus our General departed to his ship, and we remained on land, where for our safeties, fearing the wild Indians that were about us, we kept watch all night, and at Sun rising we marched on our way, three and three in a rank, until that we came into a field under a grove, where the Indians came upon us, ask us what people we were, and how we came there. Two of our company, namely Anthony Goddard, and john Cornish, for that they could speak the Spanish tongue, went to them, and said we were Englishmen, that never came in that country before, and that we had fought with the Spaniards, and for that we lacked victuals, our General set us on shore: they asked us whither we intended to go, we said to Panuco. The Captain of the Indians willed us to give unto them some of our clotheses & shirts, which we did: then he bade us give them all, but we would not so do, whereupon john Cornish was then slain with an arrow, john Cornis● slain. which an Indian boy that stood by the Captain shot at him, wherefore he struck the boy on the neck with his bow, that he lay for dead, and willed us to follow him, who brought us into a great field, where we found fresh water: he bade us sit down about the pond and drink, and he with his company would go in the mean space to kill five or six Deer, and bring them us. We tarried there till three of the clock, but they came not: there one of our company whose name was john Cook, with four other departed from us into a grove to seek relief, where presently they were taken by the Indians, and stripped as naked as ever they were born, and so returned to us. Then we divided ourselves into two parts, half to Anthony Goddard, Anthony Goddard. and the rest to james Collier, and thus severally we sought for Panuco. Anthony Goddard with his company, bid us farewell, they passed a river, A river. where the Indians rob many of them of their clotheses, and so passing on their way, came to a stony hill, where they stayed. james Collier james Collie● with his company that day passed the same river, and were also rob, and one of them slain by chance: we came that night unto the hill, where Anthony Goddard and his company rested, there we remained till morning, and then we marched altogether from thence, entering between two groves, where the Indians rob us of all our clotheses, and left us naked, they hurt many, and killed eight of us. 8. Englishmen slain Three days after we came to another river, Another riue●. there the Indians showed us the way to Panuco, and so left us: we passed the river into the wilderness, where we made wreaths of green grass, which we wound about our bodies, to keep us from the Sun, and gnats of that Country. We traveled there seven days, and seven nights, before we came to Panuco, Seven days travel to P●nuco● feeding on nothing but roots, and Guiavos, a fruit like figs. At our coming to the river of Panuco two Spanish horsemen came over unto us in a Canowe: they asked us how long we had been in the wilderness, and where our general was, for they knew us to be of the company that had fought with their countrymen: we told them seven days and seven nights, and for lack of victuals our General set us on shore, & he was go away with his ships. They returned to their Governor, who sent them with five Canowes' to bring us all over. Which done, they set us in array, where a hundred horsemen with their lances, came forcibly upon us, but did not hurt us, they carried us prisoners to Panuco, where we remained one night. In the river of Panuco there is a fish like a calf, the Spaniards call it a Mallatin, he hath a stone in his head, which the Indians use for the disease of the Colic, in the night he cometh on land, and eateth grass. I have eaten of it, and it eateth not much unlike to bacon. From thence we were sent to Mexico, which is 90 leagues from Panuco. In our way thither, 20 leagues from the sea side, I did see white Crabs running up & down the sands, I have eaten of them, and they be very good meat. There groweth a fruit which the Spaniards call Auocottes, it is proportioned like an egg, and as black as a coal, having a stone in it, and it is an excellent good fruit. There also groweth a strange tree which they call Magueis, The manifold v●e of Mague●. it serveth them to many uses, below by the root they make a hole, whereat they do take out of it twice every day a certain kind of liquor which they seethe in a great kettle, till the third part be consumed, & that it ware thick, i● is as sweet as any honey, and they do eat it. Within 20. days after that they have taken all the liquor from it, it withereth, & they cut it down, & use it as we use our hemp here in England, which done, they convert it to many uses: of some part they make mantles, ropes, and thread: of the ends they make needles to sow their saddles, panels, & other furniture for their horses: of the rest they make eyies to co●er their houses, and they put it to many other purposes. Mexico. And thus we came to Mexico, which is s●uen or eight miles about, seated in a great fen, environed with 4 hills, it hath but two ways o● entrance, and it is full of creeks, in the which in their Canowes' they pass from place to place● & to the Islands there within. In the Indies ordinarily three times a year be wonderful earthquakes, which put the people in great fear and danger: during the time of two years that I was in Mexico, I see them six times: when they come they throw down trees, houses, and Churches. There is a city 25. leagues from Mexico, called Tlaxcalla, which is inh●bited with a hundred thousand Indians, they go in white shirts, linen breeches, and long mantles, and the women wear about them a garment much like unto a flannel perticote. The king's palace was the first place that we were brought unto in Mexico, where without we were w●lled to sit down. Much people, men, women, and children came wondering about us, many lamented our misery, & some of their clergy asked us if we were Christians, we said, we praised God, we were as good Christians as they: they asked how they might know that, we said, by our confessions. From thence we were carried in a Canow to a Tanner's house, which standeth a little from the city: the next morning two friars and two priest's came thither to us, and willed us to bless ourselves, and say our prayers in the Latin tongue, that they might understand us, many of our company did so, whereupon they returned to the viceroy, and told him that we were good Christians, and that they liked us well, and then they brought us much relief, with clotheses, our sick men were sent to their Hospitals, where many were cured, and many died. From the Tanner's house we were led to a gentleman's place, where upon pain of death we were charged to abide, and not to come into the city, thither we had all things necessary brought us: on Sundays and holy days much people came, and brought us great relief. The viceroy practised to hung us, and caused a pair of new gallows to be set up, to have executed us, whereunto the noblemen of that country would not consent, but prayed him to stay until the ship of advise brought news from the king of Spain, what should be done with us, for they said they could not found any thing by us, whereby they might lawfully put us to death. The viceroy than commanded us to be sent to an Island there by, and he sent for the Bishop of Mexico, who sent four priests to the Island, to examine and confess us, who said, that the viceroy would burn us, when we were examined and confessed according to the laws of the country. They returned to the Bishop, and told him that we were very good Christians. The Bishop certified the viceroy of our examinations and confessions, and said that we were good Christians, therefore he would not meddle with us. Then the viceroy sent for our master R. Barret, whom he kept prisoner in his palace, until the fleet was departed for Spain. The rest of us he sent to a town seven leagues from Mexico called Tescuco, to carded wool among the Indian slaves, which drudgery we disdained, and concluded to beaten our masters, and so we did: wherefore they sent to the viceroy, desiring him for God's sake and our Ladies, to sand for us, for they would not keep us any longer, they said that we were devils and no men. The viceroy sent for us, and imprisoned us in a house in Mexico, from thence he sent Anthony Goddard, & some other of our company with him into Spain, with Luçon, the General that took us: the rest of us stayed in Mexico two years after, and then were sent prisoners into Spain, with Don ivan de Velasco de Varre, admiral and general of the Spanish fleet, who carried with him in his ship, to be presented to the K. of Spain, the anatomy of a giant, which was sert from China to Mexico, to the viceroy Don Martin Henriquez, to be sent to the king of Spain for a great wonder. It did appear by the anatomy, that he was of a monstrous size, the skull of his head was near as big as half a bushel, his necke-bones, shoulder-plates, arme-bones, and all other lineaments of his other parts, were huge and monstrous to behold, the shank of his leg from the ankle to the knee was as long as from any man's ankle up to his waist, and of bigness accordingly. At this time, and in this ship, were also sent to be presented to the king of Spain, two chesles full of earth with ginger growing in them, which were also sent from China, to be sent to the king of Spain. The ginger runneth in the ground like to liccoras, A description of ginger. the blades grow out of it in length and proportion like unto the blades of wild garlic, which they cut every fifteen days, they use to water them twice a day, as we do our herbs here in England, they put the blades in their pottage, and use them in their other meats, whose excellent savour and taste is very delightful, and procureth a good appetite. When we were shipped in the Port of S. john de ullua, 157● the General called our master Robert Barret and us with him into his cabin, & asked us if we would fight against Englishmen, if we met them at the sea, we said that we would not fight against our Crown, but if we met with any other, we would do what we were able. He said if we had said otherwise, he would not have believed us, and for that we should be the better used, and have allowance as other men had: and he gave a charge to every one of us, according unto our knowledge. Robert Barret was placed with the pilot, I was put in the gunner's room, William cause with the boatswain, john Bear with the quartermasters, Edward Rider, & Geffrey Giles, with the ordinary mariners, Richard the master's boy attended on him and the pilot: shortly after we departed from the port of S. john de ullua with all the fleet of Spain, for the port called Havana: Ha●●●●. we were 26. days sailing thither. There we came in, ankered, took in fresh water, and stayed 16. days for the fleet of Number de Dios, which is the fleet that brings the treasure from Peru. The General of that fleet was called Diego Flores de Valdes. After his coming, when he had watered his ships, both the fleets joined in one, and Don ivan de Velasco de Varre was the first fifteen days General of both the fleets, who turning through the channel of Bahama, his pilot had like to have cast away all the fleet upon the Cape called Cannaveral, which was prevented by me john Hortop, & our master Robert Barret: for I being in the second watch escried land, and called to Robert Barret, bidding him look over board, for I see land under the lee-bow of the ship: he called to the boatswain, & bid him let fly the fore sail sheet, and lay the helm upon the lee, and cast the ship about. When we were cast about, we were but in seven fathom water: we shot off a piece, giving advice to the fleet to cast about, and so they did. For this we were beloved of the General, and all the fleet. The General was in a great rage, and sworn by the king, that he would hung his pilot: for he said, that twice before he had almost cast away the Admiral. When it was day, he commanded a piece to be shot off, to call to council: the other Admiral in his ship came up to him, and asked what the matter was, he said, that his pilot had cast away his ship and all the fleet, had it not been for two of the Englishm●n, and therefore he would hung him. The other Admiral with many fair words persuaded him to the contrary. When we came in the height of Bermuda, we discovered a monster in the sea, who showed himself three times unto us from the middle upwards, A sea-monster in the shape of a man. in which parts he was proportioned like a man, of the complexion of a Mulato or tawny Indian. The General did command one of his clerks to put it in writing, and he certified the King and his Nobles thereof. Presently after this, for the space of sixteen days we had wondered foul weather, and then God sent us a fair wound, until such time as we discovered the Island called Faial. On S. james day we made rackets, wheels, and other fireworks, to make pastime that night, as it is the order of the Spaniards. When we came near the land, our master R. Barret conferred with us, to take the pinnace one night, when we came on the Island called Terçera, to free ourselves from the danger and bondage that we were going into, whereunto we agreed: none had any pinnace asterne then but our ship, which gave great courage to our enterprise: we prepared a bag of bread, and a Botijo of water, which would have served us nine days, and provided ourselves to go: our Master borrowed a small compass of the Master gunner of the ship, who lent it him, but suspected his intent, and closely made the General privy to it, who for a time dissembled the matter. In the end seeing our pretence, he called R. Barret, commanding his head to be put in the stocks, and a great pair of iron bolts on his legs, & the rest of us to be set in the stocks by the legs. Then he willed a piece to be shot off, and he sent the pinnace for the other Admiral, and all the captains, masters and pilots of both fleets to come aboard of him. ●e commanded the mayne-yard to be struck down, and to put 2. pulleys, on every yard-arme one; the hangman was called, and we were willed to confess ourselves, for he sworn by the king that he would hung us. When the other Admiral, and the rest were come aboard, he called them into his counsel-chamber, and told them that he would hung the master of the Englishmen, and all his company. The Admiral, whose name was Diego Flores de Valdes, asked him wherefore: he said, that we had determined to rise in the night with the pinnace, and with a ball of firework to set the ship on fire, and go our ways: therefore, said he, I will have you the Captains, Masters, and Pilots, to set your hands unto that, for I swear by the king that I will hung them. Diego Flores de Valdes answered, I nor the Captains, Masters, and Pilots will not set our hands to that, for he said, if he had been prisoner as we were, he would have done the like himself. He counseled him to keep us fast in prison, till he came into Spain, & then sand us to the Contratation house in Sivil, where, if we had deserved death the law would pass on us, for he would not have it said that in such a fleet as that was, six men and a boy should take the pinnace, and go away, and so he returned to his ship again. When he was go, the General came to the main mast to us, and sworn by the king, that we should not come out of the stocks till we came into Spain: within 16. days after we came over the Bar of S. Lucar, and came up to the Hurcadoes, than he put us into a pinnace in the stocks, and sent us prisoners to the Contratation house in Seville. From thence after one year we broke prison, on S. Stevens day at night, 7. of our company escaped, Robert Barret, I job Hortop, john Emerie, Humphrey Roberts, and john Gilbert were taken, and brought back to the contratation house, where we remained in the stocks till twelve tide was passed. Then our keeper put up a petition to the judge of the contratation house, that we might be sent to the great prison house in Seville, for that we broken prison, whereupon we were presently led thither, where we remained one month, and then from thence, to the castle of the Inquisition house in T●iana, where we continued one year: which expired, they brought us out in procession, every one of us having a candle in his hand, and the coat with S. Andrew's cross on our backs: they brought us up on an high scaffold, that was set up in the place of S. Francis, which is in the chief street of Seville: there they set us down upon benches, every one in his degree, and against us on another scaffold sat all the judges, and the Clergy on their benches: the people wondered, and gazed on us, some pitying our cases, other said, burn those heretics. When we had sit there two hours, we had a sermon made to us: after which one called Bresinia, secretary to the Inquisition, went up into the pulpit with the process, and called Robert Barret and john Gilbert, Robert Barret whom two familiars of the Inquisition and john Gilbert burned. brought from the scaffold before the judges, where the secretary read the sentence, which was that they should be burned, and so they returned to the scaffold, and were burned. job Hortop his condemnation. Then I job Hortop, and john Bone were called, and brought to the place, as before, where we herded our sentence, which was, that we should go to the Galleys, and there row at the oars e●de ten years, and then to be brought back to the Inquisition house, to have the coat with S. Andrew's cross put on our backs, and from thence to go to the everlasting prison remediless, and so we were returned from the scaffold from whence we came. Thomas Marks, & Thomas Ellis were called, and had sentence to serve in the Galleys eight years, and Humphrey Roberts, and john Emery to serve five years, & so were returned to the benches on the scaffold, where we sat till four of clock in the afternoon. Then we were led again to the Inquisition house, from whence we were brought. The next day in the morning Bresinia the treasurer came thither to us, and delivered to every one of us his sentence in writing. I with the rest were sent to the Galleys, where we were chained four and four together: every man's daily allowance was 26. ounces of course black biscuit and water, our clothing for the whole year two shi●ts, two pair of breeches of course canvas, a read coat of course clot, soon on, and soon off, and a gown of hair with a friars hood: our lodging was on the bore boards, and banks of the Galleys, our heads and beards were shaven every month, hunger, thirst, cold, and stripes we lacked none, till our several times expired. And after the time of 12. years, for I served two years above my sentence, I was sent back to the Inquisition house in Seville, and there having put on the coat with S. Andrew's cross, I was sent to the everlasting prison remediless, where I wore the coat 4. years, & then upon great suit, I had it taken off for 50. ducats, which Hernando de Soria treasurer of the king's mint lent me, whom I served for it as a drudge 7. years, and until the month of October last, 1590. 1590. and then I came from Seville to S. Lucar, where I made means to come away in a flieboat, that was laden with wines and salt, which were Flemings goods, the king of Spain's subjects, dwelling in Sivil, married to Spanish women, and sworn to their king. In this month of October last, departing from S. Lucar, at sea, of the southernmost Cape, we met an English ship, called the galleon Dudley, who taken the Fleming, & me out of him, & brought me to Portsmouth, where they set me on land, the 2. day of December last passed, 1590. 1590. From thence I was sent by M. Muns the lieutenant of Portsmouth, with letters to the R. honourable the Earl of Suffex, who commanded his secretary to take my name and examination, how long I had been ●ut of England, and with whom I went, which he did. And on Christmas even I taken my leave of his honour, and came to Redriffe● The Computation of my imprisonment. I suffered imprisonment in Mexico two years. In the Contratation house in Seville one year. In the Inquisition house in Triana one year. I was in the Galleys twelve years. In the everlasting prison remediless, with the coat with S. Andrews cross on my back 4. years. And at liberty I served as a drudge Hernando de Soria 3. years, which is the full compliment of 23. years. Since my departure from England, until this time of my return, I was sieve times in great danger of death, besides the many perils I was in, in the Galleys. First in the Port of S. john de ullua, where being on shore, with many other of our company, which were all slain saving I, and two other that by swimming got aboard the jesus of Lubek. Secondly, when we were rob by the wild Indians. Thirdly, after we came to Mexico, the viceroy would have hanged us. Fourthly, because he could not have his mind to hung us, he would have burned us. Fiftly, the General that brought us into Spain, would have hanged us at sea. Thus having truly set down unto you my travels, misery and dangers, endured the space of 23. years, I end. A relation of the Haven of Tecuanapa, a most convenient place for building of ships, situate upon the South sea not far from Nicaragua, which was sent unto the viceroy of Mexico or to the king of Spain: wherein are described the rivers of Ometepec, Tlacamama, and Tlacolula falling into the said Haven, with the towns, people, and mountains adjoining to the said rivers, and other things fit for the building and victualling of ships. THe Port and small harbour of Tecuanapa hath in the briest time of Summer in the channel little less than one fathom at low water, The Port of Tecuanapa. and at full sea one fathom and an halves in the time of rain, with the increasing of the land-water it hath three fathoms and more. It lieth toward the West, and there the Bishoprics of Guaxacan and Tlarcali are separated. The Bishoprics of Guaxacan, & Tlarcali. From hence toward the point called Punta de Intla and Dordaci there is a Bay 2. leagues distant, which though it be no special harbour, yet upon an extremity ships may come and ride there, as in times past they have done. This Bay on the right hand toward the North maketh a lake somewhat large towards the midst of the channel, and in some parts deep, but specially on the side of Cuahintla, Cuahintla but on either side it is but shallow. As you pass between the sea & certain great and large woods of orange trees, and trees of other nature which grow along the sea coast, which are of no great breadth, all the country appeareth very open: howbeit on the side of Cuahintla the mountains have many creeks and a small lake called Tulaningo, Tulaningo a small lake. and the country cannot be traveled, except you take the way between the sea and the end of this lake, which may be about two leagues of sandy way. And on the North side there is another small creak. And going by the sands side one quarter of a league, you come to the way that leadeth unto Quacapotla a mansion of Intla. Quacapotla. The river of Ometepec being the principal river which cometh to this hal●en hath his head in the mountains of Xicayan de Tover about 24. leagues from this haven, The river of Ometepec. from divers brooks which come out of the mountains of Cacatepec, and beneath a town called Suchistlahuaca little more than 3. leagues all the brooks join together: and from that place you may pass down to the sea with Cano●s and Lighters; and you might come farther but for the fall of a furious stream or current which runneth between two great rocks, passing from Cocahulapa a mansion of Ometepec unto Yanguitle a mansion of the said Ometepec. These inconveniences being passed (which in my judgement may be about one league) the river is more navigable, so that you may sail in the same about 12. leagues. During the space of which 12. leagues, about a league and a half distance from the waters side, and in many other parts of the same river it hath great quantity of woods which use to grow in hot soils, fi● for ship-timber, as Hubertrees, & Suchicuhitil, whereof they of Nicaragua make great profit. Nicaragu● Also there be white oaks and Tehegurtes in great quantity, and many other kinds of timber: and in the mountains there be fir-tree, oaks, and cork-trees, which easily may be carried down the river, because they may be cut some 2, 3, 4, and 5. leagues from the river, and may be brought down to the waters side with the service and help of those that devil in the towns thereabouts. At the head of these brooks where the river beginneth is the town which is called Xicaian, Xicai●● belonging to the heirs of Francis de Tover y de Guillen, containing about 350. Indians of rude speech and of little policy, being 24. leagues from the sea, little more or less. The place itself is hot, although the mountains round about be cold. Aioanapa. A little from this is the town of Aioanapa possessed by the heirs of Perez Gomez; having in it about 300. Indians of the self same speech and quality. The country is more subject to heat then cold; yet hath it near it cold countries and mountains. It is distant from Xica●●● de To●er 4. leagues, and from the sea 20. leagues. ●●chistlahuaca. Sire leagues downward toward the South is the town of Suchistlahuaca on the said river, and the inhabitants are of the same speech and qualities. The country is more subject to hea●e then cold. It is in the charge of Gonzaluo Fernandez a citizen of Mexico, and hath about 150. Indians, and is 15. leagues distant from the sea. 〈◊〉 From this town unto the town of Ometepec are 6. leagues. The place is very hot, and in the same government, and is situate between certain hills one league from the river: ●e and his followers have under them about 700. Indians, which speak the Ayacastecan, Amulgan, and Niciecan tong●es, and this place is from the sea nine leagues. ●hualapa. From this town unto Ihualapa are two great leagues: it is in the government of the heirs of Laurence de Castro of the foresaid temperature, and the people use the said language, and are of the like stature: and it standeth three leagues from the river, and from the sea ten leagues. These are the best towns, and of the best traffic that are upon all this coast. The Indians are rich in Cacao and victuals, 〈◊〉 and in these towns do the Indians of Niciecan principally trade. And in the town of Ihualapa the chief Alguazil of the province is resident for the most part of the year. Moore low beneath the river of ●lacolula, about a league or a league and ●n half from the town of Ometepec is the town called Pio, Pio a frontier town against the Mexicans. which was wont to be a town of Tlacolula, and was a frontier town against the Mexicans. There be in it about 50. Indians of the ancient inhabitants: one Graviel de Chiavez a citizen of Mexico hath the government thereof: it is 4. leagues from Ihualapa, and 6. from the sea. Huehuatlan. A little below this is the town of Huehuatlan in the self same government standing one league from the river on certain high hills: it hath 10. Indians, and is from the sea 5. leagues. Cuahucapotla. And one league from this town stands the town of Cuahucapotla a mansion of Antla or Intla: it hath to the number of 15. Indians; it standeth one league and a half from the river, and 4. leagues from the mouth thereof. Cacatepec. At the fountains or heads of the rest of the brooks is the town of Cacatepec being in the government of Raphael de T●eyo: he and his tenants have under them some 700. Indians of Niciecan: it is from the sea some 22. leagues. The river of Tlacamama. The river which is called Tlacamama cometh from the mountains of Atoyaque and Amusgos, which are some 17. leagues from the sea. There it maketh a form river, so big, that it is navigable to the sea with canoas and lighters: I say from a little below Tolistlahuaca a mansion of Xicaian. It is navigable 8. months in the year, and the other 4. not, because that the sands of the plains do soak and drink up the water in such wise, that there remains so little, that there is no passage: howbeit in small lighters timber may be brought down this river one league from the place where it is cut, unto the place that I have spoken of; whereas bigger vessels may be made; for nigh unto that place other brooks and running waters do join and meet, which make it a main river. It hath nigh unto it in the mountains of Atoyaque, Cacatepec, and Amusgos many woods of pine-trees, cork-trees, and oaks of great bigness: and beneath those mountains in the warm country, near unto the rivers there is much timber of those sorts which I mentioned before to be about the river of Ometepec, which may easily be cut and carried down unto Tecuanapa in the time before specified. This river hath likewise towns adjoining to it; the first at the foot of the mountains is the ●own of Atoiaque belonging to the kings Atoiaque. & to the heirs of Pronetto: their language is Niciecan, the country hot, the people politic, & it is from the sea 15. leagues. It hath about 200. Indians. ●icaian. One league from this town, and 14. from the sea is the town of Xicaian belonging likewise to the king, and to the heirs of Pronetto. They are Niciecan people and very comely, and in a hot country. It hath by account 300. Indians. There are resident in it the vicar and justice; it is from the river a league and a half. ●●notespan● A league from this town, and 14. from the sea is situate the mansion of Pinotespan subject to Tutotepec, which hath with the manors subject unto it 500 Indians. Two leagues from the town, and one from Xicayan, and 13. from Tecuanapa, and 3. from the river is the town of ●●acamama: The town of Tlacamama. the people are very comely and politic. It containeth some 100 Indians, and belongeth to the king. Moore toward the South 5. leagues from the river, and two from this town, and 14. from the sea is the town called Pinotespan del Rey. They are handsome people, but of slow speech: this town containeth about 100 Indians like unto the former. They be wealthy, because they make great quantity of salt; for they have a lake in which salt groweth under the water, A lake having hard salt growing under the water (a thing repugnant to nature, that two contraries do grow and are conserved together) whereout they take it in breaking it with stones upon the ground under the water. It hath also the town of Amusgos, which is in the government of Fernando de Auila, which may be from Tecuanapa 18. leagues. They speak the Amusgan tongue. The country is hotte● it standeth on the high way from Nicieca: it hath 400. Indians, few more or less. These are all the towns of account situate near this river. Near upon this river are two farms, the one belonging to Pedro Bravo, and the other to him that maketh this relation unto your Excellency, which may be from the sea some 8. or 9 leagues all plain ground. And in this territory there is but one town called Quesala situate upon the river, Quesal● and 6. leagues from the sea; which in times past hath been a great town, and now hath but three Indians only, and it is from the farms 3. leagues. The mansion house of Don Mattheo is more toward the South, standing in a large mountainous and waste country, which aboundeth with cattle, being 3. leagues from the river; and as far from Tecuanapa, as from the place where all the cattle is: and the sea that way is from i● but one league. A little below this mansion about 4. leagues, and 7. leagues from the sea, is a garden of Alonso Pedraza which beareth Cacao. And 2. leagues from this garden, and 6. leagues from the sea standeth the town of Cuahintlan belonging to the king, Cuah●nt●an deal Rey. a town of 19 households, but very rich, for they gather much Cacao a●d the best in that country. They speak the Tlapanecan tongue. This town hath the sea that way within half a league. And this coast from Cuahintlan to Tecuanapa, and the coast which runneth to Huatulco is a coast of much pearl, Huatulco or Guatulco in 15. deg. and 50. minutes. for in old time the Indians gathered much pearl there. And 2. leagues from Cuahintlan and 4. from Tecuanapa is the garden of Cacao in the lands of Francisco Maldonado, which is called Cacahu-Atoyaque. These are the things worthy of relation from the head-springs of this river of Tlacamama unto the sea: and this foresaid river entereth into the river of Ometepec 5. leagues from Tecuanapa. The river of Tlacolula springeth within the bounds of Chilsiztlahuaca subject to Comastlahuaca a town of Suchistlahuaca, near which are many mountains. The river ●● Tlacolula. This river is navigable little more than 2. leagues before it entereth into the river of Ometepec, where it is 5. leagues from the sea. Hard by it is the town of Tlacolula abovenamed; and 3. leagues from it is the town of Azoyoque an old manor of Tlapa. Azoyoque The town of Chilsiztlahuaca hath but 3. Indians; and the town of Azoyoque hath more than 300. Indians. But because in this haven must be the building of ships the provinces of Tlapa and Tututepec may stand them in great stead; the province of Tututepec being neighbour to the river of Tlacamama, The provinces of Tututepec and Tlapa and the province of Tlapa to the river of Tlacolula. For they may, as I have said, car●●e the timber in lighters or rafts down the rivers, and may use the Indians in the towns thereabouts to fell, and draw the same out of the cold mountains; for in the warm countries the most is plain ground, whereas with very few men and oxen it may be brought unto the place where it should be embarked. There may come flat bottoms, and canoas unto the towns thereabouts, and lad themselves with victuals: For they have already come by that river to the road of Ometepec, & made there provision at the mansion of Don Mattheo, and at the farms, at that time when his Majesty did people the plains which are between these rivers, containing a large and void country sufficient for the erecting of 20. manors, being a country well furnished with water and pasture without any danger or peril, according to the description hereunto annexed. This small harbour of Tecuanapa being seen and viewed, Tecuanapa ● most fit harbour to buil● ships for the South ●●a. seemeth very commodious for to build ships in, by reason of the great abundance of mountains full of good timber for that purpose, with the commodities of rivers, and with the service and victuals from the towns thereabouts, which be very good for coast towns. The desire of him that made this relation, hath been with zeal to serve your excellency; who therewithal desireth the Lord God to give the success. THE PRINCIPAL VOYAGES OF the English Nation to the Isles of Trinidad, Margarita, Dominica, Deseada, Monserrate, Guadalupe, Martinino, and all the rest of the Antilles; As likewise to S. ivan de Puerto rico, to Hispaniola, jamaica and Cuba: and also to Tierra firma, and all along the coast and Islands thereof, even from Cumana and the Caraco● to the neckland of Dariene, and over it to the Gulf of S. Michael and the Isle of Pearls in the South sea: and further to Cabeça Cativa, Nombre de dios, and Venta de cruzes, to Puerto Belo, Rio de Chagre, and the Isle of Escudo, along the main of Beragua, to the Cape and Gulf of the Honduras, to Truxillo, Puerto de cavallos, and all other the principal Towns, Islands and harbours of account within the said Gulf, and up Rio dolce falling into this Gulf, above 30. leagues: As also to the Isle of Coçumel, and to Cape Coto●he, the town of Campeche, and other places upon the land of jucatan; and lower down to S. ivan de ullua, Vera Cruz, Rio de Panuco, Rio de Palmas, etc. within the bay of Mexico: and from thence to the Isles of the Tortugas, the port of Hanana, the Cape of Florida, and the Gulf of Bahama homewards. With the taking, sacking, ransoming, or burning of most of the principal Cities and towns upon the coasts of Tierra sirma, Nueva Espanna, and all the foresaid Islands; since the most traitorous burning of her majesties ship the jesus of Lube● and murdering of her Subjects in the port of S. ivan de ullua, and the last general arrest other highness people, with their ships and goods throughout all the dominions of the King of Spain in the month of june 1585. Besides the manifold and tyrannical oppressions of the Inquisition inflicted on our nation upon most light and frivolous occasions. The voyage of Sir Thomas Pert, and Sebastian Cabot, about the eight year of King Henry the eight, which was the year 1516. to Brasil, Santo Domingo, and S. ivan de Puerto rico. THat learned and painful writer Richard Eden in a certain Epistle of his to the duke of Northumberland, before a work which he translated out of Munster in the year 1553, called A treatise of new India, maketh mention of a voyage of discovery undertaken out of England by sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabota, about the 8. year of King Henry the eight of famous memory, imputing the overthrow thereof unto the cowardice and want of stomach of the said Sir Thomas Pert, in manner following. If manly courage, says he, (like unto that which hath been seen & proved in your Grace, as well in foreign realms, as also in this our country) had not been wanting in other in these our days, at such time as our sovereign lord of famous memory king Henry the 8. about the same year of his reign, furnished and sent out certain ships under the governance of Sebastian Cabot yet living and one sir Thomas Pert, This sir Tho. Pert was Uiceadmirall of England, and dwelled in Poplar at Blackmall. whose faint heart was the cause that the voyage took none effect; it, I say, such manly courage, whereof we have spoken, had not at that time been wanting, it might happily have come to pass, that that rich treasury called Perularia, (which is now in Spain in the city of Seville, and so named, for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thither from the newfound land of Peru) might long since have been in the ●ower of London, to the kings great honour and wealth of this realm. Hereunto that also is to be referred which the worshipful M. Robert thorn written to the said king Henry the 8. in the year 1527. by doctor Leigh his ambassador sent into Spain to the Emperor Charles the fift, whose words be these. Now rest to be discovered the North parts, the which it seemeth unto me, is only your highness charge and duty, because the situation of this your realm is thereunto nearest and aptest of all other: and also, for that already you have taken it in hand. And in mine opinion it will not seem well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily and with so little cost, labour and danger be followed and obtained. Note Though hitherto your grace have made thereof a proof, & found not the commodity thereby as you trusted, at this time it shallbe none impediment: for there may be now provided remedies ●or things then lacked, and the inconveniences and let's removed, that then were 'cause your grace's desire took no full effect: which is, the courses to be changed, and to follow the aforesaid new courses. And concerning the mariners, ships, and provision, an order may be devised and taken mee●e and convenient, much better than hitherto: by reason whereof, & by God's grace, no doubt you● purpose shall take effect. And whereas in the aforesaid words M. Robert thorn saith, that he would have the old courses to be changed, and the new courses (to the North) to be followed: It may plainly be gathered, that the former voyage, whereof twice or thrice he maketh mention, wherein it is like that sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set forth by the king, was made toward brasil and the South parts. Moreover it seemeth that Gonsaluo de Ouiedo, a famous Spanish writer, assudeth unto the said voyage in the beginning of the 13. chapter of the 19 book of his general and natural history of the West Indies, agreeing very well with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresaid voyage was begun. The author's words are these, as I find them translated into Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusius. Nell 1517. An English great ship at brasil 1517● un Corsaro Inglese, sotto colore di venire á discoprire se ne venne con una gran nave alla volta del Brasil nella costiera di Terra ferma, & indi attraverso á questa isola Spagnuola, & giunse presso la bocca del porto di questa città di S. Domenico, & mando in terra il suo battello pieno di gente, & chiese licentia dipotere qui entrare, dicendo che venia con mercantie a negotiare. Ma in in quello instant il castellano Francisco di Tapia fece tirare alla vave un ●iro d' artiglieria da questo castello, perch ella se ne veniva diritta all porto. Quando gli ●ngles● viddero questo si ritirar●no fuori, & quelli del battello tosto si raccolsero in nave. Et nel vero il Castellan fece errore: perch see been fossenave entrata nel porto, non sar ebbono le genti potuto smontare à terra senza volont● & della città & del castello. La nave adunque veggendo come vi era rice●●ta, ●●●ò la volta dell, isola di San Gionanni, & entrata nel porto di San Germano parlarono gli Inglesi con quelli della terra, San ivan de puerto Rico. & dimandarono vettovaglie & fornimenti per la nave, & si lamentarono di quelli di questa città, dicendo che essi non venivano per fare dispiacere, maper contrattare, & negotiare con s●●i danari & mercantie. Hora quivi hebbero alcune vettovaglie, & in compensa essi diedero & pagarono in certi stagni lavorati & alter coz. Et pois si partirono alla volta d' Europa, dove si crede, che non gungessero, perch non se ne seppe piu nuova mai. This extract imports thus much in English, to wit: That in the year 1517. an English Rover under the colour of traveling to discover, came with a great ship unto the parts of brasil on the coast of the firm land, and from thence he crossed over unto this Island of Hispaniola, and arrived near unto the mouth of the haven of this city of S. Domingo, and sent his shipboate full of men on shore, and demanded leave to enter into this haven, saying that he came with merchandise to traffic. But at that very instant the governor of the castle Francis de Tapia caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the castle at the ship, for she bore in directly with the haven. When the Englishmen saw this, they withdrew themselves out, and those that were in the shipboate, got themselves with all speed on shipboard. And in truth the warden of the castle committed an oversight: for if the ship had entered into the haven, the men thereof could not have come on land without leave both of the city and of the castle. Therefore the people of the ship seeing how they were received, sailed toward the Island of S. john, and entering into the port of S. German, the English men parled with those of the town, requiring victuals and things needful to furnish their ship, and complained of the inhabitants of the city of S. Domingo, saying that they came not to do any harm, but to trade and traffic for their money and merchandise. In this place they had certain victuals, and for recompense they gave and paid them with certain vessel of wrought tin and other things. And afterward they departed toward Europe, where it is thought they arrived not: for we never herded any more news of them. Thus far proc●edeth Gonsaluo de Ouiedo, who though it please him to call the captain of this great English ship a rover, yet it appeareth by the Englishmens own words, that they came to discover, and by their traffic for pewter vessel and other wares at the town of S. German in the Island of S. john de puerto rico, it cannot be denied but that they were furnished with wares for honest traffic and exchange. But whosoever is conversant in reading the Portugal and Spanish writers of the East and West Indies, shall commonly find that they accounted all other nations for pirates, rovers and thieves, which visit any heathen coast that they have once sailed by or looked on. Howbeit their passionate and ambitious reckoning aught not to be prejudicial to other men's chargeable and painful enterprises and honourable travels in discovery. A brief note concerning a voyage of one Thomas Ti●on an English man, made before the year 1526. to the West Indies, & of his abode there in manner of a secret factor for some English merchants, which under hand had trade thither in those days: taken out of an old lig●er-booke of M. Nicolas thorn the elder, a worshipful merchant of Bristol. IT appeareth out of a certain note or letter of remembrance, in the custody of me Richard Hakluyr, written 1526. by master Nicolas thorn the elder, a principal merchant of Bristol, unto his friend and factor Thomas Midnall, and his servant William Ballard at that time remaining at S. Lucar in Andaluzia: that before the said year one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found the way to the West Indies, and was there resident: unto whom the aforesaid M. Nicolas thorn sent armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesaid. This Thomas Tison (so far as I can conjecture) may seem to have been some secret factor for M. thorn and other English merchants in those remote parts; wherereby it is probable that some of our merchants had a kind of trade to the West Indies even in those ancient times and before also: neither do I see any reason why the Spaniards should debar us from it at this present. The first voyage of the right worshipful and valiant knight sir john Hawkins, sometimes treasurer of her majesties navy Royal, made to the West Indies 1562. MAster john Haukins having made divers voyages to the Isles of the Canaries, and there by his good and upright dealing being grown in love and favour with the people, informed himself amongst them by diligent inquisition, of the state of the West India, whereof he had received some knowledge by the instructions of his father, but increased the same by the advertisements and reports of that people. And being amongst other particulars assured, that negroes were very good merchandise in Hispaniola, and that store of Negroes might easily be had upon the coast of Guinea, resolved with himself to make trial thereof, and communicated that devise with his worshipful friends of London: namely with Sir Lionel ducat, sir Thomas Lodge, M. Gunson his father in law, sir William Winter, M. Bromfield, and others. All which people liked so well of his intention, that they become liberal contributers and adventurers in the action. For which purpose there were three good ships immediately provided: The one called the Solomon of the burden of 120. tunne● wherein M. Haukins himself went as General: The second the Swallow of 100 tons, wherein went for Captain M. Thomas Hampton: M. Thomas Hampton. and the third the jonas a bark of 40. tons, wherein the Master supplied the captains room: in which small fleet M. Hawkins took with him not above 100 men, for fear of sickness and other inconveniences, whereunto men in long voyages are commonly subject. With this company he put off and departed from the coast of England in the month of October 1562. and in his course touched first at Teneriffe, where he received friendly entertainment. From thence he passed to Sierra Leona, ●●●rra Leona ●alled Tag●rin. upon the coast of Guinea, which place by the people of the country is called Tagarin, where he stayed some good time, and got into his possession, partly by the sword, and partly by other means, to the number of 300. Negroes at the lest, besides other merchandises which that country yieldeth. With this pray he sailed over the Ocean sea unto the Island of Hispaniola, and arrived first at the port of Isabel: and there he had reasonable utterance of his English commodities, as also of some part of his Negroes, trusting the Spaniards no further, then that by his own strength he was able still to master them. From the port of Isabel he went to Puerto de Plata, where he made like sales, standing always upon his guard: from thence also he sailed to Monte Christi another port on the North side of Hispaniola, and the last place of his touching, where he had peaceable traffic, and made vent of the whole number of his Negroes: for which he received in those 3. places by way of exchange such quantity of merchandise, that be did not only lad his own 3. ships with hides, ginger, sugars, and some quantity of pearls, but he freighted also two other hulks with hides and other like commodities, which he ●ent into Spain. And thus leaving the Island, he returned and disemboqued, passing out by the islands of the Cayc●s, The Isles of Caycus. without further entering into the bay of Mexico, in this his first voyage to the West India. And so with prosperous success and much gain to himself and the aforesaid adventurers, he came home, and arrived in the month of September 1563. The voyage made by M. john Hawkins Esquire, and afterward knight, Captain of the jesus of Lubek, one of her majesties ships, and General of the Solomon, and other two barks going in his company, to the coast of Guinea, and the Indies of Nova Hispania, begun in An. Dom. 1564. MAster john Hawkins with the jesus of Lubek, a ship of 700. and the Solomon a ship of 140. the Tiger a bark of 50. and the Swallow of 30. tons, being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundredth threescore and ten, as also with ordinance and victual requisite for such a voyage, departed out of Plymmouth the 18. day of October, October 1ST in the year of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous wind: at which departing, in cutting the foresail, a marvelous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the ship, who by the pulley of the sheet was slain out of hand, being a sorrowful beginning to them all. And after their setting out ten leagues to the sea, he met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queen's Majesty, whereof was Captain David Carlet, and also her consort the john Baptist of London, The Minion the john Baptist, and the Merlin bond for Guinea. being bound to Guinea also, who hailed one the other after the custom of the sea with certain pieces of ordinance for joy of their meeting: which done, the Minion departed from him to seek her other consort the Merlin of London, which was a stern out of sight, leaving in M. Hawkins company the john Baptist her other consort. Thus sailing forward on their way with a prosperous wind until the 21. of the same month, at that time a great storm arose, the wind being at North-east about nine a clock in the night, and continued so 23. hours together, in which storm M. Hawkins lost the company of the john Baptist aforesaid, and of his pinnace called the Swallow, his other 3. ships being sor● beaten with a storm. The 23. day the Swallow to his no small rejoicing, came to him again in the night, 10. leagues to the Northward of Cape Finister, he having put roomer, not b●ing abl● to double the Cape, in that there rose a contrary wind at Southwest. The 25. the wound continuing contrary, he put into a place in Galicia, called Ferroll, where he remained five days, and appointed all the Masters of his ships an order for the keeping of good company in this manner: The small ships to be always ahead and a weather of the jesus, Good 〈…〉 a long day. and to speak twice a day with the jesus at lest: if in the day the Ensign be over the poop of the Iesu●, or in the night two lights, then shall all the ships speak with her: If there be three lights aboard the Iesu●, then doth she cast about: If the weather be extreme, that the small ships cannot keep company with the jesus, then all to keep company with the Solomon, and forthwith to repair to ●he Island of Teneriff●, to the Northward of the road of Sirroes'; If any happen to any misfortune then to show two lights, and ●o shoot off a piece of ordinance. If any loose company, and come in sight again, to make three yawes, and strike the Myson three times: Serve God daily, love one another preserve your victuals, beware of fire and keep good company. The 26. day the Minion came in also where he was, for the rejoicing whereof he gave them certain pieces of ordinance, after the courtesy of the sea for their welcome: but the Minions men had no mirth, because of their consort the Merline, whom at their departure from Master Hawkins upon the coast of England they went to seek, and having met with her, kept company two days together, and at last by misfortune of fire (through the negligence of one of their gunner's) the powder in the gunner's room was set on fi●e, A dreadful mischance by fire. which with the first blast struck out her poop, and therewithal lost three men, besides many sore burned (which escaped by the brigandine being at her stern) and immediately, to the great loss of the owners, and most horrible sight to the beholders, she sunk before their eyes. The 20. day of the month M. Hawkins with his consorts and company of the Minion, having now both the brigandines at her stern, weighed anchor, and set sail on their voyage, having a prosperous wind thereunto. The fourth of November they had sight of the Island of Madera, and the sixt day of Teneriffe, which they thought to have been the Canary, in that they supposed themselves to have been to the Eastward of Teneriffe, and were not: but the Minion being three or four leagues ahead of us, kept on her course to Teneriffe, having better sight thereof then the other had, and by that means they parted company. For M. Hawkins and his company went more to the West, upon which course having sailed a while, he espied another Island, which he thought to be Teneriffe, and being not able by means of the fog upon the hills, to discern the same, nor yet to fetch it by night, went roomer until the morning, being the seventh of November, which as yet he could not discern, but sailed along the coast the space of two hours, to perceive some certain mark of Teneriffe, and found no likelihood thereof at all, accounting that to be, as it was in deed, the isle of Palms: The I'll of Palms. and so sailing forward, espied another Island called Gomera, Gomera and Teneriffe. and also Teneriffe, with the which he made, and sailing all night, came in the morning the next day to the port of Adecia, where he found his pinnace which had departed from him the sixt of the month, being in the weather of him, and espying the pike of Teneriffe all a high, bore thither. At his arrival somewhat before he came to anchor, he hoist out his ships pinnace rowing a shore, intending to have sent one with a letter to Peter de ponte, one of the governors of the Island, who dwelled a league from the shore: but as he pretended to have landed, suddenly there appeared upon the two points of the road, men leveling of bases and harguebuzes to them, with divers others to the number of fourscore, with halberds, pikes sword and targets which happened so contrary to his expectation, that it did greatly amaze him, and the more, because he was now in their danger, not knowing well how to avoid it without some mischief. Wherefore he determined to call to them for the better appeasing of the matter, declaring his name, and professing himself to be an especial friend to Peter de ponte, and that he had sundry things for him which he greatly desired. And in the mean time, while he was thus talking with them, whereby he made them to hold their hands, he willed the mariners to row away, so that at last he got out of their danger: and then ask for Peter de ponte, one of his sons being Sennor Nicolas de Ponte, came forth, whom he perceiving, desired to put his men aside, and he himself would leap a shore, and common with him, which they did: so that after communication had between them of sundry things, and of the fear they both had, master Hawkins desired to have certain necessaries provided for him. In the mean space, while these things were providing, he trimmed the main mast of the jesus which in the storm aforesaid was sprung: here he sojourned 7. days, refreshing himself and his men. In the which time Peter de ponte dwelling at S. Cruz, Santa Cruz. a city 20. leagues off, come to him, and gave him as gentle entertainment as if he had been his own brother. To speak somewhat of these islands being called in old time Insulae fortunatae, A brief description of the commodities of the Cana●ie islands. by the means of the flourishing thereof, the fruitfulness of them doth surely exceed far all other that I have herded of: for they make wine better than any in Spain, they have grapes of such bigness, that they may be compared to damsons, and in taste inferior to none: for sugar, suckets, raisins of the Sun, and many other first-fruits, abundance: sore rosine & raw silk, there is great store, they want neither corn, pullets, cattle, nor yet wild soul: they have many Camels also, which being young, are eaten of the people for victuals, and being old, they are used for carriage of necessaries: whole property is as he is taught to kneel at the taking of his load, and unlading again: his nature is to engender backward contrary to other beasts: of understanding very good, but of shape very deformed, with a little belly, long misshapen legs, and feet very broad of flesh, without a hose, all whole, saving the great toe, a back bearing up like a molehill a large and thin neck, with a little head, with a bunch of hard flesh, which nature hath given him in his breast to lean● upon. This beast liveth hardly, and is contented with straw and stubble, but of force strong, being w●ll able to carry 500 weight. In one of these islands called Fierro, 〈◊〉 there is by the reports of the inhabitants, a certain tree that raineth continually, by the dropping whereof the inhabitants and cattle are satisfied with water, for other water have they none in all the Island. And it names in such abundance, that it were incredible unto a man to bele●ue such a virtue to be in a tree, b●● it is known to be a divine matter, and a thing ordained by God, at whose power therein we aught not to marvel, seeing he did by his providence as we read in the Scriptures, when the children of Israel were going into the land of promise, feed them with Manna from heaven, for the space of 40. years. Of the trees aforesaid we see in Guinie many, Trees dropping water in Guinie. being of great height, dropping continually, but not so abundantly as the other, because the leaves are narrower, and are like in leaves of a pear tree. About these islands are certain fli●ting islands, which have been oftentimes seen, and when men approached near them, they vanished: as the like hath been of these islands now known by the report of the inhabitants, which were not found of long time e●e aft●r ●he other: and therefore it should seem he is not yet born to whom God hath appointed the ●inding of them. In this Island of Teneriffe there is a hill called The Pike, The pike of Teneriffe. because it is piked which is in height by their reports twenty leagues, having both winter and summer abundance of ●ewe in the top of it: this Pike may be seen in a clear day fifty leagues off, but it showeth as though it were a black cloud a great height in the element. I have herded of none to be compared with this in height, but in the India's I have seen many, and in my judgement not inferior to the Pike, and so the Spaniards writ. The 15. of November at night we departed from Teneriffe, and the 20. of the same we had sight of ten Caravels, that were fishing at sea, with whom we would have spoken, but they fearing us, fled into a place of Barbary, called Cape de las Ba●bas. Cape de las Barbas. The twentieth, the ships pinnace with two men in her, sailing by the ship was overthrown by the oversight of them that went in her, the wind being so great, that before they were espied, and the ship had cast about for them, she was driven half a league to leeward of the pinnace, and had lost sight of her, so that there was small hope of recovery, had not God's help and the captains diligence been, who having well marked which way the pinnace was by the Sun, appointed 24 of the lustiest rowers in the great boat, to row to the wind-waides● and so recovered, contrary to all men's expectations, both the pinnace and the men sitting upon the keel of her. The 25 he came to Cape Blanco, Cape Blanco which is upon the coast of Africa, and a place where the Portugals do ride, that fish there in the month of November especially, and is a very good place of fishing, for Pargoes, Mu●let, and Dog fish. In this place the Portugals have no hold for their defence, but have rescue of the Barbarians, whom they entertain as their soldiers, for the time of their being there and for their fishing upon that coast of Africa, do pay a certain tribute to the king of the Moors. The people of that part of Africa are tawny, having long hair without any apparel, saving before their privy members. Their weapons in wars are bows and arrows. The 26 we departed from S. avis Bay, within Cape Blanco, where we refreshed ourselves with fish, and other necessaries: and the 29 we came to Cape Verde, which lieth in 14 degrees, Cape Verde in 14 degrees and a half. These people are all black, and are called Negroes, without any apparel, saving before their privities: of stature goodly men, and well liking by reason of their food, which passeth all other Guyneans for cows, goats, pullen, rise, first-fruits, and fish. Here we took fish with heads like coneys, and teeth nothing varying of a jolly thickness, but not past a foot long, and is not to be eaten without flaying or cutting off his head. To speak somewhat of the sundry sorts of these Guyneans: the people of Cape Verde are called Leophares, Leophares. and counted the goodliest men of all other, saving the Congoes, which do inhabit on this side the cape de Buena Esperança. These Leophares have wars against the jeloffes, jeloffes. which are borderers by them: their weapons are bows and arrows, targets, and short daggers, darts also, but varying from other Negroes: for whereas the other use a long dart to fight with in their hands, they carry five or six small one's a piece, which they cast with. These men also are more civil than any other, because of their daily traffic with the Frenchmen, The traffic of the Frenchmen at Cape Verde. and are of nature very gentle and loving: for while we were there, we took in a Frenchman, who was one of the 19 that goin to Brasile, in a Bark of deep, of 60 tons, and being a sea board of Cape Verde, 200 leagues, the planks of their Bark with a sea broke out upon them so suddenly, that much a do they had to save themselves in their boats: but by God's providence, the wound being Westerly, which is rarely seen there, they got to the shore, to the Isle Brava, and in great penury got to Cape Verde, where they remained six weeks, and had meat and drink of the same people. The said Frenchman having forsaken his fellows, which were three leagues off from the shore, and wandering with the Negroes too and fro, fortuned to come to the waters side: and communing with certain of his countrymen, which were in our ship, by their persuasions came away with us: but his entertainment amongst them was such, that he desired it not: but through the importunate request of his Countrymen, consented at the last. Here we stayed but one night, and part of the day: for the 7 of December we came away, in that pretending to have taken Negroes there perforce● the Minions men gave them there to understand of our coming, and our pretence, wherefore they did avoid the s●ares we had laid for them. The 8 of December we ankered by a small Island called Alcatrarsa, wherein at our going a shore, we found nothing but sea-birds, as we call them Ganets, but by the Portugals, called Alcatrarses, Alcatra●ses or Ganets. who for that cause gave the said Island the same name. Herein half of our boats were laden with young and old fowl, who not being used to the sight of men, slay so about us, that we struck them down with poles. In this place the two ships riding, the two Banks, with their boats, went into an Island of the Sapies, The Sapie● called Lafoy Formio, to see if they could take any of them, and there landed to the number of 80 in armour, and espying certain made to them but they fled in such order into the woods, that it booted them not to follow: so going on their way forward till they came to a river which they could not pass over, they espied on the otherside two men, who with their bows and arrows shot terribly at them. Whereupon we discharged certain harquebusses to them again, but the ignorant people weighed it not, because they knew● not the danger thereof: but used a marvelous crying in their fight with leaping and turning their tayles● that it was most strange to see, and gave us great pleasure to behold them. At the last one being hurt with a harquebuz upon the thigh, looked upon his wound and witted not how it came, because he could not see the pellet. Here Master Hawkins perceiving no good to be done amongst th●m because we could not find their towns, and also not knowing how to go into Rio grand, Rio grand for want of a Pilot, which was the very occasion of our coming thither: and finding so many shoals, sea●red with our great ships to go in, and therefore departed on our pretended way to the Idols. The Idols The 10 of December, we had a North-east wind, with rain and storm, which weather continuing two days together, was the occasion that the Solomon, and Tiger lost our company: for whereas the jesus, and pinnace ankered at one of the Islands called Sambula, The Island called Sambula The Samboses. the twelfth day, the Solomon and Tiger came not thither till the 14. In this Island we stayed certain days, going every day on shore to take the Inhabitants, with burning and spoiling their towns, who before were Sapies, lapies and were conquered by the Samboses, Inhabitants beyond Sierra Leona. These Samboses had inhabited there three years before our coming thither, and in so short space have so planted the ground, that they had great plenty of Mil, Rise, roots, Pompions, Puilin, goats, of small fry dried, every house full of the Country fruit planted by God's providence as Palmito trees, fruits like dates, and sundry other in no place in all that country to abundantly, whereby they lived more deliciously than other. These inhabitants have diverse of the Sapies, which they took in the wars as their slaves, whom only they kept to till the ground, in that they neither have the knowledge thereof, nor yet will work themselves, of whom we took many in that place, but of the Samboses none at all, for ●hey fled into the main. All the Samboses have white teeth as we have, far unlike to the Sapies which do inhabit about Rio grand, for their teeth are all filled, which they do for a bravery, to set out themselves, and do iagge their flesh, both legs, arms, and bodies, as workemanlike, as a jerkimnaker with us pinketh a ●erkin. These Sapies be more civil than the Samboses: The Samboses man-eaters for whereas the Samboses live most by the spoil of their enemies, both in taking their victuals, and eating them also, The Sapies do not eat man's flesh, unless in the war they be driven by necessity thereunto, which they have not used but by the example of the Samboses, but live only with fruits, and cattle, whereof they have great store. This plenty is the occasion that the Sapies desire not war, except they be thereunto provoked by the invasions of the Samboses, whereas the Samboses for want of food are enforced thereunto, and therefore are not wont only to take them that they kill, but also keep those that they take, until such time as they want meat, and then they kill them. There is also another occasion that provoketh the Samboses to war against the Sapies, The Sapies bury their dead with gold. which is for covetousness of their riches. For whereas the Sapies have an order to bury their did in certain places appointed for that purpose, with their gold about them, the Samboses dig up the ground, to have the same treasure: for the Samboses have not the like store of gold, that the Sapies have. In this Island of Sambula we found about 50 boats called Almadyes, or Canoas', which are made of one piece of wood● digged out like a trough, but of a good proportion, being about 8 yards long, The Canoas' of A●trica and one in breadth, having a beak-head and a stern very proportionably made, and on the out side artificially carved, and painted read and blue: they are able to carry twenty or thirty men, but they are about the coast able to carry threescore and upward. In these canoas they row standing upright, with an oar somewhat longer than a man, the end whereof is made about the breadth and length of a man's hand, of the largest sort. They row very swift, and in some of them four rowers and one to steer make as much way, as a pair of oars in the Thames of London. The form of their towns. Their Towns are prettily divided with a main street at the entering in, that goeth through their Town, and another overthwart street, which maketh their towns cross ways: their houses are built in in a rank very orderly in the face of the street, and they are made round, like a dove-cote, with stakes set full of Palmito leaves, in stead of a brickwall: they are not much more than a fathom large, and two of height, & thatched with Palmito leaves very close, other some with reed, and over the roof thereof, for the better garnishing of the same, there is a round bundle of reed, prettily contrived like a lover: in the inner part they make a fit of sticks, whereupon they lay all their provision of victuals: a place they reserve at their entrance for the kitchen, and the place they lie in is divided with certain mats artificially made with the rind of Palmito trees: their bedsteades are of small staves laid along, and raised a foot from the ground, upon which is laid a mat, and another upon them when they li●t: for other covering they have none. In the middle of the town there is a house larger and higher than the other, but in form alike, adjoining unto the which there is a place made of four good stantions of wood, and a round roof over it, the ground also raised round with clay a foot high● upon the which floor were strawed many five mats: this is the Consultation-house, The Consultation house or towne-how●e. the like whereof is in all Towns, as the Portugals affirm: in which place, when they sit in Counsel the King or Captain sitteth in the midst, and in the Elders upon the floor by him: (for they give reverence to their Elders) and the common sort sit round about them. There they sit to examine matters of theft, which if a man be taken with, to steal but a Portugal clot from another, he is sold to the Portugals for a slave. They consult also, and take order what time they shall go to wars: and as it is certainly reported by the Portugals, they take order in gathering of the fruits in the season of the year, and al●o of Palmito wine, Palmito is a ●●lde dat● which is gathered by a hole cut in the top of a tree, and a gourd set for the receiving thereof, which falls in by drops, and yieldeth fresh wine again within a month, and this divided part and portion-like to every man, by the judgement of the Captain and Elders, every man holdeth himself contented: and this surely I judge to be a very good order: for otherwise, whereas scarcity of Palmito is, every man would have the same, which might breed great strife: but of such things, as every man doth plant for himself, the sour thereof reapeth it to his own use, so that nothing is common, but that which is unset by man's hands. In their houses there is more common passage of Lizardes' like Euats, and other greater, of black and blue colour, of near a foot long, besides their tails, than there is with us of Misem great houses. The Sapies and Samboses also use in their wars bows, and arrows made of reeds, with heads of iron poisoned with the juice of a Cucumber, A venomous Cucumber. whereof I had many in my hands. In their battles they have target-men, with broad wicker targets, and darts with heads at both ends, of iron, the one in form of a two edged sword, a foot and an half long, and at the other end, the iron long of the same length made to counterpoise it, that in casting it might fly level, rather than for any other purpose as I can judge. And when they espy the enemy, the Captain to cheer his men, crieth Hungry, and they answer Heygre, and with that every man placeth himself in order, for about every target man three bowemen will cover themselves, and shoot as they see advantage: and when they give the onset, they make such terrible cries, that they may be herded two miles off. For their belief, I can hear of none that they have, but in such as they themselves imagine to see in their dreams, and so worship the pictures, whereof we saw some like unto devils. Idols like devils. In this Island aforesaid we sojourned unto the one and twentieth of December, where having taken certain Negroes, and as much of their fruits, rise, and mill, as we could well carry away, (whereof there was such store, that we might have laden one of our Barks therewith) we departed, and at our departure divers of our men being desirous to go on shore, to fetch Pompions, which having proved, they found to be very good, certain of the Tiger's men went also, amongst the which there was a Carpenter, a young man, who with his fellows having set manies and carried them down to their boats, as they were ready to departed, desired his fellow to tarry while he might go up to fetch a few which he had laid by for himself, The extreme negligence of one of the company. who being more liquorous than circumspect, went up without weapon, and as he went up alone, possibly being marked of the Negroes that were upon the trees, espying him what he did, perceiving him to be alone, and without weapon, dogged him, and finding him occupied in binding his Pompions together, came behind him, overthrowing him and strait cut his throat, as he afterwards was found by his fellows, who came to the place for him, and there found him naked. The two and twentieth the Captain went into the River, called Callowsa, The river Calowsa. with the two Barks, and the john's Pinnace, and the Salomon's boat, leaving at anchor in the rivers mouth the two ships, the River being twenty leagues in, where the Portugals road: he came thither the five and twentieth, and dispatched his business, and so returned with two Caravels, loaden with negroes. The 27. the Captain was advertised by the Portugals of a town of the Negroes called Bymba● The Town of Bimba. being in the way as they returned, where was not only great quantity of gold, but also so that there were not above forty men, and an hundred women and children in the Town, so that if he would give the adventure upon the same, he might get an hundredth slaves: with the which tidings he being glad, because the Portugals should not think him to be of so base a courage, but that he dared give them that, and greater attempts: and being thereunto also the more provoked with the prosperous success he had in other Islands adjacent, where he had put them all to flight, and taken in one boat twenty together, determined to stay before the Town three or four hours, to see what he could do: and thereupon prepared his men in armour and weapon together, to the number of forty men well appointed, having to their guides certain Portugals, Portugal's n●● to be trusted. in a boat, who brought some of them to their death: we landing boat after boat, and divers of our men scattering themselves, contrary to the Captains will, by one or two in a company, for the hope that they had to find gold in their houses, Want of circumspect in ou● ransacking the same, in the mean time the Negroes came upon them, and hurt many being thus scattered, whereas if five or six had been together, they had been able, as their companions did, to give the overthrow to 40 of them, and being driven down to take their boats, were followed to hardly by a rout of Negroes, who by that took courage to pursue them to their boats, that not only some of them, but others standing on shore, not looking for any such matter by means that the Negroes did flee at the first, and our company remained in the town, were suddenly so set upon that some with great hurt recovered their boats; othersome not able to recover the same, took the water, and perished by means of the oaze. While this was doing, the Captain who with a dozen men, went through the town, returned, finding 200 Negroes at the water's side, shooting at them in the boats, and cutting them in pieces which were drowned in the water, at whole coming, they ran all away: so he entered his boats, and before he could put off from the shore, they returned again, and shot very fiercely and hurt divers of them. Thus we returned back some what discomforted, although the Captain in a singular wise manner carried himself, with countenance very cheerful outwardly, as though he did little weigh the death of his men, nor yet the great hurt of the rest, although his heart inwardly was broken in pieces for it; done to this end, that the Portugals being with him, should not presume to resist against him, nor take occasion to put him to further displeasure or hindrance for the death of our men: having got by our going ten Negroes, and lost seven of our best men, whereof M. Field Captain of the Solomon, M. Field Captain of the Solomon slain. was one, and we had 27 of our men hurt. In the same hour while this was doing, there happened at the same instant, a marvelous miracle to them in the ships, who road ten leagues to seaward, by many sharks or Tiburons, who came about the ships: among which, one was taken by the jesus, and four by the Solomon, and one very sore hur● escaped: and so it fallen out of our men, whereof one of the jesus men, and four of the Salomons were killed, and the fift having twenty wounds, was rescued, and scaped with much ado. The 28 they came to their ships, the jesus, and the Solomon, and the 30 departed from thence to Taggarin. Taggarin. The river of Casterroes. The first of january the two barks, and both the boats forsook the ships, and went into a river called the Casterroes, and the 6 having dispatched their business, the two barks returned, and came to Taggarin where the two ships were at anchor. Not two days after the coming of the two ships thither, they put their water cask a shore, and filled it with water, to season the same, thinking to have filled it with fresh water afterward: and while their men were some on shore, and some at their boats, the Negroes set upon them in the boats, and hurt divers of them, and came to the casks, and cut of the hoops of twelve butts, which lost us 4 or 5 days tune, besides great want we had of the same: sojourning at Taggarin● the Swallow went up the river about her traffic, where they see great towns of the Negroes, and Canoas', that had threescore men in a piece: there they understood by the Portugals, of a great battle between them of Sierra Leona side, and them of Taggarin: they of Sierra Leona, A new assault on the slegroo. Great towns ●er● great Canoas'. had prepared three hundred Canoas' to invade the other. The time was appointed not passed six days after our departure from thence, which we would have seen, to the intent we might have taken some of them, had it not been for the death and sickness of our men, which came by the contagiou●nes of the place, which made us to make hast away. The contagion of the country of Sierra Leona. The 18 of januarie at night, we departed from Taggarin, being bond for the West Indies, before which departure certain of the Salomon's men went on shore to fill water in the night, and as they came on shore with their boat being ready to leap on land, one of them espied an Negro in a white coat, standing upon a rock, being ready to have received them when they came on shore, having in sight of his fellows also eight or nine, some in one place leaping out, and some in another, but they hide themselves straight again: whereupon our men doubting they had been a great company, and sought to have taken them at more advantage, as God would, departed to their ships, not thinking there had been such a mischief pretended toward them, as then was in deed. Which the next day we understood of a Portugal that came down to us, who had trafficked with the Negroes, by whom he understood, that the king of Sierra Leona had made all the power he could, to take some of us, partly for the desire he had to see what kind of people we were, that had spoilt his people at the Idols, whereof he had news before our coming, and as I judge also, upon other occasions provoked by the Tangomangos, Tangomangos. but sure we were that the army was come down, by means that in the evening we see such a monstrous fire, made by the warring place, that before was not seen, which fi●e is the only mark for the Tangomangos to know where their army is always. If these men had come down in the evening, they had done us great displeasure, for that we were on shore filling water: but God, who worketh all things for the best, would not have it so, and by him we escaped without danger, his name be praised for it. The 29 of this same month we departed with all our ships from Sierra Leona, towards the West Indies, and for the space of eighteen days, we were becalmed, having now and then contrary winds, and some Ternadoes amongst the same calm, which happened to us very ill, being but reasonably watered, for so great a company of Negroes, and ourselves, which pinched us all, and that which was worst, put us in such fear that many never thought to have reached to the Indies, without great death of Negroes, and of themselves: but the Almighty God, who never suffereth his elect to perish, sent us the sixteenth of February, the ordinary Brise, which is the Northwest wind, which never left us, till we came to an Island of the Canybals, called Dominica, Dominica Island. where we arrived the ninth of March, upon a Saturday: and because it was the most desolate place in all the Island, we could see no Canybals, but some of their houses where they dwelled, and as it should seem forsook the place for want of fresh water, for we could find none there but rain water, and such as fallen from the hills, and remained as a puddle in the dale, whereof we filled for our Negroes. The Canybals of that Island, and also others adjacent are the most desperate warriors that are in the Indies, Canybals execeeding cruel. and to be avoybed. by the Spaniards report, who are never able to conquer them, and they are molested by them not a little, when they are driven to water there in any of those Islands: of very late, not two months past, in the said Island, a Caravel being driven to water, was in the night set upon by the inhabitants, who cut their cable in the halser, whereby they were driven a shore, and so taken by them, and eaten. The green Dragon of Newhaven, whereof was Captain one Bontemps, in March also, came to one of those Islands, called Granada, and being driven to water, could not do the same for the Canybals, who fought with him very desperately two days. For our part also, if we had not lighted upon the desertest place in all that Island, we could not have miss, but should have been greatly troubled by them, by all the Spaniards reports, who make them devils in respect of me. The tenth day at night, we departed from thence, and the fifteenth had sight of nine Islands, called the Testigos: The Testigos Island. and the sixteenth of an Island, called Margarita, Margarita Island. where we were entertained by the Alcalde, and had both beeves and sheep given us, for the refreshing of our men: but the Governor of the Island, would neither come to speak with our Captain, neither yet give him any licence to traffic: and to displease us the more, whereas we had hired a Pilot to have go with us, they would not only not suffer him to go with us, but also sent word by a Caravel out of hand, to Santo Domingo, to the Uiceroy, who doth represent the king's person, of our arrival in those parts, which had like to have turned us to great displeasure, by the means that the same Uiceroy did sand word to Cape de la Vela, and to other places along the coast, commanding them that by the virtue of his authority, and by the obedience that they own to their Prince, no man should traffic with us, but should resist us with all the force they could. In this Island, notwithstanding that we were not within four leagues of the Town, yet were they so afraid, that not only the Governor himself, but also all the inhabitants forsook their Town, assembling all the Indians to them and fled into the mountains, as we were partly certified, and also saw the experience ourselves, by some of the Indians coming to see us who by three Spaniards a horseback passing hard by us, went unto the Indians, having every one of them their bows, and arrows, procuring them away, who before were conversant with us. Here perceiving no traffic to be had with them, nor yet water for the refreshing of our men, we were driven to departed the twentieth day, and the 2 and twentieth we came to a place in the main called Cumana, Cumana. whither the Captain going in his Pinnisse, spoke with certain Spaniards, of whom he demanded traffic, but they made him answer, they were but soldiers newly come thither, and were not able to by on Negro: whereupon he asked for a watering place, and they pointed him a place two leagues off, called Santa Fe, Santa Fe. where we found marvelous goodly watering and commodious for the taking in thereof: for that the fresh water came into the Sea, and so our ships had aboard the shore twenty fathom water. Near about this place, inhabited certain Indians, who the next day after we came thither, came down to us, presenting mill and cakes of bread, which they had made of a kind of corn called Maiz, in bigness of a pease, the care whereof is much like to a teasel, but a span in length, having thereon a number of grains. Also they brought down to us Hens, Potatoes and Pines, which we bought for beads, pewter whistles, glasses, knives, and other trifles. These Potatoes be the most delicate roots that may be eaten, and do far exceed our passeneps or carats. Their pines be of the bigness of two fists● the outside whereof is of the making of a pineapple, but it is soft like the ●nde of a Cucomber, and the inside eateth like an apple, but it is more delicious than any sweet apple sugared. The description of the Indians of Terra ●●●. These Indians being of colour tawny like an Olive, having every one of them both men and women, hair all black, and no other colour, the women wearing the same hanging down to their shoulders, and the men rounded, and without beards, neither men nor women suffering any hair to grow in any part of their body, but daily pull it off as it groweth. They go all naked, the men covering no part of their body but their ya●d, upon the which they wear a gourd or piece of cane, made fast with a third about their loins, leaving the other parts of their members uncovered, whereof they take no shame. The women also are uncovered, saving with a clot which they wear a hand-breath, wherewith they cover their privities both before and behind. These people be very small feeders, for traveling they carry but two small bottles of gourds, The use of sorrel. wherein they put in one the juice of Sorrel whereof they have great store, and in the other flower of their Maiz, which being moist, they eat, taking sometime of the other. These men carry every man his bow and arrows, whereof some arrows are poisoned for wars, which they keep in a Cane together, which Cane is of the bigness of a man's arm, other some with broad heads of iron wherewith they strick fish in the water: the experience whereof we see not once nor twice, but daily for the time we tarried there, Memour of quilted canvas two inches thick. for they are so good archers that the Spaniards for fear thereof arm themselves and their horses with quilted canvas of two inches thick, and leave no place of their body open to their enemies, saving their eyes which they may not hide, and yet oftentimes are they hit in that so small a scantling: The making of their poison. Their poison is of such a force, that a man being strike there with dieth within four and twenty hours, as the Spaniards do affirm, & in my judgement it is like there can be no stronger poison as they make it, using thereunto apples which are very fair and read of colour, but are a strong poison, with the which together with venomous Bats, Uipers, Adders and other serpents, they make a medley, and therewith anoint the same. The manners of the young women. The Indian women delight not when they are young in bearing of children, because it maketh them have hanging breasts which they accounted to be great deforming in them, and upon that occasion while they be young, they destroy their seed, saying, that it is fittest for old women. Moreover, when they are delivered of child, they go strait to wash themselves, without making any further ceremony for it, not lying in bed as our women do. The beds which they have are made of Gossopine cotton, and wrought artificially of divers colours, which they carry about with them when they travel, and making the same fast to two trees, lie therein they and their women. The people be surely gentle and tractable, and such as desire to live peaceably, or else had it been unpossible for the Spaniards to have conquered them as they did, and the more to live now peaceably, they being so many in number, and the Spaniards so few. From hence we departed the eight and twenty, and the next day we passed between the main land, The Isle of Tortuga. and the Island called Tortuga, a very low Island, in the year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred sixty five aforesaid, and sailed along the coast until the first of April, at which time the Captain sailed along in the jesus pinnace to discern the coast, and see many Caribes on shore, and some also in their Canoas', which made tokens unto him of friendship, and showed him gold, meaning thereby that they would traffic for wares. Whereupon he stayed to see the manners of them, and so for two or three trifles they gave such things as they had about them, and departed: but the Caribes were very importunate to have them come on shore, which if it had not been for want of wares to traffic with them, he would not have denied them, because the Indians which we see before were very gentle people, and such as do no man hurt. But as God would have it, he wanted that thing, which if he had had, would have been his confusion: for these were no such kind of people as we took them to be, but more devilish a thousand parts and are eaters and devourers of any man they can catch, as it was afterwards declared unto us at Burboroata, by a Caravel coming out of Spain with certain soldiers, and a Captain general sent by the king for those Eastward parts of the Indians, who sailing along in his pinnace, as our Captain did to descry the coast, was by the Caribes called a shore with sundry tokens made to him of friendship, and gold showed as though they desired traffic, with the which the Spaniard being moved, suspecting no deceit at all, went ashore amongst them: who was no sooner a shore, but with four or five more was taken, the rest of his company being invaded by them, saved themselves by flight, but they that were taken, The cruelty of the Caribes. paid their ransom with their lives, and were presently eaten. And this is their practice to toll with their gold the ignorant to their snares: they are bloodsuckers both of Spaniards, Indians and all that light in their laps, not sparing their own countrymen if they can conveniently come by them. Their policy in fight with the Spaniards is marvelous: for they choose for their refuge the mountains and woods where the Spaniards with their horses cannot follow them, and if they fortune to be met in the plain where one horseman may overrun 100 of them, they have a devise of late practised by them to pitch stakes of wood in the ground, and also small iron pikes to mischief their horses, wherein they show themselves politic warriors. They have more abundance of gold than all the Spaniards have, and live upon the mountains where the Mines are in such number, that the Spaniards have much ado to get any of them from them, and yet sometimes by assembling a great number of them, which happeneth once in two years, they get a piece from them, which afterwards they keep sure enough. Thus having escaped the danger of them, we kept our course along the coast, Burboroata. and came the third of April to a Town called Burboroata, where his ships came to an anchor, and he himself went a shore to speak with the Spaniards, to whom he declared himself to be an Englishman, and came thither to trade with them by the way of merchandise, and therefore required licence for the same. Unto whom they made answer, that they were forbidden by the king to traffic with any foreign nation, upon penalty to forfeit their goods, therefore they desired him not to molest them any further, but to departed as he came, for other comfort he might not look for at their hands, because they were subjects and might not go beyond the law. But he replied that his necessity was such, as he might not so do: for being in one of the Queen's Armadas of England, and having many soldiers in them, he had need both of some refreshing for them, and of victuals, and of money also, without the which he could not departed, and with much other talk persuaded them not to fear any dishonest part of his behalf towards them, for neither would he commit any such thing to the dishonour of his prince, nor yet for his honest reputation and estimation, unless he were too rigorously dealt withal, which he hoped not to find at their hands, in that it should as well redound to their profit, as his own, and also he thought they might do it without danger, because their princes were in amity one with another, and for our parts we had free traffic in Spain and Flanders, which are in his dominions, and therefore he known no reason why he should not have the like in all his dominions. To the which the Spaniards made answer, that it lay not in them to give any licence, for that they had a governor to whom the government of those parts was committed, but if they would stay ten days, they would sand to their governor who was threescore leagues off, and would return answer within the space appointed, of his mind. In the mean time they were contented he should bring his ships into harbour, and there they would deliver him any victuals he would require. Whereupon the fourth day we went in, where being one day and receiving all things according to promise, the Captain advised himself, that to remain there ten days idle, spending victuals and men's wages, and perhaps in the end receive no good answer from the governor, it were mere folly, and therefore determined to make request to have licence for the sale of certain lean and sick Negroes which he had in his ship like to die upon his hands if he kept them ten days, having little or no refreshing for them, whereas other men having them, they would be recovered well enough. And this request he was forced to make, because he had not otherwise wherewith to pay for victuals & for necessaries which he should take: which request being put in writing and presented, the officers and towne-dwellers assembled together, and finding his request so reasonable, granted him licence for thirty Negroes, which afterwards they caused the officers to view, to the intent they should grant to nothing but that were very reasonable, for fear of answering thereunto afterwards. This being past, our Captain according to their licence, thought to have made sale, but the day past and none came to buy, who before made show that they had great need of them, and therefore witted not what to surmise of them, whether they went about to prolong the time of the Governor his answer because they would keep themselves blameless, or for any other policy he known not, and for that purpose sent them word, marveling what the matter was that none came to buy them. They answered, because they had granted licence only to the poor to buy those Negroes of small price, and their money was not so ready as other men's of more wealth. Moore than that, as soon as ever they saw the ships, they conveyed away their money by their wives that went into the mountains for fear, & were not yet returned, & yet asked two days to seek their wives and fetch their money. Notwithstanding, the next day divers of them came to cheapen, but could not agreed of price, because they thought the price too high. Whereupon the Captain perceiving they went about to bring down the price, and meant to buy, and would not confess if he had licence, that he might cell at any reasonable rate, as they were worth in other places, did sand for the principals of the Town, and made a show he would departed, declaring himself to be very sorry that he had so much troubled them, and also that he had sent for the governor to come down, seeing now his presence was to departed, whereat they marveled much, and asked him what cause moved him thereunto, seeing by their working he was in possibility to have his licence. To the which he replied, that it was not only a licence that he sought, but profit, which he perceived was not there to be had, and therefore would seek further, and withal showed him his writings what he paid for his Negroes, declaring also the great charge he was at in his shipping, and men's wages, and therefore to countervail his charges, he must cell his Negroes for a greater price than they offered. So they doubting his departure, put him in comfort to cell better there then in any other place. And if it fallen out that he had no licence, that he should not lose his labour in tarrying, for they would buy without licence. Whereupon, the Captain being put in comfort, promised them to stay, so that he might make sale of his lean Negroes, which they granted unto. And the next day did cell some of them, who having bought and paid for them, thinking to have had a discharge of the Customer for the custom of the Negroes, being the King's duty, they gave it away to the poor for God's sake, and did refuse to give the discharge in writing, and the poor not trusting their words, for fear, lest hereafter it might be demanded of them, did refrain from buying any more, so that nothing else was done until the governors coming down, which was the fourteenth day, and then the Captain made petition, declaring that he was come thither in a ship of the Queen's Majesties of England, being bond to Guinie, and thither driven by wind and weather, so that being come thither, he had need of sundry necessaries for the reparation of the said Navy, and also great need of money for the payment of his Soldiers, unto whom he had promised payment, and therefore although he would, yet would not they departed without it, & for that purpose he requested licence for the sale of certain of his Negroes, declaring that although they were forbidden to traffic with strangers, yet for that there was a great amity between their princes, and that the thing pertained to our Queen's highness, he thought he might do their prince great service, and that it would be well taken at his hands, to do it in this cause. The which allegations with divers others put in request, were presented unto the Governor, who sitting in counsel for that matter, granted unto his request for licence. But yet there fallen out another thing which was the abating of the king's Custom, being upon every slave 30, ducats, which would not be granted unto. Whereupon the Captain perceiving that they would neither come near his price he looked for by a great deal, nor yet would abate the King's Custom of that they offered, so that either he must be a great loser by his wares, or else compel the officers to abate the same king's Custom which was too unreasonable, for to a higher price he could not bring the buyers: An hundredth Englishmen in A●●●ous. Therefore the sixteenth of April he prepared one hundred men well armed with bows, arrows, harquebusses and pikes, with the which he marched to the townewards, and being perceived by the Governor, he strait with all expedition sent messengers to know his request, desiring him to march no further forward until he had answer again, which incontinent he should have. So our Captain declaring how unreasonable a thing the King's Custom was, requested to have the same abated, and to pay seven and a half per centum, which is the ordinary Custom for wares through his dominions there, and unto this if they would not grant, he would displease them. And this word being carried to the Governor, answer was returned that all things should be to his content, and thereupon he determined to departed, but the soldiers and Mariners finding so little credit in their promises, demanded gauges for the performance of the premises, or else they would not departed. And thus they being constrained to sand gauges, we departed, beginning our traffic, and ending the same without disturbance. Thus having made traffic in the harbour until the 28. our Captain with his ships intended to go out of the road, and purposed to make show of his departure, because now the common sort having employed their money, the rich men were come to town, who made no show that they were come to buy, so that they went about to bring down the price, and by this policy the Captain known they would be made the more eager, for fear lest we departed, and they should go without any at all. The nine and twenty we being at anchor without the road, a French ship called the Green Dragon of Newhaven, whereof was Captain one Bon Temps come in, who saluted us after the manner of the Sea, with certain pieces of Ordinance, and we resaluted him with the like again: with whom having communication, he declared that he had been at the Mine in Guinie, The reports of the mishaps of the Minion in Guinie. and it as beaten off by the Portugals galleys, and enforced to come thither to make sale of such wares as he had: and further that the like was happened unto the Minion: besides the Captain Davie Carlet and a Merchant, with a dozen Mariners betrayed by the Negroes at their first arrival thither, and remaining prisoners with the Portugals; and besides other misadventures of the loss of their men, happened through the great lack of fresh water, with great doubts of bringing home the ships: which was most sorrowful for us to understand. Thus having ended our traffic here the 4. of May, May. we departed, leaving the French man behind us, the night before the which the Caribes, whereof I have made mention before, being to the number of 200. came in their Canoas' to Burboroata, intending by night to have burned the town, and taken the Spaniards, who being more vigilant because of our being there, than their custom was, perceiving them coming, raised the town, who in a moment being a horseback, Horses kept ready saddled. by means their custom is for all doubts to keep their horses ready saddled, in the night set upon them, & took one, but the rest making shift for themselves, escaped away. But this one, because he was their guide, and was the occasion that divers times they had made invasion upon them, had for his travail a stake thrust through his fundament, and so out at his neck. The sixt of May aforesaid, we came to an island called Curaçao, where we had thought to have anckered, but could not found ground, and having let fall an anchor with two cables, were ●aine to weigh it again: and the seventh sailing along the coast to seek an harborew, and finding none, we came to an anchor where we road open in the Sea. In this place we had traffic for hides, and found great refreshing both of beef, mutton and lambs, whereof there was such plenty, Exceeding plenty of ●a●tell in Curaz●●. that saving the skins, we had the flesh given us for nothing, the plenty whereof was so abundant, that the worst in the ship thought scorn not only of mutton, but also of sodden lamb; which they disdained to eat unroasted. The increase of cattle in this island is marvelous, which from a dozen of each sort brought thither by the governor, in 25. years he had a hundredth thousand at the lest, & of other cattle was able to kill without spoil of the increase 1500. yearly, which he killeth for the skins, and of the flesh saveth only the tongues, the rest he leaveth to the foul to devour. And this I am able to affirm, not only upon the Governors own report, who was the first that brought the increase thither, which so remains unto this day, but also by that I see myself in one field, where an hundred oxen lay one by another all whole, saving the skin and tongue taken away. And it is not so marvelous a thing why they do thus cast away the flesh in all the ylands of the West Indies, seeing the land is great, and more than they are able to inhabit, the people few, having delicate fruits and meats enough besides to feed upon, which they rather desire, and the increase which passeth man's reason to believe, when they come to a great number: for in S. Domingo an island called by the finders thereof Hispaniola, is so great quantity of cattle, and such increase thereof, that notwithstanding the daily kill of them for their hides, it is not possible to assuage the number of them, but they are devoured by wild dogs, Great numbers of wild dogs. whose number is such by suffering them first to range the woods and mountains, that they eat and destroy 60000. a year, and yet small lack found of them. And no marvel, for the said island is almost as big as all England, and being the first place that was found of all the Indies, and of long time inhabited before the rest, it aught therefore of reason to be most populous: and to this hour the Uiceroy and counsel royal abideth there as in the chiefest place of all the Indies, to prescribe orders to the rest for the king's behalf, yet have they but one City and 13, villages in all the same island, whereby the spoil of them in respect of the increase is nothing. The 15. of the foresaid month we departed from Curaçao, being not a little to the rejoicing of our Captain and us, that we had there ended our traffic: but notwithstanding our sweet meat, we had sour sauce, for by reason of our riding so open at sea, what with blasts whereby our anckers being a ground, three at once came home, and also with contrary winds blowing, whereby for fear of the shore we were feign to hale off to have ankerhold, sometimes a whole day and a night we turned up and down; and this happened not once, but half a dozen times in the space of our being there. The 16. we passed by an island called Aruba, Aruba. and the 17. at night anckered sire hours at the West end of Cabo de la vela, and in the morning being the 18. weighed again, keeping our course, in the which time the Captain sailing by the shore in the pinnace, came to the Rancheria, La Rancheria. a place where the Spaniards use to fish for pearls, and there spoken with a Spaniard, who told him how far off he was from Rio de la Hacha, Rio de la Hacha. which because he would not overshoot, he ankered that night again, & the 19 came thither; where having talk with the king's treasurer of the Indies resident there, he declared his quiet traffic in Burboroata, & showed a certificate of the same, made by the governor thereof, & therefore he desired to have the like there also: but the treasurer made answer that they were forbidden by the Uiceroy and council of S. Domingo, who having intelligence of our being on the coast, did send express commission to resist us, with all the force they could, insomuch that they dared not traffic with us in no case, alleging that if they did, they should lose all that they did traffic for, besides their bodies at the magistrates commandment. Our Captain replied, that he was in an Armada of the Queen's Majesties of England, and sent about other her affairs, but driven besides his pretended voyage, was enforced by contrary winds to come into those parts, where he hoped to find such friendship as he should do in Spain, to the contrary whereof he knew no reason, in that there was amity betwixt their princes. But seeing they would contrary to all reason go about to withstand his traffic, he would it should not be said by him, that having the force he hath, to be driven from his traffic perforce, but he would rather put it in adventure to try whether he or they should have the better, and therefore willed them to determine either to give him licence to trade, or else to stand to their own harms: So upon this it was determined he should have licence to trade, but they would give him such a price as was the one half less than he had sold for before, and thus they sent word they would do, and none otherwise, and if it liked him not, he might do what he would, for they were not determined to deal otherwise with him. Whereupon, the captain weighing their unconscionable request, M. Hawkins his letter to the Treasurer of Rio de la Hacha. written to them a letter, that they dealt too rigorously with him, to go about to cut his throat in the price of his commodities, which were so reasonably rated, as they could not by a great deal have the like at any other man's hands. But seeing they had sent him this to his supper, he would in the morning bring them as good a breakfast. And therefore in the morning being the 21. of May, he shot off a whole Culvering to summon the town, and preparing one hundred men in armour, went a shore, having in his great boat two Falcons of brass, and in the other boats double bases in their noses, which being perceived by the Townsmen, they incontinent in battle array with their drum and ensign displayed, marched from the Town to the sands, of footmen to the number of an hundred and fifty, making great brags with their cries, and weaving us a shore, whereby they made a semblance to have fought with us in deed. But our Captain perceiving them so brag, commanded the two Falcons to be discharged at them, which put them in no small fear to see, (as they afterward declared) such great pieces in a boat. At every shot they fallen flat to the ground, and as we approached near unto them, they broken their array, and dispersed themselves so much for fear of the Ordinance, that at last they went all away with their ensign. The horsemen also being about thirty, made as brave a show as might be, coursing up and down with their horses, their brave white leather Targets in the one hand, and their javelinings in the other, as though they would have received us at our landing. But when we landed, they gave ground, and consulted what they should do, for little they thought we would have landed so boldly: and therefore as the Captain was putting his men in array, and marched forward to have encountered with them, they sent a messenger on horsebarke with a flag of ●rute to the Captain, who declared that the Treasurer marveled what he meant to do to come a shore in that order, in consideration that they had granted to every reasonable request that he did demand: but the Captain not well contended with this messenger, marched forward. The messenger prayed him to stay his men, and said, if he would come apart from his men, the Treasurer would come and speak with him, whereunto he did agreed to common together. The Captain only with his armour without weapon, and the Treasurer on horseback with his javelining, was afraid to come near him for fear of his armour, which he said was worse than his weapon, and so keeping aloof communing together, granted in fine to all his requests. Which being declared by the Captain to the company, they desired to have pledges for the performance of all things, doubting that otherwise when they had made themselves stronger, they would have been at defiance with us: and seeing that now they might have what they would request, they judged it to be more wisdom to be in assurance th●n to be forced to make any more labours about it. So upon this, gauges were sent, and we made our traffic quietly with them. In the mean time while we stayed here, we watered a good breadth off from the shore, where by the strength of the fresh water running into the Sea, the salt water was made fresh. In this River we see many Crocodile of sundry bignesses, but some as big as a boat, with 4. feet, a long broad mouth, and a long tail whose skin is so hard, that a sword will not pierce it. His nature is to live out of the water as a fregge both, but he is a great devourer, and spares neither fish, which is his common food, nor beasts, nor men, if he take them, as the proof thereof was known by a Negro, who a● he was filling water in the River was by one of them carried clean away, and never seen after. His nature is ever when he would have his prey, to cry and sob like a Christian body, to provoke them to come to him, and then he snatcheth at them, and thereupon came this proverb that is applied unto women when they weep, Lachrymae Crocodili, the meaning whereof is, that as the Crocodile when he crieth, goeth then about most to deceive, so doth a woman most commonly when she weary. Of these the Master of the jesus watched one, and by the banks side struck him with a pike of a bill in the side, and after three or four times turning in sight, he sunk down, and wa● not afterward seen. In the time of our being in the Rivers Guinie, we saw many of a monstrous bigness, amongst the which the captain being in one of the Barks coming down the same, shot a Falcon at one, which very narrowly he miss, and with a fear he plunged into the water, making a stream like the way of a boat. Now while we were here, whether it were of a fear that the Spaniards doubted we would have done them some harm before we departed, or for any treason that they intended towards us, I am not able to say; but then came thither a Captain from some of the other towns, with a dozen soldiers upon a time when our Captain and the treasurer cleared all things between them, and were in a communication of a debt of the governors of Burboroata, which was to be paid by the said treasurer, who would not answer the same by any means. Whereupon certain words of displeasure passed betwixt the Captain and him, and parting the one from the other, the treasurer possibly doubting that our Captain would perforce have sought the same, did immediately command his men to arms, both horsemen and footmen: but because the Captain was in the River on the back side of the Town with his other boats, and all his men unarmed and without weapons, it was to be judged he meant him little good, having that advantage of him, that coming upon the sudden, he might have mischieved many of his men: but the Captain having understanding thereof, not trusting to their gentleness, if they might have the advantage, departed aboard his ships, and at night returned again, and demanded amongst other talk, what they meant by assembling their men in that order, & they answered, that their Captain being come to town did muster his men according to his accustomed manner. But it is to be judged to be a cloak, in that coming for that purpose he might have done it sooner, but the truth is, they were not of force until then, whereby to enterprise any matter against us, by means of pikes and harquebusses, whereof they have want, and were now furnished by our Captain, and also 3. Falcons, which having got in other places, they had secretly conveyed thither, which made them the bolder, and also for that they see now a convenient place to do such a feat, and time also serving thereunto, by the means that our m●n were not only unarmed and unprovided, as at no time before the like, but also were occupied in hewing of wood, and lest thinking of any harm: these were occasions to provoke them thereunto. And I suppose they went about to bring it to effect, in that The author of this story I with another gentleman being in the town, thinking of no harm towards us, and seeing men assembling in armour to the treasurers house, whereof I marveled, and revoking to mind the former talk between the Captain and him, and the unreadiness of our men, of whom advantage might have been taken, departed out of the Town immediately to give knowledge thereof, but before we come to our men by a flightshot, two horsemen riding a gallop were come near us, being sent, as we did guess, to stay us lest we should carry news to our Captain, but seeing us so near our men they stayed their horses, coming together, and suffering us to pass, belike because we were so near, that if they had go about the same, they had been espied by some of our men which then immediately would have departed, whereby they should have been frustrate of their presence: and so the two horsemen rid about the bushes to espy what we did, and seeing us go, to the intent they might shadow their coming down in post, whereof suspicion might be had, feigned a simple excuse in ask whether he could cell any wine, but that seemed so simple to the Captain, that standing in doubt of their courtesy, he returned in the morning with his three boats, appointed with Bases in their noses, and his men with weapons accordingly, where as before he carried none: and thus dissembling all injuries conceived of both parts, the Captain went ashore, leaving pledges in the boats for himself, and cleared all things between the treasurer and him, saving for the governors debt, which the one by no means would answer, and the other, because it was not his due debt, would not molest him for it, but was content to remit it until another tune, and therefore departed, causing the two Barks which road near the shore to weigh and go under sail, which was done because that our Captain demanding a testimonial of his good behaviour there, could not have the same until he were under sail ready to departed: and therefore at night he went for the same again, & received it at the treasurers hand, of whom very courteously he took his leave and departed, shooting off the bases of his boat for his farewell, and the townsmen also shot off four Falcons and 30. harquebusses, and this was the first time that he known of the conveyance of their Falcons. The 31. of May we departed, keeping our course to Hispaniola, and the fourth of june we had sight of an island, which we made to be jamaica, marveling that by the vehement course of the Seas we should be driven so far to leeward: for setting our course to the West end of Hispaniola we fell with the middle of jamaica, notwithstanding that to all men's sight it showed a headland, but they were all deceived by the clouds that lay upon the land two days together, in such sort that we thought it to be the head land of the said island. And a Spaniard being in the ship, who was a Merchant, and inhabitant in jamaica, having occasion to go to Guinie, and being by treason taken of the Negroes, & afterwads bought by the Tangomangos, was by our Captain brought from thence, and had his passage to go into his country, who perceiving the land, made as though he known every place thereof, and pointed to certain places which he named to be such a place, and such a man's ground, and that behind such a point was the harborough, but in the end he pointed so from one point to another, that we were a leeboord of all places, and found ourselves at the West end of jamaica before we were ware of it, and being once to leeward, there was no ge●ting up again, so that by trusting of the Spaniards knowledge, our Captain sought not to speak with any of the inhabitants, which if he had not made himself sure of, he would have done as his custom was in other places: but this man was a plague not only to our Captain, who made him lose by overshooting the place 2000 pounds by hides, which he might have got, but also to himself, who being three years out of his Country, and in great misery in Guinie, both among the Negroes and Tangomangos, and in hope to come to his wife and friends, as he made sure account, in that at his going into the pinnace, when he went to shore he put on his new clotheses, and for joy fling away his old, could not afterwards find any habitation, neither there nor in all Cuba, which we sailed all along, but it fallen out ever by one occasion or other, that we were put beside the same, so that he was feign to be brought into England, and it happened to him as it did to a duke of Samaria, when the Israelites were besieged, and were in great misery with hunger, & being told by the Prophet Elizaeus, that a bushel of flower should be sold for a sickle, would not believe him, but thought it unpossible: and for that cause Elizaeus prophesied he should see the same done, but he should not eat thereof: so this man being absent three years, and not ever thinking to have seen his own Country, did see the same, went upon it, and yet was it not his fortune to come to it, or to any habitation, whereby to remain with his friends according to his desire. june. Thus having sailed along the coast two days, we departed the seventh of june, b●ing made to believe by the Spaniard that it was not jamaica, but rather Hispaniola, of which opinion the Captain also was, because that which he made jamaica seemed to be but a piece of the land, and thereby took it rather to be Hispaniola, by the lying of the coast, and also for that being ignorant of the force of the current, The deceitful force of the current. he could not believe he was so far driven to leeward, and therefore s●tting his course to jamaica, and after certain days not finding the same, perceived then certainly that the island which he was at before was jamaica, and that the clouds did deceive him, whereof he marveled not a little: and this mistaking of the place came to as ill a pass as the overshooting of jamaica: for by this did he also overpass a place in Cuba, called Santa Cruz, where, as he was informed, was great store of hides to be had: & thus being disappointed of two of his ports, where he thought to have raised great profit by his traffic, and also to have found great refreshing of victuals and water for his men, he was now disappointed greatly, and such want he had of fresh water, that he was forced to seek the shore to obtain the same, which he had sight of after certain days overpassed with storms and contrary winds, but yet not of the main of Cuba, but of certain ylands in number two hundred, Two hundred ylands for the most part not inhabited. whereof the most part were desolate of inhabitants: by the which ylands the Captain passing in his pinnace, could find no fresh water until he came to an island bigger than all the rest, called the isle of Pinas, where we anckered without ships the 16. of june, and found water, which although it were neither so toothsome as running water, by the means it is standing, and but the water of rain, and also being near the Sea was brackish, yet did we not refuse it, but were more glad thereof, as the time then required, than we should have been another time with fine Conduit water. Thus being reasonably watered we were desirous to departed, because the place was not very convenient for such ships of charge as they were, because there were many shoals to leeward which also lay open to the sea for any wound that should blow: and therefore the captain made the more haste away, which was not unneedfull: for little sooner were their anckers weighed, and foresail set, but there arose such a storm, that they had not much to spare for doubling out of the shoals: for one of the barks not being fully ready as the rest, was feign for haste to cut the cable in the hawse, and lose both anchor and cable to save herself. The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba. Thus the 17. of jun, ewe departed and on the 30. we fel● with the West end of Cuba, called Cape S. Antony, where for the space of three days we doubled along, till we came beyond the shoals, which are 20. leagues beyond S. Anthony. And the ordinary Brise taking us, which is the North-east wind, put us the 24. from the shore, and therefore we went to the Northwest to fetch wound, and also to the coast of Florida to have the help of the current, Florida. which was judged to have set to the Eastward: so the 29. we found ourselves in 27. degrees, and in the sounding of Florida, where we kept ourselves the space of four days, sailing along the coast as near as we could, in ten or twelve fathom water, having all the while no sight of land. The fift of july we had sight of certain Islands of sand, The Isles of portugal called the Tortugas (which is low land) where the captain went in with his pinnace, and found such a number of birds, Great store of birds. that in half an hour he laded her with them; and if they had been ten boats more, they might have done the like. These Islands bear the name of Tortoises, because of the number of them, which there do breed, whose nature is to live both in the water and upon land also, but breed only upon the shore, in making a great pit wherein they lay eggs, to the number of three or four hundred, and covering them with sand, they are hatched by the heat of the Sun; and by this means cometh the great increase. Of these we took very great one's, which have both back and belly all of bone, of the thickness of an inch: the fish whereof we proved, eating much like veal; and finding a number of eggs in them, tasted also of them, but they did eat very sweetly. here we ankered six hours, and then a fair gale of wind springing, we weighed anchor, and made sail toward Cuba, whither we came the sixt day, and weathered as far as the Table, A hill called the Table. being a hill so called, because of the form thereof: here we lay off and on all night, to keep that we had got to windward, intending to have watered in the morning, if we could have done it, or else if the wind had come larger, to have plied to windward to Havana, The port o● Havana. which is an harborough whereunto all the fleet of the Spaniards come, and do there tarry to have one the company of another. This hill we thinking to have been the Table, made account (as it was indeed) that Havana was but eight leagues to windward, but by the persuasion of a Frenchman, who made the captain believe he known the Table very well, and had been at Havana, said that it was not the Table, and that the Table was much higher, and nearer to the sea side, and that there was no plain ground to the Eastward, nor hills to the Westward, but all was contrary, and that behind the hills to the Westward was Havana. To which persuasion credit being given by some, and they not of the worst, the captain was persuaded to go to leeward, and so sailed along the seventh and eight days, finding no habitation, nor no other Table; and then perceiving his folly to give ear to such praters, was not a little sorry, both because he did consider what time he should spend year he could get so far to windward again, which would have been, with the weathering which we had, ten or twelve days work, & what it would have been longer he known not, and (that wh●ch was worst) he had not above a days water, and therefore known not what shift to make: but in fine, because the want was such, that his men could not live with it, he determined to seek water, and to go further to leeward, to a place (as it is set in the card) called Rio de los puercos, which he was in doubt of, both whether it were inhabited, & whether there were water or not, and whether for the shoalds he might have such access with his ships, that he might conveniently take in the same. And while we were in these troubles, and kept out way to the place aforesaid, almighty God our guide (who would not suffer us to run into any further danger, which we had been like to have incurred, if we had ranged the coast of Florida along as we did before, which is so dangerous (by reports) that no ship escapeth which cometh thither, (as the Spaniards have very well proved the same) sent us the eight day at night a fair Westerly wind, whereupon the captain and company consulted, determining not to refuse God's gift, but every man was contented to pinch his own belly, whatsoever had happened; and taking the said wind, the ninth day of july got to the Table, and sailing the same night, unawares overshot Havana; at which place we thought to have watered: but the next day, not knowing that we had overshot the same, sailed along the coast, se●king it, and the eleventh day in the morning, by certain known marks, we understood that we had overshot it 20 leagues: in which coast ranging, we found no convenient watering place, whereby there was no remedy but to disemboque, and to water upon the coast of Florida: for, to go further to the Eastward, we could not for the shoalds, which are very dangerous; and because the current shooteth to the North-east, we doubted by the force thereof to be set upon them, and therefore dared not approach them: so making but reasonable way the day aforesaid, and all the night, the twelfth day in the morning we fallen with the Islands upon the cape of Florida, which we could scant double by the means that fearing the shoalds to the Eastwards, The s●ate o● the current of Florida. and doubting the current coming out of the West, which was not of that force we made account of; for we felt little or none till we fallen with the cape, and then felt such a current, that bearing all sails against the same, yet were driven back again a great pace: the experience whereof we had by the jesus pinnace, and the Salomon's boat, which were sent the same day in the afternoon, while the ships were becalmed, to see if they could find any water upon the Islands aforesaid; who spent a great part of the day in rowing thither, being further off then they deemed it to be, and in the mean time a fair gale of wind springing at s●a, the ships departed, making a sign to them to come away, who although they see them departed, because they were so near the shore, would not loose all the labour they had taken, but determined to keep their way, and see if there were any water to be had, making no account but to find the ships well enough: but they spent so much time in filling the water which they had found, that the night was come before they could make an end. And having lost the sight of the ships, they rowed what they could, but were wholly ignorant which way they should se●ke them again; as indeed there was a more doubt than they known of: for when they departed, the ships were in no current; and sailing but a mile further, they found one so strong, that bearing all sa●les, it could not prevail against the same, but were driven back: whereupon the captain sent the Solomon, with the other two barks, to bear near the shore all night, because the current was less there a great deal, and to bear light, with shooting off a piece now and then, to the intent the boats might better know how to come to them. The jesus also bore a light in her top gallant, and shot off a piece also now and then, but the night passed, and the morning was come, being the thirteenth day, and no news could be herded of them, but the ships and barks ceased not to look st●ll for them, yet they thought it was all in vain, by the means they herded not of them all the night past; and therefore determined to tarry no longer, seeking for them till noon, and if they herded no news, than they would departed to the jesus, who perforce (by the vehemency of the current) was carried almost out of sight; but as God would have it, now time being come, and they having tacked about in the pinnesses top, had sight of them, and took them up: they in the boats, being to the number of one and twenty, having sight of the ships, and seeing them tacking about; whereas before at the first sight of them they did greatly rejoice, were now in a greater perplexity than ever they were: for by this they thought themselves utterly forsaken, whereas before they were in some hope to have found them. Truly God wrought marvelously for them, for they themselves having no victuals but water, and being sore oppressed with hunger, were not of opinion to bestow any further time in seeking the ships than that present noon time; so that if they had not at that instant espied them, they had go to the shore to have made provision for victuals, and with such things as they could have got, either to have go for that part of Florida where the French men were planted (which would have been very hard for them to have done, because they wanted victuals to bring them thither, being an hundred and ●wenty leagues off) or else to have remained amongst the Floridians; at whose hands they were put in comfort by a French man, who was with them, that had remained in Florida at the first finding thereof, a whole year together, to receive victuals sufficient, and gentle entertainment, if need were, for a year or two, until which time God might have provided for them. But how contrary this would have fallen out to their expectations, it is hard to judge, seeing those people of the cape of Florida are of more savage and fierce nature, and more valiant than any of the rest; which the Spaniards well proved, who being five hundred men, who intended there to land, returned few or none of them, but were enforced to forsake the same: and of their cruelty mention is made in the book of the Decades, of a friar, who taking upon him to persuade the people to subjection, was by them taken, and his skin cruelly pulled over his ears, and his flesh eaten. In these Islands they being a shore, found a dead man, dried in a manner whole, with other heads and bodies of men: so that these sorts of men are eaters of the flesh of men, aswell as the Cannibals. But to return to our purpose. The fourteenth day the ship and barks came to the jesus, bri●ging them news of the recovery of the men, which was not a little to the rejoicing of the captain, and the whole company: and so then altogether they kept on their way along the coast of Florida, and the fifteenth day came to an anchor, and so from six and twenty degrees to thirty degrees and a half, where the French men abode, ranging all the coast along, M. Hawkins ranged all the coast of Florida. seeking for fresh water, ankering every night, because we would overshoot no place of fresh water, and in the day time the captain in the ships pinnace sailed along the shore, went into every creak, speaking with divers of the Floridians, because he would understand where the French men inhabited; and not finding them in eight and twenty degrees, as it was declared unto him, marveled thereat, and never left sailing along the coast till he found them, who inhabited in a river, by th●m called the river of May, The river of May. and standing in thirty degrees and better. In ranging this coast along, the captain found it to be all an Island, Florida found to be cut into Islands. and therefore it is all low land, and very scant of fresh water, but the country was marvelously sweet, with both marish and meadow ground, and goodly woods among. There they found sorrel to grow as abundantly as grass, Sorrel. and where their houses were, great store of maiz and mill, and grapes of great bigness, but of taste much like our English grapes. The commodities of Florida. Also Dear great plenty, which came upon the sands before them. The houses of Florida. Their houses are not many together, ●or in one house an hundred of them do lodge; they being made much like a great barn, and in strength not inferior to ours, for they have stanchions and rafters of whole trees, and are covered with palmito-leaves, having no place divided, but one small room for their king and queen. In the midst of this house is a hearth, where they make great fires all night, and they sleep upon certain pieces of wood hew●n in for the bowing of their backs, and another place made high for their heads, which they put one by another all along the walls on both sides. In their houses they remain only in the nights, and in the day they desire the fields, where they dress their meat, and make provision for victuals, which they provide only for a meal from hand to mouth. There is one thing to be marvelled at, for the making of their fire, and not only they but also the Negroes do the same, which is made only by two sticks, rubbing them one against another: The manner of kindling of fire in Florida. and this they may do in any place they come, where they find sticks sufficient for the purpose. In their apparel the men only use dear skins, wherewith some only cover their privy members, othersome use the same as garments to cover them before and behind; which skins are painted, some yellow and read, some black & russet, and every man according to his own fancy. They do not omit to paint their bodies also with curious knots, or antic work, as every man in his own fancy deviseth, which painting, to make it continued the better, they use with a thorn to prick their flesh, and dent in the same, whereby the painting may have better hold. In their wars they use a slighter colour of painting their faces, thereby to make themselves show the more fierce; which after their wars ended, they wash away again. In their wars they use bows and arrows whereof their bows are made of a kind of Yew, but blacker than ours, and for the most part passing the strength of the Negroes or Indians, for it is not greatly inferior to ours: their arrows are also of a great length, but yet of reeds like other Indians, but varying in two points, both in length and and also for nocks and feathers, which the other lack, whereby they shoot very steady: the heads of the same are vipers teeth, bones of fish, flint stones, piked points of knives, which they having got of the French men, broken the same, & put the points of them in their arrows heads: some of them have their heads of silver, othersome that have want of these, put in a kind of hard wood, notched, which pierceth as far as any of the rest. In their fight, being in the woods, they use a marvelous policy for their own safeguard, which is by clasping a tree in their arms, and yet shooting notwithstanding: this policy they used with the French men in their fight, whereby it appeareth that they are people of some policy: and although they are called by the Spaniards Gente triste, that is to say. Bad people, meaning thereby, that they are not men of capacity: yet have the French men found them so witty in their answers, that by the captains own report, a counsellor with us could not give a more profound reason. The women also for their apparel use printed skins, but most of them gowns of moss, somewhat longer than our moss, which they sow together artificially, and make the same surplice wise, wearing their hair down to their shoulders, like the Indians. In this river of May aforesaid, the captain entering with his pinnace, found a French ship of fourscore tun, The French fort. and two pinnesses of fifteen tun a piece, by her, and speaking with the keepers thereof, they told him of a fort two leagues up, which they had built, in which their captain Monsieur Laudonniere was, Monsieur Laudonniere. with certain soldiers therein. To whom our captain sending to understand of a watering-place, where he might conveniently take it in, and to have licence for the same, he strait, because there was no convenient place but up the river five leagues, where the water was fresh, did sand him a pilot for the more expedition thereof, to bring in one of hi● barks, which going in with other boats provided for the same purpose, ankered before the fort, into the which our captain went; where he was by the General, with other captains and soldiers, very gently entertained, who declared unto him the time of their being there, which was fourteen months, with the extremity they were driven to for want of victuals, having brought very little with them; in which place they being two hundred men at their first coming, had in short space eaten all the maiz they could buy of the inhabitants about them, and therefore were driven certain of them to serve a king of the Floridians against other his enemies, for mill and other victuals; which having got, could not serve them, being so many, so long a time: but want came upon them in such sort, that they were feign to gather acorns, which being stamped small, and often washed, to take away the bitterness of them, they did use for bread, Bread made of ●corn●. eating withal sundry times, roots, whereof they found many good and wholesome, and such as serve rather for medicines then for meats alone. But this hardness no contenting some of them, who would not take the pains so much as to fish in the river before their doors, but would have all things put in their mouths, they did rebel against the captain, taking away first his armour, and afterward imprisoning him: and so to the number of fourscore of them, departed with a bark and a pinnace, spoiling their store victual, and taking away a great part thereof with them, and so went to the Islands of Hispaniola and jamaica a roving, where they spoilt and peeled the Spaniards; and having taken two caravels laden with wine and casavi, which is a bread made of roots, and much other victuals and treasure, had not the grace to departed therewith, but were of such haughty stomachs, that they thought their force to be such that no man dared meddle with them, and so kept harborough in jamaica, going daily ashore at their pleasure. But God which would not suffer such evil doers unpunished, did indurate their hearts in such sort, that they lingered the time so long, that a ship and galliasse being made out of Santa Domingo came thither into the harborough, and took twenty of them, whereof the most part were hanged, and the rest carried into Spain, and some (to the number of five and twenty) escaped in the pinnace, and came to Florida; where at their landing they were put in prison, and incontinent four of the chiefest being condemned, at the request of the soldiers, did pass the harquebuzers, and then were hanged upon a gibbet. The occasion of the falling out with the Floridians. This lack of threescore men was a great discourage and weakening to the rest, for they were the best soldiers that they had: for they had now made the inhabitants weary of them by their daily craving of maiz, having no wares left to content them withal, and therefore were enforced to rob them, and to take away their victual perforce, which was the occasion that the Floridians (not well contented therewith) did take certain of their company in the woods, and slay them; whereby there grew great wars betwixt them and the Frenchmen; and therefore they being but a few in number dared not venture abroad, but at such time as they were enforced thereunto for want of food to do the same: and going twenty harquebuzers in a company, were set upon by eighteen kings, having seven or eight hundred men, which with one of their bows slay one of their men, and hurt a dozen, & dr●ue them all down to their boats; whose policy in fight was to be marveled at: for having shot at divers of their bodies which were armed, and perceiving that their arrows did not prevail against the same, they shot at their faces and legs, which were the places that the Frenchmen were hurt in. Thus the Frenchmen returned, being in ill case by the hurt of their men, having not above forty soldiers left unhurt, whereby they might ill make any more invasion upon the Floridians, and keep their fort withal: which they must have been driven unto, had not God sent us thither for their succour; for they had not above ten days victual left before we came. In which perplexity our captain seeing them, spared them out of his ship twenty barrels of meal, & four pipes of beans, with divers other victuals and necessaries which he might conveniently spare: The French greatly received by M. Hawkins. and to help them the better homewards, whither they were bond before our coming, at their request we spared them one of our barks of fifty tun. Notwithstanding the great want that the Frenchmen had, the ground doth yield victuals sufficient, if they would have taken pains to get the same; but they being soldiers, desired to live by the sweat of other men's brows: for while they had peace with the Floridians, they had fi●h sufficient, by wears which they made to catch the same: but when they grew to wars, the Floridians took away the same again, and then would not the Frenchmen take the pains to make any more. The ground yieldeth naturally grapes in great store, for in the time that the Frenchmen were there, Twenty hogsheads of wine made in Florida, like to the wine of Orleans. they made 20 hogsheads of wine. Also it yieldeth roots passing good. Dear marvelous store, with divers other beast, and fowl, serviceable to the use of man. These be things wherewith a man may live, having corn or maiz where with to make bread: for maiz maketh good savoury bread, and cakes as fine as flower. Also it maketh good meal, beaten and sodden with water, and eateth like pap wherewith we feed children. It maketh also good beverage, sodden in water, and nourishable; which the Frenchmen did use to drink of in the morning, and it assuageth their thirst, so that they had no need to drink all the day after. And this maiz was the greatest lack they had, because they had no labourers to sow the same, Labourers necessary to inhabit new countries. and therefore to them that should inhabit the land it were requisite to have labourers to till and sow the ground: for they having victuals of their own, whereby they neither rob nor spoil the inhabitants, may live not only quietly with them, who naturally are more desirous of peace then of wars, but also shall have abundance of victuals proffered them for nothing: for it is with them as it is with one of us, when we see another man ever taking away from us, although we have enough besides, yet than we think all too little ●or ourselves: for surely we have herded the Frenchmen report, and I know it by the Indians, that a very little cententeth them: for the Indians with the head of maiz roasted, will travel a whole day, and when they are at the Spaniards finding, they give them nothing but sodden herbs & maiz: and in this order I see threescore of them feed, who were laden with wares, and came fifty leagues off. The Floridians when they trauell● have a kind of herb dried, who with a cane and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs put together, do suck thorough the cane the smoke thereof; Tobacco & the great virtue thereof. which smoke satisfieth their hunger, and therewith they live four or five days without meat or drink, and this all the Frenchmen used for this purpose: yet do they hold opinion withal, that it causeth water & sterme to voided from their stomachs. The commodities of this land are more than are yet known to any man: for besides the land itself, whereof there is more than any king Christian is able to inhabit, it flourisheth with meadow, pasture ground, with woods of Cedar and Cypress, and other sorts, The variety of commodities in Florida. as better can not be in the world. They have for apothecary herbs, trees, roots and gums great store, as Storax liquida, Turpentine, Gum, Mirth, and Frankincense, with many others, whereof I know not the names. Colours. Colours both read, black, yellow, & russet, very perfect, wherewith they so paint their bodies, and Dear skins which they wear about them, that with water it neither fades away, nor altereth colour. Gold and silver. Gold and silver they want not: for at the Frenchmens' first coming thither they had the same offered them for little or nothing, for they received for a hatchet too pound weight of gold, because they known not the estimation thereof: but the soldiers being greedy of the same, did take it from them, giving them nothing for it: the which they perceiving, that both the Frenchmen did greatly esteem it, and also did rigourcusly deal with them, by taking the same away from them, at last would not be known they had avy more, neither dared they wear the same for fear of being taken away: so that saving at their first coming, they could get none of them: and how they came by this gold and silver the French men know not as yet, but by guess, who having traveled to the South-west of the cape, having found the same dangerous, by means of sundry banks, as we also have found the same; and there finding masts which were wracks of Spaniards coming from Mexico, judged that they had got treasure by them. For it is most true that divers wracks have been made of Spaniards, having much treasure: for the Frenchmen having traveled to the cape ward an hundred and fifty miles, did find two Spaniards with the Floridians, Two Spaniards lived log among the Floridians. which they brought afterward to their fort, whereof one was in a caravel coming from the Indies, which was cast away fourteen years ago, & the other twelve years; of whose fellows some escaped, othersome were slain by the inhabitants. It seemeth they had estimation of their gold & silver, for it is wrought flat and graven, Pieces of gold graven among the Floridians. which they wear about their necks; othersome made round like a pancake, with a hole in the midst, to bolster up their breasts withal, because they think it a deformity to have great breasts. As for mines either of gold or silver, the Frenchmen can hear of none they have upon the Island, Florida esteemed an Island. but of copper, This copper was sound perfect gold called up the Savages, Sye roa phyre. whereof as yet also they have not made the proof, because they were but few men: but it is not unlike, but that in the main where are high hills, may be gold and silver aswell as in Mexico, because it is all one main. The Frechmen obtained pearls of them of great bigness, but they were black, by means of roasting of them, for they do not fish for them as the Spaniards do, but for their meat: for the Spaniards use to keep daily afishing some two or three hundred Indians, some of them that be of choice a thousand: and their order is to go in canoas, or rather great pinnesses, with thirty men in a piece, whereof the one half, or most part be divers, the rest do open the same for the pearls: Pearls. for it is not suffered that they should use dragging, for that would bring them out of estimation, and mar the beds of them. The oysters which have the smallest fort of pearls are found in seven or eight fathom water, but the greatest in eleven or twelve fathom. The Floridians have pieces of unicorns horns, unicorns horns, which the inhabitants call Sonamamma. which they wear about their necks, whereof the Frenchmen obtained many pieces. Of those unicorns they have many; for that they do affirm it to be a beast with one horn, which coming to the river to drink, putteth the same into the water before he drinketh. Of this unicorns horn there are of our company, that having got the same of the Frenchmen, brought home thereof to show. It is therefore to be presupposed that there are more commodities aswell as that, which for want of time, and people sufficient to inhabit the same, can not yet come to light: but I trust God will reveal the same before it be long, to the great profit of them that shall take it in hand. Beasts. Of beasts in this country besides dear, fores, hares, polecats, coneys, ounces, & leopards, I am not able certainly to say: but it is thought that there are lions and tigers aswell as unicorns; lions especially; if it be true that is said, of the enmity between them and the unicorns: for there is no beast but hath his enemy, as the coney the polecat, a sheep the wolf, the elephant the rhinoceros; and so of other beasts the like: insomuch, that whereas the one is, the other can not be missing. And seeing I have made mention of the beasts of this country, it shall not be from my purpose to speak also of the venomous beasts, as crocodiles, whereof there is great abundance, adders of great bigness, whereof our men killed some of a yard and a half long. Also I herded a miracle of one of these adders, upon the which a falcon seizing, the said adder did clasp her tail about her; which the French captain seeing, Falcons in Florida. came to the rescue of the falcon, and took her staying the adder; and this falcon being wild, he did reclaim her, and kept her for the space of two months, at which time for very want of meat he was feign to cast her off. On these adders the Frenchmen did feed, to no little admiration of us, and affirmed the same to be a delicate meat. And the captain of the Frenchmen see also a serpent with three heads and four feet, Serpents. of the bigness of a great spaniel which for want of a harquebuz he dared not attempt to stay. Of fish also they have in the river, pike, roch, salmon, trout, and divers other small fish, and of great fish, some of the length of a man and longer, being of bigness accordingly, having a snout much like a sword of a yard long. There be also of sea fish, Flying fish. which we see coming along the coast flying, which are of the bigness of a smelled, the biggest sort whereof have four wings, but the other have but two: of these we saw coming ●ut of Guinea a hundred in a company, which being chased by the gilt-heads, otherwise called the bonitoes, do to avoid them the better, take their flight out of the water, but yet are they not able to fly far, because of the drying of their wings, which serve them not to fly but when they are moist, and therefore when they can fly no further, they fall into the water, and having wet their wings, take a new flight again. These bonitoes be of bigness like a carp, and in colour like a makarell, but it is the swiftest fish in swimming that is, and followeth her prey very fiercely, not only in the water, but also out of the wa●er: for as the flying fish taketh h●r flight, so doth this bonito leap after them, and taketh them sometimes above the water. There were some of those bonitoes, which being galled by a fisgig, did follow our ship coming out of Guinea 500 leagues. There is a sea-fowl also that chaseth this flying fish as well as the bonito: ●or as the flying fish taketh her flight, so doth this fowl pursue to take her, which to behold is a greater pleasure then hawking, for both the flights are as pleasant, and also more often then an ●undred times: for the fowl can fly no way, but one or other lighteth in her paws, the number of them are so abundant. There is an innumerable young fry of these flying fish, which commonly keep about the ship, and are not so big as butterflies, and yet by flying do avoid the unsatiableness of the bonito. Of the bigger sort of these fish we took many, which both night and day flew into the sails of our ship, and there was not one of them which was not worth a bonito: for being put upon a hook drabling in the water, the bonito would leap thereat, and so was taken. Also, we took many with a white clot made fast to a hook, which being tied so short in the water, that it might leap out and in, the greedy bonito thinking it to be a flying fish leapeth thereat, and so is deceived. Dolphins. We took also dolphin's which are of very goodly colour and proportion to behold, and no less delicate in taste. Fowls also there be many, both upon land and upon sea: but concerning them on the land I am not able to name them, because my abode was there so short. But for the fowl of the fresh rivers, these two I noted to be the chief, whereof the Flemengo is one, Flemingo. having all read feathers, and long read legs like a herne, a neck according to the bill, red, whereof the upper neb hangs an inch over the neither; and an egript, The egript. which is all white as the swan, with legs like to an heronshaw, and of bigness accordingly, but it hath in her tail feathers of so fine a plume, that it passeth the ostrich his feather. Of the sea-fowl above all other not common in England, I noted the pelican, The pelican. which is feigned to be the lovingest bird that is; which rather than her young should want, will spare her heart blood out of her belly: but for all this lovingness she is very deformed to behold; for she is of colour russet: notwithstanding in Guinea I have seen of them as white as a swan, having legs like the same, and a body like a hearne, with a long neck, and a thick long beak, from the neither law whereof down to the breast passeth a skin of such a dignesse, as is able to receive a fish as big as one's thigh, and this her big throat and long bill doth make her seem so oughly. Here I have declared the estate of Florida, and the commodities therein to this day known, which although it may seem unto some, by the means that the plenty of gold and silver, is not so abundant as in other places, that the cost bestowed upon the same will not be able to quit the charges: yet am I of the opinion, that by that which I have seen in other Islands of the Indians, Means to reap a sufficient profit in Florida and Virginia. where such increase of cattle hath been, that of twelve head of beasts in five & twenty years, did in the hides of them raise a thousand pound profit yearly, that the increase of cattle only would raise profit sufficient for the same: for we may consider, if so small a portion did raise so much gains in such short time, what would a greater do in many years? and sur●l● I may this affirm, that the ground of the Indians for the breed of cattle, is not in any point to be compared to this of Florida, which all the year long is so green, as any time in the Summer with us: which surely is not to be marveled at, seeing the country standeth in so watery a climate: for once a day without fail they have a shower of rain; which by means of the country it self, which is dry, and more fervent bot than ours, doth make all things to flourish therein. And because there is not the thing we all seek for, being rather desirous of present gains, I do therefore affirm the attempt thereof to be more requisite for a prince, who is of power able to go thorough with the same, rather than for any subject. From thence we departed the 28 of july, upon our voyage homewards, having there all things as might be most convenient for our purpose: and took leave of the Frenchmen that there still remained, who with diligence determined to make as great speed● after, as they could. Thus by means of contrary winds oftentimes, we prolonged our voyage in such manner that victuals scanted with us, so that we were divers times (or rather the most part) in despair of ever coming home, had not God of his goodness better provided for us, than our deserving. In which state of great misery, we were provoked to call upon him by fervent prayer, which moved him to hear us, so that we had a prosperous wind, which did set us so far shot, as to be upon the bank of Newfound land, on Saint Bartholomews' eve, and we sounded thereupon, finding ground at an hundred and thirty fathoms, being that day somewhat becalmed, and took a great number of fresh codde-fish, which greatly relieved us: and being very glad thereof, the next day we departed, and had lingering little gales for the space of four or five days, at the end of which we saw a couple of French ships, and had of them so much fish as would serve us plentifully for all the rest of the way, the Captain paying for the same both gold and silver, to the just value thereof, unto the chief owners of the said ships, but they not looking for any thing at all, were glad in themselves to meet with such good entertainment at sea, as they had at our hands. After which departure from them, with a good large wind the twentieth of September we came to Padstow in Cornwall, These arrival in Padstow in the month of September, 1565. God be thanked, in safety, with the loss of twenty people in all the voyage, and with great profit to the ventures of the said voyage, as also to the whole realm, in bringing home both gold, silver, pearls and other jewels great store. His name therefore be praised for evermore. Amen. The names of certain Gentlemen that were in this voyage. M. john Hawkins. M. john Chester, sir William Chester's son. M. Anthony Parkhurst. M. Fitzwilliam. M. Thomas Woorley. M. Edward Lacie, with divers others. The Register and true accounts of all herein expressed hath been approved by me john Spark the younger, who went upon the same voyage, and written the same. The third troublesome voyage made with the jesus of Lubeck, the Minion, and four other ships, to the parts of Guinea, and the West Indies, in the years 1567. and 1568 by M. john Hawkins. THe ships departed from Plymouth, the second day of October, Anno 1567. and had reasonable weather until the seventh day, at which time forty leagues North from Cape Finister, there arose an extreme storm, A storm. which continued four days, in such sort, that the fleet was dispersed, and all our great boats lost, and the jesus our chief ship, in such case, as not thought able to serve the voyage: whereupon in the same storm we set our course homeward, determining to give over the voyage: but the eleventh day of the same month, the wind changed with fair weather, whereby we were animated to follow our enterprise, and so did, directing our course with the islands of the Canaries, where according to an order before prescribed, all our ships before dispersed, met at one of those islands, called Gomera, Gomer● where we took water, and departed from thence the fourth day of November, towards the coast of Guinea, and arrived at Cape Verde, the eighteenth of November: where we landed 150 men, hoping to obtain some Negroes, where we got but few, and those with great hurt and damage to our men, which chief proceeded of their envenomed arrows: Envenomed arrows. and although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts, yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawn of them, but died in strange sort, with their mouths shut some ten days before they died, and after their wounds were whole; where I myself had one of the greatest wounds, yet thanks be to God, escaped. From thence we passed the time upon the coast of Guinea, searching with all diligence the rivers from Rio grand, unto Sierra Leona, till the twelfth of januarie, in which time we had not got together a hundredth and fifty Negroes: yet notwithstanding the sickness of our men, and the late time of the year commanded us away: and thus having nothing wherewith to seek the coast of the West India's, I was with the rest of our company in consultation to go to the coast of the Mine, hoping there to have obtained some gold for our wares, and thereby to have defrayed our charge. But even in that present instant, there came to us a Negro, sent from a king, oppressed by other Kings his neighbours, desiring our aid, with promise that as many Negroes as by these wars might be obtained, aswell of his part as of ours, should be at our pleasure: whereupon we concluded to give aid, and sent 120 of our men, which the 15 of januarie, assaulted a town of the Negroes of our Allies adversaries, which had in it ●000 Inhabitants, A town of 3000 Negroes ●aken. being very strongly impaled and fenced af●er their manner, but it was so well defended, that our men prevailed not, but lost six men and forty hurt: so that our men sent forthwith to me for more help: whereupon considering that the good success of this enterprise might highly further the commodity of our voyage, I went myself, and with the help of the king of our side, assaulted the town, both by land and sea, and very hardly with fire (their houses being covered with dry Palm leaves) obtained the town, and put the Inhabitants to flight, where we took 250 people, men, women, & children, and by our friend the king of our side, there were taken 600 prisoners, whereof we hoped to have had our choice: ●●o truth in Negros● but the Negro (in which nation is seldom or never found truth) meant nothing less: for that night he removed his camp and prisoners, so that we were feign to content us with those few which we had got ourselves. Now had we obtained between four and five hundred Negroes, wherewith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seek the coast of the West Indies, and there, for our Negroes, and other our merchandise, we hoped to obtain, whereof to countervail our charges with some gains, whereunto we proceeded with all diligence, furnished our watering, took fuel, and departed the coast of Guinea the third of February, continuing at the sea with a passage more hard, then before hath been accustomed till the 27 day of March, which day we had sight of an Island, called Dominica, ●●●inica. upon the coast of the West Indies, in fourteen degrees: from thence we coasted from place to place, making our traffic with the Spaniards as we might, somewhat hardly, because the king had straight commanded all his Governors in those parts, by no means to suffer any trade to be made with us: notwithstanding we had reasonable trade, and courteous entertainment, from the isle of Margarita unto Cartagena, without any thing greatly worth the noting, saving at Capo de la Vela, in a town called Rio de la Hacha (from whence come all the pearls) the treasurer who had the charge there, would by no means agreed to any trade, or suffer us to take water, he had fortified his town with divers bulwarks in all places where it might be entered, and furnished himself with an hundred Hargabuziers, ●o that he thought by famine to have enforced us to have put a land our Negroes: of which purpose he had not greatly failed, unless we had by force entered the town: which (after we could by no means obtain his favour) we were enforced to do, and so with two hundred men broke in upon their bulwarks, Rio de la Hacha take●. and entered the town with the loss only of two men of our parts, and no hurt done to the Spaniards because after their volley of shot discharged, they all fled. Thus having the town with some circumstance, as partly by the Spaniards desire of Negroes, and partly by friendship of the Treasurer, we obtained a secret trade: whereupon the Spaniards resorted to us by night, and bought of us to the number of 200 Negroes: in all other places where we traded the Spaniards inhabitants were glad of us and traded willingly. ●artage●● At Cartagena the last town we thought to have seen on the coast, we could by no means obtain to deal with any Spaniard, the governor was so strait, and because our trade was so near finished we thought not good either to adventure any landing, or to detract further time, but in peace departed from thence the 24 of july, hoping to have escaped the time of their storms which then soon after began to reign, the which they call Furicanos, Furicano●. but passing by the West end of Cuba, towards the coast of Florida there happened to us the 12 day of August an extreme storm which continued by the space of four days, which so beaten the jesus, that we cut down all her higher buildings, her rudder also was sore shaken, and withal was in so extreme a leak that we were rather upon the point to leave her then to keep her any longer, yet hoping to bring all to good pass, we sought the coast of Florida, where we found no place nor Haven for our ships, because of the shalownesse of the coast: thus being in greater despair, Storm. and taken with a new storm which continued other 3 days, we were enforced to take for our succour the Port which serveth the city of Mexico called Saint john de ullua, which standeth in 19 degrees: in seeking of which Port we took in our way 3 ships which carried passengers to the number of an hundred, which passengers we hoped should be a mean to us the better to obtain victuals for our money, & a quiet place for the repairing of our fleet. Shortly after this the 16 of September we entered the Port of Saint john de ullua and in our entry the Spaniards thinking us to be the fleet of Spain, Saint john d● ullua a Port. The Spaniards deceiue●. the chief officers of the Country came aboard us, which being deceived of their expectation were greatly dismayed: but immediately when they saw our demand was nothing but victuals, were recomforted. I found also in the same Port twelve ships which had in them by the report two hundred thousand pound in gold & silver, all which (being in my possession, with the king's Island as also the passengers before in my way thitherward stayed) I set at liberty, without the taking from them the weight of a groat: only because I would not be delayed of my dispatch, I stayed two men of estimation and sent post immediately to Mexico, which was two hundred miles from us, to the Presidents and Council there, showing them of our arrival there by the force of weather, and the necessity of the repair of our ships and victuals, which wants we requi●ed as friends to king Philip to be furnished of for our money: Our requests. and that the Precedents and Council there should with all convenient speed take order, that at the arrival of the Spanish fleet, which was daily looked for, there might no cause of quarrel rise between us and them, but for the better maintenance of amity, their commandment might be had in that behalf. This message being sent away the sixteenth day of September at night, being the very day of our arrival, in the next morning which was the seventeenth day of the same month, we saw open of the Haven thirteen great ships, The fleet of Spain. and understanding them to be the fleet of Spain, I sent immediately to advertise the General of the fleet of my being there, doing him to understand, that before I would suffer them to enter the Port, there should some order of conditions pass between us for our safe being there, and maintenance of peace. Now it is to be understood that this Port is made by a little Island of stones not three foot above the water in the highest place, The manner o● the Port S. john de Vll●●. and but a bow-shoot of length any way, this Island standeth from the main land two bow shoots or more, also it is to be understood that there is not in all this coast any other place for ships to arrive in safety, because the North wind hath there such violence, that unless the ships be very safely morad with their anchors fastened upon this Island, there is no remedy for these North winds but death: North wound perilous. also the place of the Haven was so little, that of necessity the ships must ride one aboard the other, so that we could not give place to them, nor they to us: and here I began to bewail that which after followed, for now, said I, I am in two dangers, and forced to receive the one of them. That was, either I must have kept out the fleet from entering the Port, the which with Gods help I was very well able to do, or else suffer them to enter in with their accustomed treason, which they never fail to execute, where they may have opportunity, to compass it by any means: if I had kept them out, then had there been present shipwreck of all the fleet which amounted in value to six Million, which was in value of our money 1800000. li. which I considered I was not able to answer, 1800. thousand pond. fearing the Queen's majesties indignation in so weighty a matter. Thus with myself revolving the doubts, I thought rather better to abide the jutt of the uncertainty, than the certainty. The uncertain doubt I account was their treason which by good policy I hoped might be prevented, and therefore as choosing the lest mischief I proceeded to conditions. Now was our first messenger come and returned from the fleet with report of the arrival of a Viceroy, A Uiceroy. so that he had authority, both in all this Province of Mexico (otherwise called Nueva Espanna) and in the sea, who sent us word that we should sand our conditions, which of his part should (for the better maintenance of amity between the Princes) be both favourably granted, and faithfully performed, with many fair words how passing the coast of the Indies he had understood of our honesty Fair wo●de● beguiled. behaviour towards the inhabitants where we had to do, aswell elsewhere as in the same Port, the which I let pass: thus following our demand, we required victuals for our money, and licence to cell as much ware as might furnish our wants, and that there might be of either part twelve gentlemen as hostages for the maintenance of peace: Our requests and that the Island for our better safety might be in our own possession, during our abode there, and such ordinance as was planted in the same Island which were eleven pieces of brass: and that no Spaniard might landlord in the Island with any kind of weapon: these conditions at the first he somewhat misliked, chief the guard of the Island to be in our own keeping, which if they had had, we had soon known our fare: for with the first North wind they had cut our cables and our ships had go ashore: The peac● conclude. but in the end he concluded to our request, bringing the twelve hostages to ten, which with all speed of either part were received, with a writing from the Uiceroy signed with his hand and sealed with his seal of all the conditions concluded, & forthwith a trumpet blown with commandment that none of ei●her part should be mean to violate the peace upon pain of death: and further it was concluded that the two Generals of the fleets should meet, and give faith each to other for the performance of the premises which was so done. Thus at the end of 3 days all was concluded & the fleet entered the Port, saluting one another as the manner of the sea doth require. Thus as I said before, thursday we entered the Port, Friday we see the fleet, and on monday at night they entered the Port: then we laboured 2 days placing the English ships by themselves & the Spanish ships by themselves, the captains of each part & inferior men of their parts promising great amity of all sides: which even as with all fidelity it was meant on our part, so the Spaniards meant nothing less on th●ir parts, but from the main land had furnished themselves with a supply of men to the number of 1000, and meant the next thursday being the 23 of September at dinner time to set upon us on all sides. The same Thursday in the morning the treason being at hand, some appearance showed, as shifting of weapon from ship to ship, planting and bending of ordinance from the ships to the Island where our men warded, passing too and fro of companies of men more than required for their necessary business, & many other ill likelihoods, which caused us to have a vehement suspi●ion, A Viceroy false of his faith. and therewithal sent to the Uiceroy to inquire what was meant by it, which sent immediately strait commandment to unplant all things suspicious, and also sent word that he in the faith of a Uiceroy would be our defence from all villainies. Yet we being not satisfied with this answer, because we suspected a great number of men to be hide in a great ship of 900 tons w●ich w●s mored next unto the Minion, sent again to the Uiceroy the master of the jesus which had the Spanish tongue, and required to be satisfied if any such thing were or not. The Uic●roy now se●ing that the treason must be discouered● The treason broke forth. forthwith stayed our master, blew the Trumpet, and of all sides set upon us: our men which warded a shore being strike with sudden fear, g●ue plac●, fled, and sought to recover succour of the ships; the Spaniards being before provided for the purpose landed in all places in multitudes from their ships which they might easily d●e without boats, and slew all our men a shore without mercy, a few of them escaped aboard the jesus. The great ship which had by the estimation three hundred men placed in her secretly, immediately fallen aboard the Minion, The Minion escaped hardly. but by God's appointment, in the time of the suspicion we had, which was only one half hour, the Minion was made ready to avoid, and so losing her hedfa●ls, and hailing away by the ster●●fastes she was got out: t●us with God's help● she d●fende● the violence of the first brunt of these three hundred men. The Minion being passed out, they came abo●rd the jesus, which also with very much a do and the loss of many of our men were defended and kept out. Then were there also two other ships that assaulted the jesus at the same instant, The jesus escaped hardly. so that she had hard getting lose, but yet with some time we had cut our head-fastes and got out by the sterne-fastes. Now when the jesus and the Minion were got about two ships length from the Spanish fleet, Sharp wars. the fight began so hot on all sides that within one hour the Admiral of the Spaniards was supposed to be sunk, 3. ships of the Spaniards consumed. their Uiceadmirall burned and one other of their principal ships supposed to be sunk, so that the ships were little able to annoyed us. Then is it to be understood, that all the Ordinance upon the Island was in the Spaniards hands, which did us so great annoyance, that it cut all the masts and yards of the jesus, in such sort that there was no hope to carry her away: ● hard cas●. also it sunk our small ships, wereupon we determined to place the jesus on that side of the Minion, that she might abide all the battery from the land, and so be a defence for the Minion till night, and then to take such relief of victual and other necessaries from the jesus, as the time would suffer us, and to leave her. As we were thus determining, and had placed the Minion from the shot of the land, suddenly the Spaniards had fired two great ships which were coming directly with us, and having no means to avoid the fire, it bred among our men a marvelous fear, so that some said, let us departed with the Minion, other said, let us see whither the wind will carry the fire from us. But to be short, the Minions men which had always the●r sails in a readiness, thou●ht to make sure work, and so without either consent of the Captain or Master cut ther● sail, so that very hardly I was received into the Minion. The most part of the men that were left a live in the jesus, made shift and followed the Minion in a small boat, the rest which the little b●ate was not able ●o receive, were informed ●● abide the mercy of the Spaniards (which I doubt was very little) so with the Minion only and the ●udith (a small bark of 50 tun) we escaped, Small hope to be had of tyrants. A storm which bark the same night forsook us in our great misery: we were now removed with the Minion from the Spanish ships two bow-sh●o●es, and there road all that night: the next morning we recovered a● Island a mile from the Spaniards, where there took us a North wind, and being left only with two anchors and two cables (for in this conflict we lost three cables and two anchors) we thought always upon death which ever was present, but God preserved us to a longer time. The weather waxed reasonable, and the Saturday we set sail, and having a great number of men and little victuals our hope of life waxed less and less: Small hopes of life. some desired to yield to the Spaniards, some rather desired to obtain a place where they might give themselves to the Infidels, and some had rather abide with a little pittance the mercy of God at Sea: ●ard choler so thus with many sorrowful hearts we wandered in an unknown Sea by the space of 14 days, till hunger enforced us to seek the land, Miseries. for hides were thought very good meat, rats, cats, mice and dogs, none escaped that might be got, parrots and monkeys that were had in great price, were thought there very profitable if they served the turn one d●nner: thus in the end the 8 day of October we came to the land in the bo●ome of the same bay of Mexico in 23 degrees and a half, where we hoped to have found inhabitants of the Spaniards, relief of victuals, and place for the repair of our ship, which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies and bruised with shooting off our own ordinance, that our weary and weak arms were scarce able to defend and ke●pe out water. But all things happened to the contrary, for we found neither people, victual, nor haven of relief, but a place where having fair weather with some peril we might landlord a boat: our people being forced with hunger desired to be set on land, whereunto I consented. And such as were willing to land I put them apart, and such as were desirous to go homewards, I put a part, so that they were indifferently parted a hundred of one side and a hundred of the other side: An hundred men set on land in 23. deg and a half. these hundred men we set a land with all diligence in this little place before said, which being landed, we determined there to take in fresh water, and so with our little remain of v●ctuals to take the sea. The next day having a land with me fifty of our hundredth men that remained for the speedier preparing of our water aboard, there arose an extreme storm, so that in three days we could by no means repair aboard our ship: The greatest misery of all. the ship also was in such peril that every hour we looked for shipwreck. But yet God again had mercy on us, and sent fair weather, we had aboard our water, and departed the si●teenth day of October, after which day we had fair and prosperous weather till the si●teenth day of Nou●mber, which day God be praised we were clear from the coast of the Indies, and out of ●h● channel and gulf of Bahama, which is between the Cape of Florida, and the Islands of jucayo. After this growing near to the cold country, our men being oppressed with famine, died continually, and they that were left, grew into such weakness that we were scantly able to manage our ship, and the wind being always ill for us to recover England, we determined to go with Galicia in Spain, with intent there to relieve our company and other extreme wants. And being arrived the last day of December in a place near unto Vigo called Ponce Vedra, our men with excess of fresh meat grew into miserable diseases, and died a great part of them. This matter was born out as long as it might be, but in the end although there were none of our men suffered to go a land, yet by access of the Spaniards, our feebleness was known to them. Whereupon they ceased not to seek by all means to betray us, but with all speed possible we departed to Vigo, where we had some help of certain English ships and twelve fresh m●n, wherewith we repaired our wants as we might, and departing the 20 day of january 1568 arrived in Mounts bay in Cornwall the 25 of the same month, praised be God therefore. If all the miseries and troublesome affairs of this sorrowful voyage should be perfectly and thoroughly written, there should need a painful man with his pen, and as great a time as he had that written the lives and deaths of the Martyrs. JOHN HAWKINS. The first voyage attempted and set forth by the expert and valiant captain M. Francis Drake himself, with a ship called the Dragon, and another ship and a Pinnace, to Number de Dios, and Dariene, about the year 1572, Written and recorded by one Lopez Vaz a Portugal born in the city of Eluas, in manner follow: which Portugal, with the discourse about him, was taken at the river of Plate by the ships set forth by the Right Honourable the Earl of Cumberland, in the year 1586. THere was a certain English man named Francis Drake, who having intelligence how the town of Number de Dios in Nueva Espanna, had but small store of people remaining there, came on a night, and entered the Port with four Pinnesses, and landed about 150 men, & leaving 70 men with a trumpet, in a Fort which was there, with the other 80 he entered the town, without doing any harm, till he came to the market place● and there discharged his calivers, & sounded a trumpet very loud, and the other which he had left in the Fort answered him after the same manner, with the discharging their calivers, and sounding their trumpets: the people hereupon not thinking of any such matter, were put in great fear, and waking out of their sleep fled all into the mountains, enquiring one of another what the matter should be, remaining as men amazed, not knowing what that uproar was which happened so suddenly in the town. But 14 or 15 of them joining together with their harquebusses, went to the market place to know what they were that were in the town, and in a corner of the market place they did discover the Englishmen, and seeing them to be but few, discharged their calivers at those Englishmen: their fortune was such that they killed the Trumpeter, and shot one of the principal men thorough the leg, who seeing himself hurt, retired to the Fort, where the rest of their company was left: they which were in the Fort sounded their Trumpet, and seeing that they in the town did not answer them, and hearing the calivers, thought that all they in the town had been slain, and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses: the English captain coming to the Fort, and not finding his men which he left there, he and his were in so great fear, that leaving their furniture behind them, and putting off their hose, they swam, and waded all to their Pinnesses, and so went with their ships again out of the Port. Thus this English Captain called Francis Drake, departed from Number de Dios, & slay only one man in the town which was looking out of a window to see what the matter was, and of his men had only his Trumpeter slain. The bal●ant exploit of M. Francis Drake betwixt Panama and Nombre de Dios. But he being discontented with the repulse which he had received there, came to the sound of Dariene, and having conference with certain Negroes which were fl●d from their masters of Panama, and Number de Dios, the Negroes did tell him, that certain Mules came lad●n with gold and silver from Panama to Number de Dios, who in company of these Negroes went thereupon on land, and stayed in the way where the treasure should come with an hundred shot, and so took two companies of mules, which came only with their drivers mistrusting nothing, and he carried away the gold only, for they were not able to carry the silver through the mountains. And two days after he came to the house of Crosses, M. Francis Drake burned the house of Crosses. where he killed six or seven merchants, but found no gold nor silver but much merchandise: so he fired the house, where was burned above 200000 Ducats in merchandise, and so went to his ship again: and within half an hour after he was a shipboard, there came down to the sands three hundred shot of the Spaniards in the sight of his ships, of purpose to seek him, but he cared little for them being out of their reach, and so departed with his treasure. The voyage of john Oxnam of Plymouth, to the West India, and over the strait of Dariene into the South sea. Anno 1575. Written by the foresaid Lopez Vaz in the said discourse. THere was another Englishman, who hearing of the spoil that Francis Drake had done upon the coast of Nueva Espanna, and of his good adventure and safe return home, was thereby provoked to undertake the like enterprise, with a ship of 140 tons, and 70 men, and came thither, and had also conference with the foresaid Negroes: and hearing that the gold and silver which came upon the Mules from Panama to Number de Dios, was now conducted wi●h soldiers, he determined to do that which never any man before enterprised: and landed in that place where Francis Drake before had had his conference with the Negroes. This man covered his ship after he had brought her aground with boughs of trees, and hide his great Ordinance in the ground, and so not leaving any man in his ship, he took two small pieces of ordinance, and his calivers, and good store of victuals, and so went with the Negroes about twelve leagues into the main land, to a river that goeth to the South sea, and there he cut wood and made a Pinnace, which was five and forty foot by the keel, and having made this Pinnace, he went into the South sea, carrying six Negroes with him to be his guides, and so went to the Island of Pearls, which is five & twenty leagues from Panama, The Island of pearls 25. leagues from Panama. which is in the way that they come from Peru to Panama, and there he was ten days without showing himself to any man, to see if he might get any ship that came from Peru: At last, there came a small Bark by, which came from Peru from a place called Quito, which he took and found in her sixty thousand pesoes of gold, and much victuals. But not contenting himself with this prize, he stayed long without sending away his prize or any of the men, and in the end of six days af●er, he took another Bark which came from Lima, in which he took an hundred thousand pesoes of silver in bars, with the which be thought to have go, & entered the river, but first he went into the Islands to see if he could found any pearls: where he found a few, and so returned to his pinnace again, & so sailing to the river from whence he came, and coming near to the mouth of the said river, he sent away the two prizes that he took, and with his pinnace he went up the river. The Negroes that dwelled in the Island of pearls, the same night that he went from them, went in Canoas' to Panama, and the Governor within two days sent four barks with 100 men, 25 men in everyone, and Negroes to row with the captai●e john de Ortega, which went to the Island of pearls, and there had intelligence, which way the English men were go, and following them he met by the way the ships which the English men had taken, of whom he learned, that the English men were go up the river, and he going thither, when he came to the mouth of the river, the captain of Panama known not which way to take, because th●re were three partitions in the river to go up in, and being determined to go up the greatest of the three rivers, he see coming down a lesser river many feathers of hens, which the Englishm●n had pulled to eat, and being glad thereof, he went up that river where he s●w the feathers, and after that he had been in that river four days, he descried the Englishmens pinnace upon the sands, and coming to her, there were no more than six Englishmen, whereof the● killed one, and the other five escaped away, and in the pinnace he found nothing but victuals: but this captain of Panama not herewith satisfied, determined to seek out the Englishmen by land, and leaving twenty men in his pinnesses, he with 80 shot went up the country: he had not ●●ne half a league, but he found a house made of boughs, where they found all the Englishmens g●●●s, and the gold and silver also, and carrying it back to their pinnesses, the Spaniards were determined to go away, without following the English men any further. But at the end of three days, the English captain came to the river with all his men, A skirmish between the English men, and the Spaniard● and above 200 Negroes, and set upon the Spaniards with great fury: But the Spaniards having the advantage of trees which they stood behind, did easily prevail, and killed eleven Englishmen, and five Negroes, and took other seven Englishmen alive, but of the Spaniards● too were slain and five sore hurt. Among other things, the Spaniards inquired of the Englishmen which they took, why th●y went not away in fifteen days liberty which they had. They answered, that their Captain had commanded them to carry all that gold and silver which they had, to the place where they had left their ship, and they had promised him to carry it, although they made three or four journeys of it, for he promised to give them part of it besides their wages, but the mariner● would have it by and by, and so their Captain being angry because they would not take his word, fallen out with them, and they with him, in so much that one of the company would have killed the Captain, so that the Captain would not have them to carry the treasure, but said he would seek Negroes to carry it, and so he went and sought for negroes, and bringing those Negroes to carry it, he met with the five English men that he had le●t in his pinnace which ran from the Spaniards, and the rest also which ran from the house, and they told him what the Spaniards had done, and then making friendship with all his men, he promised them half of all the treasure if they got it from the Spaniards, and the Negroes promised to help him with their bows and arrows, and thereupon they came to seek the Spaniards, and now that some of his company were killed and taken, he thought it best to return to his ship, and to pass back for England. The Spanish captain hearing this, having buried the dead bodies, and having got all things into his barks, and taking the English men and their pinnace with him, he returned to Panama: so the voyage of that English man did not prospero with him, as he thought it would have done. Now when the four barks were come to Panama, they sent advise also to Number de dios, and th●y of Number de dios sent also from them other four barks which (as the Spaniards say) found the English ship where she was hide, and brought her to Number de dios: and that the Uiceroy of Peru not thinking it good to suffer fifty English men to remain in the country, sent a servant of his called Diego de Frees, with a hundredth and fifty shot into the mountains to seek them out, who found them making of certain Canoas' to go into the North sea, and there to take some bark or other: some of them were sick, and were taken, and the rest fled with the Negroes, who in the end betrayed them to th● Spaniards, The English betrayed to the Spaniards. so that they were brought to Panama. And the justice of Panama asked the English captain whether he had the Queen's licence, or the licence of any other Prince or Lord for his attempt. And he answered he had none, whereupon he and all his company were condemned to dye● and so were all executed, saving the Captain, the Master, the Pilot, and five boys which were carried to Lima, The death of john Oxnam. and there the Captain was executed with the other two, but the boys be yet living. The king of Spain having intelligence of these matters, sent 300 men of war against those Negroes which had assisted those English men, which before were slaves unto the Spaniards, and as before is said, fled from their masters unto those mountains, and so joined themselves to the Englishmen, to the end they might the better revenge themselves on the Spaniards. At the first coming of these 300 soldiers, they took many of the Negroes, and executed great justice upon them: But after a season, the Negroes grew wise and wary, and prevented the Spaniards, so that none of them could be taken. The Spaniards of that country marveled much at this one thing, to see that since the conquering of this land, there have been many Frenchmen, that have come to those countries, but never see English men there but only those two of whom I have spoken. And although there have many Frenchmen been on the coast, yet never dared they put foot upon land, only those two English men adventured it, and did such exploits, as are before remembered. All these things coming to the hearing of the king of Spain, he provided two Galleys well appointed to keep those coasts: The English men's coming to the Indies, caused the king of Spain to build galleys to keep the Seas. and the first year they took six or seven French ships. And after that this was known, there were no more Englishmen or Frenchmen of war that dared adventure to approach the coast, until this present year 1586, that the aforesaid Francis Drake, with a strong fleet of 24 ships arrived there, and made spoil of Santo Domingo, Carthagena, and S. Augustine, things that are known to all the world. But it is likely that if the King of Spain line, he will in time provide sufficient remedy, to keep his countries and subjects from the invasion of other nations. The voyage of Master Andrew Barker of Bristol, with two ships, the one called the Ragged staff, the other the Bear, to the coast of Terra firma, and the Bay of Honduras in the West Indies, in the year 1576. Wherein the reasons are premised which moved him to set forth this voyage against the Spaniards: collected out of certain notes and examinations touching this enterprise by M. Richard Hakluyt. FIrst of all Andrew Barker having abode in one of the Canary Islands called Tenerif for a certain time, and returning home left behind him Charles Chester (the son of Dominic Chester merchant of Bristol) to learn the language. Now the said Andrew Barker fort with upon his arrival in England, in November, 1574, freighted a small ship (named the Speedwell of Bristol) to go for the Canaries with clot and other merchandise of a great value. He sent also one john Drue of Bastable as his Factor to make sale and dispose of the said goods, who when he arrived at Tenerif, landed the merchandise, and sent home the bark with some small quantity of wine, making account to cell the said wares to greater advantage in providing wines and sugar for the lading of another ship, which Andrew Barker had appointed to sand th●ther. Also according to this his purpose the said Andrew in March following sent a ship called the Christopher of Dartmouth, captain whereof was one Henry Roberts of Bristol: who when he had landed in Tenerif, & was in good hope to found the lading of his ship in a readiness, contrary to his expectation, was suddenly cast into prison: the Spaniards alleging that Andrew Barker was accused to the inquisition by Charles Chester, whereupon his goods were confiscate, his factor john Drue was attached, and he also (the said captain Roberts) being as they supposed Barkers partner, was in like sort to be imprisoned. In fine all the foresaid commodities appertaining to the said Andrew and his brother M. john Barker and others to the value of 1700 pound and upwards (as it doth appear by proofs of record in the Admiralty) were utterly lost, being confiscate to the said inquisition. Howbeit captain Roberts by the means of a friar was delivered out of prison (which cost him all the merchandise he brought with him in his ship) and so returned with dead freight to the sum of 200 pound that afterwards Andrew Barker discharged. In recompense of which injury (for that no suit prevaileth against the inquisition of Spain) & also to recover his loss of the Spaniards themselves, at his own charge with the help of his friends he furnished two barks for the West Indies, the greater of which barks was called the Ragged staff, himself being captain, & Philip Roche Master thereof, the other named the Bear had one William Cox of Limehouse for her Master and captain. And thus all our company being embarked at Plymouth on Whitsonday in the beginning of june, we set forward, & in our course we met with a ship of London, & afterwards with another ship, but took nothing from either of them. Our first arrival was at one of the Island of Cape Verde, named Del sal, ●sla del sal. uz. the Isle of salt, where we took certain fish called Tortoises: and there we remained one night and half the day following. And from thence we came to the Isle of Maio, The Isle of Maio. being distant from Isla del sal, 14 or 15 leagues, where we took in fresh water and trafficked with certain Portugals inhabiting in that place, of whom we had some victuals for knives and beads: and there we remained one day and one night: but our trumpeter was treacherously slain by those Portugals, in revenge of which murder we set on fire two of their small villages. Two villa●●s burned. From this Island we shaped our course over the main Ocean toward the West Indies, and arrived happily at the Island of Trinidad, The Isle 〈◊〉 Trinidad. and had conference with certain Indians inhabitants thereof, who gave us very friendly and courteous entertainment: and here we set up a pinnace which we carried forth in the Ragged staff, and trafficked with the foresaid Indians for victuals. And after we had spent six days in this place we departed, and arrived next at the Isle of Margarita, The Isle 〈◊〉 Margarita. where we took a small Spanish ship having in her certain pitch and 30 tuns of Canary wines whereof we reserved 4 or 5 tons to ourselves, dismissing them without any further damage. Thence (having remained there a day) we set sail to the Island of Curaçao, The Isle o● Cura●●●● where we remained a day & a night, & took in fresh water, at what time by the inhabitants of that Island (being few of them Spaniards, & the most part Indians) 14 of our men were treacherously hurt, but none slain. And from thence we departed for the main land Southwards, to a certain bay, and there we abode 3 days, but nothing of any reckoning was there achieved. From the●●e we arrived at Cape de la Vela, Ca 〈…〉. where grew a contention between our Captain M. Andrew Barker, and his Master Philip Roche, upon comparisons made between them concerning the knowledge of Navigation, and about other quarrels, which quarrels afterward were an occasion of further mischief. Hence we sailed to the bay of Tulu (which is about 18 leagues Southwestward from Carthagena) where we took a Frigate and certain treasure therein to the value of 500 pound, namely bars of gold, and lingots of silver, and some quantity of corriento or coin in rials of plate, and certain green stones called Emerauds, whereof one very great, being set in gold, was found tied secretly about the thigh of a friar. Here having stayed three days, and now being pursued by Spanish men of war, we departed with the said treasure, and left the Frigate behind us, all which treasure at that instant was committed to the keeping of our captain Andrew Barker. From thence we passed to Number de 〈◊〉, Number de dios. and so forth to the mouth of the river of Chagre 18 leagues distant from Number de dios towards the Northwest. There we landed 10 of our men, who traveled up into the woods three or four days to seek the Simerons, Simerons re●●●● to the Sp●niards. (which are certain valiant Negroes fled from their cruel masters the Spaniards, and are become mortal enemies, ready to join with the English and French against them) but in their search they could found none of them. And though our men returned all free from peril of the enemy, yet the most part of the said ten people presently fallen sick, and divers other of our company: so that within 14 days 8 or 9 of our men died of a disease called there the Calentura, which is a hot and vehement fever. And passing between Chagre and Veragua, Verag we took a Frigate, and some quantity of gold we found therein. In this Frigate were 23 Spaniards whom we set on shore, and two Flemings, them we brought into England with us: we had therein also four cast pieces of Ordinance, 3 harquebusses on crock, 16 Spanish calivers, and a book of Navigation: and in this Frigate some of our company came homeward into England. Thus passing forward in our course, we came to Veragua, where captain Barker, & Philip Roche his Master, fought upon the foresaid quarrel, in which combat the captain was hurt a little in the check. Here we sank our Admiral the Ragged staff, because of her great leakage, and embarked part of our company in the Spanish Frigate, which immediately before we had surprised. From hence (by the direction of certain Indians) we sailed into the gulf of the Honduras: The bay o● Honduras. there we took a bark wherein were rials of plate, to the value of 100 pound, Maiz or Indian wheat, hens, beef and other small things. In this bark also were certain Spaniards, whereof one was the Scriua●o or secretary of Carthagena, who (being a man of some note) was put to his ransom, which was paid in gold: the rest were dismissed freely. And after passing by divers Islands, we arrived at an Island called S. Francisco, The Isle o●●. Francisco. being in the mouth of the great bay, called the Honduras. And within two days next after our arrival there, William Cox and divers others (which for certain causes shallbe nameless) came aboard the ship wherein the captain than was, and disposessed him as well of the said ship, as of the treasure in the same, A conspiracy against the Captains. and forthwith put our captain ●ith violence on shore, where he and one German We●borne fought together, and were both wounded. After this our captain desirous to come on board, was resisted by the people aforesaid, who answered him that he should not come on board till they were ready to departed. Our men had appointed ten people of their company for the keeping of this Island of S. Francisco: but about break of the day, on a certain morning, sixty Spaniards arriving secretly in the Island, surprised our people on the sudden, what time there were thirty of our men on shore: in which surprise, they slay our captain, M. Andrew Barker and 8 other slain by the Spaniards. M. Andrew Barker with eight others, namely, one Wild of Bristol, and Michael our Chirurgeon, Richard of Bristol, Thomas Sampoole, Thomas Freeman, Thomas Nightingale, Robert jackson, Walter Newton; and the captains boy and one other were hurt. Now after that William Cox, and the rest (which were aboard the bark) perceived that the captain, & some others were slain, he received them that were living into the ship, having before that time refused some of them. After this misfortune they went to an Island distant from thence a league, where Cox divided a chain of gold (which was found in the captains chest after his death) amongst the company. After this Cox went in a pinnace (which we took at the Isle of Sant Francisco) with certain others of our men in a skyffe, to the town of Truxillio, The town of Truxillio sacked by the English in the bay of Honduras, which town they surprised, and had therein wine and oil as much as they would, and divers other good things, but no gold nor silver, nor any other treasure which they would confess. But before they could return to their company, those that were in the barks were had in chase by men of war, whereby they were enforced every man to shifted for himself: so for haste they left those that were in the skiff (being 8 people) in the bay of Honduras: what become of them afterward God knoweth. Hereupon we determined to sail for England, and being in the main sea homeward bond, about 60 leagues from the Isle of S. Francisco, the Frigate wherein was the treasure for the adventurers, and that which pertained to the captain to the value of 2000 pound, being overset with sail, with a flaw of wound was overthrown, and all the goods therein perished: therein also were 14 people drowned, and nine saved, whereof William Cox and William Gillam were two. After this Philip Roche, Master of the Admiral called the Ragged staff, died. The death of Philip Roche master of the Ragged staff. Their arrival in the Isle of silly. And thus at length, (by the help of God) we arrived in the Isle of Silly near Cornwall where we left our Frigate which we built new upon the shore of the Honduras, having in her at our landing ten bo●isios of oil, and the four cast Pieces that were in john Oxnams' Frigate (which the year before was taken in the straight of Dariene) three harquebusses on crock, certain calivers, and certain treasure: Certain Ordinance of john Oxnam recovered from the Spaniards. Where William Cox and Andrew Browne divided the treasure amongst their company, delivering to some five pound, to some six pound, to some seven pound, to some more, as every man was thought to have deserved. The bark and the rest of the Ordinance was left in the Island, to the use of Andrew Browne. divers of our company, upon our arrival at Plymouth were committed to prison at the suit of M. john Barker of Bristol, brother unto our captain M. Andrew Barker, as accessaries to our captain's death, and betrayers of him unto the enemy. And after strait examination of many of us, by letters of direction from her Majesties' privy Counsel, the chief malefactors were only chastised with long imprisonment, where indeed before God they had deserved to die: whereof some, although they escaped the rigour of man's law, yet could they not avoid the heavy judgement of God, but shortly after came to miserable ends. Which may be example to others to show themselves faithful and obedient in all honest causes to their captains and governors. Parescer de Don Alvaro Baçan, marquess de Santa Cruz, tocante la Armada de Francisco Draque, est ando en las yslas de Vayona: Hecha en Lisboa a 26 de otubre, estelo de Espanna de 1585. LO que paresce, que podra hazer el Armada Inglese, en caso que choir passar a las India's, y entrar en el mar del Sur, (common lo ha' hec ho otra vez Francisco Draque) con las treynta y does naves y galeones, y muchas lanchas y vergantines deremo que trae, y cinco mill hombres de guerra, que es el numero que a los de Vayona parescio que venian en el armada, es lo siguiente. Levera sum derotta all Rio de jenero, que es en la costa del Brasil en 23 grados de la part del Sur de la Linea. Es puerto capaz de muchos navios y muy seguro, adonde se tiene agua, lenna, y carne: y tam bien podra tomar harina de Maiz en un lugar does oh tres leguas del dicho puerto, que se dize San Vicente. San Vicente. Islas de Madera Canaria, y Cabo Verde. Y por ser camino per las yslas de la Madera, Canaria, y Cabo Verde, podra saquear estas yslas, dandole el tiempo lugar a ello. Desde Vaiona a la ysla de Madera con los vientoes Nortes, que aora correran (passadoes los vientoes de Vallee, que a ora reynan, por estar la costa de Espanna llovida) yra la Armada en seis dias; de alli a las Canarias en quatro, y de las Canarias a Cabo verde en ocho, que son per todos diez y ocho dias: y tardera mas lo que se twiere en saquear las yslas. Rio de jenero. De Cabo Verde all rio de jenero tardera quarenta dias, que vernan a se● todos does meses: por manera, que estando el Armada todo este mes en Galicia, podra set en el rio de jenero en ●in de Deziembre. A la entrada de la baia del Rio de jenero ay una baxa, adonde con facilidad se hara un fuerte, Lugar por hae●a: un fuerte. en que puede● estar mas que quinientoes hombres: y ponen dole so artilleria, guardera el puerto, y el fuerte quedara assalado, que por la una part del sudueste y nordeste tiene los dos canales, por donde entran los navios en el puerto: En el qual podra Francisco Draque concertar so Armada, y dexar alli alguna gerite, y partir con la que le paresciere, para entrar en el Mar del Sur, y yr en seguimiento de su viaje all Estrecho de Magallanes (que es quinientas y cinquenta leguas de a quel puerto, Estrecho de Magallanes. y esta en cinquenta y does grados y medio de part del Sur) y entrar por el Estrecho a la Marinell del Sur por todo el mes de Febrero; Marinell del Sur. y yr a la ciudad de los Reys oh Lima, que esta en la costa, y es de does mill vezinos: Lima es ciudad de does mill vezi no●, pero facile ● tomar. y por no ser gente de guerra, ni puesta en milicia, y lugar abierto sin fortaleza, ni artilleria, le podra tomar y saquear, y yr se apoderando de la tierra; pues tomando los navios, que ay en aquella mar, no les podra entrar socorro de Espanna. Y es de creer que se preverra a tomar a Panama. Panama. Not queriendo hazer este viaje, La segunda viaje. repartira so armada en dos vandas, y saqueare la ysla de San Domingo, San Domingo. Cartagena. Rio de Chagre. Puerto Rico, y la costa de Tierra firma, hasta Cartagena y Nombre de Dios. Y decide el rio de Chagre, que es xv. leguas de Number de Dios, podra metre la Infanteria en lanchas de remo, y en las varcas de carga y descarga en a quel rio, que son mas de cinquenta, y llegar hasta la Venta de Cruzes, que es cinco leguas de Panama, que, por ser lugar abierto, Panama lugar a bierto y facile a laquear. sera facile a saquear. Y tambien corre peligro la Havana; La Huana. que aunque tiene fortaleza, es chica y flaca, y sacando artilleria en tierra, la tomaran con facilidad. Y de mas de los dannos que podran hazer, conform a este discorso, no sera el menor, cortar el hilo a la navigation de las India's, a tomar las flotas, Tomar las flotas. si alli fueren. Lo que Conuernia hazer para reparar estos dannos. DEspachar caravelas con grandissima diligencia a los virreys y governadores de las India's, avertiendo les de la Nueva de la Armada Inglese, para que esten prevenidos, y se pongan en orden. Aunque, segun el numero de las Naves que han salido de Inglatierra, tengo por sin duda, hauran passado de aquellas parts alguna banda dellas, hasta Tierra nue●a. Porque la Reyna a tenido cuidado de embiary tomar 'las naos de la Pesqueria del Baccalao: Y assi es de creer sin duda loveless de las India's. Y teniendo se consideration a que, por lo que se intiende de Inglatierra, han salido mas de ochenta navios con los de Armado: Conuernia que su Magestad mandasse iuntar otra para buscar la Inglese, y combatir con ella, ordinando que los galeones que tiene la corona deste Remo, y los que tiene so Magestad en el Rio de S●uilla se aderescan de yr opposito, dandoles cirena, para che estubiessen a punto a qualquier viaje, por largo que fuesse: y que assi mismo se embaraçe un galcon del Duque de Florencia, que esta muy bien armada y artillado, y a partido de Alicante para Cadiz, y complimiento hasta quarenta naos gruesas, Quarenta naos gruesas. que se hallaran en Viscaia y Guiposcoa: y que adere çadas, artilladas, y puestas en orden, co●o conviene, se avituallen por ocho meses, y que desde luego se levanten hasta mill marineros de Catalunna y Genoa para departir en las naves, y se trayen, common se hizo para la armada de la Terçera: y que assi mismo se levanten seys mill soldadoes, dando condutas para mas gente, que esta, para que aya este numero de seruicio. Tambien convernia, que de Viscaia venga para esta Armada 20 patazes, y veynte Azabras de Castro. Que las patazes scene de 50 hasta 60 toneladas: y las Azabras, common las que vinieran ala jornada de la Terçera. Que se poruea el artilleria, poluere, y cuerda, y plomo necessario, arcabuzes, mosquetas, y picas de respito para la guardia de la costa. Conuerne hazer otra armada de does naos cada 400 toneladas, y otras quatro de a dozientas, y quatro patazes, y mill soldadoes, de mas de la gente de mar. Auiendo visto v considerado, que en dos meses han hecho tantos dannos los Ingleses con los navios de mercantes que navegan por estos mares, y que es de creer que haran lo mismo en las floras que fueren y vinieren de las India's, convernia, que, common para la ordenança en tiempo de paz, lleva la armada las naos Capitana y Almirante, que llevassen aora otras does mas por lo menos en cada Hota: y no por esto ●e ha' de dexar de asegurar las con Armada. Todas estas prevenciones, me paresce, se deven hazer, para solo loveless que toca la Armada Inglese, y otros navios que han salido de aquel Reyno. Pero en caso que Don Antonio Veniese con la Armada, y qu●siese intentar lo d'este Reyno, seran menester las prevenciones siguientes. QVe se apercibiesen el conde de Benavente, Marques de Soria, conde de Altamira, conde de Monte Rey, Marques de Cerraluo, y los de mas Sennores y Cavalleros, a quien se dio orden que estubiesen a punto, quando se vino a este Reyno. Que se exercibiese tam bien la gente de las Ciudades de Toro, Zamora, Salamanca, cuidar para socorrer a la part dentro Doro y Minno. Y las de Estremadura y Sevilla para socorrer esta Ciudad de Lisbona, y su Comarca. Que se avituallen los castilloes desta ciudad, tibera, y comarca, y provean de poluere, cuerda, y plomo, y lo demas tocante el artilleria, common lo he pedido en las relaciones, que he embiado a su Magestad en 7 de março deste anno 1585. Que se provean las galeras por quatro meses: y vengan otras seys de Espanna a este Rio con 120 soldadoes por galera, para que los pueden repartir, en las ocho que estan aca. Y en caso que esto se aye, que la armada Inglesa no pass a las India's, y se ocupen en lo deste Reyno, porque haure navios de Ingleses, que acuden a lo uno y a lo otro, sera forçoso hazer otra armada para lo de las India's, de dose naos, quatro patajes, y mill y quinjentoes soldadoes. Todo esto, me paresce, conviene all seruicio de su Maiestad, se prevenga y apercibiese con mucha diligencia y cuidado, proveiendo del dinero necessario para ello, sin que se aguarde lo uno a loveless otro, sino que todo sehaga sin deserirlo: Remitiendo me en todo a mejor parescer. Hecha en Lisboa a 26 de Otubre de 1585. Annos. The opinion of Don Alvaro Baçan, Marks of Santa Cruz, and high Admiral of Spain, touching the army of sir Francis Drake lying at the Isles of Bayona in Galicia, written in Lisbon the 26 of October after the account of Spain in the year 1585. THat which it seemeth unto me, that the English army may do, if they se●ke to pass unto the West Indies, and enter into the South sea (as Francis Drake hath done once before) with their thirty ships and galeons, and many pinnesses and shalops with oars, which they have with them, and 5000 men o● war, which they of Bayona think to be in the fleet, is as followeth. The damage which may be done by passing by the river of Ie●ero into the South sea. They may take their course to the river of jenero, which is on the coast of Brasil in 23 degrees to the South of the Equinoctial line. It is an haven capable of many ships and very safe, where there is water, wood and flesh: and likewise Drake may have corn of Maiz in a town two or three leagues from the said haven, which is called S. Vincente. And because the course is by the Isles of Madera, the Canaries, and Cape verde, he may sack those Islands, the time serving him for that purpose. Madera. From Bayona to the Isle of Madera, with the Northern winds which now will begin to blow, when the Western winds be past, which presently do blow because that it beginneth to rain on the coast of Spain, the fleet may run in 6 days, and from thence to the Canaries in four, Canaries. and from the Canaries to the Isles of Cape Verde in eight, The Isle of Cape Verde. which all together make eighteen days: and he may stay as much time more as shall serve him to sack the Islands in. The river of jenero. He may sail from Cape Verde to the river of jenero in 40 days, which in the whole amount unto two months. So that the fleet remaining all this month of October on the coast of Galicia, it may come to the river of jenero in the end of December. A ●ort may be divided on an Island in the mouth of the river of jenero. At the entry of the bay of the river of jenero there is a flat low Island where a fort may very easily be made, wherein above 500 men may be left: and placing his artillery therein, he may keep the haven, & the fort will be able to hold out all assault, because that on the South-west and Northeast sides are two channels whereby the ships come into the haven: wherein Francis Drake may repair his army, and leave there some people, and departed with so much of the rest as shall seem good unto him to enter into the South sea, & go on upon his voyage to the straight of Magelan, The straight of Magelan. which is 550 leagues from the foresaid haven, and standeth in 52 degrees & a half toward the South, and may enter by the straight into the South sea all the month of February, & so may to go to the city of Lima, The city of Lima easy to be takend though it have 2000 inhabitants. otherwise called the city de los Reys, which standeth on the sea coast having two thousand inhabitants in it. But in respect that they be no warlike people nor exercised in arms, and because the place is open and without fortress & artillery, he may take and sack it, and make himself master on the land, & afterward taking those ships which are in that sea, The ships in the South sea may be burned. our people can have no succour of ships out of Spain, but by the straight of Magelan, which is a long way about. Panama may be taken. It is also very credible that he will be able to take Panama. The second course which indeed Drake took. If he seek not to take this course he may divide his army into two parts, & sack the Isle of S. Domingo, Puerto Rico, the coast of Tierra firma unto Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. And from the river of Chagre, which is fifteen leagues from Number de Dios, he may sand his footmen in shalops with oars and in the vessels which carry goods up and down the riu●, whereof there are above fifty there, and pass up to the lodging of the Crosses, called in Spanish Venta de Cruzes, which is five leagues from Panama, Panama b●ing an open place is easy to be taken. which because it is an unwalled town may easily be taken. And Havana also will be in great danger, Havana easy to be taken. which albeit it have a fortress, yet it is but little and weak, and bringing his great ordinance on shore he may take the same with great facility. And besides these damages which he may do, according to this discourse, it will not be the lest to cut off the navigation of the Indies, to take the West Indian fleet, The Indian fleet may b● taken. if they chance to be there. What course is to be taken to prevent these mischiefs TO dispatch Caravels with all possible diligence to the viceroys and govenours of the India's, advertising them of the news of the English army, that they may be provided, and make themselves ready for them. Albeit, considering the number of ships which have been set forth out of England, I assure myself, that some part of them are go out of those parts unto Newfoundland. Sir Barnar● Drake took I7 sails of the Spanish and Portugal fishers returning from Newfoundland 1585. For the Queen hath taken careful order to sand to intercept the ships of the fishermen that go to Baccalaos. And it is likewise to be thought that she hath done the like for the intercepting of the fleet of the Indies. And considering that according to our intelligence out of England, above fourscore ships, and the army of Drake have been set forth from thence, it is meet that his majesty should prepare another army to seek the English fleet, His intelligence was ●o● true, as since I found in the osfice of the Admiralty. and to fight with it, commanding that the Galeons' which belong to the crown of Portugal, and those of his majesty which lie in the river of Seville be prepared to sand against them, and to give them the Carena, that they may be in a readiness for any voyage how long soever it be: And likewise to arrest a galleon of the Duke of Florence, which is very well armed and furnished with great ordinance, and passed lately from Alicante toward Cadiz, and to make up the number of forty great ships, Forty grea● ships to be provided. which are to be had in Biscay and Guipuscoa: and that being rigged, armed and set in good order, they be victualled for eight months, and that forthwith there be levied a thousand mariners of Catalunna and Genoa to be divided among the Fleet, and be conducted, as they were for the Fleet of Terçera: 1583. Terzena was wone by the Marque● of Santa Cruz. furthermore that six thousand soldiers be levied, giving commandment to press a greater number, to the end that these may be able men for service. Moreover it is needful for this army that 20. pataches be brought from Biscay, and 20. Azabras from Castro. That the pataches be from 50. to 60. tons: and that the Azabras be like those which were in the expedition to Terçera. That sufficient provision be made of artillery, powder, match, and lead, and harquebusses, muskets, and choose pikes for the keeping of the coast. It is also meet to provide another army of two ships of 400. tons apiece, Another arm● of ten sails. and other four of 200. tons, and four pataches and a thousand soldiers, besides mariners. Having seen and considered that the Englishmen with their merchants ships only that traverse these seas have made such havoc in two months, and that it is to be thought that they will do the like against the fleets which go and come from the Indies: The Indian fleet to be strengthened with 4. ship● of warr● it is expedient, that as by order in time of peace the fleet hath an Admiral and Uiceadmirall, that now it should have two more at the lest in each Fleet: and nevertheless they are to be wafted home with an army. In mine opinion all these provisions aught to be made only in regard of the English army, and the rest of the ships which have been set out of that kingdom. But in case that Don Antonio should come with an army, and should seek to invade this kingdom, these provisions following would be needesull. THat warning be given to the Conde de Beneventa, What provision is to be made if Don Antonio shoul● come with a● army, to the Marquis de Soria, to the Conde of Altamira, to the Conde of Monterey, to the marquess of Zerraluo, and to the rest of the Lords and Knights, which are to have order to be in a readiness, against he come unto this kingdom. That the people also be trained of the cities of Toro, Zamora, and Salamanca, to be ready to secure the country between the rivers of Doro and Minno: and the people of Estremadura and Sivilla are likewise to be trained to be ready to secure the city of Lisbon, and the country about the same. Also that the castles of this city, river and territory be victualled and provided of gunpowder, match and lead, and all things else belonging to the artillery, as I have requested in the relations which I sent unto his majesty the 7. of March of this present year 1585. An army of 14 galleys ●o be provided. That the galleys be furnished for four months: and that six more be brought from Spain to this river of Lisbon with an hundred and twenty soldiers for each galley, that they may be divided among the eight galleys which remain here. And in case it fall out that the army of the English go not for the Indies, but occupy themselves upon this k●ngdome, (for there may be English ships, which may attend the one and the other) we shall be enforced to make another army, Another army o● 12 great ships, 4 pataches, and 1500 souldiers● besides that for the Indies, of twelve ships, four pataches, and a thousand five hundred soldiers. In mine opinion all this is meet for his majesties service to be fores●ene to be made ready with great diligence and care, and to provide money needful for the same, without neglecting the one or the other, but that ●ll these things be done without delay: Referring myself in all things to those of wis●r judgement. Written in Lisbon the 26 of October, 1585. A summary and true discourse of sir Francis Drakes West Indian voyage, begun in the year 1585. Wherein were taken the cities of Saint jago, Santo Domingo, Cartagena, and the town of Saint Augustine in Florida; Published by M. Thomas Ca●es. THis worthy knight for the service of his Prince and country having prepared his whole fleet, and got them down to Plymouth in Deuon●hire, to the number of five and twenty sail of ships and pinnesses, and having assembled of soldiers and mariners, to the number of 2300. in the whole, embarked them and himself at Plymouth aforesaid, the 12. day of September 1585. being accompanied with these men of name and charge, which hereafter follow: Master Christopher Carlisle Lieutenant general, a man of long experience in the wars as well by sea as land, who had formerly carried high offices in both kinds in many fights, which he discharged always very happily, and with great good reputation. Anthony Powel Sergeant Maior. Captain Matthew Morgan, and Captain john Samson, Corporals of the field. These officers had commandment over the rest of the land-captains, whose names hereafter follow. Captain Anthony Plat. Captain Edward Winter. Captain john Goring. Captain Robert Pew. Captain George Barton. Captain john Merchant. Captain William Cecil. Captain Walter Bigs. Captain john Hannam. Captain Richard Stanton. Captain Martin Frobisher Uiceadmirall, a man of great experience in seafaring actions, who had carried the chief charge of many ships himself, in sundry voyages before, being now shipped in the Primrose. Captain Francis Knolles, Rear admiral in the galleon Leicester. Master Thomas Vennor Captain in the Elizabeth Bonaduenture under the General. Master Edward Winter Captain in the Aid. Master Christopher Carlisle the Lieutenant general, Captain of the Tiger. Henry White Captain of the sea Dragon. Thomas Drake Captain of the Thomas. Thomas Scelie Captain of the Minions Bailie Captain of the Bark Talbot. Robert Cross Captain of the Bark Bond. George Fortescue Captain of the Bark Bonner. Edward Careless Captain of the Hope. james Erizo Captain of the White Lyon. Thomas Moon Captain of the Francis, john Rivers Captain of the Vantage. john Vaugham Captain of the Drake. john Varney Captain of the George. john Martin Captain of the Benjamin. Edward Gilman Captain of the Scout. Richard Hawkins Captain of the Galiot called the Duck●. Bitfield Captain of the Swallow. After our going hence, which was the fourteenth of September, in the year of our Lord 1585. and taking our course towards Spain, we had the wind for a few days somewhat scant, and sometimes calm. And being arrived near that part of Spain, which is called th● moors, we happened to espy divers sails, which kept their course close by the shore, the weather being far and calm. The General caused the Uiceadmirall to go with the pinnesses well manned to see what they were, who upon sight of the said pinnesses, approaching near unto them, abandoned for the most part all their ships (being Frenchmen) laden all with salt, and bond homewards into France, amongst which ships (being all of small burden) there was one so well liked, which also had no man in her, as being brought unto the general, he thought good to mak● stay of her for the service, meaning to pay for her, as also accordingly he performed at our returne● which ●arke was called the Drake. The rest of these ships (being eight or nine) were dismissed without any any thing at all taken from them. Who being afterwards put somewhat farther off from the shore, by the contrariety of the wound, we happened to meet with some other French ships full laden with Newland fish, being upon their return homeward from the said Newfoundland● whom the General after some speech had with them (and seeing plainly that they were Frenchmen) dismissed, without once suffering any man to go aboard of them. The day following standing in with the shore again, we descried another tall ship of twelu● score tons or thereabouts, upon whom Master Carliel the Lieutenant general being in th● Tiger, undertook the chase, whom also anon after the Admiral followed, and the Tiger having caused the said strange ship to strike her sails, kept her there without suffering any body to go aboard until the Admiral was come up: who forthwith sending for the Master, and divers other● of their principal men, and causing them them to be severally examined, found the ship and goods to be belonging to the inhabitants of S. Sebastian in Spain, but the mariners to be for the most part belonging to S. john de Luz, and the Passage. In this ship was great store of dry Newlan● fish, commonly called with us Poor john, whereof afterwards (being thus found a lawful prize) there was distribution made into all the ships of the fleet, the same being so new and good, as it did very greatly bestead us in the whole course of our voyage. A day or two after the taking of this ship, we put in within the Isles of Bayon, for lack of favourable wound: . where we had no sooner ankered some part of the fleet, but the General commanded all the pinnesses with the shipboats to be manned, and every man to be furnished with such arms as were needful for that present service; which being done, the General put himself into his galley, which was also well furnished, and rowing towards the city of Bayon, with intent, and the favour of the Almighty to surprise it, before we had advanced one half league of our way, there came a messenger being an English merchant from the Governor, to see what strange fleet we were, who came to our General, conferred a while with him, and after a small time spent, our General called for Captain Samson, and willed him to go to the Governor of the city, to resolve him of two points. The first, to know if there were any wars between Spain and England. The second, why our merchants with their goods were embarged or arrested. Thus departed captain Samson with the said messenger to the city, where he found the governor & people much amazed of such a sudden accident. The General with the advise and counsel of M. Carlisle his Lieutenant general, who was in the galley with him, thought not good to make any stand, till such time as they were within the shot of the city, where they might be ready upon the return of Captanie Samson, to make a sudden attempt if cause did require before it were dark. Captain Samson returned with his message in this sort. First, touching peace or wars the Governor said he known of no wars, and that it lay not in him to make any, he being so mean a subject as he was. And as for the stay of the merchants with their goods, it was the king's pleasure, but not with intent to endontage any man. And that the king's counter-commandement was (which had been received in that place some seven night before) that English merchants with their goods should be discharged: for the more verifying whereof, he sent such merchants as were in the town of our nation, who trafficked those parts: which being at large declared to our General by them, counsel was taken what might best be done. And for that the night approached, it was thought needful to landlord our forces, which was done in the shutting up of the day, & having quartered ourselves to our most advantage, with sufficient guard upon ●uery straight, we thought to rest ourselves for that night there. The Governor sent us some refreshing, as bread, wine, oil, apples, grepes, marmalade and such like. Above midnight the weather began to overcast, insomuch that it was thought meeter to repair aboard, then to make any longer abode on land, and befor● we could recover the Fleet, a great tempest arose, which caused many of our ships to drive from their anker-h●ld, and some were forced to se● in great perill● as the bark Talbo●, the bark● Hawkins, and the Speedwell, which Speedewel was only driven into England, the others recovered us again: the extremity of the storm lasted three days, which no sooner began to assuage, but M. Carlisle our Lieutenant general was sent with his own ship and three others: as also with the galley and with divers pinnesses, to see what he might do above Vigo, where he took many boats and some caravels, diversly laden with things of small value, but chief with household stuff, running into the high country, and amongst the rest, he found one boat laden with ●he principal church-stuff of the high Church of Vigo, where also was their great cross of silver, o● very fair embossed work, and double gilt all over, having cost them a great mass of mon●y, They complained to have lost in all kind of goods above thirty thousand ducats in this place. The next day the General with his whole fleet went from up the Isles of Bayon, to a very good harbour above Vigo, where M. Carlisle stayed his coming, aswell for the more quiet riding of his ships, as also for the good commodity of fresh watering, which the place there did afourd full well. In the mean time the Governor of Galicia had reared such forces as he might, his numbers by estimate were some two thousand foot, and three hundred horse, and marched from Bayon to this part of the country, which lay in sight of our fleet, where making a stand, he sent to parley with our General, which was granted by our General, so it might be in boats upon the water: and for safety of their people, there were pledges delivered on both sides: which done, the Governor of Galicia put himself with two oth●rs into our Uiceadmirals' skiff, the same having been sent to the shore for him, and in like sort our General went in his own skiff; where by them it was agreed, we should furnish ourselves with fresh water, to be taken by our own people quietly on the land, and have all other such necessaries, paying for the same, as the place would afford. When all our business was ended, we departed, and took our way by the Islands of Canaria, which are esteemed some three hundred leagues from this part of Spain, and falling purposely with Palma, with intention to have taken our pleasure of that place, for the full digesting of many things into order, and the better furnishing our store with such several good things as it affourdeth very abundantly, we were forced by the vile Sea-gate, which at that present fallen out, and by the naughtiness of the landing place, being but one, and that under the favour of many platforms well furnished with great ordinance, to departed with the receipt of many their cannon-shot, some into our ships, and some besides, some of them being in very deed full Canon high. But the only or chief mischief was the dangerous sea-surge, which at shore all alongst plainly threatened the overthrow of as many pinnesses and boats, as for that time should have attempted any landing at all. Now seeing the expectation of this attempt frustrated by the causes aforesaid, we thought it meeter to fall with the Isle Hierro, to see if we could found any better fortune: and coming to the Island, we landed a thousand men in a valley under a high mountain, where we stayed some two or three hours, in which time the inhabitants, accompanied with a young fellow born in England, who dwelled there with them, came unto us, showing their state to be so poor, that they were all ready to starve, which was not untrue: and therefore without any thing got, we were all commanded presently to embark, so as that night we put off to sea Southsoutheast along towards the coast of Barbary. Upon Saturday in the morning, being the 13. of November, we fallen with Cape Blank, which is a low land and shallow water, where we catched store of fish, and doubling the Cape, ●e put into the Bay, where we found certain French ships of war, whom we entertained with great courtesy, and there left them. This afternoon the whole fleet assembled, which was a little scattered about their fishing, and put from thence to the Isles of Cape Verde, sailing till the 16. of the same month in the morning, on which day we descried the Island of S. jago, and in the evening we ankered the fleet between the town called the Playa or Praya, and S. jago, where we put on shore 1000 men or more, under the leading of M. Christopher Carlisle Lieutenant general, who directed the service most like a wise commander. The place where we had first to march did afford no good order, for the ground was mountainous & full of dales, being a very stony and troublesome passage; but such was his industrious disposition, as he would never leave, until we had gotten up to a fair plain, where we made stand for the assembling of the army. And when we were all gathered together upon the plain, some 2 miles from the town, the lieutenant general thought good not to make attempt till daylight: because there was not one that could serve for guide or giving knowledge at all of the place. And therefore after having well rested, even half an hour before day, he commanded the army to be divided into 3 special parts, such as he appointed, whereas before we had marched by several companies, being thereunto forced by the badness of the way as is aforesaid Now by the time we were thus ranged into a very brave order, daylight began to appear● and being advanced hard to the brickwall, we see no enemy to resist, whereupon the Lieutenant general appointed Captain Samson with thirty shot, and Captain Barton with other thirty, to go down into the town which stood in the valley under us, and might very plainly be viewed all over from that place where the whole Army was now arrived: and presently after these Captains was sent the great ensign, which had nothing in it but the plain English cross, to be placed towards the Sea, that our Fleet might see Saint George's cross storish in the enemy's fortress. Order was given that all the ordinance throughout the town and upon all the platforms, which were above fifty pieces all ready charged, should be shot off in honour of the Queen's majesties coronation day, being the seventeenth of November, after the yearly custom of England, which was so answered again by the ordinance out of all the ships in the fleet which now was come near, as it was strange to hear such a thundering noise last so long together. In this mean while the Lieutenant general held still the most part of his force on the hill top, till such time as the town was quartered out for the lodging of the whole Army: which being done every captain took his own quarter, and in the eu●ning was placed such a sufficient guard upon every part of the town that we had no cause to fear any present enemy. Thus we continued in the city the space of 14. days, The city of S. jago taken a●● possessed for 14. days. taking such spoils as the place yielded, which were for the most part, wine, oil, meal, and some such like things for victual, as vinegar, olives, and some such other trash, as merchandise for their Indians trades. But there was not found any treasure at all, or any thing else of worth besides. The situation of S. jago is somewhat strange, in form like a triangle, having on the East and West sides two mountains of rock and cliff, as it were hanging over it, upon the top of which two mountains were builded certain fortifications to preserve the town from any harm that might be offered, as in a plot is plainly showed. From thence, on the South side of the town is the main sea, and on the North side, the valley lying between the foresaid mountains, wherein the town standeth: the said valley & town both do grow very narrow, insomuch that the space between the two cliffs of this end of the town is estimated not to be above 10. or 12. score over. In the midst of the valley cometh down a riveret, rill, or brook of fresh water, which hard by the sea side maketh a pond or pool, whereout our ships were watered with very great ease and pleasure. Somewhat above the town on the North side between the two mountains, the valley wareth somewhat larger than at the towns end, which valley is wholly converted into gardens and orchards well replenished with divers sorts of fruits, herbs and trees, as lemons, oranges, sugarcanes, cochars or cochoes nuts, plantans, potato-rootes, cucumbers, small and round onions, garlic, and some other things not now remembered, amongst which the cochoes nuts, and plantans are very pleasant fruits, the said cochoes hath a hard shell and a green husk over it, as hath our walnut, but it far exceedeth in greatness, for this cochos in his green husk is bigger than any man's two sistes: of the hard shell many drinking cups are made here in England, and set in silver as I have often seen. Next within this hard shell is a white rind resembling in show very much even as any thing may do, to the white of an egg when it is hard boiled. And within this white of the nut lieth a water, which is whitish and very clear, to the quantity of half a pint or thereabouts, which water and white rind before spoken of, are both of a very cool fresh taste, and as pleasing as any thing may be. I have herded some hold opinion, that it is very restorative. The plantain groweth in cod, somewhat like to beans, but is bigger and longer, and much more thick together on the stalk, and when it wareth ripe, the meat which fills the rind of the cod becometh yellow, and is exceeding sweet and pleasant. In this time of our being there happened to come a Portugal to the Western fort, with a flag of truce, to whom Captain Samson was sent with Captain Goring, who coming to the said messenger, he first asked them what nation they were, they answered Englishmen, he then required to know if wars were between England and Spain, to which they answered that they known not, but if he would go to their General he could best resolve him of such particulars, and for his assurance of passage and repassage, these Captains made offer to engage their credits, which he refused for that he was not sent from his Governor. Then they told him, if his Governor did desire to take a course for the common benefit of the people and country, his best way were to come and present himself unto our noble and merciful Governor sir Francis Drake, whereby he might be assured to found favour, both for himself and the inhabitants. Otherwise within three days we should march over the land, and consume with fire all inhabited places, and put to the sword all such living souls as we should chance upon: so thus much he took for the conclusion of his answer, and departing, he promised to return the next day, but we never herded more of him. Upon the four and twentieth of November, the General accompanied with the lieutenant general and six hundred men marched forth to a village twelve miles within the land, called Saint Domingo, where the Governor and the Bishop with all the bet●er sort were lodged, and by eight of the clock we came ●o it, finding the place abandoned, and the people fled into the mountains: so we made stand a while to ease ourselves, and partly to see if any would come to speak to us. After we had well rested ourselves, the General commanded the troops to march away homewards, in which retreat the enemy showed themselves, both horse and foot, though not such force as ●urst encounter us: and so in passing sometime at the gaze with them, it waxed late and towards night before we could recover home to S. jago. On Monday the six and twentieth of November, the General commanded all the pinnesses with the boats, to use all diligence to embark the Army into such ships as every man belonged. The Lieutenant general in like sort commanded Captain Goring and Lieutenant Tucker, with one hundred shot to make a stand in the market place, until our forces were wholly embarked, the viceadmiral making stay with his pinnace & certain boats in the harbour, to bring the said last company aboard the ships. Also the General willed forthwith the galley ●ith, two pinnesses to take into them the company of Captain Barton, and the company of Captain Bigs, under the leading of captain Samson, to seek out such munition as was hidden in the ground, at the town of Praya or Playa, having been promised to be showed it by a prisoner, which was taken the day before. The Captains aforesaid coming to the Playa, landed their men, and having placed the troop in their best strength, Captain Samson took the prisoner, and willed him to show that he had promised, the which he could not, or at lest would not: but they searching all suspected places, found two pieces of ordinance, one of iron, an other of brass. In the after noon the General ankered with the rest of the Fleet before the Playa, coming himself ashore, willing us to burn the town and make all haste aboard, the which was done by six of the clock the same day, and ourselves embarked again the same night, and so we put off to Sea Southwest. But before our departure from the town of S. jago, we established orders for the better government of the Army, A wise cou●se ●o be ●●●tated in all great actions. every man mustered to his captain, and oaths were ministered to acknowledge her Majesty supreme Governor, as also every man to do his uttermost endeavour to advance the service of the action, and to yield due obedience unto the directions of the General and his officers. By this provident counsel, and laying down this good foundation before hand, all things went forward in a due course, to the archieuing of our happy enterprise. In all the time of our being here, neither the Governor for the king of Spain, (which is a Portugal) neither the Bishop, whose authority is great neither the inhabitants of the town, or Island ever came at us (which we expected they should have done) to entreat us to leave them some part of their needful provisions, or at the lest, to spare the ruining of their town at our going away. The cause of this their varcasonable distrust (as I do take it) was the fresh remembrance of the great wrongs they had done to old M. William Hawkins of Plymouth, in the voyage he made 4. or 5. years before, when as they did both break their promise, The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Po●●ugal against M. Wil●●am Hawkins. and murdered many of his man, whereof I judge you have understood, & therefore it is needless to be repeated. But since they came not at us, we left written in sundry places, as also in the spittle house, (which building was only appointed to be spared) the great discontentment & scorn we took at this their refraining to come unto us, as also at the rude manner of kill, & savage kind of handling the dead body of one of our boys found by them straggling all alone, from whom they had taken his head and heart, and had straggled the other vowels about the place, in a most brutish and beastly manner. In revenge whereof at our departing we consumed with fire all the houses, aswell in the country which we see, as in the town of S. jago. From hence putting off to the West Indies, we were not many days at Sea, but there began among our people such mortality, as in few days there were dead above two or three hundred men. And until some seven or eight days after our coming from S. jago, there had not died any one man of sickness in all the fleet: the sickness showed not his infection wherewith so many were strooken, until we were departed thence, and then seized our people with extreme hot burning and continual agues, whereof very few escaped with life, and yet those for the most part not without great alteration and decay of their wits and strength for a long time after. In some that died were plainly showed the small spots, which are often found upon those that be infected with the plague: we were not above eighteen days in passage between the sight of Saint jago aforesaid, and the Island of Dominica, being the first Island of the West Indies that we fallen withal, the same being inhabited with savage people, which go all naked, their skin coloured with some painting of a radish tawny, very personable and handsome strong men, who do admit little conversation with the Spaniards: for as some of our people might understand them, they had a Spaniard or twain prisoners with them, neither do I think that there is any safety for any of our nation, or any other to be within the limits of their commandment, albeit they used us very kindly for those few hours of time which we spent with them● helping our folks to fill and carry on their bore shoulders fresh water from the river to our ships boats, and fetching from their houses great store of Tobacco, as also a kind of bread which they fed on, called Cassavi, very white and savoury, made of the roots of Cassavi. In recompense whereof, we bestowed liberal rewards of glass, coloured beads, and other things, which we had found at Saint jago, wherewith (as it seemed) they rested very greatly satisfied, and showed some sorrowful countenance when they perceived that we would departed. From hence we went to another Island Westward of it, called Saint Christopher's Island, wherein we spent some days of Christmas, to refresh our sick people, and to cleanse and air our ships. In which Island were not any people at all that we could hear of. In which time by the General it was advised and resolved, with the consent of the Lieutenant general, the Uiceadmirall, and all the rest of the Captains to proceed to the great Island o● Hispaniola, aswell for that we knew ourselves then to be in our best strength, as also the rathe● alured thereunto, by the glorious fame of the city of S. Domingo, being the ancientest and chief● inhabited place in all the tract of Country thereabouts. And so proceeding in this determination, by the way we met a small Frigate, bond for the same place, the which the Uice-admiral●u took: and having duly examined the men that were in her, there was one found, by whom we were advertised, the Haven to be a barred Haven, and the shore or land thereof to be well fortified, having a Castle thereupon furnished with great store of Artillery, without the danger whereof was no convenient landing place within ten English miles of the City, to which the said Pi●at took upon him to conduct us. All things being thus considered on, the whole forces were commanded in the Evening to embark themselves in Pinnesses, boats, and other small barks appointed for this service. Our soldiers being thus embarked, the General put himself into the bark Francis as Admiral, and all this night we lay on the sea, bearing small sail until our arrival to the landing place, which was about the breaking of the day, and so we landed, being Newyeeres' day, nine or ten miles to the Westwards of that brave City of S. Domingo: for at that time nor ye● is known to us any landing place, where the sea-surge doth not threaten to overset a Pinnace or boat. Our General having seen us all landed in safety, returned to his Fleet, bequeathing us to God, and the good conduct of Master carliel our Lieutenant General: at which time, being about eight of the clock, we began to march, and about noon time, or towards one of the clock, we approached the town, where the Gentlemen and those of the better sort, being some hundred and fifty brave horses or rather more, began to present themselves; but our small shot played upon them, which were so sustained with good proportion of pikes in all parts, as they finding no part of our troup unprepared to receive them (for you must understand they viewed all round about) they were thus driven to give us leave to proceed towards the two gates of the town, which were the next to the seaward. They had manned them both, and planted their ordinance for that present, and sudden alarm without the gate, and also some troops of small shot in Ambuscado upon the high way side. We divided our whole force, being some thousand or twelve hundred men into two parts, ●o enterprise both the gates at one instant, the Lieutenant General having openly vowed to Captain Powel (who led the troup that entered the other gate) that with God's good favour he would not rest until our meeting in the market place. Their ordinance had no sooner discharged upon our near approach, and made some execution amongst us, though not much, but the Lieutenant general began forthwith to advance both his voice of encouragement, and pace of marching; the first man that was slain with the ordinance being very near unto himself: and thereupon hasted all that he might, to keep them from the recharging of the ordinance. And notwithstanding their Ambuscadoes, we marched or rather ran so roundly in to them, as pell mel we entered the gates, The city of S. Domingo taken. and gave them more care every man to save himself by flight, than reason to stand any longe● to their broken fight. We forthwith repaired to the market place: but to be more truly understood, a place of very fair spacious square ground, whither also came as had been agreed Captain Powel with the other troup: which place w●th some part next unto it, we strengthened with Barricado's, and there as the most convenient place assured ourselves, the City being far too spacious for so small and weary a troup to undertake to guard. Somewhat after midnight, they who had the guard of the Castle, hearing us busy about the gates of the said Castle, abandoned the same: some being taken prisoners, and some fleeing away by the help of boats to the other side of the Haven, and so into the country. The next day we quartered a little more at large, but not into the half part of the town, and so making substantial trenches, and planting all the ordinance, that each part was correspondent to other, we held this town the space of one month. In the which time happened some accidents, more than are well remembered for the present, but amongst other things, it chanced that the General sent on his message to the Spaniards a Negro boy with a flag of white, signifying truce, as is the Spaniards ordinary manner to do there, when they approach to speak to us: which boy unhappily was first meet withal by some of those, who had been belonging as officers for the King in the Spanish Galley, which with the Town was lately fallen into our hands, who without all order or reason, & contrary to that good usage wherewith we had entertained their messengers, furiously struck the poor boy thorough the body with one of their horsemen's slaves: with which wound the boy returned to the General, and after he had declared the manner of this wrongful cruelty, died forthwith in his presence, wherewith the General being greatly passioned, commanded the Provost martial, to 'cause a couple of Friars than prisoners, to be carried to the same place where the boy was strooken, accompanied with sufficient guard of our soldiers, and there presently to be hanged, dispatching at the same instant another poor prisoner, with this reason wherefore this execution was done, & with this message further, that until the party who had thus murdered the General's messenger were delivered into our hands, to receive condign punishment, there should no day pass, wherein there should not two prisoners be hanged, until they were all consumed which were in our hands. Whereupon the day following, he that had been Captain of the king's Galley, brought the offendor to the towns end, offering to deliver him into our hands; but it was thought to be a more honourable revenge to make them there in our sight, to perform the execution themselves: which was done accordingly. During our being in this town, as formerly also at S. jago there had passed justice upon the life of one of our own company for an odious matter, so here likewise was there an Irishman hanged, for the murdering of his Corporal. In this time also passed many treaties between their Commissioners and us, for ransom of their City; but upon disagreements we still spent the early mornings in firing the outmost houses: but they being built very magnificently of stone, with high lofees, gave us no small travel to ruin them. And albeit for divers days together we ordained each morning by day break, until the heat began at nine of the clock, that two hundred Mariners did naught else but labour to fire and burn the said houses without our trenches, whilst the soldiers in a like proportion stood forth for their guard: yet did we not, or could not in this time consume so much as one third part of the town: which town is plainly described and set forth in a certain Map. And so in the end, what wearied with firing, and what hastened by some other respects, we were contented to accept of five and twenty thousand Ducats of five shillings six pennies the piece, for the ransom of the rest of the town. Among other things which happened and were found at S. Domingo, I may not omit to let the world know one very notable mark & token of the unsatiable ambition of the Spanish king and his nation, Most unsatiable Spanish ambition. which was found in the king's house, wherein the chief governor of that City and Country is appointed always to lodge, which was this: In the coming to the Hall or other rooms of this house, you must first ascend up by a fair large pair of stairs; at the head of which stairs is a handsome spacious place to walk in, somewhat like unto a gallery: wherein upon one of the walls, right over against you as you enter the said place, so as your eye cannot escape the sight of it, there is described & painted in a very large Scutcheon the arms of the king of Spain, and in the lower part of the said Scutcheon, there is likewise described a Globe, containing in it the whole circuit of the sea and the earth, whereupon is a horse standing on his hinder part within the globe, and the other forepart without the globe, lifted up as it were to leap, with a scroll painted in his mouth wherein was written these words in Latin, Non sufficit orbis: which is as much to say, as the world sufficeth not. Whereof the meaning was required to be known of some of those of the better sort, that came in commission to treat upon the ransom of the town, who would shake their heads, and turn aside their countenance in some-smyling sort, without answering any thing, as greatly ashamed thereof. For by some of our company it was told them, that if the Queen of England would resolutely prosecute the wars against the king of Spain, he should be forced to lay aside that proud and unreasonable reaching vain of his: for he shoul● find more then enough to do to keep that which he had already, as by the present example of their lost town they might for a beginning perceive well enough. Now to the satisfying of some men, who marvel greatly that such a famous and goodly bui●●ded City so well inhabited of gallant people, very brave in their apparel (whereof our soldiers found good store for their relief) should afford no greater riches than was found there: herein it is to be understood that the Indian people, which were the naturals of this whole Island of Hispaniola (the same being near hand as great as England) were many years since clean consumed by the tyranny of the Spaniards, which was the cause, that for lack of people to work in the Mines, the gold and silver Mines of this Island are wholly given ever, and thereby they are ●aine in this Island to use Copper money, whereof was found very great quantity. The chief trade of this place consists of Sugar and Ginger, which groweth in the Island, and of Hides of oxen and ●i●e, which in this waste country of the Island are bred in infinite numbers, the soil being very fertile: and the said beasts are fed up to a very large growth, and so killed for nothing so much, as for their Hides aforesaid. We found here great store of strong wine, sweet oil, vinegar, olives, and other such like provisions, as excellent Wheate-meale packed up in wine-pipes and other cask, and other commodities likewise, as Woollen and Linen clot, and some Silks: all which provisions are brought out of Spain, and served us for great relief. There was but a little Plate or vesell of Silver, in comparison of the great pride in other things of this town, because in these hot Countries they use much of those earthen dishes finely painted or varnished, which they call Porcellana, which is had out of the East India: & for their drinking, they use glasses altogether, whereof they make excellent good and fair in the same place. But yet some plate we found, and many other good things, as their household garniture very gallant and rich, which had cost them dear, although unto us they were of small importance. From Saint Domingo we put over to the main or firm land, and going all alongst the coast, we came at the last in sight of Cartagena, Cartagena standing upon the sea side, so ne●re, as some of our backs in passing alongst, approached within the reach of their Culverin shot, which they had planted upon certain platforms. The Harbour mouth lay some three miles toward the Westward of the town, whereinto we entered about three or four of the clock in the afternoon without any resistance of ordinance, or other impeachment planted upon the same. In the Evening we put ourselves on land towards the harbour mouth, under the leading of Master carliel our Lieutenant's General, who after he had digested us to march forward about midnight, as easily as foot might fall, expressly commanded us to keep close by the sea-wash of the shore for our best & surest way, whereby we were like to go through, and not to miss any more of the way, which once we had lost within an hour after our first beginning to march, through the slender knowledge of him that took upon him to be our guide, where by the night spent on, which otherwise must have been done by resting. But as we came within some two miles of the town, their horsemen which were some hundred, met us, and taking the alarm, retired to their town ward again upon the first volley of our shot that was given them: for the place where we encountered being woody and bushy even to the water side was unmeet for their service. At this instant we might hear some pieces of Artillery discharged, with divers small shot towards the harbour, which gave us to understand, according to the order set down in the Evening before by our General, that the Uiceadmirall accompanied with Captain Venner, Captain White, and Captain Cross, with other sea Captains, and with divers Pinnesses and boats should give some attempt unto the little Fort standing on the entry of the inner Haven, near adjoining to the town, though to small purpose, for that the place was strong, and the entry very narrow was chainedover: so as there could be nothing got by the attempt, more than the giving of them an alarm on that other side of the Haven being a mile and a half from the place we now were at. In which attempt the Uiceadmirall had the rudder of his skiff strooken through with a Saker shot, and a little or no harm received elsewhere. The troops being now in their march, half amyle behither the Town or less, the ground we were on grew to be straight, and not above fifty paces over, having the main Sea on the one side of it, and the harbour-water or inner sea (as you may term it) on the other side, which in the plot is plainly showed. This straight was fortified clean over with a stone brickwall and a ditch without it: the said brickwall being as orderly built with flanking in every part, as can be set down. There was only so much of this straight unwalled, as might serve for the issuing of the horsemen, or the passing of carriage in time of need: but this unwalled part was not without a very good Barricado of wines-but or pipes, filled with earth, full and thick as they might stand on end one by another, some part of them standing even within the main sea. This place of strength was furnished with six great pieces, Demi-culuerius, and Sakers, which shut directly in front upon us as we approached. Now without this brickwall upon the inner side of the straight, they had brought likewise two great Galleys with their prows to the shore, having planted in them eleven pieces o● ordinance, which did beat all cross the straight, and flanked our coming on. In these two Galleys were planted three or four hundred small shot, and on the land in the guard only of this place, three hundred shot and pikes. They in this their full readiness to receive us, spared not their shot both great and small. But our Lieutenant general, taking the advantage of the dark (the day light as year not broken out) approached by the lowest ground, according to the express direction which himself ha● formerly given, the same being the sea-wash shore, where the water was somewhat fallen, so as most of all their shot was in vain. Our Lieutenant general commanded our shot to forbear shooting until we were come to the brickwall side, ●nd so with pikes roundly together we approached the place, where we soon found out the Barricado's of pipes or butts, to be the meetest place for our assault, which, notwithstanding it was well furnished with pikes and shot, was without staying attempted by us: down went the butts of earth, and yell mell came our sword and pikes together, after our shot had first given their volley, even at the enemy's nose. Our pikes were somewhat longer than there's, and our bodies better armed; for very few of them were armed: with which advantage our sword and pikes grew too hard for them, and they driven to give place. In this surious entry, the Lieutenant general siew with his own hands the chief Ensign bearer of the Spaniards, who fought very manfully to his li●es end. We followed into the town with them, and giving them no leisure to breath, we wan the Marketplace, albeit they made head, and fought a while before we got it, and so we being once seized and assured of that, they were content to suffer us to lodge within their town, and themselves to go to their wives, whom they had carried into other places of the country before our coming thither. At every streets end they had rassed v●●y fine Baricadoes of earth-workes, which trenches without them, as well made as ever we see any work done: at the entering whereof was some little resistance, but soon overcome it was, with few slain or hurt. They had joined with them many Indians, whom they had placed in corners of advantage, all bowmen, with their arrows most villariously empoisoned, so as if they did but break the skin, the party so touched died without great marvel: some they flew of our people with their arrows: some they likewise mischieved to death with certain pricks of small sticks sharply pointed, of a foot and a half long, the one end put into the ground, the other empoisoned, sticking fast up, right against our coming in the way, as we should approach from our landing towards the town, whereof they had planted a wonderful number in the ordinaire way: but our keeping the sea-wash shore miss the greatest part of them very happily. I overpass many particular matters, as the hurting of Captain Samson at sword blows in the first entering, unto whom was committed the charge of the pikes of the Uantguard by his lot and turn; Alonso Br●●o the governor of Cartagena taken. as also of the taking of Alonso Bravo the chief commander of the place by Captain Goring, after the said captain had first hurt him with his sword: unto which Captain was committed the charge of the shot of the said Uantguard. Captain Winter was likewise by his turn of the vanguard in this attempt, where also the Lieutenant general marched himself; the said Captain Winter through a great desire to serve by land, having now exchanged his charge by sea with Captain Cecil for his band of footmen. Captain Powel the Sergeant mayor had by his turn the charge of the four companies which made the battle. Captain Morgan, who at S. Domingo was of the Uantguard, had now by turn his charge upon the companies of the Rearward. Every man as well of one part as of another, came so willingly on to the service, as the enemy was not able to endure the fury of such hot assault. We stayed here six weeks, and the sickness with mortality before spoken of still continued among us, though not with the same fury as at the first: and such as were touched with the said sickness, escaping death, very few or almost none could recover their strength: yea, many of them were much decayed in their memory, insomuch that it was grown an ordinary judgement, when one was herded to speak foolishly, to say he had been sick of the Cal●ntura, which is the Spanish name of their burning Ague: for as I told you before, it is a very burning and pestilent ague. The original cause thereof, is imputed to the Evening or first night air, which they term La serena, wherein they say and hold very firm opinion, that who so is then abroad in the open air, shall certainly be infected to the death, not being of the Indian or natural race of choose country people: by holding their watch, our men were thus subjecteth to the infectious air, which at S. jago was most dangerous deadly of all other places. With the inconvenience of continual mortality, we were forced to give over our intended enterprise, to go with Number de Dios, and so overland to Panama, where we should have strooken the stroke for the treasure, and full recompense of our redious travails. And thus at Cartagena we took our first resolution to return homewards: the form of whi●h resolution I thought good here to put down under the principal captains hands, as followeth. A resolution of the Land-captains, what course they think most expedient to be taken. Given at Cartagena the xxvij of February 1585. WHereas it hath pleased the General to demand the opinions of his Captains what course they think most expedient to be now undertaken, the Land-captains being assembled by themselves together, and having advised here upon, do in three ponits deliver the same. The first, touching the keeping of the town against the force of the enemy, either that which is present, or that which may come out of Spain, is answered thus. WE hold opinion, that with this troup of men which we have presently with us in land-service, being victualled and munitioned, we may well keep the Town, albeit that of men able to answer present service, we have not above 700. The residue being some 150. men by reason of their hurts and sickness are altogether unable to stand us in any stead: wherefore hereupon the Sea-captaines are likewise to give their resolution, how they will undertake the safety and service of the Ships upon the arrival of any Spanish Fleet. The second point we make to be this, whether it be meet to go presently homeward, or else to continued further trial of our fortune in undertaking such like enterprise as we have done already, and thereby to seek after that bountiful mass of treasure for recompense of our travails, which was generally expected at our coming forth of England: wherein we answer. THat it is well known how both we and the soldiers are entered into this action as voluntary men, without any impressed or gauge from her Majesty or any body else: a●d forasmuch as we have hither to discharged the parts of honest men, so that now by the great blessing and favour of our good God there have been taken three such notable towns, wherein by the estimation of all men would have been found some very great treasures, knowing that S. jago was the chief city of all the islands and traffics there abouts, S. Domingo the chief city of Hispaniola, and the h●ad government not only of that Island. but also of Cuba, and of all the islands about it, as also of such inhabitations of the firm land, as were next unto it, & a place that is both magnificently builded, and interteineth great trades of merchandise; and now lastly the city of Cartagena, which cannot be denied to be one of the chief places of most especial importance to the Spaniard of all the cities which be on this side of the West India: we do therefore consider, that since all these citi●●, with their goods & prisoner taken in them, and the ransoms of the said cities being all put together are found f●●re short to satisfy that expectation which by the generality of the enterprisers was first conceived: And being further advised of the slenderness of our strength, whereunto we be n●w reduced, aswell in respect of the small number of able bodies, as also not a little in regard of the slack disposition of the greater part of those which remain, very many of the better minds and men being either consumed by death, or weakened by sickness and hurts: And lastly, since that as yet there is not laid down to our knowledge any such enterprise as may seem convenient t● be undertaken with such few as we are presently able to make, and withal of such certain likelihood, as with God's good success which it may please him to bestow upon us, the same may promise' to yield us any sufficient contentment: We do therefore conclude hereupon, th●t it is better to hold sure as we may the honour already got, and with the same to return towards our gracious Sovereign and Country, from whence if it shall please her Majesty to set us forth again with her orderly means and entertainment, we are most ready and willing to go through with any thing that the uttermost of our strength and endeavour shall be able to reach unto; but therewithal we do advise and protest that it is far from our thoughts, either to refuse, or so much as to seem to be weary of any thing, which for the present shallbe further required or directed to be done by us from our General. The third and last point is concerning the ransom of this city of Cartagena, for the which, before it was rouched with any fire, there was made an offer of some xxvij. or xxviij. thousand pounds sterling. THus much we utter herein as our opinions agreeing (so it be done in good sort) to accept this offer aforesaid, rather than to break off by standing still upon our demands of one hundred thousand pounds, which seems a matter impossible to be performed for the present by them, and to say ●●●ch, we may now with much honour and reputation better be satisfied with that sum offered by them at the first (if they will now be contented to give it) than we might at that time with a great deal more, inasmuch as we have taken our full pleasure both in the uttermost sacking and spoiling of all their household goods and merchandise, as also in that we have consumed and ruined a great part of their Town with fire. And thus much further is considered herein by us, that as there be in the Uoyage a great many poor men, who have willingly adventured their lives and travails, and divers amongst them having spent their apparel and such other little provisions as their small means might have given them leave to prepare, which being done upon such good and allowable intention as this action hath always carried with it, meaning, against the Spaniard our greatest and most dangerous enemy: so surely we cannot but have an inward regard so far as may lie in us, to help either in all good sort towards the satisfaction of this their expectation, and by procuring them some little benefit to encourage them and to nourish this ready and willing disposition of there's both in them and in others by their example against any other time of like occasion. But because it may be supposed that herein we forget not the private benefit of ourselves, and are thereby the rather moved to incline ourselves to this composition, we do therefore think good for the clearing of ourselves of all such suspicion, to declare hereby, that what part or portion soever it be of this ransom or composition for Cartagena, which should come unto us, we do freely give and bestow the same wholly upon the poor men, who have remained with us in the Uoyage, meaning as well the Sailor as the Soldier, wishing with all our hearts it were such or so much as might seem a sufficient reward for their painful endeavour. And for the firm confirmation thereof, we have thought meet to subsigne these presents with our own hands in the place and time aforesaid. Captain Christopher carliel Lieutenant General, Captain Goring. Captain Samson. Captain powel etc. But while we were yet there, it happened one day, that our watch called the Sentinel, upon the Church-steeple, had discovered in the Sea a couple of small Barks or Boats, making in with the Harbour of Cartagena, whereupon Captain Moon and Captain Varney, with john Grant the Master of the Tiger, and some other Seamen, embarked themselves in a couple of small Pinnesses, to take them before they should come nigh the shore, at the mouth of the Harbour, left by some straggling Spanyardes from the Land, they might be warned by signs from coming in: which cell out accordingly, notwithstanding all the diligence that our men could use: for the Spanish Boats, upon the sight of our Pinnesses coming towards them, ran themselves ashore, and so their men presently hid themselves in bushes hard by the Sea side, amongst some others that had called them by signs thither. Our men presently without any due regard had to the quality of the place, and seeing no man of the Spaniards to show themselves, aboorded the Spanish Barks or Boats, and so standing all open in them, were suddenly shot at by a troup of Spanyardes out of the bushes: by which volley of shot there were slain Captain Varney, which died presently, and Captain Moon, who died some few days after, besides some four or five others that were hurt: and so our folks returned without their purpose, not having any sufficient number of soldiers with them to fight on shore. For those men they carried were all Mariners to row, few of them armed, because they made account with their ordinance to have taken the Barks well enough at sea, which they might full easily have done, without any loss at all, if they had come in time to the harbour mouth, before the Spaniards boats had got so near the shore. During our abode in this place, as also at S. Domingo, there passed divers courtesies between us and the Spaniards, as feasting, and using them with all kindness and favour: so as amongst others there came to see the General, the Governor of Cartagena, with the Bishop of the same, and divers other Gentlemen of the better sort. This town of Cartagena we touched in the out parts, & consumed much with fire, as we had done S. Domingo upon discontentments, and for want of agreeing with us in their first treaties touching their ransom, which at the last was concluded between us, should be 100, and 10000, Ducats for that which was yet standing, the Ducat valued at five shillings six pennies sterling. This town though not half so big as S. Domingo, gives as yond see, a far greater ransom, being in very deed of far more importance, by reason of the excellency of the Harbour, and the situation thereof, to serve the trade of Number de Dios and other places, and is inhabited with far more richer Merchants. The other is chief inhabited with Lawyers and brave Gentlemen, being the chief or highest appeal of their suits in law of all the Islands about it, and of the main land coast next unto it. And it is of no such account as Cartagena, for these and some other like reasons, which I could give you, over long to be now written. The warning which this town received of our coming towards them from S. Domingo, by the space of twenty days before our arrival here, was cause that they had both fortified and every way prepared for their best defence. As also that they had carried and conveyed away all their treasure and principal substance. The ransom of an hundred & ten thousand Ducats thus concluded on, as is aforesaid, the same being written, and expressing for nothing more than the town of Cartagena, upon the payment of the said ransom, we felt the said town, and drew some part of our soldiers into the Priory or Abbey, standing a quarter of an English mile below the town upon the harbour waterside, the same being walled with a brickwall of stone, which we told the Spaniards was yet ours, and not redeemed by their composition: whereupon they finding the defect of their contract, were contented to enter into another ransom for all places, but specially for the said house, as also the Block house or Castle, which is upon the mouth of the inner harbour. And when we asked as much for the one as for the other, they yielded to give a thousand Crowns for the Abbey, leaving us to take our pleasure upon the Blockehouse, which they said they were not able to ransom, having stretched themselves to the uttermost of their powers: and therefore the said Blockehouse was by us undermined, and so with gun powder blown up in pieces. While this latter contract was in making, our whole Fleet of ships fallen down towards the harbour mouth, where they anchored the third time, and employed their men in fetching of fresh water aboard the ships for our voyage homewards, which water was had in a great w●ll, that is in the Island by the harbour mouth: which Island is a very pleasant place as hath been seen, The Island of Cares. having in it many sorts of goodly and very pleasant fruits, as the Or●nge trees and others, being set orderly in walks of great length together. Insomuch as the whole Island being some two or three miles about, is cast into grounds of gardening and orchards. After six weeks abode in this place, we put to sea the last of March, where after two or three days a great ship which we had taken at S. Domingo, and thereupon was called The new years gift, fallen into a great leak, being laden with ordinance, hides, and other spoils, and in the night she lost the company of our Fleet; which being miss the next morning by the General, he cast about with the whole Fleet, fearing some great mischance to be happened unto her, as in very deed it so fallen out: for her leak was so great, that her men were all tired with pumping. But at the last having found her & the Bark Talbot in her company, which stayed by great hap with her, they were ready to take their men out of her, for the saving of them. And so the General being fully advertised of their great extremity, made sail directly back again to Cartagena with the whole Fleet, where having stayed eight or ten days more, about the unlading of this ship, and the bestowing thereof and her men into other Ships, we departed once again to Sea, directing our course towards the Cape S. Antony, being the Westermost part of Cuba, where we arrived the seven and twentieth of April. But because fresh water could not presently be found, we weighed anchor, and departed, thinking in few days to recover the Matanças, a place to the Eastward of Havana. After we had sailed some fourteen days, we were brought to Cape S. Anthony again, through lack of favourable wound: but then our scarcity was grown such, as need made us look a little better for water, which we found in sufficient quantity, being indeed, as I judge, none other than rain water newly fallen, and gathered up by making pits in a plot of marish ground, some three hundred pases from the sea side. A most commendable example of diligence in a General. I do wrong if I should forget the good example of the General at this place, who to encourage others, and to hasten the getting of fresh water aboard the ships, took no less pain himself then the meanest; as also at S. Domingo, Cartagena, and all other places, having always so vigilant a care and foresight in the good ordering of his Fleet, accompanying them, as it is said, with such wonderful travel of body, as doubtless had he been the meanest person, as he was the chiefest, he had yet deserved the first place of honour: and no less happy do we accounted him, for being associated with Master Carliel his Lieutenant general, by whose experience, prudent counsel, and gallant performance he achieved so many and happy enterprises of the war, by whom also he was very greatly assisted, in setting down the needful orders, laws, and course of justice, and the due administration of the same upon all occasions. After three days spent in watering our Ships, we departed now the second time from this Cape of S. Anthony the thirteenth of May, and procceding about the Cape of Florida, we never touched any where; but coasting alongst Florida, and keeping the shore still in sight, the 28. of May early in the Morning we descried on the shore a place built like a Beacon, which was in deed a scaffold upon four long masts raised on end, for men to discover to the seaward, being in the latitude of thirty degrees, or very near thereunto. Our Pinnesses manned, and coming to the shore, we marched up alongst the river side, to see what place the enemy held there: for none amongst us had any knowledge thereof at all. Here the General ●ooke occasion to march with the companies himself in person, the Lieutenant general having the Uantguard; and going a mile up or somewhat more by the river side, we might discern on the other side of the river over against us, a Fort which newly had been built by the Spaniards: and some mile or thereabouts above the Fort was a little Town or village without walls, built of wooden houses, as the Plot doth plainly show. We forthwith prepared to have ordinance for the battery; and one piece was a little before the Evening planted, and the first shot being made by the Lieutenant general himself at their Ensign, strake through the Ensign, as we afterwards understood by a French man, which came unto us from them. One shot more was then made, which strake the foot of the Fort brickwall, which was all massine timber of great trees like Masts. The Lieutenant general was determined to pass the river this night with 4. companies, and there to lodge himself entrenched as near the Fort, as that he might play with his muskets and smallest shot upon any that should appear, and so afterwards to bring and plant the battery with him: but the help of Mariners for that sudden to make trenches could not be had, which was the cause that this determination was remitted until the next night. In the night the Lieutenant general took a little rowing skiff, and half a dozen well armed, as Captain Morgan, and Captain Samson, with some others besides the rowers, & went to view what guard the enemy kept, as also to take knowledge of the ground. And albeit he went as covertly as might be, yet the enemy taking the Alarm, grew fearful that the whole force was approaching to the assault, and therefore with all speed abandoned the place after the shooting of some of their pieces. They thus go, and he being returned unto us again, but nothing knowing of their flight from their Fort, Nicolas Bo●g●gno●. forthwith came a French man being a Phipher (who had been prisoner with them) in a little boat, playing on his Phip the tune of the Prince of Orange his song● and being called unto by the guard, he told them before he put foot out of the boat, what he was himself, and how the Spaniards were go from the Fort, offering either to remain in hands there, or else to return to the place with them that would go. Upon this intelligence, the General, the Lieutenant general, with som● of the Captains in one skiff, and the Uiceadmirall with some others in his skiff, and two or three Pinnesses furnished of soldiers with them, put presently over towards the Fort, giving order for the rest of the Pinnesses to follow. And in our approach, some of the enemy bolder than the rest, having stayed behind their company, shot off two pieces of ordinance at us: but on shore we went, and entered the place without finding any man there. When the day appeared, we found it built all of timber, the walls being none other but whole Masts or bodies of trees set up right and close together in manner of a pale, without any ditch as yet made, but wholly intended with some more time; for they had not as yet finished all their work, having begun the same some three or four months before: so as, to say the truth, they had no reason to keep it, being subject both to fire, and easy assault. The plat form whereon the ordinance lay, was whole bodies of long pine trees, whereof there is great plenty, laid a cross one on another, and some little earth amongst. There were in it thirteen or fourteen great pieces of Brass ordinance, and a chest unbroken up, having in it the value of some two thousand pounds sterling by estimation of the king's treasure, to pay the soldiers of that place, who were a hundred and fifty men. The Fort thus wan, which they called S. john's Fort, and the day opened, we assayed to go to the town, but could not by reason of some rivers and broken ground which was between the two places: and therefore being enforced to embark again into our Pinnesses, we w●nt thither upon the great main river, which is called as also the Town, by the name of S. Augustin. At our approaching to land, there were some that began to show themselves, and to bestow some few shot upon us, but presently withdrew themselves. And in their running thus away, the Sergeant Maior finding one of their horses ready saddled and bridled, took the same to follow the chase; and so overgoing all his company, was (by one laid behind a bush) shot through the head: and falling down therewith, was by the same and two or three more, stabbed in three or four places of his body with swords and daggers, before any could come near to his rescue. His death was much lamented being in very deed an honest wise Gentleman, and a soldier of good experience, and of as great courage as any man might be. In this place called S. Augustin, we understood the king did keep, as is before said, one hundred and fifty soldiers, and at another place some dozen leagues beyond to the Northwards, called S. Helena, he did there likewise keep an hundred and fifty more, serving there for no other purpose, then to keep all other nations from inhabiting any part of all that coast; the government whereof was committed to one Pedro Melendez marquess, nephew to that Melendez the Admiral, who had overthrown Master john Hawkins in the day of Mexico some seventeen or eighteen years ago. This Governor had charge of both places, but was at this time in this place, and one of the first that left the same. here it was resolved in full assembly of Captains, to undertake the enterprise of S. Helena, and from thence to seek out the inhabitation of our English countrymen in Virginia, distant from thence some six degrees Northward. When we came thwart of S Helena, Santa Helena. the sholds appearing dangerous, and we having no Pilot to undertake the entry, it was thought meetest to go hence alongst. For the Admiral had been the same night in four fathom and a half, three leagues from the shore: and yet we understood by the help of a known Pilot, there may and do go in Ships of greater burden and draft than any we had in our Fleet. We passed thus alongst the coast hard aboard the shore, which is shallow for a league or two from the shore, and the same is low and broken land for the most part. The ninth of june upon sight of one special great fire (which are very ordinary all alongst this coast, even from the Cape of Florida hither) the General sent his skiff to the shore, where they found some of our English countrymen (that had been sent thither the year before by Sir Walter Ralegh) and brought them aboard: by whose direction we proceeded along to the place which they make their Port. But some of our ships being of great draft unable to enter, anchored without the harbour in a wild road at sea, about two miles from shore. From whence the General written letters to master Ralph Lane, being governor of those English in Virginia, and then at his Fort about six leagues from the Road in an Island which they call Roanoac, Roanoac. wherein especially he showed how ready he was to supply his necessities and wants, which he understood of, by those he had first talked withal. The morrow after, Master Lane himself and some of his company coming unto him, with the consent of his captains he gave them the choice of two offers, that is to say: Either he would leave a ship, a pinnace, and certain boats with sufficient Masters and Mariners, together furnished with a months victual, to stay and make farther discovery of the country and coastes● and so much victual likewise as might be sufficient for the bringing of them all (being an hundred and three people) into England, if they thought good after such time, with any other thing they would desire● and that he might be able to spare. Or else if they thought they had made sufficient discovery already, and did desire to return into England, he would give them passage. But they, as it seemed, being desirous to stay, accepted very thankfully and with great gladness, that which was offered first. Whereupon the ship bring appointed and received into charge by some of their own company sent into her by Master Lane, before they had received from the rest of the Fleet the provision appointed them, there arose a great storm (which they said was extraordinary and very strange) that lasted three days together, and put all our Fleet in great danger, to be driven from their anchoring upon the coast. For we broke many Cables, and lost many Anchors: and some of our Fleet which had lost all (of which number was the ship appointed for Master Lane and his company) was driven to put to sea in great danger, in avoiding the coast, and could never see us again until we met in England. Many also of our small Pinnesses and boats were lost in this storm. Notwithstanding after all this, the General offered them (with consent of his Captains) an other ship with some provision, although not such a one for their turns, as might have been spared them before, this being unable to be brought into their Harbour. Or else if they would, to give them passage into England, although he known he should perform it with greater difficulty than he might have done before. But Master Lane with those of the chiefest of his company which he had then with him, considering what should be best for them to do, made request unto the General under their hands, that they might have passage for England: the which being granted, and the rest sent for out of the country and shipped, we departed from that coast the 18. of june. And so, God be thanked, both they and we in good safety arrived at Portesmouth the 28. of july 1586. to the great glory of God, and to no small honour to our Prince, our Country, and ourselves. The total value of that which was got in this voyage is esteemed at three score thousand pounds, whereof the companies which have traveled in the voyage were to have twenty thousand pounds, the adventurers the other forty. Of which twenty thousand pounds (as I can judge) will redound some six pounds to the single share. We lost some seven hundred and fifty men in the voyage: above three parts of them only by sickness. The men of name that died and were slain in this voyage, which I can presently call to remembrance, are these. Captain Powel. Captain Varney. Captain Moon. Captain Fortescue. Captain Bigges. Captain Cecil. Captain Hannam. Captain Greenefield. Thomas Tucker a Lieutenant. Alexander Starkey a Lieutenant. Master Escot a Lieutenant. Master Waterhouse a Lieutenant. Master George Candish. Master Nicholas Winter. Master Alexander carliel. Master Robert Alexander. Master Scroop. Master james Dier. Master Peter Duke. With some other, whom for haste I cannot suddenly think on. The ordinance got of all sorts Brass and Iron, were about two hundred and forty pieces, whereof the two hundred and some more were brass, and were thus found and got. At S. jago some two or three and fifty pieces. In S. Domingo about fourscore, whereof was very much great ordinance, as whole Cannon, Demi-canon, Culverins, and such like. In Cartagena some sixty and three pieces, and good store likewise of the greater sort. In the Fort of S. Augustin were fourteen pieces. The rest was Iron ordinance, of which the most part was got at S. Domingo, the rest at Cartagena. A relation of the ports, harbours, forts and cities in the West Indies which have been surveyed, edified, finished, made and mended, with those which have been builded, in a certain survey by the king of Spain his direction and commandment: Written by Baptista Antonio, surveyor in those parts for the said King. Anno 1587. Santa Marta. Santa Marta situate in 10. degrees and a half. FIrst Santa Marta the principal City of the Bishopric or Diocese of the coast of Tierra firma, or the firm land, leith in 10. degrees and ½, the city being situated upon a sandy bay adjoining unto the sea side, containeth in it about 30. households; all the houses being made of canes, and covered over with Palmito trees, and some of them be covered with tile. They have traffic with none, but with the Indians of the said country, which do bring unto the City for to cell ●arthen Pots and Pipkins, and Coverlits of Cotton wool, and great earthen jars. Also they do traffic to Cartagena. It is a country which hath but small store of cattle, because it is all mountainous, and hath small store of people. There is a very good harbour before the said town, environed with mighty hills & great rocks, which reach even unto the sea side, the which high land doth greatly succou● the harbour, as also two islands which lie about ¾ of a league on the North side: so that although they be subject to Easterly winds, and that with great storms, yet they do no great harm to go on land. Within this Harbour there is a place which is called Lady Caldera, where in times past they were wont to trim and carene their Ships. As touching the Harbour, there is no cause to fortify it, nor to make any account of it, by reason there is no trade nor traffic to this place from any other places, according as I have certified your Majesty thereof. And also because here are but few dwel●ers o● inhabitants, and losing every day so many as it doth, by reason that it is every d●y rob and spoiled ●y the enemy. But if your Majesty would command that the Fleet of Nova Hispania might direct their course to this Harbour being in their way, A new course to No●a 〈◊〉, by 〈…〉 Santa Marta less● 〈…〉 then the ordained course. and here to water and refresh themselves, all the Pilots do say that the Fleet may proceed on their Uoyage from this place, still going before the wind, and so go to the Cape of Saint Anthony, which lieth on the Island of Cuba, and from thence go their direct course to Nova Hispania; and by this means the Fleet should have no occasion to pass so many dangers as they do, by reason of the Huricanos or stormy winds which many times do come upon them, when they are upon the coast of Hispaniola: and this is the cause that there are so many ships cast away, as your Majesty doth well know. And as concerning this course according as I have certified your Majesty, they shall come into no danger at all, nor shall make any further way about; so by this means both the Fleets may come from Spain in company, and then come to S. Marta, and the Fleet of Nova Hispanic may come into this Harbour, and the Fleet which doth go unto the firm land, may go directly to Cartagena as they do. Then your Majesty may sand to fortify the said Harbour, and the fortification must be thus: That on the morro or mount which is in the entering in of the said harbour, there be built a little Fort, and so to plant some small quantity of ordinance. And hard by on the South side, there to build a little Tower, and another Sconce, where we may plant some more ordinance. So by this means not only the Ships may ride here in security, but also it will be a defence for those which devil here in the Town: and the better to effect this purpose, there is hard by the Town great store of lime, Stone, Sande, and Timber, if occasion should serve. Cartagena. CArtagena is a City, and the principal place of the Bishopric; it lieth forty leagues from Santa Marta: it standeth in scant 11. degrees. Cartagena situate in 11. degrees s●an●● The said City is situated upon a sandy bank or bay like unto an Island: it hath about 450. dwellers therein. There are very fair buildings therein: as concerning their houses, they are made of stone, and there are three Monasteries, of which two of them are of Friars which are within the city, the one called Santo Domingo, and the other called Santo Augustin, and the other which is called Saint Francis, which standeth without the city about 30. paces off. And for to go unto the said Friary, you must go upon a Causey made of stone, and water on both sides. This city hath great trade out of Spain, and out of The new kingdom of Granada, and out of the islands there adjoining, from Peru● and from all the coast of this firm land, and of the fishing of the pearls of Rio de la Hacha, and of Margarita: it is a very sound country. This City hath a very good Harbour, and sufficient to receive great store of Ships: this said Harbour hath two entrances in, the one of them lieth half a league from the City, where all the Ships do enter into the said Harbour: the mouth or entering in of the said Harbour is 1400. yards or paces in breadth, and very deep water. The other entering in which is called La boca chica, or little mouth, lieth a league beyond this place to the westwards. It is 900. yards in breadth, and in the entering in thereof there lieth a channel in the midst of it, which is 200. yards broad, and 20. or 15 fathom water, some places more, some less. And to enter into the Harbour, you must go through this channel, and the land doth double in and out. And at the entering in of the said Harbour, after you have pas● this Channel, you must bear up to the shore ward near unto the Island of Ca●es, and look how much is overplus more than the two hundred yards of the Channel, all the rest are certain ledges of Rocks, covered with two or three foot water upon the tap of them, some places more, and some less. So the ships which must enter in at the mouth, must bring very good Pilots with them, which must be very skilful: yet all this will not s●rue, but they must carry their Boat before, and sound with their Lead to know where the ●est place of the Channel lieth for them to go in, so it will be small hindrance to any ship that shall enter, neither yet danger at all of sinking. There are three places about the said City, where the Enemy may give an attempt by Landlord 〈…〉 The one of them is where the enemy did enter in and landed, which is a sandy Bay, and on the one side of the Bay is the Sea, and on the other side a great Lake which goeth towards the Harbour. The sandy bay or bank, on the one side is 500 yards broad, all sandy ground without any trees. So that the enemy which giveth the assault in this place must be constrained to march all alongst this sandy Bay, the enemy lying open these 500 yards, which reach until you do come to the trench: And on the backside other 500 yards, till you do come unto the City. The said sandy bay or bank is 130. yards broad, where the trench is builded. And in this place this City hath been taken by the enemy twice. Wherefore here we have driven in a great many of wooden stakes, which go down into the sea 50. yards deep: and this we have done, because this is a very dangerous and filthy coast. And below in the bottom of the Ualley there we have builded a little Sconce, where we may plant 3. or 4. pieces of ordinance. And likewise we have made a deep ditch, which doth answer to both parts of the sea; so on this side the City is very strong and sufficient. For this was the place whereof the Citizens were most afraid. The other entering is lower down by the said sandy Bay, which is called Cienaga, or The fen del Roreado. This is another place which is on the said sandy bay, which is 300. yards broad from the one place down to the sea. And on the other side there lieth the Cienaga, which is a certain plat of ground that is overflown with water all the year long. So that the enemy which shall come this way to win the City, must come marching over land a good way upon a sandy bank or Bay, where the Sea lieth on the one side, and a grove or boske of wood on the other side, and through a plat of ground which is overflown with water, but not all covered. So in this place we have made a Fort or Sconce with certain Flankers belonging thereunto. And I have caused a deep ditch to be digged of 60. foot in breadth, so that the Sea doth come to that plat or place which is overflown. And in this order we have stopped this passage, so that the City standeth in manner like unto an Island. There is a 2600. yards distance from this place to the other trench where the enemy Francis Drake did land last. The entering in of this Harbour is by the bridge and Causey which doth go from the City to S. Francis; the said Causey is 300. yards in length, and 12. yards in breadth: and the water is on both the sides of the said Causey: so this is the strongest place of all the rest of the three places. Also in this place there is order taken to make a draw bridge, and upon the top of the said bridge, to build a platform, and plant ordinance upon it: and on both sides of the bridge there are certain trenches made, where our men may be close kept. At the point of this land called ycacoes, which is in the entering in of the harbour towards S. Anna, we have made a Fort of timber foursquare of 300. foot every way, and trenched, where we may plant 15. or 16. pieces of ordinance, and keep 50. men in garrison, and behind the bourdes on the backside of the timbers, a Barricado of earth or mud brickwall being four foot in thicknesse● and behind the mudwall, sand: so this Fort will be of great importance for safeguard of this Harbour, because all the Ships which do enter into this Harbour do come close to this place where it is strongest, so that sometimes one may cast a stone into the ships when they are coming in: and when any ship of war or Pirate will give any attempt to enter into this Harbour, there is order given that the two galleys shall go forth, The galleys of 〈…〉. and put themselves behind the Fort with their prows to the sea, and so shooting at their enemies in the forepart of the ship, and then the Fort answering likewise with their ordinance at the side of the ship, and at their tackling, so the enemy being in the Harbour all unrigged, they must of necessity be constrained to lie hovering within the Harbour, or else they must drive upon the rocks called the Ismo, or else upon those rocks which are covered with the sea at the Island of Car●s. And put case that in this place we can do no good by this means, and that the enemy will venture to come in with their long boats & Pinnesses through this narrow mouth: then we are to have in a readiness 4. Frigates to aid and help the galleys, & to row with oores, and so to go to the narrow mouth, and there to stay in the channel. And forasmuch as the entering in is so dangerous, according as I have certified your Majesty, th●re can no ship come into this harbour, but we must needs sink them; so that these defences shall not only be annoyance to the enemy, but also animate and encourage the inhabitants of this city: for they have been and are in such fear of the enemy, and pirates, that if we had not made these fortifications, strengthened the city in this order, and put some soldiers in garrison, the citizens would have fled, and forsaken this city: for all the persuasions made to them by the governor could not persuade them to the contrary, but they would be go, if it had not been for this fortification, and yet for all this we have much to do to make them to stay here: so nou● by reason of these soldiers which shall come hither, the people of the city have taken heart of grass: so I have told them that your majesty will command that this city and the harbour shall be better fortified and made stronger, and all this which I have caused to be builded, is with that money which I have borrowed of the citizens. As touching the safeguard and defence of this harbour, if your majesty so please, here may we build a very fair and strong castle with four bulwarks, on the point of the Ycacoes which doth lie on the side where the city is builded, The point of Ycacoes. because all the ships which do come to this harbour, must come close aboard this shore, so near, that we may cast a stone into them, and so overtake any ship. So likewise if the ships will go on the other shore, than they do go in greater danger, because of those shoalds and ledges of rocks, and so are often cast away. And for as much as those ships which here do arrive are brought hither by Easterly winds, and sometimes with those winds which come out from the sea, and therefore perforce must give a good birth off, otherwise they cannot enter into this harbour, therefore of necessity they must come so close to the shore: And on the other side where the Island of Cares standeth, there may we build another tower foursquare, and plant some four or five pieces of ordinance, and this will serve for the night, if occasion be offered that any small ship or bark should come in here, or any pinnace in the night, to do any harm, or to attempt to burn any Fleet which should ride here at an anchor within this harbour: so the fort being on the one side, and the tower on the other side, keeping good watch, there can no ship nor bark come into this harbour, but they will be espied. In the narrow mouth at the entering in the other way towards the Island of Cares, where the channel doth run near the shore, as I have already certified your majesty, there may another castle be made, and there four or five pieces of ordinance planted, and some six● or eight men to keep watch and ward: this being done, your majesty shall have this city very well fortified, by reason it is of such importance for the service of your majesty, and the trade of all Spain and Peru, and all the Indies; for this is the principal fort of all this country. Over against this point of the Ycacoes, in the Isle of Cares, hard by the water side, there are great store of stones, free stones, and other stones to make lime, and wood to burn the stones withal for the lime, and great part of the stones do lie about the water: so the wood will c●st but the cutting of it down, and the working of it, and with little pains taking it will be brought to good perfection, for we have already made trial thereof, for there was never building that went to decay after it hath been made, nor perished by the sea: so the charge hereof will be but little or nothing. And for to put this in practice to build a fort, it is needful that your majesty should sand hither and to many other places, where any fort shall be made, some store of Negroes, and to this place would be sent 150 Negroes brought from Guyney: and if the Negroes of Havana are not to be employed there, nor those which are in Sant ivan de ullua, it may please your majesty to 'cause them to be sent for to this place, for most of them be artificers, some masons, brick-layers, smiths and sawyers, and to sand some masons from Spain to teach our men these occupations. And after these fortifications are ended and all furnished, than the Negroes may be sold to great profit, for a Negro that is of any occupation is sold herefor 600. and 700. pesoes. Number de Dios. Number de Dios is builded upon a sandy Bay hard by the sea side, it is a city of some thirty households or inhabitants: their houses are builded of timber, and most of the people which are there be foreigners, they are there to day and go to morrow: it is full of woods and some places of the land are overflown with water continually by reason of much rain which doth fall upon the hills. It is a very bad harbour, neither is there any good water: and it is subject to Northerly winds and Easterly winds, which continually do blow upon this coast: many of the great ship● which do come to this place do unlade half their commodities between the two ledges of rocks, for that there is but little water in the harbour: and after that a ship hath unladen half of her goods, then sh●e goeth to the second rock, as it doth appear by the platform, but the small ships come near unto another rock on the West side. If the wind chance to come to the North and Northwest, and that it overblowe, than such great ships as then be in the road must of force more themselves with six cables a head, especially in a storm, and yet nevertheless sometimes they are driven ashore and so cast away, and all because they dare not vier cable enough, because of so many shelves and rocks which are in both those places: also the ships do roll very much in the harbour, by reason in foul weather the Sea will be mightily grown, which is the cause that their cables do oftentimes break, and their ruthers are unhanged, the cause thereof is by reason the ships do ride but in little water, yet goeth there a great sea. The city is builded and situated very well if it were a good harbour, it standeth upon the eastside upon a rock where they may build a very good fort, according to the platform for the safeguard of this harbour: but seeing it is but a bad haven and shallow water, therefore I do think that it is not needful for your majesty to be at any charges in fortifying that place, but ●n●ly a trench to be made of ●arth or clay, so that these townsmen may defend themselves from danger of 3. or 4. ships. The city of Panama is eighteen leagues from Number de Dios, the ways are exceeding ●ad thi●he● wards; yet notwithstanding all the silver is brought this way to Number de Dios, as well your majesties treasure as other merchandise; so likewise the most part of those commodities which are carried to Peru, and the rest of the merchandise are carried to the river of Chag●e which is some 18 leagues from this city and it is brought up by this river within five leagues of Panama unto an june or lodge called Venta de Cruzes, and from this place afterwards they are transported to Panama upon Mules. The high way which goeth from Nomble de Dios to Panama may be very well mended, only to remove this way and to stop it quite up and so to make it again upon the side of a mountain. Number de Dios in 9 deg. and one tierce. This city lieth in nine degrees and one tierce, and if your majesty will give order that this city should be plucked down and newly builded again in Puerto Bello, than you are to make a new way through the mountains of Capira, by reason it may not be frequented and because the high ways are very bad: with little charges they may be broken and so shut up, and the channel of this harbour may be stopped with the timber of those old ships which are laid up here every year, and then afterwards may be cast a great number of stones into the same, and so by this means to dam up the harbour: and here is great want of stones to ballast the ships: wherefore they are feign to go to an Island three leagues from Cartagena called Isla de los Bastimentoes, and this is a thing very needful for this Country, as by experience I have seen. Puerto Bello. PVerto Bello lieth five leagues from Number de Dios Westward: It is a very good harbour and sufficient to receive great store of ships, and hath very good ankering, and fresh water: for near the shore you shall found some sire fathom water, and in the midst of the same harbour you shall found twelve fathom, very good and clean ground or sane, without either banks or rocks. There are twelve small rivers or brooks of water which do belong to this harbour, and so do meet all together: so that the fleet may at all times provide themselves of fresh water so much as shall serve their turns. And likewise there is in this place great store of timber to build ships, and stones to ballast ships. Also the harbour hath no danger at all in coming in, but only when the wound is Westerly, which is seldom seen upon this coast. The winds which do most blow upon this coast are Northerly winds, and they are more dangerous and hurtful than the Easterly winds are. Within this harbour there lieth a small creak safe from all winds that can blow. This creek is about five hundred yards long, and so many in breadth, and in the entering in of this creeks mouth it is some 300. yards broad, and four fathom and a half of water: and entering farther in, six fathom, all oaze and muddy ground: so that if a ship should chance to strike or come ●ground, she could take no harm being soft oaze; also it doth ebb and flow according as I have certified your majesty already. And likewise the coming in and going out of this harbour is very good: and with all kind of weather a ship may set sail from this place except with a Westerly wound: and all this coast is very clean where a ship at all times may come to anchor without the harbours mouth. This harbour is environed round about with woods: and at the end of this harbour there is certain land which is overflown with water: it may be easily dried up and walled round about, so this land will serve very well to feed cattle. For that is the chiefest thing which doth belong to any city or town, and of this pasture ground there is great want in Number de Dios, for there is no pasture at all to breed cattle, for all kind of flesh which is spent in this place is brought from Panama: so towards the South there is a very good place, where the city may be new built on a certain plain ground which lieth at the foot of certain mountains, which be not very high; and in this place there run three little rivers of fresh water very sweet and good, and here is good arable ground to till and to sow Maiz and other kinds of grain. Also in this circuit there are great stones to make lime, and these stones must needs prove very good as I do think, but we never had any trial thereof. This harbour hath all things necessary to build a city, where your majesty may have your armies and fleets of ships to ride at an anchor in safety without danger of losing: and it is a very healthful country, and where the city shall be builded it is all stony ground: and forasmuch as the rain water which doth fall from the mountains may do hurt unto the city, there at the foot of the mountain we will make a great pond to receive in all the water which doth fall from the mountains, and so from thence to go into the sea, as more at large your majesty may see by my platform. If it would please your majesty, it were good that the city of Number de Dios might be brought and builded in this harbour: it would not be very chargeable unto the citizens by reason that all their houses are made of timber, and they may benefit themselves with the same again, and likewise with the tiles of their houses: the greatest charge will be to land timber and to cut down the mountain of wood. If it please your majesty that the said city of Number de Dios should be builded in this harbour the first thing which must be finished is to make up this high way, and so to pull down the Church which is in Number Dios, and the Contractation house, and so new build it in this harbour: and then to command all the fleets of ships from time to time to come and unlade their goods in this said Puerto Bello: And that those merchants and factors of Spain which are lygers in Panama and Nombre de Dios, shall come to this harbour and build anew their warehouses for receiving of their goods. So by these means in short time it will be greatly inhabited with people: also the fleet shall not pass so many dangers as they daily do in Number de Dios: neither will there so many people die as there daily do in Number de Dios: and the cause thereof is, that those labouring men which do use to unlade those merchandise, are all the whole day wading in the water up to the armpits to bring the packs of clot and other commodities aland; for there is no landing place where there can come any boats to landlord any goods close to the shore, so this wading and the parching of the Sun is the cause why so many do dye of a burning fever. There are but 60. dwelling houses in Number de Dios, and but thirty dwellers which do continually devil there, and the rest do go to Panama after the fleet is go, and then this Town doth remain desolate, every man forsaking it because it is so full of diseases. In the entering in of this harbour for the more security thereof and defence of the town it is needful to build upon the top of the mount which lieth to the Northward, a little fort foursquare that will hold four or five pieces of ordinance, and to appoint six men to watch and ward; and this being done we shall have no occasion to make any more defence, by reason the country is full of rocks and filthy ways, and all full of woods round about the harbour. And so likewise on the other side to build a little tower in manner of a fort, with eight pieces of ordinance and five and twenty soldiers to keep it. And this will be of more importance because it must be builded on the town side. And a little beyond this place on the Northside there lieth a crecke, where there is a very good ankering in eight fathom water: so this fort being builded in this place it will defend the harbour and offend the enemy: and will defend the coast along and a paint of the land which doth run from the East to the West, and reacheth to the Island of Buena Ventura. And put case that the fort which is builded on the other side doth decay, or be taken by the enemy, with this other fort we may defend the city very well, if the enemy should chance to come into the harbour, and be succoured and helped by the citizens, and twenty musketters being planted upon a mount which lieth over the fort, will be sufficient to defend us from a good many of our enemies, that should come to assault us, becausall the country is full of rocks and stones, and full of mountains. So from this wood there may a way be made to go to the city, and to join with that way which shall go to Panama; and this may be done with small charges. This harbour doth lie in nine degrees and one tierce, and if occasion should serve we may stop up the way which doth go to Capi●a, and the rest of the ways which go from Number de Dios to Venta de Cruzes, according as it is certified me by the Negroes called Simcrons; for they told me that this way would not be very troublesome. Although in the Winter it is reported that here is good store of water in this place, which in the Summer it is all dried up, and where these waters are, there we may build a causey, to which purpose there are great quantities of stones and timber very serviceable: so this way may be made with that treasure which your majesty doth receive of the averages and customs of Number de Dios and Panama, which doth amount unto twelve or fourteen thousand pesoes yearly: and an order might be taken for the same, that the said money may serve for the building and repairing of these ways. Panama. PAnama is the principal city of this Diocese: it lieth 18. leagues from Number de Dios on the South sea, and standeth in 9 degrees. There are 3. Monasteries in this said city of friars, the one is of Dominicks, the other is of Augustine's, and the third is of S. Francis friars: also th●re is a College of jesuits, and the royal audience or chancery is kept in this city. This city is situated hard by the sea side on a sandy bay: the one side of this city is environed with the sea, and on the other side it is enclosed with an arm of the sea which runneth up into the land 1000 yards. Panama hath 350. houses. This city hath three hundred and fifty houses, all built of timber, and there are six hundred dwellers and eight hundred soldiers with the townsmen, and four hundred Negroes of Guyney, and some of them are free men: and there is another town which is called Santa Cruz lafoy Real of Negroes Simerons, negroes Simerons mortal enemies to the Spaniards. and most of them are employed in your majesties service, and they are 100 in number, and this town is a league from this city upon a great rivers side, which is a league from the sea right over against the harbour of Pericos. But there is no trust nor confidence in any of these Negroes, and therefore we must take heed and beware of them, for they are our mortal enemies. There are three sundry ways to come to this city, besides the sea, where the enemy may assault us. The one is at the bridge which is builded upon the river: and on the one side of this, there lieth a creak: so on this side the city is very strong, because it is all soft muddy ground, for in no way they cannot go upon it. And right over against it there lieth a river which is in manner like unto a ditch or moat; and on the other side of the River there lieth a great Lake or Pond which is full of water all the Winter, and part of the Summer, so that on this side the city is very strong, for with very small store of soldiers this place might be kept very well. The best way to take Panama. The greatest danger for the surprising of this city is the way that doth come from Number de Dios: for all this way is plain ground and no woods: and 2000 yards from this city there lieth a river called Lavanderas, where the women do use to wash their linen: and this river doth go into the creak, according as I have certified your majesty: and being once past this river, there is a causey which goeth directly unto them. The other way which doth go twards the city is lower down towards the sea at a stone bridge lying upon the way which goeth to the harbour of Perico. Perico. These two ways cannot be kept nor resisted, because it is all plain ground and meadows. Upon the East side of this city there are your majesties royal houses builded upon a rock joining hard to the Sea side, and they do aswell lean towards the sea as the land. The royal audience or chancery is kept here in these houses, and likewise the prison. And in this place all your majesties treasure is kept. There dwelleth in these houses your majesties Treasurer, the Lord Precedent, and 3. judges, and master Attorney. All these do devil in these houses, and the rest of your majesties officers: which are six houses besides those of the Lord Precedent, the which are all dwelling houses, and all adjoining together one by another along upon the rocks. And they are builded all of timber and bourdes, as the other houses are. So where the prison standeth and the great hall, these two places may be very well fortified, because they serve so f●●ly for the purpose, by reason they are builded towards the sea, and that there lie certain small rocks, which at a low water are all discovered and dry, and some of them are seen at a high water. Right over these houses to the Eastwardes there lieth an Island about five hundred yards from these houses, An Island in the harbour of Panama. and the Island is in form of a half moon; and in this order it runneth all alongst very near the main land: so over against these houses there lieth the harbour where all the ships do use to ride at an anchor, after that they have discharged and unladen their merchandise. For when they have their lading aboard, there can come in none but small Barks, and at a low water the ships are all aground and dry, and so is all the space some thirty yards from those houses. Right over against them standeth the city. When news were brought to this city of those Pirates which were come upon this coast, the Lord President and judges commanded that there should a sconce be made, and trenched round about, made all of timber for the defence of this city against the enemy, and to keep your majesties treasure. So your officers caused Venta de Cruzes to be fortified, and likewise Chagre, and Quebrada, and fortified the garrison of Ballano● for all these are places where the enemy may landlord, Places good to land in. and by this means spoil all this country. There are three sundry places, where this city may without difficulty be taken, and spoiled by the Pirates. The first is on the North seas in a certain place which lieth fourteen leagues from Number de Dios, 1 Place. the place is called Aele to the Eastwards, where once before certain men of war have entered into those seas. The other place is Number de Dios, 2 Place. This was O●en●am. although this is a bad place and naughty ways, and full of waters and a very dirty way: for three parts of the year the country people do travel upon those waters, and an other very bad way, which is the going up of certain rocks and mountains which they must climb, called the mountains of Capira, which are of height three quarters of a league, so in this place with very small store of soldiers we can defend ourselves from the fury of the enemy, so these dwellers do say that in Summer the ways are very good without either dirt or water. The other entrance is up the river of Chagre, 3 Place. which rivers mouth lieth eighteen leagues from Number de Dios to the Westwards falling into the North sea, and this is the place which the citizens of Panama do most fear, for they may come up this river to Venta de Cruzes, The place of most advantage for the English. and so from thence march to this city, which is but five leagues off. So up this river there go boats and barks which do carry 320. Quintals' weight. These are they which carry the most part of the merchandise which do come from Spain to be transported to Peru, and from Venta de Cruzes it is c●●●●o to Limaret which is three leagues of that place, and the dwellers do report that it is a very good way: and if any men of war will attempt to come into these seas, they may very easily come up this river as far as Venta de Cruzes, and from thence march unto this city, and if the enemy will, they may bring their pinnesses ready made in four quarters● and so taken in sunder, may afterwards set them together again: as it is reported that Francis Drake hath used it once before when he came that voyage; and so he may attempt us both by sea and land. And forasmuch as the most part of these people are merchants, they will not fight, but only keep their own people in safety, and save their goods; as it hath been seen heretofore in other places of these Indies. So if it will please your majesty to 'cause these houses to be strongly fortified, considering it standeth in a very good place if any sudden alarms should happen, than the citizens with their goods may get themselves to this place, and so escape the terror of the enemy: and so this will be a good security for all the treasure which doth come from Peru. So all the Pirates and rebels, which have rob in these parts, have go about what they can to stop this passage, and so by this means to stop the trade of Spain, and to set soldiers in this place, for to intercept and take your majesties treasure, whereby none might be carried into Spain. Therefore it behoveth your majesty to fortify these places very strongly. These places being fortified in this manner, your majesty shall have all your gold and silver brought home in safety which cometh from Peru. And all those commodities which are laden in Spain may come safe to this place. And if perchance any rebels should rise in these parts, Rebellion seated in the West Indies. which would rebel against your majesty, which God forbidden, & if they should chance to join with any of these pirates, having this place so well fortified, & Puerto Bello in the North parts, & so to sand some garrison your majesty needs not to fear: for here in this harbour are always 10 or 12 barks of 60 or 50 tons apiece, which do belong to this harbour. So if any of these places shallbe intercepted, them your majesty hath no other place fit than this to landlord your majesties soldiers, for than they have but 18. leagues to march by land, & presently they may be shipped to supply these places which shall stand in most need of them. In all the coast of Peru there is no harbour that hath any shipping but only this place, and the city of Lima, where there are some ships and barks. The harbour being thus open without any defence, a man of war may very easily come to this place, as I have certified your majesty, thorough the straits of Magellane, & arrive at that instant, when those barks do come from Peru with your majesties gold & silver, for sometimes they bring 5 or 6 million in those barks; 5. or 6. million of gold & silver. so the enemy may come and take all their treasure, & not lose one man, because here is not one man to resist him, therefore this place being thus fortified, the treasure may be kept in the fort. There is a trench made round about your majesties houses which are builded of timber: the Precedent and judges did 'cause it to be made, for that here was news brought that there were certain men of war, & pirates coming for these parts. So this trench is thus maintained until such time as your majesties pleasure is to the contrary, & in such wise that your soldiers may sight lying behind the trench; so there is order given to build a platform upon the plain ground, and so to plant such ordinance in those places, as shall be thought most convenient. If it will please your majesty, here we may make a sconce or fort toward the land side, & so trench it round about and build it with stone, because here is a place and all things ready for the same purpose; and by this means the city would be securely kept: as for the sea there is no danger at all, by reason that the water doth ebb & flow twice a day, and then when it is ebbing water it will be all dry & muddy ground & rocks, so that in no wise at a low water the enemy can wade over the mud to come to this city, and it reacheth from the Island till you come to the bridge called Paita. Two leagues from this city there lieth a harbour called Perico down to the Westward: The harbour of Perico. this is a very sure harbour by reason of 3. Islands which do join in manner of a half moon, they lie half a league from the main, the Islands do enclose the harbour round about, the harbour is a very high land, & the islands are but reasonable high, there is good store of fresh water: also there hath never any ship been cast away in this harbour, for there is 7. fathom water at full sea, and 3 or 4 fathom at lower water and very good ground for their ankering, and when they will trim their ships they may hale them ashore. All those ships and barks which come from Peru with gold, silver or any other kind of commodities, do first come to an anchor in this harbour, and if they have a contrary weather they cannot come into the harbour of Panama; and for so much as the harbour hath no defence for the safeguard of the ships, Nota. if a man of war should chance to come into the harbour, all the barks with the treasure may be very easily taken. And likewise these barks & ships which do navigate in the South seas carry not so much as one piece of ordinance or a rapier to defend them withal. From this place to Venta de Cruzes is not passing 5 leagues; so that if any pinnace should happen to arrive there, no doubt but they might rob and take all your treasure which is in those barks, by reason that from the shore they cannot be rescued nor helped, because it is an Island and refuge for all ships and barks. If it would please your majesty here might some ●ort or defence be made in the middlemost Island, and some ordinance planted, and this might be made with little charges, because in the said Island there are all kind of necessaries fit for that purpose, so by this means your majesty may have both the harbour and the city very well kept. And likewise there is another entering into the South sea which is called the river of Francisca, A new way into the south-sea. which lieth on this side of the Cabeça de Cativa, and this river doth come into another river which is called Caracol, and is five leagues from this city; and once before these Simerons brought into this place certain Frenchmen. The river of Chagre. THe river of Chagre lieth in 9 degrees and one tierce. The mouth of this river is in the North seas 18. leagues from Number de Dios, and 13. leagues from Puerto Bello: there is carried up this river certain quantity of those merchandise which are unladen at Number de Dios which come from Spain. These five leagues are very good ground or champion country. From the mouth of this river to Venta de Cruzes are eighteen leagues. From this place where the barks unlade their commodities, they are carried upon mules to Panama, which is but five leagues off from this place. This river hath great store of water in the Winter. And the barks which belong to this river are commonly of 320. Quintals that is of 16. tons in burden: but in the Summer there is but small store of water: so than the barks have much to do to get up this river: and in many places these barks are constrained to unlade their commodities; and are drawn by men's strength and force a good way up the river, and therefore if it would please your majesty to command that all those goods may be first unladen in Puerto Bello, and there to build a little castle in the mouth of the said river, and at the foot of the castle to build a storehouse to unlade and keep all the said goods, and there to build other barks of less burden: then these would serve for Summer, and the great barks for the Winter. If it would please your majesty, there might a very good high way be made on the one side of the river, and so they might be towed, for it may be made and not with much cost because it is all plain ground, and there is growing upon the said river great store of timber and trees which do lie over thwart the said River; so that they are very cumbersome and great annoyance unto the said boats, aswell those that go up the said River, as also that do come down the said River. And therefore if it might please your majesty to command, that Puerto belo might be inhabited, and the town made nearer the rivers side, every thing would be a great deal better cheap, if the commodities were carried up the River: for it is a great danger to carry them up by land, for it is daily seen that the mules do many times fall and break their necks with their lading upon their backs, as well the treasure as other kind of commodities, because it is such a bad way. And your majesty might be at this charges and spend of your revenues of Number de dios and Panama, which do yearly yield 12 or 14 thousand pesoes, & this being once done it would be a great aid and benefit to those, which do trade and traffic, and to those merchants which do sand their goods over-land, and ease them much of pain and purse, because the other is a most filthy way, as any is in the world. A brief remembrance of a voyage made in the year 1589 by William Michelson Captain, and William Mace of Ratcliff, Master of a ship called the Dog, to the Bay of Mexico in the West India. THe aforesaid ship called the Dog, of the burden of threescore and ten tons was furnished, and armed forth with the number of forty men: it departed from the coast of England in the month of May, directly for the West India: It fallen with the Bay of Mexico, and there met with divers Spanish ships at sundry times, whereof three fell into her lapse and were forced to yield unto the mercy of the English: the last that they met within the Bay was a Spanish man of war, whom the English chased, and after three several sights, upon three divers days, pressed him so far that he entreated a parley, by putting out a flag of truce: the parley was granted, and certain of the Spaniards came aboard the English. Where after conference about those matters that had passed in the fight betwixt them, they received reasonable entertainment and a quiet farewell. The Spanish, as if they had meant to requited the English courtesy, invited our men to their ship, who persuading themselves of good meaning in the Spanish, Spanish treason. went aboard: but honest and friendly dealing was not their purpose, suddenly they assaulted our men, and one with a dagger stabbeth Roger Kingsood the English Pilot to the heart and slew him, and others were served with the like sauce, only William Mace the Master & others, notwithstanding all the prepared traps of the enemy, leapt overboard into the sea, and so came safe to their own ship: and directing his course for England, arrived at Plymouth the tenth day of September 1589, laden with wines, iron, Roans, which is a kind of linen clot, and other rich commodities, looking for the arrival of the rest of his consorts, whereof one and the principal hath not long since obtained his Port. Thus much in general terms only I have as yet learned, and received touching this voyage, extracted out of letters sent from the aforesaid William Mace, to Master Edward Wilkinson of Towrehill in London. My principal intention by this example is to admonish our nation of circumspection in dealing with that subtle enemy, and never to trust the Spanish further, then that their own strength shall be able to master them: for otherwise whosoever shall through simplicity trust their courtesy, shall by trial taste of their assured cruelty. CERTAIN SPANISH LETTERS INTERcepted by ships of the Worshipful Master john Wattes written from diverse places of the Islands and of the main land as well of Nueva Espanna, as of Tierra Firma and Peru, containing many secrets touching the aforesaid Countries, and the state of the South Sea, and the Trade to the Philippinas. A letter sent from Havana in Cuba from the general of the fleet john de Orimo to the king of Spain the 18 of October 1590., touching the building of certain excellent Frigates, etc. IT may please your majesty that at the date hereof one of the Frigates was launched: and three more will be ready against the fleet departed from hence. They are very big and excellent of sail, which will carry 150 men a piece with soldiers and mariners. And having good ordinance, there are few or none of our enemies that can offend us. For we shall both leave and take at all times when we list. But it behoveth your majesty to sand both soldiers and mariners to man the Frigates. For we have great want of soldiers and mariners, with tackling, anchors, powder, shot, calivers, and all kind of furniture for them. For these things are not here to be had for money: and likewise to sand some great ordinance for the Zabras. For the merchant's ships are so weak and so unprovided, that they have almost none to defend themselves. Also we shall be constrained to give the carena again unto all the ships; for they are very weak by reason of the long voyage: and the mariners and soldiers are weary with their long traveling and keeping of them here. Thus if it would please your majesty to command with all expedition that these soldiers and mariners with all kind of other furniture might be sent us, than the fleet may set forward and so proceed on their voyage. God preserve your Catholic royal majesty. From Havana the of 20 October 1590. Your majesties servant, whose royal feet I kiss, JOHN DE ORIMO General of your Fleet. A Letter sent from the Governor of Havana john de Trexeda, to the King of Spain, the twentieth of October 1590., touching the wants of that place. BY three ships which departed from this Harbour since the Fleets arrival here, I have given your majesty at large to understand, what hath happened as much as I can, and what thing is here to be done in this city, and what your majesty must provide. And now once again I will return to put your majesty in mind thereof. I beseech your majesty to command to be provided and to be sent hither two hundred Negroes, if you will have this fortification to go forwards: The new fortification in Havana. because your majesty is here at great charges with the master workman and the Officers. And for want of Pioners the work goeth not forwards. For as the work goeth daily forward and increaseth farther and farther, so we want men to work, and to guard it, and likewise to keep it. We dare not meddle with those of the Galies. And likewise it may please your majesty to sand new working tools of iron, according to a remembrance which I have sent to your majesty of late, which doth signify our wants more at large. Likewise it is needful that your majesty should sand powder and match to furnish these forts. And likewise to sand money to pay those soldiers which are newly come hither, & for that company of soldiers which were sent from Mexico to this place. Soldiers sent to Havana. For it behoveth your majesty not to have them as yet left, till such time as the defences about the forts be finished, and that which is in building upon the hill, A fort upon an hill. which will be ended very shortly if you sand the Negroes, and iron tools. Five Frigates made at Havana. Likewise I have certified your majesty, that with all speed I am making ready of the five Frigates, that they may carry all the treasure. Also john de Orimo seeing that it is of so great importance to have them dispatched, john de Orimo General of the fleet. doth furnish me with some money, although somewhat scantly, until such time as your majesty doth sand him some order therefore. I beseech you to command it to be done; considering the great charges and expenses that we are at here, as by the accounts your Majesty shall more at large perceive, what hath been spent. These Frigates will be made an end of without all doubt by the month of February: but as yet their tackling and sails are not here arrived: but I do stay the coming thereof every day, according as the Duke of Medina and john de Ibarra have written unto me, that those ships which should bring the same were ready to departed from thence. All these things it behoveth your Majesty to sand in time: for I can assure your Majesty that you shall not have upon the sea such good s●ippes as these are. The excellency of the great Frygates built in Cuba. For as touching the othee ships of the fleet, which are in this harbour, it is not convenient to venture the silver in them. This counsel your Majesty shall not take of me, for I am a soldier, and have but small skill in navigation. But every day it is told me openly and in secret by many of the pilots, captains, masters, and mariners. Copper mine's newly found in Cuba. As touching the copper, I have put it in practice twice more, and have made proof thereof: wherein there hath been more spent, than I was willing there should have been, because I have got no fruit thereof: I know not the cause, but that it is not done effectually by those that have the working thereof. Therefore I beseech your Majesty to sand me that same sounder which I written to your Majesty heretofore of. Our Lord keep your Majesty many years. From Havana the 20 of October, 1590. Your majesties servant, whose royal feet I kiss, JOHN DE TREXEDA governor of Havana. A letter sent to Don Petro de Xibar one of his majesties privy Counsel of the West Indies, from Don Diego Mendez de Valdes Governor of S. ivan de Puerto Rico the 20 of November 1590., touching the state of that City and Island. I Received your honour's letter the 20 of February, whereby I received great content, to hear that your honour is in good health. As touching the imprisonment of our cousin Don Pedro de Valdes, Pedro de Valdes, prisoner in England. it doth grieve me to the very soul. I beseech God to sand him his liberty: and likewise the imprisonment of Diego Flores de Valdes grieveth me very much: I pray God to sand good justice. The M. of the field ivan de Texela, and the M. workman ivan Baptista Antonio arrived here in safety, john Baptista Antonio the general jugenour of the West Indies. and have viewed this City with all the circuit round about and the situation as I have informed his majesty thereof. They have marked a place to build a strong Fort, whereat the country remains very well content. And it standeth in a good situation, and in a conu●nient place on a high mount which doth lie upon the entering in of the Harbour, & so cutteth over to a point of land, leaving in the Fort as much space as will contain 3000 people, without joining thereunto any part of the coast. So the M. del campo hath named the fort Citadella. A strong fort newly builded in S. ivan de puerto Rico. He left me great store of iron work, tools eight workmen, and 200 Negroes, which are the kings. And the Island doth find 400 pioners which are continually at work. His majesty hath sent me a warrant to spend the provision of the Island, & to take those rents which his majesty hath here, & to certify his majesty what there is wanting for the maintaining of the workmen & that they may have all things necessary. So I have sent to Nueva Espanna for such things as are here wanting. I have written to the M. of the field, which is go to Havana, informing him that it doth greatly import that the work with all expedition should go forward, seeing that it is begun for the defence of the Island. And we do defend it as well as we can from the enemy, in respect of the great danger which otherwise might happen, if the enemy should come and find it begun, and not ended. And likewise that his majesty would sand me that which I do request. And the most principal thing of all is, to sand more Negroes. And sending me all these things which be needful, I trust in God I shall in short time build up the fort, This Fort was ta●en by th● Ea●le of 〈◊〉 l●nd. 1●●6. to defend us from the enemy. The fort must be builded triangle wise: for it will reach into the bay: and we shall be able to plant in the same 40 pieces of good ordinance, Canon, Demi canon, and Coluerine. The M. of the field, hath promised to sand me some from Havana. For that he is determined to cast some th●re, by reason of the great store of copper, which now of late is found in Havana: Copper mine's ●o●nd near Havana. for here we have as yet but small store of ordinance to defend us. I look for 5 Canons which his majesty should sand from Spain, with shot and powder and all kind of weapons, because that here is great want in the Island. His majesty hath sent the whole number of 200 soldiers, 200 soldiers sent to S. I●an de Puerto Rico. and in the company there came two captains. The corpse de Guard is kept in the market place: and twice in a month I muster all the men in the Island, and find very near 1500 fight men, and 80 horsemen. 1500 fight men in S. ivan de puerto Rico Island. The fort when it is ended will be the strongest that his majesty hath in all the Indies. And now the people of the country sleep in security. For commonly before, the Englishmen would come and beard us to the havens mouth. The boldness of the English. God keep your honour, and sand you long health. From Puerto Rico the 20 of November 1590. The Governor DIEGO MENDEZ DE VALDES. A letter to john Lopez Canavate, Alderman in the town of Canavate in Spain written from his servant ivan de Porua Canavates, from Havana the seventeenth of October 1590., touching the state of the said place. THis is to give you to understand, that since my departure from S. Lucar I have written unto you twice of mine arrival here, and what success I have had. And now you shall understand that I am determined to go for Nueva Espanna. For I stay but opportunity of time. For here is great watch daily kept and great looking to the soldiers in keeping of them together, for running away. The soldiers run away from Havana. But nevertheless I hope in God, to find some friend to convey me away from hence. This country is so close and narrow, that if a man steal not away hidden in some ship, it is not possible for him to escape, nor to go a league out out of the town, no way but by sea. And because the harbour is so close, it is the best harbour and the surest in the world. The harbour is made in this order. The entry in toward the land is by a narrow straight channel, which continueth as long as a caliver shot, and from that place the river openeth broader and broader: There are in the entering in, two points which make with the land, whereupon are newly builded two strong forts, which are fortified with very great store of ordinance: besides another strong and famous Fort which is in the City, ●o that it is impossible to take it. There are in these three Forts, a thousand soldiers in Garrison. And likewise he●e are two galies to keeps the coast. Yet for all this, the audacious Englishmen b●ing without all shame are not afraid to come and dare us at our own doors. The boldness of the English. Our journey to go for England is most certain in the year 1592. H●re are making with great expedition 18 ships, which are called Frigates for that effect. They are very strong ships, 18 ships builded in Cuba against England. and will draw but very little water, whereby they may enter amongst the shouldst on the banks of Flanders: th●y are builded the higher because here is great store of timber and excellent good and incorruptible. It is reported that the fleet will departed from hence in February, by rea●on that at that time the Englishm●n are not departed out of their own country. And thus I rest. From this Island of S. Christopher in Havana this present day on S. Luke's even; the 17 of October 1590. Your Worship's s●ruant, JOHN DE PORVA CANAVATES. A letter from Mexico, of Sebastian Biscaino to his Father Antonio Biscaino in Corchio in Spain, touching the great profit of the trade to China, and somewhat of M. Thomas Cand●sh. Wri●ten the 20 of june 1590. Hhaving written to your worship by a friend of mine at large, now I will be somewhat short. And this is only to give you to understand, that four months' past, I came from China, and landed in Acapulco, 70 leagues from Mexico, Acapu●co the ●arbour where the ●hips ●●e that go for Ch●na. which is the harbour where the ships that go down to China lie: and all the merchants of Mexico bring all their Spanish commodities down to this harbour, to ship them for that country. It is one of the best harbours in all Nueva Espanna; and where the ships may ride most safely without all kind of danger. For it lieth under a neck of land, and behind a great point. And in this harbour here are ●oure great ships of Mexico of 600 and 800 tons a piece, which only serve to carry our commodities to China, and so to return back again. The order is thus. From hence to China is above two thousand leagues, From Ac●pulco● to China above ●000 leagues● farther th●n from h●nce to Spain. And from hence their two fi●st ships departed at one time to China: and are 13 or 14 months returning back again. And when those two ships are returned, than the other twain two months after departed from hence. They go now from hence very strong with soldiers. I can certify you of one thing; That 200 ducats in Spanish commodities, and some Flemish wares which I carried with me thither, Flemish wares good in China. I made worth 1400 ducats there in the country. So I make account that with those silks, and other commodities which I brought with me from thence to Mexico, I got 2500 ducats by the voyage: A wonderful ga●●e. and had got more, if one pack of fi●e silks had not been spoilt with salt water. So as I said, there is great gain to be got if that a man return in safety. But the year 1588. I had great mischance, coming in a ship from China to Nueva Espanna: which being laden with ●ich commodities, was taken by an Englishman which rob us and afterward burned our ship, M. Thomas Candish. wherein I lost a great deal of treasure and commodities. If I should writ to you of the state of this country of China, and of the strange things which are there, and of ●he wealth of the country, I were not able to do it, in an whole quire of paper. Only I may certify you, that it is the goodliest country, and the richest, and most plentiful in all the world. For here are great store of gold mines, silver mines, and pearl, great store of co●t●n clot: Gold m●●es silver m●●●s and Pearls, in China. Fi●e li●●e● clothe greatly esteemed in China. for the country people weareth nothing else but fine cotton clot, which is more accepted then silks. For here is great store of silks & they are good cheap. All kind of victuals, as bread, flesh, wines and hens and all kinds of fowls, are very plentiful. Here are great store of fre●h rivers. The people are very loving. Here are very fair cities and towns with cos●ly buildings, better than those in Spain. And the country people go very richly appareled, both in s●●kes and gold. But here w● have order from the king of Spain, that a Spania●d may not devil in China, above 3 years, and afterwards they must return again into Nueva Espanna, and other soldiers must come in their places. The country is very unwholesome for us Spaniards. For within these 20 years of 14000, which have go to the Philippinas, Not above one thousand Spaniards in the Philippinas. there are 13000 of them dead, and not past 1000 of them left alive. There is a place in China which is an harbour, called Macaran, which the king hath given to the Spaniards freely: which shall be the plac● where the ships shall come and traffic. For in this harbour there is a great river which goeth up into the main land unto divers towns and cities, which are near to this river. And thus ●r●nbling you no farther I rest. From Mexico the 20 of june 1590. Your obedient son, SEBASTIAN BISCAINO. A Letter of Bartholomew Canon to Peter de Tapia in Seville, from Mexico the 30 of May 1590., touching the state of Nueva Espanna, and the Fleet of that year. BEcause I have answered your letters which I have received in the last Fleet, as touching that matter I have no more to say. The occasion of my writing unto you at this time, is to give you to understand, that those commodities which came in the last Fleet, were sold at the fi●st good cheap, and those that bought them, got much by them. For now at this instant ●hite Rouen clot is sold for 8 or 9 reals a vare. The cause of this was, by reason ●here came a caravel of advise from Havana; which brought us n●wes, how the army that his majesty did s●nd for England, was all spoilt and cast away: and therefore th●y of Spain did writ that th●r● would come no Fleet from Spain hither this year: And this is the cause that all linen clot is very de●re in these parts. Wines also are very dear: for they are sold ●or 90 ●nd 100 deminas a pipe. When the Frigates departed from hence in August last 1589. Cochinilla was sold at that instant for 50 pes●s the quintal; and now it is sold for 55 peso●s. And since that n●wes came from Spain in a carau●l of S. Lucar, that it was sold there for 72 ducats the quintal, there are laden in this Fleet 14000 Arovas' of Cochinilla, and 7000 Arovas' more were laden in the Frigates which departed before the Fleet. There is laden in the Fleet great quantity of treasure, more than hath been sent to Spain these many years, both for the Kings and the Uiceroyes account. And the merchants and gentlemen of all these provinces do sand great quantity to supply the King's wants: for that his majesty hath written to the Uiceroy and to the gentlemen of these countries to aid him with much money towards the maintenance of his wars against France and other places, & therefore they have sent good store: God sand it well to Spain. There are likewise laden aboard the Fleet to the number of 100000● hides, and great store of other kinds of this country commodities. So that the the Fleet goeth very richly laden. Quick silver is here very dear, for here is almost none to be had for any money to work in the gold mines: for without Quick silver we cannot refine our gold. And no man upon pain of death may bring any from Spain hither; but all must come for the King's account: and so the King doth cell it here: there is exceeding great gain therein. And thus I rest: From Mexico, the 30 of May 1590. BARTHOLOMEW CANON. A letter of friar Alonso new elected Bishop of Mechuacan, to the king of Spain, written in Peru in the city de los Reyes the first of March 1590., touching the state of Arica a chief Haven in Peru. Upon Christmas even the year 1589, I received your majesties commission in Potossi. For which I am and shall be continually bond to pray for your majesties long health, for the great benefits which your majesty hath bestowed upon me, in ●ending me to Mechuacan: whereby my great travel and pains may be recompensed, which I have taken with that ungrateful and desperate people of the river of Plate, The people of the River of Plate. which they have e'en the occasion of, in dealing so badly with me their Pastor, which have counseled th●m, that they should have a great care to serve God, and be dutiful to your majesty, according as every good and true subject aught to do. Now for this gift which your majesty hath bestowed on me, I most humbly kiss your majesties hands a thousand times. Thus presently I departed from Potossi somewhat sickly, to accomplish that which your majesty hath commanded me. So I arrived at Lima in safety the first of February by the way of Arica, which is an haven town, where they embark all the bars of silver. And there I have seen● wha● is done, & what they have provided against the Englishm●n in that haven: which is; That there is a little fort made hard by the water's side, with certain small pieces of ordinance in the said fort to offend the enemy, if occasion should serve that they should offer to come into the harbour and offer any violence. But the principal thing of all that we want is to have souldi●rs, foot men, and horsemen. For according as I am informed, here want 100 men which should keep the coast, 100 men wanting. if they should offer to land and march up into the country. And likewise the people of this country have told me, that if upon an high mount which is h●re in the harbour near to the havens' mouth, on the Southside of the harbour where the sea doth beaten, there were two or three great Canons planted on the top of the hill, (where very good watch is continually kept) from that place they may reach to do the enemy great hurt, Good watch continually kept. a league into the sea. The new Uiceroy Don Garcia Vrtado de Mendoça, worthy of that dignity, is in great favour with all those of these realms: for that he is a great solliciter both by sea and land in all kind of diligence, not losing one hour in your service, and that which he hath in charge. With as much speed as may be I will departed from hence to Mechuacan, to serve that church and your majesty: and there I will remain according to your majesties commandment, with the bulls or indulgences. Our Lord keep your majesty many years in his holy service. From the city de los Reyes the first of March 1590. Friar Alonso bishop of Mechuacan. A letter of Don john de Miramontes Suasola to Don john Garcias de Penalosa from Arica on the coast of Peru the tenth of March 1590. AFter my long travel and bad success, my fortune brought me to the Indies; where being voided of all hope, and full of grief, I am become a soldier: a thing in this country which is most hated of all other things, not only of men, but of the wild beasts: and is an occupation which is choose of idle people. The occasion of this is, that there have been in these seas, and yet are cert●ine English rovers: and in seeking of them I have traveled these three years: English men in the South sea ●ought 3 years. the one of the years a soldier, and the other two years I have go for captain and ensign-baerer. And at this time here is arrived Don Garcias Vrtado de Mendoça viceroy of these realms: who hath choose me to be chief ensign-baerer of an army which departed from hence to scour the coast. For here we have news of the enemy, which is coming upon the coast: This was M. Chidleys' fleet, whereof the Delight was in the straits of Magelan in january and Feb. 158●. for we have stayed for their coming these four months the same way which they must come, in a haven called Arica, which is the first entry of Peru. So I have 90 pesoes a month, besides other profits, at nine reals the pezo; & four shares at nine reals the pezo. So that I have 1800 pesoes every year of pay: for the viceroy is my dear friend, and maketh great account of me. And I have always 400 ducats in my chest to go like a man. I beseech God sand us quietness. But yet it is the part of a gentleman to serve the king his master in these actions. And thus I rest. From the harbour of Arica the tenth of March 1590. I kiss your worship's hands, and am at your command●ment Don john de Miramontes Suasola. There are four great galeons of 350 tons a piece, which are in Arica men of war, with a General, Admiral, Uiceadmirall, with great store of soldiers which ke●pe this haven: for the viceroy hath intelligence that there are certain Englishmen of war coming thither. This was M. john Chidl●ys fleet. This haven of Arica is the best harbour in all the South sea: for all the silver which cometh from the mines of Potossi, is shipped in this harbour, and so brought to Lima. And likewise all the commodities which come from Spain, and all the king's quicksilver, is unladen in this harbour, and so carried to the city of Lima and other places, where the mines of silver are. A letter of the Licenciate Christopher Vslano to Gonsaluo de Solana in in the city of Encisa in Spain, written from the city of Potossi in Peru the 20 of july 1590., touching a great plague in Peru, and the shortness of the passage from the river of Plate into Potossi in Peru. THe last year 1588. I received letters from your worship and from my sister: and since that time I have received none, nor in the fleet which came to Cartagena 1589. ●a●i●●. And this year 1590. there hath been great want of corn in this kingdom of Potossi: for that there hath been no rain in this kingdom of long time. For in March the husbandmen use to ●owe their corn: and in April Winter doth begin. And it in April there be no rain, the corn which is sown will consume away: and ●o sore want to rain we have had two bad years of corn. And likewise here hath been in these countries of Potossi, and in the city De la paz, great sickness among the Indians, Mullatos, and Mestiços, Plague. called the small pocks, and a certain plague, which hath destroyed all this country. And there have no old people di●d, nor Spaniards, but only this country people, from one year to 30 years of age: so for want of Indians we can not work in the mines. This sickness runneth all along the coast of Peru, and hath passed into the straits of Magalianes, whenc● we hau● n●wes that those soldiers which were sent from Spain thither to build those forts are most of them dead, & especially the workmen which came to make the forts. The General Don Diego de Abolos hath written to his majesty to sand more soldiers and more work●men, whereby these three sorts might be builded according to the king's command●m●nt. This sickness c●me first from Cartagena to this country, which is 1000 leagues distant: and, as I said, it hath go all Peru over, to the utter undoing of this country: Pe●u utterly vndo●● with the plague. I pray God to cease it. I pray you when you writ any letters to me, sand them in those ships which come to Saint Thomés, and take in Negroes. And there are great store of ships which go to Saint Thomés for Negroes, and it is but 15. days sailing over a gulf to brasil. And from brasil their ships bring their Negroes to a hau●n called The haven of Buenos Aeres, which is within the entrance of the mighty river of Plate. A short passage from Buenos Aeres in the ●iuer of Pla●e to Peru. And from this harbour all kind of Spanish and Portugal commodities are carried to this city of Potossi in carts and on horses: for it is but 10. or 12. days journey, and the country is very plain for carts to travail. And from Potossi to this harbour is great store of treasure brought to buy that country commodities, and so they are shipped for Portugal: and the ships go and come again in short time. If his majesty will consent that we may have traffic from Spain to this harbour, it will be very profitable: and in five or six months I shall hear from you, & you shall do the like from me. And by the way of Cartagena it is sometime 2. years before we can receive your letters from Spain. The tediousness of the way by Cartagena to Peru. By this way my brother may writ, and so by this mean the letter's may speedily come to my hand. And thus I rest. From this city of Potossi the 20. of july 1590. The Licenciate CHRISTOPHER VSLANO. A letter of Steven de Tresio to Alonso Martin's Vaca in Siuil from Panama the 21. of August 1590. touching the kings desire to borrow money upon privy seals, and the want of the country. IT may please your worship to understand that I have received a packet of letters from you, wherein you writ unto me of the great miseries and the calamities of Spain. And I promise' you that these countries are in no less. For here is great want of corn and other kind of provision: for here is almost none to be had for any money, by reason that from Lima there is no shipping come with maiz. Here we have had news from Spain of the great provision which is making ready for those great wars which his majesty is in preparing, & of the great sins of money that his majesty standeth in need of: So that it doth put us all that are dwellers here in such a perplexity and confusion, that we know not what we shall do. I pray God his majesty take not away our money which we have sent to Spain in the fleet. For here are merchants that have sent some 200000. pesoes, some 100000. pesoes, some 60000. some more some less, to have it employed in commodities of that country. Although the king hath s●nt hither his schedule or bill of assignment signed and sealed by his majesty; which hath been proclaimed here: The contents whereof are, That what man soever merchant or other will sand their money into Spain in that fleet, his majesty will not take away any part or portion thereof, (which in so doing will be a great comfort unto us all) yet here we were in doubt that he would take it from us all. News from the city of Lima as yet we have none: But I can certify your worship, Prince seals to borrow money sent into Peru. that all things are very dear here, and that we stand in great extremity for want of victuals; and likewise we have great want of money. Also here is order come from the king with certain privy seals for to lend his majesty money, for that he hath great need thereof. This country at this instant very poor, Adundance of money to come from Lima and from The Valle●. and there are none that can lend the king at this time any money at all, by reason that this land is left so unprovided of money: But w●e are looking for great store of money, which is to come from Lima and from The Valles. From Panama the 12. of August 1590. STEVEN de TRESIO. A letter of the Licenciate john de Labera to the Licenciate Alonso Sapata de Henao in Castille in Calamea de la Sorengo, written from S. Fee de Bogota in the new kingdom of Granada, the 10. of May 1590. touching the rich silver mines of Marequita newly found out, and the long way thither by the river of Magdalena. WIth other letters which I dispatched from hence in August 1589. I written unto your worship by 2. or 3. ways: but I know not whether you have received them or no. Presently after I departed to the government of Popayan, which joineth with the city of Quito in the coast of Peru, in company of the governors lieutenant Don Diego Ordonez de Lara of Salamanca. But I was feign to forsake his company, by reason I fallen sick in the city of Marequita, where they have discou●red the great silver mines: which city is above 200. leagues from Cartagena: where I remained a cert●ine time very sick. And because this country is extreme hot, and I ●uery day grew worse and worse, I was feign to travail 30. leagues further up into the main land to a city called S. Fee in the new kingdom of Granada, The city of Santa Fee in the new kingdom of Granada. b●ing on the coast of Peru: which is a cold country: where I am admitted a procurator, for that the Royal audience is kept in this city. So I find myself very healthy of body, by reason this country is full of all kind of victuals, very good and very plentiful, as bread, cheese, bacon, beef, great store of h●nnes, and great store of comfeitures. Only here is want of gold: ●o that this country will be utterly undone, if the mines of Marequita help not to restore the same again: whereof there is good hope: for here is great store of metal already found, and the workmen are in hand to refine the said metal: Great store of metal ●ound in the new mines of Marequita. so that we are in good hope that great store of silver will be found in these mines of great value and profit to his majesty. This river is called The great river of Magdalena. The great river of Magdalena. There is a fish in the river called Cayman, which followeth after the canoas: and if it can reach any man in the canoa, it will hail him out and devour him. All night they lie in the sand on shore. In this river as we are going up, there is at certain seasons great store of lightning and thunder, with such abundance of rain, as though the skies would fall down: and so it doth continued from midnight until morning: so that we are feign to go aboard the canoas, & with certain broad leaves which grow in the country, the mariners make a covering to cast over the wares which are laden in the canoas: and it doth keep both the rain & sun from us which are passengers. The canoas are drawn up this river of Magdalena by main force of the mariners in ●owing and haling them with ropes. There are 7. or 8. Indians commonly which guide these canoas, besides the Master which keepeth the helm, and the passengers. We are commonly two months in going up this river. It is 150. leagues to the landing place. And there the merchants unlade their merchandise, which serve for all the cities and towns which are in this new kingdom of Granada. And the merchants lad the canoas back again from thence with great store of silver and gold which is got out of the mines for Cartagena, and there it is shipped for Spain. And likewise here is great quantity of treasure laden in thesayd canoas which is for the king's custom and other duties which are paid: But they are but a month or three weeks going down the river to Cartagena. These are the richest mines in all Peru. The richest mines in all Peru. And thus I rest. From Santa Fee de Bogota in the new kingdom of Granada in Peru the 10. of May 1590. The Licenciate JOHN de LABERA. A letter of Hieronymo de Nabares to the licenciat john Alonso dwelling in Valladolid, written from Panama to Siuil the 24. day of August 1590. touching the gainefulnes of the trade to the Philippinas, and the extreme fear they have of the Englishmen. NOt long agone I written to your worship from Panama by the way of Havana: giving you to understand of my being here, & of the state of these countries. After I departed from Spain, in 37. days we arrived at Cartagena: and from thence I took shipping to go to Number de Dios, which is 80. leagues from Cartagena: and in 4. days we got thither. And from thence I went to Panama: where I have remained these 20. days, till the ships go for the Philippinas. My meaning is to carry my commodities thither: for it is constantly reported, that for every hundred ducats a man shall get 600. ducats clearly. The great profit of the trade to the Philippinas. We must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmas. For in August, September, October and November it is winter here, and extreme foul weather upon this coast of Peru, and not navigable to go to the Philippinas, nor to any place else in the South sea. So that at Christmas the ships begin to set on their voyage for those places: and then in these parts the summer beginneth with very fair weather, and always we shall have the winds with us. For in july until October here is terrible thundering and lightning with extreme rains, so that it is not possible to go any way in this country. Here are in Panama 10. great ships of 500, 400, 300, & 200. tuns apiece, & some 15. barks which use commonly to sail in the South sea to Lima, to the Valles, to Arica, and to the Philippinas. This country in the summer is so extreme hot, that it is not possible to travel in the day time: it standeth in 8. deg. & ½. and all this coast is in 9 and 10. deg .. Here is great stor● of adders, snake's and toads, which are in the houses, but they do but small hurt. Here bread, wine, and bacon are very dear, by reason the country doth not yield it: for it is brought from P●ru. A li. of bread is worth here 2. rials of plate: a quart of wine is sold for 4. rials: for none groweth here. Here are very few sheep, and those extreme dear. The only food here for flesh, are oxen cows bulls & heff●ers: you may buy 20. li. of beef for one rial of plate. Twenty li. of beef may be bought for six pennies in Peru. Their smallest money of silver is a rial of plate, & very few of them● but all pieces of 4. & 8. For the silver mines which daily be found in Peru be wonderful to be spoken of. If a man did not see the silu●r made, he would never believe it: for the very earth which cometh out of the mines, & is afterward washed, being but 3. or 4. years on a mount, yieldeth great store of silver asterwards again. But as here we get much, so our charge in meat, drink and apparel doth cost very much. As for fruit here is none that is good, but only musk melons, and they are sold for 6. or 8. rials apiece. I can certify your worship of no news, but only, that all this country is in such extreme fear of the Englishmen our enemies, The Englishmen extremely f●●●ed in Peru. that the like was never seen nor herded of: for in seeing a sail, presently here are alarms in all the country. I pray you to writ unto me as touching the wars that his Majesty hath with our ●n●mies, and how his Majesty doth prevail. And thus I rest. From Panama in the firm land the 28. of Aug. 1590. HIERONYMO de NABARES. A relation of a memorable fight made the 13. of june 1591. against certain Spanish ships & galleys in the West Indies, by 3. ships of the honourable sir George Carey knight, ●hen marshal of her majesties household, and captain of the isle of Wight, now lord Hunsdon, lord Chamberlain, and captain of the honourable band of her majesties Pensioners. THe 13. of june 1591. being sunday, at 5. of the clock in the morning we descried 6. sail of the king of Spain his ships. Four of them were armadas, (viz. the Admiral and vice-admiral of 700. tuns apiece, and the other 2. of 600. apiece) and the other 2. were small ships, each of them about 100 tuns. We met with them off the Cape de Corrientes, which standeth on the Island of Cuba. The sight of the foresaid ships made us joyful, hoping that they should make our voyage. But assoon as they descried us, they made fall fire's one to another & gathered their fleet together, lying all close by a wound to the Southwards. We therefore at 6. of the clock in the morning (the wound being at East) having made our prayers to almighty God, prepared ourselves for the fight: And (in hope they had been of the Ca●tagena fleete● we bore up with our admiral and viceadmiral, to determine of the combat for the better direction thereof. Our parley being ended, our admiral, viceadmiral, & the Hopewel gave their admiral the prow, bringing themselves to leeward of him. We in the Content bore up with their viceadmiral, and (ranging along by his broad side aweather of him) gave him a volley of muskets and our great ordinance: then coming up with another small ship ahead of the former, we● hailed her in such sort, that she paid room. Thus being in fight with the little ship, we see a great smoke come from our admiral, and the Hopewel & Swallow forsaking him with all the sails they could make: whereupon bearing up with our admiral (before we could come to him) we had both the small ships to windward of us, purposing (if we had not been too hot for them) to have ●ayd us aboard. Thus (the fight continuing between us and them 3. hours) we were forced to stand to the Northwards, the Hopewel and the Swallow not coming in all this while to aid us, as th●y might easily have done. Our admiral by this time being in sight with their viceadmiral, and another great ship of there's, stood off to sea with his top-gallant sail, and all the sails he could make: then might the Hopewel & the Swallow have paid room to second him, but they failed him as they did us standing off close by a wound to the Eastward. All this time we were forced to the Northwards with 2. of their great ships and one of their small. They having a loom gale (we being altogether becalmed) with both their great ships came up fair by us, shot at us, and on the sudden furled their spritsailes & mainsailes thinking that we could not escape them. Then falling to prayer, we shipped our oars that we might row to shore● & anchor in shallow water where their great ships could not come nigh us, for other refuge we had none. Then 1. of their small ships b●ing manned from 1. of their great● & having a boat to row themselves in, shipped her oars likewise & rowed after us, thinking with their small shot to have put us from our oars, until the great ships might come up with us: but by the time she was within musket shot, the Lord of his mercy did sand us a fair gale of wound at the Northwest of the shore. What time (they being all to leeward of us) we stood to the East. The small ship was under our le● within Falcon shot, and another great ship lay to the Westward, so that we could no way possibly escape them upon that board: then (we thinking to avoid them by casting about to the Westwards) the other great ship gate under our ●ee, and the small ship on our weather quarter, purposing to make us pay room with the great ship, by force of her small & great shot. Then (we being larboard tacked, and they sterboord) we made her spring her loof, and by a fortunate shot which our gunner made, pierced her betwixt wind and water. Hereupon she was forced to ●ay herself upon the carina, and to stand with one of the other ships for aid. Afterwards (commending ourselves to almighty God in prayer, and giving him thanks for the wind which he had sent us for our deliverance) we looked forth and descried two sail more to the offen: these we thought to have been the Hopewell, and the Swallow that had stood in to aid us: but it proved far otherwise, for they were two of the king's galleys. Now having a loom gale of wind, we shipped our oars, and rowed off the shore: and our watch was no sooner set, but we espied one galley under our ●ee hard by us, boging up with us. Then (because it was evening) one of the great ships discharged six great shot at us, to the end the galleys should know that we were the ship they looked for. Then the galley came up, and (hailing us of whence our ship was) a Portugal which we had with us, made them answer, that we were of the fleet of ●ierra firma, and of Siuil: with that they bid us amain English dogs, and came upon our quarter starboard: and giving us five cast pieces out of her prow, they sought to lay us aboard: but we so galled them with our muskets, that we put them from our quarter. Then they winding their galley, came up into our stern, and with the way that the galley had, did so violently thrust in the boards of our captains cabin that her nose came into it, minding to give us all their prow, and so to sink us. But we being resolute● so plied them with our small shot, that they could have no time to discharge their great ordinance: and when they began to approach, we heaved into them a ball of fire, and by that meanus put them off: whereupon they once again fallen asterne of us, and gave us a prow. Then having the second time put them off, we went to prayer, and sang the first part of the 25. Psalm praising God sore our safe deliverance. This being done, we might see 2. galleys and a frigate all three of them bending themselves together to encounter us: hereupon we (eftsoons commending our estate into the hands of God) armed ourselves, and resolved (for the honour of God, her Majesty, and our country) to fight it out till the last man. Then shaking a pike of fire in d●f●ance of the enemy, and weaving them amain, we bade them come aboard: and an Englishman in the galley made answer, that they would come aboard presently. So managing ourselves to our furniture, and every moment expecting the assault, we herded them parley to this effect, that they determined to keep us company till the morning, and then to make an end with us: then giving us another shot from one of the galleys, they fallen asterne. Thus our fight continued with the ships and with the galleys, A fight from 7. in the morning till 11 at night. from seven of the clock in the morning till eleven at night. Howbeit God which never faileth them that put their trust in him) sent us a gale of wind about two of the clock in the morning at Eastnortheast, which was for the preventing of their cruelty, and the saving of our lives. Also (the Lord be praised for it) in all this dangerous fight, we had not one man slain, and but 2. hurt: but our sails and ropes were so rend with their shot, that it was wonderful to behold: our main mast also was shot clean through, whereby we were in exceeding great danger. Thus our consortes forsook us, and left us in these extremities. The next day being the 14. of june in the morning, we saw all our adversaries to leeward of us, and they espying us chased us till 10. of the clock, and then seeing they could not prevail, gave us over. So that day about 5. of the clock in ●he afternoon, we bore up to the South-west in hope to find our consortes, but we had no sight of them at that time, nor afterward. Then stood we in all that night for the Cape of S. Anthony, hoping there to see our Admiral according to his direction. The 15. day of june early in the morning, we descried the Spanish fleet again, being within 5. leagues of Cape S. Anthony. Then having no sight of our consortes) we stood for the place according to the direction of our owner sir George Carcy, where we did ply for the space of 23. days, and never could see any sail but two frigates, which we gave chase unto the 24. of june, and could not fet them up. Thus we give God most humble thanks for our fafe deliverance from the cruel enemy, which hath been more mighty by the providence of God, than any tongue can express: to whom be all praise, honour, and glory, both now and ever, Amen. Appendix. THe bark called The Content had but one Minion, one Falcon, one Saker, & 2. port-bases. She continued fight (from seven in the morning till sunset) with 3. armadas of 600. and 700. tons apiece, and one small ship of 100 tons, not being above musket shot from any of them. And before the sun was set, there came up to her two of the king's galleys. Besides, the Armadas shot their great ordinance continually at her, not so few as 500 times. And the sides, hull, and masts of the Content were sowed thick with musket bullets. Moreover, all their sheats, tops and shrouds were almost cut insunder with their great & small shot. There passed from the galies (each whereof came thrice up to her, & discharged five great pieces at a time, out of every their prows forthright, within three yards of her poop) through her main sail 19 great shot, through her main topsail four: through her foresail seven: through her fore-top-saile five: and through her main mast one. The upper part of the Content was hurt in five places. Only 13. men continued this fight, the rest being in hold. A frigate of the Spaniards (being afterward taken) confessed, that there were in the galleys above 40. Spaniard's slain, and many were hurt in that combat. The names of those 13. people that continued the fight. Nicolas Lisle, Captain. M. Mayor, Lieutenant. William King, Master. john Barwick, Mistress mate● William Clement, gunner. Thomas Houldships, Boteswaine. Charles Cream. Thomas Godfrey. Giles Thornton. john Bells. john Bourel. Ralph Grey. William Heore. The names of the rest be these following. john Pie. john Smith. john White. john Butcher. john Brooke. john Twopenie. Edmund Giggs, William Bateman. William White. Laurence Shellie. A true report of a voyage undertaken for the West Indies by M. Christopher Newport General of a fleet of three ships and a pinnace, viz. The golden Dragon Admiral, whereof was Captain M. Newport himself; The Prudence vice-admiral, under the conduct of Captain Hugh Merrick; The Margaret under Captain Robert Ferd; and The Virgin our pinnace under Captain Henry Kidgil: Begun from London the 25. of januarie 1591. Written by M. john Twitt of Harewich, corporal in the Dragon. In which voyage they took and burned upon the coast of Hispaniola, within the bay of Honduras, and other places, 3. towns, and 19 sail of ships and frigats● THe 12. day of February An. 1591. we set sail from Dover road, and having a prosperous wind, the 27. day of the same month we fallen with Cape Cantin on the coast of Barbary, and on the 28. we arrived at Santa Cruz road, where having refreshed ourselves some 3. or 4. days, we put off to sea again, and about the 5. of March we passed by the islands of the Canaries: and having a favourable wound, the 4. of April An. 1592. we fallen with Dominica in the West Indies: where making stay a day or two, we bartered with the Saluages for certain commodities of there's, viz. Tobacco, hens, Potato rootes● etc. Passing from thence to a watering place on the other side of the cliff, we took a Portugal ship of Lisbon of 300. tuns, which came from Guinie, and was bond for Cartagena, wherein were 300. Negroes young and old. Which ship we took along with us to S. ivan de Puerto rico, where we landed the merchant and one Spaniard more within a league of the town, and landing some 20. or 30. musketeers, some 20. horsemen made towards us; but we retired to our boats without any service done. The 9 we lay hovering all day before the town, the castle making a shot or two at us. The reason why we set the Portugal merchant aland there was, for that he hoped to help us to some money for his Negroes there, but he falsified his word with us, so that passing along to the Westermost end of the said Island, about some 9 or 10. leagues from the town we landed the Negroes, and sunk their ship. The 11. of April we passed from thence to Mona some 15. leagues off, where we landed: there were on the Island about 19 souls, the children of an old Portugal, and his wife who affou●ded us such first-fruits as their Island yielded, viz. swine's flesh, Potato roots, etc. From thence along we passed to Saona, a long Island and very fruitful, replenished with store of wild beasts and swine, where we landed, hunted, and trained our men. Passing from hence Westward along the South coast of Hispaniola, we descried a frigate, which we chased and took; wherein were 22. jars of copper-money, being bond for S. ivan de Puerto rico, to buy wine there. The next day we took 2. small frigates more, but nothing of any value in them. The 15. of April at night we sacked a town in the said Island of Hispaniola called Ocoa, where was an Ingenio, wherein we found sugar & poultry great store, but the people had discovered our ships over night, and were fled into the mountains. This town standeth a league from the seaside, consisting of some forty or fifty houses. They brought us much cattle, and two wain loads of sugar, to ransom the town. While this action was performed, Robert Freed of Harwich, captain of the Margaret, took two frigates with certain Spaniards on the other side of the bay, which came to lad sugar there at an Ingenio. After we had here refreshed ourselves, we stood along for Cape Tiburon, where we watered: and making no stay there, about the 23. of April we left our ships in a fair ●oad-sled under an Island not inhabited, and with our frigates which we had taken before, wherein we shipped all our strength which possibly we could afford, leaving only so few aboard our ships as could hardly if need had been, have wrought them; we passed along by the said Island to the Northwest part of Hispaniola, to a town called Yaguana; where the 27. in the morning 2. hours before day we landed; but we were discovered by means of a frigate that lay laden with victuals, bond for Carthagena, the men of which frigate recovering on land before us, gave an alarm to the town, who were presently up in arms to the number of a hundred & fifty horses. We marched notwithstanding along to the town, This town standeth from the waters side a league. having a Spaniard for our guide, wh●●e by that time the day broke, we were before the town, where upon a fair green making a stand, we were encountered by the horsemen having no strength of foot, but certain few lose shot which lay in a low valley at the entry of the town. The horsemen charged us very fiercely, but seeing they could not prevail, brought in a drove before them of two hundred beasts or more: and so forcibly thinking to have broken our array, it pleased God to 'cause their cattle to return back upon themselves: and thus their own device sorted out to their own detriment. In this skirmish we slew their governor, a man very hardy, and of great valour. In the end, by reason of the Spaniards brags which they gave out, (as by the life of their wives and children, etc. that not one o● us should go aboard again) a greater doubt of intercepting of us and of our boats was strooken into our captains hearts than needed: and so for that time we retired to our boats not entering the town, and so passed with our boats to our ships again; where the same night our captain determined to go up with our ships, but it fallen so calm, that all the next day until night we could not get up, and they having discovered us, barricadoed up their way, and conveyed all that they had into the mountains, leaving their houses only bore and naked, notwithstanding we landed, and with great difficulty we passed their baricadoes with the loss of two men at both conflicts, entered their town and fired it, leaving not an house unburnt, being a town of three streets having about 150. households. The same night we passed with our boats to a small village called Aguava, where we found excellent fruits of the country, which by reason of their cowardly brags we also set on fire. Being thus frustrated of our pretended voyage, we stood for the bay of Honduras, and about the ninth of May we discovered in the afternoon a sail thwart of the bay of Truxillo, with whom we stood, and having a Spanish flag out, they mistrusted us not, until we had almost set them up: and then we went off with our boat, and took them within shot of the castle, and with our boats we went and fet three or four frigates which road afore the town, the castle playing upon us with their ordinance. They thought some fleet had been come from Spain, for so they expected. Our captain having understanding by the Spaniards, that there were three ships more at Puerto de Cavallos, stood along that night for that place, but it fallen out to be so calm, that it was the fifteenth day of May or ever we came there, the ships having peradventure discovered us, stolen alongst the shore towards Truxillo, so that being void of that hope, we landed; the inhabitants forsaking the town, fled into the mountains. We remained in the town all night, and the next day till towards night: where we found 5. or 6. tuns of quick silver, 16. tuns of old sack, sheep, young kids, great store of poultry, some store of money, & good linen, silks, cotton-cloth, and such like; we also took three bells out of their church, and destroyed their images. The town is of 200 houses, and wealth; and that year there were faure rich ships laden from thence● but we spared it, because we found other contentment. And having taken our pleasure ●f the town, as aforesaid, we returned aboard our ships, standing back again for T●uxillo, we discovered one of the ships which was laden at Puerto de Cavallos: but they had espied us before, as it should seem; for they had conveyed away as much as possibly they could ashore, and set their ship on fire; which so soon as we had descried, we made to her with our boats, and quenched the fire, and loaded up with hides the ship which we took at our first coming; for she had but a thousand hides in her, and certain tarres of balsamum: which being accomplished, we sunk the ship with the rest of the goods, and so stood alongst again for Truxillo. It fallen out to be so calm, that we were two and twenty days sailing back that we had sailed in six days, which was about forty leagues: so that when we came before Truxillo, which was about the sixth of june, we found another of the ships there, but close under the castle, her rudder unhanged, her sails taken from the yards, etc. notwithstanding we entered her, but they had placed such a company of musketeers under a rampire, which they had made with hides and such like, that it was too hot for us to abide, and so betaking us to our ships again, and standing out of the bay into the sea, we discovered great store of shot entrenched in those places where they suspected we would have landed. That night there fallen such a storm of rain, thunder, lightning and tempestuous weather, that our ships were dispersed either from other. And having determined all of us to meet at a certain Island, where we purposed to water and refresh ourselves; by means of the storm and other contagious weather which followed, we were frustrated of that hope. We had lost our prize, and certain frigates with the men. Two of our ships went to seek our prize and our men: and other two of us came homeward. And so we parted, not hearing either of other until we came into England. Our place of meeting should have been at the Tortugas near unto the point of Florida, but the Golden dragon and the Prudence were put to leeward of this place: nevertheless we fallen with certain islands within the point of Florida, were the captain of the Dragon M. Christopher Newport sent his pinnace on shore with certain shot to seek for fresh water, where we found none; but found the Savages very courteous unto us, who came breast high into the sea, and brought us a line to hall in our boat on shore, and showed us that up into the land Northward was fresh water, and much gold. And one Michael Bag of Ipswich boat swains mate of the Dragon, had given him by one of the Savages for an old rusly hatchet, a piece of gold wound hollow, and about the bigness and value of an English angel, which the Savage ware hanging about his knee, with two pieces of fine silver plate, whereof one the said Savage gave john Lock, master's mate of the Dragon, being fourteen groats in value, for an old knife; the other piece he gave to one William Wright a sailor, for an old knife: which pieces of silver were in form like unto the boss of a bridle. These Savages were far more civil than those of Dominica: for besides their courtesy, they covered their privities with a plaited mat of green straw, about three handfuls deep, which came round about their waste, with the bush hanging down behind. The next day in the morning very early, there came a frigate of the island of Cuba of 30 tons, put it by weather, which was bond for Havana, wherein were fifty hogs; to which we gave chase all that day, passing the gulf of Bahama, and about five of the clock in the afternoon, after a shot or two made at her, she yielded unto us: we hoist out our boat, and went aboard, where we found some five Spaniards, five and fifty hogs, and about some two hundred weight of excellent tobacco rolled up in seynes. We lightened them of their hogs and tobacco, and sent the men away with their frigate. In this voyage we took and sacked four towns, seventeen frigates, and two ships, whereof eight were taken in the bay of the Honduras; of all which we brought but two into England: the rest we sunk, burned, and one of them we sent away with their men. And to make up the full number of twenty, the Spaniards themselves set one on fire in the bay of the Honduras, jest we should be masters of it. We shaped our course from Florida homeward by the isle of Flores one of the Açores, where we watered, finding sir john Burgh there, who took us to be Spaniards, and made up unto us; with whom we joined in the taking the mighty Portugal carrack called Madre de Dios, and our captain M. Christopher Newport with divers of us was placed in her as captain by the General sir john Burgh to conduct her into England, where we arrived in Dartmouth the seventh of September 1592. The voyage made to the bay of Mexico by M. William King Captain, M. Moor, M. How, and M. Boreman Owners, with the Solomon of 200 tons, and the jane Bonaventure of 40 tons of Sir Henry Palmer, from Ratcliff the 26 of january 1592. THe Solomon was manned with an hundred men, all mariners, and the jane with six and twenty, all likewise mariners. We came first to the Downs in Kent, and never struck sail in passing thence, until we came to Cape S. Vincent on the coast of Portugal. From thence we shaped our course to Lancero●a one of the Canary islands, where we landed threescore men, and fetched a caravel out of an harborough on the South side, and from a small Island we took a demy-canon of brass in despite of the inhabitants, which played upon us with their small shot at our first landing: of whom we slay three; and gave them the repulse. Thence we went to the Grand Canaria, where we boarded a bark lying at anchor: out of which we were driven by great store of shot from the Island. From thence we directed our course for the West Indies, and fallen with the isle of Dominica about the tenth of April. There at a watering place we took a ship of an hundred tons come from Guiny, laden with two hundred and seventy Negroes, which we carried with us to S. ivan de Puerto Rico, and there coming thorough El passaje, we gave chase to a frigate which went in to S. ivan de Puerto Rico, and in the night we sent in our shallop with fourteen men. And out of the harborough we took away an English ship of seventy tons, laden with threescore tons of Canary-wines, in despite of the castle and two new bulwarks, being within caliver shot. These two prizes we carried away to the Westermost part of the island, and put the Negroes, except fifteen, all on land in a Spanish caravel which the jane Bonaventure took: and we carried away one of the former prizes, and set fire on the other. We passed thence by the isle of Mona, where we watered, and refreshed ourselves with potatoes and plantans, and so came to the isle of Saona: and from thence arrived at the mouth of the river of Santo Domingo. And as we sailed to Cape Tiburon, three leagues to the Westward of Santo Domingo we took a boat of fifteen tons, which had certain jars of malosses or unrefined sugar, with three men; which men with their boat we carried with us to Cape Tiburon, which, in respect of service done unto us in furnishing us with fresh water, we dismissed. Thus contrary to other Englishmens courses we shaped ours to the Southward of jamaica, Ia●a●c●. and our shallop with 12 men ranged the coast but sound nothing. Thence we ranged the three islands of the Caimanes, and landed at Grand Caiman, being the Westermost, where we found no people, but a good river of fresh water; A good river of fresh water in Grand Caim●●. and there we turned up threescore great tortoises; and of them we took our choice, to wit, fifteen of the females, which are the best and fullest of eggs, whereof two served an hundred men a day. And there with stones we might kill turtle doves, wild geese, & other good fowls at our pleasures. Thence we came to Cape de Corrientes on Cuba to water, and from thence to Cape S. Antonio, and so went over for the Tortugas, without taking of any new prize: and thence cut over to Rio de puercos on the coast of Cuba. There we took a small bark of twenty tons, with four men and forty live hogs, Preserving of hogs-flesh. with certain dried pork cut like leather jerkins along, and dried hogs tongues and neat's tongues, and 20 ox hides. Then passing thence, within four days we took a ship of 80 tons laden with hides, indigo, & salsa perilla, North of an headland called Corugna: thence the current set us to the East to the old channel. There we took a frigate of 20 tons, having certain pieces of Spanish broad clot & other small pillage: there continuing off the Matanças 12 days, with the wind so Westerly that we could hardly recover Havana in the month of May. Here we took two boats laden with tortoises, which we sunk, saving some of the tortoises, & setting the men on shore. Then at length we recovered up to Havana, where we came so near to the forts, that for one hours fight they overreached us with their long ordinance. Then came out the two galleys, having 27 banks on a side, and fought with us another hour; which for that time left us by reason of the increasing of the wind. Then passing alongst nine leagues to the Westward we found out an excellent harbour, The excellent haven of Cavannas. having three fathom water at the flood, able within to receive a thousand sail, where we found hog-houses, which they term coralles, and took away certain hogs and pigs. As we came out of this harbour, the weather being calm, we were encountered by the galleys, which had followed us, and fought with them three hours, oftentimes within caliver shot: but we made such spoil of their men and oars, that they began to be weary, and gave us over, with their great loss. Here within four days after, as we lay to the Northward six leagues of this harbour of Cavannas, we met with master captain Lane, General of master Wats his fleet, and captain Roberts, in the Exchange, a ship of Bristol, of an hundred and forty tons, and master Benjamin Wood with his four ships which were set out by my lord Thomas Howard with captain Kenel of Limehouse captain of the Cantar of Weymouth. All we being here together espied a ship of some 50 tun, which we chased with their boats; but my shallop first boarded her, and took her: which had in her sack, Canary-wine, muscadel, tent in jars, and good store o● o●le in jars. The ship we unladed and burned: the men ran on shore. Hence we came all together, being about 13 sails, before Havana; but passing by we gave chase to a ship of 60 tun, which entered into an harbour a league to the Northwest of Havana, which with boats was boarded, and found to be of Puerto de Cavallos in the bay of Honduras, laden with tanned hides, salsa perilla, Indigo, raw hides, and good store of balsamum: and she had four chests of gold, which they got on land before we could come to them. We brought this ship into England. Thus spending a seven night in lying off and on for purchase, and finding nothing come, I set sail for England, and arrived at Dover about the tenth of November 1592● A brief note of a voyage to the East Indies, begun the 10 of April 1591., wherein were three tall ships, the Penelope of Captain Raimond, Admiral, the Merchant royal, whereof was Captain, Samuel Foxcroft, Vice-admiral, the Edward Bonaventure, whereof was Captain, M. james Lancaster, Rereadmirall, with a small pinnace. Written by Henry May, who in his return homeward by the West Indies suffered shipwreck upon the isle of Bermuda, whereof here is annexed a large description. THe tenth of April 1591. we departed from Plymmouth with the ships aforesaid. In May following we arrived at Grand Canaria one of the fortunate Islands. Also toward the end of this month we took a Portugal ship being bond for Brasil, A Portugal ship takend within three degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctial, which served greatly to our refreshing. The 29 of july following we came to Aguada Saldania a good harbour near the cape of Buona Sperança, where we stayed about a month with the Merchant royal, which by reason of sickness in our fleet was sent home for England with divers weak men. Here we bought an ox for a knife of three pennies, a sheep for a broken knife or any other odd trifle, of the people which were Negroes, clad in cloaks or mantles of raw hides, both men and women. The 8 of September the Penelope & the Edward Bonaventure weighed anchor, and that day we doubled the cape of Buona Sperança. They double the cape of Buena Esperanza. The 12 following we were taken with an extreme tempest or huricano. This evening we see a great sea break over our admiral the Penelope, and their light struck out: and after that we never see them any more. In October following we in the Edward fallen with the Westermost part of the isle of S. Laurence about midnight, knowing not where we were. Also the next day we came to an anchor at Quitangone a place on the main land of Africa, Quitangone ●●re Moza●bique. which is two or three leagues to the Northward of Moçambique, where the Portugals of the isle of Moçambigue fetch all their fresh water. Here we took ● pangaia, with a Portugal boy in it; which is a vessel like a barge, with one mat sail of Coco nut leaves. The barge is sowed together with the rin●es of trees, and pinned with wooden pings. In this pangaia we had certain corn called millio, hens, and some fardels of blue Calicut clot. The Portugal boy we took with us, and dismissed the rest. From this place we went for an island called Comoro, The isle of Comoro. upon the coast of Melinde, which standeth about 11 degrees to the South of the equinoctial: in which island we stayed all November, finding the people black and very camly, but very treacherous and cruel: for the day before we departed from thence they killed thirty of our men on shore, among whom was William Mace our master, and two of his mates; the one of them being in the boat with him to fetch water, the other being on shore against our ship; they having first betrayed our boat. From hence we went for the isle of Zanzibar, They Wi●ne● at the isle of Zanzibar. on the coast of Melinde, whereas we stayed and Wintered until the beginning of February following. The second of February 1592. we weighed anchor, and set sail directly for the East Indies; but having calms and contrary winds, we were until the month of june before we could recover the coast of India near Calicut; whereby many of our men died for want of refreshing. In this month of june we came to an anchor at the isles of Pulo pinaom, The isles of Pulo pinaom. whereas we stayed until the first day of September, our men being very sick, and dying apace. This day we set sail, and directed our course for Malaca: and we had not been far at sea, but we took a ship of the kingdom of Pegu of some four score tons with wooden anchors, and about fifty men in her, with a pinnace of some eighteen tons at her stern, both laden with pepper● But their pinnace stolen from us in a gust in the morning. Here we might have taken two ships more of Pegu laden likewise with pepper and rice. In this month also we took a great Portugal ship of six or seven hundred tun, laden chief with victuals, chests of hats, pintadoes, and Calicut clotheses. Besides this we took another Portugal ship of some hundred tun, laden with victuals, rice, Calicos, pintadoes, and other commodities. These ships were bond for Malaca with victuals: for those of Goa, of S. Thomas, and of other places in the Indies do victual it, because that victuals there are very scarce. The isle of Nicubar. In the month of November 1592. we shaped our course for the island of Nicubar lying certain leagues to the Northwest of the famous island of Sumatra; whereas within short time we came to anchor: and here we had very good refreshing: for after we arrived there, the people (whom we found in religion Mahumetans) came aboard us in their canoas, with hens, cocos, plantans, and other first-fruits: and within two days they brought unto us reals of plate, giving us them for Calicut clot: which reals they found by diving in the sea, which were lost not long before in two Portugal ships which were bond for China, & were cast away there. This was the furthest place that we were at to the Southeast: and here because our company by this time was much wasted and diminished, we resolved to turn back to the isle of Zeilan. Wherefore we weighed anchor in the month of November, They return homeward. and arrived at Zeilan about the end of the same month. In this island groweth great store of excellent cinamon●, and the best diamonds in the world. Here our captain meant to stay to make up our voyage: whereof he conceived great hope, by certain intelligence which we had received; but the company, which were in all but 33 men and boys, being in a mutiny, and every day ready to go together by the ears (the captain being sick and like for to die) would not stay, but would needs go home. The 8 of December 1592. we set sail homeward, but some 15 days before we had sight of the cape of Good hope, we were forced to share our bread, by reason we had certain flies in our ship, which devoured most part of our bread before we were ware: so that when we came to sharing, we had but 31 pound of bread a man to carry us into England, with a small quantity of rice a day. The last of March 1593. we doubled the cape of Bona Sperançan. They double the cape of Bona Speranza. In April next ensuing we came to anchor at the island of S. Helena, The isle of S. Helena. whereas we found an English man a tailor, which had been there 14 months before we came thither: so we sending our boat on shore with some ten meu, they found this English man in the chapel; who by reason of the heat of the climate was enforced to keep himself out of the Sun. Our company hearing one sing in the chapel, supposing it had been some Portugal, thrust open the door, and went in unto him: but the poor man seeing so many come in upon him on the sudden, and thinking them to be Portugals, was first in such a fear, The strange force of sudden fear and sudden joy. not having seen any man in 14 months before, and afterwards knowing them to be Englishmen, and some of them of his acquaintance, in such joy, that what between excessive sudden fear & joy, he become distracted of his writs, to our great sorrows. Here we found of his drying some 40 goats. The party had made him for want of apparel two suits of goat's skins with the hairy side outwards, like unto the Savages of Canada. Here we stayed all this month. This man lived until we came to the West Indies, and then he died. The isle of Trinidad in the West Indies. In the month of june 1593. we arrived at the island of Trinidad in the West Indies, hoping there to find refreshing: but we could not get any, by reason that the Spaniards had taken it. Here we were embayed between the island and the main; and for want of victuals the company would have forsaken the ship: whereupon the captain was enforced to swear every man not to forsake the ship until we should see further occasion. Out of this bay, called Boca de Dragone, it pleased God to deliver us; from whence we directed our course for the isle of S. ivan de Puerto rico, but fallen with the small isle of Mona, The isle o● Mon●. where we abode some fifteen days, finding in that place some small refreshing. And here arrived a ship of Caen in Normandy, whereof was captain one Monsieur Charles de la Barbotiere, who greatly refreshed us with bread and other provision, which we greatly wanted. And so we took our leaves the one of the other. In july having foul weather at Mona, we were forced to weigh anchor, and to set sail, directing our course for Cape Tiburon: Cape Tiburon. and in doubling of the cape we had a gust from the shore, which carried away all our sails from the yards: so that we had left but one new fore course to help ourselves withal: which canvas the aforesaid Frenchman did help us withal. Also having doubled the foresaid cape in the distress aforenamed, the foresaid capitan de la Barbotiere with his pinnace gave chase unto us again; who being come near unto us, I went aboard him, certifying him what distress we were in. The gentleman replied to me again, that there was not any thing in his ship, but what he could spare he would help us withal. So to conclude, we agreed with him for canvas. Moreover, he said that if we would go with him to an harbour called Gonnavy, * Of Gonnavy. which is to the Northward of Cape Tiburon, that then he would help us with fresh victuals enough. Whereupon I returned aboard our ship, and certified our captain of all: who made it known unto the company; which no sooner herded of it, but they would all go in. So here we stayed with the aforesaid Frenchman 15 days: but small refreshing we could get, because the Spaniards stood in some fear of the Frenchman of war, supposing our ship to be a Portugal, and that we were his prize: nevertheless he certified them to the contrary. And in staying so long with him, and having little refreshing, our company began to be in a mutiny, and made report that the captain & I went aboard the Frenchman but to make good cheer, and had not any care of them: but I protest before God, that our care was to get victuals whereby we might have been go from him. But in the mean time a great part of our company had conspired to take away the Frenchman's pinnace, and with her to board the man of war. While these things were in complotting, one of their consorts went aboard the Frenchman, and certified him of all the conspiracy. Whereupon the captain of the French ship sent for our captain and me to come aboard to dinner: and we stayed with him all the afternoon, being invited unto supper: and being at supper, he himself would not a great while come to us: but at length he came. At his coming we asked of him what news. Who answered us, that either we must departed from him, or else he must go seek some other harborough. Whereupon I told captain Lancaster; who prayed me to tell him that rather than we would be any hindrance unto him, we would be go. But in the mean time, while we were thus talking together, the Frenchman weighed & set sail: which we perceived, and asked him what he meant by it. He replied to the captain & me, that he kept us for his security, and that our men had purposed as is aforesaid. When he came thwart our ship, it blew a pretty gail of wind: the boat being asterne of them, having in her two Moors & two men of Pegu, which we had given them, broke away. Then was the Frenchman worse than before, & did threaten us very sore that we should pay his voyage. In the mean time the Edward seeing us past, weighed and set sail to go for England: and they did share among them all the captains victuals & mine, when they see the Frenchman keep us as prisoners. So the next morning we went to seek out the Frenchman's pinnace: which being at Laguna we shot off a piece, & so she came to us, having in her three more of our company, Edmund Barker our lieutenant, and one john West, and Richard Lucland one of the mutinous crew. The which I told the Frenchman of; & he could not deny, but that there was such a thing pretended. Then I was put into the French pinnace to seek their boat: and in the mean time they would go to see if they could overtake our ship. And the next day we should meet again at Cape S. Nicolas: so the next morning we met together all three of us, but herded no news of his boat. So he having Spaniards and Negroes aboard of us, requested to have them. Our captain desired him to sand his boat aboard our ship, and he should have them with all his heart. So with much ado he sent his boat and had them. Then he demanded of them, if his boat were not aboard the ship. They answered no. So that then Monsieur dela Barbotiere was satisfied: and then we were great friends again, to all our ●oyes. The 12 of August 1593. our captain was sent aboard our ship: but before his departure he requested the captain of the French ship that he would give me passage home with him, to certify the owners what had passed in all the voyage, as also of the unruliness of the company. And this day we took our leaves the one of the other; the Edward for England: and we bore in for Gonnavy, where afterwards we found the Frenchman's boat. The last of November 1593. Monsieur de la Barbotiere departed from a port called Laguna in Hispaniola. They wracked upon Bermuda the 17 of December 1593. The 17 of December next ensuing it was his fortune to have his ship cast away upon the Northwest part of the isle of Bermuda about midnight; the pilots making themselves at noon to be to the Southward of the island twelve leagues, certified the captain that they were out of all danger. So they demanded of him their wine of height: the which they had. And being, as it should seem, after they had their wine, careless of their charge which they took in hand, being as it were drunken, through their negligence a number of good men were cast away: and I being but a stranger among 50 and odd Frenchmen & others, it pleased God to appoint me to be one of them that were saved, I hope to his service & glory. We made account at the first that we were cast away hard by the shore, being high clifs, but we found ourselves seven leagues off: but with our boat and a raft which we had made & towed at our boats stern, we were saved some 26 of us; among whom were no more English but myself. Now being among so many strangers, & seeing not room for the one half, I dared neither press into the boat, nor upon the raft, for fear jest they should have cast me overboard, or else have killed me: so I stayed in the ship which was almost full of water, until the captain being entered the boat, called me unto him being at hand, for that it stood upon life or death: and so I presently entered, leaving the better half of our company to the mercy of the sea. After this we rowed all the day until an hour or two before night yet we could come on land, The description of the isle of Bermuda. towing the raft with the boat. When we came on shore, being all the day without drink, every man took his way to see if he could find any: but it was long before any was found. At length one of the pilots digging among a company of weeds found fresh water to all our great comforts, being only rain water: and this was all the fresh water that we found on shore. But there are in this Island many fine bays, wherein if a man did dig, I think there might be found store of fresh water. This Island is divided all into broken Islands: and the greatest part I was upon, which might be some 4 or 5 miles long, and 2 miles & a half over; being all woods, The saving of the carpenters tools was their preservation. as Cedar & other timber, but Cedar is the chiefest. Now it pleased God before our ship did split, that we saved our carpenters tools, or else I think we had been there to this day: and having recovered the aforesaid tools, we went roundly about the cutting down of trees, & in the end built a small bark of some 18 tun, A bark strangely built & furnished. for the most part with tronnels and very few nails. As for tackling we made a voyage aboard the ship before the split, and cut down her shrouds, and so we tackled our bark, and rigged her. In stead of pitch we made lime, and mixed it with the oil of tortoises; and assoon as the carpenters had calked, I and another, with each of us a small stick in our hands, did plaster the mortar into the seams, and being in April, when it was warm and fair weather, we could no sooner lay it on, but it was dry, and as hard as a stone. In this month of April 1594, the weather being very hot, we were afraid our water should fail us; and therefore made the more haste away: and at our departure we were constrained to make two great chests, and calked them, and stowed them on each side of our main mast, and so put in our provision of rainwater, and 13 live tortoises for our food, for our voyage which we intended to Newfoundland. In the South part of this Island of Bermuda there are hogs, Hogs in Bermuda. but they are so lean that you can not eat them, by reason the Island is so barren: but it yieldeth great store of fowl, fish and tortoises. And to the Eastward of the Island are very good harbours, so that a ship of 200 tun may ride there land-locked, Good harbours in the East part of Bermuda. without any danger, with water enough. Also in this Island is as good fishing for pearls as is any in the West Indies, An excellent fishing for pearls in Bermuda. but that the place is subject to foul weather, as thundering, lightning and rain: but in April and part of May we had very fair and hot weather. The 11 of May it pleased God to set us clear of the Island, to the no little joy of us all, after we had lived in the same almost the space of 5 months. And the 20 of May we fallen with the land near to Cape Briton, The people near Cape Briton use traffic of rich furs. where we ran into a fresh water river, whereof there be many, and took in wood, water, and ballast. And here the people of the country came unto us, being clothed all in furs, with the furred side unto their skins, & brought with them furs of sundry sorts to cell, besides great store of wild ducks: so some of our company having saved some small beads, bought some of their ducks. Here we stayed not above four hours, and so departed. This should seem to be a very good country. And we see very fine champion ground, and woods. From this place we ran for the bank of Newfoundland, where as we met with divers, but none would take in a man of us, until it pleased God that we met with a bark of Falmouth, which received us all for a little time; and with her we took a French ship, wherein I left capitan de la Barbotier my dear friend, and all his company, and stayed myself aboard the English bark: and having passage in the same, in the month of August I arrived at Falmouth 1594. A voyage of the honourable Gentleman M. Robert Duddeley, now knight, to the Isle of Trinidad, and the coast of Paria: with his return home by the Isles of Granata, Santa Cruz, Sant ivan de puerto rico, Mona, Zacheo, the shoalds called Abreojos, and the isle of Bermuda. In which voyage he and his company took and sunk nine Spanish ships, whereof one was an armada of 600 tons. Written at the request of M. Richard Haklu●t. Having ever since I could conceive of any thing been delighted with the discoveries of navigation, I fostered in myself that disposition till I was of more years and better ability to undertake such a matter. To this purpose I called to me the advise of sufficient seamen, and principally undertook a voyage for the South seas; but by reason that many before had miscarried in the same enterprise, I could not be suffered to hazard more of her majesties subjects upon so uncertain a ground as my desire: which made me by constraint (great charges already by me defrayed) to prepare another course for the West Indies, without hope there to do any thing worth note: and so common is it indeed to many, as it is not worth the registering. Nevertheless, I have yielded to your former importunity, and sent you this my journal to supply a vacant room amongst your more important discourses. Now being provided for this last enterprise, rather to see some practice and experience, than any wonders or profice, I weighed anchor from Southampton road the sixth of November 1594. But the wind falling scant, it was the 17. day of the same month before I could put into the Sea. Upon this day myself in the Bear a ship of 200. tons my Admiral, and Captain Monk in the bears whelp vice-admiral, with two small pinnesses called the Frisking and the Earwig passed through the Needles, and within two days after bore in with Plymouth. My business at this port-town dispatched, I set sail; whither again by contrary winds to my great misfortune, I was enforced to return back. I might call it misfortune; for by this means I utterly (for all the voyage) lost my vice-admiral; which was the cause likewise of losing mine own pinnace, which three were the principal stay of my voyage. For at this last leaving of England in a storm I lost mine own pinnace, as is be foresaid. Notwithstanding all these crosses all alone I went wandering on my voyage, sailing along the coast of Spain within view of Cape Finister, and Cape S. Vincent, the North & South capes of Spain. In which space having many chaces, I could meet with none but my countrymen or countries friends. Leaving these Spanish shores I directed my course the 14. of December towards the isles of the Canaries. Here I lingered 12 days for two reasons: This M. Benjamin Wood was in the end of the year 1596. sent forth with two ships, an● certain pinnesses upon a voyage for the South seas and for China, at the charges of this honourable gentleman Sir Robert Dudley. The one, in hope to meet my vice-admiral: The other, to get some vessel to remove my pestered men into, who being 140. almost in a ship of 200. tons, there grew many sick. The first hope was frustrated, because my vice-admiral was returned into England with two prizes. The second expectation fallen out to our great comfort: for I took two very fine Caravels under the calms of Tenerif and Palma, which both refreshed and amended my company, and made me a Fleet of 3. sails. In the one Caravel called The Intent, I made Benjamin Wood Captain, in the other, one Captain Wentworth. Thus cheered as a desolate traveler with the company of my small and new erected Fleet, I continued my purpose for the West Indies, and first for Cape Blanco in Africa upon the deserts of Libya. My last hope was to meet my lost ship, and withal to renew my victuals upon the Canthers, which are Portugal fishermen: but the Canthers had been so frighted by Frenchmen, as I could get none. Riding under this White Cape two days, A description of Cape Blanco in Africa. and walking on shore to view the country, I found it a waste, desolate, barren, and sandy place, the sand running in drifts like snow and being very stony; for so is all the country sand upon stone (like Arabia deserta, and Petrea) and full of black venomous lizards, with some wild beasts and people which be tawny Moors, so wild, as they would but call to my Caravels from the shore, who road very near it. The isle of Trinidad d●scr●ed● But not desirous to make any longer abode in this place, by reason of the most infectious serenas or dews that fall all along these coasts of Africa, I caused my Master Abraham Kendal to shape his course directly for the isle of Trinidad in the West Indies; which after 22. days we descried, and the first of February came to an anchor under a point thereof called Curiapan, in a bay which was very full of pelicans, and I called it Pelican's bay. Punta de Curiapan. About 3. leagues to the Eastwards of this place we found a mine of Marcazites which glister like gold (but all is not gold that glistereth) for so we found the same nothing worth, though the Indians did assure us it was Caluori, which signifieth gold with them. These Indians are a fine shaped and a gentle people, all naked & painted red, their commanders wearing crowns of feathers. These people did often resort unto my ship, & brought us b●●●es, hogs, plantans, potatoes, pinos, tobacco, & many other pretty commodities, which they exchanged with us for hatchets, knives, hooks, bells, and glass buttons. From this bay I fallen down lower to a place called Paracoa, Paracoa, of Parico. where I desired rather to ride, because it was a convenient place to water, ballast, ground, & grave my Caravels. Then I commanded all my men to lie on shore, after I had caused to be made for them a little sconce like an half moon for their defence, They ensconce themselves. being jealous of the Spaniards, of whose estate I could gather no certainty, till from Margarita Antony Berreo for his defence had got some 300. soldiers, a greater number than I was able to encounter withal, having then but 50● men, because my Caravels before their coming were sent away. The Simerones of the island traded with me still in like sort. And the Spaniards now provided for me, A treasonable practise of the Spaniards. began to sand messengers to me in kindness. Notwithstanding though I had no reason to assault them, because they were both poor & strong, yet for my experience and pleasure I marched 4. long marches upon the island, They march from one side of the island to the other. & the last from one side of the island to the other, which was some 50. miles: going and coming through a most monstrous thick wood (for so is most part of the island) and lodging myself in Indian towns. The country is fertile, and full of first-fruits, strange beasts, and fowls, whereof munkeiss, babions & parats were in great abundance. Being much delighted with this island, and meaning to stay here some time about discovering the main right against the same (the entrance into the empire of Guiana) being showed the discovery thereof by Captain Popham, who received the discovery of the said empire from one captain Harper, Captain Harper intelligence of Guiana. which being a prisoner learned of the Spaniards at the Canaries in the self same manner almost, as sir Walter Ralegh very discreetly hath written. The intelligence of Harper, I conceive, the Captain hath yet to show in Spanish. This discovery of Guiana I greatly desired: yet lest I should adventure all occasions upon it only, I sent my two Caravels from me the 17. day of February, His two Caravels sent to range the Indieses. to try their fortunes in the Indies, not appointing any other place to meet but England, furnishing them with all the provision that I could spare, and dividing my victuals equally with them, knowing they were able to do more good in the Indies then greater ships. The Caravels being go, I began to inquire privately of the Savages concerning the main over against us, and learned that the names of the kingdoms joining to the Sea-coast were in order these. The kingdom of Morucca, the kingdom of Seawano, Seawano called perhaps in sir Walter Raleghs discovery Ciawani. the kingdom of Waliame, the kingdom of Caribes, the kingdom of Yguirie, and right against the Northermost part of Trinidad, the main was called The high land of Paria, the rest a very low land. Morucco I learned to be full of a green stone called Tacarao, which is good for the stone. Sir Walter Ralegh speaketh of Saima, and Wikeri in his discovery. In Seawano I herded of a Mine of gold to be in a town called Wackerew, the captains name Semaracon. Of Waliame I will speak last, because therein I made most discovery. The Caribes I learned to be man-eaters or Cannibals, and great enemies to the Islanders of Trinidad. The kingdom of Yguiri I herded to be full of a metal called by the Indians Arara, which is either copper (as I could learn) or very base gold. In the high land of Paria I was informed by divers of these Indians, that there was some Perota, which with them is silver, and great store of most excellent Cane-tabacco. But lastly to come to Waliame, it is the first kingdom of the empire of Guiana. The great, This Indians name was Balthasar who afterward gave our men the slip as their greatest need. wealth which I understood to be therein, and the assurance that I had by an Indian, mine interpreter, of a golden Mine in a town of this kingdom called Orocoa, in the River (as he called it) of Owrinoicke was much to be esteemed. This Indian spoke Spanish, and whatsoever he known, he revealed it to myself only by a private interpreter, not in words alone, but offered upon pain of life to be guide himself to any place that he spoke of. This discovery of the Mine I mentioned to my company, who altogether mutined against my going, because they something feared the villainy of Abraham Kendal, who would by no means go. I than wanted my lost pinnace, and was constrained to sand 14. men in my shipboat for this discovery, with most of the discreetest men in my ship, & gave them their directions to follow, written under mine own hand. They went from me, and entered into one of the mouths by the broken lands, which river goeth under the name of the great River Orenoque, the foreland whereof was called Capulio bearing South & by West, wanting a fourth part, from the point of Curiapan aforesaid, being 4. leagues distant. They found the main (as China is reported) full of fresh Rivers running one into another, abounding with fish, and a land a● woody, seeming to have great store of strange beasts and fowls, & very populous. They entered into a small river called Cabota, A river ●a●led Cabota. the people named Veriotaus, a courteous people. The next river they passed was called Mana in the kingdom of Tivitivas, The river of Amana and the kingdom of Tivitivas are both mentioned by sir Walter Ralegh. where the king offered to bring a Canoa full of this golden oar, and to this purpose sent a Canoa, which returned and brought my men this answer, that Armago Captain of the town of Orocoa and the Mine refused them, but if they would come thither, he himself would make them answer. Upon this my boat went, and at his appointed place he met them with some 100, men in Canoas', and told them that by force they should have nothing but blows, yet if they would bring him hatchets, knives, and jewes-harps, he did them assure me, he had a Mine of gold, and could refine it, & would trade with me: for token whereof he sent me 3. or 4. Crois●ants or half moons of gold weighing a noble a piece or more, and two bracelets of silver. Also he told them of another rich nation, that sprinkled their bodies with the powder of gold, A people sprinkled with powder of gold. and seemed to be guilt, and far beyond them a great town called El Dorado, with many other things. My men being satisfied, and thinking their company too few to stay among these Savages, and their victual spent, returned. This Balthasar my Indian their guide ran from them: which distress caused them to borrow of Armago new guides, who brought them home another way through a River called Braha by the highland of Paria, and so to my ship. They accounted Orocoa 150. miles distant, so they rowed in my boat above 250. miles. Their absence from me was 16. days, making but one night's abode any where. The report of this made me attempt my company to go with them again. But now they were worse than before; for unless I would have go myself alone, not one man would go with me (no albeit I had had commission to hung or kill them) for my men came home in very pitiful case almost dead for famine; and indeed such was their misery, as they drank not in three days, for so long they were out of the fresh Rivers, before they recovered the ship, and yet the boat was filled with as much victual, as it could hold. Captain Popham arrival. In this time of my boats absence there came to me a pinnace of Plymouth, of which Captain Popham before named was chief, who gave us great comfort. And if I had not l●st my pinnesses, wherein I might have carried victuals and some men, we had discovered further the secrets of those places. Also this Captain and I stayed some six or eight days longer for Sir Walter Ralegh (who, as we surmised, had some purpose for this discovery) to the end, that by our intelligence and his boats we might have done some good: but it seemed he came not in six or eight weeks after. So Captain Popham and I held it not convenient to stay any longer: therefore new watering ourselves at Paracoa, we set sail to see further of the Indies, leaving the isle of Trinidad the 12. day of March. They departed from the isle of Trinidad. The 13. I took a small prize of sacks 25. leagues to the Northward of an island which I sailed by, called Granata. A prize taken North of the isle of Granata. This prize refreshed us well: yet meaning to sell her at the isle of Sant ivan de Puerto rico, and shaping our course thither by the ylands of Santa Cruz and Infierno, The yles of Santa Cruz and Infierno. I coasted all the South side of the said isle of S. john, till I came to an anchor at Cape Roxo: Cape Roxo. where riding 14. days to expect S. Domingo men, which oftentimes ●a●l with the island of Mona, and finding none (neither would the Spaniards of S. ivan de puerto rico buy my prize) I unladed her, took in the goods, and after burned her. This ended, I disemboqued (where few Englishmen had done before, by reason of the great dangers between this island of S. ivan de puerto rico and Hispaniola) by a little island called Zacheo. Then disemboque by the isle of Zacheo. And after carefully doubling the shouldes of Abreojos, The sholds called Abreojos● that is Open thy ●●es or Look out. Bermuda. Flores and Cueruo. I caused the Master, (hearing by a Pilot, that the Spanish fleet meant now to put out of Havana) to bear for the Meridian of the isle of Bermuda, hoping there to find the fleet dispersed. The fleet I found not, but foul weather enough to scatter many fleets; which companion left me not in greatest extremity, till I came to the yles of Flores and Cueruo: whither I made the more haste, hoping to meet some great Fleet of her Majesty my sovereign, as I had intelligence, and to give them advise of this rich Spanish fleet: but finding none, and my victuals almost spent, I directed my course for England. Returning alone, and worse manned by half than I went forth, my fortune was to meet a great Armada of this fleet of some 600. tons well appointed, A fight of 〈◊〉 days with a Spanish Armada of 600. tons. with whom I fought board and board for two days, being no way able in all possibility with fifty men to board a man of war of six hundredth tons. And having spent all my powder I was constrained to leave her, yet in such distress without sails and masts, and hull so often shot through with my great Ordinance between wind and water, that being three hundred leagues from land, I dare say, it was impossible for her to escape sinking. Thus leaving her by necessity in this miserable estate, I made for England, where I arrived at S. jews in Cornwall about the latter end of May 1595, They arrive at S. jews in Cornwall in May 1595. scaping most dangerously in a great fog the rocks of Silly. Thus by the providence of God landing safely. I was kindly entertained by all my friends, and after a short time learned more certainty of the sinking of that great ship, being also reputed rich by divers intelligences out of Spain: which we then supposed not, & were doubtful whether she had been of Biscay or S. john de Luz in France laden with fish only from Newfoundland. In this voyage I and my fleet took, sunk and burned nine Spanish ships; which was loss to them, though I got nothing. Here follow certain words of the language of Trinidad which I observed at my being there. GVttemock. A man. Tabairo, Dabarah, Or Dabarra. The hear of one's head. Dessie The forehead. Dasereth, or Dacosi An eye. Dalacoack The mouth. Areheh The teeth. Daria The gums. Desire The lips. Dill The tongue. Dudica The ears. Dacan A hand. Dacabbo The palm of the hand. Dadena The wrist. Dacurle A knee. Daddano The calf of the leg. Dabodda The toes. Dacutti The feet. Cattie The moon. Tauraroth A rope. Arkeano A pair of scissors. Weevah The heaven. Harowa A stone good for the head ache● Mointiman Iron or steel. Howa Munkeiss in general. Carotta A thing like pap. Sakel It is well, or I am well. Techir A bracelet. Bodad A box or chest. Mentinie A tree. Addehegaeno A glass. Calcouri * It is befo●● in this voyage called Caluorie. Gold. Perota Silver. Tacorao a green stone. Arrara copper. Caulpiri A white stone. Casparo A sword. Tibetebe cockles. Marrahabo a bow. Semaro an arrow. Huculle A bowstring. Halete A Potato root. Caerwoda A sweet root. Maurisse Wheat. Qucca A basket. Yeddola A knife. Sambolers A hat. Beyou A pipe. Callit Bread. Oronuie The name of the ●u●r Ore●oque 〈◊〉 sceme to be deri●ed ●rom this word. Water. Arguecona A pair of cizzers. Heldaro A spoon. Hemachug● A bread which they eat. Hicket Fire. Walrowa A parrot. Vreit Tobacco. Batudda A comb. Addoth A slick. Barrennaire A button, or beads. Curaballa & Sibath, for 2 sundry sto●es: but Sibath in general signifieth a stone. Tolletille●o bells. Vllas●o a Tuny-fish. Bohery A flying s●●h Bara Water. Haddalle The Sun. Babage-Canoaseen The manner of the Indians hatling of a ship, calling it after the name of their Canoas'. Non quo, Or I know not, Or Non quapa I cannot tell. The victorious voyage of Captain Amias Preston now knight, and Captain George summers to the West India, begun in March 1595. Wherein the isle of Puer●o Santo, the isle of Coach near Margarita, the fort and town of Coro, the stately city of S. jago de Leon were taken sacked and burned, and the town of Cumana ransomed, & jamaica enured. Written by Robert Davie one of the company. Captain Amias Preston, and captain summers, both valiant gentlemen & discreet commanders, lying ready with two call ships, the Ascension and the Gi●● and a small pinnace at Plymouth, for the space of a month attending the coming of captain jones their consort, which in all that time, through the bad dealing of those which he put in trust, could not mak● his s●ip in readiness, according to his appointment, the 12. of March ●595. set forward on their voyage for the West Indies. We with captain jones in the darling, and Captain Prowse in the Angel, followed after them the 19 of the said month. The last of March, captain Preston by giving chase to a sail, was separated from captain summers, and his pinnace, so that they utterly lost sight each of other: whereupon captain Preston in his ship alone, resolved to surprise the isle of Puerto santo, and shortly after came before the same. This island standeth in the Northerly latitude of 33. degrees, and lieth to the Northward of the isle of Madera, and is inhabited by old soldiers, which the kings of Portugal were wont to reward for their former old services, by placing of them there. This island is rich in co●●e, wine, & oil: and hath good store of sheep, asses, goats, & cows: they have also plenty of fowls, fish & first-fruits. Captain Preston coming before this island with one ship only sought with 2. long boats to landlord his men & to force the same: but the people were on shore in warlike array, with baricadoes & trenches made, ready to withstand them. Whereupon, considering the great danger, and disadvantage of the place, he caused his people to return aboard again. And the next morning 3 or 4 hours before day, he landed in a place of greater security, with 60 men only, who lay closely in a chapel, to defend themselves from the rain till break of the day, and so marched forward upon the backs of their enemies, which kept their baricadoes upon the shore. By this time the enemy was 500 strong. But, being so suddenly surprised, after some resistance of our muskets, when they see our pikes approach, and had tasted somewhat of their force they began to flee into certain thickets & shrubs, thinking from thence to gall our men: but with very little or no loss at all, our men dillodged them of that place also. Hereupon, they all fled toward the chief town of the island: but once again they thought to make a new stand at a certain house by the way, from whence they were repulsed by captain Roberts. So in the flight part of them were slain, and an ensign, which one captain Harvey an English man had lost not long before, was recovered: The yl● of Puerto Santo ta●en and the chief town in it burned. and the chief town itself was by our men wholly won and possessed. But before the entrance of our men they had conveyed their wives, their children, and the rest of their goods into an exceeding high hill which standeth near the town, and could not be conquered, but with exceeding loss. Although they sent divers times to redeem their town, which was very fair and large, yet in regard of their crueltic and treachery, which they used towards captain Harvey and his people, captain Preston would show them no favour, but utterly burned their town to ashes, and sent his men to waste the rest of their villages of the island, preferring the honour & just revenge of his country men, before his own private gain, & commodity. And so with small pillage and great honour he retired in safety and all his small company with him, from the conquered island unto his ship. But we in our ship met not with him, until the 12. of April following. We therefore in the darling pursuing our voyage, had sight of the yles of the Canaries the 6 of April, and the 8 of the same, we watered on the Southeastside of the grand Canaria. They water upon the grand Ca●●ri●. There we met with captain. summers, & his pinnace, & 3 ships of Hampton, in one whereof was cap. Willis. The 9 of April we all departed for Tenerif to seek captain Preston: and standing over towards Tenerif, the 9 day at night I came into captain summers ship. The 10 in the morning we broke our main yard, yet we recovered Tenerif, & the same day towards night we ankered under the southside of the same. There I wen● a land in our boat, & found 3 or 4 fisherboats, and brought one of them off. The rest bulged themselves. Here we road to mend our yard till the 11 at night: then we set sail to found captain Amias Preston: and standing towards Gomera, the 12 in the morning we had sight of him. Then we thought to have landed in Gomera: but the wound blew so much, that we could not. So we departed altogether with joy the 13 of April, & set our course for the West Indie●. And the 8 of May next ensuing, we arrived at the island of Dominica. Dom●●●●● In all which time nothing happened unto us saving this, that the 18 day of April at midnight, our admiral lost her long boat in towing. We slaied at Dominica till the 14 of May, to refresh our sick men. Here the Indians ●ame unto us in canoas made of an whole tree, in some whereof were 3 men, in some 4 or 6, & in others ●2 or 14, & brought in them plantans, pinos, and potatoes, and trucked with us, for hatchets, knives, & small beadstones. Here in refreshing of our men, we found an hot bath hard joining to a cold river side: An excellent wholesome do●●ath ●ound i● Dominica. wherein our sick men bathed themselves, and were soon recovered of their sicknesses. This is a goodly island, and something high land, but all overgrown with woods. The 14 we departed from thence, & the 16 s●iling Southwestward, we had sight of Granada, but landed not there. The 17 we arrived at the Testigos & ankered there, The yles ca●led Testigos. and consorted with the 3 ships of Hampton, wherein captain Willis was. The 18 we landed our men & took view and ●uster of all, & the same night set sail away. The 19 we had sight of Margarita, where the Spaniards by their Indians fish for pearl: we stood in very near the road, but see nothing there. Therefore we went no further in, but stood from it again. The same day toward night, we had sight of a little island, between Margarita & the maine● called Coche. We came near it in the night with our ships within some 3 leagues, & there ankered under the main side, and about midnight we manned our pinnesses & ●oats, and in the morning about break of day, we landed on the island, wherein are few or none inhabitants, but they commonly come from Margarita in boats on the monday, and remain there fishing for pearls until the saturday, and then return & carry all that they have taken to Margarita. Here we took some few Spaniards and Negroes their slaves with them, and had some small quantity of pearls. Certain Sp●niards and negroes taken in the isle of Coche where they ●●sh for ●earls. We remained on this island the 20 and 21, in which time we went a fishing with our seine, and took good store of mullets and other fish, and amongst the rest drawn a shore in the seine a fish called by the Spaniards Lagarto, and by the Indians Caiman, which is indeed a Crocodile, for it hath 4 feet and a long tail, and a wide mouth, and long teeth, & will devour men. Some of these Lagartos are in length 16 foot, some 20 foot, and some 30 foot: they have musk in them, and live as well on the land, a● in the water. The 21 of May we departed for Cumana, thinking to have got in that night to have landed: but the current striketh so strong out of the bay that we could not recover the town till day light. In the morning we espied 2 sails before the town, but could not fe●ch them. Here we plied too and again in the sound all the forenoon, but could not get up so far as the town. These 2 sails came room to us, after they see that we were at an anchor, & came somewhat near us, and sent their skyphs aboard our admiral. They were 2 flieboats of Middleburgh which trade● there, & had secretly advertised the country of ●ur coming, Two ●●ie●oat● of M●ddlebu●g● fortwarne the Sp●niards of our coming. to our great hindrance: but we known it not at our first arrival. Here they of Cumana perceiving that we would landlord, came to parley with us, and told us, if we would landlord, we might easily take the town, for they meant not to withstand us, but that they had carried all their goods into the mountains, but, if we would not landlord to burn and spoil the town, they would give us some reasonable ransom, and any victuals that we wanted. So our general agreed with them, received their ransom, The town 〈◊〉 Cumana ransomed. and departed without landing. But at our first arrival in this bay, our generals long boat was sent forth well manned, and took 3 Caravels, Three Caravels ta●●●. but found little or nothing of value in them: saving in one were some sides of ba●on, and some maiz and Guiny-wheat. Here we stayed till the 23 of May, & in the evening we set sail, and departed from thence. And the 26 of the same we thought to have landed at a fort that standeth by the sea-coast in the Caracoes, as you go for S. jago. This is a marvelous high land, as high as the pike of Tenerif. We could not landlord here over night, by reason of the roughness of the sea, which goeth in that place, & there is but one little creak against the fort, to come in with your boat. So, we perceiving no fit place to land, by reason of the sea, stood away some league to the Westward, about a little head-land, there we ankered all night: A fort near th● Caracoes taken. and the 27 in the morning we all landed in safety, none resisting us. Than we presently sell ourselves in array, and marched toward the fort, & took it without any resistance. Here we remained all the rest of this day until the 28, about 3 of the clock in the afternoon. We found nothing in this fort but a little meal, or 2 or 3 ●unnes of wine, which by reason of some disorder amongst the company overcharging themselves with the wine, our general for the most part caused to be spilled. While we remained here, some of our company ranging the woods, found the governor of the fort where he lay asleep, brought him to our general: All ou● actions betrayed by dangerous spies out of England. who examined him touching the s●ate of the city of S. jago de Leon. Who declared unto us that they had news of our coming a month before, and that they of the town had made preparation for our coming: and that if we did go the common beaten way, it was never possible for us to pass, for that they had made in the midst of the way between this fort and the said city, an exceeding strong baricado on the top of a very high hit, the passage being not above 25 or 30 ●oot in breadth, & on each side marvelous sleep-upright, and the woods so thick that no man could pass for his life: which indeed at our returning back we found to be true. Upon which speeches our general demanded of him if there were not any other way: who answered, there is another way marvelous bad and very ill to travel which the Indians do commonly use: but he thought that the Spaniards had slept the same, by cutting down of great trees and other things, as indeed they had. This Spaniard was a very weak and sickly man not able to travel, so our general sent him aboard his ship, & there kept him. In the taking of our 3 small Caravels at Cumaná, we had a Spaniard in one of them that had traveled these ways to the city of S. jago. He told us he would carry us thither by any of both these ways, if afterward we would set him at liberty: the which was granted. While we remained at the fort by the water's side, the Sp●niards came down unto us by the great & beaten way on horseback, who being discovered, our general sent out to meet them captain Roberts with some 40 or 50 musketeirs, who came to skirmish with them, but they would not stay. The same day in the afternoon we marched forth toward S. jago, & took the Indians way called The unknown way. In our march we came to ●iuers Indians houses, which we never hurt, but passed by and left them untouched: but the Indians were all fled into the woods, and other places, we know not whither. We marched until it was night over such high mountains, as we never see the like, and such a way as one man could searse pass alone. Our general being in the forward, at length came whereas a river descended down over the mountains, and there we lodged all that night. Here in going this way, we found the Spanish governors confession to be true: for they had barricadoed the way in divers places with trees, & other things in such sort, that we were driven to cut our way through the woods by Carpenters, which we carried with us for that purpose. The next day being the 29 of May early in the morning we set forward to recover the tops of the mountains: but God knoweth) they were so extreme high and so steep-upright, that many o● our soldiers fainted by the way: and when the officers came unto them, and first entreated them to go, they answered, they could go no further. Then they thought to make them go by compulsion, but all was in vain: they would go a little and then lie down, and bid them kill them, if they would, for they could not, nor would not go any further. Whereby they were enforced to departed, & to leave them there lying on the ground. To be short, at length with much ado we got the top of the mountains about noon: there we made a stand till all the company was come up, and would have stayed longer to have refreshed our men: but the fog and rain fallen so fast, that we dared not stay. So we made haste to descend towards the town out of the fog and rain: because that in these high mountains by report of the Spaniards themselves, it doth almost continually rain. assoon as we were descended down near half the way to the town the rain ceased, and going down a little further, on the top of a hill we see the town not far distant from us. Here we all cleared our musket's: and when our colours came in sight, we discharged a second vole● of shot to the great discouragement of the enemy. Thus we marched on around pace. The enemy was in readiness a little without the town to encounter us on horseback. Being now fully descended from the mountains we came into a fair plain champion field, without either hedge, bush or ditch, saving certain trenches which the water had made, as it descendeth from the mountains. Here we set ourselves in a readiness, supposing the enemy would have encountered us: but ha●ing pitched our main battle, and marching forward a good round pace, captain ●eling, and captain Roberts took each of them some l●oseshoot, and marched in all haste toward the enemy before the main battle, wherein was our general with captain. summers and came to skirmish with them: but it was soon ended: for the enemy fled. One Spaniard was slain in this skirmish, and not any one of our companies touched either with piece or arrow, God be thanked. We soon marched into the town, The City of S. jago de Leon taken the 29. of May. and had it without any more resistance: but there we found not the wealth that we expected: for they had conveyed all into the mounta●nes, except such goods as they could not easily carry, as wive, and iron, and such things. By three of the clock in the afternoon the 29 of May, we enured the city. Here we remained until the 3 of june without any great disturbance, saving sometime by night they would come on horseback hard unto our Corpse du guard, and finding us vigilant, and ready for them, would departed again. The first of june, there came a Spaniard near unto us alone: the Corpse du guard perceiving him, called our General, who soon came towards him: but before he approached, the Spaniard made signs that he should lay aside his arms: which he refused to do, but promised as he was a soldier, if he would come, he should have free passage. Upon which promise he came to him on horseback, and our General brought him within the town, and there communed with him. Who demanded what he meant to do with the ●owne: he answered that he meant to remain there and keep it; or if he did departed from it he would burn it. The Spaniard then demanded, what the ransom of it should be. Our General required 30000 ducats. Whereunto he replied that it was very much. So having had some other conference together, he showed him that he had been a soldier in Flanders a long time, and now was sent thither by his king's commandment. Among other things our General demanded of h●m, what the reason was they had not walled the city, bring so fair a thing as that was. The Spaniard replied, that he thought it to be stronger walled than any city in the world, meaning, by those huge & high mountains which the enemy must pass over before he can approach it; which we found very true. Thus with many other fair speeches, he took his leave for that day, and told our General, that he would go speak with the governor: (but it might be himself, for any thing we know) howbeit because our General had granted him free coming and going he suffered him to departed: who before his departure, requested to have a token of our General, that he might show to the Governor how he had spoken with us, or else he doubted, that he would not believe him. Whereupon our General gave him a piece of 12 pennies: so he departed and promised the next day by ten of the clock to return unto us with an answer: in which mean time nothing bef●●. The next day being the 2 of june, at his hour appointed, he returned with his Indian ru●ning by his horse's side. So he was brought to the General, and there remained till after dinner, and dined in his company in the governors house that was. The dinner ended, with the best entertainment which could be given him, they communed again about the ransom of the city. Our General proposed his old demand of 30000 ducats. The Spaniard first proffered him 2000, than 3000, last of all 4000, and more he would not give. Our General counting it a small sum of money among so many, did utterly r●●use it. So the Spaniard departed. But before his departure our general told him, that if he came not to ●im again before the next day noon, with the ransom which he demanded, he would set all on fire. That whole day past, and the night also without any thing of moment, except some show of assault, by their approaching towards our Corpse du guard, and retiring back again. The 3 day being come, in the morning some of our company went forth, a league or more from the town, & some too leagues and more unto certain villages thereabouts, & set them on fire: Certain villages about San● jago fire●●. but the enemy never came to resist them, so they returned back again safe into the town, and brought certain Indian prisoners with them, among whom there was one which spoke broken Spanish, which being examined, confessed unto us of his own accord, how the General had sent to the other towns thereabouts for aid, and that he thought they would be there with him that day. When we understood this● we grew into some distrust of the Spaniards treachery, and thought upon the mess●●ger, how he had used long delays with us: whereupon we were commanded presently, every man to make ready to departed, and to fire the city: which forthwith was done. And af●er we had seen it all on fire, & burned to ashes, we took our leaves and so departed, & marched away that day being the 3 of june, not that way we came, but by the great beaten way. The city of ● jago burned. And when we had marched half the way towards the water's side, we came unto that strong baricado which they had made● and there lay all that night. Here we found the Spanish captains word to be true which we took at the fort by the water's side: for this baricado was of such force, that 100 men in it well furnished● wou●d have kept back from passing that way 100000: first by reason of the huge and high mounta●nes, next the steepness of them, on both sides, last of all in regard of the fine contriving of it with the large trenches, and other munitions, which I cease to recite. The forth day of june in the morning we departed from thence: but before our departure, we overthrew on the one side of the steep hill two bases of iron, which we found there plan●ed by the enemy, and so set forward toward our ships, and by 12 of the clock came to the waters side, and ther● remained in the fort which we had taken before, until the fift day at night: A fort and c●rtain Indian's ●a●●● by the water's side burned. in which ti●e we laded some small quantity of hides, and Sals●-perilla, which we found there at our first landing. So the fift day at night we departed from thence, to go to a town called Coro: but before we departed, we see ●ire in the fort, and all the Indians houses that were about it, and burned them. Then we set sail, and standing along the coast, our Spanish guide signified unto us, that there were four sails of ships above five leagues from thence, in a place called Checherebiche, and Caio, and Maio. So the 6 day in the morning we were thwart of the place, and there our general sent away his long boat with captain summers, unto those places, where they found 3 of the ships: Three Spanish shipbourne. but the Spaniards had conveyed their sails ashore into the woods, so that they cou●d not bring them off, but set fire in them and burned them. From hence we stood along the shore, sa●ling until the ninth day of june, on which day toward the evening we embarked ourselves in our pinnesses and small caravels, to land at Coros: but we had none that known the place certaine●y: wherefore we ankored that n●ght some two leagues to the Eastward of it, and in the morning I went on land, and n●ne more with me, to see if we could discover the town, but we could not, we went above a league up into the country, but could not see any village or town. So returning back, we met our General, with divers others which came ashore with him, with whom we marched into the country again, but co●ld see nothing, & so returned. At the water side captain Prowse died. There we remained al● th●t day on land by reason the wound blew so much that we could not get aboard vn●ill the evening. After our coming aboard a b●a● which we sent into the bay, returned and brought us news, that there road a bark within the bay, and by all likelihood the town should be there. So presently our General went into the bay with the Der●ing and some of the small caravels. The tenth day in the morning, the rest of our shipping came in●o the bay, and our men la●ded the same day, about 10 or 11 of the clock in the night, & so marched on toward the town: but in the way t●ey had made bar●cados, A baricado ●oon. and kept them very strongly. Notwithstanding the courage of our men w●s such, as that they feared nothing, and forced them to leave their forces, and fly. Having won●● this baricado they there remained until the next day being the 11 of june, and then early in the mo●ning they marched on towards the town, where by the way, the enemy often times came to skirmish with them, The town of Ca●os taken & burned. but always fled. In fine they won the town without any great loss of men, God be thanked. Having got the town, they found nothing in it at all; for they had intelligence from Sant jago, how we had used them before, which caused them to convey ●ll t●●ir goods ●nto the mountains and wood●: finding nothing in it, our General caused it to be set on fire, thinking it not good to remain there, but to return again, ba●ke to the ships: and the greatest cause was by reason of the departure of captain summers: who the day before in a most furious tempest, b●ing in the pinnace, with some 50 men at an●●r, had hi● cables broken and lo●t al● his anchors, and so w●s fame to put ●o sea to save himself, otherwise they had been in danger of p●r●shing. Thus our General and his company, returned back again ●he ●●elft● day and unbarked themselves, and departed away with all speed to seek captain S●mmers. The 13 toward night, he came where captain So●mers was, and found h●m riding, but not by ●●ie ank●rs, but by two bases, which they had made for to stay their bark by: at which meeting the comp●ny was very glad. Then they determined to go into a mighty great bay, to a t●wne called Laguna: The bay of Laguna. but the bay was so deep and should with i●, that we returned back again, af●er w●e had stood in two days ● a night. So we sailed over toward the Isle of Hi●paniola the sixteenth of june: Hispa●io●a. and the twenti●t● day we see it. The 21 we ank●red under Cape Tiburon. Here we watered, and s●ayed v●till the 25 of the same. After ou● departure out of the bay o● Laguna, a great sickness fallen among our ●●ee●e, and there died about eighty m●n of the same. This sickness was the flu●e of the bellie● which is a common disease in that country. We remained about this I●land until the eight and twentieth of this month. Then we departed from thence, and the second of july arrived at the Island of jamaica. jamaica. Before our coming hither, the three ships of Hampton had forsaken us, and left our company. And the De●ling wherein was captain jones, was sent to discover some other secret matter, in which discovery the valiant gentleman ended his life. The death of captain jones. So our whole fleece was now but our general, with captain S●mmers, and a small pinnace. We stayed at this Isle of jamaica until the sixt of july, in which mean time we landed to see if we could kill any beefs, but we could not, they were so wild: ●ere is great store of them, and great plenty of fresh-fish. We departed henc● the 6 of july, and passed by the Islands, called Caimanes, and the Isle de Pinos, and the 12 of the said month by Cape de ●orti●●tes where we watered, Cape de Cor●i●ntes. and ●he same night, we set sail towards the cape of S. Anthony b●●ng the westermost part of the Isle of Cuba. The 13 day in the morning we were under the 〈◊〉, and the sam● day we met with the honourable knight, Sir Walter Ralegh, returning f●om his painful, and happy discovery of Guiana, and his surprise of the Isle of Trinidad. So with glad he●r●s, we kept him and his fleet of three ships company till the twentieth day a● ni●ht, what 〈…〉 l●st them. In all which time nothing of moment fallen out, save that we gave chase to a couple of frigates, ●ut could not fetch them. Afterwards we plied to recover Havana, until the five and twentieth of july: then we set our course for the head of the Martyrs, the 27 we were in sight of them. The 28 we entered the gulf of Bahama: then we set our course homeward toward Newfoundland, The Bank● of Newfoundland. but we could not fetch it, but were on the Bank, and took fish there the 20 day of August. The same night we set sail to come home, by reason the wound was contrary to go in with Newfoundland. So the tenth day of September, we arrived in safety (God be thanked) in Mi●ford haven in Wales, having performed so long a voyage in the space of six months, or somewhat less. The voyage truly discoursed, made by sir Francis Drake, and sir john Hawkins, chief pretended for some special service on the Islands and main of the West Indies, with six of the Queen's ships, and 21 other ships and barks, containing 2500 men and boys, in the year 1595. In which voyage both the foresaid knights died by sickness. WE● broken ground out of the sound of Plymouth on Thursday the 28 of August, and that night ankored again in Causon bay, where we road till Friday. Then we set sail and stood Southwest: and about three of the clock the next morning the Hope, wherein sir Thomas Baskeruil went. strake upon the Edy stone, and shot off a piece, but after cleared herself well enough. On Mund●y at six of the clock in the morning the lands end bore North-west and by North, and then we stood away South-west and by South for the coast of Spain. The 8 of September we took two small Flemish fliboats bond for Barbary; which we carried a while with us and afterward dismissed them without doing them any harm: only we learned news of them, and stayed them from descrying our fleet to the enemy. The 26 we see Fortenentura, being one of the Islands of the Canaries. The 27 being Saturday by break of day we had over-shot the chief town of Grand Canaria to the North-east, and th●n stood about for it again, and by nine of the clock were at anchor say●e before the fort to the Eastward of the town some league. At one of the clock we offered to landlord one thousand and four hundredth men in the sandy bay betwixt the fort and the town: But by our detracting of the time they had made a bulwark in the sandy bay and planted Ordinance: so that by reason thereof, and the great breach of the sea that went then on shore we were not able to land without endangering our whole forces, which our General would not do. There were of Spaniards horsemen and footmen some 900. which played upon us out of their trenches, most of the● being shot. At the time of our landing there went by commandment of our Gener●ls within m●●k●t shot of the shore, & road there at anchor some thre● hours, the Solomon, the Bonauent●re, the elizabeth Constance, the Phoenix, the jewel, the Little john, the Delight, the Pegasus, the Exchange, the Francis, the caravel, and the two catches: But when the General sir Fra●cis Drake gave over the landing being in his barge, the ships weighed being in some danger, and stood off again to the great ships. Then we went to the West end of the Island and there watered: where captain Grimston going up the hill with 6 or 7 in his company was set upon by the he●dm●n, who with their dogs and staves killed the captain and three or four of his company: therest were sore wounded: the Salomons Chirurgeon taken prisoner, who disclosed our precended voyage as much as in him lay: so as the Uiceroy sent a caravel of adviso into the Indies, unto all such places as we did pretend to go to. Howbeit they had intelligence from the king of all our voyage the eight of August, which was three weeks before we set forth of England: as also by a Fleming that had seen all our provision at London. The 28 being Sunday at ten of the clock at night we set sail, and stood away South-west and Southsouthwest some 200 leagues, until we came in the height of the Islands of Cape Verde, and then more Westerly for Martinino, one of the Islands of the West Indies, which we see the 27 of October: but the night before we had a storm, in which sir Francis with four or five other ships bearing on head of the fleet was separated. Then we stood for Dominica, Domi●i●●. an Island full of inhabitants of the race of the Cannibals, not past ten leagues distant from Martinino. In it grows great store of Tobacco: where most of our English and Frenchmen barter knives, hatchets, saws, and such like iron tools in truck of Tobacco. Before we came to Dominica our General Sir Francis Drake altered his course, and went for Marigalante, which we had sight of the 28 day, and came to an anchor on the North-east side a saker shot off the shore in 13 fathoms ●ater fair sholding. There the General went on shore in his barge, and by chance met a Canoa of Dominicans, to the people whereof he gave a yellow waist coat of flannel and an hankerchiefe; and they gave him such first-fruits as they had, and the Dominicanes rowed to Dominica again. They came thither to fetch some first-fruits which they sow and plant in divers places of that Island, which they keep like gardens. The next morning by break of day we weighed and stood between the Todos Santos, which are 4 or 5 little Islands between Guadalupe and Dominica. There is nothing upon these Islands but wood. We came to the Southeast side of Guadalupe and there ankered hard aboard the shore: the South-west side of the Island is deep water and good ankorage: where that day sir john Hawkins came to us again standing up from the South side of Dominica. There we watered, washed our ships, set up our pinnesses, and refreshed our soldiers on shore. The 30 captain Wignol in the Francis, a bark of 35 tons, being the sternmost of sir john Hawkins fleet was chased by five of the king of Spain's frigates or Zabras being ships of 200 tons a piece, which came of purpose with 3 other Zabras for the treasure of S. ivan de Puerto rico: The Francis going room with them, supposing they had been our own fleet, was by them taken in sight of our caravel. They left the Francis driving in the sea with 3 or 4 hurt and sick men, and took the rest of our men into their ships, as the prisoners which we took at S. ivan de Puerto rico told us. The 4 of November we began to unlade the Richard, one of our victuallers, which was by the ne●t day unladen, unrigged and then sunken. Then we stood Northwest & by North: and the next morning see the islands of Monserrata, Redonda, Estazia, S. Christopher and Saba. The biggest of these Islands is not past 8 leagues long. There is good ankorage in 8, 7, and 5 fathoms water fair white sand. Then we stood away South-west, and on the 8 in the morning being Saturday came to an anchor some 7 or 8 leagues off within certain broken islands called 'las Virgins, which have been accounted dangerous: but we found there a very good road, had it been for a 1000 sails of ships in 14,12, and 8 fathoms fair sand and good ankorage, high Islands on either side, but no fresh water that we could found: here is much fish to be taken with hooks and nets: also we stayed on shore and fouled. Here sir john Hawkins was extreme sick; which his sickness began upon news of the taking of the Francis. The 18 day we weighed and stood North and by East into a letter sound, which sir Francis in his barge discovered the night before, and ankored in 13 fathoms, having high steep hills on either side, some league distant from our first ●iding. The 12 in the morning we weighed and set sail into the sea due South through a small s●reit but without danger, and then stood West and by North for S. ivan de Puerto rico, and in the after noon left the 3 small Islands called The passages to the Southward of us, and that night came up to the Eastermost end of S. john, where sir john Hawkins departed this life: The death of s●r john Hawkins. ●pon whose decease sir Thomas Baskcruil presently went into the Garland. At 2 of the clock we came to anchor at the estermost side of the chief town called Puerto rico in a sandy bay 2 miles off: ●here we received from their forts and places where they planted Ordinance some 28 great shot, the last of whi●h strake the admerall through the mis●n, and the last but ●ne strake through her quarter into the steerage, the General being there at supper, and strake the stool from under him, but hurt him not, but hurt at the same table sir Nicholas Clifford, M. Browne, captain Stratford, with one or two more. Sir Nicholas Clifford and master Browne died of their hurts. Then we set sail and stood to the Eastward, and at midnight tacked about to the West, and in the morning came to an anchor before the point without the town, a little to the Westwards by the 3 Islands. The 13 we road still until night, when in the beginning with twenty five pinnesses, boats and shallops manned and furnished with fireworks and small shot we went into the road within the great castles, The fight at S. ivan de Puerto rico. and in despite of them fired the five Zabras or frigates, all ships of two hundredth tons the piece or more, quite burning the Rear admiral down to the water, which was the greatest ship of them all, and also mightily spoilt the admiral and vice-admiral, notwithstanding the castles and ships gave us a hundredth eighty and five great shot, besides small shot abundance. They had also sunk a great ship in the mouth of the channel and rafted it over with h●r masts almost to the very forts and castles, so as they thought it impregnable. The frigates had in each of them twenty pieces of brass, and a hundredth barrels of powder. Their chief lading that they brought thither was silk, oil, and wine. The treasure which they went to fetch, which was brought thither in a ship called the Vigonia, was conveyed into the strongest and surest castle of defence; being, as one of the prisoners confessed, three million of ducats or five and thirty tons of silver. Also they had sent all the women, children, and unable people into the woods, and left none but soldiers and fight men in the town. The fight on our side was resolute, hot, and dangerous: wherein we lost some forty or fifty men, and s● many were hurt. There was also great death of the Spaniards aboard the frigates, with burning, drowning, and kill, and besides some taken prisoners. The 14 we road still, being within shot of the uttermost castle: but they fearing the ne●t night we would come in again, began to warp up the other 4 frigates, beginning first with the Admiral: which whether by chance or their own wills we see to sink; and as we suppose so did they with all the rest, or else by stealth got up farther within their chiefest forces. The 15 also we road still, and at afternoon we espied a caravel coming from the castle point: but before our pinnesses could fetch her up, she ran on shore, where our boats could no● come at her because of the breach, and also many of the Islanders came down to guard her with shot. The beginning of this night we weighed, and stood one hour to the East, and then tacked about to the West. The 16 being Sunday, and the 17 also we were becalmed. The 18 we ankered a little to the Southward of the South-west point of the Island, giving the point a birth because of a should of sand that lieth some two cables length off: there we road i● four, five and si●e fathoms fair white sand, where we set up more pinnesses, washed our ships, and refreshed our men on shore. Here the General took a pinnace of Hispaniola with divers letters, signifying that two Englishmen of war had done great hurt along their Island. The 20 the General rowed to the Pheni●, the Delight and the car●uell, and caused them to weigh and anchor right against the mouth of a fresh river in two fathoms water in ozie s●nd to the Southward of the other ships some league or more. The General went into this river three or fou●e leagues up, and took horses in the country. Sir Thomas Baskeruil rowed up the river and stayed there all night, and went up into the land three or four leagues. The 23 we discharged a barker called the Pulpit and burned her: and at three of ●he clock that afternoon, when we were ready to set sail, there came aboard ●he Defiance our Admiral, a Spaniard with his wife, who feared some great torment for not having repaired to the town according to the General's commandment of that Island, who had commanded that all able men of the fleet should repair to the town to defend it against us. Then we stood again West and by North because of a ledge of rocks that lie sunk 4 or 5 leagues of the Southside of the Island. The 25 we stood away South-west, and see Mona being a low flat Island between Hispaniola and S. ivan de Puerto rico. Mon●. That day the Exchange of captain Winter spent her boul●sprite; and in the beginning of the night the Phoenix was sent back to seek ●er: which by God's help that night met with her, and kept her company until the ne●t morning, then taking in a small table from her for a tow: but by 9 that morning she spent her main mast and split her foreyard, breaking also her tow: so as they were feign to save some trifles out of her and the men, and to sink the hull. Then we stood away South and South and by West a●ter the fleet: and the 26 in the morning had sight of the fleet again. The 29 we had sight of the Island called Cur●çao within 8 leagues of the m●ine● The Isl● o● Curaz●o and on the Northwest side came to an anchor in very deep water hard aboard the shore without any danger: but the General weighed presently and stood away Northwest by the West, and Northnorthwest for the main, and that night see Aruba, Aruba. being somewhat a less Island than the other: we left it some three leagues to the Southward of us. On Sunday morning being the last of November we see three or four little Islands called the Monjes, Mo●j●●, betwixt Aruba and the next North point of the main. At 12 of the clock we saw the main, where we see a great current setting to the Westward, and also the water changing very white. The Phoenix, the caravel, and one of the catches kept within, and at midnight came under Cape de la Vela, C●pe de la Vela and made a fire, whereby the rest of the fleece came to anchor under the Cape, where is a very good road, fair sholding and sandy ground, fourteen, twelve, and ten fathoms near the shore. Toe Cape is a bore land without trees or shrubs, and falls in eight or ten leagues Southeast and Northwest: and a saker shot off the point standeth a little Island like Mewestone near Plymouth, but somewhat bigger. In the morning the first of December we embarked all our soldiers for Rio de la Hacha, Rio de la Ha●h● taken. which is a town twenty leagues to th● Westwards, one of the ancientest in all the main, although not very big: but it standeth in a most fertile and pleasant soil. Our men took it by ten of the clock in the night. The ships bearing all that night and the day before in 5 and 6 fathoms, the lesser ships in 2 fathoms and an half water: the Phoenix went so near the shore by the General's commandment, that she strake on ground, but got off again. There lieth to the Eastward of the town some mile thereabouts a should of sand: A should of sand therefore give a birth some half league or more before you come right against the town. There we came to anchor in two fathoms, but the great ships road off in five ●nd si●e fathoms. There is a fresh river about a bow-shot to the Eastward of the town; A fresh river. whereinto our pinnesses could scarce enter by reason of a bar of sand in the rivers mouth, but within it is navigable for barks of twenty or ●h●r●y ●unnes some six or eight leagues up. The si●th day the Spaniards came in to talk about the ransom of the town, but not to the General his liking: and that night Sir Thomas Baskeruil marched up into the country to overrun those par●s: and the General the same night with some hundredth and fif●ie men went by water six leagues to the Eastward, and took the Rancheria a fisher town, La Ranche●ia taken. wher● they drag for pearl. The people all fled except some sixteen or twenty soldiers, which fought a little, but some were taken prisoner's, besides many Negroes, with some store of pearls and other pillage. In the houses we refreshed ourselves, and were all embarked to come away, and then had sight of a brigandine or a dredger, which the General took within one hours chase with his two barges: she had in her Indie-wheat, which we call Maiz, and some silver and pearl, but of small value. On Saturday the seuen●h, master York captain of the Hope died of sickness, and then master Thomas Drake the General's br●ther was made captain of the Hope, and master jonas Bodenham captain of the Adventure, and master Cha●les Caesar captain of the Amity. The tenth day the Spaniards concluded for the ransom of the town for 24000 ducats, and one prisoner promised to pay for his ransom 4000 ducats. The fourteen●h day they brought in the towns ransom in pearls, but rated so dear as the Gen●rall after conference with them, misliking it, sent it back again, giving them four hours respite to clear themselu●s wi●h their treasure. The si●teenth the governor came into the town about dinner, and upon conference with the General told him plainly, that he cared not for the town, neither would he ransom it: and that the pearl was brought in without his command or consent, and that his detracting of time so long was only to s●nd the other towns word, that were not of force to withstand us, whereby they might convey all their goods, cattle, and wealth into the woods out of danger. So the General gave the governor leave to departed according to promise', having two hours to withdraw himself in safety. The seu●nteenth Sir Thomas Baskeruil with the Elizabeth Constance, of Phoenix, the carau●l wi●h faure or five pi●n●sses went some five leagues to the Westward, & landing, marched some four leagues up into the country to a place called Tapia, T●p●● taken. which he took & burned certain villages ●nd farm houses about it. He had some resistance as he passed over a river, but had but one man ●urt, which he brought aboard alive with him: he marched one league farther and burned a village called Sallamca, ●●ll●●ca burned. and so returned with some prisoners, the soldiers having got some p●●l●g●. The 18 the Rancheria, and the town of Rio de la Hacha were burned clean down to the ground, the Churches and a Lady's house only excepted, which by her letters written to the General was preserved. That day we s●t sail and fell to l●e-ward, to meet with Sir Thomas Baskeruil. The 19 we weighed and stood to leeward for Cape de Aguja, w●ich the twentieth at sun rising we see. It is a Cape subject much to flaws, by reason it is a very high land: and within the cape li●th an Island within the mouth of the sound, Cape ●e Aguja. which hath a white cliff or spot in the Westnorthwest part of the Island. The land all about the cape rises all in hemocks or broken steppie hills. A league Southwest within that, (for so falls the land thereabouts) th●re standeth on the top of a cliff a watch-house. and a little within that a small Island: you may go in between the main and it, or to leeward if you lust: and hard within that i● the road and town of Santa Martha, Santa Martha taken. which at 11 of the clock we took, the people all being fled, except a few Spaniards, Negroes & Indian's, which in a bravado at our landing gave us some 30 or 40 s●ot, & so ran away. That night their Lieutenant general was taken and some little pillage brought in out of the woods: for in the town nothing was left but the houses swept clean. In all the main is not a richer place for gold: for the hops were mixed with the earth in every place, and also in the s●nd a little to the leewards of the town. In the bay we had a bad road by reason of a small moon, for every small moon maketh foul weather all the main along. The 21, the General caused the town to be burned, and all the ships to weigh, and stood out, many of the soldiers being embarked where the General had appointed, in the small ships which road nearest the shore. We lost that night the company of the Phoenix, captain Austin, Peter Lemond, and the Garlands pinnace, which stood along the shore, and being chased off by galleys out of Carthagena Peter Lemond with nine of our men was taken, the rest came safe ●o our fleet. The 26 we see the islands some twelve leagues to the Eastward of Number de Dios standing in toward the shore, but toward night we stood to the offin until the next day. The 27 we came into the mouth of Number de Dios, Number de Dios taken. and by one of the clock took the town, the people being all fled except some 100 Spaniards, which kept the Fort, and played upon us, having in the fort some 3 or 4 small pieces of ordinance, and one of them broke in discharging at us. They gave us also a boley of small shot: but seeing our resolution in running upon them they all fled and took the woods. The town was big, having large streets, houses very high, all built of timber, but one Church very fair and large wrought all of timber likewise. Nothing was left in the town of value: there was a show in their shops of great store of merchandises that had b●ne there. There was a mill above the town, and upon the cop of another hill in the woods stood a little watch-house, where we took twenty sows of silver, two bars of gold, some money in coin, besides other pillage. The town was situated in a watery soil, and subject much to rain, very unhealthy as any place in the Indies, having great store of Drenges, plantans, cassavy-roots, & such other first-fruits; bu● very dangerous to be eaten for breeding of disease's. To the Eastward of the town within the bay runneth out a fresh river of excellent good water, with houses, and all about it gardens: half a league fro● hence due East into the country was an Indian town, whither as we marched a little befor● our coming away with an hundred men they had broken down a bridge to hinder our passage, where they lay in ambush with some twenty or th●rtie small shot, and bows and arrows, set upon us, and killed Lieutenant jones, hurt three or four and so fled into the woods, ran before us and fired their own town, An Indian town fired. and then fled farther into the woods: our men fired divers other houses in pursuing them, and so returned again: our General with Sir Thomas being in the rivers mouth with thirty or forty men filling water about some mile from us. The road of Number de Dios is a fair road: but on each side, as you come to ride before the town, lieth a ledge of rocks, but there is no danger because they are in sight. You may ride between them in three or four fathom water, and without if you will in eight or ten fathoms, where neither Castle nor Fort can annoyed you. The name of Number de Dios was greater than their strength. For they had no Castle nor Fort, but only the little fort aforesaid standing on the top of an hill, although they might have made it stronger if they would. The 29 sit Thomas Baskeruil with 750 armed men, besides Chirurgeons and provand boys, went for Panama. The last of December the General burned half the town, and the first of januarie burned the rest, with all the Frigates, Barks & Galiots, which were in the harbour and on the beach on shore, having houses built over them to keep the pitch from melting. The second of january sir Thomas returned with his soldiers both weary and hungry, having marched more than half the way to the South sea. The Spaniards played divers times upon us both outward and homeward in the woods, the way being cut out of the woods & rocks both very narrow, and full of mire and water. The march was so sore as never English man marched before. Having marched some ten leagues in a marvelous strait way, upon the top of an hill, through which we must needs pass, the Spaniards had set up a Fort and kept it with some 80 or 90 men, who played upon us as we came up, before we were ware of them, and so killed some twenty or more of us, amongst whom was Captain Merchant quartermaster General, and Ensign Samson, Maurice Williams one of her majesties guard, besides diverse were hurt, as M. Captain Nicholas Baskeruil a valiant gentleman, with divers others. Then sir Thomas had perfect knowledge that they must pass two such Forts more, if he got that, besides Panama to be very strong, the enemy knowing of our coming long before. Also our soldiers had no victuals left, nor any means to get more: which considerations caused sir Thomas to return and give over his attempt. As he marched thitherward he took an Indian and sent him to Number de Dios with letters of his return and proceeding. The 5 we set sail at 12 of the clock, and stood to the Westward. The 10 day we see an Island lying Westward some 30 leagues called Escudo, The 〈◊〉 Escudo. where we came to anchor on the Southside in 12 fathoms water, fair sand and good ankorage. If you come into the Eastern po●nt, give it a birth, because of a ledge of rocks, that lieth out there from the end of the Island: coming to anchor we saw a roader, who seeing us, set sail, but that nig●● with our Pinnesses we took him, he had nothing in him but a little maiz. The men being ●●●mined by the General confessed him to be an Aduisor sent from Number de Dios to all the ports along the coast Westward. This Island lieth 9 or 10 leagues from the main, & is not past two leagues long full of wood, and hath great store of fresh water in every part of the Island, and that very good. It is a sickly climate also, and given to much rain: here we washed our ships, and set up the rest of our Pinnesses. The 15 day captain Plate died of sickness, and then sir Francis Drake began to keep his cabin, and to complain of a scouring or flux. The 23 we set sail and stood up again for Puerto Bello, which is but 3 leagues to the Westwards of Number de Dios. The death of sir Francis Drake. The 28 at 4 of the clock in the morning our General sir Francis Drake departed this life, having been extremely sick of a flu●e, which began the night before to stop on him. He used some speeches at or a little before his d●ath, rising and appareling himself, but being brought to bed again within one hour died. He made his brother Thomas Drake and captain jonas Bodenham e●ecutors, and M. Thomas Drakes son his heir to all his lands, except one manor which he gave to captain Bodenham. Puerto Bello. The same day we ankored at Puerto Bello, being the best harbour we found at along the main both for great ships and small. There standeth a saker shot off the shore at the Eastern point a little Island: and there is betwixt the main & that 5 or 6 fathoms: but the best coming in is the open mouth betwixt that Island & another Island that lieth to the westward with a range of rocks. In Puerto Bello were but 8 or 10 houses, besides a great new house which they were in building for the Governor that should have been for that place: there was also a very strong Fort all to the waters side with flankers of great trees and stones filled with earth between: and had not our coming disappointed their pretence, they would have made it one of the strongest places in all the main. There they meant to have builded a great town. We found there three pieces of brass ordinance sunk in the sea, which we weighed up, all the people were fled and their goods carried away. Up within this bay there was a little village but of no force, where we found a great fresh river, our men rowing up some two leagues found pillage, as wine and oil, and some small quantity of iron. After our coming hither to anchor, and the solemn burial of our General sir Francis in the sea: Sir Thomas Baskeruill being aboard the Defiance, where M. Bride made a sermon, having to his audience all the captains in the fleet, sir Thomas commanded all aboard the Garland, with whom he held a Council, & there showing his Commission was accepted for General & captain Bodenham made captain of the Defiance & M. Savill captain of the Adventure. The 27 died captain josias of the Delight, and captain Egerton a Gentleman of the Foresight, and james Wood chief chirurgeon of the fleet out of the Garland. The 28 died Abraham Kendal out of the Saker. At this place we watered again washed our ships & made new sails, it being by the General and all the captains agreed, that if we could by any means turn up again for Santa Martha, we should, if not, to go directly for England. Here also we took in some ballast as our need required. The 6 of February the Elizabeth of M. Wattes was discharged and sunk, and that day the Pegasus jolly was going on shore for water, carrying no guard: The Spaniards perceiving it came down upon them, killed two of them, and took 2 or 3 prisoners, and so ran up into the woods again. The seventh the Delight and captain Eden's frigate were discharged and sunk because they were old and leaked, and the Queen's ships wanted sailors. That day our men being mustered we had sick and whole 2000 And the next day we set on shore all our prisoners as Spaniards and negroes. But before at our first coming to Puerto Bello sir Thomas sent two of those Spaniards to Number de Dios and to Panama to fetch ransom for some of the chiefest prisoners, but they never returned again. As we were setting sail there came one with a flag of truce, and told the General that they had taken 18 of our men, and that they were well used, adding that if he would stay 8 or 10 days longer they should be brought from Panama. We supposed this to have been but a delay to have kept us there while the king's forces had come about by sea, as they daily expected. We set sail the 8 of February, turning up for Santa Martha, and the 14 day we see the islands of Baru some 14 leagues to the Westward of Carthagena: The General that night told us he would stand in ●or the town of Baru in the bay: but that night blew so much wind and continued that small moon, that the same night we lost the Foresight, and the next day standing again to make the land which we had made, we lost company of the Susan Parnel, The Help, and the Pegasus. Then ●he next day we put over for Cape S. Antony, and gave over Santa Martha. The 25 we see the Island of Grand Cayman some 30 leagues to the Northwestward of jamaica, The Grand C●yman● being a low sandy Island, having many tortoises about it. The 26 we see the high land of Cuba to the Eastward of the broken islands, to the East of the Island of Pinos, and were embayed in among those dangerous places. But perceiving it, we stood out again Southsoutheast and so got clear, and then stood away West and by North for the isle of Pinos, The I'll of Pinos. which we see the first of March. It is a low land with wood and fresh water to the Western end. If you come in with the midst of it you shall see rise up above the rest of the land 8 or 9 round homockes, and the Westermost hath three in one. Being that forth with the West end, and standing in for to water we espied 20 sail of ships about one in the afternone. This was a third part of the fleet which the king sent for Carthagena, the rest of the fleet being go for the Honduras. They were in all 60 sails sent only to meet our fleet, being comm●nded wheresoever they herded we were, to come upon us with all their three forces. This fleet which we met withal came standing for Cape de los Corrientes, and had been refreshed at Havana. assoon as they descried us, they kept close upon a tack, thinking to get the wind of us: but we weathered them. And when our Admiral with all the rest of our fleet were right in the w●nds ●ye of them, sir Thomas Baskeruil putting out the Queen's arms, and all the rest of our fleet their bravery, bore room with them● and commanded the Defiance not to shoot, but to ke●pe close by to second him. The Uiceadmirall of the Spaniards being a greater ship than any of ours, and the best sailor in all their fleet loofed by and gave the Concord the too first great shot, The fight between the English and the Spanish fleets. which she repaid presently again, thus the fight began. The Bonaventure ba●e full with her, ringing her such a peal of ordinance and small shot withal, that he left her with torn sides. The Admiral also made no spare of powder and shot. But the Defiance in the midst of the Spanish fl●ete thundering of her ordinance and small shot continued the fight to the end. So that the Uicea●mirall with 3 or 4 of her consorts were forced to tack about to the Eastward, leaving their admiral and the rest of the fleet, who came not so hotly into the fight as they did. The fight continued two hours & better. At sun set all the fleet tacked about to the Eastward, we continued our co●rse to the Westward for cape de los Corrientes, supposing we should have met with more of their consorts. In this conflict in the Defiance we had five men slain, three English men, a Gre●ke and a N●gro. That night some half hour after, their fleet keeping upon their weather quarter, we see a mighty smoke rise out of one of their great ships which stayed behind: One of the Spanish grea● ships burn●. which happened by means of powder as we think, and presently after she was all on a light fire, and so was consumed and all burned, as we might well perceive. The next day being th● second of March in the morning by break of day we were hard aboard Cape de los Corrientes, which is a bore low cape, having a bush of trees higher than the rest some mile to the Eastward of the cape. All Cuba is full of wood on the Southside. The Spanish fleet which then were but 14 no more than we were, kept still upon our weather quarter, but dared not to come room with us although our Admiral stayed for them. assoon as we had cleared ourselves of the Cape 3 of their best sailors came room with the Solomon, which was so near the land ●hat she could not double the Cape, but tacked about to the Eastward, & so was both a stern and also to leeward of all our fleet: But when we see the Spaniards working, the Defiance tacked about to rescue her: which the Spani●rds seeing, & having not forgotten the fight which she made the night before, they loofed up into the midst of their fleece again, and then all the fleet stayed until the Solomon came up, and so stood along for Cape S. Antonio, Cape San● Antonio. which we came in sight of by two in the after noon, being a low cape also, and to the South-west a white sandy bay where 3 or 4 ships may very well water. There is a good road to North & Easterly winds: there the Spaniards began to fall a stern. That night we stood away a glass or two Northwest, and Northnorthwest, and North-east, and in the morning-watch South, and in the morning had sight of Cuba about the East part of the Organs, which are dangerous rocks lying 8 leagues off upon the North part of Cuba, presently assoon as you pass Cape S. Anthony: then we stood to the Eastward of the land, the wind at Southsouthwest, and at 6 at night had foul weather, but after were becalmed all night. The 5 the wind came scant. The 7 we saw a high land like a crown, The Crown●● which appeareth so 13 or 14 leagues to the Westward of Havana, and another place in Cuba called The Table, 8 leagues to the Eastward of the crown. The land over Havana maketh two small mountains like a woman's breasts or paps. Here we found no great current until we came to the Gulf of Bahama. The 10 we see the Cape of Florida being but a reasonable low land and broken islands to the Southward of the Cape. The cape o● Florida. And at two in the afternoon we lost sight of the land 12 leagues to the Northward of the Cape. After we had disemboqued, we stood West till midnight, and were in 28 degrees, and then stood North-east till the 13 at night, when we were in 31 degrees. And after the wound scanted with a great storm, in which we lost the Bonaventure, and the Little john, they bearing on head. Then we stood with our larbord tacked Eastsoutheast. The 19 we were in 29 degrees our course Eastnortheast. The 21 we had a great stormy gale of wind and much rain but large. And then all the rest of our fleet fallen a stern except the Hope, which bore a head: so that there kept no more with the Admiral, but the Defiance, the Adventure, and the Phoenix. The 28 we were in 39 degrees, and stood away for Flores, which the 8 of April we see, and the 9 came to an anchor on the Southside, where we watered because the Defiance when we came in had but two butts of water. We bartered with the Portugals for some fresh victuals, and set here on shore at our coming away out of the Admiral our two Portugal Pilots; which sir Francis Drake carried out of England with him. The 10 b●ing Easter-eve at night we set sail the wind serving us to lie some slent in our course. That night and Easter day we had much rain: the wind came up at North-east, we bea●e it by some 30 leagues to the Eastward, & then about to the West, and so again to the East, and tried, and the next board to the West. On Thursday towards night, being the 16 we had sight of Coruo again, we tried all that night: and on Friday towards night we came to an anchor to the Westward of the point of Santa Cruz under Flores: but before midnight we drove, and set sail the next day standing away Northeast. About three of the clock in the afternoon the wind came up again at North. On sunday the 19 by two of the clock in the afternoon we had made 20 leagues an East way: and then the wind came up a good gale at Northwest, and so North-east with a flown sheet we made the best way we could: but being dispersed by bad weather we arrived about the beginning of May in the West parts of England. And the last ships which came in together to Plymouth were the Defiance, the Garland, the Adventure, and the Phoenix. A Libel of Spanish lies written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda, General of the king of Spain's Armada, concerning some part of the last voyage of Sir Francis Drake; together with a confutation of the most notorious falsehoods therein contained, and a declaration of the truth by M. Henry Savile Esquire: and also an approbation of both by sir Thomas Baskeruil General of her majesties Armada after the decease of sir Francis Drake. To the courteous Reader. WHereas Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda, General of the Spanish fleet, hath by his printed letters published to the world diverse untruths, concerning our fleet and the Commanders thereof, seeking thereby his own glory, and our disgrace; I have taken upon me (though of many least able) to confute the same, the rather for that the printed copy came fi●st into my hands, having myself been Captain of one of her majesties ships in the same voyage. Take this therefore (gentle Reader) as a token of my duty and love to my country and countrymen, and expect only a plain truth, as from the pen of a soldier and Navigator: Which if you take in good part, you may draw me hereafter to publish some greater labour. HENRY SAVILE. THe true copy of a letter found at the sacking of Cadiz, written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda, General of the king of Spain his Navy in the West Indies, sent unto Doctor Peter Florez, Precedent of the contractation house for the Indies, and by him put in print with privilege: wherein are declared many untruths, and false reports, tending to the disgrace of the service of her majesties Navy, and the commanders thereof, lately sent to the West Indies, under the command of sir Francis Drake, and sir john Hawkins Generals at the sea; and sir Thomas Baskeruill General at land: with a confutation of divers gross lies and untruths, contained in the same letter: together with a short relation of the fight, according to the truth. Copia de una carta, que embio Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda● General de la Armada de su Magestad, embiada all Doctor Pedro Florez Presidente de la casa de la Contratation de las India's: en que trata del sucesso de la Armada de Ynglatterra, despues que partio de Panama, de que few por General Francisco Draque, y de su muerte. DE Cartagena di cuenta a vuestra Merced common sali del puerto de la ciudad de Lisbona, en busca de la armada Ynglesa, aunque por la mucha priessa, no se pudieron reparar tanbien los Galeones common suera necessario, y con el tiempo se perdio uno, y po● desgracia se quemo un Filibote, y au●endo andado muchos dias en bu●ca del enemigo, hasta que llegue a Cartagena, dondo aviendo tomado el parecer de Don Pedro de Acunna Governador y capitan general de aquella ciudad, porque tenia mucha necessidad de agua, y reparar los Navios por que venian faltoes della, me detwe en aquel puerto, adonde tuve noticia por un Auiso, que Francisco Draque mu●io en Number de Dios, de pena de aver perdido tantos Baxeles y gente, aunque despues se supo mas por estenso. Y aviendo dado a vucstia Merced cuenta de lo que hasta alli a sucedido, agora la doy de que sali de aquel puerto a dos de Março, y tome la derrota de la Havana, donde entendi hallarlo: y aviendo hecho la diligencia possible, Lunes à onze deal d●cho mes, alas dos despues de medio dia, all salir de la Ysla de Pinos, en la ensenada de Guaniguanico, tope con el, que yva con catorze Navios muy buenos: fueme arrimando a el, aunque tenia el viento por suyo, y el Almiranta que yva mas all viento con otros does Navios commenço ar●imarsele, y aunque vino sober ella con todos los suyos tres vezes, no few part acercarsele para que quisi●sse enuestir: los que ●stauamos mas apartadoes fuymos dando bordoes acercandonos hasta jugar la artilleria, Mosqueteria, y Arcabuzeria de los mas delloes, en loveless qual el recibio muy conocido danno, el lo hizo con el artilleria common suele, y particularment el Almiranta, y en reconociendo la volun●ad con que ●el nos arrimavamos, con mas diligencia de lo que se puede creer se desembaraço de todos, poniendose en huyda, dando las velas, dexando en la mar todas 'las Lanchas q●e traya. Yo le segui con nueve Navios toda la noche, y con quatro mas todo el diamond, hasta haze●le doblar el cabo de Sant Anton, y tomar la derrota de la Canal de Bahama, conform a las instruciones de su Magestad: siruio de poco el for me con menos numero de Navios, ni todas las diligencias que ●e hizieron, para que se inclinase a esperar ni abordar, ni tirar un arcabuz, ●i una pieça, porque el se dio la diligencia que pudo, porque sus Navios los avia reduzido a la mi●ad, y los mejores, y estos acabava de reparar en Puerto Bello, donde se estavo mas de quarenta dias, y ansi venian muy reparados; y yo saque los mios desbaratadoes, que no me dio el tiempo lugar para adereçarlos. A que navego does meses y medio, y traygo la capitana, que desde que parti de Cartagena no an parado las bombas, y el dia que sal●●e me Io a●rimo una Zabra con esta necessidad; la Almitanta y los demas Navios vienen con el mismo trabajo, pero sin embargo, por lo que yo vi en los enemigos; era muy conocida la ventaja que nos hazia, y mucha dicha seria apoderarse del, sino ●s hallarlo sober el Ferro. Con todo esso me an dexado un Navio muy bueno en 'las manos con muy buena gente, lafoy qual dize common murio el Draque en Number de Dios, y que va por general de la dicha armada Yuglesa el Colonel Quebraran, y por el poco lugar que se a dado no an podido ●omar Agua, l●nna, ni carne, y van de manera que no se common an de llegar a Ynglatierra. Entre la gente deven de ser ciento y quarenta, y quinze nobles capitanes de lo mejor de alli, y algunos ricos, segun se echa de ver en elloes. Not senior ofrece otra cosa: nuestro sennor guard a vuestra Merced, common puede, y yo desseo. De la Havana. 30 de Março, de 1596. Annos. Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda. EL Licenciado Don ivan Bermudes y Figueroa, Teniente mayor de Assistente desta ciudad de Sevilla y su tierra, que hago officio de Assistente della por ausencia de su Se●●oria del Conde de Priego, Doy licencia a Rodrigo de Cabrera, para que pued● imprimir ●a Relation de la muerte de Francisco Draque. La qual haga por does meses, y por ●●os not lo imprima otro alguno. So pena de diez mill maravedis para la camara de su Magestad. Fecha en Sevilla a quinze de Mayo de mill y quinientoes y noventa y seys annos. El Licenciado Don ivan Bermudez y Figueroa. Por su mandado, Gregorio Gutierez, Escrivano. The Spanish letter Englished. The Copy of a letter which Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda, General of the king of Spain his army, sent unto Doctor Peter Florez, Precedent of the contractation house for the Indies, wherein he maketh mention of the success of the English army, after they departed from Panama, whereof was General Francis Drake, and of his death. FRom Cartagena I gave relation unto your Worship how I departed from the city of Lisbon, in the pursuit of the English army: although for the great haste the Galeons' could not be so well repaired as was needful, and with foul weather one was lost, and a Flyboat was burned. And having sailed many days in pursuit of the enemy, until I arrived at Cartagena, and there taking the advise of Don Pedro de Acunna, Governor of the city, and Captain general (for we had great need of water, and to repair our ships) we stayed in that port: whereas I had intelligence by an Indian that Francis Drake died in Number de Dios, for very grief that he had lost so many Barks and men, as was afterwards more manifestly known. Thus having given you a relation of all that happened hitherto, now I let you understand that I le●t this Port the second of March, and took our course towards Havana, where I thought to have found the English fleet. And having used all th● diligence possible, upon Monday the eleventh of the said month, about two of the clock in the afternoon, at the ●nd of the isle of Pinos, in the entrance of Guaniguanico, I met with the English fleet, being fourteen very good ships: I drawn towards them although they had the wind of us, and our Admerall who boar up towards the wind, with other two sh●ps began to draw near them, and although we set thus upon them, three times with all their ships, yet would they not set again upon us, and those of our men which were farthest of cry●d to them amain, being both within shot of artillery, muskets, and calivers, whereby they received evident hurt by us: They plied their great ordinance according to their manner, and especially their U●ceadmirall, and seeing our resolution how sharp we were bend towards them, they with all expedition and speed● possible prepared to flie● way, hoisting sails and le●uing their boats for haite in the sea: but I followed them; with nine ships all the night following, and with four more the next day, till I made th●m double the Cape of S. Antony, and to take the course towards the Channel of Bahama, according to the instructions from his Majesty. It little availed us to be seen, with less number of ships, neither yet all the diligence we could use, could c●use them to stay or come near us nor to shoot off one arqebus or piece of artillery, for they fled away as fast as they could, and their ships w●re half diminished, and that the best part of them; the cost they repaired in Puerto Bello, whereas they were about forty days, and so by that means they were all w●ll repaired; and our ships were very soul, because the time would not permit us to ●rim them: I have sailed 2 months and a half in the Admiral, since we departed from Cartagena, we have not repaired their pumps nor cleansed them: and the same day I departed t●en●e, there c●me unto me a small Pinnace in the like distress: our Uiceadmirall and the rest of our ships have the like impediment, but no great hindrance unto us, for aught I could perceive by our enemies: It is manifest what advantage they had of us, and by no means was it possible for us to take them, vnlesse● we could have come to have found them at an anchor. Nevertheless they left us one good ship behind for our share, well manned, which told me that Drake died in Number de Dios, and that they have made for General of the English fleet the Colonel Quebraran: and also by means of the small time, being straight followed by us, they had no opportunity to take either water, wood or flesh, and they are also in such bad case, that I know not how they will be able to arrive in England. The number of men we have taken are about an hundred and forty, and fifteen noble captains of their best sort, and some of them rich, as well may appear by their behaviour: I have no other thing to writ at this time. Our Lord keep you who best can, and as I desire. From Havaua the 30 of March, 1596. DON BERNALDINO DELGADILLO DE AVELLANEDA. THe Licenciat Don john Bermudes of Figueroa Lieutenant of the Assistants of the city of Seville, and the Province thereof, who doth supply the office of the Assistant in the absence of the Right honourable the Earl of Priego, giveth licence to Roderigo de Cabriera to imprint the Relation of the death of Francis Drake, which only he may do for two months, and no other to imprint the same within the said term, upon pain of ten thousand Maravedis for his majesties chamber. Given in Seville the 15 of May, 1596. The Licenciat Don john Bermudes of Figueroa. By his Assign Gregory Gutierez Notary. THis letter of the General Don Bernaldino sent into Spain declaring the death of Sir Francis Drake and their supposed victory, was altogether received for an undoubted truth, and so pleasing was this news unto the spaniard, that there was present commandment given to publish the letter in print, that all the people of Spain might be partakers of this common joy: the which letter printed in Seville, bearing date the 15 of May, 1596 came to the hands of Henry Savile Esquire, who being employed in that service for the West Indies, and Captain of her majesties good ship the Adventure, under the conduct of sir Francis Drake, and sir john Hawkins, hath caused the said printed letter to be translated into English. And that the impudency of the Spanish General may the more plainly appear, the said Henry Savile doth answer particularly to every untruth in the same letter contained, as hereafter followeth. The answer to the Spanish letter. First the General doth say, that Francis Drake died at Number de Dios, as he had intelligence by an Indian. THe General sent this news into his country confirmed with his hand and seal of Arms: The General's first news, & his best news is in part lying news. It is the first news in his letter, and it was the best news that he could sand into Spain. For it did ease the stomachs of the timorous Spaniards greatly to hear of the death of him, whose life was a scourge and continual plague unto them: But it was a point of great simplicity, and scarcely befeeming a General, to tie the credit of his report locally to any place upon the report of a silly Indian slave. For it had been sufficient to have said, that Francis Drake was certainly dead, without publishing the lie in print, by naming Nombre de Dios: for it is most certain sir Francis Drake died twixt the Island of Escudo, and Puerto Bello: but the General being ravished with the sudden joy of this report as a man that hath escaped a great danger of the enemy, doth break out into an insolent kind of bragging of his valour at Sea, and heaping one lie upon another, doth not cease until he hath drawn them into sequences, and so doth commend them unto Peter the Doctor, as censor of his learned work. Secondly, The General doth writ unto the Doctor, that Francis Drake died for very grief that he had lost so many barks and men. A Thing very strange that the General or the Indian, whom he doth vouch for his lie, should have such speculation in the body of him whom they never see, as to deliver for truth unto his country, the very cause or disease whereof he died: and this second report of his is more gross than the first. For admit the mistaking of the place might be tolerable; notwithstanding, this precise affirming the cause of his death doth manifestly prove that the General doth make no conscience to lie. Don Bernaldino doth lie impudently. And as concerning the loss of any Barks or men in our Navy, by the valour of the Spaniard before Sir Francis Drake his death, we had none (one small Pinnace excepted) which we assuredly know was taken by chance, falling single into a fleet of five Frigates (of which was General Don Pedro Telio) near unto the Island of Dominica, and not by the valour Don Bernaldino: the which five Frigates of the kings afterwards had but ill success, The success of the kings fiu● Frigates. for one of them we burned in the harbour of S. ivan de Puerto rico, and one other was sunk in the same harbour, and the other three were burned amongst many other ships at the taking of Cadiz. This I think in wise men's judgements, will seem a silly cause to make a man sorrow to death. The certain cause whereof sir Francis Drake died. For true it is, sir Francis Drake died of the flux which he had grown upon him eight days before his death, and yielded up his spirit like a Christian to his creator quietly in his cabin. And when the General shall survey his loss, he shall find it more than the loss of the English, and the most of his, destroyed by the bullet: but the death of Sir Francis Drake was of so great comfort unto the Spaniard, that it was thought to be a sufficient amendss, although their whole fleet had been utterly lost. Thirdly, the General doth say of his own credit, and not by intelligence from any Indian or other, that on the eleventh of March last he met the English fleet at the isle of Pinos, being fourteen good ships: who although they had the wind of him, yet he set upon them three times with all their ships: but the English fleet fled, and refused to fight, shooting now and then a shot, but especially the Vice-admiral. THis third lie of the General Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda (whose name for the proliritie thereof may be drawn somewhat near the length of a cable) hath no colour of protection, A pa●●e of Spanish liars. but it hath a just proportion in measure to the lies of old Bernardino de Mendoça his countryman, concerning the overthrow of her majesties Navy in the year one thousand five hundred eighty and eight. For except Don Bernaldino the General did purpose to win the whetstone from Don Bernardino de Mendoça the old Spanish liar; I cannot co●iecture why he should writ to his country for a truth, that he chased the English Navy with nine ships, and did three several times give the onset to the English fleet, who being fourteen good ships (as he says) did fly and refuse to fight; considering that the Spanish Uiceadmirall (if he be living) and many other, can witness the contrary: The Spanish Uiceadmirall a man of valour. who fight like a true valiant man, departed from the fight with a torn and battered ship to save her from sinking. Neither can I imagine that there is any one in the Spanish fleet (Don Bernaldino excepted) that will say they were less than twenty sail of ships when they met the English fleet: and the Spanish Navy can witness that they received such store of bullets from the English fleet, that they were glad to departed, The number of Spanish ships after the fight. and in despite of them the English navy did hold their determined course: And taking a view of the Spanish fleet the next day, their number was not above thirteen ships, which did argue that they were either sunk or fled to harbour to save themselves. Fourthly, the General says, that the English fleet fled away, and left their * The translation of the Spanish word Lanchas is here mistaken. oars for haste behind them in the sea. IT was strange that they should leave behind them oars in the sea, suhence there was not in the English fleet either Galley or Galliasse, which required the use of oars: as for the oars of their shipboates and other such small vessels, they had slowed them aboard their ships, This lie was made in the General● own forge. and were no impediment unto them, but most necessary for them to use, and therefore not likely they would cast them overboard: But it is more likely, that the General fallen into some pleasant dreanie at Sea, wherein he did see a false apparition of victory against the English, and for lack of matter did set this down in his letter for news of his country: It is sin to bely the Devil, and therefore the General shall have his right: the letter is so well contrived, and yet with no great eloquence, but with such art, that there are not many more lines, than there are lies, which showed that there are wonderful and extraordinary gifts in the General: but I am persuaded if Don Bernaldino had thought that his letter should have been printed, he would have omitted many things contained in the letter: for the Doctor did use him somewhat hardly in the wing the letter openly, and more in suffering it to be printed: for friends may like good fellows sand lies one to the other for recreation, and feed their friends with some small taste thereof, so it be kept close, without danger to incur the title of a lying General: But as the matter is now handled through the simplicity of the Doctor, I cannot see but the General Don Bernaldino is like to carry the title equally twixt both his shoulders. Fiftly, the General doth say in his printed letter, that notwithstanding all the diligence he could use, he could not 'cause the English fleet to stay nor come near them, nor discharge one arqebus or piece of artillery, but fled away as fast as they could. ANd this lie also he doth not receive by intelligence from any other, but himself was an eye-witness in the action, which made him bold to send this with the rest into his country for current news: but herein Don Bernaldino was more bold than wise, for the torn and battered sides of his Galeons', being compared with her majesties ships, The torn 〈◊〉 of the Spanish ships do condemn Don Bernaldino of lying. and others that served in that fight, do declare, that his ships received at lest two bullets for one. Neither can it be concealed but his own countrymen (if any do favour truth) may easily see the loss, and late reparations, done unto the king's fleet, sithence they did encounter with the English Navy, whensoever they that remain shall arrive in Spain. But the General seemeth to be a very good proficient in his profession, and wareth somewhat bold, treading the true steps of old Bernardino de Mendoça: and yet Mendoça was somewhat more wary in his lies, for he had sometime the colour of intelligence to shadow them: but the General growing from boldness to impudency maketh no scruple to say, that the English Navy fled as fast as they could without discharging any arqebus or piece of artillery, when as the battered sides of his ships do return the lie to his face: For in this conflict Don Bernaldino did behave himself so valiantly, that he was always farthest of in the fight, and had so great care of his own person, that he stood clear from the danger of musket or any small shot, and dared not approach; whereas our General was the foremost, and so held his place, until by order of fight other ships were to have their turns, The order of the English Navy. according to his former direction: who wisely and politicly had so ordered his vanguard, and rearward, that as the manner of it was altogether strange to the spaniard, so might they have been without all hope of victory, if their General had been a man of any judgement in sea-fights: The Spaniar● cannot brag of his gain. I know no reason why the English Navy should fly from him; for the spaniard may put all the gain in his eye that ever he did win from the English: Peradventure some silly novice of our country meeting the General in Spain, and hearing a repetition of so many syllables in one name, as Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda, might think them to be words of conjuration, and for fear of raising a spirit, might fly from him as from the Devil: or some simple Indian slave hearing the like repetition of his long and tedious name, might suppose it to be an army of Spaniards, and for fear run away: Spanish brag are of no value with the English. but the commanders and captains of the English Navy were men of such resolution, that no Spanish brags could dismay them (for they have often met them with their Pikes in their Spanish beards) nor the countenance of Don Bernaldino quail them, although he were acowered in his gilded leather buskins, and his Toledo rapier. Sixtly, the General says in his letter, that notwithstanding their flying away so fast, the English left them one good ship well manned, who told him that Drake died in Number de Dios: in which ship were one hundred and forty men, and fifteen noble captains of the best sort. THe General Don Bernaldino, like a resolute spaniard having already go over his shoes, maketh no danger to wade over his boots also: and as he hath begun, so he both conclude. I marvel that he did not in writing his discourse remember this old saying: that is, A liar aught to have a good memory: It were much better for him in mine opinion to revoke the testimony which he says he had from the Englishmen, concerning Sir Francis Drake his death at Number de Dios, and stand to the intelligence received from the silly Indian slave, as it appeareth in his first lie: for without all doubt there is no English man that will say (if he have his right senses) that he died at Number de Dios, for they all know the contrary: neither can the General avouch that he received intelligence from any English man, Don Bernaldino his rare gift in coining a new and strange name. that after the death of Sir Francis Drake they did elect for General Colonel Quebraran (as he doth most falsely affirm in the latter end of his vain and frivolous letter) seeing that this name was strange & unknown to any in the English Navy. Neither do I imagine that any of those which the General says he hath taken, were so forgetful, as not to remember their General's name. But without all doubt this addition of so new and strange a name to the English General, doth prove that Don Bernaldino is not unfurnished of a forge and storehouse of lies, from whence as from an everflowing fountain, he sendeth forth lies of all sorts sufficient for his own store, and great plenty to furnish his friends: the General was much beholding to his godfathers who gave him the name Bernaldino, which we in English do take to be plain Barnard, which name hath as it were a kind of privilege from being sharply reprehended, The schoolmen of modesty do use this kind of reprehension, when they do think the author to err. when the party is thought to err: for it is a common saying amongst the schoolmen that Bernardus non videt omma, viz. Barnard seethe not all things, (when he doth dissent from their opinions) the which favour we could be content to yield to Bernaldino for the name sake, if he were not taken with so many manifest and impudent lies: neither do I think that Sennor Bernaldino will say, that he saw all that he hath written, be it spoken in council for shaming the General: for is there any man so void of reason as to think, that any Englishman being demanded of his General's name, would writ or sp●ake Quebraran for Baskeruil. The difference twixt Quebraran and Baskeruill. So much difference there is in the sound of the syllables, as there is no affinity at all, or likelihood of truth. But such are the General's rare gifts, (be it ●pok●n to his small praise) that we Englishmen must of force confess, that the General hath given a proud onset to carry the whetstone from Sennor Bernardino de Mendoça: neither will the hundred and forty men and fifteen noble Captains (which he says he did take, of whom he might have ben● rightly informed of their General's name) acquit him of lying forgery, for giving the name of Quebraran to the English General. As for the good ship well manned, which he says the English left them after the fight, I am persuaded he hath no man to witness that lie, for the ship was separated by weather from the English fleet in the night, thirteen days before the fight with the Spanish Navy, and never to any man's knowledge came more in sight of the English fleet. The General maketh great brag● in taking a distressed ship, which is supposed not to strike one blow. The 15 noble Captains contrary to the General's l●ing occupation, will prove out three. If the Spanish ship by chance did take the said well manned ship (as they call her) I doubt not but they have the ship, the hundred and forty men, and the fifteen noble Captains to show: But evermore I guess the Spanish reckoning will fall short when it is examined, for the fifteen noble Captains will prove (as I take it) but three, whose loss I grieve to think on: Neither did the Spaniards gain them by valour, or we lose or leave them for cowardice, as most untruly this bragging liar hath certified. But the General like a provident man, to make his fame and credit the greater with his Prince and country, taketh upon him (amongst other his miracles performed before the English fleet) by way of amplification to make small matters seem great, as a little shoe to serve a great foot, and finding that it can hardly be brought to pass, he doth so stretch the leather with his teeth that it is ready to break: and yet notwithstanding all this will not serve his purpose; for the printing of the letter doth mar the play, and bringeth such matter in question, as the General doth wish might be concealed, and were he not of so dry and choleric a complexion, as commonly Spaniards are, he would blush for very shame in publishing so impudently such manifest untruths. For since his meeting with the English fleet at the isle of Pinos, there hath been by the worthy English Generals an honourable expedition from England into the Continent of Spain, The first discovery of the General's printed letter. where amongst other exploits having taken the city of Cadiz, in the sack thereof was found some of Don Bernaldino his printed letters: which coming to the hands of a captain that served in Sir Francis Drakes last voyage to the West Indies, he hath thought very fit (in regard of the slanders to the English Navy contained in the said letter) to quote the errors, that the truth only may appear, to all such as have a desire to be rightly informed of such accidents as befallen them in this late voyage to the West Indies: and this may suffice to show Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda his great judgement in amplifying small matters, or of nothing to make in show somewhat. And now having thus far informed you of the truth in reproof of the slanderous, false, and untrue reports of this glorious lying General, with a true disproof to some of the grossest of his lies, I will leave him with the rest of his lying letter, and the circumstances therein contained to your censures: who in discretion may easily discern the same: And have here following plainly and truly set down the course and order of our whole fight after we met. The meeting of our English Navy and the Spanish fleet, and the order of our encounter. Monday the first of March, according to our computation, we descried the Island of Pinos, where haling in for the Western part thereof, thinking there to have watered, being within four leagues of it Southerly, we sent in three of our Pinnesses to discover the harbour, The first discovery of the Spanish fleet. and to sound afore us, about one of the clock in the afternoon; the same day we discovered a fleet of twenty sails, and deeming them to be the Spanish fleet, we kept our loof to get the wind, but their Uiceadmirall with divers other ships went about to cut off our Pinnesses; so that our General with some other of our ships, was forced to tack about upon the larbourd tack, and so ran in towards the land keeping the wind, so as we recovered our Pinnesses; which forced the enemy's ships to tack about, and to take the aid of their fleet, and being come near unto them they shot at us; we still approached, having our close fights up, our flags, ensigns and streamers displayed, our men orderly placed in each quarter, but forbore our sight until our General began, and gave us warning to come in and fight, by shooting off a great piece, according to his former directions: so being within musket shot, the Uiceadmirall of the Spanish fleet came nearest unto us, The encounter betwixt the English and the Spanish ships to whom our Uiceadmirall john Traughton Captain of the Elizabeth Bonaduenture gave fight, betwixt whom there was the greatest volley of small shot changed that lightly hath been herded at Sea, which continued a long half hour. In which time the Spanish fleet came in to fight. Our General sir Thomas Baskeruill being in the Garland (whereof Humphrey Reignolds was Captain, being the next ship unto the Elizabeth Bonaduenture) bore up to the enemy, playing with his great ordinance hotly until he came within musket shot. jonas Bodenham Captain of the Defiance, and Henry Savile Captain of the Adventure, came likewise in to fight with them. After the Garland being within musket shot played her part, and made good fight for the space of an hour. The Defiance bore up likewise and had her turn: after came the Adventure again within musket shot, who having changed many a great bullet with them before, renewed his fight, & continued it an hour with small shot. Then came Thomas Drake Captain of the Hope, who last of all had his turn. Thus had all the Queen's ships their course: The merchants ships with other small vessels being without the Queen's ships, shot when they see opportunity. After the enemy finding no good to be done (being well beaten) fallen from us, the Adventure playing upon them with her great ordinance, made three of the last shot at them: their Uiceadmirall with divers others of their ships, were so beaten that they left off the fight, The Spanish Uiceadmirall can witness, what success, they had in this fight. and were forced to lie in the wind, for that they dared not lie of either board by reason of their many and great leaks, which they had received by our great shot. The General with the rest of their fleet tacking about, fallen in our wake, thinking to get the wind, which in the beginning we sought to hinder. But our General seeing that in holding the w●nde we should shoot ourselves into the bay, The English Admiral carried his Cresset light notwithstanding the enemy was upon his broad side. gave them the wind. All that night they kept themselves upon our broad side, notwithstanding our Admiral carried his cresset-light all night, having great care of our smallest ships. This fight continued about four hours till it was near night, in the which fight, thanks be to God, there were slain so few people of our English fleet, as I think the like conflict hath not been performed with so little loss of men: What harm befallen the Spaniards in their fleet I leave to your judgements. Yet our eyes can witness their ships were sore beaten and raked through, whereby there was such falling back and lying by the lee to stop their leaks, as some of them were driven to haste away, and rather to run on shore to save themselves then sink in the Sea: besides within two hours after our fight with them, we saw one of their great ships on fire which burned into the Sea, and all the stern of another of their ships blown up: And in the morning a ship of our fleet was run so near the land, that to double the Cape de los Corrientes he must of necessity tack about and fall in the wake of the enemy, which caused our General in the Garland and the Defiance to tack about; which two ships forced the three ships of the enemies (which were put forth to take our ship, or else to 'cause her run on ground) to return to their fleet to save themselves, hoisting all their sails for haste: This morning they were fair by us having the wind of us, The remainder of the Spanish fleet were but thirteen sails. being but thirteen sail of their twenty to be seen: then we struck our top sails thinking to have fought with them again, which they perceiving tacked about from us, and after that never dared nor would come near us: What become of the rest of their fleet we know not, but true it was that they were in great distress mightily beaten and torn, by having received many bullets from us. All this day we had sight of them, but they showed little will to fight or come near us, so we keeping our course West, and by North, about six of the clock at night lost the sight of them. And this is a true discourse of our fight with the Spanish fleet. The which the author hereof will justify with the adventure of his life, against any spaniard serving in that action, that shall contradict the same. HENRY SAVILE. Thomas Baskeruil knight, his approbation to the former twofold discourse of Captain Savile. I Thomas Baskeruill knight, General of her majesties late Indian armada in the late conflict had between the Spanish fleet and us, having perused the Spanish letter written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda, General of the king of Spain's Navy, and also having perused captain Henry Savile his answers unto the six exceptions in the General's letter, with his discourse of the manner of our fight with the Spanish fleet, do say that the said Henry Savile hath answered the letter, and set down the order of the fight sincerely according to truth, for testimony of which I have hereunto set my hand. And if Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda the General shall take any exceptions to this my approbation, or stand in the justification of his lying letter written to Doctor Peter Florez, Precedent of the Contractation house for the Indies, and by him for Bernaldinos glory lately put in print: I then say that he falsely lied, and that I will maintain against him with whatsoever arms he shall make choice of. And because the kingdoms wherein we abide are enemies (by reason of which there is no means in either of them, to maintain that I have written) let him make choice of any indifferent kingdom of equal distance from either realm, and I will there be ready to maintain as much as I have written: But if by my employments into France I be so stayed by her majesties commandments, that I cannot out of that realm meet him in any other, I cannot see why he should take any exception to that, considering the equality of the place, and that the Armies of both our Princes be there resident, THOMAS BASKERVILE. A true relation of the voyage undertaken by Sir Anthony Shirley Knight in Anno 1596. intended for the isle of San Tomés, but performed to S. jago, Dominica, Margarita, along the coast of Tierra firma, to the isle of jamaica, the bay of the Honduras, 30 leagues up Rio Dolce, and homeward by Newfoundland. With the memorable exploits achieved in all this voyage. WE departed from Hampton the 23 of April with nine ships and a galley. The Bevice Admiral being 300 tons, the galleon Uiceadmirall being 240 tons. The George Rereadmirall being 160 tons. The Archangel being 250 tons. The Swan 200 tons, the George Noble being 140 tons, the Wolf 70 tons, the Mermaid 120 tons, the Little john 40 tons the Galley and a Pinnace. All which ships we sufficiently victualled and furnished for ten months, with all necessaries fit for the voyage. They were also manned with soldiers and sailors, exceeding well appointed with all furniture necessary for the intended purpose of our General to the full number of 900. rateably & orderly distributed into every ship. We arrived at Plymouth the 29 of April, where we found the Right honourable Earl of Essex ready for the attempt of his Cadiz Action, with whom our General left three ships and 500 soldiers well victualled and furnished. So the 21 of May we departed from Plymouth with the Bevice, the Gallion, the George, the George Noble, the Wolf and the Galley and Pinnace, determining our voyage for the isle of S. Tomés. But if our whole force had remained with us our General's purpose was to have first sacked the Madera I'll, and so to have proceeded for S. Tomés. The 27 of May we arrived upon the coast of Spain, coasting all the shore, hoping to meet with some of the king's ships. From thence we passed in sight of the coast of Barbary, and came to Masagant, The Fort of Masagant. within shot of the Fort, which our General reported to be an excellent fortification, where the Spaniard is in strong garrison. And bending our course for the Canary Iles there purposing to water, our galley lost her rudder; so our General directed the George Noble to go for the isle Mogador, there to repair the Galleys wants. Between which place and the Canary Iles we took a flybote of two hundred tons bond for brasil, having nothing aboard her but some small portion of victuals for their relief. The Captain of this Flybote took upon him to be a perfect Pilot of S. Tomés, A Flieboat taken. and willingly consented to stay with us, being a Fleming. Having watered at the Canaries, by the counsel of this Fleming we shaped our course for the Isles of Cape Verde, he assuring us that we should there meet the fleet of Saint Tomés, for the year was so far passed, that we knew they were all departed from S. Tomés. The first of july we fallen with the Isle Maio, The Isle of Mayo. where we see small hope of any fleet to be expected, & therefore departed for Cape Verde, the appointed place for the George noble to meet us: where we arrived the fift of july, and there found him. And so instantly we proceeded for our voyage, because the year was far spent. At this place most unfortunately our General fallen exceeding sick, and we wanting water were enforced to go with a place named Pescadores in 10 degrees of North latitude, where we had many skirmishes with the barbarous Negroes. Our General now hopeless of life, and we all dismayed and comfortless through that his exceeding extremity, having his memory very perfect, he called all his Captains, Masters, and officers unto him, unto whom he made a very pithy and brief speech, tending to this purpose: That as we were Christians and all baptised and bread up under one and the true faith, so we should live together like Christians in the fear and service of God: And as we were the subjects of our most excellent sovereign, and had vowed obedience unto her: so we should tend all our courses to the advancement of her dignity, and the good of our country, and not to enter into any base or unfit actions. And because we came for his love into this action that for his sake we would so love together as if himself were still living with us, and that we would follow (as our chief commander) him, unto whom under his hand he would give commission to succeed himself: all which with solemn protestation we granted to obey. Then for that the year was past, and finding the cost of Guynea most tempestuous, he see in reason that the bay of AEthiopia would be our utter overthrow, and infect us all to death: whereupon he advised us to be respective of ourselves, and to divert our purpose from S. Tomés, either for Brasil or the West India, yielding many reasons that it was our best course: but we all with one voice desired to proceed for S. Tomés. And so departing from this contagious filthy place, we directed our course for S. Tomés, but could by no means double the sholds of Madrabomba, but very dangerously ran into should water, still hoping of the best. In fine we were enforced to bear up & take some other course; for the time wasted, our men fallen sick, A most contagious & filthy place. and the coast was contagious always raging & tempestuous. The water falling from the heavens did stink, and did in 6 hours turn into maggots where it fallen either among our clotheses, or in wads of Ocombe. So by a general consent it was held to be our best course to go for the West India; & so much the rather, because we had good pilots for that place, who undertook more than was after performed. So we bend our course for the Isles of Cape Verde, & arriving at the Isle of S. jago the 30 of August, we presently landed at Praia, where we found a small bark in the road laden with wine and meal. After we were departed from this vile coast of Guyny our General to our great comforts began to recover strength; so that being now at Praia, The town o● Praya upon the Isle of S. jago taken. he was able to land with us. In our landing the people made a show of great resistance, but we entered the town without hindrance, being a very pretty town, having a small fort in it, with 6 or 8 cast pieces. Being here on shore, and finding nothing left in the town, divers of our company were very importunate with our General, that he would go to the city of S. jago being 6 miles off: through their importunity he yielded consent, and so we marched towards the city with 280 soldiers. As we passed by the Negroes and herdsmen, they would cry unto us Guarda S. jago. That night we lost our way, & lay under a hedge. The next morning the Ordinance of S. jago was shot off to give us notice where the town was: so we marched towards it at the break of the day. The country then being all spread over with people made show of fear only to draw us into the town: but we farther marched with our colours flying by the drum. The gentlemen would come galloping by us and viewing us very much. But when we came in sight of the town, we could see no way how to get into it, but by one little path down a very sterpe hill, only man by man to go down. The strength and situation of this town was sufficient to have daunted a man of very good courage, A description of the town of S. jago taken by sir Francis Drake 1585. for it standeth between two steep cliffs strongly housed, & three exceeding good forts commanding the whole, the chiefest and best standing upon the top of the hill right over the town: so that from thence with muskets they command every street, the other 2 forts standing by the water's side, all three commanding the road, and these two every street in the town. Upon the front of the town the sea beateth, the rest standeth between two mighty cliffs, not accessible but by one small path, by which we were enforced to go. Our General seeing himself thus straighted, and perceiving the drift of the Spaniard was to draw him into this trench, and knowing well that he could not return as we came, by reason of many straits and advantageable places, with an excellent resolution (like unto himself) cried out, all courage my hearts: assure yourselves that the device of the Spaniard shall serve our turn this day: for they will suffer us quietly to pass down into their supposed trap, and then will pursue us, than which nothing can happen better. The day is ours now show yourselves as I know you will: and so presently we descended into the trench. And being down the enemy pursued with a mighty cry, and all the cliffs on both sides were beset full of men; shot, and stones we wanted none from them on every side in great plenty; for this natural trench was not half a musket shot over. Those that attempted our Rearward by our General's policy were so received that they made a stand, and never more came near us. We had now half a mile to the town, into the which when we came, we were received with the streets full of soldiers, who joined with us at the push of the pike. But their captain and divers of them being slain (fear possessing them) they fled: and our General pursuing with such furious speed, did so dismay them that they fled the town, The town of S. jago taken up Sir Anthony Shirley. and the third of August we possessed both the lower forts. Being now masters of the town, we presently by the General's direction (whose skill, spirit, and diligence can never have sufficient commendation) barricadoed up all the streets, and brought ourselves into a very convenient strength. After we had been six hours in the town the Portugals still coming in great multitudes to the upper fort, began to sally down upon us, and to assault us at every baricado: so that in the first assault they slay and wounded eighty of our men, to our very great weakening. But they had small cause of triumph, for their loss was thrice more than ours: but they still prosecuted their assault, not giving us time either to sleep or eat, so that we were in exceeding extremity; for their forces did daily increase to the number of three thousand people: but we daily lost of our poor number. Whilst we were thus keeping the town, our ships came about unto us, who received many dangerous shot from the upper castle. Our General finding himself thus streighted, & discreetly looking into the policy and strength of the enemy, and scarce able to defend any one assault more, sent to the forts and to his ships that about ten of the clock in the dark of the night they should shoot at the upper fort with all possible diligence, and sand all the boats ashore, which was accordingly performed. And we likewise keeping a tumult in the town, the enemy supposing that our purpose was to assault the upper fort, (which God knows was most impregnable for us) retired from their plotted purpose for the defence thereof. So we in a soldierlike order with very good safety departed the town, although the Portugals having espied our General's policy came very furiously upon the back of us, after we had kept it two days and two nights. In the road of S. jago we took a ship with wine and clot, which did greatly refresh our men. From hence we sailed to an Isle called Fuego, Isla del Fuego. being a very small Isle, with a very high hill in the midst of it, which continually burneth: this Isle is invincible by nature, high cliffed round about, yet by diligent search we found a small path where we landed our men with exceeding much difficulty, and so were masters of the Isle the eleventh of September, where we took in water, but the Isle yielded us nothing but miserable infection. One night we had a shower of ashes which fallen so thick into our ships from that burning hill of Fuego, that you might writ your name with your finger upon the upper deck. Departing from this place the twentieth of September, we shaped our course for Dominica an Isle in the West India: but before we came thither our men fallen generally down, so that the hole could not relieve the sick, the disease was so vile that men grew loathsome unto themselves, frantic and desperately raving, among whom our good General's part was not the lest; for his disease was vehement, the grief of his mind, the lamentation of his men, and the loss of those whom he loved were to him torment's more than durable: all which with patience and humility in prayer he humbled himself unto. But had not his mind been invincible and his desires above the ordinary course of men, it had been impossible that life should now have rested in him: but God (I hope) hath preserved him to some exceeding good purpose. Arriving at Dominica the seventeenth of October, Dominica. with all our men sick and feeble, we found there two hot baths, Two excellent hot baths. wherein our weak men washing themselves were greatly comforted: and the Indians of this place used us with great kindness, so that we were all perfectly well before we departed from this place. For here we slayed until the 25 of November. From Dominica we sailed to Margarita, Margarita. between the Isle and the main, thinking to meet with the pearl dredgers, but we found them not. And coming to the point of Araia in the road of Cumaná, we saw a Flemish ship riding; the merchant and men whereof came aboard us, and brought with them my lord Admiral's pass. By which means our General would in no sort meddle with them, yet they were very rich. Departing thence by Cape Coadera, going for Cape dela Vela at the Isle Buen air our Fliboat was cast away, & some of the men lost, but the most part saved. Coasting all the shore from Cape de la Vela, being bond for S. Martha, we took a small frigate laden with Guiny corn, the eleventh of September: she had in her money to the value of 500 pound, linen clot and China silk, all which our General bestowed upon his company to comfort them after their long sustained miseries: Out of which frigate we had a good pilots for those coasts: for our pilot, that promised many things before we came thither, was now absent in the Wolf, who, we think, did wilfully lose us. Arriving at S. Martha, two leagues West from the town in a fair bay, we landed the 12 of September, & so marched to the town being often times encountered by the way, and in a narrow way at our descent down a hill, they had placed two cast pieces of brass, Santa Mar●●● taken. which we recovered, and so entered the town, the enemy flying before us. While we abode in this town, there came one Don Martin de Castilia, a gentleman of good education and a very great traveler, who known the whole state of the West India, Malucos, & Philippinas: he had been in China, and made many relations to our General, his purpose was to save the town from burning, wherein he prevailed, but ransom I know of none we had: for this gentleman made many great protestations of great poverty to be in that place. So we departed, only taking their ordinance, and a prisoner lost there by sir Francis Drake, with some relief of victuals. Having stayed there all the time of Christmas, we departed thence on Newyeres day, with terms of great content to our General in the Spaniards great submission unto him, for they were now within a league of us with 700 soldiers. And being challenged by him to defend their town like men of worth, they did notwithstanding entreat favour with great humility. Whilst we were at S. Martha, the Wolf came again unto us: so we shaped our course for jamaica, and missing the road, were constrained to sail round about the Isle, a thing not before done. In this place the Wolf absolutely again forsook us with the small bark that we took at S. jago, and returned for England with hard news of our ruin, but by God's favourable help we arrived in the road of jamaica the 29 of january, which is very dangerous to enter by reason of the sholds and rocks that lie before it. Here we landed and marched 6 miles into the country, where the town standeth; the people all on horseback made show of great matters, but did nothing. Now being masters of the town and whole Isle, The Isle and chief town of jamaica taken. the people submitted themselves to our General's mercy: and here they provided for us great store of dried beef, and Cassavi meal, a base food, yet the best that the country yieldeth, to continued at sea. This Isle is a marvelous fertile Isle, & is as a garden or store house for divers parts of the main. It is full of plain champion ground, which in the rest of the Indies we have not seen: it aboundeth with beeves and Cassavi, besides most pleasant first-fruits of divers sorts. We have not found in the Indies a more pleasant and wholesome place. During the time that we remained in this Isle the captain of the Isle came often aboard us, we having pledges for the security of their promise. They were in fine at our General's devotion, to dispose of all things, and in all things as he pleased, so that now we were as one people & in one peace together. Being almost ready to departed, M. captain Parker of Plymouth came into the road in his ships boat the second of March, with whom our General consorted to go for the bay of Honduras, where by his persuasion we had great hope of a very good voyage. And departing from jamaica the 6 of March, we sailed to Cape de Corrientes in Cuba, to look for a bark of M. Parker's for our better strength: but not finding her, we went for the cape of Honduras, where we purposed to entrap the watch, & so to sack the town of Truxillo, but the watch discovering us, made great fires, and the town presently shot off a great piece, and answered with fires. Notwithstanding the next day being the 31 of March we brought our ships under the fort, and landed our men, but it was a vain purpose: for the town is not to be taken but by exceeding multitudes, for it is invincible by nature. It standeth upon the top of a very steep hill, bordering close to the sea: so environed with woods of such exceeding thickness, that there is no passage among the trees, which if they were go, yet there is no climbing up the hill, only having one narrow lane to go into the town; at the end whereof is a great gate very strongly fortified, so that it is not to be approached unto, so that with the loss of some few men, we retired from this enterprise, being altogether impossible to be achieved by our few and weak men. We departed from Truxillo the second of April and went for Puerto de Cavallos lower down in the bay, Puerto de Cavallos taken. still nourishing our hope of good success: and coming thither found it reasonably fortified, but we presently prevailed and took it the 7 of April, being the most poor and miserable place of all India. Now our hopes were all frustrate and no likelihood remaining how we could by any means make a voyage: our General reserving unto himself his silent inward impatience, laboured to do some memorable thing. And in fine concluded by Rio Dolce to search with his boats some narrow passage or Isthmos for the South sea, alleging that if he could but find a boat there, it should serve him to great purpose; against which there could be no reasonable contradiction. All his chiefest sea men consented hereunto, but especially the Captain of the Admiral. So sailing with the ships to Cape de tres puntas in the bottom of the bay, there leaving the ships well mored the tenth of April he departed with his boats for Rio Dolce, which in many Charts hath his passage through the land. Up this river by many uncertain windings we passed 30 leagues and better, where we found a strong built for't, a town, and divers storehouses: but for money or merchandise we found none. We learned by the miserable people that we took, that the South sea was 20 leagues from the nearest of that river, and that it was 50 leagues to Guatimala, Guatimala, Sonsonate and Sacatocaluca. 40 leagues to Sonsonate, and 30 leagues to Sacatocaluca, being towns which we hoped to march unto: Their return so that now we were in worse case than before: for we were fallen sick with the unholsomenesse of this air, and our victuals so wasted, as that we were desperate how to recover our country. Whereupon with most unwilling minds we returned to our shipping, and with all possible expedition weighed, & so laboured upon the tack to turn out of this very deep bay, being 60 leagues within the point of land. Being out of the bay, we shaped our course for Cape S. Anthony. Our General, whose restless spirit continually laboured to avoid the frowns of fortune, had now plotted with the Bevice and galleon to go for Newfoundland, and there to revictual, and to have fresh men, of which we stood in good assurance, & so to departed for the straits of Magellan, and so by his very good policy would have concluded his voyage in the East India, which plat I think it unnecessary here to reveal, being put in principal trust by him. Being thwart Havana, by what chance I know not, but all his ships forsook him the 13 of May, and here in a desperate place he was left desperately alone. The George departed by consent with his letters, the galleon I know not how: but our misery in the Admiral was very great, for there was not one in the ship that was ever before in the Indies, besides our miserable want of victuals, the danger of the place, and the furious current of the channel. Notwithstanding we were enforced without stay to disemboque: which happily being performed, we shaped our course for Newfoundland. And by God's mercy we arrived there the fifteenth of june, not having one hours victuals to spare, and there by our countrymen we were well refreshed: where we stayed till the 24 of june, still expecting the galleon, for the execution of this his last purpose: but she not coming, and that plate overthrown, we returned for England, where we found the right honourable the Earl of Essex bond to the seas, with whom we presently departed in his lordship's ship, to do him our humble service. A voyage of Master William Parker of Plymouth gentleman, to Margarita, jamaica, Truxillo, Puerto de Cavallos situate within the bay of Honduras, and taken by sir Anthony Shirley and him, as likewise up Rio dolce: with his return from thence, and his valiant and happy enterprise upon Campeche the chief town of jucatan, which he took and sacked with six and fi●ty men, and brought out of the harbour a Frigate laden with the king's tribute, and surprised also the town of Sebo. IN the year 1596, Master William Parker of Plymouth gentleman being furnished with a tall ship and a bark at his own charges, the ship called the Prudence of one hundredth and twenty tons, wherein himself went captain, and the bark called the Adventure of five and twenty tons, whereof was captain one Richard Hen, departed from the foresaid haven of Plymouth in the month of November, having one hundredth men in his company. Margarita. The first place where we touched in the West Indies was the Isle of Margarita on the coast of Tierra firma, where we took a Spanish gentleman and others, who for his ransom set at liberty Master james Willis, Six English men redeemed and five other Englishmen which were prisoners in Cumaná, who otherwise were never like to have come from thence. Thus passing from thence, we sailed over to the Isle of jamaica, where the second of March we met with sir Anthony Shirley, who before our coming had taken the chief town in the Island, and was now almost in a readiness to departed. And here consorting ourselves with him, we departed from jamaica the sixt of March, and resolved to set upon the strong town of Truxillo near the mouth of the bay of the Honduras. Truxillo assailed And having sailed to Cape de Corrientes upon Cuba, to seek a bark of mine for our better strength; but not finding her, we went for the cape of Honduras, where we purposed to entrap the watch, and so to have sacked the town of Truxillo. But the watch discovering us, made great fires, and the town presently shot off a great piece, and answered with fires. Notwithstanding, the next day being the one and thirtieth of March, we brought our ships under the fort, and landed our men: but it was a vain purpose, for the town is invincible by nature, and standeth upon the top of a very steep hill joining close to the sea, environed with woods of such exceeding thickness, that there is no passage through the trees: there is also but one very narrow and steep lane to go into the town, at the end whereof is a gate very slrongly fortified; so that it is not to be approached unto, unless it be upon the sudden, and with surprise of the watch: wherefore with the loss of some few men we retired from this enterprise. From hence we passed up farther into the gulf the second of April, with intention to invade the town of Puerto de Cavallos, Puerto de Cavallos taken. where we arrived the seventh of April, and took the same, finding it well fortified, but nothing answering our expectation for wealth. Whereupon Sir Anthony Shirley and I being hitherto frustrate of our hopes, resolved here to enter up to the bottom of Rio dolce, and to pass overland unto the South sea. Wherefore we set forward, and entered above thirty leagues up the said Rio dolce, They pass above 30 leagu●● up Rio dolce. thinking to have passed overland with two companies of men, and to have carried a pinnace in six quarters to be set together with screws, and therein to have embarked ourselves in the South sea, and there for a time to have cried our fortune; and to have returned overland to the bay of Honduras. But this our diligence took no effect, because of the huge highness of the mountains, and the length of the way, being more than was given out at the first. Then with much grief we returned out to Truxillo, where I departed from Sir Anthony Shirley. After my departure from this worthy knight, Cabo de Cotoche. I set my course for Cape de Cotoche which lieth on the East part of jucatan from whence I ranged all the North coast of the said promontory of lucatan, until I came unto Cape Desconoscido, Cabo desconoscido. where I put 56 of my men into a Periago, or long Indian Canoa; and leaving my ship six leagues from the town of Campeche at three of the clock in the morning * On Easter ce●●● 1597. I landed hard by the monastery of San Francisco, and took the said town of Campeche, The town of Campeche tak●. with the captain and Alcalde, finding therein five hundredth Spaniards, and in two towns close adjoining to the same eight thousand Indians. The multitude of the Spaniards which fled upon my first assault by ten of the clock in the morning assembling together renewed their strength, and set furiously upon me and my small company. In which assault I lost some six of my men, and myself was shot under the left breast with a bullet, which bullet lieth still in the chine of my back. Being thus put unto our shifts we devised on the sudden a new stratagem: A new stratagem. for having divers of the townsmen prisoners, we tied them arm in arm together, and placed them in stead of a baricado to defend us from the fury of the enemy's shot. And so with ensign displayed, taking with us our six dead men, we retired with more safety to the haven, where we took a frigate which road ready fraught with the king's tribute in silver and other good commodities, * To the val●● of 5000 pound which were presently to be transported to S. ivan de ullua, and brought the same and our Periago or Canoa to my ship, which lay in two fathom water six leagues from the town, being not able to come any nearer for the sholds upon that coast. Over against the place where our ship road, stood a town of 300 or 400 Indians called Sebo, Sebo an Indian town taken. which we likewise took, where we found Champeche-wood good to dye withal, with wax, and honey. This done we left this coast, and turned up to Cape de Cotoche again, and ankored every day at noon, because of the brizes, and in turning up I lost my bark called the Adventure, which was taken by 2 frigates of war, which were manned out from Campeche: wherein Captain Hen and thirteen of my men were taken, and afterward executed, as since we understand by some Spanish prisoners that were taken in those parts. After we had stayed five weeks on this coast, we shaped our course for Havana, where finding nothing, we disemboqued, and came along by the Isle of Bermuda, and crossed over to The bank near Cape Race in 22 fathoms: and from thence sailing for England, we fell with Silly about the first of july, and within two days after arrived at Plymouth, where we found the Right honourable the Earl of Essex setting forth with a great fleet for the Isles of the Açores. An excellent ruttier for the Islands of the West Indies, and for Tierra firma, and Nueva Espanna. IF a man departed from the bar of S. Lucar in Summer time, he must steer South-west until he hath sight of Punta de Naga, which is in the Isle of Tenerif. The marks to know it be these. An high point s●oping to the sea, & at the Easter point it hath two down falls like partitions, and they show to be separated from the main of the Island & stand in 28 degrees & a half. And if thou will't have sight of the Grand Canaria, and findest thyself with Punta de Naga, thou shalt then steer South-west and by South, and so thou shalt have sight of Canaria which standeth in 28 degrees. And thou must come to anchor on the Southeast side of the Island. But I advise thee, if it be in winter time, that thou keep another course, and that as followeth. The course that a man must keep departing in winter for the Indies from Sant Lucar. DEparting from Sant Lucar in winter thou shalt go West and by South keeping along the coast, because if thou go far from the coast, thou shalt meet with the wound off the sea until thou be as high shot as Cape Cantin, Cape Cantin. which is a low flat cape with the sea. And thou shalt see a great wood before thou come at this cape, A great wood before you come at Cape Cantin. called Casa del Cavallero. And from thence thou shalt steer thy old course, that is Southwest and by South for the Isles of Alegrança and Lancerota; and when thou art North and South with Alegrança, thou shalt steer thence Southwest, and so thou shalt see the Canaria, which is a round high land, and standeth in twenty eight degrees. What thou must do if a contrary wound take thee fifty leagues of the shore. WHen thou art fifty leagues shot on thy way into the sea Southwest off, and there thou chance to meet with a contrary wind off the sea, and if it force thee to put room, than thou shalt steer North-east and by East, and shalt hall with sight of Cabos del Plata, which show when thou art a seaboord so far as thou mayest descry them, to be like two points of white sand: and if it be clear thou shalt see within the land certain high hills lying Northwest and by West called 'las Sierras de Zahara, and being three leagues from land thou shalt have thirty fathoms water, and sand: And from thence to the bay of Cadiz thou shalt go along Northwest by the coast: The bay of Cadiz. and if thou be in thirty or forty fathoms, thou shalt have ●aze; but if thou be in less than thirty fathoms, thou shalt have other sounding; which if it chance, than thou art against S. Pedro. San Pedro. And if it be by day thou shalt see the Ermitage of Sant Sebastian, San Sebastian. which seemeth to be a ship under sail. And thou shalt go into the bay taking heed of the Puercos, Los Puercos. give them a good birth off. And if thou chance to be benighted when thou fallest with the bay, and wouldst go into the bay, thou shalt carry thy lead in thy hand, and be sounding: and finding thyself in rocky ground, thou shalt steer North because of shunning the Puercos: and yet give them not too great a birth because of The Diamant, The Diamant. and so thou mayest go in, sounding when thou thinkest good. And being benighted and then not East and West with the bay, and if thou dost not go into it, then make the largest board thou caused keeping off till day. If thou be at the Canaries and wouldst sail to Nueva Espanna, The Canaries. thou shalt sail four and twenty hours South because of the calms of Fierro. And from thence thou shalt go Westsouthwest, until thou find thyself in twenty degrees. And then thou must go West and by South, which is the course for the Isle Deseada. The Isle Deseada in the West Indies standeth in 15 degrees of latitude. And from Deseada thou shalt go West and by North, because of the variation of the compass. And falling with Deseada, thou shalt find it to rise low with the sea: and it standeth in 15 degrees. And the eastermost part is the sharpest, and smaller than the West point. And if thou are going for Tierra firma, thou shalt go West and by South until thou come to Dominica, and there on the Northwest side is a river, where thou mayest water. The marks to know it be a certain high land full of hills. Marks to know Dominica by. And seeing it when thou art far off to the seaward, it maketh in the midst a partition; so that a man would think it divided the Island in two parts. And this Island standeth in 14 degrees and a half. I advise thee that if thou wouldst go for Nueva Espanna, Guadalupe. and so dost pass between Guadalupe and Monserate to the Westward, Monserate. that being thus open off the entrance betwixt them thou shalt go Westnorthwest, and so shalt have sight of Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz. which standeth in seventeen degrees and a half. And the marks to know it be these. It is an Island not very high, and lieth East and West, and at the East end it is lower than at the West end. And going forward on thy course thou shalt run Westnorthwest, and so thou shalt go to have sight of the Isle of San ivan de Puerto rico, S. ivan de Puerto rico. which is an Island lying East and West, and standeth in eighteen degrees. And the marks be these. That on the West end it is lowest, and the Eastermost is the highest. And if thou fall with the midst of the Island, than thou shalt go a long it to the West unto Cabo Roxo, Cape Roxo. which is the end of the Isle. And from thence the coast runneth North to Punta Aguada. Cape Roxo hath certain read cliffs. Thou must steer West and by South from Cape Roxo to found Mona, and so thou shalt have sight of Mona. Mona. And the marks thereof be these, it is a low land lying East and West: and on the East end it is highest, it hath a slope towards the sea, and standeth in 18● degrees, rather less than more. And if it be by da●, than thou shalt run West and shalt see Saona: Saona. which is an Island lying without Hispaniola, and byeth East and West, and is full of trees; and hath certain sandy bays. And if it be clear weather thou shalt see within the land of Hispaniola certain high hills called 'las Sierras de Yguey. Las Sierras de Yguey. And being benighted upon Mona, than thou shalt steer West and by South, because of certain shoalds that lie off Saona: but having day light and no sight of land, thou shalt loof up Northwest and so pass by it, and as thou goest along the coast of Hispaniola, and seest the sea to be cast up into the air, than thou shalt be about 10 leagues of the harbour of Santo Domingo, and these mountings up are called The Spouts. Los Buffadero● or The Spouts. But I advise thee, that if thou be benighted when thou fallest with Santo Domingo, Santo Domingo. than thou must keep the hills called Sierras de las minas viejas to the Northwest. And if thou wouldst go into Santo Domingo, and meetest there with a forcible Northerly wound, than the best way is to run East till it be day. And having daylight thou shalt cast about, and so thou must ply to windward until the Northerly wound be done: and when it is past, make all the sail thou canst to hale with the sight of call de las Damas': call de las Damas'. and when thou hast sight thereof thou shalt lie with thy stem with a sandy Bay, which lie thou the other side: and then must take in thy main sail, and go so till thou bring thyself open with the midst of the river; and so having opened the riuer● thou must go with great care in the midst of the same with all thy sails up, except thy main sail, ●nd thou must have thy boat out, if it be needful to sound or to tow thy ship, if the cast too much to the loof, for the currents will cast here to the loof: wherefore be sure to have thy boat out to help thy steerage: and this is the way whereby thou must work. The course from Santo Domingo to go for Nueva Espanna. I Advise thee that if thou will't go from Santo Domingo for Nueva Espanna, thou shalt go Southwest and by South, and so thou shalt have sight of Punta de Niçao, Punta de Niza● which is a low point, and is the end of the hills called Sierras de las minas Vieias, and towards the Northwest of them thou shalt see a low land, and to go into Hocoa thou shalt stir from this point of Niçao Westnorthwest, Hocoa. and thou shalt see the point of Puerto Hermoso, Puerto Hermoso. and the Bay that it maketh: and thou must be sure to keep near the shore to found a good road, and fear ●ot to go near the land: for all is deep water, and clear ground, and let not fall thy anchor till thou be past all the rivers; and beware of the land, for if thou ride much without, thy anchor will come home, because it is rocky and slatte ground. And thou must be ready, that when thy anchor cometh home, thou have thy moaring ready in thy boat to carry on shore with four or five men, and if thou think good, thou mayest let them fall on land with a rope. And when thou are come to anchor thou mayest sand on shore to more, so shalt thou be best moared. The course from Hocoa to Nueva Espanna. GOing from Hocoa to Nueva Espanna thou shalt stir South-west: and this way thou shalt and the Isles Beata, and Alto velo: Beata hath these marks: Beata, and the marks therof● Alto velo, and the marks thereof. It is a low land with the sea, and full of trees: and on the East side an high land or cliff; and Alto velo hath these marks. A black round land, and the Eastermost part thereof is highest; and it hath a downfall. When thou art North and South with * then thou shalt go West, until thou be so far shot as the Frails: * Frails. and from thence go West and by North, and keeping this course thou shalt have sight of Cape Tiburon. And if by keeping this course thou have sight of a little Island, thou mayest make account it is the Isle of Baque: The Isle of Baque. and it is hard to the land, and from thence thou shalt go West, keeping thyself out until thou double a point that maketh as it were a great Bay, and then thou must go West and by North, till thou come to Cape Tiburon, Cape de Tiburon. that hath a round black land, and in some part thereof certain white cliffs. I advise thee that when thou art against Cape de Tiburon, thou stir Northwest, and so thou shalt have sight of Cuba, Cuba. which lieth East and West: and thou shalt see certain hills which are called Sierras del Cobre, and in the highest of them is the harbour of S. jago de Cuba: S. jago de Cuba. and finding thyself so, thou mayest run West unto Cape de Cruz. And before thou seest Cape de Cruz thou shalt see the hills called Sierras de Tarquino, Sierras de Tarquino. and from these hills to Cape de Cruz the land wareth lower and lower, and it is lowest of all at the Cape itself. And if thou chance to have the water troubled, as though thy ship did raise up the sand from the ground, be not afraid: for this place is called The nine fathoms: The nine fathoms. for thou shalt found no less water upon it, and it is the shallowest water that thou shalt have. Cape de Cruz in 19 deg. and better. Thou must mark that Cape de Cruz maketh an e●de of the coast that cometh from the East to the West, and beginneth the course that goeth North and South, and standeth in 19 degrees, rather more than less. From Cape de Cruz thou must stir Westnorthwest: and this way thou shalt have sight of the Isle de Pinos, and if thou have fair weather, than thou must go Northwest and by West, because of the currents that will set thee out to sea. And keeping this course thou shalt have sight of an high land. I tell thee it is the mark of the Isles called los jardines', Los jardines'. and is commonly called the land of Zagneio: and then thou shalt go West and by South: and if it be by night, then go Westsouthwest until thou have brought thyself out from The jardines'. And being by day thou shalt keep off the land, and shalt go Westnorthwest, and so thou shalt see the Isle de Pinos. The Isle de Pinos. The marks to know the Cape de Santo Antonio. THe headland called Capo de Santo Antonio is a low land, and full of trees, and upon the Cape itself it hath two or three thick woods, and the coast lieth Northwest and Southeast. And thou must also take good heed that thou have sight on the same coast of a white sandy Bay; and it is on the same coast that lieth Northwest and Southeast. And these be the marks from Punta de las Arenas, or The point of the sands, to the Cape of Saint Anthony, and from the Cape de Corrientes to Punta de las Arenas thou shalt have a great Bay, Cape de Corrientes. being so long, that if thou be not very near the shore thou canst not see land, it is so low. And if th●u see not the land well, it will show to be a tuft of trees. Cape de Sant Anton in 22. degrees. And the Cape of S. Anthony standeth in 22. degrees. A ruttier that a man must keep from Dominica to Martinino, and so to Tierra firma. I Advise thee that going from Martinino or Dominica, if thou wouldst go for Margarita, that thou stir South and by West, because of the great currents that go here, and set Northwest. And by this course thou shalt found the Testigos, The Testigos● Frails. which be 4 or 5 Islands: and if thou will't not go so much to windward, than thou shalt see Frails, which be three small Islands. And if thou will't go into the harbour of Manpater, it is presently in doubling of the point on the East side to the Southward. And being minded to go for puerto de ivan Griego, Puerto de ivan Griego. which lieth on the Northside, then go near the land, and along the coast of the West, and presently thou shalt have sight of puerto de ivan Griego; it standeth in 11. degrees. I advise thee that going from Matalino, which standeth in 13. degrees, if thou wouldst go to Cartagena, thou shalt go West and by South, and by this way thou shalt have sight of the Isles of Curaçao and Aruba, Curacao, Aruba. which stand in 12. degrees: from these Islands thou shalt go West; and when thou art North and South with Monjes, Monjes three little Islands. thou shalt see them to be three little white Islands, and they are white because of the multitude of birds that are there: they stand in a triangle. From thence thou shalt go West, if it be by day, Coquebacoa. and so shalt have sight of Coquebacoa that standeth in 12. degrees. And being by night, then go Northwest: and by day thou shalt cast to go for the land again Westsouthwest. Coquebacoa hath a certain point not very high, and within this point thou shalt see in the inland certain hills which be called 'las Sierras de Auite. Going from this point of Coquebacoa thou shalt run West, and shalt run along the coast, and shalt go to have the sight of Baya honda and Portete, Baia honda. Portete. which is a low land even with the sea. Cape de la vela. The Cape de la Vela lieth with a red show not very high; and without this Cape about a league there is a little coppled rock. A man may be bold to go betwixt this rock and the main. And going from this Cape to have sight of Cape del Aguja thou must stir South-west, and thou shalt have sight of the Ancones which lie at the end of the hills called Sierras Nevadas. And then presently thou shalt see the Cape del Aguja: Cape del Aguja. the marks whereof are these: It is a low Cape, and upon it is a copple not very high, and there beginneth the high land of the Sierras Nevadas, or snowy mountains. Take this for a warning that if thou go for Cape de la Vela by night by the course abovesaid, and comest into a whitish water, then sound and thou shalt found 40. fathoms, and thy sound will be certain small sandy white daze, and some small weeds. And then thou mayest make account that thou art North and South with the river called Rio de Palominos, Rio de Palominos. which cometh out of the midst of the Sierras Nevadas. And being benighted thou shalt go Westnorthwest, or West and by North until day: and being day than thou mayest hale in with sight of the land Southwest, because thou mayest be sure to come right in with it. If thou go from Cape del Aguja for Cartagena, if it be by day, thou shalt go West and by South, and shalt go to have sight of Morro Hermoso, Morro hermoso Rio grand. that is The fair mountain, which lieth to the Westward of Rio grand. And being alone, and with a good ship of sail, and drawing towards night, than thou must come to anchor behind Morro hermoso: and after the first watch thou must see sail, and go out West and by North, because thou must be sure to keep a seaboord from the Island de Arenas, which lieth 2 leagues to seaward right against Samba. Isla de Arenas. Samba or Zamb● And if thou go from Cape del Aguja by night, thou shalt go West and by North: and so thou shalt go without the force of the water of Rio grand. And being by day thou shall go along the coast, and shalt see Morro hermoso, which, as I have said, lieth to the West of Rio grand, and hath for marks, a face of a black land not very high, and it is round. And if thou departed by day from Morro hermoso, thou must go West, and must take heed, as I said before, of the Isle de Arenas, which lieth North and South of Samba. Samba hath for a mark as it were a galley towed. And going this way by day, thou shalt see El buio del Gato, El Buio del Gato which is an high land with certain white cliffs to the seaward: and also more to the West thou shalt see the point called Punta de la Canoa, Punta de la canoa which is a low land even with the water: and there endeth the coast which lieth East and West. And the Bay that goeth to Cartagena beginneth here, Cartagena and lieth North-east and Southwest. And take this for a warning, that if thou be benighted against Samba, thou shalt take in thy sails, & lie off to the offward until midnight without any sail abroad until midnight: and from midnight forward thou shalt lie so into the land without sail: and if in the break of day thou see no land, then go South-west, and if this way thou have sight of certain white cliffs, make accounted it is Buio del Gato. Take this for a warning, if thy ship be great come not nigh the land in the Bay: I mean thou mayest not with a great ship come nigh the land from the point de la Canoa until thou come to Cartagena, because in many places there are not above 3 or 4 fathoms at the most. In all this Bay there is no high land but the Galley, which is right over the harbour of Cartegena. And if it chance that any man come for this place that never was here before, then let him look for a little hill like a towed galley lying East and West, and all the land is low, and seemeth to be full of trees. Having these sights, then make accounted thou art against Cartagena, The land marks of Cartagena. and to go in tbou haste nothing to be afraid of: but keep thyself hard aboard the point of Ycacoes: The point of Ycacoes. and then when thou comest to double the point del judeo, give a breadth off, because there is a should. A should. I advise thee that if thou be benighted when thou art at The point de la canoa, and wouldst enter into Cartagena by night, A should half a league to the sea. that thou take good heed of a should that lieth half a league to the sea, and so thou shalt go in 8 fathoms, and sandy ground. And when thou findest thyself in deep water, as in 30 fathoms and more, than the harbour will be open before thee. And if thou have any fresh Northern winds, than loof up to the seaward, and lie with thy stem Eastsoutheast, and so thou mayest go in East through the midst of the channel: and though it be by night, yet thou mayest go in safely, because it is all clear. And if the night be clear thou shalt have sight of the Island called Cares, The Isle of Cares. and it is an high lane. Coming from Cartagena to go for Number de Dios in the time of the Northern winds, thou must bring thyself to the offward of Sal medina: and thence stir West till thou bring thyself North and South with Cabeça de Cariva: Sal Medina. Cabeza de Cariva. and then go Southwest and by West, and thou shalt so fall with Rio de Francisco. Rio de Francisco. It hath for marks a certain land not very high, and within the land certain high hills lying East and West. And on the West of the river of Francisco thou shalt see certain cliffs that be six leagues from Number de Dios, inclining toward the sea. I advise thee that going this course above written; if thou see 3 or 4 Isles lying low with the sea, and also lying East and West, thou mayest make account that they be the Islands de Cativa, The Isles de Cativa. and then run West, and so thou shalt go along the coast. And if thou see by this way a point of low land, make accounted it is Punta de Samblas': Punta de Samblas'. and upon it thou shalt se● a row of high r●ckie hills, and they be the mountains of Santa Cruz. Sierras de Santa Cruz, If thou come from Cartagena to go to Number de Dios in the time of the sea winds, when thou art out from Sal Medina, thou shalt go West and by North, that thou mayest have sea-room, and take the Brisas or Northern winds when they come: and go till thou be North and South with the harbour of Number de Dios: and from thence go South-west, and if by this way thou see a row of high hills on a coast that lieth North-east and Southwest, make account they are Sierras de las minas Viejas, Sierras de las minas viejas. which minas Viejas lie North and South with the harbour of Velo alto. Puerto de velo alto. Having kept this course abovesaid, and having sight of the former mark, thou mayest accounted that thou art on the West side of Number de Dios. Number de Dios. Furthermore when thou hast sight of an high land, and thou be North and South with it, and in the top thereof thou seest as it were a little cable, if it be highest toward the East, then make accounted that thou ar● North and South with Number de Dios, I say, with the harbour of Number de Dios, and this hill is called Sierra de Capira. Sierra de Capira. And if thou will't go into the harbour, thou must keep thy prow right against this hill, and coming nearer to the shore, thou shalt see a ledge of rocks, A ledge of rocks. and it is without, and thou mayest go in what depth thou thinkest good, or at which place thou findest most water in. And to the West of the harbour thou shalt see two or three Islands called Islas de los Bastimentoes. I●les de los Bastimentoes. The course to go back from Number de Dios to Cartagena. Take this for a warning, if thou come out of Number de Dios in the time of the Brisas or Northern winds, and wouldst go for Cartagena, thou shalt come out in the morning, and shalt go Northnorthwest until 3 of the clock at afternoon, and then cast about to the land, until thou be hard aboard the shore, and so thou must go turning until thou hast doubled Cabeça de Cativa: and having doubled it then ply to windward all that thou mayest: and if thou be Eastnortheast of it, than thou shalt have sight of the Islands of Baru, 〈◊〉 de Baru. which are 3 or 4 Islands lying low, and are all full of trees: and then presently thou shalt have sight of the galley that is over Cartagena, and it is like a galley towed. I advise thee, that if thou come for Cartagena in the time above said, and comest from Cabeça de Cativa, if the wound will not suffer thee to lie but West, then going thus if thou seest a great high Island full of mountains, and on the North side thereof thou see a ledge of rocks two leagues into the sea, thou mayest be sure it is Isla fuerte: I●la fuertes A ledge of rocks. but if thou see not the rocks, give them a good breadth: and if thou will't come to anchor, thou mayest ●ide well on the West side of them, betwixt the main and them in fifteen fathoms; and the sounding is clay. And if thou will't go between this and the Islands of Saint Bernardo to go into Cartagena, Islas de San Bar●ardo. thou mayest go safely. And if any man ask thee how thou knowest the Islands of Baru and San Bernardo, thou mayest answer truly, that the Isles of San Bernardo are full of high hills, and certain sandy bays to seaward; and the said Isles have a good depth two or three leagues to the sea: and this depth is called The Bacilla. La Bacilla And these are all the marks for the Islands of San Bernardo. And touching the Isles of Baru, they be 3 or 4 little Islands and very even with the sea, and full of trees, and there is no good depth about them, but hard aboard them. A ruttier from Cartagena to Havana in Cuba. Coming from Cartagena to go to Havana, thou must go Northnorthwest until thou be in fourteen degrees: and then forwards thou shalt go with great care to anchor every night, and when it is day set sail. And this is to be done in this place because of the shoalds of Serrana: The shoalds of Serrana. and so thou mayest proceed with a cart to anchor when thou comest about Serranilla, Serranilla. or near to it, which is in fifteen degrees and a half. And upon it thou shalt see a low flat land lying North-east and Southwest: and the sea beateth upon it round about, except that on the Southeast part it hath certain shelves of sand, and on the West side it hath a certain little copple, which from sea seemeth to be a ship under sail: and being North-east and South-west of it, scant a league from the should cometh out on the West side a certain should, whereupon the sea doth always beat. I advise thee that if thou canst not pass on the West side, than thou must go betwixt the said little copple that is like a sail and the should; for the passage is good. But if thou departed from the Serranilla to the Northwest, and seest a low land with the sea, and certain white sandy bays, and on the West side seest a low land, and on the Eastside a little coast lying East and West, thou mayest make account it is Cape de Corrientes. Cape de Corrientes. Cape de San Antonio. And if thou go from Cape de Corrientes for Cape de Santo Antonio, thou must go Westnorthwest, and so thou shalt go with the Cape. The marks be a low land full of trees with certain white sandy bays: and upon the Cape itself thou shalt see two thick groves of great trees, and they be upon the Cape itself. To go from the Cape de Sant Antonio for Havana in the time of the North winds, thou shalt go Northwest until thou be clear of all the shoalds of the Cape, and then hale thy b●wlines, and go as near the wound as thou canst possibly, until thou bring thyself unto 24. degrees, and there sound, and thou shalt found it the Tortugas, The T●●tug●●● and thy sounding will be white sand. Thou must take heed what is said in the Chapter before: for he that written the same hath seen it, and been witness to this: that coming from Seranilla, Seranilla. and stirring North and by East he had sight of an Island standing in 16. degrees, and it is on the shoalds of Cape de Cam●ron. An Island in 16. degrees. 〈◊〉 C●●● de Cameron. And from thence, if thou have the wound large, go Northeast and by East, because of the variation of the compass, and thou shal● make thy way Eastnortheast, and thou shal● fall with Isla de Pinos. The variation of the compass. Isla de Pinos. This I I say, because the currents set sometime West: The current● s●t here sometimes Wes●. and so it fallen out to be true in March. Anno Domini 1582. I tell thee farther, that we came out from this aforesaid Isle stirring North and by East, for the wound would not suffer us to lie nearer the East, and one evening at Sun going down we fallen with a l●nd, that had the ●ame marks to our judgement with the Cape de Corrientes: and because night was at hand, we wrought to double Cape de San● An●onio, stirring West: and about midnight we had land all high right ahead● & the c●●st lying South-west: and then we cast and lay North-east till day: And b●ing day, we see the land all ahead, and we plied to windward to the East, and kept it a larboard till we had brought it South-west. And to be short, we went h●re on land in the same place that we first fallen w●th in the evening before: and it was an Island called Coçumel, Isla de Co●●●. lying on the coast of Incatan. And this Island was the land which we see first, seeming by the marks to be the Cape de Corrie●tes. We came to an anchor about the midst of the Island, rather to the Norther than the Souther part: there we found a town of Indians, who gave us all things which we needed for our money: and we carried our Astrolabs on s●●re and took the height in 19 degrees and one tierre. The latitude of 〈…〉 19 deg and one ●ie●●e. A man may go between this Island and the coast of bucanan, and the Cape de Cotoche at pleasure Northeast; and the water will set in thy favour: and thou must go till thou be in 24. degrees, and so thou shalt have the sounding of the Tortugas. Las Tortugas. The course to be kept from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueva Espanna. IF thou go from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueva Espanna, and being late, thou shalt stir Westnorthwest till thou be in the height of 24. degrees: and from thence thou shalt stir something to the West, until thou bring thyself North and South with the little Island called Vermeja: and when thou art so, thou shal● go South-west, & by this way thou shalt found Villa Rica, The little Isl● called Verm●●● Mar●● o● V●●la Rica The low ground of Almeria. which is in 19 degrees & a half, and the signs be these. Thou shalt found a ledge of high hills lying North-east and Southwest. But if thou chance to fall with a coast that lieth North and South, than thou mayest accounted, that it is about the low ground of Almeria which hath these marks. It is a land not very high, and it is full of little copples. And if thou have clear weather, thou shalt see within the land certain high hills which are called the hills of Papalo. L●s Sierras 〈◊〉 Papalo. And I advise thee that being so far shot as the point called Punta delgada, which is the end of all those hills of Villa Rica, thou mayest stir thence South and by West, and thou shalt go along the coast, and shalt see a low land, and with this land thou shalt fall, going for Saint Paul, and being so far shot as Saint Paul, Saint Paul. if thou will't go in oh the harbour, thou must stir South-west: and this is the course that thou must keep being shot into the Bay. And thou shalt go along the coast of the low land in sight thereof: and keeping this course thou shalt see on the other side a black hill, and it is called Monte de Carneros. Monte de C●rne●os. Take this for a note, that it lieth over the house of Buytron: Casa de Buytro●. and as thou dost come nearer to the point of rocks, thou must be sure to keep thy lead going, and shalt have four fathoms and a half or five fathoms, and so th●u mayest go through the midst of the channel. And coming against the castle, thou shalt give it some breadth off towards the A●recise or rock: and having doubled the castle, The castle of S. ivan de V●l●●. thou shalt go from thence and shalt bring thyself to an anchor hard by the Herreria, which is a clean Bay, and thou shal● ride against the hospital. The hospital. I advise thee that if thou be benighted when thou are near to S. Paul, and meetest with a Northerly wound after midnight, that then thy best way is to bring thyself into thy corpses, and lie by, plying to windward, and to seaward in 20. fathoms, which depth thou shalt have near the sh●re, to the Northward: and being day, then go in with the harbour as thou canst best, observing what is abovesaid. And I advise thee if thou come from Villa Rica, and findest thyself in 20. degrees and a half, and seest no land, and seest that the water doth altar, thou shalt sound 60. fathoms water: and if in this depth thou hast oaze, make account thou art East and West with the river of Almeria. The river of 〈◊〉 This course is from the Cape of Santo Antonio to Nueva Espanna without or aseaboord the Alacranes or Scorpions. Now followeth how to work, if a man come betwixt the Alacranes and the main. If thou go from the Cape de Santo Antonio and wouldst go for Nueva Espanna within the Alacranes, Alacranes or ●●●p●or●. thou must stir West and by South, and by this way thou shalt bring thyself in 20. fathoms; and if thou keeping this course findest less water, then go West and by North, and that way thou shalt bring thyself into 20. fathoms again, until thou have brought thyself North and South with the triangle. The triangle. And being North and South with the triangle, than thou shalt be also North and South with Surta: from thence thou shalt go South-west: and by this course thou shalt have sight of the high hills of S. Martin, ●●rta or ●a●●a. The high hills 〈◊〉 ●. Ma●tin. which are certain high hills lying Northwest and Southeast, and they have a partition in the midst, and to the Northwest they be highest: and on the Southeast part within the land, thou shalt see something an high land, called Pan de Minsapa, that is, the loaf of Minsapa, which is a round loaf not very high. The hills of S. Martin stand in 18. degrees less one fift part. I advise thee, that when thou fallest with Saint Martin, and wouldst go with Saint john de ullua, than thou shalt go Westnorthwest: and this is the course that thou must keep, if thou be far off at sea, I mean so far off as thou mayest well descry the hills of S. Martin. But if thou be near to the land, than thou must go Northwest and by West, and thou shalt so come along the coast, and thou shalt found the coast to be low land: and coming this course thou shalt have sight of certain little hills not very high: then thou shalt fall with the point called Punta de Antoni Serro: and these hills lie over the river of Medelin. 〈◊〉 de Medelin. And if when thou ar● East and West, with The Volcan or hill that casts out fire, any man do ask thee, where the harbour of Sant ivan de ullua is, thou mayest truly answer, West and by South, and it standeth in 18. degrees and a half. S. ivan de ullua 〈◊〉 in 18. deg. and a half. The course to be kept from Nueva Espanna to the main of Spain in Europe. Coming from S. ivan de ullua to go for Spain, thou shalt stir North-east until thou be in 24. degrees: and so being thou shalt go East until thou bring thyself in the sounding of the Tortugas, The Tortugas. and thy ground will be white sand. I advise thee, that if it be by night, thou go East; and finding the water to wax shoalder, then go South-west, with a care to keep thy lead going, until thou lose ground, and come into great depth, because thou mayest fall to the North of the Tortugas. And going from this sound for Havana thou must stir Southsoutheast, because of the currents that carry thee to the East. The currents to the East. ●an de Cabanas And if by this way thou have sight of an high land, that seemeth to be like a loaf, make accounted it is the loaf of Cabanas. And to the East of this loaf thou shalt see a land that hath a plain. It showeth to be low, even with the sea, and as smooth as the sea: and from this land to the East the land is lower and lower. And from thence to Havana thou must go East. ●auana. And if the wound will not let thee go that course, thou must turn up till thou be upon the harbour of Havana. The marks of the point of Havana be these, that on the East side it hath an high black land, which is sloping to the sea, with a little white tower on the top thereof: and as thou goest into the port, thou must keep near the high black land, and when thou art hard to it, strike thy toppe-sayles in sign of peace to the castle, lest it shoot at thee. What course the Spaniards keep from Havana to Spain. IF from Havana thou wouldst set thy course for Spain, thou must go North-east, and shalt so have sight of the Martyrs, ●e● Martyrs. which stand in 24. degrees and a half. And the coast lieth East and West. The marks be these, it showeth like heads of trees, and in some places certain rocks with white sandy bays. And if the wound be large, thou mayest go East and by South until thou see the coast to lie North-east and Southwest: and if the wound be scant, then go turning up: and take good heed that every evening at Sun going down thou have sight of the land, and so thou must do being in the channel, until thou bring thyself into the midst of the channel: and thou must lie off from the going down of the sun, until the ●ude of the first watch with thy corpses alone, without any more sail; and from midnight forward cast about, and lie the other way with the like sail until day: and thus thou must do until thou bring thyself into the channel. And if being in the Channel thou find the wind large, thou shalt stir North-east, with a care to go clean off the sholds of the Mimbres or the Osiers. The sholds of Mimbres● that is, of Osiers. And if being in the channel thou meet with the wound at North, than thou must turn with a little sail 4. glasses one way, and 4. another, as thou thinkest good. And if thou canst not bear sail, than thou mayest go with all thy sails down, except when thou wouldst cast abo●t, thou mayest lose some small sail to wind thy ship. I advise thee, that when thou art come out of the Channel, thou shalt be in 28. degrees. The Channel reacheth to 28 degrees. And if it be in summer, thou shalt go North-east until thou be in 39 degrees and ½, which is the height of Flores: and thou shalt go to the Northward of Bermuda. La Bermuda And if thou think good to go in more degrees, to have the seawinds, thou shalt go by the same height, as I have said: and if thou shalt find the wind off the sea, thou hast no need to go in more heights: and from thence thou shalt go East and by South: and thou must go thus because of the variation of the Compass. And thus thou shalt found the isles of Flores and Cueruo, which stand in 39 degrees ½, and in 40. large. The marks be these. * The variation of the Compass. Thou mayest go from betwixt Flores and Cueruo, Flores and C●eruo. and must go East Southeast, and so thou shalt have sight of the Island of Sails, which is the Island of S. George. Saint George. And being at the land thou shalt go along it, and when thou hast doubled a certain little Head-land that lieth in the East point, than thou shalt stir East and by North, and East. And thus going, thou shalt have sight of Terçera, which is in 39 degrees. The marks be these. Terzera. And behind a certain black land something high, which is called el Brasil, standeth the City called Angra. Going from Terçera, thou shalt run East Northeast, until thou bring thyself Northwest, and Southeast with the Cape of Saint Vincent. The Cape of S. Vincent. And thou mayest work thus being in summer: for always thou shalt have the winds at Northwest. The winds are always at Northwest in the summer. And being Northwest and Southeast with this Cape, thou shalt stir Southeast and by East, and thou shalt so fall with the land 6. or 7. leagues to the windward of the Cape on the coast, which lieth North and South: then thou shalt go along the coast to the South, until thou see the Cape. And the Cape standeth in 37. degrees: the marks be these. It is a Cape not very high, and is black, sloping to the sea. The marks o● Cap● S. Vincent. And from thence thou shalt double the Asagresal Southeast: The Asagresal. and so running, thou shalt then go East unto the cape of S. Marry: The Cape of Saint Mary. and from this Cape go East Northeast, and so thou shalt run to have sight of Arenas Gordas: and then thou shalt see presently a little hill towards the East which is called Cabeça de Pedro Garcia. And if thou be benighted, and coming into 8. or 9 fathoms, than I wish thee to come to anchor, until it be day, and then call for a Pilot, that may by some means carry thee into harbour. I advise thee, if in the Winter time thou be shot out of the narrowest of the Channel of Bahama, The course in winter from the channel of Ba●ama. and wouldst go for Spain, that thou must go East Northeast, until thou be in 30. degrees rather less than more; and then thou mayest go East and by South, because of the variation of the Compass. The variation of the Compass. And stirring hence East Southeast, thou shalt go on the Southside of Bermuda: Many lost upon Bermuda by negligence. and must go with great care, because many have been lost here about this Island, because of their negligence. And when thou art sure thou art passed this Island, then go East Northeast, until thou be in the height of seven and thirty degrees: which is in the height of the Island of Saint Marie. The Isle of S. Marry. And going thus, and not seeing Land, but seeing the Sea to break, make account it is the rocks called 'las Hormigas. And if thou think good to go to Faial, thou shalt go till thou be in 38. degrees ½ scant, and then thou shalt go East, and so shalt have sight of Faial. * Faial. The marks of it be these. Coming out from Faial, and leaving all the Islands, then go East and by South until thou bring thyself in 37. degrees, which is the height of Cape Saint Vincent: and then go East, and thou shalt see the Cape having the marks aforesaid. And from Cape S. Vincent thou must go East Southeast, till thou be North-east, and South-west, with the bar of S. Lucar: The bar o● S. Lucar. and then go North-east for the Bar. Take this for a warning, that if going in 37. degrees thou have not sight of Cape S. Vincent, and hast sight of certain high hills, make account they are Sierras de Monchico. Sierras de Monchico. I advise thee, that if thou stand in fear of men of war about the Cape of S. Vincent, To a●oyde men of war. then go in 36. degrees 1/3. And finding thyself within the Cape, if thou see many signs of green weeds, then cast about to the North Northeast, and by this way finding land, and the same showing white, be sure it is the castle of Aimonte. The castle of Aimonte. A ruttier for the old Channel from the East point of Cuba by the North side thereof to Havana. The Cape of S N●colas on the East end of Cuba. GOing from the Cape of S. Nicolas, thou shalt go North Northwest, but thou must keep to win●ward of the paint, that thou mayest weather it, & it is called the point of Mayaca and it is a very low land and smooth: Pont● de May●ca. and above up within the land about a league it hath a long Hill, which is not very high but f●at. And from that point to Baracoa is 7. leagues. ●ara●oa. And being disposed to go● into Baracoa, keep the wethers' shore all along, until thou open th● Harbour. And to know if thou be open of the Harbour, look● upon the South side; and thou shalt see an Hill by it sel●e, which maketh as it were a crown upon it. And if thou come along, it maketh as it were a Fort with Ports about it: And this is the mark if thou come out of the Sea. And this Hill is North and South of the Harbour, over the Harbour of Baracoa. And if thou will't go in, thou must take heed of a Sh●●ld which lieth on the East side, A ●l●●●d on the East side of Baracoa. and thou must keep the West side: and go not much from the Sheald, because the foot of the Sheald that shooteth Westward hath 5. fathom water. And when thou art within the Shealds, 〈◊〉 ●u●t ●o● a little within them, and then let fall an anchor: and look that thou come not much on the Ea●● side, for it is shoaldie. And coming out from Baracoa, being so pass through the old channel, you shall set your course Northwest until you c●me with the Cayo de Moa, or the should of Moa, ●a●o de ●●a. This word Cayo in the Biskapur ●●●gue signifieth a date; ● should. Pracellas. until you think you are Northeast and South-west with it, or till you think you are go 12. leagues: and you shall know that you are upon Cayo de Moa. For before you come at it by 2. leagues or more, you shall understand that it hath a point of low land, and upon the point it hath a Palm tree; which tree you shall see always, before you see the point: and it is like a sail. From thence to The Pracellas or Flats you shall stir Northwest two parts of your way, that you have to run from Cayo de Moa to the said Pracellas or Flats, and the one half part of the way North Northwest and by West. And this way you shall see The Pracellas or Flats in a clean place of the should above the water, for all the breach of the sea. The Mos●wes. The Mosowes be from the Pracell West, and you shall leave them to windward. And if you will go with the Pracellas or Flats, you shall find 4. or 5. fathoms: and you may go sure without danger a Northwest course until you come in 7. fathoms. And if you will go upon the Should, you shall go upon that depth, until you have run 40. or 45. leagues: And f●om thence you shall see your course South-west, till you see the Flattes of the main land. You shall then see to the Westward a rock divided into 3. parts, which is called the Camoloquea. Camoloquea. And look that when you come from the Pracellas Southwest, you have certain Flats before you: take heed of them that you fall not by night with them by four leagues, for fear of the Mecala: The flats of Meca●a to be avoided. and you shall set your course West Northwest until day: and when it is day, you must bear close aboard the shore, and then you shall see a flat Island with many broken sands, which is called Cropeda, Cropeda a flat Island. and lieth but a little out of the trade way, somewhat to the Northward. Off that you shall see 2. Rocks of stone, 2. Rocks of stone. which are the point of all the Flats: And two leagues from them on the ma●ne land you shall see a point which showeth like broken land. This is called The point of Caveus. Punta de Caveus. And from that point to Matanças on the Northside of Cuba are 12. leagues, Matan●as. and your course lieth West and by North: and then you must borrow upon the land all that you can, because of the currents: for the currents will carry you into the Channel. And being at Matanças you must run all along the shore, because of the currents. The currents. Remember that when you see one league before you a Rock, and a Should, that hath upon it but 2. fathoms water; and your mark if you come out of the sea is an Hill, and the Hil is not very high, it standeth East and West, and upon it are some little rise and they are not very high, and upon these rise stand two round homocks close together, you shall see the Teats of Havana. The Teats of Havana. The ●arbour of X●●oca. To know along the shore when you are against the Harbour of Xaroca, the marks are these. A little to the Westward one league, you shall see along the shore a Hill that is broken, and that broken Hill is over t●● Harbour of Xaroca: and then a little more to the Westward a league, there is another broken Hill. And you shall see that North and South from these broken hits is a Flat off. And from that to Havana is 7. leagues: and it is all clean ground, and you may go along the shore till you come to Havana. To know the harbour of Havana, Marks to know the harbour of Havana. you shall see before you come at it one little rock of stone not very high, and smooth toward the sea: upon the rock standeth a little white tower, wherein they keep watch. And then if you have the wind large, you shall see the harbour open, and then you may bear in with it. Your ship being of great burden, when you are within, then keep on the West side, ●ec●●se on the East side, on the West end of the Rock aforesaid, there lieth a ledge to the Westward, which hath but three or four fathoms ½ upon it. If your ship be of small burden you may run along the weather shore, until you come right against the Castle; and then half the Bay over you may come to an anchor. How to work coming through the old Channel, if you be not minded to go over the Pracellas or shoalds. If you will come through the old Channel, when you come as high as the Shoalds, coming upon your course from the Caio de Moa, Caio de Moa. as I told you, keep 2. leagues from the Pracel or should: and then set our course West unto the low islands of the Firm land. And upon this course you shall kea the Flats on the point of Caio Romano: Caio Roman●● and within it is one Flat higher than the other, and smooth upon, and in the midst it maketh as it were broken land; and when you are in the channel in the day time, you must take heed you come not near the shore by 2. leagues, and by your sounding no nearer than 3. fathoms. And you must take heed still when the night cometh to keep 2. or three leagues off for fear of the shoalds. And in the night you must go Northwest as is aforesaid. And also you must take heed that you keep in the middle of the channel, as near as you can toward the should. And finding much wound & being benighted, from midnight till day stir West Northwest, and when it is towards day, than you may edge towards the Flats as is aforesaid. And as you stir hence one day and one night from Caio Romano to the innards of the Channel, you shall see the firm land of Cuba, and other marks; and among the rest, around hamocke, which you may easily know. It is called Alcane de Barasoga. Alcane de Barasoga. And from thence to Savano and to Basquo is 6. leagues, Savano, Basquo. and likewise Havana 6. leagues. And from thence to cross under the Fort is 45. leagues. And stir hence upon your course aforesaid. And if you have go from Barasoga 30. leagues, you shall see none of the Flats of Mecala: The Flats of Mecala. And give them a breadth of two or three leagues, and keep your course West Northwest, as aforesaid, until it be day, and presently you may edge round to the Flats. Take heed of that which is here sa●d, for it hath little reason. And thus stirring, keep your course until you see the hills of Camaloqua. Sierras de Camaloqu●a. And look that when you come from Caio de Moa, along the Pracel or should by night close by it, Caio de Moa. Pracellas. you shall not see what land it is, till it be day: and in the Morning you shall set your course as is aforesaid, until you see the should, and in seeing it, you may stir on your course as is above mentioned, until you come to Havana. Havana. For to set your course from the point of Mance to Caio Romano, when you are North and South with the point of Mance, Punta de Mance. you shall stir thence West Northwest, until you think you be North-east and South-west with the hill of Hama. Sierra del Hama. And this hill is an high hill and smooth to the seaside. And from this hill to Caio Romano you shall stir Northwest and by West: Caio Romano. and upon this course you may be bold to see Caio Romano. And the mark of this Flat is, The marks of the Flat of Caio Romano. that it maketh an high land and smooth upon the top: and in the midst of it, it showeth as it were broken. And when you come to it, you must take heed you come not near it by 2. leagues, because it is soul. And look that you bring not yourself too near the hill of Hama by night. For you must take heed of Caio Romano to keep off it until Morning: in the Morning you may go your course until you see it, and then set your course, as is abovesaid. A principal ruttier containing most particular directions to sail from S. Lucar in Andaluzia by the Isles of the Canaries, the small Isles called Las Antillas', along the South parts of the Isles of S. ivan de Puerto rico, Hispaniola and Cuba: and from Cabo de Corrientes, or Cabo de S. Anton without and within the little Isles called Los Alacranes, to the port of S. ivan de ullua in Nue●a Espanna: and the course from thence back again by Havana, and through the Channel of Bahama to Spain: together with the special marks of all the Capes, Islands, and other places by the way; and a brief declaration of their latitudes and longitudes. IF you departed from the bar of S. Lucar de Barameda toward the West India's in the Summer time, you must stir a way Southwest until you come to the head-land called Punta de Naga upon the Isle of Tenerif. Punta de Naga. But if your departure be from the said bar in the Winter, you must stir away Southwest and by South, until you come to the height of Cape Cantin on the coast of Babarie: the marks and signs whereof be these following. The marks to know Cape Can●in. Scape Cantin is a low C●pe and small to the seaward, and maketh a snout like the nose of a galley, and hath upon the t●p of the point a Heath or shrubby place, and on the top thereof sta●d two homocks, that to the seaward being higher than the other; but that on the Souther side showeth like a tower: and this Cape is in 32. degrees and ½. And he that will seek from this Cape to discover Punta de Naga beforesaid, must stir away South-west and by West, until he bring himself North-east and Southwest which the same point, and then he must stir away South to fetch the said point● The signs of Punta de Naga. THe said point or Head-land is an high point of Land, and plain upon the top like a table, and without it there are two little rocky Islands; and upon the North side of the said point is another point called Punta de hidalgo, Punta de hidalgo. an● upon the top thereof are 2. picked rocks like unto the ears of a Hare. The course from the Canaries to the West Indies. IF you set sail from any of the Islands of the Canaries for the West India's, you must stir away 30. or 40 leagues due South, to the end you may avoid the calms of the Island of Fierro: The calms of 〈◊〉 and being so far distant from the said Island, then must you stir away West Southwest, until you find yourself in 20. degrees, and then sail West and by South until you come to 15. degrees and ½. And from thence stir away West and by North; and so shall you make a West way by reason of the Northwesting of the Compass: which West way will bring you to the Island of Deseada. The variation of the compass. The marks of the Island of Deseada. THis Island Deseada lieth East Northeast, and West Southwest, having no trees upon it, and it is proportioned like a Galley, and the North-east end thereof maketh a low nose like the snow of a galley; and by coming near it, and passing by the Norther end thereof, you shall perceive white broken patches like heaps of sand with read strikes in them: & the South-west end of this Island maketh like the tile of a galley. And this Island standeth in 15. degrees and ½. Deseada in 15. degrees and a hal●e. Marks of the Island of Monserate. MOnserate is an high Island, and round, full of trees, and upon the East side thereof you shall perceive certain white spots like sheets; and being upon the South side at the very point of the Island, somewhat of the land, it maketh like a little Island: and putting yourself either East or West from that point, in the midst thereof will appear a great broken land. Marks of the Island of Marigalanta. MArigalanta is a smooth Island, and full of wood or trees, and as it were of the fashion of a galley upon her deck: and being on the Southeast side about half a league of you shall make certain homocks of black stones, and certain white patches: but on the West side appear fair white sandy shores or plains. Marks of the Isle of Dominica. THe Island of Dominica lieth Northwest and Southeast, and upon the Northwest side it showeth more high: and if you come near it at full sea, it will show like two Islands, but by coming nearer unto it, you shall perceive it to be but one: and upon the Southeast side you shall make or see a plain and long point, and upon the same point appeareth a cliff like to the cliff of Cape Tiburon; and upon the North side a little from the land it showeth like a little Island, and upon the top thereof is, as it were, an high steeple, and upon the Norther side you shall perceive it like many white sheets. Marks of the Island of Guadalupe. THe Island of Guadalupe lieth on the West of Deseada, and upon the South-west part thereof appear many high mountains, but upon the East side it maketh certain tables, which are called the high part of Guadalupe. And this Island is cut North and South; so that the Canoas' of India do pass from the North to the South of it, as if it were two Islands. Marks of the Isle of Matalina, or Martinino. THe Isle of Matalina is high and full of mountains, having in the midst thereof 3. homocks: the middlemost homocke being highest showeth like the great bowl of an hat. And upon the North side it appeareth like three little Islands. Warlike and dangerous Indians like ●hose o● Dominica. And in this Island there are warlike Indians like those of Dominica. Marks of the three small Islands called Islas de Los Santos, or the Islands of Saintes. LOs Santos are 3. Islands lying one close by another upon the South side of Guadalupe. For to go with S. ivan de Puerto rico you must stir away Northwest, until you fall with the Isle of Saba. Marks to know the Isle of Saba. SAba is a little Island, and round about it you shall see the bottom; but fear not, for there is no danger but that which you shall see; and round about it, it maketh as it were certain heaps of white sand; and by the side thereof it showeth like a Ship under sail: but follow that direction that I have given, and you shall see La virgin gorda. Marks to know the Isle called La virgin gorda. LA virgin gorda is an high Island and round, and seeing it, you shall espy all the rest of the Virgins which lie East and West one from another, and are ba●e without any trees. You may go about by them until you see the little grey Island, which you shall see by itself by the Virgins; These 2. the white and the grey Islands are rather ba●● rocks in the sea, fo● so doth Farrallon the Spanish word signify. But I interpr●te it Island, because all the rocks separated from the bigger Islands are sa●d to be little Islands. This white & bore Island is made whit● up the d●ng of birds and sea-foules that resort unto it. and coming near to the said Island, over that you shall by and by raise sight of the white little I●land, which seemeth like a ship under sail. And if you will pass between this little whi●e I●land or bore rock, and the green Island, you must beware that you leave the white Island on the larbourd side of you, and come no nearer it than a Caliever-shot, and so shall you pass through 12. fadome-water: and then stir away Northnorthwest, and so shall you enter into the Haven of Puerto rico: and if you chance to pass the said Island by night, go by the foresaid direction, vnt●ll the first watch be out, and then take in your sails, and so drive until it be near day: and then hoist sails, and stir away South-west, seeking the said Port: and when you come to the entering within, you must stay till 10. of the clock for the sea-turne. And know, that having the Loguilo at Southwest, then shall the Harbour be off you North and South. Directions from Monserate to Santa Cruz. HE that departeth from Monserate to Santa Cruz, must stir away Westnortwest: and by the same course you shall seize upon S. ivan de Puerto rico. Marks to know the Isle of Santa Cruz. SAnta Cruz is an Island not very high, all full of homocks: and coming with it at full sea, it will show like the Virgins: and upon the East side there are two homocks higher than all the re●t. And by this course you may go to the Isle of S. ivan de Puerto rico; and having found it you may sail along the South coast East and West, until you come to Cabo Roxo. Marks to know Cape Roxo. Scape Roxo is a low Cape and trailing to the seaward, having certain heaps of broken ground thereon, which are like a homocke, and at full sea the same showeth like a little Island from the land by itself, but coming near unto it, it will make all a whole land. Directions from Cabo roxo to the Isle of Mona. If you will seek Mona fro Cape roxo, you must stir away West and by North. Marks of the Isle of Mona. THe Isle of Mona is a low, round, and smooth Island, lying low by the sea, and full of trees and to go from thence to the Isle of Saona you must stir away West; and if you fall with it in the night season, and come any thing near the land, then stir away West and by South, until it be near day, that you may keep yourself by the land; and if so be that in the Morning you see it not, then stir away Northwest, and so shall you find it: and if it be fair weather, and you perceive that the current hath set you to the South-west, then stir away Northnorthwest, and so shall you go clear off the land. Marks of the Isle of Saona. IF you chance to see the Isle of Saona, it is an Island smooth with the sea, and lieth North-east and Southwest, and you shall see the trees before you see the Island: and on the South-west end of this Island appeareth a great high bank of white sand which is called the head of Saona● And if you would come to an anchor, you may, for all is clear ground. And to go from this Island to Santa Catelina, you must stir away Norhtwest. Marks of the Isle of Santa Catelina. SAnta Catelina is a little low Island all full of low rocks even from the water, and hath not any trees, and it is close by the land; and if you do not run along the coast of Hispaniola, you shall not see it: and from the Island to go to Saint Domingo, you shall sail along as the land lieth, West an● by North: and before you come to the point called Causedo, you shall see certain holes in rocks, These rocks are called Los 〈◊〉, or the spo●tes. The point o● Causedo. which lie alongst as the rocks do that cast up the water, which will show like to the spouting of Whales. And a little ahead off that, you shall see the point of Andresa: and ahead thereof the point of Causedo. This point of Causedo lieth low close by the water, and passing thereby, the coast will make to thee Northwest and Southeast; and from thence to S. Domingo are 5. leagues. ●an Domingo. And if the wind chop up at North upon you, by means whereof you should be cast o●f from the coast or Port, and that you happen to see the old Mines (called Si●●ras de las minas viejas) bear Northwest of you, and The reates which are within the land be open of you then shall you be North and South with the harbour; and if The old Mines bear North of you, then shall you be below the harbour. Directions from Saint Domingo to Nueva Espanna. IF you will sail from Saint Domingo in Hispaniola to Nueva Espanna, stir away Southsouthwest, until you come up as far as the point of Niçao: The point of Ni●ao and from thence stir away Westsouthwest, and so you shall find the Isle of Bea●a. The Isle of Beata. And if you sail from this point of Niçao for Ocoa, Ocoa. you must pass along the coast West and by North, until you come to Puerto Hermoso, or The beautiful haven, which is 18. leagues distant from Saint Domingo: and if you proceed from Puerto Hermoso for Nueva Espanna, Puerto hermoso. you must stir away Southsouthwest, until you look out for Beata and Alto velo. The Isle of Alto Velo● Marks of the Isle of Beata. BEata is a small Island and not very high: you may pass along the outside thereof, and there is no danger but that you may see; and by and by you shall raise Alto velo: and from thence you mu●t stir away West and by South, to give a birth from the Islands called Los Frails, 〈◊〉 Frails. or The Friars. And when you are as far ahead as the Frails, then must you stir away West and by North, and so shall you go right with Bacoa, and before you come to it, 〈◊〉. you shall see high craggy cliffs, and at the descending of them white paths like great sheets; these high craggy mountains are called Las sierras de donna Maria. Las sierras de donna Maria. And before you come to the said point of Bacoa, you shall discover a little low Island even with the Sea and full of trees, which is called Isla Baque. Isla Baque. Directions from Isla Baque to Cape Tiburon. IF you will go from the Island Baque, or from the point of Bacoa for Cape Tiburon, Cape Tiburon. or to the isle of Navaza, The Isle of Navaza. you must stir away Westnorthwest, and edge in somewhat to the Northwest, and you shall pass between Navaza and Cape Tiburon. Marks of Cape Tiburon, which is the Western cape of Hispaniola. Scape Tiburon lieth sliding down to the Seaward, and maketh a sharp cliff like the snout of a Tiburon or sharke-fish; and upon the top thereof it appeareth like white ways with certain gullets or drains upon it, which are caused by the passage of the water from the mountain in the Winter time. Marks of the Isle of Navaza. NAuaza is a little round Island full of low trees or shrubs, and it lieth East and West from Cape Tiburon, and from this small Island to go for Sierras de Cobre, or The mountains or mines of Copper upon the Southeast part of Cuba, you must stir away Northnorthwest. Directions from Cape Tiburon to Cabo de Cruz in Cuba. IF you will sail from Cape Tiburon to Cape de Cruz in Cuba, you must stir away Northwest, and you shall see the Sierras or mountains de Cobre; Sierras de Cob●●. and from thence you may go along the coast West towards Cabo de Cruz; and before you come at it you shall see The great Tarqui●●, and from this Tarquino you shall have to Cape de Cruz 30. leagues, and this great Tarquino is the highest land upon all that coast; and then by and by you shall see the lesser Tarquino, Sierras de Tarquino. from whence to the foresaid Cape you have 12. leagues, and ●o shall you go discovering the coast, until you come to Cabo de Cruz. Marks of Cabo de Cruz. Scape de Cruz is a low Cape full of shrubs; and from thence Westward you shall see no land● for the distance or bay is great between the said Cape and th● Isles called Los jardines'. Directions from Cape de Cruz to Isla de Pinos. IF you sail from Cape de Cruz to seek the Island of Pinos, you must stir away Westnorthwest. And note, that if in this course you happen to sound, do not fear; for you have nine fathoms. If also going this course, you meet with certain little Islands upon the larboard side, which are called The Caimanes, or The crocodiles, having sight of them, ●●ir away Northwest, Los Caimanes. and so shall you find the Island of Pinos. And if by seeing the said Islands called Caimanes you are amazed, you shall know by the latitude, whither they ●ee The jardines' or no: Los jardines'. for if you find yourself in one and twenty degrees, then be you su●e they are The jardines', and then stir out again South, till you be clear of them; and when you have brought them North of you, then may you stir away West, if it be by day; if it be bynight, West and by South, till you see the Island of Pinos. The marks of Isla de Pinos. THe Island of Pinos stretcheth itself East and West, and it is full of homocks, and if you chance to see it at full sea, it will show like 3. Islands, as though there we●e divers sounds between them, and that in the midst is the greatest; and in rowing with them, it will make all a firm land: and upon the East side of these three homocks it will inawe all ragged; and on the West side of them will appear unto you a low point even with the sea, and oftentimes you shall see the trees before you shall discern the point. Directions from the Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes. IF you sail from the foresaid Isle of Pinos to Cape de Corrientes, stir away West and by North; and before you come to the said Cape upon the Northside of you, you shall see cert●ine mountains all full of homocks, which are called Las Sierras de Guanagua●ico, Las sierras de Guanaguarico. and that upon the West part hath more homocks then that on the other. Marks of Cape de Corrientes. Scape de Corrientes is a low Cape, though not so low as the other part of the land that lieth along by it: for it is more low, and hath upon it 4. or 5. great splats like unto oxen, and the very point of the Cape is all white sand: and from thence Westward you shall discern no land, for it maketh a great bay: and from hence you must sail to Cape de Sant Anton. Marks of Cape de Sant Anton. THe cape of Sant Anton is low by the sea, and all full of shrubs or trees; and you shall see within the land a lake of fresh water: A convenient watering place. and if you want water, there you may water: and upon the North side of the said Cape you shall discern a palm tree higher than the rest of the trees, and it showeth round like a bowl at the top, like to the top of a ship: and North from the Cape are certain sholdes which are 2. or 3. leagues long. Directions from the Cape de S. Anton to Nueva Espanna on the outside of the small Islands called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions. IF you will sail from Cape Sant Anton to Nueva Espanna with a North wind, then stir away Westnorthwest from 21. to 22. degrees, and then sound upon the pracel or flat; and if you see by this direction, that you hold water, then stir away Northwest, until you loose the ground; and then follow your course again, until you have brought yourself into 24. degrees and ½. and then sail West until you bring yourself North and South with the Isle Ve●meja, or The read Isle: The Isle Vermeja. then stir away South-west, and by this way you shall find Villa rica on the coast of Nueva Espanna. Villa rica. And if by going this course you be in 19 degrees and ½. and chance not to see the land, then stir away West until you see Villa rica, and from thence sail you South for the harbour of S. ivan de ullua: ●. ivan de Vllua. and if you should be near the land you must stir South and by West towards the same harbour. And if you chance to see the Volcan or burning hill to bear west & by South from you, ● volcan or burning hill. then know, that the harbour of S. ivan de ullua shallbe East and west of you. Marks of Villa rica. VIlla rica standeth in 19 degrees and ½. and the signs thereof are certain high hills full of homocks of many heads, which have on the top of them certain white patches after the manner of white beaten ways; and these hills lie North-east and Southwest. And if you doubt whether these be the Sierras or hills of S. Martin, wet your lead or sound, and if you find bottom, they are the Sierras of Villa rica: ●ierras de Saint Mart●n. and sail you to the landward, and look by how much you come nearer the land, so much will they seem lower unto you: Sierras de Villa 〈◊〉. but so do not the hills of S. Martin; for the nearer you come to them, the higher will they appear to you: and likewise if they ●e the hills of S● Martin, you shall not find bottom, but even at land itself. Marks of Rio de las palmas, and of the river of mountains called Rio de las montannas. ●io de las palmas. IF you should chance to fall with Rio de las palmas, or The river of palms, or else with the river of Mountains, it is all of plain land, and full of trees and certain woody homocks, Rio de las mon●an●as. and among them certain heaps of sa●d, and all this along by the sea side: Rio de Panuco. and if you went by land to the river of Panuco, you shall have many mouths or opening of plaias or strands, Rio He●mo●o, o● The beautiful ●iuer. where also are many lizas or oazy places, which ●●retch to Rio Hermoso. The current of the bay of Mexico (the wind being at the East) setteth to the North● and 40. leagues from th●●ho●e to the North-east. You must beware what part soever you happen of this coast to fall withal, to discover it, and although you know it, you must sound the depth; because if the winds be Easterly, the current setteth there much to the North: but if you should be 40. leagues at sea, than this current setteth to the North-east. Marks of Rio Hermoso or The beautiful river. IF you will seek the river talled Rio Hermoso, looking well within the land, you shall see three homocks of an high hill, and those two which are to the landward within, are rounder than the other which is nearest the sea, for that it is longer and bigger, and lieth North and South, and you shall b● 4. leagues at sea when you shall see them: and they are called The sierras, or mountains of Tamaclipa; The mountains o● Tamaclipa. and from thence to the river of Panuco there is no high land, but all low and even with the sea, and full of palm trees and other trees. Marks of the river of Panuc●. IF you fall with the river of Panuco (between which and the foresaid Villa rica standeth the Island called Isla de Lobos or The Isle of seals) the marks be these. From the mouth of the river it maketh a great day without, and at the end of this bay upon the Northside there is oazy, low, and bore ground altogether without trees, and at the out end of the oazy low place upon the West side it maketh a low homock like to a Lizards head: and when you see the aforesaid cliff, you shall be in the opening of the mouth of the said river, 〈◊〉 tide at the river of Panuco La● sie●ras de Tarquia and then shall you see a little low tower having on the top of it a cross, which the fishermen call Marien: and this bar hath on it 2. fathom water● and 2. and ½. and you need not to stay for the tide, for that it floweth not there: and that you may the better know whether you be in this bay which I have mentioned, or not, you shall see certain hills at West Southwest, which are called Las sierras de Tarquia● and forthwith also you shall see the oazy place that I speak of, which goeth to the mouth of the ●iuer where standeth a town called S. Luis de Tampice, ●. Luis de Tam●ice. and from thence to Panuco you have 9 leagues by land. The marks of Isla de lobos, or The Isle of seals. ISla de lobos is a small Island nothing so big as the ca●de doth show it, and in it is a little gr●u● or wood of palm trees, and all the rest of the Island is without trees, and r●●nd about it are ●undry Playas or strandes, and it is enclosed round about with a●raçifes or shoalds, and chief toward the main land. And from thence to Cape Roxo or The read Cape are 3. leagues. Cabo Roxo. A watering place. And if you will come to anchor at this Island to water, for that there is water in it, you may ride on all the South side close by the point that stretcheth to the Westward, and you may pass by the East side of it, and ride in 22. fathom, and until you come to 15. fathoms, all is clean ground. Marks of the river of Tuspa. IF you fall with the river of Tuspa, you must beware the sholdes which run 5. or 6. leagues into the sea: and upon this ●iuer of Tuspa within the land there are high hills which lie North-east and Southwest, and have their ending upon the bay of Cassones: The bay ●● Cassones. and upon the river you shall perceive a white cliff, which will show unto you like the castle of S. ivan de ullua. Marks of the river of S. Peter and S. Paul. IF you chance to fall with the bay of Cassones, and upon the river of S. Peter and S. Paul, take heed: for the said bay is a deep bay, and the hills of Tuspa have their ending upon this bay. And in the mouth of this river of S● Peter and S. Paul are two homockes of white sand, All these are upon the 〈◊〉 of Tabasco. the Westermost being bigger th●n that on the North-east. And by and by you shall perceive the water to change white which cometh out of the river, Las sierras de ● Pab●●●. and sounding you shall find sand mixed with clay upon your lead; and look upon the West side, and you shall see the Sierras or mountains of S. Paul, which are two, and that on the North side is higher than the other. Marks of Almeria. IF you should chance to fall or come upon the plains of Almeria, it is a land ●ull o● many homocks, some with tuftes of trees on them, and some ba●e with white sand, and in 60. fathoms you shall have clay or oaze, and in 30. fathom to the landward sand. And from thence to Punta de hidalgo o● Punta delgada the coast lieth North-east and Southwest. Punta delgada, o● The slender point● Soundings of Villa rica. IF you fall with Villa rica in 30. fathoms, you shall find clay or oaze, and in some places stones, and near the land you shall have sand: and upon the port of S. ivan de ullua you shall have in some places clay or oaze, and in some places herring bones, and in other places maze and and upon the rocks called Cabeças anegadas you shall have small black sand at 17. fathom two leagues from land. And if you see a coast that lieth North-east and Southwest, and another Northwest and Southeast, you shall be upon S. Paul: and if you should be upon Cabeças' anegadas, Cabeza● anegadas are 〈◊〉: heads 〈◊〉 under water. you shall find in 30. fathoms great sand & black, and in 28. fathoms you shall have the sand white like the shavings of free stone: and from S. Paul to the bar of Vera Cruz it is clay or oaze, and from thence to S. ivan de ullua you have many deeps, which at one sounding bring you clay, and at another sand, and at another clay and maze together, and herring bones: and in some 35. or 40. fathom you shall find rocky ground, and in some places sand, and in some other places herring bones: and we call this Comedera de pescado, Comedera de Pe●cado. or The food of fish. The course from Cabo de Corrientes and Cabo de S. Anton upon the West end of Cuba, towards Nueva Espanna, within the Isles called Los Alacranes, or The Scorpions. IF you sail from Cape de Corrientes toward Nueva Espanna on the inside of The Alacranes, Cabo de Co●●iente●. you must stir West: and when you think you have sailed 35. or 40. leag. you shall sound upon the pracel, and you shall come upon many bristlings of waters' which, if it were fair weather, would seem a skull o● fish. And before you come out of the bristlings, if you sound you shall have depth as I have said. If you go from Cape de S. Anton by the inside of The Alacranes, Cabo de S. A●●ton. you must stir away West and by South, and you shall find sounding in the same order as I have said: you shall have white sand, and near the land you shall find it like the shavings and peckings of free stone, and white sand like houre-glasse-sand, and sometimes periwinkles or small shells. Also if you sound in deep water, and on the sudden ●inde rocks, then know that you are upon The Alacranes, and then stir away Westsouthwest until you find clean ground, and till you bring yourself into 18. or 20. fathoms. And if you go deeping your water, then stir away West, and by these depths you shall go sounding; and then taking your height by sun or star, you must beware that you pass not 21. degrees & ●●. or 21. degrees and ½. at the most; and in this height, and at 18. or 20. fathoms you shall follow your way: and if you deepen water, edge to the Northwestward, and if you altar more your depth, edge to the Southwestward, until you have got so far ahead as Cape Sisal, Cape Sisal upon the coast of Campeche in lucatan. Or Isla de Arenas. and discovered the coast of Campeche, which coast lieth North and South, and you shall take up on your lead white sand like hourglasses sand, and sometime periwinkles or small shells; and by and by you shall go increasing depth, until you loose it, and so shall you pass between the Triangle and the Sandy Island. The course between the Triangle and the Sandy Island to S. ivan de ullua. WHen you have lost your depth, stir away South-west to fetch the Sierras or hills of S. Martin: Sierras de S. Martin. and to know the hills of S. Martin, there are 2. hills stretching North-east and Southwest, and the South-west is greater than that on the North-east, but the Northermost hill is higher, and maketh on the top a flat point and very high, and without it, it hath an Island which is called Roca partida, Roca partida. or The cloven rock: and if it be clear, on the South-west side an high land like a topsail will appear, and then shall you be North and South with The Pan or Loaf of Nisapa. Or Minsapa. Note, that these Sierras or Hills of Sant Martin are all black and full of trees, and make no show as Villa rica doth: And mark this, that by how much you come nearer them, so much the higher will they show unto you: neither shall you find any bottom till you be at the very shore. The course from Roca partida or The cloven rock to S. ivan de ullua. IF you departed from Roca partida or The cloven rock for Sant ivan de ullua, you must stir away Westnorthwest, and so shall you fetch or fall with the point of Anton Miliarco: Of Antoniserro. and if you happen to sound upon The sunken rocks called Cabe ças anegadas, you shall have black sand and 17. fathom water, and you shall be but a league from the land, and if you be 2. leagues from the land, you shall have 34. fathoms. The course from Sant ivan de ullua in the bay of Mexico to Spain in Europe. IF you departed from S. ivan de ullua to Havana, you must stir away North-east until you bring yourself in 25. degrees, and from thence you must stir away East from the little Islands called Las Tortugas, Las Tortugas. until you have the sounding of them: and if you find white sand very small, you shall be East and West with them, and if your sounding be shellie ground and perwinkles, or small shells or scales, then shall you be North-east and Southwest, and the shells or scales must be read, and if at some time you take up black sand, then are you North and South with the said Tortugas. Marks of The Tortugas. IF you chance to fall with The Tortugas, they are 5. or 6. little Islands of white sand, low and close by the sea, saving one which hath on it some shrubs or bushes of trees: and they are in 25. degrees. The course from The Tortugas toward Havana. IF you departed from The Tortugas towards Havana with a fresh wind, you must stir away Southwest: and if it be fair weather, and a small gale of wind, then stir South, that the current may not draw you in, nor set you too much to the Westward: and if you fall with Los Organos', The hills called Los Organoes upon Cuba near Havana. Rio de puercos. Baya honda. they are a rank of high and low hills with many sharp heads like unto Organ pipes, and at the entering thereof on the South side is Rio de puercos, or The river of hogs; and at the surther ●●de is the deep bay called Baya honda, and there is the round loaf or heap called El pan de baya honda, that is to say, The loaf of the deep bay: and from this place until you come to Cape de S. Anton all is sholdes and flats 4. or 5. leagues into the sea, even as far as the said Cape: and from Baya honda or The deep bay to Havana, all the coast is full of high and low hills, which they call La Quadrilla de sierras, La quadrilla de sierras. which is as much to say, as A company of hills together like soldiers on a heap; and more to the Eastward you shall descry an high hill which is called El pan de Cabannas. El pan de Ca●annas. And if you fall with Havana, you shall see on the South-west side an hill called La meza de Marien, La mesa de Marien. or The Table of Marien; and if it be clear, you shall see lower to the Westward the heap or loaf that is called El pan de Cabannas. You must note, that about Havana it is all low land even with the sea, till you come to Mesa de Marien, and then look well within the land, and you shall see 2. little round trees like to the tea●es of women's breasts; and bringing yourself North and South, you shall be with the harbour of Havana, and then shall you soon perceive the tower that is upon the cliffs of Havana. The tower of Havana. Marks of the haven or port called Puerto de Marien. PVerto de Marien is a harbour that you may enter into without any danger or fear, but at the entrance thereof you must borrow on the West side, by reason of the rocks and shelves, and when you are within, then borrow on the East shore, and leave the other side, and so shall you enter safe: and from this place to Havana is all low land. Note, Note that if you overpass the harbour of Havana to the Eastward, or if the current hath set you past it by means of calms, then shall you perceive at full sea upon the coast certain broken places like the entrances of harbours, because the land is low; and coming near the shore you shall see in some places of the coast Playas or strandes of sand which show like unto Chipiona: Chipiona a town standing upon the coast of Andaluzia next unto S. Lucas. and looking Eastward along the sea coast, you shall see a round loaf which is called Elpon de Matanças: El pan de Matanzas. and also you shall perceive in certain places round white heaps of sand called Barrancas. Barrancas If you will recover Havana, go also signify creeks or broken entrances of lands. along the coast close by the land, for the current runneth very swift in the channel, and there is no fear but of that which you may see; for all the coast is clean ground. The course from Havana to Spain. IF you will sail from Havana to Spain, you must stir away North-east, till you come to the head of The Martyrs called Lady Cabeça de los Martyrs. Cabeza de los Martyrs. If it chance before you come to the said head, that the wind should chop up at North on you, then stand to the Eastward, until you bring yourself as far ahead as Matanças; then cast about to the West, to discover the land of The Martyrs, Which Martyrs are a number of small islands lying ahead the Cape of Florida. or of Florida, that the current may not set you on The Mimbres: Los Mimbres. The marks of Pan de Matanzas. and if by chance you see The Pan de Matanças at full sea, it hath these marks following. It is a round heap or loaf, and high withal, and on the Western side thereof, appeareth a rock like to the head of a Tortoise: and between this Pan and the hills of Seluco, there will appear unto you a great broken land, like as it were sunken places, and upon the East side of this Pan toward Punta de los Puercos it is all low land, Punta de los Puercos. and you shall see no high land as all: and being so far shot, that this Pan de Matanças shall bear Westnorthwest and Southsoutheast of you, and being desirous also to avoid the fury of the current of the channel of Bahama, The furious current in the channel of Bahama. stir away Northnortheast, and by this course you shall pass the channel, and win the coast of Florida. Marks of the head of The Martyrs called Cabeza de los Martyrs. THe head of The Martyrs are three heaps of white sand full of trees, and that in the midst hath on the top a crown, as it were of white sand, and is higher and bigger than the other two: and to know whether you be entered into the channel, mark well how the coast lieth off you; Directions is know whether you be in the channel of Bahama or no. and if you perceive that the coast beareth off you East and West, you are not in the channel; but if the coast should bear off you North-east and Southwest, then are you in the channel; and taking your height you shall know: for if you find yourself in 24. degrees and ½, then are you East and West with the head of The Martyrs: and if you see the coast bear off you North-east and Southwest, (as I have said) stir away 4. or 5. leagues from the landward right off; and then stir away North-east: and being in 28. degrees and a half, you shall be shot out of the channel, and then shall you be East and West with Cape de Cannaveral, Cabo de Cannaveral in 28. deg and a half. or The Cape of Reeds. The course to come through the channel of Bahama homeward for Spain. IF in Winter you should pass through the channel of Bahama for Spain, The course 〈◊〉 Winter. stir away the first Sangradura or course Eastnortheast, and afterward East and by North, and so shall you pass by the South side of Bermuda: and you must take heed that you go these four hundred or five hundred leagues, because you shall not come near the said Isle of Bermuda; The Isle of Bermuda. & when you are go this course, then put yourself in what height you will, and make your way as you will yourself. But if you pass the channel in the Summer time towards Spain, The course in the Summer more Northerly. stir away Eastnortheast, and you shall pass by the North side of Bermuda; and when you have brought yourself in 35. degrees, stir East and by North, until you bring yourself to 25. degrees and ½, and from thence stir away East for the Isle of Fayal or of Flores. Marks to know the Isle of Fayal. THe Island called Fayal upon the South-west side, maketh an high hill or loaf like to the top of Brasilla in the Island of Terçera; and behind that high Pike or loaf is an harbour called Puerto Pini, Puerto Pini. and upon the East side it maketh a little plain Island; and upon the North side there standeth a rock or Island by itself. And from this Island being one of The Açores, you may shape your course to which of the Islands you please, or to any other place which you know. Marks to know the Isle of Flores. IF you happen to fall with Flores first, by this you shall know it: the Island lieth North-east, and Southsouthwest, and the West end thereof maketh a rock or cliff like the cliff of Tiburon; and coming near the land, you shall see two little Islands near the point of the land; and to the Northward of this cliff or rock a little from the land you may ride and water; and between that and the village, in every bay you may likewise ride and water: and you shall see the water run into the sea in every part that you look on. El Passaje & place on the North-east part of the Isle of S. ivan de Puerto rico. Now followeth the course and direction to sail from Passage on the North-east part of S. ivan de Puerto rico, unto Havana, by the North side of the Isle of Hispaniola, and by The old channel. IF you departed from S. ivan de Puerto rico to seek Cabo del Enganno, Cabo del Enganno the most Easter in Cape of Hispaniola, Or Semana. you must stir away Westnorthwest, and so shall you see a round heap or loaf in the sea, which lieth on the South-west side of the gulf of Semana; and from thence it beginneth about the hill of the Cape del Enganno, & this is the mouth of the gulf. And if it should be near night when you see this land, stir away Northwest with a small sail, because of certain rocks called Las Ouejas, Las Ouejas. or The Sheep: and in the morning cast about to see the land to the Southwestward; and if when you see the land, it seemeth unto you a small island at full sea like a round mountain, then is it The cape del Enganno: and from thence stir away West and by North toward Cabo Franco. Cabo Franco. Marks of Cabo Franco. Cabo Franco is a low Cape even with the sea, and hath these marks * And from thence stir away West, and you shall see an high mountain, and on the top thereof a cloudy homock like the top of a hat; and at the soot of this hill is the haven or harbour called El puerto de plata. El Puerto de Plata. And if you will go into this port, you must leave the Island on the West side, and then take heed of that which you see, and borrow on the castles side. And from thence to go with the old channel, you must stir away Northwest, until you come out of sight of land, and then stir away West and by North, and so shall you go with the land of Baracoa, Baracoa. and here are hills very high, which make the teats which look like 3. crowns. And you shall pass between the Isle of Tortugas or Hinagua, Isla de Tortugas otherwise called Hinagua. and the Island of jaico; The Isle of jaico. and from thence run alongst the coast Northeast and Southwest; and having doubled the outmost high hill or mountain, you shall see in the midst thereof a round hill, and upon the South-west side by the sea you shall see a low even land four or five leagues long, and a low point, and this point of the hill is called Las sierde Cabanca; Las sierras de Cabanca. and then beginneth the bay of Cayo Romano: Cayo Romano. and ahead the sierras you shall see a round loaf which is in the midst of the same bay, and ahead of that you shall see a hill flat on the top like a table six or seven leagues, which hill is not very high, and from these hills to Cayo Romano you have five and thirty leagues, This word Cayo in the ●●●caian tongue signifieth a flat or a sh●ld. and you must stir the one half of the course Northwest, and the other half Northwest and by West, and so shall you make or see the said Cayo Romano upon the larboard side of you. Note, that from Cayo Romano to Cabo de Cruz you have three leagues, Cabo de Cruz. an● they lie North and South one from another. This Island lieth 100 leagues from Havana. Marks of Cayo Romano. CAyo Romano is an high Island, and lieth North-east and Southwest, and stretcheth itself as it were 4. leagues; and coming on it North-east & Southwest, it maketh a loaf or round heap or homock; in the midst there are two saddles, as we term them, or low partitions, the one on the one side, and the other on the other side; and coming with it North and South, it maketh all one low sand or saddle in the midst. And if night should come on you at this Cayo Romano, enter not the channel, because in the mid way is an Isle, flat, or Cayo, which lieth North and South with Cayo Romano, and it is called Cayo de la Cruz: and at full sea you shall discern a heath, which this Cayo hath in the midst of it, which is like to a saile● but all night bear but your foresail a glass one way and another glass the other way until it be day, and then enter the channel, and leave these Cayos, on the larbourd side of you. Note, that if you be within sight of the Parcel, The great Parcel. and see two little Islands of white sand, that then you are on the cantle of the Parcel: and if you go more a head coasting the Parcel, about fifteen leagues, you shall see three Islands full of trees, which are called Las Anguillas and all these three Islands bear North and South one from another. Las Anguillas. Item from Cayo de Cruz to Havana, if it be by day, stir away West Northwest; but if it be by night, then stir a point more to the Westward: and if in this course you chance to see the Parcel, fear not; for in the lowest water there are six fathoms; then cast about to the Southwestward to get out about two glasses, and then stir away Westnorthwest until it be day and so shall you go by the Cayos: and in this course you must keep twenty four leagues or thereabouts. And from this Cayo de Cruz six or seven leagues lieth another Cayo upon the North-east and by North, Another Cayo 6 or 7 leagues from Cayo de Cruz. which is great and white, and all even; But the point on the South-west is smaller, and upon the said point is a shrub or bush which showeth like a sail: also there is a bank of white sand along by the seaside, which in the midst thereof maketh a cliff full of trees that seemeth like a saddle: and upon the North-east side (for on this manner the coast lieth along from the Cape) going by the channel you shall see certain hills eighteen or twenty leagues long lying North-east and Southwest being all saddle-like: and bringing the point Southwest of you, you shall be in the midst of the channel: and from thence you have as far to Matanças as to Cayo Romano. Likewise from thence on the side of Havana you shall see certain hills which show to be three, and lie Northeast and Southwest, and that on the South-west is highest: they are called Las Sierras de Guana: El Puerto de Maranzas or The haven 〈◊〉 slaughters. 〈◊〉 Las Sierras de Guana. and North and South from them lieth a flat, which is called Cayo de Nicola, which stretched out two leagues into the Sea, and in the middle of the said flat there is a little Island of white sand: and from thence you must sail to Cruz del Padre. Cruz del Padre Marks of Cruz del Padre. CRuz del Padre is a Cape all broken in pieces: and from thence you must stir away North-east, because of the Bay that is there, called the Bay of Conell, La Baia de Conel. and this Bay stretcheth to the Bay of Chaos, La Baia de Chaos, or Cayos. which is within 20 leagues of the said point: and then stir away West Northwest to go with the Port of Matanças, and with the hills of Camoniaca. Marks of the hills of Camoniaca. THe hills of Camoniaca lie Northwest and Southeast, Or Camoloquec. and the Southeast side is low land and even: also upon the North-east side it is even land, and runneth towards the Bay of Matanças, and in the middle of these hills there is one high hill, and upon the North-east side there appeareth a round heap: and if you see this hill at West Southwest, the Pau or round heap of Matanças will bear off you West and by South. Marks of the round hill called El pan de Matanças. THis Pan is a round heap standing on a low land ● and if you bring yourself North and South with it, it will make you two saddles; and on the West side it maketh a great parted land as it were sinking with the sea. Note that wheresoever you shall go to seek the Tortugas, and shall come with the coast and find it bear off you North-east and Southwest, I advise you to go along the coast to the Southwestward: you may not deepen more than forty five fathoms, for if you do, you shall cast yourself without the Tortugas. Also you must note, Note. that if by chance you find yourself shot between the Tortugas, and the Martyrs, and that you cannot go on the outside of the said Tortugas, than cause one to go to the top, to see if you can descry them; and if you cannot see them, stir away South-west until you see them; and having got sight of them, sound, and you shall find eighteen or nineteen fathoms; and so sholding stir away South and by West, and go by this course. And fear you not the sholding, for you shall meet with 12 fathoms, and shall have black sand in your sounding. And going nearer to the end of the said Tortugas (for he that is on the top shall see them all) as you pass by, you shall find but eight fathoms, and stony ground, and that is the shouldest water you shall have. And you shall pass by a bustling of a tide, that shoules out of the channel that way: but you need not fear any thing for you shall have no less than eight fathom water: and being past the said bustling but a minion shot, you shall lose the ground and be in the channel. An advertizment. WHen you shall pass this course, go not out of sight of the Tortugas. And if you will go from thence to Havana, having a fair wind, stir away South-west because the current may not set you off: and if with a fresh wind and Northerly, then stir away Southerly. Here follow the latitudes of the headlandes, Capes, and Islands, as well of Madera, The Canaries, and the West Indies, as of the Açores and the Isles of Cabo Verde. Degrees of latitude. THe island called Puerto santo standeth in 33 The isle Madera standeth in 32½ The isle Saluaja in 30 The isle of Alagrança in 29½ The isle of Fuerte ventura in 28½ The Grand Canaria in 28½ The isle of Palma, and the point called Punta de Naga in Teneris in 28½ The isle of Gomera in 27½ The latitudes of the Islands of the West Indies Degrees of latitude. The island of Fonçeca standeth in 11¼ The isle Tabago in scant 11 The Barbudos in 13 The isle of Trinidad upon the North side in 10 The isle of Granata in 11¼ The isle of Sant Vincent in 12 The isle of santa Lucia in 12¾ The isle of Dominica in 14 The isle of Matalina or Martinino in 14½ The isle of Marigalante in 15 The isle of Deseada in 15½ The isle of Monserate in 16 The isle called La Antigua in 17 The isle called La Baruada in 17 The isle of S. Bartholomew in 17 The isle of S. Martin in 17½ The isle called La Anguilla in scant 18 The isle of Sombrero in 18½ The isle Anegada in 18⅔ The isle called La isla de Avez in 15½ The isles called Las Virgins in 18 The isle of Santa Cruz in 17 The isle of S. ivan de Puerto rico On. the North side in 18½ On the South side in 17 2/4 Cape deal Enganno upon the East part of Hispaniola in 18½ The point of the isle of Saona in 17½ The Cape called Punta de Nicao near S. Domingo in Hispaniola in 17½ The isle Beata on the South side of Hispaniola in 17 The point of Bacao on the South side of Hispaniola in 17½ Cape Tiburon upon the West part of Hispaniola, and the isle of Navaza in 18⅓ The isle of jamaica On. the South side in 17¼ On the North side in 18½ Cape de Cruz on the South side of Cuba in 20 The 3 Isles called Caimanes, or Crocodiles, South of Cuba, in 19¼ The dangerous isles called Los jardines' South of Cuba in 21 The isle of Pinos in 21 Cape de Corrientes upon the South-west part of Cuba in 21½ Cabo de saint Anton being the most westerly Cape of Cuba in 22 The little isles called Los Alacranes, or The Scorpions, in 22 The isles called Nigrillos' in 23½ Isla de Lobos, or The isle of seals near the main of Nueva Espanna, in 22 The Cape of jucatan called Cabo de Cotoche in 21 The island called Isla de Ranas in 21½ large. The latitudes of certain places upon the coast of Nueva Espanna, and of divers other places lying in the way from thence to Spain. Degrees of latitude. Villa rica standeth in 19½ Sant. ivan de ullua in 18¾ From saint ivan de ullua sailing to the Tortugas you must found in 27½ The small isles called Las Tortugas stand in 25 The Pòrt of Havana upon the Northwest part of Cuba in 23½ The head of the Martyrs lying before the Cape of Florida in 25 The Mimbres are in 26¼ The Channel of Bahama in 27½ The Cape de Cannaveral upon the coast of Florida in 28⅓ The Isle of Bermuda in 33 The * This is a very commoditus Isle for 〈◊〉 in our way to Virginia. isle of john Luis or john Aluarez in 41¼ The latitudes of the Isles of the Açores. Degrees of latitudes. The isle of Flores standeth in 39½ The isle of Cueruo in 40 The isle of Fayal in 38½ The isle of Pico and the isle of saint George both in 38½ The isle of Terçera in 39 The isle of Graciosa in 39½ The isle of santa Maria in 37 The isle of saint Michael in 38 Cape saint Vincent upon the coast of Spain 37 The Rock in 39 The Burlings in 40 Bayona in 42½ Cape Finister in 43½ The entrance of the straits of Gibraltar is in 36 Cape Cantin upon the coast of Babarie in 32½ Cape Bojador upon the coast of Barbary in 27 * large. Rio del oro, or The river of Gold, in 23½ Cabo de Barbas in 22 Cabo blanco, or the white Cape in 20¼ The latitude of the isles of Cabo verde. The isles of Sant Anton, Sant Vincent, Santa Lucia, and Sant Nicolas stand all in 182/3 Isla deal Sal, or The isle of salt, in 17¼ The isle called Buena vista in 16 The isle of saint jago in 15 The latitudes of divers Islands, Capes, and other places, from the Isle of Margarita upon the coast of Cumana Westward along the coast of Tierra Firma. Degrees of latitude. The isles of Aruba, Curaçao, and Buinaro stand all in 12 The isle of Margarita in 11 The islands called Los Testigos in 11¼ The coast of Baya Honda to Cape de la Vela lieth East and West in 12 Cape deal Aguja in 11½ The rocks of Serrana in 14 The Roncador in 13½ The isle of Santa Catelina in 13½ The isle of Sant Andrew in 12½ The Seranilla in 15½ The isle of Centanilla or Santanilla in 17¼ Cape Camaron on the main, South of the entrance of the Honduras 16 Ganaba in 16¼ Genaza in 161/● Here followeth a declaration of the longitudes, or Western and Eastern distances, from Spain to New Spain in America, and from thence back again to Spain. Leagues. From Sal Medina upon the Coast Andaluzia till you bring yourself North and South with Cape Cantin upon the Coast of Barbary 85 From Sal Medina to the island of Gran Canaria 200 From the Gran Canaria to Deseada 850 From Deseada to Monserate 20 From Monserate to santa Cruz 58 From santa Cruz to Cape Roxo the South-west Cape of saint ivan de Puerto Rico 45 From Cape Roxo to Saona. 25 From Saona to saint Domingo 25 From saint Domingo to Ocoa 18 From Ocoa to Beata 20 From Beata to the isle Baque 43 From the isle Baque to Navaza 33 From Navaza to saint jago of Cuba 32 From saint jago of Cuba to Cabo de Cruz 34 From Cabo de Cruz to the first Cayman 40 From the first Cayman to the middle Cayman 6 From the middle Cayman to the great Cayman 12 From the great Cayman to the isle of Pinos. 48 From Cabo de Cruz to the isle of Pinos by the foresaid course 106 From the isle of Pinos to Cabo de Corrientes 19 From Cabo de Corrientes to Cabo de saint Anton 20 The course from Cabo de saint Ant●n to saint ivan de ullua by the outside or North of the Isles called Alacranes. From Cabo de saint Anton to the Nigrillos' 106 From the Nigrillos', until you bring yourself North and South with the isle Vermeja 25 From the isle Vermja to Villa Ri●a 96 From Villa rica to Sant ivan de ullua 12 The course from Cabo de Corrientes to saint ivan de ullua on the inside or South of the Alacranes. From Cabo de Corrientes to the first sounding 45 From the first sounding till you come so far a head as the island called Isla de Ranas 80 From Isla de Ranas unto The longitudes from New Spain, back again to Spain. Leagues. From Saint ivan de ullua to the Tortugas. 280 From the Tortugas to Havana. 36 From Havana to the head of the Martyrs: 36 From ●he head of the Martyrs to the Mimbres. 30 From the Mimbres to Bahamá. 22 From the head of the Martyrs to Cabo de Cannaveral. 62 From Cabo de Cannaverall to Bermuda. 350 From Bermuda to the Isle of john Luis or john Aluarez 320 From the Isle of john Luis or Aluarez to Flores. 300 From Flores to Fayal. 28 From Fayal to Terçera. 28 From Terçera to Saint Michael. 28 From Saint Michael to Cape Saint Vincent● 218 From Terçera to Cape Saint Vincent. 256 From Cape S. Vincent to Cabo de santa Maria upon the coast of Algarbe. 22 From Cabo de santa Maria to Sal Medina in Andaluzia. 32 THE DISCOVERY OF THE LARGE, RICH, and Beautiful Empire of Guiana, with a relation of the great and golden City of Manoa (which the Spaniards call El Dorado) and the Provinces of Emeria, Aromaia, Amapaia, and other Countries, with their rivers adjoining, Performed in the year 1595 by Sir Walter Ralegh Knight, Captain of her majesties Guard, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, and her highness Lieutenant general of the County of Cornwall. To the right Honourable my singular good Lord and kinsman Charles Howard, Knight of the Garter, Baron and Counsellor, and of the Admirals of England the most renowned: and to the right Honourable Sir Robert cecyl knight, Counsellor in her highness Privy Counsels. FOr your Honours many Honourable and friendly parts, I have hitherto only returned promises, and now for answer of both your adventures, I have sent you a bundle of papers, which I have divided between your Lordship, and Sir Robert cecyl in these two respects chief: First for that it is reason, that wasteful factors, when they have consumed such stocks as they had in trust, do yield some colour for the same in their account; secondly for that I am assured, that whatsoever shall be done, or written by me, shall need a double protection and defence. The ●triall that I had of both your loves, when I was left of all, but of malice and revenge, makes me still presume, that you will be pleased (knowing what little power I had to perform aught, and the great advantage of forewarned enemies) to answer that out of knowledge, which others shall but object out of malice. In my more happy times as I did especially Hon. you both, so I found that your loves sought me out in the darkest shadow of adversity, and the same affection whi●h accompanied my be●ter fortune, sored not away from me in my many miseries: all which though I can not requited, yet I shall ever acknowledge: & the great debt which I have no power to pay, I can do no more for a time but confess to be due. It is true that as my errors were great, so they have yielded very grievous effects, & if aught might have been deserved in former times to have counterpoysed any part of offences, the fruit thereof (as it seemeth) was long before fallen from the tree, & the dead stock only remained. I did therefore even in the winter of my life, undertake these travels, fit for bodies less blasted with misfortunes, for men of greater ability, and for minds of better encouragement, that thereby, if it were possible, I might recover but the moderation of excess, & the lest taste of the greatest plenty formerly possessed. If I had known other way to win, if I had imagined how greater adventures might have regained, if I could conceive what farther means I might yet use, but even to appease so powerful displeasure, I would not doubt but for one year more to hold fast my soul in my teeth, till it were performed. Of that little remain I had, I have wasted in effect all herein. I have undergone many constructions● I have been accompanied with many sorrows, with labour's hunger, heat, sickness, & peril: it appeareth notwithstanding that I made no other bravado of going to the sea, than was meant, and that I was never hidden in Cornwall, or else where, as was supposed. They have grossly belied me, that foreiudged, that I would rather become a servant to the Spanish king, then return, and the rest were much mistaken, who would have persuaded, that I was too easesull and sensual to undertake a journey of so great travel. But, if what I have done, receive the the gracious construction of a painful pilgrimage, and purchase the lest remission, I shall think all too little, & that there were wanting to the rest many miseries. But if both the times past, the present, and what may be in the future, do all by one grain of gall continued in eternal distaste; I do not then know whether I should bewail myself, either for my too much travel and expense, or condemn myself for doing less than that, which can ●ese●ue nothing. From myself I have deserved no thanks, for I am returned a beggar, and withered, but that I might have bettered my poor estate, it shall appear by the following discourse, if I had not only respected her majesties future Honour, and riches. It become not the former fortune in which I once lived, to go journeys of picory, it had sorted ill with the offices of Honour, which by her majesties grace I hold this day in England, to run from Cape to Cape, and from place to place, for the pillage of ordinaries prizes. Many years since, I had knowledge by relation, of that mighty, rich and beautiful Empire of Guiana, and of that great and golden City, which the Spaniards call El Dorado, and the naturals Manoa, which City was conquered, re-edified, and enlarged by a younger son of Guamacapa Emperor of Peru, at such time as Francisco Piçarro and others conquered the said Empire, from his two ●lder brothers, Guascar, and Atabalipa, both then contending for the same, the one being favoured by the Orejones of Cuzco, the other by the people of Caxamalca. I sent my servant jacob Whiddon the year before, to get knowledge of the passages, and I had some light from Captain Parker, sometime my servant, and now attending on your Lordship, that such a place there was to the Southward of the great Bay of Charuas, or Guanipa: but I found tha● it was 600 miles farther off than they supposed, and many other impediments to them unknown and unheard. After I had displanted Don Antonio de Berreo, who was upon the same enterprise, leaving my ships at Trinidad, at the Port called Curiapan, I wandered 400 miles into the said country by land and river: the particulars I will leave to the following discourse. The country hath more quantity of gold by manifold, than the best parts of the Indies, or Peru: All the most of the kings of the borders are already become her majesties vassals: and seem to desire nothing more than her majesties protection and the return of the English nation. It hath another ground and assurance of riches and glory, than the voyages of the West Indies, an easier way to invade the best parts thereof, then by the common course. The king of Spain is not so impoverished, by taking three or four Port towns in America, as we suppose, neither are the riches of Peru, or Nueva Espanna so left by the sea side, as it can be easily washed away with a great flood, or springtide, or left dry upon the sands on a low ebb. The Port towns are few and poor in respect of the rest within the land, and are of little defence, and are only rich, when the Fleets are to receive the treasure for Spain: and we might think the Spaniards very simple, having so many horses and slaves, if they could not upon two days warning carry all the gold they have into the land, and far enough from the reach of our footmen, especially the Indies being (as they are for the most part) so mountainous, so full of woods, rivers, and marshes. In the Port towns of the Province of Veneçuela, as Cumana, Coro and S. jago (whereof Coro and S. jago were taken by Captain Preston, and Cumana and S. josepho by us) we found not the value of one rial of plate in either: but the Ci●ies of Barquasimeta, Valencia, S. Sebastian, Cororo, S. Lucia, Laguna, Maracaiba, and Truxillo, are not so easily invaded: neither doth the burning of those on the coast impoverish the king of Spain any one ducat: and if we sack the river of Hacha, S. Marta, and Cartagena, which are the Ports of Nuevo reyno, and Popayan; there are besides within the land, which are indeed rich and populous, the towns and Cities of Merida, Lagrita, S. Christophoro, the great Cities of Pamplon, S. Fe de Bogota, Tunxa and Mozo where the Esmeralds are found, the towns and Cities of Marequita, Velez, lafoy Villa de Leva, Palma, unda, Angustura, the great city of Timana, Tocaima, S. Aguila, Pasto, juago, the great City of Popaian itself, Los Remedios, and the rest. If we take the Ports and villages within the Bay of Vraba in the kingdom or rivers of Dariene, and Caribana, the Cities and towns of S ivan de Roydas, of Cassaris, of Antiocha, Caramanta, Cali, and Anserma have gold enough to pay the king's part, and are not easily invaded by the way of the Ocean: or if Number de Dios and Panama be taken in the Province of Castilia del oro, and the villages upon the rivers of Cenu & Chagre; Peru hath besides those & besides the magnificent cities of Quito & Lima so many ylands, ports, cities, and mines, as if I should name them with the rest, it would seem incredible to the reader: of all which, because I have written a particular treatise of the West Indies, A treatise of the West Indie●. I will omit the repetition at this time, seeing that in the said treatise I have anatomised the rest of the sea-townes aswell of Nicaragua, jucatan, Nueva Espanna, & the ylands, as those of the Inland, & by what means they may be best invaded, as far as any mean judgement can comprehend. But I hope it shall appear that there is a way found to answer every man's longing, a better Indies for her Majesty then the King of Spain hath any: which if it shall please her highness to undertake, I shall most willingly end the rest of my days in following the same: if it be left to the spoil & sackage of common people, if the love & service of so many nations be despised, so great riches, & so mighty an empire refused, I hope her majesty will yet take my humble desire and my labour therein in gracious part, which, if it had not been in respect of her highness future honour & riches, could have laid hands on & ransomed many of the kings & Casiqui of the country, & have had a reasonable proportion of gold for their redemption: but I have choose rather to bear the burden of poverty, than reproach, & rather to endure a second travel and the chances thereof, then to have defaced an enterprise of so great assurance, until I known whether it pleased God to put a disposition in her princely & royal heat either to follow or foreslow the same: I will therefore leave it to his ordinance that hath only power in all things, & do humbly pray that your honours will excuse such errors, as without the defence of art, overrun in every part of the following discourse, in which I have neither studied phrase, form nor fashion, that you will be pleased to esteem me as your own (though over dearly bought) and I shall ever remain ready to do you all honour and service. W. R ¶ To the Reader. BEcause there have been divers opinions conceived of the gold oar brought from Guiana, and for that an Alderman of London & an officer of her majesties Mint, hath given out that the same is of no price, I have thought good by the addition of these lines to give answer aswell to the said malicious slander, as to other objections. It is true that while we abode at the island of Trinidad, I was informed, by an Indian, that not far from the Port, where we ancored, there were found certain mineral stones which they esteemed to be gold, & were thereunto persuaded the rather for that they had seen both English and Frenchmen gather, & embark some quantities thereof: upon this likelihood I sent 40. men & gave order that each one should bring a stone of that mine to make trial of the goodness: which being performed, I assured them at their return that the same was Marcasite, & of no riches or value: notwithstanding divers, trusting more to their own sense, then to my opinion, kept of the said Marcasite, & have tried thereof since my return in divers places. In Guiana itself I never see Marcasite, but all the rocks, mountains, all stones in the plains, woods, & by the rivers side are in effect through shining, and seem marvelous rich, which being tried to be no Marcasite, are the true signs of rich minerals, but are no other than El madre del oro (as the Spaniards term them) which is the mother of gold, or as it is said by others the scum of gold: of divers sorts of these many of my company brought also into England, every one taking the fairest for the best, which is not general. For mine own part, I did not countermand any man's desire, or opinion, & I could have aforded them little if I should have denied them the pleasing of their own fancies therein: but I was resolved that gold must be found either in grains separate from the stone (as it is in most of the rivers in Guiana) or else in a kind of hard stone, which we call The white spar, of which I see divers hills, & in sundry places, but had neither time nor men, nor instruments fit for labour. Near unto one of the rivers I found of the said White spar or flint a very great ledge or bank, which I endeavoured to break by all the means I could, because there appeared on the outside some small grains of gold, but finding no mean to work the same upon the upper part, seeking the sides and circuit of the said rock, I found a cleft in the same from whence with daggers, and with the head of an axe, we got out some small quantity thereof, of which kind of white stone (wherein gold engendered) we see divers hills and rocks in every part of Guiana, wherein we travailed. Of this there have been made many trials, and in London it was first assayed by M. Westwood a refiner dwelling in Woodstreet, and it held after the rate of 12000. or 13000. pounds a tun. Another sort was afterward tried by M. Bulmar & M. Dimock Assay-master, & it held after the rate of 23000 li. a tun. There was some of it again tried by M. Palmer controller of the Mint, and M. Dimock in goldsmith's hall, & it held after 26900. li. a tun. There was also at the same time, & by the same people a trial made of the dust of the said mine which held 8. li. 6. ounces weight of gold in the 100: there was likewise at the same time a trial of an image of copper made in Guiana, which held a third part of gold, besides divers trials made in the country, & by others in London. But because there came ill with the good, & belike the said Alderman was not presented with the best, it hath pleased him therefore to scandal all the rest, and to deface the enterprise as much as in him lieth. It hath also been concluded by divers, that if there had been any such oar in Guiana, and the same discovered, that I would have brought home a greater quantity thereof: first I was not bond to satisfy any man of the quantity, but such only as adventured, if any store had been returned thereof: but it is very true that had all their mountains been of massy gold, it was impossible for us to have made any longer stay to have wrought the same: and whosoever hath seen with what strength of stone the best gold oar is environed, he will not think it easy to be had out in heaps, and especially by us, who had neither men, instruments, nor time (as it is said before) to perform the same. There were on this discovery no les●e then 100 people, who can all witness, that when we passed any branch of the river to view the land within, and stayed from our boats but 6. hours, we were driven to wade to the eyes, at our return: and if we attempted the same, the day following it was impossible either to ford it, or to swim it, both by reason of the swiftness, and also for that the borders were so pestered with taste woods, as neither boat nor man could found place, either to land or to embark: for in june, july, August and September, it is impossible to navigate any of those rivers: for such is the fury of the current, and there are so many trees and woods overflown, as if any boat but touch upon any tree or stake, it is impossible to save any one person therein: and yet we departed the land it ran with such swiftness, as we drove down most commonly against the wound, little less than 100 miles a day: Besides our vessels were no other than whirries, one little barge, a small cockboat, and a bad Galiota, which we framed in haste for that purpose at Trinidad, and those little boats had 9 or 10. men a piece, with all their victuals, and arms. It is further true, that we were about 400. miles from our ships, and had been a month from them, which al●o we left weakly manned in an open road, and had promised our return in 15. days. Others have devised that the same oar was had from Barbary, and that we carried it with us into Guiana: surely the singularity of that device I do not well comprehend: for mine own part, I am not so much in love with these long voyages, as to devise, thereby to cousin myself, to lie hard, to far worse, to be subjecteth to perils, to diseases, to ill savours, to be parched & withered, and withal to sustain the care & labour of such an enterprise, except the same had more comfort, than the ferching of Marcasite in Guiana, or buying of gold oar in Barbary. But I hope the better sort will judge me by themselves, & that the way of deceit is not the way of honour or good opinion: I have herein consumed much time, & many crowns, & I had no other respect or desire then to serve her Majesty and my country thereby. If the Spanish nation had been of like belief to these detractors, we should little have feared or doubted their attempts, wherewith we now are daily threatened. But if we now consider of the actions both of Charles the 5. who had the maiden head of Peru, and the abundant treasures of Atabalipa together with the affairs of the Spanish king now living, what territories he hath purchased, what he hath added to the acts of his predecessors, how many kingdoms he hath endangered, how many armies, garrisons, & navies he hath and doth maintain, the great losses which he hath repaired, as in 88 above 100 sail of great ships with their artillery, & that no year is less unfortunate but that many vessels, treasures, and people are devoured, and yet notwithstanding he beginneth again like a storm to threaten shipwreck to us all: we shall found that these abilities rise not from the trades of sacks, and Siuil oranges, nor f●om aught else that either Spain, Portugal, or any of his other provinces produce: it is his Indian gold that indangereth and disturbeth all the nations of Europe, it pu●chaseth intelligence, creepeth into counsels, and setteth bond loyalty at liberty, in the greatest Monarchies of Europe. If the Spanish king can keep us from foreign enterprises, & from the impeachment of his trades, either by offer of invasion, or by besieging us in Britain, Ireland, or elsewhere, he hath then brought the work of our peril in great forwardness. Those princes which abound in treasure have great advantages over the rest, if they once constrain them to a defensive war, where they are driven once a year or oftener to cast lots for their own garments, and from such shall all trades, & intercourse be taken away, to the general loss and impoverishment of the kingdom and common weal so reduced: besides when our men are constrained to fight, it hath not the like hope, as when they are priest & encouraged by the desire of spoil & riches. Farther, it is to be doubted how those that in time of victory seem to affect their neighbour nations, will remain after the first view of misfortunes, or i'll success; to trust also to the doubtfulness of a battle, is but a fearful & uncertain adventure, seeing therein fortune is as likely to prevail, as virtue. It shall not be necessary to allege all that might be said, and therefore I will thus conclude, that whatsoever kingdom shallbe enforced to defend itself may be compared to a body dangerously diseased, which for a ●eason may be preserved with vulgar medicines, but in a short time, and by little and little, the same must needs fall to the ground, & be dissolved. I have therefore laboured all my life, both according to my small power, & persuasion, to advance all those attempts, that might either promise return of profit to ourselves, or at lest be a let and impeachment to the quiet course and plentiful trades of the Spanish nation, who in my weak judgement by such a war were as easily endangered & brought from his powerfulness, as any prince of Europe, if it be considered from how many kingdoms and nations his revenues are gathered, & those so weak in their own beings, and so far severed from mutual succour. But because such a preparation and resolution is not to be hoped for in haste, & that the time which our enemies embrace, cannot be had a gain to advantage, I will hope that these provinces, and that Empire now by me discovered shall suffice to enable her Majesty & the whole kingdom, with no less quantities of treasure, than the king of Spain hath in all the Indies East and West, which he possesseth, which if the same be considered and followed, ere the Spaniards enforce the same, and if her Majesty will undertake it, I will be contented to loose her highness favour & good opinion for ever, and my life withal, if the same be not found rather to exceed, then to equal whatsoever is in this discourse promised or declared. I will now refer the Reader to the following discourse, with the hope that the perilous and chargeable labours and endeavours of such as thereby seek the profit and honour of her Majesty, and the English nation, shall by men of quality and virtue receive such construction, and good acceptance, as themselves would look to be rewarded withal in the like. W. R. ¶ The discovery of Guiana. ON thursday the 6. of February in the year 1595. we departed England, and the Sunday following had sight of the North cape of Spain, the wind for the most part continuing prosperous: we passed in sight of the Burling, & the Rock, and so onwards for the Canaries, and fell with Fuerte ventura the 17 of the same month, where we spent two or three days, and relieved our companies with some fresh meat. From thence we coasted by the Grand Canaria, & so to Tenerif, and stayed there for the Lion's whelp your Lordship's ship, and for Captain Amyas Preston and the rest. But when after 7. or 8. days we found them not, we departed and directed our course for Trinidad with mine own ship, The isle o● Trinidad. and a small bark of captain Crosses only (for we had before lost sight of a small Galego on the coast of Spain, which came with us from Plymouth:) we arrived at Trinidad the 22. of March, casting anchor at point Curiapan, Curi●pa●. which the Spaniards call punta de Gallo, which is situate in 8. degrees or there abouts: we abode there 4. or 5. days, & in all that time we came not to the speech of any Indian or Spaniard: on the coast we see a fire, as we sailed from the oaint Carao towards Curiapan, but for fear of the Spaniards none dared come to speak with us. I myself coasted it in my barge close aboard the shore and landed in every Cove, the better to know the island, while the ships kept the channel. From Curiapan after a few days we turned up North-east to recover that place which the Spaniards call Puerto de los Espannoles, and the inhabitants Conquerabia, and as before (revictualing my barge) I left the ships and kept by the shore, the better to come to speech with some of the inhabitants, and also to understand the rivers, watering places, & ports of the island, which (as it is rudely done) my purpose is to sand your Lordship after a few days. From Curiapan I came to a port and seat of Indians called Parico, Parico. where we found a fresh water river, but see no people. From thence I rowed to another port, called by the naturals Piche, and by the Spaniards Tierra de Brea: Tierra de Bre●. In the way between both were divers little brooks of fresh water and one salt river that had store of oysters upon the branches of the trees, and were very salt and well tasted. All their oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on the ground: the like is commonly seen in other places of the West Indies, and elsewhere. This tree is described by Andrew Thevet in his French Antarctique, and the form figured in the book as a plant very strange, and by Pliny in his 12. book of his natural history. But in this island, as also in Guiana there are very many of them. At this point called Tierra de Brea or Piche there is that abundance of stone pitch, that all the ships of the world may be therewith laden from thence, and we made trial of it in trimming our ships to be most excellent good, and melteth not with the Sun as the pitch of Norway, and therefore for ships trading the South parts very profitable. From thence we went to the mountain foot called Annaperima, and so passing the river Carone on which the Spanish City was seated, we met with our ships at Puerto de los Espannoles or Conquerabia. This island of Trinidad hath the form of a sheephook, and is but narrow, the North part is very mountainous, the soil is very excellent and will bear sugar, ginger, or any other commodity that the Indies yield. It hath store of dear, wild porks, first-fruits, fish and foul: it hath also for bread sufficient maiz, cassavi, and of those roots and fruits which are common every where in the West Indies. It hath divers beasts which the Indies have not: the Spaniards confessed that they found grains of gold in some of the rivers, but they having a purpose to enter Guiana (the Magazine of all rich metals) cared not to spend time in the search thereof any further. This island is called up the people thereof Cairi, and in it are divers nations: those about Parico are called jaio, those at Punta de Carao are of the Arwacas, and between Carao and Curiapan they are called Saluajos, between Carao and Punta de Galera are the Nepoios, and those about the Spanish city term themselves Carinepagotes: Of the rest of the nations, and of other ports and rivers I leave to speak here, being impertinent to my purpose, and mean to describe them as they are situate in the particular plot and description of the island, three parts whereof I coasted with my barge, that I might the better describe it. Meeting with the ships at Puerto de los Espannoles, we found at the landing place a company of Spaniards who kept a guard at the descent, and they offering a sign of peace, I sent captain Whiddon to speak with them, The death of Captain Whiddon. whom afterward to my great grief I left buried in the said island after my return from Guiana, being a man most honest and valiant. The Spaniards seemed to be desirous to trade with us, and to enter into terms of peace, more for doubt of their own strength then for aught else, and in the end upon pledge, some of them came aboard: the same evening there stolen also aboard us in a small Canoa two Indians, the one of them being a Casique or Lord of the people called Canryman, who had the year before been with Captain Whiddon, and was of his acquaintance. By this Canryman, we understood what strength the Spaniards had, how far it was to their City, and of Don Antonio de Berreo the governor, who was said to be slain in his second attempt of Guiana, but was not. While we remained at Puerto de los Espannoles some Spaniards came aboard us to buy linen of the company, and such other things as they wanted, and also to view our ships and company, all which I entertained kindly and feasted after our manner: by means whereof I learned of one and another as much of the estate of Guiana as I could, or as they known, for those poor soldiers having been many years without wine, a few draughts made them merry, in which mood they vaunted of Guiana and of the riches thereof, and all what they knew of the ways and passages, myself seeming to purpose nothing less than the entrance or discovery thereof, but bread in them an opinion that I was bond only for the relief of those English which I had planted in Virginia, whereof the bruit was come among them; which I had performed in my return, if extremity of weather had not forced me from the said coast. I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes: the one was to be revenged of Berreo, who the year before 1594. had betrayed eight of Captain Whiddons men, and took them while he departed from them to seek the Edward Bonaventure, which arrived at Trinidad the day before from the East Indies: in whose absence Berreo sent a Canoa aboard the pinnace only with Indians and dogs inviting the company to go with them into the woods to kill a dear, who like wise men in the absence of their Captain followed the Indians, but were no sooner one arqebus shot from the shore, ●. Englishmen betrayed by Antony Berreo. but Berreos' soldiers lying in ambush had them all, notwithstanding that he had given his word to Captain Whiddon that they should take water and wood safely: the other cause of my stay was, for that by discourse with the Spaniards I daily learned more and more of Guiana, of the rivers and passages, and of the enterprise of Berreo, by what means or fault he failed, and how he meant to prosecute the same. While we thus spent the time I was assured by another Casique of the North side of the island, that Berreo had sent to Margarita and Cumana for soldiers, meaning to have given me a cassado at parting, if it had been possible. For although he had given order through all the island that no Indian should come aboard to trade with me upon pain of hanging & quartering, (having executed two of them for the same, which I afterwards found) yet every night there came some with most lamentable complaints of his cruelty, how he had divided the island and given to every soldier a part, that he made the ancient Casiques which were Lords of the country to be their slaves, that he kept them in chains, and dropped their naked bodies with burning bacon, and such other torments, which I found afterwards to be true: for in the city after I entered the same, there were 5. of the lords or little kings (which they call Casiques in the West Indies) in one chain almost dead of famine, and wasted with torments: these are called in their own language Acarewana, and now of late since English, French and Spanish are come among them, they call themselves Captains, because they perceive that the chiefest of every ship is called by that name. Those five Captains in the ch●ine were called Wannawanare, Carroaori, Maquarima, Tarroopanama, and Aterima. So as both to be revenged of the former wrong, as also considering that to enter Guiana by small boats, to departed 400. or 500 miles from my ships, and to leave a garrison in my back interrested in the same enterprise, who also daily expected supplies out of Spain, I should have savoured very much of the ass: and therefore taking a time of most advantage I set upon the Corpse du guard in the evening, and having put them to the sword, sent Captain Calfield onwards with 60. soldiers, and myself followed with 40. more and so took their new City which they called S. joseph by break of day: The City of S. joseph taken. Antony Berreo taken prisone●. they abode not any fight after a few shot, and all being dismissed but only Berreo and his companion. I brought them with me aboard, and at the instance of the Indians I set their new city of S. joseph on fire. The same day arrived captain George Gifford with your Lordship's ship, and captain Keymis whom I lost on the coast of Spain, with the Galego, and in them divers gentlemen and others, which to our little army was a great comfort and supply. We than hasted away towards our purposed discovery, and first I called all the Captains of the island together that were enemies to the Spaniards; for there were some which Berreo had brought out of other countries, and planted there to eat out and waste those that were natural of the place, and by my Indian interpreter, which I carried out of England, I made them understand that I was the servant of a Queen, who was the great Casique of the North, and a virgin, and had more Casiqui under her then there were trees in that island: that she was an enemy to the Castellani in respect of their tyranny and oppression, and that the delivered all such nations about her, as were by them oppressed, and having freed all the coast of the Northern world from their servitude, had sent me to free them also, and withal to defend the country of Guiana from their invasion a●d conquest, I showed them her majesties picture which they so admired and honoured, as it had been easy to have brought them idolatrous thereof. The like and a more large discourse I made to the rest of the nations bo●h in my passing to Guiana, and to those of the borders, so as in that part of the world her Majesty is very famous and admirable, whom they now call Ezrabeta Cassipuna Aquerewana, which is as much as Elizabeth, the great princess or greatest commander. This done we left Puerto de los Espannoles, and returned to Curiapan, and having Berreo my prisoner I gathered from him as much of Guiana as he known. This Berreo is a gentleman well descended, and had long served the Spanish king in Milan, Naples, the Low countries and elsewhere, very valiant and liberal, and a gentleman of great assuredness, and of a great heart: I used him according to his estate and worth in all things I could, according to the small means I had. I sent Captain Whiddon the year before to get what knowledge he could of Guiana, and the end of my journey at this time was to discover and enter the same, but my intelligence was far from truth, for the country is situate above 600. English miles further from the Sea, than I was made believe it had been, which afterward understanding to be true by Berreo, I kept it from the knowledge of my company, who ●lse would never have been brought to attempt the same: Sir W. Raleg● passed 400. miles toward Guiana● of which 600. miles I passed 400. leaving my ships so far from me at anchor in the Sea, which was more of desire to perform that discovery, then of reason, especially having such poor and weak vessels to transport ourselves in; for in the bottom of an old Galego which I caused to be fashioned like a galley, and in one barge, two whirries, and a shipboat of the Lion's whelp, we carried 100 people and their victuals for a month in the same, being all driven to lie in the rain and weather, in the open air, in the burning Sun, and upon the hard boards, and to dress our meat, and to carry all manner of furniture in them, wherewith they were so pestered and unsavoury, that what with victuals being most fish, with the wet clotheses of so many men thrust together, and the heat of the Sun, I w●ll undertake there was never any prison in England, that could be found more unsavoury and loathsome, especially to myself, who had for many years before been dicted and cared for in a sort far more differing. If Captain Preston had not been persuaded that he should have come too late to Trinidad to have ●ound us there (for the month was expired which I promised to tarry for him there ere he could recover the coast of Spain) but that it had pleased God he might have joined with us, and that we had entered the country but some ten days sooner ere the Rivers were overflown, we had adventured either to have go to the great City of Manoa, or at lest taken so many of the other Cities and towns nearer at hand, as would have made a royal return: but it pleased not God so much to favour me at this time: if it shall be my lot to prosecute the same, I shall willingly spend my life therein, and if any else shallbe enabled thereunto, and conquer the same, I assure him thus much, he shall perform more than ever was done in Mexico by Cortes, or in Peru by Piçarro, whereof the one conquered the Empire of Mutezuma, the other of Guascar, and Atabalipa, and whatsoever prince shall possess it, that Prince shall be Lord of more gold, and of a more beautiful Empire, and of more Cities and people, then either the King of Spain, or the great Turk. But because there may arise many doubts, and how this Empire of Guiana is become so populous, and adorned with so many great Cities, towns, temples and treasures, I thought good to make it known, that the Emperor now reigning is descended from those magnificent princes of Peru, of whose large territories, of whose policies, conquests, edifices, and riches Pedro de Cieça, Francisco Lopez, and others have written large discourses: for when Francisco Piçarro, Diego Almagro and others conquered the said Empire of Peru, and had put to death Atabalipa son to Guaynacapa, which Atabalipa had formerly caused his elder brother Guascar to be slain, one of the younger sons of Guaynacapa fled out of Peru, and took with him many thousand of those soldiers of the Empire called Orejones, and with those and many others which followed him, he vanquished all that tract and valley of America which is situate between the great river of Amazons, and Baraquan, otherwise called Orenoque and Marannon. The Empire of Guiana is directly East from Peru towards the Sea, and lieth under the Equinoctial line, and it hath more abundance of gold than any part of Peru, and as many or more great Cities then ever Peru had when it flourished most: it is governed by the same laws, and the Emperor and people observe the same religion, and the same form and policies in government as were used in Peru, not differing in any part: and I have been assured by such of the Spaniards as have seen Manoa the Imperial City of Guiana, The stateliness of Manoa. which the Spaniards call El Dorado, that for the greatness, for the riches, and for the excellent seat, it far exceedeth any of the world, at lest of so much of the world as is known to the Spanish nation: it is founded upon a lake of salt water of 200. leagues long like unto Mare Caspium. And if we compare it to that of Peru, & but read the report of Francisco Lopez and others, marg Fran. Lopez de Gomara hist. gen. cap. 120. it will seem more than credible: and because we may judge of the one by the other, I thought good to insert part of the 120. Chapter of Lopez in his general history of the Indies, wherein he describeth the Court and magnificence of Guaynacapa, ancestor to the Emperor of Guiana, whose very words are these. Todo el seruicio de su casa, mesa, y cozina era de oro, y de plata, y quando menos de plata, y cobre por mas rezio. Tenia en su recamara estatuas huecas de oro, que parecian gigantes, y las figuras all propio, y tamamno de quantos animales, aves, arboles, y yeruas produze la tierra, y de quantos pieces cria la mar y aguas de sus reynos. Tenia assi mesmo sogas, costales, cestas, y troxes de oro y plata, timeros de palos de oro, que pareciessen lenna raiada para quemar. En fin no avia cosa en su tierra, que no la twiesse de oro contrahecha: y aun dizen, que tenian los Ingas un vergel en una Isla cerca de la Puna, donde se yvan a holgar, quando querian mar, que tenia la ortaliza, las flores, y arboles de oro y plata, invention y grandeza hasta entonces nunca vista. Allende de todo esto tenia infinitissima cantidad de plata, y oro por labrar en el Cuzco, que se perdio por la muerte de Guascar, ca los Indios lo escondieron, viendo que los Espannoles se lo tomavan, y embiavan a Espanna. That is, All the vessels of his house, table and kitchen were of gold and silver, and the meanest of silver and copper for strength and hardness of metal. He had in his wardrobe hollow statues of gold which seemed giants, and the figures in proportion and bigness of all the beasts, birds, trees and herbs, that the earth bringeth forth: and of all the fish that the sea or waters of his kingdom breede●h. He had also ropes, budgets, chests and troughs of gold and silver, heaps of billets of gold, that seemed wood marked out to burn. Finally, there was nothing in his country, whereof he had not the counterfeit in gold: Yea and they say, The Ingas had a garden of pleasure in an island near Puna, where they went to recreate themselves, when they would take the air of the Sea, which had all kind of garden-hearbs, flowers and trees of gold and silver, an invention, and magnificence till then never seen. Besides all this, he had an infinite quantity of silver and gold unwrought in Cuzco which was lost by the death of Guascar, for the Indians hide it, seeing that the Spaniards took it, and sent it into Spain. And in the 117. chapter Francisco Piçarro caused the gold and silver of Atabalipa to be weighed after he had taken it, which Lopez setteth down in these words following. Hallaron cinquenta y does mill marcos de buena plata, y un millon y trezientoes y veinte y seys mill, y quinientoes pesos de oro, Which is: They found fifty and two thousand marks of good silver, and one million, and three hundred twenty and six thousand and five hundred pesoes of gold. Now although these reports may seem strange, yet if we consider the many million which are daily brought out of Peru into Spain, we may easily believe the same: for we find that by the abundant treasure of that country the Spanish king vexeth all the princes of Europe, and is become, in a few years, from a poor king of Castille, the greatest monarch of this part of the world, and likely every day to increase, if other princes foreslow the good occasions offered, and suffer him to add this empire to the rest, which by far exceedeth all the rest: if his gold now endanger us, he will then be unresistible. Such of the Spaniards as afterward endeavoured the conquest thereof (whereof there have been many, as shall be declared hereafter) thought that this Inga (of whom this emperor now living is descended) took his way by the river of Amazons, by that branch which is called Papamene: for by that way followed Orellana (by the commandment of Gonzalo Piçarro, in the year 1542) whose name the river also beareth this day, which is also by others called Marannon, although Andrew Thevet doth affirm that between Marannon and amazons there are 120 leagues: but sure it is that those rivers have one head and beginning, and the Marannon, which Thevet describeth, is but a branch of Amazons or Orellana, of which I will speak more in another place. It was attempted by Ordas; but it is now little less than 70 years since that Diego Ordas, a knight of the order of Saint jago attempted the same: and it was in the year 1542 that Orellana discovered the river of Amazons; but the first that ever see Manoa was ivan Martinez master of the munition to Ordas. ivan Martine● the first that ever see M●noa. At a port called Morequito in Guiana there lieth at this day a great anchor of Ordas his ship; and this port is some 300 miles within the land, upon the great river of Orenoque. I rested at this port four days: twenty days after I left the ships at Curiapan. The relation of this Martinez (who was the first that discovered Manoa) his success and end are to be seen in the Chancery of Saint ivan de puerto rico, whereof Berreo had a copy, which appeared to be the greatest encouragement aswell to Berreo as to others that formerly attempted the discovery and conquest. Orellana after he failed of the discovery of Guiana by the said river of Amazons, passed into Spain, and there obtained a patent of the king for the invasion and conquest, but died by sea about the Islands, and his fleet severed by tempest, the action for that time proceeded not. Diego Ordas followed the enterprise, Diego de Orda● went forth with 600 soldiers 1531. and departed Spain with 600 soldiers, and 30 horse, who arriving on the coast of Guiana, was slain in a mutiny, with the most part of such as favoured him, as also of the rebellious part, insomuch as his ships perished, and few or none returned, neither was it certainly known what become of the said Ordas, until Berreo found the anchor of his ship in the river of Orenoque; but it was supposed, and so it is written by Lopez, Fran. Lopez hist. gen. de las Ind. cap. 87. that he perished on the seas, and of other writers diversly conceived and reported. And hereof it came that Martin's entered so far within the land, and arrived at that city of Inga the emperor; for it chanced that while Ordas with his army rested at the port of Morequito (who was either the first or second that attempted Guiana) by some negligence, the whole store of powder provided for the service was set on fire; and Martinez having the chief charge, was condemned by the General Ordas to be executed forthwith: Martinez being much favoured by the soldiers, had all the means possible procured for his life; but it could not be obtained in other sort then this: That he should be set into a canoa alone without any victual, only with his arms, and so turned lose into the great river: but it pleased God that the canoa was carried down the stream, and that certain of the Guianians met it the same evening; and having not at any time seen any Christian, nor any man of that colour, they carried Martinez into the land to be wondered at, and so from town to town, until he came to the great city of Manoa, The great city of Manoa or El Dorado. the seat and residence of Inga the emperor. The emperor after he had beheld him, known him to be a Christian (for it was not long before that his brethren Guascar and Atabalipa were vanquished by the Spaniards in Peru) and caused him to be lodged in his palace, and well entertained. He lived seven months in Manoa, but was not suffered to wander into the country any where. He was also brought thither all the way blind fold, led by the Indians, until he came to the entrance of Manoa itself, and was fourteen or fifteen days in the passage. He avowed at his death that he entered the city at Noon, and then they uncovered his face, and that he traveled all that day till night thorough the city, and the next day from Sun rising to Sun setting year he came to the palace of Inga. After that Martinez had lived ●euen months in Manoa, and began to understand the language of the country, Inga asked him whether he desired to return into his own country, or would willingly abide with him. But Martinez not desirous to stay, obtained the favour of Inga to departed: with whom he sent divers Guianians to conduct him to the river of Orenoque, all laden with as much gold as they could carry, which he gave to Martinez at his departure: but when he was arrived near the rivers side, the borderers which are called Orenoqueponi rob him and his Guianians of all the treasure (the borderers being at that time at wars, which Inga had not conquered) save only of two great bottles of gourds, which were filled with beads of gold curiously wrought, which those Orenoqueponi thought had been no other thing than his drink or meat, or grain for food, with which Martinez had liberty to pass: and so in canoas he fallen down from the river of Orenoque to Trinidad, and from thence to Margarita, and also to Saint ivan de puerto rico, where remaining a long time for passage into Spain, he died. In the time of his extreme sickness, and when he was without hope of life, receiving the Sacrament at the hands of his Confessor, he delivered these things, with the relation of his travels, and also called for his calabaças or gourds of the gold beads which he gave to the church and friars to be prayed for. This Martinez was he that Christened the city of Manoa by the name of El Dorado, The author of the name of El Dorado● and as Berreo informed me, upon this occasion: Those Guianians, and also the borderers, and all other in that tract which I have seen, are marvelous great drunkards; in which vice, I think no nation can compare with them: The substance of this report is in the end of the navigation of the great river of Marannon, written by Gonzalo Fernando de ●uiedo to cardinal Bemb●● Ramusin Vol 3. fol. 416. and at the times of their solemn feasts, when the emperor carowseth with his captains, tributaries, and governors, the manner i● thus: All those that pledge him are first stripped naked, and their bodies anointed all over with a kind of white balsamum (by them called curca) of which there is great plenty, and yet very dear amongst them, and it is of all other the most precious, whereof we have had good experience: when they are anointed all over, certain servants of the emperor, having prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it thorough hollow canes upon their naked bodies, until they be all shining from the foot to the head: and in this sort they sit drinking by twenties, and hundred, and continued in drunkenness sometimes six or seven days together. The same is also confirmed by a letter written into Spain, which was intercepted, which M. Robert Duddeley told me he had seen. Sir Robert Duddeley● Upon this sight, and for the abundance of gold which he see in the city, the images of gold in their temples, the plates, armours, and shields of gold which they use in the wars, he called it El Dorado. After the death of Ordas and Martinez, and after Orellana, who was employed by Gonzalo Piçarro, one Pedro de Osua a knight of Navarre attempted Guiana, taking his way from Peru, and built his brigandines upon a river called Oia, which rises to the Southward of Quito, and is very great. This river falls into Amazons, by which Osua with his companies descended, and came out of that province which is called Mutylonez: and it seemeth to me that this empire is reserved for her Majesty and the English nation, by reas●n of the hard succese which all these and other Spaniards found in attempting the same, whereof I will speak briefly, though impertinent in some ●ort to my purpose. Read josephus Acosta. This Pedro de Osua had among his troops a Biscain, called Agiri, a man meanly born, who bore no other office than a sergeant or alferez: but after c●rteine months, when the soldiers were grieved with travels, and consumed with famine, and that no entrance could be found by the branches or body of Amazons, this Agiri raised a mutiny, of which he made himself the head, and so prevailed, as he put Osua to the sword, and all his followers, taking on him the whole charge and commandment, with a purpose not only to make himself emperor of Guiana, but also of Peru, & of all that side of the West Indies: he had of his party seven hundred soldiers, and of those many promised to draw in other captains & companies, to deliver up towns and forts in Peru● but neither finding by the said river any passage into Guiana, nor any possibility to return towards Peru by the same Amazons, by reason that the descent of the river made so great a current, he was enforced to disemboque at the mouth of the said Amazons, which can not be less than a thousand leagues from the place where they embarked: from thence he coasted the land till he arrived at Margarita to the North of Mompatar, which is at this day called Puerto de Tyranno, for that he there slay Don ivan de villa Andreda, governor of Margarita, who was father to Don ivan Sarmiento, governor of Margarita when sir john Burgh landed there, The voyage of sir john Burgh to the West Indies● and attempted the Island. Agiri put to the sword all other in the Island that refused to be of his party, and took with him certain Simerones, and other desperate companions. From thence he went to Cumana, and there slay the governor, and dealt in all as at Margarita: he spoilt all the coast of Caracas, and the province of Venezuela, and of Rio de la hacha; and as I remember, it was the same year that sir john Hawkins sailed to Saint ivan de ullua in the jesus of Lubeck: for himself told me that he met with such a one upon the coast that rebelled, and had sailed down all the river of Amazons. Agiri from thence landed about Sancta Marta, and sacked it also, putting to death so many as refused to be his followers, purposing to invade Nuevo reyno de Granada, and to sack Pamplon, Merida, Lagrita, Tunxa, and the rest of the cities of Nuevo reyno, and fr●m thence again to enter Peru: but in a fight in the said Nuevo reyno he was overthrown, and finding no way to escape, he first put to the sword his own children, foretelling them that they should not to live to be defamed or upbraided by the Spaniards after his death, who would have termed them the children of a traitor or tyrant; and that sithence he could not make them princes, he would yet deliver them from shame and reproach. These were the ends and tragedies of Ordas, Martinez, Orellana; Ozua, and Agiri. Also soon after Ordas followed jeronimo Ortal de Saragosa with 130 soldiers, who failing his entrance by sea, was cast with the current on the coast of Paria, 1534. Gomar. cap. 84● & 86. & peopled about S. Miguel de Neveri. It was then attempted by Don Pedro de silva, Don Pedro de Silua● a Portuguese of the family of Ruigomes de silva, and by the favour which Ruigomes had with the king, he was set out, but he also shot wide of the mark; for being departed from Spain with his fleet, he entered by Marannon and amazons, where by the nations of the river, and by the Amazons he was utterly overthrown, and himself and all his army defeated, only seven escaped, and of those but two returned. After him came Pedro Hernandez de Serpa, Pedro Hernandez de Serpa. and landed at Cumaná in the West Indies, taking his journey by land towards Orenoque, which may be some 120 leagues: but ye● he came to the borders of the said river, he was set upon by a nation of the Indians called Wikiri, and overthrown in such sort, that of 300 soldiers, horsemen, many Indians, and Negroes, there returned but 18. Others affirm, that he was defeated in the very entrance of Guiana, at the first civil town of the empire called Macureguarai. Captain Preston in taking S. jago de Leon (which was by him and his companies very resolutely performed, being a great town, and far within the land) held a gentleman prisoner, who died in his ship, that was one of the company of Hernandez de Serpa, and saved among those that escaped, who witnessed what opinion is held among the Spaniards thereabouts of the great riches of Guiana, and El Dorado the city of Inga. Another Spaniard was brought aboard me by captain Preston, who told me in the hearing of himself a●d divers other gentlemen, that he met with Berreos' campe-master at Caracas, when he came ●rom the borders of Guiana, and that he see with him forty of most pure plates of gold curiously wrought, and swords of Guiana decked and inlaid with gold, feathers garnished with gold, and divers rarities which he carried to the Spanish king. After Hernandez de Serpa, it was undertaken by the Adelantado, Don Gonzales Ximenes de Casada, Don Gonzales Ximenes de Casada. who was one of the chiefest in the conquest of Nuevo reino, whose daughter and heir Don Antonio de Berreo mar●ed. Gonzales sought the passage also by the river called Papamene, which rises by Quito in Peru, & runneth Southeast 100 leagues, and then falls into Amazons, but he also failing the entrance, returned with the loss of much labour and cost. I took one captain George a Spaniard that followed Gonzales in this enterprise. Gonzales gave his daughter to Berreo, Antonio Berreo. taking his oath & honour to follow the enterprise to the last of his substance and life, who since, as he hath sworn to me, hath spent 300000 ducats in the same, & yet never could enter so far into the land as myself with that poor troop or rather a handful of men, being in all about 100 gentlemen, soldiers, rewers, boat-keepers, boys, & of all sorts: neither could any of the forepast undertakers, nor Berreo himself, discover the country, till now lat●ly by conference with an ancient king called Carapana, he got the true light thereof: for Berreo came about 1500 mile's year he understood aught, or could find any passage or entrance into any part thereof, yet he had experience of all these forenamed, and divers others, and was persuaded of their errors and mistake, Berreo sought it by the river Cassamar, which falls into a great river called Pato: Pato falls into Meta, and Meta into Baraquan, which is also called Orenoque. He took his journey from Nuevo reyno de Granada where he dwelled, having the inheritance of Gonzales Ximenes in those parts: he was followed with 700 horse, he drove with him 1000 head of cattle, he had also many women, Indians, and slaves. How all these rivers cross and encounter, how the country lieth and is bordered, the passage of Ximenes and Berreo, mine own discovery, and the way that I entered, with all the rest of the nations and rivers, your lordship shall receive in a large Chart or Map, which I have not yet finished, and which I shall most humbly pray your lordship to secret, and not to suffer it to pass your own hands; for by a draft thereof all may be prevented by other nations: for I know it is this very year sought by the French, although by the way that they now take, I fear it not much. It was also told me year I departed England, that Villiers the admiral was in preparation for the planting of Amazons, A new & rich trade of the French to the river of Amazons. to which river the French have made divers voyages, and returned much gold, and other rarities. I spoke with a captain of a French ship that came from thence, his ship riding in Falmouth the same year that my ships came first from Virginia. There was another this year in Helford that also came from thence, and had been fourteen months at an anchor in Amazons, which were both very rich. Although, as I am persuaded, Guiana cannot be entered that way, yet no doubt the trade of gold from thence passeth by branches of rivers into the river of Amazons, and so it doth on every hand far from the country itself; for those Indians of Trinidad have plates of gold from Guiana, and those cymbals of Dominica which devil in the Islands by which our ships pass yearly to the West Indies, also the Indians of Pa●ia, those Indians called Tucaris, Chochi, Apotomios, C●●anagotos, and all those other nations inhabiting near about the mountains that run from Paria thorough the province of Venesuela, and in Maracapana, and the cambals of Guanipa, the Indians called Assawai, Coaca, Aiai, and the rest (all which shall be described in my description as they are situate) have plates of gold of Guiana. And upon the river of Amazons, Thevet writeth that the people wear croissants of gold, for of that form the Gui●nians most commonly make them: so as from Dominica to Amazons, which is above 250 leagues, all the chief Indians in all paris wear of those plates of Guiana. Undoubtedly those that trade amazons return much gold, which (as is aforesaid) cometh by trade from Guiana, by some branch of a river that falls from the country into Amazons, and either it is by the river which passeth by the nations called Tisnadoes, or by Ca●epuna. I made inquiry amongst the most ancient and best traveled of the Orenoquepo●i, and I● had knowledge of all the rivers between Orenoque & amazons, and was very desirous to understand the truth of those warlike women, because of some it is believed, of others not. And though I digress from my purpose, yet I will set down that which hath been delivered me for truth of those women, & I spoke with a casique or lord of people, that told me he had been in the river, and beyond it also. The seat of the Amazons. The nations of these women are on the South side of the river in the provinces of Topago, and their chiefest strengths and retracts are in the Islands situate on the South side of the entrance some 60 leagues within the mouth of the said river. The memories of the like women are very ancient as well in Africa as in Asia: In Africa those that had Medusa for queen: others in Seithia near the rivers of Tanais and Thermadon: we find also that Lampedo & Marthesia were queens of the Amazons: in many histories they are verified to have been, and in divers ages and provinces: but they which are not far from Guiana do accompany with men but once in a year, and for the time of one month, which I gather by their relation, to be in April: and that time all kings of the borders assemble, and queens of the Amazons: and after the queens have choose, the rest cast lots for their Valentine's. This one month, they feast, dance, and drink of their wines in abundance; and the Moon being done, they all departed to their own provinces. If they conceive, and be delivered of a son, they return him to the father; if of a daughter they nourish it, and retain it: and as many as have daughters sand unto the begetters a present; all being desirous to increase their own sir and kind: but that they cut off the right dug of the breast, I do not find to be true. It was farther told me, that if in these wars they took any prisoners that they used to accompany with those also at what time soever, but in the end for certain they put them to death: for they are said to be very cruel and bloodthirsty, especially to such as off●r to invade their territories. These Amazons have likewise great store of these plates of gold, which they recover by exchange chief for a kind of green stones, which the Spaniards call P●edrashijodas, & we use spleen stones: and for the disease of the stone we also esteem them. Of these I see divers in Guiana: and commonly every king or casique hath one, which their wives for the most part wear; and they esteem them as great jewels. But to return to the enterprise of Bereo, who (as I have said) departed from Nuevo reyno with 700 horse besides the provisions above rehearsed, he descended by the river called Cassanar, which rises in Nuevo reyno out of the mountains by the city of Twia, from which mountain also springeth Pa●o; both which fall into the great river of Meta: and Meta rises from a mountain joining to Pamplon in the same Nuevo reynode Granada. These, as also Guaiare, which issueth out of the mountains by Timana, fall all into Baraquan, and are but of his heads; for a● their coming together the● loose their names; and Baraquan farther down is also rebaptized by the name of Orenoque. On the other side of the city and hills of Timana rises Rio grand, which falls in the sea by Sancta Marta. By Cassonar first, and so into Meta, Berreo passed, keeping his horsemen on the banks, where the country served them for to march, and where otherwise, he was driven to embark them in boats which he builded for the purpose, and so came with the current down the river of Meta, and so into Baraquan. After he entered that great & mighty river, he began daily to loose of his companies both men and horse; for it is in many places violently swift, and hath forcible eddies, many sands, and divers Islands sharp pointed with rocks: but after one whole year, journeying for the most part by ri●er, and the rest by land, he grew daily to fewer numbers; for both by sickness, and by encountering with the people of those regions, thorough which he traveled, his companies were much wasted, especially by divers encounters with the Amapaians: and in all this time he never could learn of any passage into Guiana, nor any news or fame thereof, until he came to a further border of the said Amapaia, eight days journey from the river Caroli, which was the furthest river that he entered. Among those of Amapaia, Guiana was famous, but few of these people accosted Berreo, or would trade with him the first three months of the six, which he solourned there. This Amapaia is also marvelous rich in gold (as both Berreo confessed and those of Guiana w●th whom I had most conference) and is situate upon Orenoque also. In this country Berreo lost 60 of his best soldiers, and most of all his horse that remained in his former years travel: but in the end, after divers encounters with those nations, they grew to peace; and they presented Berreo with ten images of fine gold among divers other places and croissants, which, as he swore to me & divers other gentlemen, were so curiously wrought, as he had not seen the like either in Italy, Spain, or the Low-countrieses: & he was resolved, that when they came to the hands of the Spanish king, to whom he had sent them by his campmaster, they would appear very admirable, especially being wrought by such a nation as had no iron instruments at all, nor any of those helps which our goldsmiths have to work withal. The particular name of the people in Amapaia which gave him these pieces, are called Anebas, and the river of Orenoque at that place is above 12 English miles broad, which may be from his out fall into the sea 700 or 80● miles. This province of Amapaia is a very low and a marish ground near the river; and by reason of the read water which issueth out in small branches thorough the fenny and boggy ground, there breed divers poisonful worms and serpents; and the Spaniards not suspecting, nor in any sort foreknowing the danger, were infected with a grievous kind of flure by drinking thereof; and even the very horses poisoned therewith: insomuch as at the end of the 6 months, that they abode there, of all their troops, there were not left above 120 soldiers, & neither horse nor cattle: for Be●●eo hoped to have found Guiana by 1000 miles nearer than it fell out to b● in the end: by means ●hereof they sustained much want, and much hunger, oppressed with grievous diseases, and all the miseries that could be imagined. I demanded of those in Guiana that had traveled Amapaia, how they lived with that tawny or read water when they traveled thither: and they told me that after the Sun was near the middle of the sky, they used to fill their pots and pitchr●s with that water, but either before that time, or towards the setting of the Sun i● was dangerous to drink of, and in the night strong poison. I learned also o● divers other rivers of that nature among them, which were also (while the Sun was in the Meridian) very safe to drink, and in the morning, evening, and night wonderful dangerous and infective. From this province Berreo hasted away assoon as the Spring and beginning of Summer appeared, and sought his entrance on the borders of Orenoque on the South side; but there ran a ledge of so high and impassable mountains, as he was not able by any means to march over them, continuing from the East sea into which Orenoque falls, even to Quito in Peru: neither had he means to carry victual or munition over those craggy, high, and fast hills, being all woody, & those so thick and spiny, & so full of prickles, thorns, and briars, as it is impossible to creep thororw them: he had also neither friendship among the people, nor any interpre●●r to persuade or treat with them: and more, to his disadvantage, the casiques and kings of Amapaia had given knowledge of his purpose to the Guianians, and that he sought to sack and conquer the ●mpire, for the heap of their so great abundance and quantities of gold: he passed by the mouths of many great rivers, which fallen into Orenoque both from the North and South, which I forbear to name for tediousness, and because they are more pleasing in describing then reading. Berreo affirmed that there fallen an hundred rivers into Orenoque from the North and South● Many great river a falling into Orenoque. whereof the lest was as big as Rio grand, that passed between Popayan and Nuevo reyno de Granada (Rio grand being esteemed one of the renowned rivers in all the West Indies, and numbered among the great rivers of the world:) but he known not the names of any of these, but Caroli only; neither from what nations they descended, neither to what provinces they led; for he had no means to discourse with the inhabitants at any time: ne●ther was he curious in these things, being utterly unlearned, and not knowing the East from the West. But of all these I got some knowledge, and of many more partly by mine own travel, and the rest by conference: of some one I learned one, of others the rest, having with me an Indian that spoke many languages, and that of Guiana naturally. I sought out all the aged men, and such as were greatest travelers, and by the one and the other I came to understand the situations, the rivers, the kingdoms from the East sea to the borders of Peru, and from Orenoque Southward as far as Amazons or Marannon, and the religions of Maria Tamball, & of all the kings of provinces, and captains of towns and villages, how they stood in terms of peace or war, and which were friends or enemies the one with the other, without which there can be neither entrance nor conquest in those parts, nor elsewhere: for by the dissension between Guascar and Arabalipa, Piçarro conquered Peru, and by the hatred that the Tlaxcallians bore to Mutezuma, Cortes was victorious over Mexico; without which both the one and the other had failed of their enterprise, and of the great honour and riches which they attained unto. Now Berreo began to grow into despair, and looked for no other success than his predecessor in his enterprise, until such time as he arrived at the province of Eme●ia towards the East sea and mouth of the river, The province of Emeria inhabited by gentle Indians. where he found a nation of people very favourable, and the country full of all manner of victual. The king of this land is called Carapana, Carapana. a man very wise, subtle, and of great experience, being little less than an hundred years old: in his youth he was sent by his father into the Island of Trinidad, by reason of civil war among themselves, and was bread at a village in that island, called Parico: at that place in his youth he had seen many Christians, both French and Spanish, and went divers times with the Indians of Trinidad to Margarita and Cumaná in the West Indies (for both those places have ever been relieved with victual from Trinidad) by reason whereof he grew of more understanding, and noted the difference of the nations, comparing the strength and arms of his country with those of the Christians, and ever after temporised so, as whosoever else did amiss, or was wasted by contention, Carapana kept himself and his country in quiet & plenty: he also held peace with the Caribes or Cannibals his neighbours, and had free trade with all nations, whosoever else had war. Berreo sojourned and rested his weak troop in the town of Carapana six weeks, and from him learned the way and passage to Guiana, and the riches and magnificence thereof; but being then utterly disable to proceed, he determined to try his fortune another year, when he had renewed his provisions, and regathered more force, which he hoped for aswell out of Spain as from Nuevo reyno, where he had left his son Don Antonio Ximenes to second him upon the first notice given of his entrance, and so for the present embarked himself in canoas, and by the branches of Orenoque arrived at Trinidad, having from Carapana sufficient pilots to conduct him. From Trinidad he coasted Paria, and so recovered Margarita: and having made relation to Don ivan Sermiento the governor, of his proceeding, and persuaded him of the riches of Guiana, he obtained from thence fifty soldiers, promising presently to return to Carapana, and so into Guiana. But Berreo meant nothing less at that time; for he wanted many provisions necessary for such an enterprise, and therefore departed from Margarita, seated himself in Trinidad, and from thence sent his campmaster, and his sergeant-maior back to the borders to discover the nearest passage into the empire, as also to treat with the borderers, and to draw them to his party and love; without which, he known he could neither pass safely, nor in any sort be relieved with victual or aught else. Carapana directed his company to a king called Morequito, assuring them that no man could deliver so much of Guiana as Morequito could, Morequito. and that his dwelling was but five days journey from Macureguarai, the first civil town of Guiana. Now your lordship shall understand, that this Morequito, one of the greatest lords or kings of the borders of Guiana, had two or three years before been at Cumaná and at Margarita, in the West Indies, with great store of plates of gold, which he carried to exchange for such other things as he wanted in his own country, and was daily feasted, & presented by the governors of those places, and held amongst them some two months, in which time one Vides governor of Cumaná wan him to be his conductor into Guiana, Vides the governor of Cumana competitor with Berreo in the conquest of Guiana. being alured by those croissants and images of gold which he brought with him to trade, as also by the ancient fame and magnificence of El Dorado: whereupon Vides sent into Spain for a patent to discover and conquer Guiana, not knowing of the precedence of Berreos' patent, which, as Berreo affirmeth, was signed before that of Vides: so as when Vides understood of Berreo, and that he had made entrance into that territory, and foregone his desire and hope, it was verily thought that Vides practised with Morequito to hinder and disturb Berreo in all he could, and not to suffer him to enter thorough his signory, nor any of his companies; neither to victual, nor guide them in any sort; for Vides governor of Cumaná, and Berreo, were become mortal enemies, as well for that Berreo had got Trinidad into his patent with Guiana, as also in that he was by Berreo prevented in the journey of Guiana itself: howsoever it was, I know not, but Morequito for a time dissembled his disposition, suffered Spaniards, and a friar (which Berreo had sent to discover Manoa) to travel thorough his country, gave them a guide for Macureguaray, Macureguaray. the first town of civil and appareled people, from whence they had other guides to bring them to Manoa the great city of Inga: Ten Spaniards ar●●e at Manoa. and being furnished with those things which they had learned of Carapana were of most price in Guiana, went onward, and in eleven days arrived at Manoa, as Berreo affirmeth for certain: although could not be assured thereof by the lord which now governeth the province of Morequito, for he told me that they got all the gold they had, in other towns on this side Manoa, there being many very great and rich, and (as he said) built like the towns of Christians, with many rooms. When these ten Spaniards were returned, and ready to put out of the border of Aromaia. Aromaia. the people of Morequito set upon them, and slay them all but one that swum the river, and took from them to the value of forty thousand pesoes of gold: and one of them only lived to bring the news to Berreo, that both his nine soldiers and holy father were benighted in the said province. I myself spoke with the captains of Morequito that slay them, and was at the place where it was executed. Berreo enraged heerewithall, sent all the strength he could make into Aromaia, to be revenged of him, his people, and country. But Morequito suspecting the same, fled over Orenoque, and thorough the territories of the Saima, and Wikiri, Saima an● ●●●kiri. recovered Cumaná, where he thought himself very safe, with Vides the governor. But Berreo sending for him in the king's name, and his messengers finding him in the house of one Fashardo on the sudden year he was suspected, so as he could not then be conveyed away, Vides dared not deny him, as well to avoid the suspicion of the practice, as also for that an holy father was slain by him and his people. Morequito offered Fashardo the weight of three quintals in gold, Morequito ●●●●cuted. to let him escape: but the poor Guianian, betrayed on all sides, was delivered to the campe-master of Berreo, and was presently executed. After the death of this Morequito, the soldiers of Berreo spoilt his territory, and took divers prisoners, among others they took the uncle of Morequito, called Topiawari, who is now king of Aromaia (whose son I brought with me into England) and is a man of great understanding and policy: he is above an hundred years old, and yet of a very able body. The Spaniards led●e him in a chain seventeen days, and made him their guide from place to place between his country & Emeria, the province of Carapana aforesaid, and he was at last redeemed for an hundred plates of gold, and divers stones called Piedras Hijadas, or Spleenestones. Now Berreo for executing of Morequito, and other cruelties, spoils, and slaughters done in Aromaia, hath lost the love of the Orenoqueponi, and of all the borderers, and dare not sand any of his soldiers any further into the land then to Carapana, The town of Carapana to the port of Guiana. which he called the port of Guiana: but from thence by the help of Carapana he had trade further into the country, and always appointed ten Spaniards to reside in Carapanas' town, by whose favour, and by being conducted by his people, those ten searched the country thereabouts, aswell for mines, as for other trades and commodities. They also have got a nephew of Morequito, whom they have Christened, and named Don ivan, of whom they have great hope, endeavouring by all means to establish him in the said province. Among many other trades, those Spaniards used canoas to pass to the rivers of Barema, Pawroma, & Dissequebe, Some ●ew Spaniards are now scared in Dissequebe. which are on the South side of the mouth of Orenoque, and there buy women and children from the Cannibals, which are of that barbarous nature, as they will for three or four hatchets cell the sons and daughters of their own brethren and sisters, and for somewhat more, even their own daughters. Hereof the Spaniards make great profit: for buying a maid of twelve or thirteen years for three or four hatchets, they cell them again at Margarita in the West Indies for fifty and an hundred pesoes, which is so many crowns. The master of my ship, john Dowglas, took one of the canoas which came laden from thence with people to be sold, and the most of them escaped; yet of those he brought, there was one as well favoured, and as well shaped as ever I see any in England, and afterward I see many of them, which but for their tawny colour may be compared to any of Europe. They also trade in those rivers for bread of Cassavi, of which they buy an hundred pound weight for a knife, and cell it at Margarita for ten pesoes. They also recover great store of Cotton, brasil wood, and those beds which they call Hamacas or brasil beds, wherein in hot countries all the Spaniards used to lie commonly, and in no other, neither did we ourselves while we were there. By means of which trades, for ransom of divers of the Guianians, and for exchange of hatchets and knives, Berreo recovered some store of gold plates, eagles of gold, and images of men and divers birds, and dispatched his campe-master for Spain, with all that he had gathered, therewith to levy soldiers, and by the show thereof to draw others to the love of the enterprise. And having sent divers images aswell of men as beasts, birds & fish, so curiously wrought in gold, he doubted not but to persuade the king to yield to him some further help, especially for that this land hath never been sacked, the mines never wrought, and in the Indies their works were well spent, and the gold drawn out with great labour and charge. He also dispatched messengers to his son in Nuevo reyno to levy all the forces he could, & to come down the river Orenoque to Emeria, the province of Carapana, to meet him: he had also sent to Saint jago de Leon on the coast of the Caracas, to buy horses and mules. After I had thus learned of his proceed past and purposed, I told him that I had resolved to see Guiana, and that it was the end of my journey, and the cause of my coming to Trinidad, as it was indeed, (and for that purpose I sent jacob Whiddon the year before to get intelligence with whom Berreo himself had speech at that time, and remembered how inquisitive jacob Whiddon was of his proceed, and of the country of Guiana) Berreo was strike into a great melancholy and sadness, and used all the arguments he could to dissuade me, and also assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost, and that they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded. And first he delivered that I could not enter any of the rivers with any bark or pinnace, or hardly with any ships boat, it was so low, sandy, and full of flats, and that his companies were daily grounded in their canoas, which drawn but twelve inches water. He further said, that none of the country would come to speak with us, but would all fly; and if we followed them to their dwellings, they would burn their own towns: and besides that, the way was long, the Winter at hand, and that the rivers beginning once to swell, it was impossible to stem the current, and that we could not in those small boats by any means carry victual for half the time, and that (which indeed most discouraged my company) the kings and lords of all the borders of Guiana had decreed that none of them should trade with any Christians for gold, because the same would be their own overthrow, and that for the love of gold the Christians meant to conquer and dispossess them of all together. Many and the most of these I found to be true, but yet I resolving to make trial of all whatsoever happened, directed captain George Gifford my vice-admiral to take the Lion's whelp, and captain Calfield his bark to turn to the Eastward, against the mouth of a river called Capuri, The river of Capuri. whose entrance I had before sent captain Whiddon, and john Dowglas the master, to discover, who found some nine foot water or better upon the flood, and five at low water, to whom I had given instructions that they should anchor at the edge of the should, and upon the best of the flood to thrust over, which should john Dowglas bwoyed and beckoned for them before: but they laboured in vain; for neither could they turn it up altogether so far to the East, neither did the flood continued so long, but the water fallen year they could have passed the sands; as we after found by a second experience: so as now we must either give over our enterprise, or leaving our ships at adventure four hundred mile behind us, must run up in our ships boats, one barge, and two wheries. But being doubtful how to carry victuals for so long a time in such babbles, or any strength of men, especially for that Berreo assured us that his son must be by that time come down with many soldiers, I sent away one King, master of the Lion's whelp, with his shipboat, to try another branch of a river in the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, which was called Amana, to prove if there were water to be found for either of the small ships to enter. But when he came to the mouth of Amana, he found it as the rest, but stayed not to discover it thoroughly, because he was assured by an Indian, his guide, that the Cannibals of Guanipa would assail them with many canoas, and that they shot poisoned arrows; so as if he hasted not back, they should all be lost. In the mean time, fearing the worst, I caused all the carpenters we had, to cut down a Galego boat, which we meant to cast off, and to fit her with banks to row on, and in all things to prepare her the best they could, so as she might be brought to draw but five foot, for so much we had on the bar of Capuri at low water. And doubting of King's return, I sent john Dowglas again in my long barge, aswell to relieve him, as also to make a perfect search in the bottom of that bay: for it hath been held for infallible, that whatsoever ship or boat shall fall therein, can never disemboque again, by reason of the violent current which setteth into the said bay, as also for that the breeze and Easterly wind bloweth directly into the same. Of which opinion I have herded john Hampton of Plymmouth, john Hampton captain of the Minion under sir john Hawkins in his voyage to S. ivan de Vllu●. one of the greatest experience of England, and divers other besides that have traded to Trinidad. I sent with john Dowglas an old casique of Trinidad for a pilot, who told us that we could not return again by the bay or gulf, but that he known a by-branch which ran within the land to the Eastward, and that he thought by it we might fall into Capuri, and so return in four days. john Dowglas searched those rivers, and found four goodly entrances, whereof the lest was as big as the Thames at Wolwich; but in the bay thitherward it was should, and but six foot water: so as we were now without hope of any ship or bark to pass over, and therefore resolved to go on with the boats, and the bottom of the Galego, in which we thrust 60 men. In the Lion's whelps boat & whery we carried 20. Captain Calfield in his whery carried ten more, and in my barge other ten, which made up a hundred: we had no other means but to carry victual for a month in the same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and to boil and dress our meat. Captain Gifford had with him master Edward Porter, captain Eynos, and eight more in his whery, with all their victual, weapons, and provisions. Captain Calfield had with him my cousin Butshead Gorges, and eight more. In the galley, of gentlemen and officers myself had captain Thin, my cousin john Greenuile, my nephew john Gilbert, captain Whiddon, captain Keymis, Edward Handcocke, captain Clarke, lieutenant hews, Thomas Vpton, captain Facy, Jerome Ferrar, Anthony Welles, William Connocke, and above fifty more. We could not learn of Berreo any other way to enter but in branches, so far to windward, as it was impossible for us to recover: for we had as much sea to cross over in our wheries, as between Dover and Calais, and in a great billow, the wind and current being both very strong, so as we were driven to go in those small boats directly before the wind into the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, The bay ●● Guanipa, and from thence to eater the mouth of some one of those rivers which john Dowglas had last discovered, and had with us for pilot an Indian of Barema, a river to the South of Orenoque, between that and Amazons, whose canoas we had formerly taken as he was going from the said Barema, Barem●. laden with Cassavi-bread, to cell at Margarita. This Arwacan promised to bring me into the great river of Orenoque, but indeed of that which he entered he was utterly ignorant, for he had not seen it in twelve years before; at which time he was very young, and of no judgement: and if God had not sent us another help, we might have wandered a whole year in that labyrinth of rivers, year we had found any way, either out or in, especially after we were past ebbing and flowing, which was in four days: for I know all the earth doth not yield the like confluence of streams and branches, A wonder ●● confluence of streams. the one crossing the other so many times, and all so fair and large, and so like one to another, as no man can tell which to take: and if we went by the Sun or Compass, hoping thereby to go directly one way or other, yet that way we were also carried in a circle amongst multitudes of Islands, and every Island so bordered with high trees, as no man could see any further than the breadth of the river, or length of the breach. But this it chanced, that entering into a river, (which because it had no name, we called the river of the Read cross, The river of the Read cross our se●ues being the first Christians that ever came therein) the two and twentieth of May, as we were rowing up the same, we espied a small canoa with three Indians, which (by the swiftness of my barge, rowing with eight oars) I overtook year they could cross the river, the rest of the people on the banks shadowed under the thick wood, gazed o● with a doubtful conceit what might befall those three which we had taken. But when they perceived that we offered them no violence, neither entered their canoa with any of ours, nor took out of the canoa any of there's, they then began to show themselves on the banks side, and offered to traffic with us for such things as they had. And as we drawn near, they all stayed, and we came with our barge to the mouth of a little creak which came from their town into the great river. As we abode there a while, our Indian pilot, called Ferdinando, would needs go ashore to their village, to fetch some first-fruits, and to drink of their artificial wines, and also to see the place, and know the lord of it against another time, and took with him a brother of his, which he had with him in the journey: when they came to the village of these people, the lord of the Island offered to lay hands on them, purposing to have slain them both, yielding for reason that this Indian of ours had brought a strange nation into their territory, to spoil and destroy them. But the pilot being quick, and of a disposed body, slipped their fingers, and ran into the woods, and his brother being the better footman of the two, recovered the creeks mouth, where we stayed in our ba●ge, crying out that his brother was slain: with that we set hands on one of them that was next us, a very old man, and brought him into the barge, assuring him that if we had not our pilot again, we would presently cut off his head. This old man being resolved that he should pay the loss of the other, cried out to those in the woods to save Ferdinando our pilot; but they followed him notwithstanding, and hunted after him upon the foot with the Deere-dogges, and with so main a cry, that all the woods eckoed with the shou● they made: but at the last this poor chased Indian recovered the river side, and got upon a tree, and as we were coasting, leapt down and swam to the barge half dead with fear. But our good hap was, that we kept the other old Indian which we hand fasted to redeem our pilot withal; for being natural of those rivers, we assured ourselves he known the way better than any stranger could. And indeed, but for this chance, I think we had never found the way either to Guiana, or back to our ships: for Ferdinando after a few days known nothing at all, nor which way to turn, yea and many times the old man himself was in great doubt which river to take. Those people which devil in these broken islands and drowned lands, are generally called Tivitivas; there are of them two sorts, the one called Ciawani, and the other Waraweete. Two nations of the Tivitivas, called Ciawani, and Waraweete. The great river of Orenoque or Baraquan hath nine branches which fall out on the North side of his own main mouth: A description of the mighty river of Orenoque or Baraquan. on the South side it h●th seven other fall into the sea, so it dis●mb●queth by sixte●ne arms in all, between islands and broken ground, but the islands are very great, many of them as big as the Isle of Wight, and bigger, and many less. F●om the first branch on the North to the last of the South, it is at lest 100 leagues, so as the rivers mouth is 300 miles wide at his entrance into the sea, which I take to be far bigger than that of Amazons. All those that inhabit in the mouth of this river upon the several North branches, are these Tivitivas, of which there are two chief lords which have continual wars one with the other. The islands which lie on the right hand, are called Pallamos, and the land on the left, Horotomaka, and the river by which john Dowglas returned within the land from Amana to Capuri, they call Macuti. What manner of people the Tivitivas are. These Tivitivas are a very goodly people and very valiant, and have the most manly speech and most deliberate that ●uer I herded, of what nation soever. In the Summer they have houses on the ground, as in other places: in the Winter they devil upon the trees, where they build very artificial towns and villages, as it is written in the Spanish story of the We●t Indies, that those people do in the low lands near the gulf of V●aba: for betwe●ne May & September the river of Orenoque rises thirty foot upright, and then are those islands overflown twenty foot high above the level of the ground, saving s●me few raised grounds in the middle of them: and for this cause they are enforced to live in this manner. They never eat of any thing that is set or sown: and as at home they use neither planting nor other manurance, so when they come abroad, they refuse to feed of aught, but of that which nature without labour bringeth: ●orth. They use the tops of Palmitoes for bread, and kill dear, fish, and porks, for the rest of their sustenance. They have also many sorts of first-fruits that grow in the woods, and great variety of birds and fowl. And if to speak of them were not tedious, and vulgar, surely we see in th●se passages of very rare colours and forms, not elsewhere to be found, for as much as I have either seen or read. Of these people those that devil upon the branches of Orenoque, called Capuri and Macur●o, are for the most part carpenters of canoas, for they make the most and fairest canoas, and sell them into Guiana for gold, and into Trinidad for tobacco, in the excessive taking whereof, they exceed all nation's; and notwithstanding the moistness of the air in which they live, the hardness of their diet, and the great labours they suffer to hunt, fish and fowl for their liu●ng; in all my life, either in the Indies or in Europe, did I n●u●r behold a more goodly or better fau●ur●d p●●ple or a more manly. They wer● wont to make war upon all nations, and especially on the Cannibals, so as none dared without a good strength trade by those rivers: but of late they are at peace with their neighbours, all holding the Spaniards for a common enemy. When their commander's die, they use gre●t lamentation, and when they think t●e flesh of their bodies is putrefied, and fallen from the bo●es, than they take up the ca●case again, and hung it in the caciques' house that died, and d●●ke his skull w●th feathers of all colours, and hung all his gold plates about the bones of his arms, thighs, and legs. Thos● nation's which are call●d A●wacas, The Arwacas on the South side of O●enoque. which devil on the South of Orenoque, (of wh●●h place and nation ●ur Indian pilot was) are dispersed in many other places, and do use to b● at the bones of their lords into ●owder, and their wives and friends drink it all in their several sorts of drinks. After we departed from the port of these Ciawani, The port of the Ciawani. we passed up the river with the flood, and ankered the ebb, and in this sort we w●nt onward. Th● third day that we ●ntred the river, our galley came on ground, and slucke so fast, as we t●ought that ●uen there ●ur discovery had ended, and that we must have left fouresc●re and ten of our men to h●ue inhabited like rooks vp●n trees with those nations: but the next morning, after we had cast out all her ballast, with tugging and halling to and fro, we got her afloat, and went on. At fou●e d●y●s ●nd we fallen into as goodly a river as ever I beheld, which was called The great Amana, A river called The great Amana. which r●nne more directly without windings and turnings then the other: but soon● after the flood of the sea left us; and b●ing enforced either by main strength to row against a violent current, or to return a● wis● as we went out, we had then no shift but to persuade the companies that it was b●t two or thre● daye● werke, and therefore desired them to take pains, eu●ry gentleman & others taking their turns to row, and to spell ●ne the other at the hours end. Eu●ry day we passed by goodly branches of rivers, some falling from the West, othe●s from the East into Amana, but thos● I leave to the d●scription in the Cart of discovery, where every one shallbe named with his rising and d●scent. When three days more were overgone, our companies began to despair, the weather being extream● hot, the river bordered with very high trees, that kept away the air, and the current against us ●uery day stronger th●n other: but we evermore commanded our pilots to promise' an end the next day, and used it so long, as we were driven to assure them from four reaches of the river to three, and so to two, and so to the next reach: but so long we laboured, that many days were spent, and we driven to draw ourselves to harder allowance, our bread even at the last, and no drink at all; and our men and ourselves so wearied and scorched, and doubtful withal, whether we should ever perform it or not, the heat increasing as we drawn towards the line; for we were now in five degrees. They are in five degrees. The further we went on (our victual decreasing and the air breeding great faintness) we gr●w weaker and weaker, when we had most need of strength and ability; for hourly the river ran more violently than other against us, and the barge, wheries, and ships boat of captain Gifford and captain Calfield, had spent all their provisions; so as we were brought into despair and discomfort, had we not persuaded all the company that it was but only one days work more to attain the land where we should be relieved of all we wanted, and if we returned, that we were sure to starve by the way, and that the world would also laugh us to scorn. On the banks of these rivers were divers sorts of first-fruits good to eat, flowers and trees of such variety, as wer● sufficient to make ten volumes of herbals: we relieved ourselves many times with the first-fruits of the country, and sometimes with fowl and fish. We see birds of all colours, some carnation, som● crimson, orange-tawny, purple, watchet, and of all other sorts both simple and mixed, and it was unto us a great good passing of the time to behold them, besides the relief we found by kill some store of them with our fowling pieces; without which, having little or no bread, and less drink, but only the thick and troubled water of the river, we had been in a very hard case. Our old pilot of the Ciawanis (whom, as I said before, we took to redeem Ferdinando) told us, that if we would enter a branch of a river on the right hand with our barge and wh●ries, and leave the galley at anchor the while in the great river, he would bring us to a town of the Arwacas, where we should find store of bread, hens, fish, and of the country wine; and persuaded us, that departing from the galley at noon, we might return y●r night. I was very glad to hear this speech, and presenth took my bark, with eight musketeers, captain's Giffords whery, with himself and four musketeers, and captain Calfield with his whery, and as many; and so we entered the mouth of this river: and because we were persuaded that it was so near, we took no victual with us at all. When we had rowed three hours, we marveled we see no ●igne of any dwelling, and asked the pilot where the town was: he told us a little further. Aft●r thr●e hours more, the Sun b●ing almost set, we began to suspect that he led us that way to betray us; for he confessed that those Spaniards which fled from Trinidad, and also those that remained with Carapana in Emeria, were joined together in some village upon that river. But when it grew towards night; and we demanded where the place was: he told us but four reaches more. When w● had rowed four and four, we see no sign; and our poor watermen, even heartbroken, and tired, were ready to give up the ghost: for we had now come from the galley near forty miles. At the last we determined to hung the pilot; and if we had well known the way back again by night, he had surely go; but our own necessities pleaded sufficiently for his safety: for it was as dark as pitch, and the river began so to narrow itself, and the tre●s to hung ou●r from side to side, as we were driven with arming swords to cut a passage thorough those branches that covered the water. We were very desirous to find this town, hoping of a feast, because we made but a short breakfast aboard the galley in the morning, and it was now eight a clock at night, and our stomachs began to gnaw apace: but whether it was best to return or go on, we began to doubt, suspecting treason in the pilot more and more: but the poor old Indian ever assured us that it was but a little further, but this one turning and that turning: and at the last about one a clock after midnight we see a light; and rowing towards it, we herded the dogs of the village. When we landed we found few people; for the lord of that place was go with divers canoas above four hundred miles off, upon a journey towards the head of Orenoque to trade for go●de, and to buy wom●n of the Cannibals, who afterward unfortunately passed by us as we road at an anchor in the port of Morequito in the dark of the night, and yet came so near us, as his c●noas grated against our barges: he l●ft one of his company at the port of Morequito, by whom we understood that he had brought thirty young women, divers plates of gold, and had great store of fine pieces of cotton clot, and cotton beds. In his house we had good store of bread, ●ish, hens, and Indian drink, and so rested that night, and in the morning after we had traded with such of his people as came down, we returned towards our galley, and brought with us some quantity of bread, fish, and hens. A most beautiful country. On both sides of this river, we passed the most beautiful country that ever mine eyes beheld: and whereas all that we had seen before was nothing but woods, prickles, bushes, and thorns, here we beheld plains of twenty miles in length, the grass short and green, and in divers parts groves of trees by themselves, as if they had been by all the art and labour in the world so made of purpose: and still as we rowed, the dear came down feeding by the water's side, as if they had been used to a keepers call. Upon this river there w●re great store of fowl, and of many sorts: we see in it diu●rs sorts of strange fish, and of marvellous bigness: but for lagartos it exceeded, for there were thousand of those ugly serpents; and the people call it for the abundance of them, The river of Lagartos, The river of Lagartos, or Crocodiles. in their language. I had a Negro a v●ry proper young f●llow, who leaping out of the galley to swim in the mouth of this river, was in all our sights taken and devoured with one of th●se lagartos. In the mean while our companies in the galley thought we had been all lost, (for w●e promised to return before night) and sent the Lion's whelps ships bo●t with captain Whiddon to follow us up the river; but the next day, after we had r●wed up and d●wne som● fourscore m●les, we returned, and went on our way, up the great river; and when we w●re even at the l●st cast for w●nt of victuals● captain Giffo●d bring before the galley and the r●st of the boats, seeking out som● place to land upon the banks to make fire, espied four canoas coming down the river; ● with no small joy caused his men to try the uttermost of the●r strengths, and after a wh●le two of the four gave over, and ran themselves ashore, every man betaking himself ●o t●e ●astnesse of ●he woods, the two other lesser got away, while he landed to lay hold on these; and so tu●ned into some by-creeke, we known not whither. Those ca●oas that were taken, Two cano●● taken. were lo●den with bread, and were bond for Margarita in the West Indies, which those Indians (called Arwa●as) purposed to carry thither for exchange: but in the lesser there were three Spaniards, Three Spaniards escaped. who having herded of the defeat of their governor in Trinidad, and that we purposed to enter Guiana, came away in those canaos: one of them was a cavallero, as the captain of the Arwacas after told us, another a soldier, and the third a refiner. In the mean time, nothing on the earth could have been more welcome to us, next unto gold, than the great store of very excellent bread which we found in these canoas; for now ●ur men tried, Let us go on, we care not how far. After that captain Giffo●d had brought the two canoas to the galley, I took my barge, and went to the banks side with a dozen shot, w●ere the canoas first ran themselves ashore, and landed there, sending out captain Gifford, and captain Thine on one hand, and captain Calfield on the other, to follow those that were fl●d into the wood●: and as I was creeping thorough the bushes, I saw an Indian basket hidden, which was the refiners basket; The Spanish gold fine●s bask●● & other things taken. for I ●ound in it his quicksilver, saltpeter, and divers things ●or the trial of metals, and also ●he dust o● such ore as he had refined, but in those canoas which escaped th●re was a good quantity of ore and gold. I than landed more men, and offered five hundred pound to what soldier soever could ●ake one of those three Spaniards that we thought w●re landed. But our labours were in vain in that behalf; for they put themselves into one of the small canoas: and so wh●le the greater canoas were in taking, they escaped. But seeking after ●he Spaniards, we found the Arwacas ●idden in the woods, which w●r● pilots for the Spaniards, and r●wed their canoas; of which I kept the chiefest for a pilot, and carried him with me to Guiana, by whom I understood where a●d in what countries the Spaniards had laboured for gold, though I made not the s●me knoten to all: for when the springs began to break, and the rivers to raise themselves so suddenly, as by no means we could abide the digging of any mine, especially for that the richest are decended w●th rocks of hard stones, which we call the White spar, The richest mines defended with the ●hite ●par. and that it required both time, men, and instruments fit for such a work, I thought it best not to hover thereabouts, lest if the same had been perceived by the company, there would have b●ene by this time many barks and ships set out, and perchance other nations would also h●ue got of ours for pilots; so as both ourselves might have been prevented, and all our care taken for good usage of the people been utterly lost, by those that only respect present profit, and such violence or insolence offered, as the nations which are borderers would have changed th●ir desire of our love and defence into hatred and violence. And for any longer stay to have brought a more quantity (which I ●eare hath been often objected) whosoever had seen or proved the fu●y of that river after it began to arise, and had been a month and odd days, as we were, from hearing aught from our ships, leaving th●m meanly manned 400 miles off, would perchance have turned somewhat sooner than we did, if all the mountains had been gold, or rich stones. And to say the truth, all the branches and small rivers which fallen into Orenoque were raised with such speed, as if we waded them over the shoes in the morning outward, we were covered to the shoulders homeward the very same day: and to stay to dig out gold with our nails, had been Opus laboris but not Ingenij: such a quantity as would have served our turns we could not have had, but a discovery of the Mines to our infinite disadvantage we had made, and that could have been the best profit of farther search or stay: for those Mines are not easily broken, nor opened in haste, and I could have returned a good quantity of gold ready cast, if I had not shot at another mark, then present profit. This Arwacan Pilot with the rest, feared that we would have eaten them, or otherwise have put them to some cruel death (for the Spaniards, The Spaniards diue●●●● lies. to the end that none of the people in the passage towards Guiana or in Gu●ana itself might come to speech with us, persuaded all the nations, that we were men-eaters, and Cannibals) but when the poor men and women had seen us, and that we gave them meat, and to every one something or other, which was rare and strange to them, they began to conceive the deceit and purpose of the Spaniards, who indeed (as they confessed) took from them both their wives and daughters daily, and used them for the satisfying of their own lusts, especially such as they took in this manner by strength. But I protest before the Majesty of the living God, that I neither know nor believe, that any of our company one or ●th●r, by violence or otherwise, ever known any of their women, and yet we see many hundred, and had many in our power, and of those very young, and excellently favoured, which came among us without deceit, stark naked. Nothing got us more love amongst them then this usage: for I suffered not any man to take from any of the nations so much as a Pina, or a Potato root, without giving them con●entment, nor any man so much as to offer to touch any of their wives or daughters: which course so contrary to the Spaniards (who tyrannize over them in all things) drew them to admire her Majesty, whose commandment I told them it was, and also wonderfully to honour our nation. But I confess it was a very impatient work to ke●pe the meaner sort from spoil and stealing, when we came to th●ir houses: which because in all I could not prevent, A notabl● course of justice. I caused my Indian interpreter at every place when we departed, to know of the loss or wrong done, and if aught were stolen or tak●n by violence, either the same was restored, and the party punished in their sight, or ●lse was pay●d for to their uttermost demand. They also much wondered at us, after they herded that we had slain the Spaniards at Trinidad● for the● were before resolved, that no nation of Christians dared abide their presence, and they wondered more when I h●d made them know of the great overthrow that her majesties army and Fleet had given them of late years in their own Countries. After we had taken in this supply of bread, with divers baskets of roots which were excellent meat, I gave one o● the Canoas' to the Arwacas, which belonged to the Spaniards that were escaped, and when I had dismissed all but the Captain (who by the Spaniards was christened Martin) I sent back in the same Canoa the old Ciawan, and Ferdinando my first Pilot, and gau● them both such things as they desired, with sufficient victual to carry them back, and by them written a letter to the ships, which they promised to deliver, and performed it, and then I went on, with my n●we hired Pilot Martin the Arwacan: but the next or second day after, we came aground again with our Galley, They come on ground with their galley. and were like to cast h●r away, with all our victual and provision, and so lay on the sand one whole night and were far more in despair at this time to free herthen before, because we had no tide of flood to help us, and therefore feared that all our hopes would have ended in mishaps: but we fastened an anchor upon the land, and with main strength drew her off: and so the fifteenth day we discovered afar of the mountains of Guiana to our great joy, and towards the evening had a slent of a Northerly wind that blewe very strong, which brought us in sight of the great River Oreno●ue; out of which this River descended wherein we were: we descried afar off three other Canoas' as far as we could discern them, after whom we hastened with our barge and wherries, but two of them passed out of sight, and the third entered up the great River, on the right hand to the Westward, and there stayed out of sight, thinking that we meant to take the way Eastward towards the province of Carapana, for that way the Spaniards keep, not daring to go upwards to Guiana, the people in those parts being all their enemies, and those in the Canoas' thought us to have b●ne those Spaniards tha● were fled from Trinidad, and had escaped kill: and when we came so far down as the opening of that branch into which they slipped, being near them with our barge and wherries, we made after them, and ere they could landlord, came within call, and by our interpreter told them what we were, wherewith they came back willingly aboard us: and of such fish and Tortugas eggs as they had gathered, they gave us, and promised in the morning to bring the Lord of that part with them, and to do us all other services they could. That night we came to an anchor at the parting of the three goodly Rivers (the one was the River of Amana by which we came from the North, and ran athwart towards the South, Two branches of the river Ore●oque. the other two were of Orenoque which crossed from the West and ran to the Sea towards the East) and landed upon a fair sand, where we found thousand of Tortugas eggs, which are very wholesome meat, and greatly restoring, so as our men were now well filled and highly contented both with the fare, and nearness of the land of Guiana which appeared in sight. In the morning there came down according to promise' the Lord of that border called Toparimaca, with some thirty or forty followers, and brought us divers sorts of fruits, and of his wine, bread, fish, and flesh, whom we also feasted as we could, at lest we drank good Spanish wine (whereof we had a small quantity in bottles) which above all things they love. I conferred with this Toparimaca of the next way to Guiana, ●oparimaca. who conducted our galley and boats to his own port, and carried us from thence some mile and a half to his Town, where some of our Captains karoused of his wine till they were reasonable pleasant, for it is very strong with pepper, and the juice of divers herbs, and fruits digested and purged, they keep it in great earthen pots of ten or twelve galons very clean and sweet, and are themselves at their meetings and feasts that greatest karousers and drunkards of the world: when we came to his town we found two Casiques, whereof one was a stranger that had been up the River in trade, and his boats, people, and wife encamped at the port where we anckered, and the other was of that country a follower of Toparimaca: they lay each of them in a cotton Hamaca, which we call brasil beds, and two women attending them with si●e cups and a little ladle to fill them, out of an earthen pitcher of wine, and so they drank each of them three of those cups at a time one to the other, and in this sort they drink drunk at th●ir feasts and meetings. That Casique that was a stranger had his wife staying at the port where we anckered, and in all my life I have seldom se●ne a better favoured woman: She was of good stature, with black eyes, fat of body, of an excellent countenance, her hair almost as long as herself, tied up again in pretty knots, and it seemed she stood not in that awe of her husband, as the rest, for she spoke and discoursed, and drank among the gentlemen and Captains, and was very pleasant, knowing her own comeliness, and taking great pride therein. I have seen a Lady in England so like to her, as but for the difference of colour, I would have sworn might have been the same. The seat of this Town of Toparimaca was very pleasant, standing on a little hill, in an excellent prospect, with goodly gardens a mile compass round about it, and two very fair and large ponds of excellent fish adjoining. This town is called Arowocai: The town of Arowocay. the people are of the nation called Nepoios, and are followers of Carapana. In that place I saw very aged people, that we might perceive all their sinews and veins without any flesh, and but even as a case covered only with skin. The great breadth of the river Orenoque. The Lord of this place gave me an old man for Pilot, who was of great experience and travail, and known the River most perfectly both by day and night: and it shall be requisite for any man that passeth it, to have such a Pilot, for it is four, five, and si●e miles over in many places, and twenty miles in other places, with wonderful eddies, and strong currents, many great ylands, and divers sholds, and many dangerous rocks, and besides upon any increase of wind so great a bilowe, as we were sometimes in great peril of drowning in the galley, for the small boats dared not come from the shore, but when it was very fair. They enter the river Orenoque, which ru●neth East and West. The next day we hasted thence, and having an Easterly wind to help us, we spared our arms from rowing: for after we entered Orenoque, the River lieth for the most part East and West, even from the Sea unto Quito in Peru. This River is navigable with barks, li●le less than a thousand miles, & from the place where we entered, it may be sailed up in small pinnesses to many of the best parts of Nuevo reyno de Granada, and of Popayan: and from no place may the cities of these parts of the Indies be so easily taken and invaded as from hence. All that day we sailed up a branch of that River, having on the left hand a great island which they call Assapana which may contain some five and twenty miles in length, and six miles in breadth, the great body of the River running on the other side of this island. Beyond that middle branch there is also another island in the River called Iwana, The island of Iwana. which is twice as big as the isle of Wight, and beyond it, and between it and the main of Guiana, runneth a third branch of Orenoque called Arraroopana: all three are goodly branches, and all navigable for great ships. I judge the river in this place to be at lest thirty miles broad, reckoning the ylands which divide the branches in it, for afterwards I sought also both the other branches. After w●e reached to th● head of the island, called Assapana, a little to the Westward on the right hand there opened a river which came from the North, called Europa, and fell into the great River, and beyond it on the same side, we anckered for that night, by another yl●nd six m●les long, and two miles broad, which they call Ocaywita: The isle of Ocaywita. From hence in the morning we landed two Guianians, which we found in the Town of Toparimaca, that came with us, who went to give notice of our coming to the Lord of that country called Putyma, a follower of Topiawari, chief Lord of Aromaia, who succeeded Morequito, whom (as you have herded 〈◊〉 Berreo put to death: but his town being far within the land, he came not unto us that day, so ●● we ankered again that night near the banks of another island, of bigness much like the other, which they call Putapayma, The isle of Putapayma. over against which island, on the main land, was a very high mountain called Oecope: we ●ouered to anchor rather by these ylands in the River, then by the main, because of the Tortugas eggs, which our people found on them in great abundance, and also because the ground served be●ter for us to cast our nets for fish, the main banks being for the most part stony and high, and the rocks of a blue metalline colour, like unto the best steele-ore, Steel●-or●. which I assuredly take it to be: of the same blue stone are also divers great mountains, which bord●r this river in many places. The next morning towards nine of the clock, we weighed anchor, and the breeze increasing, we sailed always W●st up the river, and after a while opening the land on the right side, the country appeared to be champain, and the banks showed very perfect read. I therefore sent two of the little barges with Captain Gifford, and with him Captain Thine, Captain Calfield, my cozen Greenuile, my nephew john Gilbert, Captain Eynus, Master Edward Porter, ●nd my cozen Butshead Gorges, with some few soldiers, to march ou●r the banks of that read land, and to discover what m●n●r of country it was on the other side, who at th●i● ret●rne found it all a plain level, as far as they went or could discern, from the ●ighest tree they c●uld get upon: And my old Pilot, a man of great travel, brother to the Casique I oparimica told me, that those were called the plains of the Sayma, The plains o● Sayma s●●e●ching to Cumaná and the Caracas. and that the same level reached to Cumaná, and Caracas in the West Indies, which are a hundredth and twenty leagues to the Nort●, and that there inhabited four principal nations. The first were the Sayma, ●he next As●awai, t●e third and greatest the Wikiris, by whom Pedro Hernandez de Serpa ●e●ore mentioned was overthrown, as he passed with three hundred horse from Cumaná towards Orenoque, in his enterprise of Guiana: the fourth are called Aroras, Aroras' a black● people using venomous arrows. and are as bl●cke as Negroes but have smooth hair, and these are very vallant, or rather desperate people, and hau● the most strong po●son on their arrows, and most dangerous of all nations, of w●ich poison I will speak somewhat being a digression not unnecessary. There was nothing whereof I was more curious, than t● find ●ut the true remedies of these poisoned arrows: for besides the mortality of the wound th●y make, the party shot endureth the most insufferable torment in the w●rld, and abideth a most ugly and lamentable death, sometimes dying stark mad, sometimes ●here bowels ●reak●ng out of their ●ellies: which are presently discoloured as black as pitch, and so vns●u●ry, as no man can endure to cu●e or to attend them. And it is more strange to know, that in all this time there was never Spani●rd either by gif● or torment that could attain to the true knowledge of the cure, although they have martyred and put to invented torture I kn●w not how many of ●hem. But every one of these Indians know i● not, not not one among thou●ands, but their soothsayers and priests, who do conceal it, and only teach it but from the father to the son. Those medicines which are vulgar, and serve for the ordinary poison, are made of the juice of a root called Tupara: the same also quencheth marvellously the heat of burning fevers, and heals inward wounds, and broken veins, that bleed within the body. But I was more beholding to the Gui●nians than a●y other: for Anthonio de Berreo told me that he could never attain to the knowledge thereof, and y●t they taught me the best way of healing as well thereof, as of all other poisons. Some of the Spaniards have been cured in ordinary wounds, Th● i●●ce of garlic good against ordinary poison. Speedy drinking to ●● avoided of ●uch as are wounded with poisoned arrow●. of the common poisoned arrows with the juice of garlic: but this is a general rule for all men that shall hereafter travel the Indies where poisoned arrows are used, that they must abstain from drink, for if they take any liquor into their body, as they shall be marvelously provoked thereunto by drought, I say, if they drink before the wound be dressed, or soon upon it, there is no way with them but present death. And so I will return again to our journey which for this third day we finished, and cast anchor again near the continent or the left hand between two mountains, the one called Aroami, and the other Aio: I made no stay here but till midnight, for I feared hourly lest any rain should fall, and then it had been impossible to have go any further up, notwithstanding that there is every day a very strong breeze, and Easterly wind. I deferred the search of the country on Guiana-si●e, till my return down the river. The isle of Manoripano. The next day we sailed by a great island in the middle of the river called Manoripano, and as we walked a while on the island, while the Galley got a head of us, there came for us from the main a small Canoa with seven or eight Guianians, to invite us to anchor at their port, but I deferred till my return; It was that Casique to whom those Nepoios went, which came with us from the town of ●oparimaca: and so the fift day we reached as high up as the province of Aromaia the country of Morequito whom Berreo executed, The province of Aromaia. and ankered to the West of an island called Murrecotima, The isle of Murrecotima. ten miles long and five broad: and that night the Casique Aram●ary, (to whose town we made our long and hungry voyage out of the river of Amana) passed by us. The next day we arrived at the port of Morequito, and anckered there, sending away one of our Pilots to seek the king of Aromaia, uncle to Morequito slain by Berreo as aforesaid. The next day following before noon he came to us on foot from his house, which was fourteen English miles (himself being a hundredth and ten years old) and returned on foot the same day, and with him many of the borderers, with many women and children, that came to wonder at our nation, and to bring us down victual, which they did in great plenty, as venison, pork, hens, chickens, foul, fish, with divers sorts of excellent fruits and roots, and great abundance of Pinas, the princes of fruits, that grow under the Sun, especially those of Guiana. They brought us also store of bread, and of their wine, and a sort of Paraquitoes, no bigger than wrens, and of all other sorts both small and great: one of them gave me a beast called by the Spaniards Armadilla, which they call Cassicam, which seems to be all barred over with small plates somewhat like to a Rhinoceros, with a white horn growing in his hinder parts, as big a great hunting horn, which they use to wind in stead of a trumpet. Monardus writeth that a little of the powder of that horn put into the ear, cureth deafness. After this old King had rested a while in a little tent, that I caused to be set up, I began by my interpreter ●o discourse with him of the death of Morequito his predecessor, and afterward of the Spaniards, and ere I went any farther I made him know the cause of my coming thither, whose servant I was, and that the Queen's pleasure was, I should undertake the voyage for their defence, and to deliver them from the tyranny of the Spaniards, dilating at large, (as I had done before to those of Trinidad) her majesties greatness, her justice, her cha●●te● to all oppressed nations with as many of the rest of her beauties and virtues, as either I could express, or they conceive: all which being with great admiration attentively herded, and marvelously admired, I began to sound the old man as touching Guiana, and the state thereof, what sort of common wealth it was, who governed, of what strength and policy, how far it extended, and what nations were friends or enemies adjoining, and finally of the distance and way to enter the same: he told me that himself and his people with all those down the River towards the Sea, as far as Emeria, the province of Carapana, were of Guiana, but that they called themselves Orenoqueponi, and that all the nations between the river and those mountains in sight called Waca●i●a, were of the same cast and appellation: and that on the other side of those mountains of Wacatima there was a large plain (which after I discovered in my return) called the valley of Amariocapana, The valley of Amariocapana. in all that valley the people were also of the ancient Guianians. I asked what nations those were which inhabited on the farther side of those mountains, beyond the valley of Amariocapana: he answered with a great sign (as a man which had inward feeling of the loss of his Country and liberty, especially for that his elder son was sleine in a battle on that side of the mountains, whom he most entirely loved) that he remembered in his father's life-time when he was very old, and himself a young man, that there came down into that large valley of Guiana, a nation from so far off as the Sun slept, (for such were his own words) with so great a multitude as they could not be numbered nor resisted, and that they were large coats, and hats of crimson colour, which colour he expressed, by showing a piece of read wood, wherewith my tent was supported, and that they were called Orejones, Orejones are the gentlemen of Peru. Lordship de G●mar. Hist. gen. cap. 119. and Epuremei, those that had slain and rooted out so many of the ancient people, as there were leaves in the wood upon all the trees, and had now made themselves Lords of all, even to that mountain foot called Curaa● saving only of two nations, the one called Awarawaqueri, and the other Cassipagotos, and that in the last battle fought between the Epuremei, and the Iwarawaqueri, his elder son was choose to carry to the aid of the Iwarawaqueri, a great troop of the Orenoqueponi, and was there slain with all his people and friends, and that he had now remaining but one son: The town of Mac●regu●rai. and farther told me that those Epuremei had built a great Town called Macureguarai at the said mountain foot, at the beginning of the great plains of Guiana, which have no end: and that their houses have many rooms, one over the other, and that therein the great King of the Orejones and Epuremei kept three thousand men to defend the borders against them, and withal daily to invade and slay them: but that of late years since the Christians offered to invade his territories, and those frontiers, they were all at peace, and traded one with another, saving only the Iwarawaqueri, and those other nations upon the head of the river of Caroli, called Cassipagotos', which we afterwards discovered, each one holding the Spaniard for a common enemy. After he had answered thus far, he desired leave to departed, saying that he had far to go, that he was old, and weak, and was every day called for by death, which was also his own phrase: I desired him to rest with us that night, but I could not entreat him, but he told me that at my return from the country above, he would again come to us, and in the mean time provide for us the best he could, of all that his country yielded: the same night he returned to Orocotona his own town, Orotona between 4. and 5. degrees of Northerly latitude. so as he went that day eight and twenty miles, the weather being very hot, the country being situate between four and five degrees of the Equinoctial. This Topiawari is held for the proudest, and wisest of all the Orenoqueponi, and so he behaved himself towards me in all his answers at my return, as I marveled to find a man of that gravity and judgement, and of so good discourse, that had no help of learning nor breed. The next morning we also left the port, and sailed Westward up to the River, to view the famous River called Caroli, as well because it was marvelous of itself, as also for that I understood it led to the strongest nations of all the frontiers, that were enemies to the Epuremei, which are subjects to Inga, Emperor of Guiana, and Manoa, and that night we anckered at another island called Caiama, The isle of Caiama. of some five or six miles in length, and the next day arrived at the mouth of Caroli. They arrive at the mouth of the river Caroli. When we were short of it as low or further down as the port of Morequito we herded the great roar and fall of the River, but when we came to enter with our barge and whirries thinking to have go up some forty miles to the nations of the Cassipagotos, we were not able with a barge of eight oars to row one stones cast in an hour, and yet the River is as broad as the Thames at Wolwich, and we tried both sides, and the middle, and every part of the River, so as we encamped upon the banks adjoining, and sent off our Orenequepone (which came with us from Morequito) to give knowledge to the nations upon the River of our being there, and that we desired to see the Lords of Canuria, which dwelled within the province upon that River, making them know that we were enemies to the Spaniards, (for it was on this River side that Morequito slew the Friar, and those nine Spaniards which came from Manoa, the City of Inga, and took from them forty thousand pesoes of gold) so as the next day there came down a Lord or Casique called Wanuretona with many people with him, Wanuretona. and brought all store of provisions to entertain us, as the rest had done. And as I had before made my coming known to Topiawari, so did I acquaint this Casique therewith, and how I was sent by her Majesty for the purpose aforesaid, and gathered also what I could of him touching the estate of Guiana, and I found that those also of Caroli were not only enemies to the Spaniards, but most of all to the Epuremei, which abound in gold, and by this Wanuretona, I had knowledge that on the head of this River were three mighty nations, which were seated on a great lake, from whence this River descended, & were called Cassipagotos, Eparagotos, and Arawagotos, Cassipagotos, Eparagotos, and Arawagotos' there mighty nations seate● on a lake at the head of the river Caroli. and that all those either against the Spaniards, or the Epuremei would join with us, and that if we entered the land over the mountains of Curaa, we should satisfy ourselves with gold and all other good things: he told us farther of a nation called Iwarawaqueri before spoken off, that held daily war with the Epuremei that inhabited Macureguarai the first civil town of Guiana, of the subjects of Inga the Emperor. Upon this river one Captain George, that I took with Ber●eo cold me there was a great silver Mine, A great silver Mine. and that it was near the banks of the said river. But by this time as well Orenoque, Caroli, as all the rest of the rivers were risen four or five foot in height, so as it was not possible by the strength of any men, or with any boat whatsoever to row into the River against the stream. I therefore sent Captain Thine, Captain Greenuile, my nephew john Gylbert, my cozen Butshead Gorges, Captain Clarke, and some thirty shot more to coast the River by land, and to go to a town some twenty miles over the valley called Amnatapoi, Amnatapoi ● town●● and they found guide's there, to go farther towards the mountain foot to another great town called Capurepana, belonging to a Casique called Haharacoa (that was a nephew to old Topiawari King of Arromaia our chiefest friend) because this town and province of Capurepana adjoined to Macureguarai, which was a frontier town of the Empire: and the mean while myself with Captain Gifford, Captain Calfield, Edward Hancocke, and some half a dozen shot marched over land to view the strange overfals of the river of Caroli which roared so far off, and also to see the plains adjoining, and the rest of the province of Canuri: I sent also Captain Whiddon, William Connecke, and some eight shot with them, to see if they could find any Mineral stone alongst the river side. When we were come to the tops of the first hills of the plains adjoining to the river, we beheld that wonderful breach of waters, The strange overfals of Caroli, which ran down Caroli and might from the mountain see the river how it ran in three parts, above twenty miles off, and there appeared some ten or twelve overfals in sight, every one as high over the other as a Church-tower, which fallen with that fury, that the rebound of water made it seem, as if it had been all covered over with a great shower of rain: and in some places we took it at the first for a smoke that had risen over some great town. For mine own part I was well persuaded from thence to have returned, being a very ill footman, but the rest were all so desirous to go near the said strange thunder of waters, as they drawn me on by little and little, till we came into the next valley where we might better discern the same. I never see a more beautiful country, A most beautiful country. nor more lively prospects, hills so raised here and there over the valleys, the river winding into divers branches, the plains adjoining without bush or stubble, all fair green grass, the ground of hard sand easy to march on, either for horse or foot, the dear crossing in every path, the birds towards the evening singing on every tree with a thousand several tunes, crane's and herons of white, crimson, and carnation perching in the rivers side, the air fresh with a gentle Easterly wind, and every stone that we stooped to take up, promised either gold or silver by his complexion. Your Lordship shall see of many sorts, and I hope some of them cannot be bettered under the Sun, and yet we had no means but with our daggers and finger's to tear them out here and there, the rocks being most hard of that mineral spar aforesaid, Abundance of mineral spar. which is like a flint, and is altogether as hard or harder, and besides the veins lie a fathom or two deep in the rocks. But we wanted all things requisite save only our desires and good will to have performed more if it had pleased God. To be short, when both our companies returned, each of them brought also several sorts of stones that appeared very fair, but were such as they found lose on the ground, and were for the most part but coloured, and had not any gold fired in them, yet such as had no judgement or experience kept all that glisteren, and would not be persuaded but it was rich because of the lustre, and brought of those, and of Marquesite with all, from Trinidad, and have delivered of those stones to be tried in many places, and have thereby bread an opinion that all the rest is of the same: yet some of these stones I showed afterward to a Spaniard of the Caracas, who told me that it was El Madre del oro, that is the mother of gold, and that the M●ne was farther in the ground. But it shall be found a weak policy in me, either to betray myself, or my country with imaginations, neither am I so far in love with that lodging, watching, care, peril, diseases, ill savours, bad fare, and many other mischiefs that accompany these voyages, as to who myself again into any of them, were I not assured that the Sun covereth not so much riches in any part of the earth. Captain Whiddon, and our Chirurgeon Nicholas Millechap brought me a kind of stones like sapphires, what they may prove I, know not. I showed t●em to some of the Orenoqueponi, and they promised to bring me to a mountain, that had of them very large pieces growing Diamond wise: whether it be Crystal of the mountain, Bristol-Diamond, or sapphire I do not yet kn●w, but I hope the best, sure I am that the place is as likely as those from whence all the rich stones are brought, and in the same height or very near. On the lef● hand of this river Caroli are seated those nations which are called Iwarawakeri before remembered, which are enemies to the Epuremei: and on the head of it adjoining to the great lake Cassipa, are situate those other nations which also resist Inga, and the Epuremei, called Cassepagotos', Eparegotos, and Arrawagotos. I farther understood that this lake of Cassipa is so large, Cassipa a great lake. as it is above one days journey for one of their Canoas' to cross, which may be some forty miles, and that thereinto f●ll divers rivers, and that great s●ore of grains of gold are found in the Summer time when the lake falls by the banks, in those branches. There is also another goodly river beyond Caroli which is called Arui, The river of Arui. which also runneth thorough the lake Cassipa, and falls into Orenoque farther West, making all that land between Caroli and Arui an island, which is likewise a most beautiful country. Next unto Arui there are two rivers Atoica and Caora, The rivers of Atoica and Caora. and on that branch which is called Caora, are a nation of people, whose heads appear not above their shoulders; which though it may be thought a mere fable, yet for mine own part I am resolved it is true, because every child in the provinces of Arromaia and Canuri affirm the same; they are called Ewaipanoma: Ewaipanoma a strange headless nation. they are reported to have their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of their breasts, and that a long train of hair groweth backward between their shoulders. The son of Topiawari, which I brought with me into England told me that they are the most mighty men of all the land, and use bows, arrows, and clubs thrice as big as any of Guiana, or of the Orenoqueponi, and that one of the Iwarawakeri took a prisoner of them the year before our arrival there, and brought him into the borders of Aromaia his father's country. And farther when I seemed to doubt of it, he told me that it was no wonder among them, but that they were as great a nation, and as common as any other in all the provinces, and had of late years slain many hundred of his father's people, and of other nations their neighbours, but it was not my chance to hear of them till I was come away, and if I had but spoken one word of it while I was there, I might have brought one of them with me to put the matter out of doubt. Such a nation was written of by Mandenile, whose reports were held for fables many years, and yet since the East Indies were discovered, we found his relations true of such things as heretofore were held incredible: whether it be true or not, the matter is not great, neither can there be any profit in the imagination; for mine own part I see them not, but I am resolved that so many people did not all combine, or forethink to make the report. When I came to Cumana in the West Indies afterwards by chance I spoke with a Spaniard dwelling not far from thence, a man of great travel, and after he known that I had been in Guiana, and so far directly West as Caroli, the first question he asked me was, whether I had seen any of the Ewaipanoma, which are those without heads: who being esteemed a most honest man of his word, and in all things else, told me that he had seen many of them: I may not name him, because it may be for his disadvantage, but he is well known to Monsieur Mucherons' son of London, and to Peter Mucheron merchant of the Flemish ship that was there in trade, who also herded what he avowed to be true of those people. The fourth river to the West of Caroli is Casnero which falls into Orenoque on this side of Amapaia, The river Casnero. and that river is greater than Danubius, or any of Europe: it rises on the South of Guiana from the mountains which divide Guiana from Amazons, and I think it to be navigable many hundredth miles: but we had no time, means, nor season of the year, to search those rivers for the causes aforesaid, the Winter being come upon us, although the Winter and Summer as touching cold and heat differ not, The Winter of Guiana. neither do the trees ever sensibly loose their leaves, but have always fruit either ripe or green, and most of them both blossom, leaves, ripe fruit, and green at one time: but their Winter only consists of terrible rains, and overflowing of the rivers, with many great storms and gusts, thunder and lightnings, of which we had our fill, er● we returned. On the North side, the first river that falls into Orenoque is Cariola, beyond it on the same side is the river of Limo, between these two is a great nation of Cannibals, and their chief town beareth the name of the river, and is called Acamacari: at this town is a continual market of women for three or four hatchets a piece, they are bought by the Arwacas, and by them sold into the West Indies. To the West of Limo is the river Pao, beyond it Caturi, beyond that Voatis and Capuri which falls out of the great river of Meta, by which Berreo descended from Nuevo reyno de Granada. To the Westward of Capuri is the province of Amapaia, where Berreo wintered, and had so many of his people poisoned with the tawny water of the marshes of the Anebas. Above Amapaia toward Nuevo reyno fall in Meta, Pato, and Cassanar. Meta, Pato, Cassanar. To the West of those towards the provinces of the Ashaguas and Catetios are the rivers of Beta, Dawney, and Vbarro, and toward the frontier of Peru are the provinces of Thomebamba, and Caxamalca. Adjoining to Quito in the North side of Peru are the rivers of Guiacar and Goavar: Pap●m●●●● and on the other side of the said mountains the river of Papamene which descendeth into Marannon or amazons passing through the province Mutylones where Don Pedro de Osua who was slain by the traitor Agiri before rehearsed, built his brigandines, when he sought Guiana by the way of Amazons. Between Dawney and Beta lieth a famous Island in Orenoque now called Baraquan (for above Meta it is not known by the name of Orenoque) which is called Athule, The Isle of Baraquan. beyond which, ships of burden cannot pass by reason of a most forcible overfall, and current of waters: but in the eddy all smaller vessels may be drawn even to Peru itself: But to speak of more of these rivers without the description were but tedious, and therefore I will leave the rest to the description. This river of Orenoque is navigable for ships little less than 1000 miles, and for lesser vessels near 2000 By it (as aforesaid) Peru, Nuevo reyno, and Popaian, may be invaded: Orenoque a mi●ht● river by whi●● Peru, Nuevo reyno, & Popaian may be invaded. it also leadeth to the great empire of Inga, & to the provinces of Amapaia, and Anebas which abound in gold: his branches of Cosnero, Manta, Caora descended from the middle land & valley, which lieth between the easter province of Peru and Guiana; and it falls into the sea between Marannon and Trinidad in two degrees and a half: all which your Honours shall bett●r perceive in the general description of Guiana, Peru, Nuevo reyno, the kingdom of Popayan, and Roidas, with the province of Veneçuela, to the bay of Vraba, behind Cartagena Westward: and to Amazons Southward. While we lay at anchor on the coast of Canuri, Canuri. and had taken knowledge of all the nations upon the head and branches of this river, and had found out so many several people, which were enemies to the Epuremei, and the new conquerors: I thought it time lost to linger any longer in that place, especially for that the fury of Orenoque began daily to threaten us with dangers in our return: for no half day passed, but the river began to rage and overflow very fearfully, and the rains came down in terrible showers, and gusts in great abundance: and withal, our men began to cry out for want of shift, for no man had place to bestow any other apparel then that which he ware on his back, and that was thoroughly washed on his body for the most part ten times in one day: and we had now been well near a month, every day passing to the Westward farther and farther from our ships. We therefore turned towards the East, They return and spent the rest of the time in discovering the river towards the sea, which we had not viewed, and which was most material. The next day following we left the mouth of Caroli, and arrived again at the port of Morequito where we were before: for passing down the stream we went without labour, and against the wind, little less than a hundredth miles a day. assoon as I came to anchor, I sent away one for old Topiawari, with whom I much desired to have further conference, and also to deal with him for some one of his country, to bring with us into England, as well to learn the language, as to confer withal by the way, the time being now spent of any longer slay there. Within three hours after my messenger came to him, he arrived also, and with him such a rabble of all sorts of people, and every one laden with somewhat, as if it had been a great market or fair in England: and our hungry companies clustered thick and threefold among their baskets, every one laying hand on what he liked. The last conser●● of si● Walter Ralegh with ●o●●awar, whose son he brought into England. After he had rested a while in my tent. I shut out all but ourselves, and my interpreter, and told him that I known that both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were enemies to him, his country and nations: that the one had conquered Guiana already, and the other sought to regain the same from them both: and therefore I desired him to instruct me what he could, both of the passage into the golden parts of Guiana, and to the civil towns and appareled people of Inga. He gave me an answer to this effect: first that he could not perceive that I meant to go onward towards the city of Manoa, for neither the time of the year served, neither could he perceive any sufficient numbers for such an enterprise: and if I did, I was sure with all my company to be buried there, for the Emperor was of that strength, as that many times so many men more were too few: Counsel to be followed in other conquests besides he gave me this good counsel and advised me to hold it in mind (as for himself he knew, he could not live till my return) that I should not offer by any means hereafter to invade the strong parts of Guiana without the help of all those nations which were also their enemies: for that it was impossible without those, either to be conducted, to be victualled, or to have aught carried with us, our people not being able to endure the march in so great heat, and travel, unless the borderers gave them help, to carry with them both their meat and furniture: For he remembered that in the plains of Macureguarai three hundredth Spaniards were overthrown, who were tired out, and had none of the borderers to their friends: but meeting their enemies as they passed the frontier, were environed on all sides, and the people setting the long dry grass on fire, smothered them, so as they had no breath to fight, nor could discern their enemies for the great smoke. He told me farther that 4 days journey from his town was Macureguarai, Macureguarai & first town of Guiana, and of rich and appareled people. and that those were the next and nearest of the subjects of Inga, and of the Epuremei, and the first town of appareled and rich people, and that all those plates of gold which were scattered among the borderers and carried to other nations far and near, came from the s●yd Macureguarai and were there made, but that those of the land within were far finer, and were fashioned after the images of men, beasts, birds, and fish. I asked him whether-hee thought that those companies that I had there with me, were sufficient to take that town or no? He told me that he thought they were. I than asked him, whether he would assist me with guides, and some companies of his people to join with us? He answered that he would go himself with all the borderers, if the rivers did remain foordable, upon this condition that I would leave with him till my return again fifty soldiers, which he undertook to victual: I answered that I had not above fifty good men in all there, the rest were labourers and rowers, & that I had no provision to leave with them of powder, shot, apparel, or aught else, and that without those things necessary for their defence, they should be in danger of the Spaniards in my absence, who I knew would use the same measure towards mine, that I offered them at Trinidad: And although upon the motion Captain Calfeild, Captain Greenuile, my nephew john Gilbert and divers others were desirous to stay, yet I was resolved that they must needs have perished, for Berreo expected daily a supply out of Spain, and looked also hourly for his son to come down from Nuevo reyno de Granada, with many horse and foot, and had also in Valencia in the Caracas, two hundredth horse ready to march, and I could not have spared above forty, and had not any store at all of powder, lead, or match to have left with them, nor any other provision, either spade, pickeaxe, or aught else to have fortified withal. When I had given him reason that I could not at this time leave him such a company, he then desired me to forbear him and his country for that time, for he assured me that I should be no sooner three days from the coast, but those Epuremei would invade him, and destroy all the remain of his people and friends, if he should any way either guide us or assist us against them. He further alleged, that the Spaniards sought his death, and as they had already murdered his Nephew Morequito lord of that province, so they had him seventeen days in a chain before he was king of the country, and led him like a dog from place to place, until he had paid an hundredth plates of gold, and divers chains of Spleen-stones for his ransom: and now since he become owner of that province, that they had many times laid wait to take him, and that they would be now more vehement, when they should understand of his conference with the English, and because, said he, they would the better displant me, if they cannot lay hands on me, they have got a Nephew of mine called Eparacano, whom they have Christened Don ivan, and his son Don Pedro, whom they have also appareled and armed, by whom they seek to make a party against me in mine own country: he also had taken to wife one Loviana of a strong family, which are borderers and neighbours, and myself now being old and in the hands of death am not able to travel nor to shift, as when I was of younger years: he therefore prayed us to defer it till the next year, when he would undertake to draw in all the borderers to serve us, and then also it would be more seasonable to travel, for at this time of the year, we should not be able to pass any river, the waters were and would be so grown ere our return. He farther told me, that I could not desire so much to invade Macureguari, and the rest of Guiana, but that the borderers would be more vehement than I, for he yielded for a chief cause that in the wars with the Epuremei, they were spoiled of their women, and that their wives and daughters were taken from them, so as for their own parts they desired nothing of the gold or treasure, for their labours, but only to recover women from the Epuremei: for he farther complained very sadly (as it had been a matter of great consequence) that where as they were wont to have ten or twelve wives, they were now enforced to content themselves with three or four, and that the lords of the Epuremei had fifty or a hundredth: And in truth they war more for women then either for gold or dominion: For the lords of countries desire many children of their own bodies, to increase their races and kindreds, for in those consist their greatest trust and strength. divers of his followers afterwards desired me to make haste again, that they might sack the Epuremei, and I asked them of what? They answered, of their women for us, and their gold for you: for the hope of those many of women they more desire the war, then either for gold, or for the recovery of their ancient territories. For what between the subjects of Inga, and the Spaniards, those frontiers are grown thin of people, and also great numbers are fled to other nations farther of for fear of the Spaniards. After I received this answer of the old man, we fallen into consideration, whether it had been of better advice to have entered Macureguarai, and to have begun a war upon Inga at this time, yea or not, if the time of the year, and all things else had sorted. For mine own part (as we were not able to march it for the rivers, neither had any such strength as was requisite, and dared not abide the coming of the Winter, or to tarry any longer from our ships (I though it were evil counsel to have attempted it at that time, although the desire of gold will answer many objections: but it would have been in mine opinion an utter overthrow to the enterprise, if the same should be hereafter by her Majesty attempted: for then (whereas now they have herded we were enemies to the Spaniards & were sent by her Majesty to relieve them) they would as good cheap have joined with the Spaniards at our return, as to have yielded unto us, when they had proved that we came both for one errant, and that both sought but to sack & spoil them, but as yet our desire of gold, or our purpose of invasion is not known to them of the empire: and it is likely that if her Majesty undertake the enterprise, they will rather submit themselves to her obedience then to the Spaniards, of whose cruelty both themselves and the borderers have already tasted: and therefore till I had known her majesties pleasure, I would rather have lost the sack of one or two towns (although they might have been very profitable) then to have defaced or endangered the future hope of so many million, & the great good, & rich trade which England may be possessed of thereby. I am assured now that they will all die even to the last man against the Spaniards in hope of our succour and return: whereas otherwise if I had either laid hands on the borderers, or ransommed the lords, as Berreo did, or invaded the subjects of Inga, I know all had been lost for hereafter. After that I had resolved Topiawari lord of Aromaia, that I could not at this time leave with him the companies he desired, and that I was contented to forbear the enterprise against the Epuremei till the next year, he freely gave me his only son to take with me into England, and hoped, that though he himself had but a short time to live, yet that by our means his son should be established after his death: and I left with him one Francis Sparrow, Francis Sparrow. a servant of captain Gifford, (who was desirous to tarry, and could describe a country with his pen) and a boy of mine called Hugh Goodwin, to learn the language, I after asked the manner how the Epuremei wrought those plates of gold, and how they could melt it out of the stone; he told me that the most of the gold which they made in plates and images, was not severed from the stone, but that on the lake of Manoa, The lake at Manoa. and in a multitude of other rivers they gathered it in grains of perfect gold and in pieces as big as small stones, and that they put it to a part of copper, otherwise they could not work it, and that they used a great earthen pot with holes round about it, and when they had mingled the gold and copper together, they fastened canes to the holes, and so with the breath of men they increased the fire till the metal ran, & then they cast it into moulds of stone and clay, and so make those plates and images. I have sent your Honours of two sorts such as I could by chance recover, more to show the manner of them, then for the value: For I did not in any sort make my desire of gold known, because I had neither time, nor power to have a greater quantity. I gave among them many more pieces of gold, than I received, of the new money of 20 shillings with her majesties picture to wear, with promise that they would become her servants thenceforth. I have also sent your Honours of the ore, Most rich gold over. whereof I know some is as rich as the earth yieldeth any, of which I know there is sufficient, if nothing else were to be hoped for. But besides that we were not able to tarry and search the hills, so we had neither pioners, bars, sledges, nor wedges of iron to break the ground, without which there is no working in mines: but we see all the hills with stones of the colour of gold and silver, and we tried them to be no Marquesite, and therefore such as the Spaniards call El madre del oro, or, The mother of gold, which is an undoubted assurance of the general abundance: and myself see the outside of many mines of the spar, which I know to be the same that all coue● in this world, and of those, more than I will speak of. Having learned what I could in Canuri and Aromaia, and received a faithful promise of the principallest of those provinces to become servants to her Majesty, and to resist the Spaniards, if they made any attempt in our absence, and that they would draw in the nations about the lake of Cassipa, The lake of Cassipa. and those Iwarawaqueri, I then parted from old Topiawari, and received his son for a pledge between us, and left with him two of ours as aforesaid. To Francis sparrow I gave instructions to travel to Marcureguarai, with such merchandizes as I left with them, thereby to learn the place, and if it were possible, to go on to the great city of Manoa: which being done, we weighed anchor, and coasted the river on Guiana side, Guiana on the Southside. because we came upon the North side, by the lawns of the Saima and Wikiri. There came with us from Aromaia a Cassique called Putijma, that commanded the province of Warapana, (which Putijma slew the nine Spaniards upon Caroli before spoken of) who desired us to rest in the port of his country, promising to bring us unto a mountain adjoining to his town that had stones of the colour of gold, which he performed. And after we had rested there one night, I went myself in the morning with most of the Gentlemen of my company, over land towards the said mountain, marching by a rivers side called Mana, M●n● leaving on the right hand a town called Tuteritona, standing in the Province of Tarracoa, of the which Wariaaremagoto is principal. Beyond it lieth another town towards the South, in the valley of Amariocapana, which beareth the name of the said valley, whose plains stretch themselves some sixty miles in length, East and West, as fair ground, and as beautiful fields, as any man hath ever seen, with divers copsies scattered here and there by the rivers side, and all as full of dear as any forest or park in England, and in everse lake and river the like abundance of fish and foul, of which Irraparragota is lord. From the river of Mana, we crossed another river in the said beautiful valley called Oiana, Oi●n● & rested ourselves by a clear lake, which lay in the middle of the said Oiana, and one of our guides kindling us fire with two sticks, we stayed a while to dry our shirts, which with the heat hung very wet and heavy on our shoulders. Afterwards we sought the ford to pass over towards the mountain called Iconuri, where Putijma a foretold us of the mine. In this lake we see one of the great fish, as big as a wine pipe, which they call Manati, being most excellent and wholesome meat. Great fishe● called Manati most excellent meat. But after I perceived, that to pass the said river would require half a days march more, I was not able myself to endure it, and therefore I sent Captain Keymis with six shot to go on, and gave him order not to return to the port of Putijma, which is called Chiparepare, but to take leisure, and to march down the said valley, as far as a river called Cumaca, where I promised to meet him again, Putijma himself promising also to be his guide: and as they marched, they left the towns of Emparepana, and Capurepana, on the right hand, and marched from Putijmas house, down the said valley of Amariocapana, and we returning the same day to the rivers side, see by the way many rocks, like unto gold over, and on the left hand, a round mountain which consisted of mineral stone. From hence we rowed down the stream, coasting the province of Parino: As for the branches of rivers which I overpass in this discourse, those shall be better expressed in the description with the mountains of Aio, Ara, and the rest, which are situate in the provinces of Parino and Carricurrina. When we were come as far down as the land called Ariacoa, (where Orenoque divideth itself into three great branches, each of them being most goddly rivers) I sent away captain Henry Thin, and captain Greenevile with the galley, the nearest way, and took with me captain Gifford, captain Calfield, Edward Porter, and captain Eynos with mine own barge, and the two wherries, and went down that branch of Orenoque, which is called Cararoopana, which leadeth towards Emeria the province of Carapana, and towards the East sea, as well to find out captain Keymis, whom I had sent over land, as also acquaint myself with Carapana, who is one of the greatest of all the lords of the Orenoqueponi: and when I came to the river of Cumaca (to which Putijma promised to conduct captain Keymis) I left captain Eynos and master Porter in the said river to expect his coming, & the rest of us rowed down the stream towards Emeria. Emeria. In this branch called Cararoopana were also many goodly Islands, some of six miles long, some of ten, and some of twenty. When it grew towards sunset, we entered a branch of a river that fallen into Orenoque called Winicapora: Winicapor●. where I was informed of the mountain of Crystal, to which in truth for the length of the way, and the evil season of the year, I was not able to march, nor abide any longer upon the journey: we see it afar off and it appeared like a white Curch-tower of an exceeding height. A mighty cataract or over-fall of water. There falls over it a mighty river which toucheth no part of the side of the mountain, but rusheth over the top of it, and falls to the ground with so terrible a noise and clamour, as if a thousand great bells were knocked one against another. I think there is not in the world so strange an over-fall, nor so wonderful to behold: Berreo told me that there were Diamonds and other precious stones on it, Diamonds ● other precious stones. and that they shined very far off: but what it hath I know not, neither dared he or any of his men ascend to the top of the said mountain, those people adjoining being his enemies (as they were) and the way to it so impassable. Upon this river of Winicapora we rested a while, and from thence marched into the country to a town called after the name of the river, whereof the captain was one Timitwara, who also offered to conduce me to the top of the said mountain called Wacarima: Wac●rima. But when we came in first to the house of the said Timitwara, being upon one of their said feast days, we found them all as drunk as beggars, and the pots walking from one to another without rest: we that were weary, and hot with marching, were glad of the plenty though a small quantity satisfied us, their drink being very strong and heady, and so rested ourselves a while; after we had fed, we drawn ourselves back to our boats, upon the river and there came to us all the lords of the country, with all such kind of victual as the place yielded, and with their delicate wine of Pinas, and with abundance of hens, and other provisions, and of those stones which we call Spleenestones. We understood by the chieftains of Winicapora, that their lord Carapana was departed from Emeria which was now in sight, & that he was fled to Cairamo, adjoining to the mountains of Guiana, over the valley called Amariocapana, being persuaded by those ten Span●ards which lay at his house, that we would destroy him, and his country. But aft●r these Cassiques of Winicapora & Saporatona his followers perceived our purpose, and see that we came as enemies to the Spaniards only, and had not so much as harmed any of those nation's, not though we found them to be of the Spaniards own servants, they assured us that Carapana would be as ready to serve us, as any of the lords of the provinces, which we had passed; and that he dared do no other till this day but entertain the Spaniards, his country lying so directly in their way, and next of all other to any entrance that should be made in Guiana on that side. And they farther assured us, that it was not for fear of our coming that he was removed, but to be acquitted of the Spaniards or any other that should come hereafter. For the province of Cairoma is situate at the mountain foot, which divideth the plains of Guiana from ●he countries of the Orenoqueponi: by means whereof if any should come in our absence into his towns, he would slip over the mountains into the plains of Guiana among the Epuremei, where the Spaniards dared not follow him without great force. But in mine opinion, or rather I assure myself, that Carapana (being a notable wise and subtle fellow, a man of one hundred years of age, and therefore of great experience) is removed, to look on, and if he find that we return strong he will be ours, if not, he will excuse his departure to the Spaniards, and say it was for fear of our coming. We therefore thought it bootless to row so far down the stream, or to seek any farther of this old for: and therefore from the river of Waricapana (which lieth at the entrance of Emeria) we returned again, and left to the Eastward those four rivers which fall from the mountains of Emeria into Orenoque, which are Waracaya●i, Coirama, Akani●i, ●nd Iparoma: below those four are also these branches and mouths of Orenoque, which fall into the East sea, whereof the first is Aratu●i, the next Amacura, the third Barima, the fourth Wana, the fift Morooca, the sixt Paroma, the last Wijmi: beyond them there fall out of the l●nd between Orenoque and Amazons 14 rivers which I forbear to name, inhabited by the Arwacas and Cannibals. It is now time to return towards the North, and we found it a wearisome way back from the borders of Emeria, to recover up again to the head of the river Carerupana, by which we descended, and where we parted from the galley, which I directed to take the next way to the port of Toparimaca, by which we entered first. All the night it was stormy and dark, and full of thunder and great showers, so as we were driven to keep close by the banks in our small boats, being all hearty afraid both of the billow and terrible curent of the river. By the next morning we recovered the mouth of the river of Cumaca, where we left captain Eynus and Edward Porter to attend the coming of captain Keymis over land: but when we entered the same, they had herded no news of his arrival, which bread in us a great doubt what might become of him: I rowed up a league or two farther into the river, shooting off pieces all the way, that he might know of our being there. And the next morning we herded them answer us also with a piece: we took them aboard us, and took our leave of Putima their guide, who of all others most lamented our departure, and offered to s●nd his son with us into England, if we could have stayed till he had s●nt back to his town: but our hearts were cold to behold the great rage and increase of Orenoque, and therefore deparced, and turned toward the West, till we had recovered the parting of the three branches aforesaid, that we might put down the stream after the galley. The ne●t day we landed on the Island of Assapano (which divideth the river from that branch by which we sent down to Emeria) and there feasted ourselves with that beast which is called Armadilla presented unto us before at Winicapora, and the day following we recovered the galley at anchor at the port of Toparimaca, The port of Toparimaca. & the same evening departed with very foul weather and terrible thunder, and showers, for the Winter was come on very far: the best was, we went no less than 100 miles a day, down the river: but by the way we entered, it was impossible to return, for that the river of Amana, being in the bottom of the bay of Guanipa, cannot be sailed back by any means, both the breeze and current of the sea were so forcible: and therefore we followed a branch of Orenoque called Capuri, which entered into the sea Eastward of our ships, to the end we might bear with them before the wound, and it was not without need, for we had by that way as much to cross of the main sea after we came to the rivers mouth, as between Gravelyn and Dover, in such boats as your Hon. hath herded. To sp●ake of what passed homeward were tedious, either to describe or name any of the rivers, Islands, or villages of the Tivitivas which devil on trees: we will leave all those to the gen●rall map: and to be short, wh●n we were arrived at the sea side, than grew our greatest doubt, and the bitterest of all our journey forepast, for I prot●st before God, that we were in a mo●t desperate estate: for the same night which we ankored in the mouth of the river of Capuri, wh●re it falls into the sea, there arose a mighty storm, and the rivers mouth was at lest a league broad, so as we ran before night close under the land with our small boats, and brought the Galley as near as we could, but she had as much a do to live as could be, and there wan●ed little of her sinking, and all those in her: for mine own part I confess, I was very doubtful which way to take, either to go over in the pestered Galley, there being but six foot water over the sands, for two leagues together, and that also in the channel, and she drawn five: or to adventure in s● great a billow, and in so doubtful weather, to cross the seas in my barge. The longer we tarried the worse it was, and therefore I took Captain Gifford, Captain Calfeild, and my coffer Greeneui●e into my barge; and after it cleared up, about midnight we put ourselves to Gods keeping, and thrust out into the sea, leaving the G●lley at anchor, who dared not adventure but b● daylight: And so being all very sober, and melancholy, one faintly cheering another to shew● courage, it pleased God that the next day about nine of the clock, we descried the Island o● Trinidad, and steering for the nearest part of it, we kept the shore till we came to Curi●pan, where we found our ships at anchor, than which there was never to us a more joyful sight. Now that it hath pleased God to send us safe to our ships, it is time to leave Guiana to the Sun, whom they worship, and steer away towards the North: I will therefore ●n a few words finish the discovery thereof. Of the several nations which we found upon this discovery I will once again make repetition, A rehea●●●● description o● all the na●ion and rivers ●ound in ●hi● discovery and how they are affected. At our first entrance into Amana, which is ●ne of the outlets of Orenoque, we l●ft on the right hand of us in the bottom of the bay, lying directly against Trinidad, a nation of inhuman Cannibals, which inhabit the rivers of Guanipa and Berbeese; in the same bay there is also a third river which is called Areo, which rises on Paria side towards Cumaná, and that river is inhabited with the Wikiri, whose chief town upon the said river is Sayma; In this bay there are no more rivers, bu● these three before rehearsed, and the four branches of Amana, all which in the Winter thrus● so great abundance of water into the sea, as the same is taken up fresh, two or three leagues from the land. In the passages towards Guiana (that is, in all those lands which the eight branches of Orenoque fashion into islands) there are but one sort of people called Tivitivas, but of two casts as they term them, the one called Ciawani, the other Waraweeti, and those warr● one with another. On the hithermost part of Orenoque, as at Toparimaca, and Winicapora, those are of a nation called Nepoios, and are of the followers of Carapana, Lord of Emeria. Between Winicapora and the port of Morequito which standeth in Aromaia, and all those in the valley of Amariocapana are called Orenoqueponi, and did obey Morequito, and are now followers of Topiawari. Upon the river of Caroli, are the Canuri, which are governed by a woman (who is inheritrix of that Province) who came far off to see our Nation, and asked me diverse questions of her Majesty, being much delighted with the discourse of h●r majesties greatness, and wondering at such reports as we truly made of her Highness many virtues. And upon the head of Caroli, and on the lake of Cassipa, are the three strong Nations of the Cassipagotos. Right South into the land are the Capurepani, and Emparepani, and beyond tho●e adjoining to Macureguarai (the first city of Inga) are the Iwarawakeri: all these are processed enemies to the Spaniards, and to the rich Epuremei also. To the West of Caroli are diu●rse nations of Cannibals, and of those Ewaipanoma without heads. Directly West are the Amapaias and Anebas, which are also marvelous rich in gold. The rest towards Peru we will omit. On the North of Orenoque, between it and the West Indies are the Wikiri, Saymi, and the rest before spoken of, all mortal enemies to the Spaniards. On the South side of the main mouth of Orenoque, are the Arwacas; and beyond them the Cannibals and to the South of them the Amazons. To make mention of the several beasts, birds, fish, first-fruits, flowers, gums, sweet woods, and of their several religions and customs, would for the first require as many volumes as those of Gesnerus, and for the rest another bundle of Decades. The religion of the Epuremei is the same which the Ingas, Emperors of Peru used, which may be read in Ci●ça, Ped●o d● Ci●●● and other Spanish stories, how they believe the immortality of the soul, worship the Sun, and bury with them alive their best beloved wives and treasure, as they likewise do in Pegu in the East Indies, and other places. The Orenoqueponi bury not their wives with them, but their jewels, hoping to enjoy them again. The Arwacas dry the bones of their Lords, and their wives and friends drink them in powder. In the graves of the Perunians the Spaniards found their greatest abundance of treasure: the like also is to be found among these people in every Province. They have all many wives, and the Lords-five fold to the common sort: their wives never eat with their husbands, nor among the men, but serve their husbands at meals, and afterwards feed by themselves. Those that are past their younger years, make all their bread and drink, and work their ●otten beds, and do all else of service and labour, for the men do nothing but hunt, fish, play, and drink, when they are out of the wars. I will enter no further into discouse of their manners, laws and customs: and because I have not myself seen the cities of Inga, I cannot avow on my credit what I have herded, although it be very likely, that the Emperor Inga hath built and erected as magnificent palaces in Guiana, as his ancestors did in Peru, which were for their riches and rareness most marvelous and exceeding all in Europe, and I think of the world, China excepted, which also the Spaniards (which I had) assured me to be true, as also the Nations of the borderers, who being but Saluages to those of the inland, do cause much treasure to be buried with them: for I was informed of one of the Cassiques of the valley of Amariocapana which had buried with him a little before our arrival, a chair of gold most curiously wrought, which was made either in Macureguaray adjoining, or in Manoa: but if we should have grieved them in their religion at the first, before they had been taught better, and have digged up their graves, we had lost them all: and therefore I held my first resolution, that her Majesty should either accept or refuse the enterprise, ere any thing should be done that might in any sort hinder the same. And if Peru had so many heaps of gold, whereof those Ingas were Princes, and that they delighted so much therein; no doubt but this which now liveth and reigneth in Manoa, hath the same honour, and I am assured hath more abundance of gold, Great riches. within his territory, than all Peru and the West Indies. For the rest, which myself have seen, I will promise' these things that follow, which I know to be true. Those that are desirous to discover and to see many nations, may be satisfied within this river, Exceeding commendation of the river of Ore●oque. which bringeth forth so many arms and branches leading to several countries, and provinces, above 2000 mile's East and West, and 800 mile's South and North, and of these, the most either rich in gold, or in other merchandises. The common soldier shall here fight for gold, and pay himself in steed of pennies, with plates of half a foot broad, whereas he breaketh his bones in other wars for pronant and penury. Those commanders and chieftains that shoot at honour and abundance, shall find there more rich and beautiful cities, more temples adorned with golden images, more sepulchers filled with treasure, then either Cortes found in Mexico, or Piçarro in Peru: and the shining glory of this conquest will eclipse all those so far extended beams of the Spanish nation. There is no country which yieldeth more pleasure to the inhabitants, either for those common delights of hunting, hawking, fishing, fowling, or the rest, than Guiana doth. It hath so many plains, clear rivers, abundance of Pheasants, Partridges, Quails, Rails, Cranes, Herons, and all other fowl: Dear of all sorts, Porkes, Hares, Lions, Tigers, Leopards, and divers other sorts of beasts, either for chase, or food. It hath a kind of beast called Cama, or Anta, as big as an English beef, and in great plenty. To speak of the several sorts of every kind, I fear would be troublesome to the Reader, and therefore I will omit them, and conclude that both for health, good air, pleasure, and riches I am resolved it cannot be equalled by any region either in the East or West. Moreover the country is so healthful, The holsomenesse of the country. as of an hundred people & more (which lay without shift most sluttishly, and were every day almost melted with heat in rowing and marching, and suddenly wet again with great showers, and did eat of all sorts of corrupt first-fruits, and made meals of fresh fish without seasoning, of Tortugas, of Lagartos or Crocodiles, and of all sorts good and bad, without either order or measure, and besides lodged in the open air every night) we lost not any one, nor had one ill disposed to my knowledge, nor found any Calentura, or other of those pestilent discases which devil in all hot regions, and so near the Equinoctial line. Gold. Where there is store of gold, it is in effect needless to remember other commodities for trade: but it hath towards the South part of the river, great quantities of Brasil-wood, and diverse berries that die a most perfect crimson and carnation: B●as●l wood. Excellent dies. And for painting, all France, Italy, or the East Indies yield none such: For the more the skin is washed, the fairer the colour appeareth, and with which, even those brown and tawny women spot themselves, and colour their cheeks. All places yield abundance of cotton, of silk, of balsamum, and of those kinds most excellent, and never known in Europe, of all sorts of gums, of Indian pepper: Cotton, silk, Balsamum, gums, and pepper. and what else the countries may afford within the land we know not, neither had we time to abide the trial, and search. The soil besides is so excellent and so full of rivers, as it will carry sugar, ginger, and all those other commodities, which the West Indies have. The navigation is short, for it may be sailed with an ordinary wind in six weeks, The short, easy, and commodious navigation to Guiana. and in the like time back again, and by the way neither lee shore, enemy's coast, rocks, nor sands, all which in the voyages to the West Indies, and all other places we are subject unto, as the channel of Bahama, coming from the West Indies, cannot well be passed in the Winter, & when it is at the best, it is a perilous and a fearful place. The rest of the Indies for calms, and diseases very troublesome, and the sea about the Bermudas a hellish sea for thunder, lightning, and storms. This very year 1595. there were seventeen sail of Spanish ships lost in the channel of Bahama, and the great Philip like to have sunk at the Bermudas was put back to Saint ivan de Puerto rico. And so it falls out in that Navigation every year for the most part, which in this voyage are not to be feared: for the rune of year to leave England is best in july, and the Summer in Guiana is in October, November, December, januarie, February, and March, and then the ships may departed thence in April, and so return again into England in june, so as they shall never be subject to Winter-weather, either coming, going, or staying there: which for my part, I take to be one of the greatest comforts and encouragements that can be thought on, having (as I have done) casted in this voyage by the West Indies so many calms, so much heat, such outrageous gusts, foul weather, and contrary winds. To conclude, Guiana is a country that hath yet her maidenhead, never sacked, turned, nor wrought, the face of the earth hath not been torn, nor the virtue and salt of the soil spent by manurance, the graves have not been opened for gold, the mines not broken with sledges, nor their Images pulled down out of their temples. It hath never been entered by any army of strength, and never conquered or possessed by any christian Prince. It is besides so defensible, that if two forts be builded in one of the Provinces which I have seen, the flood setteth in so near the bank, where the channel also lieth, that no ship can pass up but within a Pikes length of the artillery, first of the one, and afterwards of the other: Which two Forts will be a sufficient guard both to the Empire of Inga, and to an hundred other several kingdoms, lying within the said river, even to the city of Quito in Peru. There is therefore great difference between the easiness of the conquest of Guiana, and the defence of it being conquered, and the West or East Indies: Guiana hath but one entrance by the sea (if it hath that) for any vessels of burden: so as whosoever shall first possess it, it shall be found unaccessible for any enemy, except he come in Wherries, Barges, or Canoas', or else in flat bottomed boats, and if he do offer to enter it in that manner, the woods are so thick two hundred miles together upon the rivers of such entrance, as a mouse cannot sit in a boat unhit from the bank. By land it is more impossible to approach, for it hath the strongest situation of any region under the sun, and is so environed with impassable mountains on every side, as it is impossible to victual any company in the passage: which hath been well proved by the Spanish nation, who since the conquest of Peru have never left five years free from attempting this Empire, or discovering some way into it, and yet of three and twenty several Gentlemen, Knights, and Noblemen, there was never any that knew which way to lead an army by land, or to conduct ships by sea, any thing near the said country. Orellana, of whom the river of amazons taketh name, was the first, and Don Antonio de Berreo (whom we displanted) the last: and I doubt much, whether he himself or any of his yet know the best way into the said Empire. It can therefore hardly be regained, if any strength be formerly set down, but in one or two places, and but two or three crumsters or galleys built, and furnished upon the river within: The West Indies have many ports, watering places, and landings, and nearer than three hundred miles to Guiana, no man can harbour a ship, except he know one only place, which is not learned in haste, and which I will undertake there is not any one of my companies that knoweth, whosoever harkened most after it. Besides by keeping one good Fort, or building one town of strength, the whole Empire is guarded, and whatsoever companies shall be afterwards planted within the land, although in twenty several Provinces, those shall be able all to reunite themselves upon any occasion either by the way of one river, or be able to march by land without either wood, bog, or mountain: whereas in the West Indies there are few towns or Provinces that can secure or relieve one the other, either by land or sea: By land the countries are either desert, mountainous, or strong enemies: by sea, if any man invade to the Eastward, those to the West cannot in many months turn against the breeze and Eastern wound, besides the Spaniards are therein so dispersed, as they are no where strong, but in Nueva Espanna only: the sharp mountains, the thorns, and poisoned prickles, the sandy and deep ways in the valleys, the smothering heat and air, and want of water in other places are their only and best defence, which (because those nations that invade them are not victualled or provided to stay, neither have any place to friend adjoining) do serve them in steed of good arms and great multitudes. The West Indies were first offered her majesties grandfather by Columbus a stranger, in whom there might be doubt of deceit, and besides it was then thought incredible that there were such and so many lands & regions never written of before. This Empire is made known to her Majesty by her own vassal, and by him that owes to her more duty than an ordinary subject, so that it shall ill sort with the many graces and benefits which I have received to abuse her Highness, either with fables or imaginations. The country is already discovered, many nations won to her: majesties love and obedience, and those Spaniards which have latest and longest laboured about the conquest, beaten out, discouraged and disgraced, which among these nations were thought invincible. Her Majesty may in this enterprise employ all those soldiers and gentlemen that are younger brethren, and all captains and chieftains that want employment, and the charge will be only the first setting out in victualling and arming them: for after the first or second year I doubt not but to see in London a Contractation house of more receipt for Guiana, then there is now in Seville for the West Indies. And I am resolved that if there were but a small army a foot in Guiana, marching towards Manoa the chief city of Inga, he would yield to her Majesty by composition so many hundred thousand pounds yearly, as should both defend all enemies abroad, and defray all expenses at home, and that he would besides pay a garrison of three or four thousand soldiers very royally to defend him against other nations: For he cannot but know, how his predecessors, yea how his own great uncles Guascar and Atabalipa sons to Guainacapa Emperor of Peru, were (while they contended for the Empire) beaten out by the Spaniards, and that both of late years and ever since the said conquest, the Spaniards have sought the passages and entry of his country: and of their cruelties used to the borderers he cannot be ignorant. In which respects no doubt but he will be brought to tribute with great gladness, if not, he hath neither shot nor iron weapon in all his Empire, and therefore may easily be conquered. And I farther remember that Berreo confessed to me and others (which I protest before the Majesty of God to be true) that there was found among prophecies in Peru (at such time as the Empire was reduced to the Spanish obedience) in their chiefest temples, amongst divers others which foreshowed the loss of the said Empire, that from Inglatierra those Ingas should be again in time to come restored, and delivered from the servitude of the said Conquerors. And I hope, as we with these few hands have displanted the first garrison, and driven them out of the said country, so her Maiestie●will give order for the rest, and either defend it, and hold it as tributary, or conquer and keep it as Empress of the same. For whatsoever Prince shall possess it, shall be greatest, and if the king of Spain enjoy it, he will become unresistible. Her Majesty hereby shall confirm and strengthen the opinions of all nations, as touching her great and princely actions. And where the South border of Guiana reacheth to the Dominion and Empire of the Amazons, those women shall hereby hear the name of a virgin, which is not only able to defend her own territories and her neighbours, but also to invade and conquer so great Empires and so far removed. To speak more at this time, I fear would be but troublesome: I trust in God, this being true, will suffice, and that he which is King of all Kings and Lord of Lords, will put it into her heart which is Lady of Ladies to possess it, if not, I will judge those men worthy to be kings thereof, that by her grace and leave will undertake it of themselves. An abstract taken out of certain Spaniards letters concerning Guiana and the countries lying upon the great river Orenoque: with certain reports also touching the same. An advertisement to the Reader. THose letters out of which the abstracts following are taken, were surprised at sea as they were passing for Spain in the year 1594. by Captain George Popham: who the next year, and the same that Sir Walter Ralegh discovered Guiana, as he was in a voyage for the West Indies, learned also the reports annexed. All which, at his return, being two months after Sir Walter, as also so long after the writing of the former discourse, hearing also of his discovery: he made known and delivered to some of her majesties most honourable privy Council & others. The which seeing they confirm in some part the substance, I mean, the riches of that country: it hath been thought fit that they should be thereunto adjoined. Wherein the Reader is to be advertised, that although the Spaniards seem to glory much of their formal possession taken before Morequito the Lord of Aromaya, and others thereabouts, which thoroughly understood them not at that time, whatsoever the Spaniards otherwise pretend: yet, according to the former discourse, and as also it is related by Cayworaco, the son of Topiawary now chief Lord of the said Aromaya, who was brought into England by Sir Walter Ralegh, and was present at the same possession and discovery of the Spaniards mentioned in these letters; it appeareth that after they were go out of their country, the Indians then having farther consideration of the matter, and more than conjecture of their intent, having known and herded of their former cruelties upon their borderers and others of the Indians elsewhere: At their next coming, there being ten of them sent and employed for a farther discovery, they were provided to receive and entertain them in an other manner of sort than they had done before; that is to say, they slay them and buried them in the country so much sought. They gave them by that means a full and complete possession, the which before they had but begun. And so they are minded to do, to as many Spaniards as come after. Other possession they have had none since. Neither do the Indians mean, as they protest, to give them any other. One other thing to be remembered is that in these letters the Spaniards seem to call Guiana and other countries near it, bordering upon the river of Orenoque, by the name of Nuevo Dorado, because of the great plenty of gold there in most places to be found. Alluding also to the name of El Dorado which was given by Martinez to the great city of Manoa, as is in the former treatise specified. This is all I thought good to advertise. As for some other matters, I leave them to the consideration and judgement of the indifferent Reader. W. R. Letters taken at sea by Captain George Popham. 1594. Alonso his letter from the Gran Canaria to his brother being commander of S. Lucar, concerning El Dorado. THere have been certain letters received here of late, of a land newly discovered called Nuevo Dorado, from the sons of certain inhabitants of this city, who were in the discovery: they writ of wonderful riches to be found in the said Dorado, and that gold there is in great abundance: the course to fall with it is fifty leagues to the windeward of Margarita. Alonso's letter from thence to certain Merchants of Sant Lucar concerning El Dorado. SIrs, we have no news worth the writing, saving of a discovery lately made by the Spaniards in a new land called Nuevo Dorado, which is two days sailing to the windward of Margarita: there is gold in such abundance, as the like hath not been herded of. We have it for certain in letters written from thence by some that were in the discovery, unto their parents here in this city. I purpose (God willing) to bestow ten or twelve days in search of the said Dorado, as I pass in my voyage towards Carthagena, hoping there to make some good sale of our commodities. I have sent you therewith part of the information of the said discovery, that was sent to his Majesty. Part of the Copy that was sent to his Majesty, of the discovery of Nuevo Dorado. IN the river of Pato otherwise called Orenoque, in the principal part thereof called Warismero● the 23 of April 1593. Domingo de vera master of the camp, and General for Antonio de Berreo Governor and Captain general for our lord the king, betwixt the rivers of Pato and Papamene alias Orenoque, and Marannon, and of the Island of Trinidad, in presence of me Rodrigo de Carança Register for the sea, commanded all the soldiers to be drawn together and put in order of battle, the Captains and soldiers, and Master of the camp standing in the midst of them, said unto them: Sirs, Soldiers, and Captains, you understand long since that our General Antonio de Berreo, with the travel of eleven years, and expense of more than an hundred thousand pesoes of gold, discovered the royal Provinces of Guiana and Dorado: of the which he took possession to governs the same, but through want of his people's health, and necessary munition, he issued ●ut at the Island Magarita, and from thence peopled Trinidad. But now they have sent me to learn out and discover the ways most easily to enter, and to people the said Provinces, and where the camps and armies may best enter the same. By reason whereof I intent so to do in the name of his Majesty, and the said governor Antonio de Berreo, and in token thereof I require you Francis Carillo, that you aid me to advance this cross that lieth here on the ground, which they set on end towards the East, and the said Master of the camp, the captains and soldiers kneeled down, and did due reverence vn●o the said cross, and thereupon the master of the camp took a bowl of water and drank it off, and took more and threw abroad on the ground: he also drew out his sword and cut the grass of the ground, and the boughs of the trees saying, I take this possession in the name of the king Don Philip our master, and of his Governor Antonio de Berreo: and because some make question of this possession, to them I answer, that in these our actions was present the Cassique or principal Don Antonio, otherwise called Morequito, whose land this was, who yielded consent to the said possession, was glad thereof, and gave his obedience to our lord the king, and in his name to the said Governor Antonio de Berreo. And the said master of the camp● kneeled down being in his liberty, and all the Captains and souldi●rs said, that the possession was well taken, and that they would defend it with their lives, upon whosoever would say the contrary. And the said master of the camp having his sword drawn in his hand said unto me: Register, that art here present, give me an instrument or testimonial to confirm me in this possession, which I have taken of this land, for the Governor Antonio de Berreo, and if it be needful I will take it a new. And I require you all that are present to witness the same, and do further declare that I will go on, taking the possession of all these lands wheresoever I shall enter. Signed thus. Domingo de vera, and underneath, Before me Rodrigo de Carança, Register of the army. ANd in prosecution of the said possession, and the discovery of the way and Provinces, the 27 of Apr●l of the said year, the master of the camp entered by little and little with all the camp and men of war, more than two leagues into the inland, and came to a town of a principal and conferring with him did let him understand by means of Antonio Bisame the Interpreter, that his Majesty and Antonio de Berreo had sent him to take the said possession. And the said friar Francis Carillo by the Interpreter, delivered him certain things of our holy Catholic faith, ●o all which he answered, that they understood him w●ll and would become Christians, and that w●th ● v●ry good will they should advance the cross, in what part or place of the town it pleased the●, for he was for the Governor Antonio de Berreo, who was his master. Thereupon the said master of the camp took a great cross, and set it on end toward the East, and requested the whole camp to witness it, and Domingo de vera firmed it thus. It is well and firmly done. And underneath. Before me Rodrigo Carança, Register of the army. THe first of May they prosecuted the said possession and discovery to the town on Carapana. From thence the said Master of the camp passed to the town of Toroco whose principal is called Topiawary being five leagues farther within the land then the first Nation, and well inhabited. And to this principal by mean of the Interpreter they gave to understand that his Majesty and the said Corregidor commanded them to take the possession of that land, and that th●y should yield their obedience to his Majesty, and to his Corregidor, ●nd to the master of the camp in his name, and that in token thereof he would place a cross in the middle of his town. Whereunto the said Cassique answered they should advance it with a very good will, and that he remained in the obedience of our lord the king, and of the said Governor Antonio de Berreo whose vassal he would be. The fourth of May we came to a Province above five leagues thence, of all sides inhabited with much people, the principal of this people came and met us in peaceable manner: and he is called Revato, he brought us to a very large house where he entertained us well, and gave us ●s much Gold, and the interpreter ask him from whence that gold was, he answered. From a Province not passing a days journey off, where there are so many Indians as would shadow the sun, and so much Gold as all yonder plain will not contline it. In which Country (when they enter into the Borracheras or their drunken feasts) they take of the said Gold in d●st and anoint themselves all over therewith to make the braver show; and to the end the Gold may cover them, they anoint their bodies with stamped herbs of a glowy substance: & they have war with those Indians. They promised us that if we would go unto them, they would aid us; but they were such infinite numbers, as no doubt they would kill us. And being asked how they got the same Gold, they told us they went to a certain D●wne or plain, and pulled or digged up the grass by the root: which done, they took of the earth, putting it in great buckets, which they carried to wash at the river, and that which came in powder they kept for their Borra●heras or drunken feasts: and that which was in pieces they wrought into Eagles. The ●ight of May we went from thence, and marched about five leagues: at the foot of a Hill we found a principal called Arataco with three thousand Indians, men and women all in pe●ce and with much victual, as Hens and Uenison in great abundance, and many sorts of wine. He entreated us to go to his house, and to rest that night in his Town, being of five hundred houses. The interpreter asked whence he had those Hens: he said they were brought from a mountain not passing a quarter of a league thence, where were many Indians, ye● so many as grass on the ground, and that these men had the points of their shoulders higher thenche Crowns of their heads, and h●d so many Hens as was wonderful; and if we would have any, we should sand them jews haps, for they would give for eu●ry one two Hens. We took an Indian, and gave him five hundred haps; the Hens were so many that he brought us, as were not to be numbered. We said we would go thither; they told us they were now in their Borracheras or drunken feasts, and would kill us. We asked the Indian that brought the Hens, if it were true; he said it was most true. We asked him how they made their Borracheras or drunken feasts; he said, they had many Eagles of gold hanging on their breasts, and Pearls in their ears, and that they danced being all covered with Gold. The Indian said unto us, if we would see them, we should give h●m some Hatchets, and he would bring us of those Eagles. The Master of the Camp gave him one Hatchet (he would give him no more because they should not understand we went to seek gold) he brought us an Eagle that weighed 27. pounds of good Gold. The Master of the Camp took it, and showed it to the soldiers, and then threw it from him, making show not to regard it. About midnight came an Indian and said unto him, Give me a Pickeate, and I will tell thee what the Indians with the high shoulders mean to do. Indians with high shoulders. The Interpreter told the Master of the Camp, who commanded one to be given him: he than told us, those Indians were coming to kill us for our merchandise. Hereupon the Master of the Camp caused his company to be set in order, and began to march. The eleventh day of May we went about seven leagues from thence to a Province, where we found a great company of Indians appareled: they told us that if we came to fight, they would fill up those Plains with Indians to fight with us; but if we came in peace, we should enter and be well entertained of them, because they had a great desire to see Christians: and there they told us of all the riches that was. I do not here set it down, because there is no place for it, but it shall appear by the information that goeth to his Majesty: for if it should here be set down, four leaves of paper would not contain it. The Letter of George Burien Britton from the said Canaries unto his cousin a French man dwelling in S. Lucar, concerning El Dorado. SIr, and my very good cousin, there came of late certain Letters from a new discovered country not far from Trinidad, which they writ, hath Gold in great abundance: the news seemeth to be very certain, because it passeth for good amongst the best of this City. Part of the information of the Discovery that went to his Majesty, goeth enclosed in Alonso's letters; it is a thing worth the seeing. The report of Domingo Martinez of jamaica concerning El Dorado. HE saith that in 1593. being at Carthagena, there was a general report of a late discovery called Nuevo Dorado, and that a little before his coming thither, there came a Frigate from the said Dorado, bringing in it the portraiture of a Giant all of Gold, of weight 47. kintals, which the Indians there held for their Idol. But now admitting of Christianity and obedience to the King of Spain, they sent their said Idol unto him in token they were become Christians, and held him for their King. The company coming in the said Frigate, reported Gold to be there in most abundance, Diamonds of inestimable value, with great store of pearl. The report of a French man called Bountillier of Sherbrouke, concerning Trinidad and Dorado. 1591. HE says that being at Trinidad in 1591. he had of an Indian there a piece of Gold of a quarter of a pound in exchange of a knife; the said Indian told him he had it at the head of that river which cometh to Paracoa in Trinidad: Paraco●. and that within the River of Orenoque, it was in great abundance. Also in 1593. being taken by the Spanyardes, and brought prisoner into the Island of Madera (the place for his prison) there came in this mean time a Bark of sortie Tons from a new Discovery, with two million of Gold; the company whereof reported Gold in that place to be in great abundance, and called it El Nuevo Dorado. This Frenchman passed from Spain in the Bark, and having a cabin near a gentleman, one of the Discoverers that came from that place in the said Bark, had divers times conference with him, and amongst other things, of the great abundance of Gold in the said Dorado, being as they said within the river of Orenoque. Reports of certain Merchants of Rio de Hacha, concerning El Nuevo Dorado. THey said (advancing the kings great treasure in the Indies) that Nuevo Reyno yielded very many Gold mines, and wonderful rich; but lately was discovered a certain Province so rich in Gold, as the report thereof may seem incredible, it is there in such abundance, and is called El Nuevo Dorado: Antonio de Berreo made the said discovery. The report of a Spaniard, Captain with Berreo in the discovery of El Nuevo Dorado. THat the information sent to the King was in every point truly said, that the river Orenoque hath seven mouths, or outlets into the sea, called Las Siete bocas de dragon, that the said river runneth far into the land, in many places very broad, and that Anth. de Berreo lay at Trinidad, making head to go to conquer and people the said Dorado. A Relation of the second Voyage to Guiana, performed and written in the year 1596. by Laurence Keymis Gent. TO THE APPROVED, RIGHT VALOROUS, AND worthy Knight, Sir Walter Ralegh, Lord warden of the Stanneries, Captain of her majesties Guard, and her highness Lieutenant general of the County of Cornwall. I Have here briefly set down the effect of this your second Discovery without any enlargement of made words: for in this argument, single speech best beseemeth a simple truth. Where the affinity of the matter with your person, leadeth me to writ of yourself, unto yourself, that small liberty which I have therein used, shall, I doubt not, without offence or sinister construction, be given to the cause in hand: which, whether it suffer not detriment, by attributing less than of right belongeth; the judgement be there's, that uprightly and indifferently shall weigh the consequents of their evil purpose, who in seeking to detract from the Author of these Discoveries, do so much as in them lieth, wound, deface, & tread under foot the thing itself. But this is no novelty, nor proper only to these our days. For long since it hath been said, Pericles. Laudes eo usque sunt tolerabiles, donec ea dicuntur● quae auditores se quoque facere posse existimant: simaior a proferantur, invident, non credunt. The fervent zeal & loyalty of your mind in labour with this birth of so honourable expectation, as it hath deserved a recompense far different, so needeth it not my poor suffrage to endear the toil, care and danger that you have willingly undergone for the good and advancement of our weal public. The praise-worthinesse thereof doth approve itself, and is better read in your living doings, then in my dead unregarded papers. All that I can wish, is that my life were a sufficient pledge, to justify, how much more easy, and more material, the course for Guiana would be then others, which requiring greater charge, yield not so large benefit, and are subject to more doubtful events. If unto their wisdoms who sit in place and authority, it shall appear otherwise, and that in following of other attempts there is less difficulty, certainer profit, and need-fuller offence unto the enemy: the cost and travail which you have bestowed, shall not, I hope, be altogether lost, if unto your Honour I can prove how, and where the amendss is to be had, maugre the force and prevention of all Spaniards. Your Lordships to be commanded in all service, LAURENCE KEYMIS. To the Favourers of the Voyage for Guiana. IN things earnestly desired, though never so likely, we are still suspicious: thinking it more credit to our common wisdom, to discredit most noble and profitable endeavours with distrust, then touch to our valours and safeties, to lie wilfully idle. So that howsoever an action well and judicially attempted, be esteemed half performed; yet is this my jealous conceit concerning Guiana, that nothing is begun, before all be ended. In this regard (gentle Reader) I have presumed to burden thy ears with the weak plea of a good cause, and in stead of opening it thoroughly to thy prudent consideration, to note only mine own unsatisfied affection: hoping that because I do name Guiana unto thee, thou will't vouchsafe hoc nomine, to vail and cover all other my defects in the desert of a good meaning. In publishing this Treatise, my labour principally tendeth to this end; to remove all fig-leaves from our unbelief, that either it may have cause to shake off the colourable pretences of ignorance: or if we will not be persuaded; that our self-will may rest inexcusable. They that shall apply, and construe this my doing, to serve the Spaniard his turn so well as our own; in so much as it may seem to instruct, warn, and arm him: for their satisfaction herein, they must not be ignorant, that his eyes, in seeing our shipping there, do as effectually inform him, that many of our hearts are toward that place, as if it should be credibly advertised by some corrupt hireling, that we think, writ, and discourse of nothing else. Neither can I imagine, that to conceal our knowledge herein (which to conceal may perhaps prove, & be hereafter taken for worse than parricide) would be of better purpose, then to hoodwink ourselves, as who would say, No man shall see us. Besides, if the action were wholly to be effected at her majesties charge; then might it at her highness pleasure be shadowed with some other drift, and never be discovered, until it were acted. But since it craveth the approbation and purses of many Adventurers, who cannot be so prodigal both of their possessions and lives, as voluntarily to run themselves out of breath, in pursuing they know not what: great reason it is, that where assistance is to be asked, due causes be yielded to persuade & induce them unto it. The Spaniard is not so simple, unsettled, & uncertain in his determinations, as to build them on our breath, or to make our papers his Bulwarks; nor so slow as to expect a precedent of our forwardness. His proceed are sufficiently strengthened with the travails, reports, & substantial proofs of his own men, that have above 60. years beaten round about this bush. And to say a truth, the expedition that he hath used in sending so many ships in February last to people this country, & disappoint us; as it doth consequently show, that he finds his chiefest force and sinews to consist in gold: so doth he thereby plainly to our faces exprobrate our remissness & long deliberations, that in 12. months space have done, or sought to do nothing worthy the ancient fame & reputation of our English nation, interested in so weighty business. * In june 1596 His late provision of a new supply of whole families to the number of 600. people, bond for Guiana, but that it pleased God, that by means of that right honourable service most resolutely performed in the sea-fight, and sacking of Cadiz, the ships wherein they should have been conveyed, were converted into ashes: what might it signify? Certes, as it doth evidently prove, that El Dorado hath undoubted credit & accounted in their judgements: so pointeth it at us, whilst we only to entertain idle time, sit listening for Guiana news, & instantly forget it, as if it were naught else, but a pleasing dream of a golden fancy. If we with ourselves shall expostulate, how this cometh to pass, that the advantage wholly resting on our side, in respect that Berreo was this last year beaten out, the country thoroughly discovered, & the Inhabitants made desirous of her sacred majesties happy government; they notwithstanding by entering before us, have now got the start of us: what may we think? Shall we judge that their native country is less dear, or more wearisome unto them, than ours is unto us? Their Peruleri, who going bore & empty out of Spain, do again within 3. or 4. years return from Peru, rich and in good estate, do apparently disprove all such conceits of them. Shall we say that they have more spare men to be employed in such actions? It is no secret to know the contrary. Are they subject to perjury? In all parts of Christendom, where money is not scant, all other things are plentiful. Or is their land not able to sustain their numbers of people? They buy many slaves to follow their husbandry, & themselves disdaining base idleness & beggary, do all honour military profession, highly esteeming it in their mercenaries and strangers. Is it then want of ability, in those that are willing, lack of encouragement, or default of speedy order and direction for those that do voluntarily offer themselves, their substance, & best endeavour to further this cause; that maketh us to be thus coated of the Spaniard? The first is no question. The later needeth no answer. The profit then by their example to be gathered, is, not to lose opportunity by delay, or to seem fearful and dismayed, where there is no cause of doubt. For as yet their post-haste doth no way prejudice our advised leisure in setting forward, since their preparations of Negroes to work in the mines, their horses, cattle, and other necessaries may (by the favour of God) at our first coming, both store us with quantities of gold oar, and ease us of much trouble, pains, and travail. If we should suppose ourselves now to live in the days of King Henry the seventh of famous memory, and the strange report of a West Indies, or new world abounding with great treasure should entice us to believe it: perhaps it might be imputed for some blame to the gravity of wise men, lightly to be carried with the persuasion and hope of a new found Utopia, by such a one as Columbus was, being an alien, and many ways subject to suspicion. But since the penance of that incredulity lieth even now heavy on our shoulders; the example forethreatning, I know not what repentance: and that we have the personal trial of so honourable and sufficient a Reporter, our own Countryman: let it be far from us to condemn ourselves in that, which so worthily we reprove in our predecessors; and to let our idle knowledge content itself with naked contemplation, like a barren womb in a Monastery. We cannot deny that the chief commendation of virtue doth consist in action: we truly say, that Otium is animae vinae sepultura: we believe, that perfect wisdom in this mobility of all humane affairs, refuseth not with any price to purchase safety: and we justly do acknowledge that the Castilians from barelegged mountainers have attained to their greatness by labour & industry. To sleep then, because it costeth nothing; to embrace the present time, because it flattereth us with deceitful contentment; and to kiss security, saying, What evil happeneth unto us? is the plain high way to a fearful downfall: from which the Lord in his mercy deliver us, and give us an understanding heart, in time to see, and to seek that, which belongeth unto our peace. De Guiana carmen Epicum. WHat work of honour and eternal name, For all the world t'enuie and us t'achieve, Fills me with fury, and glues armed hands To my heart's peace, that else would gladly turn My limbs and every sense into my thoughts Rapt with the thirsted action of my mind? OH Clio, honours Muse, sing in my voice, Tell the attempt, and prophecy th'exploit Of his Elsza-consecrated sword, That in this peaceful charm of England's sleep, Opens most tenderly her aged throat. Offering to power fresh youth through all her veins, That flesh of brass and ribs of steeele retains. Riches, and Conquest, and Renown I sing, Riches with honour, Conquest without blood, Enough to seat the Monarchy of earth, Like to Jove's Eagle on Eliza's hand. Guiana, whose rich feet are mines of gold, Whose forehead knocks against the roof of Stars, Stands on her tiptoes at fair England looking, Kissing her hand, bowing her mighty breast, And every sign of all submission making, To be her sister, and the daughter both Of our most sacred Maid: whose barrenness Is the true fruit of virtue, that may get, Bear and bring forth anew in all perfection, What heretofore savage corruption held In barbarous Chaos; and in this affair Become her father, mother, and her heir. Then most admired Sovereign, let your breath Go forth upon the waters, and created A golden world in this our iron age, And be the prosperous forewind to a Fleet, That seconding your last, may go before it In all success of profit and renown: Doubt not but your election was divine, (Aswell by Fate as your high judgement ordered) To raise him with choice Bounties, that could add Height to his height; and like a liberal vine, Not only bear his virtuous fruit aloft, Free from the Press of squint-eyed envies feet, But deck his gracious Prop with golden bunches, And shroud it with broad leaves of Rule over grown From all black tempests of invasion. Those Conquests that like general earthquakes shook The solid world, and made it fall before them, Built all their brave attempts on weaker grounds, And less persuasive likelihoods than this; Nor was there ever princely Fount so long Poured forth a sea of Rule with so free course, And such ascending Majesty as you: Then be not like a rough and violent wound, That in the morning rends the Forests down, Shoves up the seas to heaven, makes earth to tremble, And tombs his wasteful bravery in the Even: But as a river from a mountain running, The further he extends, the greater grows, And by his thrifty race strengthens his stream, Even to join battle with th'imperious sea Disdaining his repulse, and in despite Of his proud fury, mixeth with his main, Taking on him his titles and commands: So let thy sovereign Empire be increased, And with Iberian Neptune part the stake, Whose Trident he the triple world would make. You then that would be wise in Wisdoms spite, Directing with discredit of direction, And hunt for honour, hunting him to death. With whom before you will inherit gold, You will lose gold, for which you lose your souls; You that choose naught for right, but certainty, And fear that valour will get only blows, Placing your faith in Incredulity. Sat till you see a wonder, Virtue rich: Till Honour having gold, rob gold of honour, Till as men hate desert that getteth naught, They loathe all getting that deserves not aught; And use you gold-made men as dregs of men; And till your poisoned souls, like Spiders lurking In sluttish chinks, in mists of Cobwebs hide Your foggy bodies, and your dunghill pride. OH Incredulity, the wit of Fools, ●hat slovenly will spit on all things fair, The Coward's castle, and the Sluggards cradle How easy 'tis to be an Infidel? But you Patrician Spirits that refine You● flesh to fire, and issue like a flame On brave endeavours, knowing that in them The tract of heaven in morne-like glory opens, That know you cannot be the Kings of earth, (Claiming the Rights of your creation) And let the mines of earth be Kings of you; That are so far from doubting likely drifts, That in things hardest you're most confident: You that know death lives, where power lives v●usde, joying to shine in waves that bury you, And so make way for life even through your graves; That will not be content like horse to hold A threadbare beaten way to home affairs: But where the sea in envy of your reign, Closeth her womb, as fast as 'tis disclosed, That she like Avarice might swallow all, And let none found right passage through her rage: There your wise souls as swift as Eurus lead Your Bodies through, to profit and renown, And scorn to let your bodies choke your souls, In the rude breath and prisoned life of beasts: You that herein renounce the course of earth, And lift your eyes for guidance to the stars, That live not for yourselves, but to possess Your honoured country of a general store; In pity of the spoil rude self-love makes, Of them whose lives and yours one air doth feed, One soil doth nourish, and one strength combine; You that are blest with sense of all things noble, In this attempt your complete woorthes redouble. But how is Nature at her heart corrupted, (I mean even in her most ennobled birth) How in excess of Sense is Sense bereft her! That her most lightening-like effects of lust Wound through her flesh, her soul, her flesh unwounded; And she must need incitements to her good, Even from that part she hurts! OH how most like Art thou (heroic Author of this Act) To this wronged soul of Nature, that sustainst Pain, charge, and peril for thy countries good, And she much like a body numbed with surfeits, Feels not thy gentle applications For the health, use, and honour of her powers! Yet shall my verse through all her ease-lockt ears Trumpet the Noblesse of thy high intent: And if it cannot into act proceed, The fault and bitter penance of the fault Make read some others eyes with penitence, For thy are clear; and what more nimble spirits, Apt to bite at such unhooked baits, Gain by our loss; that must we needs confess Thy princely valour would have purchased us. Which shall be fame eternal to thy name, Though thy contentment in thy grave desires, Of our advancement, fail deserved effect. OH how I fear thy glory which I love, Lest it should dearly grow by our decrease. Nature's that stick in golden-graveld springs, In mucke-pits cannot scape their swallowing. But we shall forth I know; Gold is our Fate, Which all our acts doth fashion and created. Then in the Thespiads bright Prophetic Fount, Mendoza thinks I see our Liege rise from her throne, Her ears and thoughts in steep amaze erected, At th● most rare endeavour of her power. And now she blesseth with her wonted Grace's Th'industrious Knight, the soul of this exploit, Dismissing him to convoy of his stars. And now for love and honour of his worth, Our twise-borne Nobles bring him Bridegroom-like, That is espoused for virtue to his love With feasts and music, ravishing the air, To his Argolian Fleet, where round about His bating Colours English valour swarmed In haste, as i● Guianian Orenoque With his Fell waters fallen upon our shore. And now a wound as forward as their spirits, Sets their glad feet on smooth Guianas' breast, Where (as if each man were an Orpheus) A world of Savages fall tame before them. Storing their theft-free treasuries with gold, And there doth plenty crown their wealthy fields, There Learning eats no more his thriftless books, Nor Valour Ostrich-like his iron arms. There Beauty is no strumpet for her wants, Nor Gallique humours putrify her blood: But all our Youth take Hymen's lights in hand, And fill each roof with honoured progeny. There makes Society Adamantine chains, And joins their hearts with wealth, whom wealth disioin'd● There healthful Recreations strew their meads, And make their mansions dance with neighbourhood, That here were drowned in churlish Avarice. And there do Palaces and temples rise Out of the earth, and kis●e th'enamored skies, Where new Britannia humbly kneels to heaven, The world to her, and, both at her blessed feet, In whom the Circles of all Empire meet. G. C. Ad Thomam Hariotum Matheseos, & universae Philosophiae peririssimum, de Guiana Carmen. Dat. Anno. 1595. MOntibus est Regio, quasi muris, obsita, mul●●s: Circumsepit aquis quos Raleana suis. Intus habet largos Guaiana recessus: hostili gestans libera colla iugo. Hispanus clivis illis sudavit, & alsit septem annos, novies: nec tamen invaluit. Numen● & omen inest numeris. Fatale sit illi: Et nobis virtus sit recidiva, precor. Gualtero patefacta via est duce & auspice Ralegh Mense uno: o factum hoc nomine quo celebrem? Nocte dieque, datis velis● remisque laborans, Exegit summae dexteritatis opus. Scilicet expensis magnis non ille pepercit, Communi natus consuluisse bono. Providus excubuit simili discrimine joseph: Sic fratres, fratrem deseruêre suum: Fama coloratam designet sibona, vestem: Vestis Scissa malis sic fuit illa modis. Miraleges. Auresque animumque tuum arrige● Tellus Haec aurum, & gemmas graminis instar, habet. Ver ibi perpetuum est: ibi prodiga terra quotannis Luxuriat, sola fertilitate nocens. Anglia nostra licet di●es sit, & undique foelix: Anglia● siconfers, indigna frugis erit. Expertes capitum, volucres● piscesque ferasque Praetereo: haud prosunt, quae novitate, placent. Est ibi, vel nusquam● quod quaerimus. Ergo petamus: Debt Deus, hanc Canaan possideamus. Amen. Tui Amantiss. L. K. The second voyage to Guiana. Monday the 26. of january, in the year of our Lord 1596. we departed from Portland road, in the Darling of London, having in company the Discoverer, a small pinnace, whom we lost at sea, in foul weather, the Thursday next following. Friday the 13. of February, we fallen with the Canary Islands, They fall with the Canary Isles. where we expected our pinnace, according to our appoyntmemt, seven or eight days. Here we took two boats, the one a passenger, we bulged, the other we towed at our ship stern, steering Southsouthwest for the Islands of Cape Verde. Cape Verde. Therehence we set sail the 28. of February, keeping a Westsouthwest course. In this passage we found very smooth seas, fair weather, and steady winds, blowing ordinarily between the East and Northeast points. Near 30. leagues from these Islands, we came into a grown sea, the swollen waters making a strange noise & hurtling together, as if it might be two strong currents encountering each other. The 12. of March we sounded, and had sandy ground in 47. fathom. At midnight in twelve fathom we came to an anchor, the ground sandy oaze. Sunday the 14. towards night, about some si●e leagues from the shore, we descried a low land in the bottom of a Bay. From the 9 of March vn●●ll this time, we kept for the most part a Southsouthwest course. The water in this place is smooth, but muddy, and the colour read or t●wny. From the Westermost of the Cape Verde-Islands unto this Bay I do estimate the distance to be near 550. leagues. It seemed to most of our seamen, to be the very bank of a should upon a lee-shore: the rather because without it, in the clean green sea we had but 7. fathom depth: but after by proof finding that there is no sudden alteration in any part of the coast, and that the sea is smoothest near the land, we always at night sought to anchor in three or four fathom. And doubtless as the hand of God is wonderful in all his works: A ●o●able ●●●●●●●ion. so herein his merciful providence is most admirable, that upon a lee-shore subject unto a perpetual Easterly gale, neither much wound can endanger shipping, by reason that the foul heavy water is not capable of vehement motion, and the soft light oaze, if they touch, cannot bruise them: nor is there any jeopardy in being wind-bound, or embayed: for the most forcible winds make the greatest flood-tides, whereby the freshets when they take their ordinary course of ebb, do grow strong and swift, setting directly off to sea against the wound. We by turning went clear of all Bays: howbeit in this case, as also in the rivers, the use of a drove sail seemeth a good and ready help. The first place wherein we ankered, was in the mouth of Arrowari, Th●y ankrapp the mouth o● Arrowar● si●● a●● in one deg. 40. m●●ute●. a fair and great river. It standeth in one degree and forty minutes: for we fallen so far to the Southwards by your lordship's direction. The bar without hath at the lest three fathom, at the shoaldest place, when it is low ebb. The depth within is eight and ten fathom. The water always brackish. We found not any inhabitants in this place near the sea coast. I omit here to recite the names of the nations that are borderers, their towns, Captains and commodities that their countries do yield, as also the sounding, tides, and how the coast lieth etc. thinking it fittest to reduce these disjoined and scattered remembrances to one place. As we passed we always kept the shore within view and stopped the floods, still ankering at night in three or four fathom. When we came to the North headland of this Bay (which we named Cape Cecyl) we saw two high mountains like two Islands, but they join with the main. In this tract lying Northnorthwest near 60. leagues, there fall into the sea these several great rivers, Arrowari, Iwaripoco, Maipari, Coanawini, Caipurogh. We ankered in two fathom not far from these hills, and filled all out cask with fresh water by the ship side, A sea o● fres● water. for in the sea thirty miles from the mouth of any river it is fresh and good. This second Bay extendeth itself above thirty leagues to the Westward, and containeth within it these rivers Arcooa, Wiapoco, Wanari, Caparwacka, Cawo, Caian, Wia, Macuria, Cawroor, Curaslawini. Here leaving the ship at anchor, I took into the boat john Provost, my Indian Interpreter, john Linsey, and eight or nine others, intending to search some of these rivers, and to seek speech with the Indians. In Wiapoco, at the foot of the Eastermost mountain, where the river falls into the sea, we found twenty or thirty houses, but not inhabited. We stayed there but one night. Wanari we overpassed, because the entrance is rocky and not deep. In Caperwacka we sailed some forty miles, but could see no Indian. At one of their ports under the side of a hill, we took in so much brasil wood as our boat could carry. Among other trees we cut down one for an example, which I do verily believe to be the same sort of cinnamon, which is found in the straits of Magellan. From Caperwacka we passed to Cawo, and there met with a Canoa, wherein were two Indians. It was long time before we could procure them to come near us, for they doubted lest we were Spanish. When my interpreter had persuaded them the contrary, and that we came from England, they without farther speech or delay, brought us to Wareo their Captain, who entertained us most friendly, and then at large declared unto us, that he was lately chased by the Spaniards from Moruga, one of the neighbour rivers to Raleana, or Orenoque: and that having burned his own house's, and destroyed his fruits and gardens, he had left his country and towns to be possessed by the Arwaccas, who are a vagabond nation of Indians, which finding no certain place of abode of their own, do for the most part serve and follow the Spaniards. He showed me that he was of the nation of the jaos, The jaos a mighty nation. who are a mighty people, and of a late time were Lords of all the sea coast so far as Trinidad, which they likewise possessed. Howbeit, that with a general consent, when the Spaniards first began to borrow some of their wives, they all agreed to change their habitation, and do now live united for the most part towards the river of Amazons. But the especial cause of his present remove was, because two or three years past, twenty Spaniards came to his town, and sought to take his best wife from him: but before they carried her away, he at time and place of advantage killed half of them: the rest fled, most of them sore hurt. Now in this case he thought it best to devil far enough from them. Your Indian pilot Ferdinando, Ferdin●ndo the Indian pilots of sir Walter Ralegh. who conducted you by Amana, and now abideth near the head of Des●ekebe, is one of this man's subjects: By whom (as it may seem) he hath taken good notice of our princess and country. For he descended more particularly to inquire what forces were come with us, assuring me of the Spaniards being in Trinidad, and that the Indians our friends betwixt hope and fear, have earnestly expected our return from England these four or five months. When I had answered him, that at our departure we left no Spaniards alive to annoyed them; that we now came only to discover, and trade with them; and that if her Majesty should have sent a power of men, where no enemy was to resist, the Indians might perhaps imagine, that we came rather to invade, then to defend them: He replied, that this course very well sorted with the report which they had herded of our Princess justice, rare graces, and virtues: the fame of whose power in being able to vanguish the Spaniards, and singular goodness in undertaking to secure and defend the afflicted Indians, was now so general, that the nations far and near were all agreed to join with us, and by all means possible to ass●st us in expelling and rooting out the Spaniards from all parts of the land: and that we were deceived, if we thought this country not large enough to receive us, without molestation or intrusion upon the Indians, who wanted not choice of dwelling places, if they forsook one to live in another: but stood in need of our presence at all times to aid them, and maintain their liberty, which to them is dearer than land or living. He then farther desired, that he with his people might have our favour against the Arwaccas, who not being content to enjoy their grounds and houses, had taken from them many of their wives and children, the best of whose fortune was, if they lived, to live in perpetual slavery under the Spaniards. We put him in good hope and comfort thereof. And he to deserve some part of this friendship, commended unto us an elderly man to be our Pilot in bringing us to Raleana. When we were ready to departed, he demanded whether we wanted any Vrapo, Brasil wood. which is the wood, that is usually carried from these parts to Trinidad in Canoas', and is there sold to the French for trade: he offered, if we would bring our ship near his port, to put in her lading thereof. But because most of our cask was not yron-bound, and in making stowage-way to remove it, would have been the loss of our Cider and other drink; I therefore referred the taking of any quantity to fit opportunity: thinking it sufficient at this time, to have only my boats lading thereof: which afterwards in extremity of foul weather, before we could get aboard our ship, we were enforced in a dark night to heave all overboard: thinking ourselves happy, to have recovered thither at seven days end, with safety of life only. All which time we could no where set foot on shore, but rested day and night wet and weather beaten in our covertlesse boat, which was sometimes ready to sink under us. For we had in this place without comparison more rain, wound, and gusts, than else where at any time. To be brief, my men become weak and sick, and if we had stayed any longer time out, I doubt whether the greatest part of us had ever come aboard again. I afterwards understood by my Indian pilot, that this weather is for most part of the year usual, near the Island Oncaiarie, Unseasonable weather about the Isle of Oncaiarie. which lieth North from the river Capurwacka some six leagues into the sea: and that they hold opinion how this Island is kept by some evil spirit: for they verily believe, that to sleep in the day time near it (except it be after much drink) is present death. The only season wherein little rain doth fall there, is (as I gathered by their speech, they dividing all times by their Moons) at our Winter Solstice. The mother-wind of this coast is for the most part to the Northward of the East, except when the Sun is on this side of the Equinoctial, for than it often bears Southerly, but most in the night. This our guide is of the jaos, ●ow the nation of the jaos mark themselves, to be known from other people. who do all mark themselves, thereby to be known from other nations after this manner. With the tooth of a small beast like a Rat, they raze some their faces, some their bodies, after divers forms, as if it were with the scratch of a pin, the print of which rasure can never be done away again during life. When he had sometime conversed with our Indians, that went from England with us, he become willing to see our country. His sufficiency, trustiness, and knowledge is such, that if the pretended voyage for Guiana do take place, you shall (I doubt not) found him many ways able to steed your Lordship in your designs and purposes. For besides his precise knowledge of all the coast, and of the Indian towns and dwellings, he speaketh all their languages, was bread in Guiana, is a sworn brother to Pu●ima, who slew the Spaniards in their return from Manoa, can direct us to many gold mines, and in nothing will undertake more, than he assuredly will perform. To the Westward this Bay hath many good roads under small Islands, whereof the greatest named Gowateri, is inhabited by the Shebaios: and besides the plenty of foul, fish, first-fruits, wild ●orks and dear, which are there to be had, where Caiane falls into the sea, (for it standeth in the mouths of W●a and Caiane) it yields safe and good harbour in four and five fathom for ships of great burden. On all that coast we found not any like it: we therefore honoured this place by the name of Port Howard. Port Howard otherwise called Gowateri. The road under Triangle Islands, which are the Westermost from the rest and stand in five degrees, which have also store of ●ish, foul, dear, and Iwanas, is good, but not comparable with this other, where in all winds and weather, ships, though they be many may all ri●e securely. The hills and high lands are limits to this bay on each side: for to the Eastward beyond it appear none at all, and to the Westward of mount Hobbeigh very ●ew. Where the mountains fail, there brasil wood is no farther to be sought for: but in all parts cotton, pepper, silk, and Balsamum trees do grow in abundance. The roots of the herb Wiapassa are here most plentiful: I find them in taste nothing different from good ginger, and in operation very medicinable against the flire and headache. These rivers, as also others nearer Raleana, do all fall out of the plains of this empire over rocks, as t●e river Caroli death into Raleana: and in most places within the utmost hedge of woods, the land within is plain, void of trees, and beareth short grass like Arromaiaties' country. Next adjoining unto these, are the rivers Cunavamma, Vracco, Mawari, Mawarparo, Amonna, Marawi●, Oncowi, Wiawiami, Aramatappo, Camaiwini, Shurinama, Shurama, Cupanamma, Inana, Gu●iuni, Winitwari, Berbice, Wapari, Maicaiwini, Mahawaica, Wappari, Lemdr●re, Dessekebe, C●opui, Pawrooma, Moruga, Waim, Barima, Amacur, Aratcori, Ralea●. From Cape Cecyl to Raleana, From Cape C●cyl to Ralean● 200. leaguea● the coast trendeth two hundred leagues next hand Westnorthw●st. In this variety of goodly rivers, Amonna amongst the rest poureth himself ●nto the sea in a large and deep channel: his swifnesse suffereth no bar, nor refuseth any shipping of what burden soever they be: within his mouth for good and hopeful respects is port Burley placed. The inhabitants that dwell. Eastward, do never pass lower than Berbice to trade. Above Curitin● in the woods they gather great quantities of honey. Farther to the Eastward then Dessekebe, ●o Spaniard ever traveled. In which respect, and that no sea-card that I have seen at any time, doth in any sort near a truth, describe this coast: I thought the liberty of imposing English names to certain places of note, of right to belong unto our labours; the rather because occasion thereby offereth itself gratefully to acknowledge the honour due unto them that have been, and I hope will still continued favourers of this enterprise. The Indians to show the worthiness of Dessekebe (for it is very large and full of Islands in the mouth) do call it the brother of Orenoque. Dessekebe called The brother os Oren●que. It lieth Southerly into the land, and from the mouth of it unto the head, they pass in twenty days: then taking their provision they carry it on their shoulders one days journey: afterwards they return for their Canoas', and bear them likewise to the side of a lake, which the jaos call Roponowini, the Charibes, Pa●ime: which is of such bigness, that they know no difference between it & the main sea. There be infinite numbers of Canoas' in this lake, and (as I suppose) it is no other than that, whereon Manoa standeth: The great la●● whereon Manoa or El Do●●do standeth. In September. In this river, which we now call Deuori●ia, the Spaniards do intent to build them a town. In Moruga it was, that they hunted Wareo and his people, about half a year since. Arromaiarie, who won so great credit by overthrowing the Tivitivas of Amana, and making free the passage of that river (but now again liveth in disgrace, by reason that the Charibes of Guanipa have killed most of his followers, and burned his towns) was present with them, and took away many of the women of that place. Arracur●, another Indian of the nation of the Arwaccas inhabiting in Barima, was likewise present, and conducted the Spaniards to all the Indian dwellings. They were not of Anthony de Berreo his company, that followed this chase, but were the Spaniards of Margarita, and the Caraccas, with whom This Spaniard understandeth the Guianian languaged and is reunited a very sufficient man Santiago forsaking his governor Berreo, joined himself. For which fact he now lieth in fetters at Trinidad, every day expecting sentence of death. The occasion hereof grew as followeth. When Berreo, having lost his men, was left with Fasshardo at Cumana all alone, as forlorn, and never likely to compass his intended conquest of Guiana: the governors of the Ca●accas and Margarita consulting together, sent with all speed into Spain, to advertise their king, that Berreo was utterly unable to follow this enterprise, that he had given it over, and did now sojourn in his old days at Fasshardo his house, minding nothing else but his solace, and recreation. They farther declared, of how great importance this matter was: and that a● English gentleman of such reckoning, as they named your lordship to be, having been in Guiana, and understanding so much of the state thereof, and the nations thereunto adjoining, as Topiawarie, being both old and wise, could inform you of, who also in confirmation of friendship, had given you his only son, to whom the inheritance of the country did belong after him: there was no other likelihood, but that you, who adventured so far, and in such sort as you did, only to see, and know a certainty, would leave nothing unattempted to possess so rich a country, and without all doubt would return presently. That mean time, you had left this aged Sire alive, to be a block in their way, to whom after his decease, this enterprise by patent did belong, and to be a weak adversary against yourself, whom at all times you known easily how to dis●resse: and that therefore it might be behoveful f●r his majesty to revoke Berreo his grant, and to use their service, who were ready and willing without any delay to undertake the charge. These news being at large amplified and delivered to the king: Domingo de Vera, Berreo his Campmaster, who was sent into Spain, five months before your arrival at Trinidad, with a sufficient quantity of gold got ou● of Guiana, to levy and furnish 500 men, having got knowledge of this practice, so solicited this cause in Berreo his behalf, that present order was given for the victualling and man●ing of ten ships to be sent to Berreo: and farther, this gold boar such weight, that ●he king commanded ●ther 18. of his ships to stop at Trinidad, and not to follow their other directions, before 〈…〉 place secured from enemies. Berreo 〈◊〉 that these governors in sending with such speed into Spain, meant him no g●od: to 〈◊〉 his care and constancy, and that he never would yield under the burden of his adverse 〈…〉; giving no time or breath to his adversaries nor himself, returned forthwith to Carapana his port, only with fifteen men, being the scattered remnant of those whom you lately dispossessed of Trinidad. These governors followed him, and assuring themselves of present employment from their king, preoccupating the time of their directions to be returned from Spain, entered Guiana with their men, with full determination to murder Berreo, and to dispatch all his company. They indeed killed two or three, but Berreo fled towards Ca●oli, where he stayed hoping for succour from his son Antony de Ximenes, to come down the river from Nuevo Reyno de Granada. The Ma●garitanes with their accomplices busied themselves, some in searching the country, others in p●rueying of victuals out of the rivers that do lie Eastward, of which number these were, that entered into Moruga with twenty Canoas'. Santiago passed up into Topiawaries' country, and there took Fr●ncis sparrow sir George Gifford his man prisoner, Francis Sparrow taken prisoner. who with plenty of god ransomed his life, and is now abiding in Cumana. This done, they all returned to Trinadad, and began to build their town there, when unhappily to their small comfort the eight and twenty sails arrived, and took Santiago prisoner. The other Actors in this Interlude vanished, and in Canoas' recovered Margarita and Cumana again. Eighteen of the said ships lea●ing all things in good order, departed from Trinadad to follow their others directions: ten do yet remain fortifying at Conquerabia, and expecting our coming. This particular relation I had from an Indian, servant to Berreo, that could speak Spanish, whom I took in the river. He is of the nation of the jaos, and from a child bread up with Berreo. I gave him trade to buy him a Canoa to return into his country, and so left him glad, that he had met with us. Now the Indians of Moruga being chased from their dwellings, do seek by all means possible to accord all the nations in one, so to invade the Arwaccas who were guides to the Spaniards, in showing their towns, and betraying them. For they are fully persuaded, that by driving these Arwaccas, who serve the Spaniards (for a great part of this nation doth also hate, or not know them) out of their territories, and Trinidad, the Spaniards for want of bread, will be enforced to seek habitation farther off, or at the lest in time consume and be wasted. They anchor within Raleana, or Orenoque. The 6. day of April we came to an anchor within the mouth of the river Raleana, having spent twenty and three days in discovery upon this coast. The channel of this river hath six or seven fathom depth, nine or ten miles off at sea, the bar lieth farther out, and at low water hath not full two fathom. It highes not above five foot, except at a spring tide. We ankered in ten fathom the first night: the next morning twelve Canoas' came unto us, furnished and provided of victuals after their manner for the wars. Their captains names were Anwara, and Aparwa. These Cassiques, when the Spaniards made the l●st inroad in those parts, were in the inland amongst the Iwarewakeri their neighbours, by which occasion having lost some of their wives (for notwithstanding their profession of Christianity, Spanish Paganism. some of these Spaniards keep ten or twelve women, thinking themselves well and surely blessed, howsoever they live, if their town and houses be religiously crossed) they kept together 30. Canoas', hoping at our coming, which they had now long expected to recover this loss upon them and the Arwaccas, who in their absence had done this wrong. They showed me this their purpose, & required to be joined in league of friendship with us against our enemies. When of them I had learned so much of the present estate of the country, as they did know: they demanded whether we had brought no more forces with us, but only one ship? I answered them as before I did the others, that we now came only to trade, not knowing until this present that any Spaniards were in Guiana; that upon our return our whole fleet will hasten to set forwards, and that in the mean time, we would now visit our friends, and help them so far as we could in any thing that we should find needful presently to be done. After long discourse (for their chief man stayed with me all night) when he had caused me to spit in my right hand, with many other ceremonies which they use in confirming friendship, he went to the shore, and one of his Canoas' he sent to bring forwards the other twenty: one other he caused to go up the river before us, to bring intelligence. Then calling together the chief of his company, they made small fierce, and sitting in their Hamacas, or Indian beds, each one sorted himself with his companion, recounting amongst themselves the worthiest deeds, and deaths of their Ancestors, execrating their enemies most despitefully, and magnifying their friends with all titles of praises and honour, that may be devised. Thus they sit talking, and taking Tobacco some two hours, and until their pipes be all spent (for by them they measure the time of this their solemn conference) no man must interrupt, or disturb them in any sort: for this is their religion, and prayers, which they now celebrated, keeping a precise fast one whole day, in honour of the great Princes of the North, their Patroness and defender. Their Canoas' being made ready, they accompanied us, and in their way showed us, where the shoaldes of the river do lie. By this Captain I learned that Muchikeri is the name of the Country where Macureguerai the first town of the Empire of Guiana, Her Maies●i● Muchikeri the name of the Province where Macarigueray the first town o● Guiana is situate that lieth towards Raleana, is seated in a fair and exceeding large plain, below the high mountains, that bear Northwesterly from it, that it is but three days journey distant from Carapana his port, and that Manoa is but six days farther. That they themselves do pass in three days into the Country of the Iwarewakeri by the River Amacur, which though it be not the directest, yet it is the readiest way to Macureguerai, for that which leadeth to Carapana his dwelling, is in some places dificult, and mountainous. That a nation of clothed people, called Cassanari, do devil not far from the place, where the River doth first take the name of Orenoque, and that far within, they border upon a Sea of salt water, named Parime. Parime an Inland sea of salt water. That a great River, called Macurwini, passeth through their Country into Orenoque. That Manoa standeth twenty days journey from the mouth Wiapoco: sixteen days from Barima, thirteen days from Amacur, and ten days from Aratoori. That the best way unto it, is not by Macureguerai. That of all others the Charibes that devil high up in Orenoque, know most of the inland, and of those nations, and they speak no other language, than such as john your Interpreter doth well understand. He certified me of the headless men, and that their mouths in their breasts are exceeding wide. The name of their nation in the Charibes language is Chiparemai, They have ●●●ment heads like dogs, and live all the day t●●e in the sea, they speak the Ch●ribes language. and the Guianians call them Ewiapanomos. What I have herded of ● sort of people more monstrous, I omit to mention, because it is no matter of difficulty to get one of them, and the report otherwise will appear fabulous. Lastly he told me of an inland River, named Cawrooma, adjoining to Aratoori, and that the Quepyn mountains, where Carapana dwelleth, are hardly accessible. That the Amapagotos' have images of gold of incredible bigness, and great store of vnmanned horses of the Caracas breed: and they devil five days journey up the River about Caroli. We with our fleet of Canoas' were now not far from Carapanas' Port, when our intelligencer returned and informed us that ten Spaniards were lately go with much trade to Barima, where these Indians dwelled, to buy Cassavi bread; and that within one day two other Canoas' of Spaniards were appointed to come by the River Amana, to Carapana his Port. Upon this occasion they took counsel, and in the end desired to return to their houses, lest the Spaniards finding them from home, and imagining that they did purposely absent themselves, should take away their wives and spoil their dwellings. They farther resolved if it were possible to cut them off: which afterwards they did perform. For when they were dispersed in their houses seeking Cassavi, suddenly at one time, in all places they were assaulted, A sudden assault of the Spaniards by the Indians. and not one of them escaped. Carapana, whose hand was in laying this plot, sent us this news, as we returned down the River. The two other Canoas' that came from Trinidad by Amana, notwithstanding that we kept a league before the ship with our boats, saw the ship before we had sight of them, and presently with all speed went to Berreo to advertise him of our coming. He forthwith dispatched two or three messengers to Trinidad. One of his Canoas' met with our spy, whom the Indians of Barima had left to go with us: they rifled him of his victuals, gave him knives, and dismissed him. In eight days sailing still before a wind, we arrived at Topiawaries port, in all which time no Indian that we knew came aboard us. For the time of our return promised at your lordships departure from thence being expired; they in despair severed themselves amongst the other nations. A Rancheria or village planted up the Spaniards at a Port of Topiawary. Here the Spaniards have seated their Rancheria of some twenty or thirty houses. The high rocky Island, that lieth in the midst of the River, against the mouth of Caroli, is their Fort or refuge, when they misdoubt safety in their Town, or having notice of any practice against them: but now leaving both Town and Island, they joined themselves altogether, and retiring to the mouth of the River Caroli, placed there a secret ambush, to defend the passage to those mines, from whence your Oar and white stones were taken the last year: We all not without grief to see ourselves thus defeated, and our hungry hopes made void, were witnesses of this their remove. As we road at an anchor within musket shot of their Town, an Indian came unto us with lean cheeks, thu●●● hair, and a squint eye, to inform us that they were very strong, that Berreo his son was with him, that they had but two small Pinnisses at Trinidad, which they daily looked for to come up the River, and lastly, to view our ship well, and our provision, but especially to learn whether Gualtero, Topiawarie his son were with us. This Informers very countenance gave him to be suspected, and therefore partly by threatening, partly by promise of reward we won him to confess the truth. Which he did, assuring us that Berreo had not full fifty five men with him, whereof twenty came lately from Trinidad, twenty from Nuevo Reyno, and the rest he brought with him about six months since, when he fled from Carapana his port, and was driven with his small company to keep the aforesaid Island near Caroli. And that though now his number is thus increased, yet dareth he not adventure at any time to leave the fast woods, and to go but half a league from his hold into the plains. That some few of the Arwaccas are abiding with him. That he daily looketh for his son from Nuevo Reyno, for his Campe-master from Trinidad, and for horses from the Caraccas. That Topiawarie is dead: the Indians of that coast all fled, and dispersed, excepting the son of one Curmatoi, and another woman of account, whom the Spaniards hold prisoners, for consenting to the death of their nine men, and the holy Friar in Morekito his time. This Cu●matoi is fled towards Guanipa● and is a man of special note amongst the Indians. Topiawarie his son. That Iwiakanarie Gual●ero his near kinsman, hath held the Country to his use, by his father's appointment, ever since your being in the River. That there are ten ships, and many Spaniards at Trinidad. That the Indians our friends did fear, lest you with your company were all slain, and your ships ●unke at Cumana (for so the Spaniards noised it amongst them, The common lies of the Spaniards. ) that some of Gualtero his friends with Putijma, were in the mountains not far from the hill Aio. And that Berreo had sent for six pieces of ordinance, which he meant to plant, where they might best command the River. When we had stayed here two days, considering that where no hope was left of doing good, to abide there in harms way doing nothing, would be bootless: I resolved to seek Putijma in the mountains: and turning down the River with the force of the stream some twenty miles in six hours: the next morning with ten shot I went ashore, intending if the Indians should think themselves too weak, with our help to displant the Spaniards: to set some of them on work, for hatchets and knives to return us gold grains, and white s●ones from such places, as they should be directed unto. When we came to the place of their usual abode; we ●awe that they lately had been there, but could speak with none of them. It may be that fear (which is easy of belief) persuaded them that we were Spaniards. Gi●bert my Pilot here offered to bring us either to the mine of white stones near Winicapora, or else to a gold mine, which Putijma had showed him being but one days journey overland, from the place wh●re we now stayed at an anchor. I saw far off the mountain adjoining to this gold mine, and having measured their paths near the same place this last year, could not judge it to be fifteen miles from us. I do well remember how coming that way with Putijma the year before, he pointed to this same mountain making sinnes to have me go with him thither. I understood his signs and marked the place, but mistook his meaning, imagining that he would have showed me the overfall of the River Curwera from the mountains. My Indian showed me in what sort without digging they gather the gold in the sand of a small river, named Macawini, that springeth and falls from the rocks, where this mine is. And farther told me, that he was with Putijma, at what time Mor●kito was to be executed by the Spaniards, and that then the chief of Morekito his friends were in consultation, to show this mine unto them if so they might redeem their captains life, but upon better advise, supposing them in this case to be implacable, and that this might proou● a means to lose not only their king, but their Country also: they have to this day concealed it from them, being of all others the richest, and most plentiful. The aged sort to keep this from common knowledge, have devised a fable of a dangerous Dragon that haunteth this place and devoureth all that come near it. But our Indian, if when we return, we do bring store of strong wine (which they love beyond measure) with it will undertake so to charm this Dragon, that he shall do us no harm. I, that for this end came from home, and in this journey had taken much more pains to less purpose, would very gladly from this mountain have taken so good a proof to witness my being in the Country: but withal considering that not one Indian of our known friends came unto us: that Don ivan the cousin of Gualtero, who liveth here a revolt from the Spaniard, was now in election to be chief commander of all the Indian forces in these parts, cannot in policy, for Gualtero his sake, whose inheritance he sought to usurp, be a fast friend unto us: that the Spaniards abiding in Winicapora (for there were ten) might well before we could do any thing, and return, 'cause some others of Berreo his men to join with them, in the way to intercept us: and forethinking withal, that there being no means, but ourselves, to make known our discovery, if we returned not; in our misfortune the hope of following this voyage would be buried: but besides all this, and the respect of such spyals, as the Spaniards kept to observe our doings, foreknowing that if the enemy should by our lingering, stop our passage, which in one or two places of advantage, few of them might easily do: it would be a question how with our ship to get out of the River, except first we could remove them: I thought it best (all other possibilities set apart) to seek in time to be free from the hazard of the aforesaid evil passages. Whilst we were searching at the shore for the Indians, my Barge took a Canoa, with three men in her: the one a servant to Berreo, (as before is mentioned) the other two merchants of Cassavi. They had a letter sent from the Governor to be conveyed to Trinidad, which I received. There was also a great hatchet, and twenty knives, wherewith this Indian servant should buy a Canoa, and hire Indians to carry her up the River towards Nuevo Reyno. This Canoa forsooth with four other were to be sent to bring down Berreo his son with all his forces, which now have been, I think, full three years in preparing. The small ●orces of Ximenes. If five such boats be sufficient to convoy him, his men and all their provision: it may seem, he cometh with no great strength. This servant, as he was a man of especial trust, and near Berreo: so appeared he to have some insight is his proceed. He showed me that the Indians, This transplanting of Indians is worthy o● consideration. who with these knives should be hired, were to pass up so high, as where some of the Cassanari do devil in small villages. That Berreo his purpose was, when they came thither to leave them there, and make them officers over the other Indians: and in their places some of the Cassanari should return, who likewise should be made justices and Constables over them of Guiana: that from Trinidad he meant to remove most of the old inhabitants, that would be tractable; and interpose them amongst the Cassanarians of Guiana, and the Guianians of the Cassanari. That the Arwaccas should wholly possess Trinidad, and the river side of Raleana. That they already were provided of threescore Negroes, to work the mines in these places. And that by this means Berreo hoped to keep these several nations in mutual enmity each against other, all to serve his turn, and never to become strong, or likely to join themselves against him. He farther showed me, that Topiawary, soon after our departure from the river, fled into the mountains, carrying Hugh Godwyn with him, and leaving a Substitute in his Country, as aforesaid: and that the next news they herded of him was, that he was dead, and the English boy eaten by a Tiger. That the Spaniards believe neither the one nor the other. That about the end of june, when the River shall be impassable, the ten ships shall departed from Trinidad. And that Berreo ever since his coming to Guiana, hath spent his time altogether in purveying of victuals, whereof there is such scarcity, by reason that the Indians forsaking their houses, have not this half year planted any of their grounds, so that the Spaniards are enforced to seek their bread far off, and content themselves to live with little. In sailing up the River, we passed by Toparimacko his Port, The Port of Tomarimacko. which in one place is very shoalde, the channel lying close aboard the shore. We returned therefore another way by the main river on the South side: this branch we found large, deep, and without danger. When we were come near Carapana his Port, The po●●e of Carapana. he sent five or six several Canoas', promising this day and the next, that he would come and speak with us. Thus we lingered six or seven days, but he came not. In the end he sent one of his aged followers, to certify us, that he was sick, old, and weak: that the ways near his dwelling are not easy: and that therefore he desired us to hold him excused for not coming. This old man dilated unto us, that Carapana in hope of our return, hath ever since your Lorshippes' being in that Country, kept the mountains, where the Spaniards can hardly any way enforce him; that they have taken from him and his people many of their wives, because they refused to furnish them weekly with a centaine proportion of bread and victuals: that Don ivan otherwise called Eparacano hath the commandment of all his subjects, excepting only a choice guard of men sufficient to keep the place he now dwelleth in. That it repenteth him of his ambition, ever to have sought by the Spaniards means, to have enlarged his Country's and people. For true it is that from the beginning he was a Lord of no other than ordinary power amongst them, until he had entered into friendship with Berreo: for then the Indians on all sides left some their habitations, and many their commanders to become his subjects, that they might have the privilege to trade with the Spaniards for hatchets and knives, which are jewels of great price amongst th●m: that he now saw no other choice, but that the Indians must, if they will do well, without farther dissembling of their necessity, either entertain us their friends, or else give place to the Spaniards their enemies. For the plenty of gold that is in this Country, being now known and discovered, there is no possibility for them to keep it: on the one side they could feel no greater misery, nor fear more extremity, than they were sure to find, if the Spaniards prevailed, who perforce do take all things from them, using them as their slaves, to run, to row, to be their guides, to carry their burdens, and that which is worst of all, to be content, for safety of their lives, to leave their women, if a Spaniard chance but to set his eye on any of them to fancy her: on the otherside they could hope for, nor desire no better state and usage, than her majesties gracious government, and Princely virtues do promise'. and assure unto them. For, said he, the other year, when we fled into the mountains, and measured your doings by the Spaniards in like case, we made no other account, but that your Commander being able, as he was, would doubtless have persecuted us to the uttermost, as the only maintainers and supporters of your enemies, and would at the lest, if he could not reach us, take our Towns, and make us ransom our wives and children: we found it far otherwise, and that none of your well governed company dared offer any of us wrong or violence, not not by stealth, when unknown they might have done it. We then believing it to be true, that your grand Captain reported of his Princess, took this for a good proof of her royal commandment and wisdom, that had framed her subjects to such obedience, and of your happiness, that enjoyed the benefit thereof: Carapana ● great Lord bordering upon Guiana craneth her majesties protection. that Carapana weighing the good and friendly course of our proceed, doth humbly crave of her Majesty for himself and his people, that with the rest of the Indians, which wholly depend on her Princely regard towards them, he also may enjoy her favourable protection: that he doth this, not as a man left unto himself and forsaken by the Spaniards, but as one that knoweth their injustice, hateth their cruelties, and taketh it for his best choice, utterly to disclaim their friendship. It may be pertinent (as surely it is a thing worth the noting) to consider how this precedent of your moderation and good order, which to us seemeth a matter but of small, and ordinary respect, hath both alienated their hearts altogether from the Spaniard, and stirred up in ●hem true love and admiration thereof. For as government is the only bond of common society: so to men lawless, that each one to another are, Omnes hoc iure molesti, quo sources: To men, I say, that live in daily tumults, fears, doubts, suspicions, barbarous cruelties, never sleeping secure, but always either drunk, or practising one another's death: to such men as these be, who wanting discipline, justice and good order to confirm them in a quiet and peaceable course of living, knowing not where to find it: the sense and sweetness thereof is as the dew of Hermon: it is as the Harmony of a well tuned Instrument: to be brief, it carrieth in itself not only a due and worthy commendation; but is available without stroke striking to gain a kingdom. For the Indians in all parts within and near Guiana, do offer their service, and promise' to provide victual, and what else their country yieldeth, desiring only that some force of men may remain with them, to deliver them from oppression and tyranny. And now by general consent (though hatchets and knives be the only things of request and useful unto them) they have agreed by no means to trade with the Spaniard for any thing. Farther this old man showed me, whence most of their gold cometh, which is form in so many fashions: whence their Spleenestones, & others of all sorts are to be had in plenty: where gold is to be gathered in the sands of their rivers: from what parts the Spaniards, both by trade, & otherwise, have returned much gold. This he uttered with Carapana his consent (I doubt not) hoping thereby to induce us to return again. For contrary to their law of secrecy, which in this case they do all generally observe, sharply punishing the breakers thereof, as enemies unto their native Country: I found this man no whit scrupulous, but very free and liberal of speech in all things. And because we might know, that we should not want hands or help, in this or any other our enterprises, if perhaps we should find cause to pass up to the head of this River: he declared that the Spaniards have no Indians to trust unto but some of the Arwaccas, which since they were not many, could be but of small force: That the Charibes of Guanipa, the Ciawannas amongst the Tivitivas, the Shebaios, jaos, Amaipagotos, Cassipagotos, Purpagotos, Samipagotos, Serowos, Etaiguinams', Cassaman, with the rest of the nations far and near, were all ready, on what side soever the Spaniards shall stir, to fight against them: that the Pariagotos, through whose country they must first pass, are alone sufficient to encounter them, such is the strength of their country, and the valour of the men. The Indians hold opinion, that they are notable sorcerers, and invulnerable. In the mountains where they devil, white stones are found of such hardness, that by no art or means they can be pierced; they imagine that these Pariagotos' become invulneralbe, by eating these stones. The fable omitted, happily they may prove good Diamonds. Then he showed how the Iwarewakeri have nourished grass in all places, where passage is, these three years, and that it is at this present so high, as some of the trees; which they mean to burn, so soon as the Spaniard shall be within danger thereof. Lastly, he showed me that Wariarimagoto the emperors chief Captain for those parts, War●arimagoto one of the Emperor of Guia●a his chief Captains up in arms against the Spaniards. hath gathered together many thousands of the Epuremei, to keep the borders of the Empire; and that he lay now on the South side of the mountains, some one days journey or little more from the Spaniard. To be short, he certified me, that they all were refolued not to seek upon them (for indedde they fear their shot) but to defend their own, and to expect our coming. In the mean time they take opportunities, when they find any of them straggling or divided from their strength, by little and little to lessen their number. The place where we were at anchor was but one days journey from Carapana: I therefore made motion to this Captain to stay with two or three of his company aboard the ship, and to 'cause his men to bring me with my Interpreter to Carapana his dwelling: he answered me that it were not good so to do, lest perhaps some Spy might inform the Spaniards thereof, whereby danger would grow to Carapana. For they have many times used many means to reconcile him unto them: but he from time to time hath dallied with them, neither professing himself their enemy, nor in aught showing them any friendship. Now (said he) if the Spaniards shall by any means come to knowledge, that you have conferred together, th●y will take this occasion to persecute him with all extremity, as their open enemy, whom they now neglect, or at the lest fear not, as being an harmless old man. And for this cause only hath Carapana forborn to come unto you. By this I perceived, that to stay longer for him (though gladly I could have been content to spend one sevenights more to speak with him) would be purposelesse. Wherefore having assured so many of the Indians as at any time came unto us, of our speedy return, promising them plenty of knives, beads, and hatchets, if they would reserve their Cassavi, and provide store of their pieces of gold for us: I desired this Captain to be a means that our friends of Trinidad might understand of our being in the River and that we meant to relieve them so soon, as conveniently might be. He promised in Carapana his behalf, that this should not be forgotten. Due of the Captains of the Cyawannas, who do now devil in the River Arawawo, near Trinidad, undertook also without fail to ascertain them thereof. I was the more careful herein, because so many ships being here, I doubted lest they would take order that no Indian should speak with us. For so indeed it fallen out. This Captain of the Cyawannas came likewise to join with us, and had provided fifteen Canoas' for that purpose. Their dwelling was lately in Macureo, where the Spaniards one night stealing on them, killed twenty of their men, and burned their houses, because they refused to trade with them for certain images of gold made with many heads which they had got out of Guiana. I sent a present of Iron to Carapana, and then set sail. In turning down the river we spent eight days. In many places where the channel lieth we found twenty fathom depth: where it is shouldest, we had two fathom and a half, and that but in one or two places. Of the worthiness of this River, because I cannot say enough, I will speak nothing. We have presumed to call it by the name of Raleana, because you● self was the first of our nation that ever entered the fame, and I think it nothing inferior to Amazons, which is best known by the name of O●ellana, the first discoverer thereof. By turning only, The channel of Raleana, or Orenoque very large & good. They meet with these Pinnace. without help of oars to pass so long away in so short a time, against the wind, may sufficiently prove, that the channel is very large, good, and likely to ●econd our hopes in all that we can desire. Without the mouth of this River, our Pinnace, the Discoverer, whom we lost near the coast of England, came unto us. She fallen with this land somewhat to the southward of Cape Cecyl, and had sp●nt three weeks and odd days in ranging alongst the coast, when she met with us. William Down the Master informed me that they entered, and searched these four rivers. In W●apoco they sailed so far, until the rocks stopped their passage. In Caiane they went up one days journey. In Cunanama they found many inhabitants. Curitini was the last River they had been in. Whence, having no other means to find Raleana, they were enforced to borrow a Pilot against his will: whom afterwards I would have returned with reward to his contentment; bu● he would not. Our English that to steal the first blessing of an untraded place, will perhaps secretly hasten thither, may be beholding to me for this caveat, A good caveat. if they take notice thereof. They may be assured, that this people, as they no way sought our harm, but used our men with all kindness: so are they impatient of such a wrong, as to have any of their people perforce taken from them, and will doubtless seek revenge. The example of the like practice upon the coast of Guinie, in the year 1566, and again at Dominica, where Alderman Wars his ship hardly escaped being taken, may serve for our warning in like case to look for no good, before they be satisfied for this injury. When we had taken aboard us such victuals as were in the Pinnace: we set fire in her, (for her Rudder could serve her to no longer use) and stopping the floods, plied to windward with the ebb near the shore, until we were sixteen leagues to the Eastward of th● rivers mouth, and then standing off to Sea, we fallen in twenty four hours sailing with Punta de Galera the Northeastermost part of Trinidad. But having Tobaco-is●and in sight, The Isle of Tabago. we first went thither. This Island is plentiful of all things, and a very good soil. It is not now inhabited, because the Charibes of Dominica are evil neighbours unto it. They of Trinidad have a meaning and purpose to fly thither, when no longer they can keep Trinidad. Their only doubt is, that when they are seated there, the Spaniard will seek to possess it also. The Governor of Margarita went lately in a Pinnace to view this Island. Gilbert my Pilot who sometime lived there, noteth it for the best and fruitfullest ground that he knoweth. Thence we returned to Punta de Galera and ancored in ten fathom under the North side of the Island some five or six miles from the said point. The flood-tyde striketh alongst the the coast to the Eastward very strongly. We discharged a piece of ordinance, and afterwards went to the shore in our boat: but no Indian came unto us. I would have sent john of Trinidad to procure some of them to speak with us: but he was altogether unwilling, alleging that their dwellings were fair within the mountains, and that he knew no part of that side of the Island. From this place we set sail for Santa Lucia, but fallen with Granata, which we found no● inhabited. Saint Vincent we hardly recovered, by turning under the Ice of the island. The Tabaco of this place is good; but the Indians being Cannibals, Most dangerous Canibal●. promising us store, and delaying us from day to day, sought only opportunity to betray, take, and eat us, as lately they had devoured the whole company of a French ship. This their treachery being by one of their slaves revealed, from thenceforth they did all forbear to come unto us. To sit down on their low● stools, when they by offering such ease, will seem to show courtesy, abodeth death to strangers, that shall trust them. At Matalino or Martinino we found not any inhabitants. Lastly, we came to Dominica, where we could get no good Tabaco. But having intelligence of a Spanish ship, that was taking in of fresh water, at the Northwest side of the Island, we weighed anchor to seek him. H●e descrying us, stolen away by night. The Indians of this place have determined to remove, and join with them of Guanipa, against the Spaniards, who lately dispeopled one of their Islands, and at our being there one of their Canoas' returned from Guanipa, and certified us, that the ten Spanish ships at Trinidad do ride, some of them at Conquerabia, the rest at the small islands near the disemboging place. here-hence we stee●ed North and by East, taking the directest course to shorten our way homewards. Thus have I emptied your purse, spending my time and travel in following your lordship's directions for the full discovery of this coast, and the rivers thereof. Concerning the not m●king of a voyage for your private profit, I pretend nothing. Sorry I am, that where I sought no excuse, by the Spaniards being there I found my defect remediless. And for mine own part, I do prot●st, that if the consideration of the public good that may ensue, had not over poyled all other hopes and desires: I would rather have adventured by such small and weak means as I had, to do well with danger, then to return only with safety. Now although in a cause not doubtsull, my allegation is no way needful: yet because the weightnesse thereof, and the expectation of others, seemeth of due and right to claim something to be said by me, whom your especial trust and ●auour hath credited and graced with this employment: Pardon it (I beseech your honour) if, where my lamp had oil, it borrow light also; and my speech, which is altogether unsavoury, season itself with some of the leaven of your own discourse touching this discovery. The particular relation of ●ome c●rtaine things I have reserved, as properly belonging ●o yourself, who only, as knowing most, can make best use thereof. So much in general is here touched, as (I hope) may serve to refresh the memory of this worthy enterprise in those whom it may concern, and testify your care and expense in following the same: that in a second age, when in time truth shall have credit, and men wondering as the riches, and strength of this place (which nature itself hath marvelously fortified, as her chief treasurehouse) shall mourn and sigh to hold idle cicles, whilst others reap and gather in this harvest, it be not said, that Sir Walter Ralegh was of all men living in his days, most industrious in seeking, most fortunate in attaining to the fullness of an inestimable public good: if, knowing that for envy and private respects, his labours were lessened, his informa●ions mistrusted, his proffers not regarded, and the du● honour of his deserts imparted to others● If, (I say) seeing, knowing and bearing all this, he with patience had persisted in so good a way in doing his Princess, and country service; and had but perfected his first discovery by sending a ship or two for that purpose: for then surely all le●s and doubts being removed, and so large a kingdom, so exceeding rich, so plentiful of all things, as this by his discourse appeared to be, being offered: no devices and vain surmises could have taken place, no illusions could have prevailed: it had been blindness and deafness in those, that being nee●e her Majesty do spend their days in serving the common w●ale, not to see, and know in so weighty a matter: it had been malicious obstinacy, impotency of mind, and more than treason to the common wealth, the matter standing only upon acceptance, to seek ●ither to forslow so sit an occasion, or forsake so general a blessing. This (if) is now cut off through a singular and incomparable temper, in overcoming evil with good. This your second discovery hath not only found a free and open entrance into Raleana, which the Naturals call Orenoque: but moreover yieldeth choice of forty several great rivers (the lesser I do not reckon) being for the most part with small vessels navigable for our merchants & others, that do now find little profit in setting forth for reprisal, to exercise trade in. To such as shall be willing to adventure in search of them, I could propose some hop● of gold mines, and certain assurance of pieces of made gold, of Spleenestones, Kidney stones and others of better estimate. But because our belief seemeth to be mated in these greater matters, and a certainty of smaller profits is the readiest inducement to quicken our weak hopes. I not going so far as mine own eyes might warrant me, do only promise' in the aforesaid rivers Brasil-wood, honey, cotton, Balsamum, and drugs to help to defray charges: and further, because without a beginning there can be no continuance of these benefits unto our country to any tha● shall be the first undertakers hereof, I am gladly content to give such light and knowledge, as by conference with the Indians I have attained unto. Myself, and the remain of my few years, I have bequeathed wholly to Raleana, and all my thoughts live only in that action. The prosecuting whereof is in it sel●e just, profitable, and necessary. Just, because it is intended for the defence of harmless people, who f●aring thraldom and oppression, desire to protect themselves and their country under her majesties tuition: Profitable, as may be gathered not only by many Spanish letters intercepted, but also by the proofs mentioned in the discourse of the first discovery, and since that, by the Indians own voluntary relations: and lastly, by the provision that the Spaniards do make to acquire us thereof. Necessary it is, as being the only help to put a bit in the mouth of the unbridled Spaniard; the only way to enter into his treasury of Nuevo Reyno, and Peru; the only means to animate the wronged Indians, with our assistance to seek revenge for the extreme murders and cruelties, which they have endured, and to ruinated his naked cities in all those parts of the Inland, whose foundations have been laid in the blood of their parents and ancestors. The forces that the Spania●d hath already sent to Trinidad, to fortify there, and keep the passage of this river, are an evident argument that the king fears and doubteth the sequel of this discovery. For can it be a small matter? Or hatch he so waste employment for his men and shipping, that upon no ground, he would sand eight and twenty ships, to keep us only from Tobacco? For what else that good is can Trinidad yield us? Not doubtless, if the return of Berreo his Campe-master with ten of these ships be compared with precedent advertisements concerning him: it will appear more than probable, that the Guiana-golde waged these men and shipping: and that they are now more careful to obtain this place, then to keep o●hers, which they have already got, which note, except in matters of extraordinary account, is not incident to their policy and proceed. Again, it cannot be thought that either it was senseless madness in the governors of Margarita, and the Caracas, to bring their states and lives in question, by seeking, contrary to their king's order, to enter Guiana, and kill Berreo with his followers: or else the abundance of pearl in Magarita, and the gold mines in the Caracas, seeming matters of small account: Guiana only was in their judgement, rich, plentiful, and able of itself to redeem their trespass and offence, how great soever it should be. The sundry attempts and overthrows of the Spaniards being men of power, and honourable, place, in labouring threescore and three years and upwards, to enlarge the kingdom of Spain with this mighty and great empire, do plainly show, that they long time sought a path, where in one month a high way was found: that the loss of their lives witnesseth their desires, and the worthiness of the thing, where to us the easiness of obtaining discrediteth the greatness of the attempt: and that if now at the last they do prevail, they must hold by tyranny that which they get by the sword; where then our return nothing by the Indians is more wished for, nothing expected more earnestly. Those objections, which have been made by many seeming wise, and the impediments likely to arise, as they have supposed, are best answered by the unreproved witness of those men's actions. Some have termed these discoveries fables, and fantasies, as if there had been no such land or territory: others allowing both of the place, and ●hat such a kingdom or country is discovered, make conclusion, that if it had been so rich as we have supposed, that no doubt the king of Spain would by this time have possessed it. But if they consider that the Spanish nation hath already conquered the two empires of Mexico and Peru, with so many other kingdoms and provinces: we may very well answer, that his power is not infinite, and that he hath done well for the time. And yet it is manifest, that this very empire hath been by all those several Spaniards (the catalogue of whose names is by itself hereunto annexed) at sundry times undertaken, and never performed. Howbeit, the world hath reason to admire their constancy, and their great labours, and we may well blush at our own idle, despairful, and loitering dispositions, that can find ability in another barren, and starved nation, to possess so much of the world, and can do nothing but frame arguments against ourselves, as unfit and powerless to possess one province already discovered, and of which our nation hath assurance of the people's love, and that all the Chieftains and principals have vowed their obedience to her Majesty; the navigation being withal so short, dangerless, and free from infectious sickness. If doubt of perils might moderate the minds of our men once moved with steadfast hope, that gold shall be the reward of their travels: it may easily be perceived, that all those lets and hindrances that can any way be alleged, or wrested so much, as but to touch us, do deeply and nearly concern the Spanish king, and in a manner violently withhold him from that, which he notwithstanding carreith with success, whilst we out of season do affect the bore stile, to be named men stayed and circumspect in our proceed. It is reported, that Calanus the Indian threw down before Alexander the great, a dry sear piece of leather, & then put his foot on one of the ends of it: the leather being trodden down at that side, ●ose on all parts else. By this the wise man did show unto him a figure and similitude of his kingdom, which being exceeding large, must of necessity in all other parts, excepting the place of the king's residence, be always full of sti●s, tumults and insurrections. The end afterwards confirmed, that this empire consisting of sundry nations, could not keep itself from dissolution. No potentate living hath, or can have so faithful and incorrupt counsellors, as be the examples and histories of forepast times and ages. We may therefore be bold to think that the Governors of the Spanish affairs ●hould mind it, that their kings lustful desire, and ambitious thoughts to establish over all Europe one law, one Lord, one religion, are built and erected on a dangerous ungrounded re●olution: Considering that many of the neighbour kingdoms being of equal force in men, or greater than he can make, are settled in a long continued estate, are entire within themselves, and hate to hear the voice of a stranger. It is not unlikely that they in this case should lay before their king the fatal destinies of many worthies, that have been constrained for want of sufficient numbers of their natural subjects, after many years spent in the wars, to retire to their own countries, and have been glad peaceably to hold their own Signiories at home, resigning all that unto others, which they have got abroad by hard adventure, and much es●usion of blood. The King of Spain cannot but discern, that his spacious empires and kingdoms being so many, and so far divided one from another, are like the members of a monstrous body, tied together with cables only. For take away the traffic of unnecessary commodities transported ●ut of Spain: those huge countries of the Indies having no common link of affinity, law, language, or religion, and being of themselves able to maintain themselves without foreign commerce, are not so simple, as not to know th●ir own strength, and to find, that they do rather possess Spaniards, then that they are possessed by them. He cannot be ignorant that Spain itself is on all sides environed with many puissant enemies, mighty and great princes, who knowing it to be rich without men, confident without reason, proud and adventurous without means sufficient; may happily confederate to chastise him, as an insolent intruder, and disturber of all quietness; and going no further than Spain itself, may even there shake the foundation of his long contrived devices, and in one act redeem the time, control his aspiring humour, and break the bands in sunder that import servitude, and subversion to all the dominions of Christendom. Again, his counsel may well inform him, that to dispeople and disable himself at home, in hope to obtain Guiana, being a country strong of itself, and defended with infinite multitudes of Indian enemies, being rich, and by the inhabitants offered unto the English: his contempt towards us would seem so intolerable and despiteful, as might be sufficient to provoke us, though otherwise we had no such inclination; if he unprovided of able helps to effect it, should rest himself on a careless presumption, that we cannot, we dare not, we will not stir in a matter that promises us so great benefit, and may so highly offend him. He may be persuaded, that to leave no other succour or safety to his nakedness, but the old stolen practice of spreading rumours, and giving out false intelligences of preparations to invade England, thereby to keep us at home; or else of hiring and suborning some Machavellian under hand by secret conveyance, to stop the course of our proceed; or lastly, of procuring some wild outlaw to disquiet our tranquility; is but a poor, weak, and uncertain stay to uphold his estate by. And yet setting such like drifts aside: what can be imagined likely to hinder us from prevailing in Guiana, rather than him, whose disadvantage is to be encumbered with the self same, and manifold more impediments, then can any way be supposed, with ●ood cause to impeach, or divorce us from so profitable an attempt? All this notwithstanding, if the Spanish king not being able to dissemble his desire, or bear the loss of this one kingdom; putting himself out of his strength at home, and exposing his people to the hazard of all casualties abroad, be resolved, whatsoever shall happen, not to relinquish Guiana, but to keep this one iron more in the fire, on no other assurance, but a peremptory disdain of prevention: If he appear so eagerly bend for Guiana, as if it were enacted for a law amongst themselves, V●is & modis to thrust for it, and not to hear, conceive, or believe any thing, that may dissuade or deter from the conquest thereof: it than appertaineth unto us, not to enforce those objections against ourselves, which he with less reason rejecteth as frivolous; since by how much the more earnest he is in following this purpose, by so much the less cause have we to be diverted from it. To such as shall be willing further to wade in this argument; for brevities sake, I do propose only this bore assertion: that England and Guiana conjoined, are stronger, and more easily defended, then if England alone should repose herself on her own force, and powerfulness. The reasons that might be inferred to prove this need no rational discourse: they are all intimated in the only example of Spain itself; which without the Indies is but a purse without money, or a painted sheath without a dagger. In sum: it seemeth unto me, that whereas the difficulty of performing this enterprise hath been produced for a discouragement: it were a dull conceit of strange weakness in ourselves, to distrust our own power so much, or at lest, our own hearts and courages; as valueing the Spanish nation to be omnipotent; or yielding that the poor Portugal hath that mastering spirit and conquering industry, above us; as to be able to seat himself amongst the many mighty princes of the East Indies, to frontier China, to hold in subjection The Philippinas, Zeilan, calicut, Goa, Ormus, Mozambique, and the rest; the navigation being so tedious and full of peril: to suffer ourselves to be put back for worthless cyphers, out of place, without account. All which Regions being now also by the late conquest of Portugal, entitled to the Spanish king: to whom the Colonies of those parts do yet generally refuse to swear fraltie and allegiance: and the care depending on him, not only in governing them in the East, ●o far off; but also of ordering and strengthening of those disunited, scattered, & ill guarded empires and provinces in the West: It might very well be alleged to the said Spanish king, that it were more wisdom for him to assure and fortify some part of those already got, then to begin the conquest of Guiana, so far separate from the rest of his Indies: in which he hath had so many misfortunes, and against whom the natural people are so impetuously bend, and opposed: were it not, that it exceedeth all the rest in abundance of gold, and other riches. The case then so standing, is it not mere ●wretchednesse in us, to spend our time, break our sleep, and waste our brains, in contriving a cavilling false title to defraud a neighbour of half an acre of land: whereas here whole shires of fruitful rich grounds, lying now waste for want of people, do prostitute themselves unto us, like a fair and beautiful woman, in the pride and flower of desired years? If we do but consider, how unhappily Berreo his affairs, with his assistants have of late years, in our own knowledge succeeded: who can say, if the hand of the Almighty be not against them, and that he hath a work in this place, in stead of Papistry, to make the sincere light of his Gospel to shine on this people? The effecting whereof shall be a royal crown of everlasting remembrance to all other blessings, that from the beginning the Lord hath plentifully powered on our dread Sovereign, in an eminent and supreme degree of all perfection. If the Castilians, pretending a religions care of planting Christianity in those parts, have in their doings preached naught else but avarice, rapine, blood, death, and destruction to those naked, & sheeplike creatures of God; erecting statues and trophies of victory unto themselves, in the slaughters of million of innocents: doth not the cry of the poor succourless ascend unto the heavens? Hath God forgotten to be gracious to the workmanship of his own hands? Or shall not his judgements in a day of visitation by the ministery of his choose servant, Her Majesty. come on these blood thirsty butchers, like rain into a fleet of wool? Aliquando manifesta; aliquando occulta; semper justa sunt Dei indicia. To leave this digression, It is fit only for a prince to begin, and end this work: the maintenance and ordering thereof requireth sovereign power, authority and commandment. The river of Raleana giveth open and free passage, any provision that the Spaniard can make to the contrary notwithstanding, (for once yearly the lands near the river be all drowned) to convey men, horse, munition, and victual for any power of men, that shall be sent thither. I do speak it on my soul's health, as the best testimony, that I can in any cause yield to anerre a truth, that having now the second time been in this country, and with the helps of time and leisure well advised myself upon all circumstances to be thought on; I can discern no suffcient impediment to the contrary, but that with a competent number of men, her Majesty may to her and her successors enjoy this rich and great empire: and having once planted there, may for ever (by the favour of God) hold and keep it, Contra judaeos & Gentes. Subjects, I doubt not, may through her majesties gracious sufferance, joining their strength together, invade, spoil, and overrcome it, returning with gold and great riches. But what good of perpetuity can follow thereof? Or who can hope that they will take any other course then such, as tendeth to a private and present benefit; considering that an Empire once obtained, is of congruity, how, and wheresoever the charge shall grow, to be annexed unto the crown? The riches of this place are not fit for any private estate: no question, they will rather prove sufficient to cross and couteruaile the Spaniard his proceed in all parts of Christendom, where his money maketh way to his ambition. If the necessity of following this enterprise doth nothing urge us, because in some case better a mischief, than an inconvenience: let the conveniency thereof somewhat move us, in respect both of so many Gentlemen, soldiers, and younger brothers, who, if for want of employment they do not die like cloyed cattle in rank easefulnesse; are enforced for maintenance sake, sometimes to take shameful and unlawful courses: and in respect of so many handycraftsmen having able bodies, that do live in cleanness of teeth and poverty. To sacrifice the children of Belia● unto the common weal, is not to defile the land with blood, because the low of God doth not prohibit it, and the execution of justice requireth it to be so: but yet if the waterboughes, that suck and feed on the juice, and nourishment that the fruitful branches should live by, are to be cut down from the tree, and not regarded: lucky and prosperous be that right hand, that shall plant and possess a soil, where ●hey may sruc●ifie, increase, and grow to good: thrice honourable and blessed be the memory of so charitable a deed, from one generation to another. To conclude, your lordship hath paid for the discovery and search, both in your own person, and since by me. You have framed it, and moulded it ready for her Majesty, to set on her seal. If either envy or ignorance, or other devise frustrate the rest, the good which shall grow to our enemies, and the loss which will come to her Majesty and this kingdom, will after a few years show itself. We have more people, more ships, and better means, and yet do nothing. The Spanish king hath had so sweet a taste of the riches thereof, as notwithstanding that he is lord of so many empires and kingdoms already, notwithstanding his enterprises of France and Flanders, notwithstanding that he attended this year a home invasion: yet he sent twenty eight sail to Trinidad, whereof ten were for that place and Guiana, and had some other ships ready at Cadiz, if the same had not been by my Lords her majesties Generals and your lordship set on fire. In one word; The time serveth, the like occasion seldom happeneth in many ages, the former repeated considerations do all jointly together importune us, now, or never to make ourselves rich, our posterity happy, our Prince every way stronger than our enemies, and to establish our Country in a state flourishing and peaceable. OH let not then such an indignity rest on us, as to deprave so notable an enterprise with false rumours, and vain suppositions, to sleep in so serious a matter, and renouncing the honour, strength, wealth, and sovereignty of so famous a conquest, to leave all unto the Spaniard. A Table of the names of the Rivers, Nations, Towns, and Casiques or Captains that in this second voyage were discovered. Rivers. Nations. Towns. Captains. 1 Arowari great. Arwaos, Pararweas, Charibes. 2 Iwaripoco very great. Mapurwanas. jaos. 3 Maipari great. Arricarri. 4 Caipurogh great. Arricurri. 5 Arcooa great. Marowannas, Charibes. 6 Wiapoco great. Coonoracki, Wacacoia, Wariseaco. 7 Wanari. Charibes. 8 Capurwacka great. Charibes. 9 Cawo great. jaos. Icoomana. Wareo. 10 Wia great. Maworia, Charib. Wiaco, Ch. Parammona, great. Mashwipo. 1 These are enemies to the jaos, their money is of white and green stones. They speak the Tivitivas language: so likewise do the nation of the Aricarri, who have greater store of those moneys than any others. 2 Here it was as it seemeth, that Vincent Pinçon the Spaniard had his Emeralds. In one of these two rivers certain Frenchmen that suffered shipwreck some 2. or 3. years since, do live. 3. 4. 5. These with the other two seem to be branches of the great river of Amazons. When we first fallen with land, we were, by y Indian's report, but 1. days journey from the greatest Rivers. Nations. Towns. Captains. 11 Caiane g. Gowateri a great Island. Wiaco. Ch. Shebaios. Canawi. g. Orinikero. Parawatteo. 12 Macuria. Piraos'. Ch. 13 Cawroora. Arawaccos Charib. 14 Manmanuri. Ipaios. Ch. 15 Cureey. Shebaios. 16 Curassawini. Shebaios. Musswara. great. Ocapanio. 17 Cunanama. Iaos● Arwaccas. Waritappi. great. Carinamari. Curipotoore. 18 Vracco. Moruga. Arwaccas. Arwaccas. Marwabo. Eramacoa. 19 Mawari● Winicinas. Arwaccas. Iwanama. Aranacoa. 20 Mawarpari. Arwaccas. Awaricana. Mahahonero. 21 Amonna very great. Capeleppo. g. Charibes. jaremappo. very great. 22 Marawini. g. Paracuttos. 23 Owcowi. 24 Wiawiami. 25 Aramatappo. 26 Wiapo. 27 Macuruma. 28 Carapi. 29 Vraca. 30 Chaimawinini great. Catepini. Charib. 31 Ecrowto. Vpotommas. Caponaiarie 32 Paporo, Arwaccas. Maripomma● 33 Shurinama. g. Carepini. Chari. 34 Shurama. g. Carepini. Cupari. 35 Northumbria or Cupanama very g. Char. Arwaccas. 36 Wioma. 37 Cushwini. Neekean. Tawroo●oment. Neperwari● river, that is on that coast. 6 The first mountains that appear within land, do lie on the East side of this river. From the mouth thereof, the inhabitants do pass with their canoas in 20. days to the salt lake, where Manoa standeth. The water hath many Cataracts like Caroli, but that they are of greater distance one from another: where it falls into the sea, hills do enclose it on both sides. 10 The freshet shoots out into the sea, with great force: the sea doth here sometimes camp high, and break, as if it were full of rocks: but in proof it is nothing else but the pride & force of the tides. In this day. & round about, so far a● the mountains do extend there is great store of brasil wood, some of it bearing fair darker colour than other some. Here are also many sorts of other good woods. 14 These speak the language of the Indian's of Dominica. They are but few, but very cruel to their enemies. For they bind, and eat them alive piecemeal. This torment is not esparable to the deadly pain that cometh of hurts, or wounds, made by those arrows that are envenomed with the juice of y● herb Wapoto●o. These Indian's because they eat them whom they kill, use no poison. The sea coast is nowhere populous, for they have much wasted Rivers. Nations. Towns. Capt. 38 Inana. g. Carepini. Owaripoore. 39 Curitini. g. Arwaccas. Parawianni Mawronama, 40 Winitwari. g. Maiapoore Carmacku. 41 Berbice. g. Arwaccas. Aneta. Manacobeece. Eppera. Parawiannoi. Lupulee. Warawaroco. 42 Wapari. Shebaios. Arwaccas. Madewini. Benmurwagh. 43 Maicawini. Panapi. Arwaccas. Ite●ee. Caporaco. great Cap. 44 Mahawaica. Arwaccas. Maburesa. g. 45 Lemerare. g. Wacawaios. Maburesa. g. 46 * So called after the name of the right honourable the Earl of Estes. Deuoritia● or Dessekebe. very g. Matorooni. Coowini. Chipanama. Arawanna. Itorebeco. Arwaccas. jaos. Shebaios. Arwaccas. Charibes. Maripai. Wocowaios. Parawianni. Iwarewakeri. Calaremappo. 47 Pawrooma. g. Aripacoro. Ecawini. Manurawini. jaos. Panipi. Waroopana. Maripa. Chipariparo. Tow●wi. Sarinbugh. Wariwagh. Macapowa. Shuracoima. 48 Moruga. g. Piara. Chaimeragoro. jaos. Arwaccas. Cooparoore. g. Awiaparl. Topoc. Manar●cowa. la●wruema 49 Waini. g Charibes. Tocoopoima. g. Parana. 50 Barima. g. Caitooma. Arooca. Charibes. Arwaccas. Pekwa. g. Arwakima. Anawra. Aparwa. Arracurri. 51 Amacur. g. 52 Aratoori. g. Cawrooma. g. Raleana, or Orenoque. Maipar Itacaponea Owarecapater. Warucanasso. islands in the mouth of Raleana. themselves, in mutual wars. But now in all parts so far as Orenoque, they live in league and peace. 21. Near the head of this river, Capeleppo falls out of the plains, and runneth into the Sea with Curitini. Some of the Guianians live in this river. 29. This river, as also most of the rest, is not navigable above six days journey by reason of rocks. It is ten days journey to the head, where the Guianians do dwel●hony, yarn or cotton, silk, Balsamum, and Brasil-beds are here to be had in plenty, and so all the coast alongst Eastward. Some images of gold, spleenestones, and others may be got on this coast, but they do somewhat extraordinarily esteem of them, because every where they are current money. They get their Moons, & other pieces of gold by exchange, taking for each one of their greater Canoas', one piece or image of gold, with three heads, and after that rate for their lesser Canoas', they receive pieces of gold of less value. One hatchet is the ordinary price for a Canoa. They have every where divers sorts of drugs, gums, and roots, which I doubt not by farther trial, will be found medicinable. Names of poisoned herbs. Ourari. Carassi. Apareepo. Parapara. Herbs good against poison. Turara. Cutarapama. Wapo. Macatto. The 29. day of june we arrived in Portland road, having spent five months in going, staying, and returning. Here fo●low the names of those worthy Spaniards that have sought to discover and conquer Guiana: Extracted out of the writings of ivan de Castellanos clerigo, who compiled the book entitled, Primera part de las Elegias de varones illustres de India's. THe enterprise of Guiana was undertaken by Diego de Ordas of the kingdom of Leon, in the year 1531. He was one of the captains of Cortes in the conquest of Mexico. This Ordas made his entrance by the river of Amana, The river of Amana, by which Sir Walter Ralegh first entered, called up Diego de Ordas Viapari: and by Ba●th de Casa● Iuia-P●ri. by which we entered, and spent fifty days before he came to the river of Orenoque, which we passed in fifteen. He named the river by which he entered, Viapari; which name it still retaineth in the Spanish descriptions. It lieth South from Trinidad some five leagues. He transported out of Spain a thousand soldiers. He died afterwards at sea in returning for Spain. 2 ivan Correso arrived at the river of Amazons or Orellana with three hundred men: He marched up into the country. But neither he nor any of his company did return again. 3 Gaspar de Sylva, with his two brothers, departed from Teneriff, accompanied with two hundred men to assist Diego de Ordas. They sought El Dorado by the river of Amazons: but staying there a short time, they fallen down to Trinidad, where they all three were buried. 4 ivan Gonsales set sail from Trinidad to discover Guiana. He reposed himself more on the Faith of his guides, then on his small number of men. He by trial found the confines of Guiana, so far as he entered, to be populous, plentiful of victual, and rich in gold. Upon such proofs as he brought with him, to make good his report, many others adventured to follow his steps. 5. 6 Philip de Vren, & after him Pedro de Limpias, who both successively commanded the Almains, were leaders in this action. Limpias was slain by an Indian Casique named Por●ma. 7 jeronimo de Orral undertook it by the way of Maracapana. After great travel and his substance all spent, he died on the sudden at S. Domingo. 8. 9 Ximenes, brother of Don Ximenes de Quesida the Adelantado, and Pedro de Orsua were both at sundry times in the same conquest. 10 Father jala, a Friar, taking with him only one companion, and some Indian guide's passed into the provinces of Guiana. He returned with good intelligence, and brought with him Eagles, idols, and other jewels of gold, An. 1560. He assayed the second time to pass in like manner, but was slain by the Indians. 11 Hernandez de Serpa also undertook it. The Indians of Cumanawgoto killed him, and defeated his army. 12 Afterwards, Diego de Vargas, and his son Don ivan followed this enterprise, and at their first setting out, were slain by the Indians. 13 Caceres undertook this discovery from Nuevo Reyno de Granada. He came no nearer to it then Matachines', which borders upon the said kingdom of Granada. He rested there and peopled that place. 14 It was also attempted by Alonço de Herera, at two several times. He endured great misery, but never entered one league into the country. He sought it by Viapari or Amana, and was at last slain by a nation of Indians called Xaguas. 15 It was also undertaken by Antonio Sedenno, with whom Herrera and Augustine Delgado joined in the conquest of Trinidad, against Bawcunai a famous king of that place. He passed by Maracapana in the year 1536 to discover El Dorado with 500 choose men. In this journey he got much gold, and took many Indian prisoners, whom he manacled in irons; and many of them died as they were led in the way. The Tigers being fleshed on those dead carkeisses, assaulted the Spaniards, who with much trouble hardly defended themselves from them. Sedenno was buried within the precinct of the empire near the head of the river Tinadoes. Most of his people perished likewise. 16 Augustine Delgado searched the country to the Southward of Cumanawgoto with 53. footmen, and three horsemen. The wars that were then between the Indians of the vale, and those of the mountains, served well for his purpose. By which ●ccas●●n he sound means to pass so far, until he came to an Indian Casique, named Garamental, who entertained him with all kindness, and gave him for a present some rich jewels of gold, six seemly pages, ten young slaves, and three nymphs very beautiful, which bore the names of three pr●um●es from whence they were sent to Garamental chief commander of all that country. Their names were Guanba, Gotoguane, and Maiarare. These provinces are of an excellent temperature, very healthful, and have an admirable influence in producing fair women. The Spaniards afterwards to requited the manifold courtesies that they received in that country, took and carried away, besides all the gold that they could get, all the Indians that they could lay hold on: they conveyed them in irons to Cubagua, and sold them for slaves. Delgado afterwards was shot in the eye by an Indian: of which hurt he died. 17 Diego de Losada succeeded in his brother's place. He had many more men; who in the end wasted themselves in mutinies: those that lived returned to Cubagua. 18 Reynoso undertook this journey: but having endured exceeding troubles, in the discomfort of his mind, he gave it over, and was buried in Hispaniola. 19 Pedro de Orsua, in the year 1560. sought it with 400. Spaniards by the river of Orellana. He embarked his men in the country of the Motijones. As they passed down the river, they found Cinnamon trees. His men murdered him, and afterward the said rebels beheaded lady Anes his wife, who forsook not her lord in all his travels unto death. 20 Friar Francis Montesino was in the province of Marecupana with 100 soldiers bond for Guiana, when Lopez Aguirri the tyrant made insurrection in all those parts of the Indies. What become of this intended journey is not expressed. In this discovery of Guiana, you may read both of Orella●a, who discovered the river of Amazons An. 1542. and of Berreo, with others that have trodden this maze, and lost themselves in seeking to find this country. An advertisement to the Reader. IN this breviary, the names only are comprised of such, as being led with the general fame of Guiana, have endeavoured to discover and possess it. The whole histories are long and cannot suddenly be translated or englished at large, as we in these Elegies find them. It may perhaps seem strange and incredible, that so many cavalleroes should all fail in this one attempt, since in many parts of the Indies, far smaller numbers in shorter time have performed as great matters, and subdued mighty kingdoms: I have therefore thought it good here to allege those reasons, which by circumstance may be gathered to have been chief impediments to the Spaniard in this intended search and conquest. The first may be the remoteness or distance of their places of Rendezvous, from El Dorado: which appear to be four, Nuevo Reyno, the mouth of Amazons or Orellana, Cubagua or the coast of the Caracas, and Trinidad. 1 From Moiobamba, where Orellana hath his head-spring, to his mouth, the Spaniards accounted it 2000 leagues. Raleana rises near the said mountains in Moiobamba, & tributeth his waters to the sea, not far from the other: Guiana is environed with these 2 freshwater-seas, where their distance is greatest from their rise, and is besides guarded with impassable mountains which enclose and defend it on all parts, excepting Topiawaries' country. It is no marvel then, if the vigour, heart, & life of those Spaniards, who sought it from Nuevo Reyno, were allayed & spent, before they came near to it, in those long, desolate & uncomfortable ways. 2 From Cubagua to seek it by sea in vessels of any burden, is a work of far greater labour, then to sail directly from Spaine● And to pass over land is a matter of great difficulty, by reason that the Indian nations inhabiting between the coast of The Caracas and Guiana, being wearied and harried with the daily incursions of the Spaniards, have now turned their abused patience into fury, refusing to suffer any forces of men to be led through their countries. For the Spaniards traveling in those parts, when they found not gold answerable to their expectation, overlaid them with cruelties, tyranny, and thraldom: forbearing neither men, women, friends, nor foes. Which manner of dealing, though in some part it satisfied their desire of present profit; yet hath it otherwise done them much harm, in hardening and driving those nations to desperate resolutions. 3 From the mouth of Orellana to seek entrance with any number of men, & to boar a hole through the mountains is all one. Neither find we, that any seeking it that way, have at any time boasted of their gains or pleasurable journeys. 4 From Trinidad, as the course is shortest, so doth it promise' best likelihood of success. Howbeit, impossible it is with any vessel of ordinary burden by that way to recover the river of Raleana. The second. The Spaniards have been foe far from helping and furthering one another, or admitting partners or coadjutors in the Guiana-cause, that amongst so many attempts, from the beginning to the last, I cannot found any one, when they were otherwise likeliest to prevail, free from discords, mutinies, and cruel murders amongst themselves. Thirdly. The Spaniards in this place have missed that advantage, which elsewhere hath ●●eeded themselves in all their conquests: namely, the dissensions and mutual wars of the Indians. Which of what force it is, may be gathered by the example Aranco in Chili. For the Indians of that one province containing in circuit not above 20. leagues, have maintained wars above these 30. years against all the Spaniards, and in despite of them have kept ●heir own country, oftentimes discomfiting their enemies in many set battles, burning and destroying som● of their strongest towns. The chief reason whereof I take to be, because ●o Indian nation was enemy unto them. And howsoever the Spaniards vaunt of their redoubted exploits in the Indies: yet do their own writings in effect testify, that without the aid of the Indians divided among themselves, Mexico, Peru, and the rest, had never been Spanish. Lastly. I can impute it to no cause so rightly, as immediately to the divine providence: for by him princes reign. And in my belief (except we will look to be warned by miracle ●rom heaven) we need no further assurances, than we already have to persuade ourselves, that it hath pleased God of his infinite goodness, in his will and purpose to appoint and reserve this ●mpire for us. The third voyage set forth by sir Walter Ralegh to Guiana, with a pinnace called The Watte, in the year 1596. Written by M. Thomas Masham a gentleman of the company. Upon Thursday the 14. of October 1596. we set sail from Limehouse upon the river of Thames, and through much contrariety of winds and other accidents, we made it the 27. of December, before we could get out of Waimouth. The 25. of januarie in the morning we came to the North side of the Island of Grand Canaria, where we hoped to have got a boat to serve us upon the coast of Guiana, but the wind was so great, that we could not lauch our shalope: so we passed along by the road and the town, and at length see a boat lying on shore, which being too big for us, we ripped up, and wooded ourselves with her. That day we descried a sail, which at length we found to be a flieboate of Dartmouth, of 200. tons, bond to the Island of Mayo for salt. We fallen in consort with her, and that night stood for the Southermost part of the Island there to water, where we stayed all the next day, and watered at the Southsouthwest part thereof. That night we weighed and stood away together Southsoutheast, and South and by East, purposing by their persuasion to go for the river Doro. The 28. of januarie we made the furthermost part of Barbary; and this morning we met with M. Benjamin Wood with his fleet of 3 sails bond for the straits of Magellan & China, M. Benjamin Wood bond for The South se●, Cape Blanco. to wit. The Bear, The Whelp, and The Benjamin: who told us that there was no good to be done in the river Doro. Whereupon we stood along with them for Cape Blanco, unto which we came upon Sunday night next following. And upon Monday morning the first of February, we see two ships in a sandy bay: so we stirred in with them, which were Frenchmen bond for the West Indies, and put all into the bay, where we refreshed ourselves with fish, in which there was infinite store, and stayed there until Thursday the 5. at which time we stood up with the Cape again, where road the Frenchman and his pinnace, who put forth right afore us, and another Frenchman and his caravel well manned: So all we 5. English came to an anchor by them, where after kind greeting with many shots out of every ship both English and French all our captains were invited to a feast aboard the French admiral: where after great cheer and kind entertainment, it was concluded on all hands to take the Isle of Fogo, if God would give us leave. The Island of Sal. The same day we all weighed and stood along for the Isle of Sal, unto which we came the 8. of February, and ankered altogether at a bay in the West part thereof: in which Island we had good store of goats and fresh fish. There is no man dwelling upon the Island that we could see. We could find no fresh water upon it, but one standing puddle of bad water: it hath four great mountains upon the 4. corners of it. Here the Frenchmen (as it seemeth being overcome with drink, having been aboard our General at a feast) being on shore, one of the gentlemen of their company was slain, and their chief captain sorely wounded: by reason whereof, and of the setting together of a pinnace which they were about, the French admiral and the caravel stayed behind. So we in the Watte, and the other 6. ships weighed the 10. of February, and stood away for the isle of Mayo. This night the other two French ships that came from Sal with us (as it seemeth of purpose, because their consorts were not with them) lost us. The next morning we saw Maio. So we and the flieboate of Dartmouth compassed the Northermost part of the Island, and master Benjamin Wood in the China-fleete, the Southermost, and came all to an anchor together at the South-west part thereof: where road six sails o● Fleming's lading salt; 36 sails of Flemings at Maio for 〈◊〉. who had brought their horses and carts, and wheelbarrows, and planks for their barrows to run upon. Here is abundance of salt in this Island made by God's hand without man's labour. These told us that there were thirty sails more, which fallen to leeward of Fogo, who, as I herded since, beaten it up with much ado, & came thither also for salt. This trade may be very beneficial to England, considering the dearness of salt. Of goats on this Island there is such store, as is incredible, but to those that have seen them: and it is a wonder how they live one by the other, the ground being stony and barren. It is thought that there are dwelling in it some twenty Mountainiers, which got one of the Flemings men straggling, and God know●th what they did with him: for they saw him no more. This Island is somewhat low and round, having no great mountains upon it. Here ended our determination concerning the invading of Fogo. And here we le●t the flieboat of Dartmouth lading salt, and the China-fleete to refresh themselves with goats who as I have herded since had at the village (from whence the Mountaini●rs were fled into the furthest parts of the Island and rocks) great store of dried goats which they carried along with them: which w●re like to be a great help unto them in their long voyage. So upon Saturday the 12 of February at night we set sail and stood for the coast of Wiana, which we were bond for. Upon Sunday the twentieth of February we came into the main current that setteth from the Cape of Buena Esperança along the coast of Brasil, and so toward the West Indies, for the most part setting away Northwest. The Tuesday night following, whereas before our course was Westsouthwest, we stood away West and by South: by reason whereof, and of the current that set us to the Northward, we were the next day by noon twenty minutes further to the Northward then the day before. So that then we lay away South-west, because we were loathe to fall to the Northward of our place intended: which if we should be put to leeward of, there was small hope left to recover it. By Thursday we were within out degree ½ of the Equinoctial line: therefore this day we halled away West and by South, and West among. This night we ●ounded, but had no ground at 90 fathoms. The next day in the morning the colour of the water began to change, and to be more white, so we made another sound and had ground at thirty fathoms, but see no land, and in the afternoon we halled away Westnorthwest, Northwest, and Northnorthwest. In the night we sounded divers times, and had twelve, ten, and nine fathoms water. All Saturday we had a thick read water, and had seven and eight fathoms both day and night, and upon Sunday morning by day being the seven and twentieth of February, we made the land which appeared low, and trended nearest as we fallen with it, South and by East, North and by West about two degrees ½ toward the North. Right on head of us was a Cape or headland, so that had we been shot a little further into the bay, the wind being more Northerly, we should hardly have doubled it off. For with much ado making many boards, and stopping every tide, it was the Tuesday following before we cleared ourselves of the bay, and recou●red the Cape. Now the land trended Northwest and by North, and Southeast and by South. And still we were feign to anchor every tide sometimes in four fathoms, and sometimes in three, as far as we could see l●nd. So about night we saw Cape Cecil: Cape Cecil in 3 degrees and a half. and after some two hours came to an anchor. Between these two Capes the land lieth ●owe and even. Upon Wednesday morning, having the wind large at Eastnortheast we laid it away upon a board into the bay of Wiapoucou and came to an anchor in the rivers mouth in two fathoms: over the bar there is little water, as 6 and 7 foot, and less in many places. And this river of Wiapoucou standeth almost in 4 degrees to the Northward of the line. The river of Wiapoucou almost in 4 degrees North. The next morning we weighed, and standing in with our pinnace by night, we got some eight leagues up the river. This day sometimes we had but 5 ●oote water and drawn 7 foot, but being soft oaze we went clear: and a little before we came to anchor, we were on ground upon a rock, but with some trouble and labour we got off and had no hurt. Upon Friday the 4 of March towards night we came to the falls. The next day M. Leonard Berrie our captain, the Master, myself and some 5 more, went through the woods, and spent all the day in searching the head of the falls, but could not find it: for though we passed by many, yet were there more still one above the other. So that finding no Indians in this river to buy victuals of, neither any kind of thing that might entice us to come to so short allowance, as we must have done, if we had spent any long time here, finding it over hard to pass the falls, we fallen down the river again, and by Friday the 11 of March we cleared ourselves of the river and bay. This river from the mouth to the falls is some 16 leagues, in many places a mile over, but for the most part half a mile. There are many Islands in it: as are also in most of the rivers upon the coast. This night we ankered against Cawo in two fathoms; Cawo. whereinto we thought to have put with our pinnace: but found the water so should, and the sea so grow●n, that neither with our ship nor shallop we dared go in. On Saturday by noon we came to anchor under one of the 7 Islands: The 7 Islands. upon which going on shore we found neither man nor beast, but great store of yellow plumbs which are good to eat. Upon Sunday after dinner our Master William Dowl and 6 more went off with our boat to a town called Aramatto; Aramatto a great town. where they found many inhabitants, and brought victuals and some Tobacco with them, and one Indian named Caprima, who lying aboard all night, the next day being Monday the 14 of March went with our Captain into Wias, The Caribes of Wias' tractable people. and there traded with the Caribes for such things as they had. And afterward they of Aramatto came off with their canoas to us, and we went on shore to them: and from thence our Captain sent a canoa with seven men, which had every one of them a knife to go back to the river of Cawo, and to tell Ritimo captain of that place, that because we could not come to him, we would stay at Chiana for him, whither we entreated him to come to us. So upon Thursday the 17 we stood in for Chiana, Chiana a river and bay. and came to an anchor without in the bay in 3 fathoms that night: and had the Caribes coming continually to us with their canoas, which brought us great store of victuals and some Tobacco, showing themselves very kind and loving, and came all from their towns, and dwelled on shore by us until Ritimo come: at whose coming they returned all up to their towns again, which was upon the Sunday following. All this day we feasted him and his train, and the next day we trafficked with them for such things as they brought, which was principally tobacco. After that they had made known their minds of the desire that they had to have the English come and kill the Spaniards, and to devil in Orenoque and in the country, they departed with their 3 canoas the next day. And we with the help of the Caribes of Chiana, having by their means from the shore watered, because the rivers mouth was salt, departed out of the bay the Thursday following, & passing by Macerea, Couroura, and Manamanora, by reason of shoalds, rocks, and great winds, being a lee shore; and for want of a good shalope, we came to an anchor the next day being good Friday in five fathoms near The Triangle Islands called The Careres. The Carenes. And upon Saturday standing to the Westward, we stopped against the town of Maware, Maware. which is a little to the Westward of the town Comanamo: from whence and from the other towns in that bay● which are some 6 or 7, we had canoas come off to us as before with such things as they had themselves in use, with parrots, monkeys, and cotton-wool, and flax. From whence we departed upon Monday following the 28 of March 1597. And passing by the rivers of Euracco and Amano, which openeth but a small river, and is should off, we came to Marawinne the next day: Marawinne a river. And finding a channel of three, four, and five fathoms, we stood into the river: and the same day came to an anchor some 2 leagues in against the mouth of Cooshepwinne, which river goeth into Amano. Into which, (understanding that there were Arwaccawes dwelling) this night we sent our boat and came to a town called Marrac one league in: Marrac, a town. And finding the people something pleasant, having drunk much that day, being as it seemed a festival day with them, yet were they very fearful and ready to run away at the first sight of us, having seldom seen any Christian before. But assoon as Henry our Indian interpreter had told them what we were, and our intent, they came to us and used us kindly, and brought us victuals and other things. And the next day their captain Mawewiron came out into Marawinne, with divers canoas, & traded with us, and we went in again to them on shore, who made very much of us, and carried us from house to house, and made us eat and drink in every house which we came in. And the next day following being the last of March, having the captain of Marrack with us, we weighed and stood into the river, and about two of the clock in the afternoon came to an anchor some eight leagues within the river, a little short of a town called Quiparia, Quiparia a town of the Caribes. the people whereof are Caribes: who, when they saw us come toward their town with our boat, began all to run into the woods, until the captain of Marrac which was with us in the boat, leapt overboard and swam on shore unto them, and told them that we were Englishmen, and came in friendship to trade with them. Upon whose report they came before night six or seven canoas aboard us, yet very fearful, because there was never either ship or Christian seen in that river before. The first of April, we weighed again, and stood in to the next town called Macir●ia: Macir●ia a town. where coming to anchor, there came a canoa from Amano to us, with great store of victuals, which canoa we bought: and because we met with some sholds, we were loathe to go any farther with our Pinnace: so there we mored her, and the next day at three of the clock in the afternoon, eleven of us (Master Monax having the government of the action, by the captains appointment) with Mawerirou Henry, and William of Cawo, in the canoa which we bought, went into the river farther to search it so far as we could, and that night got some five leagues from our ship. And between two villages, Awodwaier and Mapeributto, we took up our lodging in the woods. The third of April, betimes in the morning, we took our course still unto the river, and in the afternoon came to one house where we found many Indians, where we hired another canoa and four Indians, into the which I went, and one more of our men, and this night got twelve leagues farther, and as before, lodged among the wild beasts. On Monday the fourth of April, we came to the falls of this river about two in the afternoon; and having shot up some of the rocks, we went on shore upon an island, and there conferred of our farther proceeding. And enquiring of the Indians that we hired for our Pilots of the last house, whether the falls were passable or not: their first answer was, that they had nothing to eat: but we being loathe to lose so much labour, and the sight of that upper rich country, A rich country. which we desired, told them that they should have victuals of us (though God knoweth we had none for ourselves) who seeing us so importunate, said farther, that the rocks would kill the canaos: which they said because indeed they had no victuals: which by some was taken for sufficient to proceed no farther, and so we left off, and only stayed some two hours upon the island, and with the swiftness of the current, fallen that night down 10 leagues again. Though I for mine own part offered in that small canoa that I was in, being so leak, that myself did nothing but lave out the water, to lead them the way, and if they saw any danger to me, they might choose whether they would come into it or not themselves. For seeing the country above was rich as we were informed, that their bows were handled with gold, Bows handled with gold. (being men of an extraordinary stature for talues) we should have taken the more pains, and have fared the harder, until we had got up in the country which we saw with our eyes: for though we had not victuals in any sort to carry us up, yet the woods do yield fruits and the palmito trees afford meat, whereby we might have made shift to live, until we had come to the inhabitants, by whom we might both be refreshed with victuals, and also have reaped that, which might have done us good as long as we had lived. But to return to the rest of our voyage: the day after we went from the falls we came to our ship, which was the fifth of April 1597. On Wednesday we fallen with our Pinnace to Quiparia again: where we brought her on ground right before the 〈◊〉, and trimmed her with the pitch of the country: Pitch to trim ships. and until we had done, kept a corpse du guard, night and day on shore, which was upon Saturday following the ninth of April. All the while we were there we had an house of the Caribes, and were kindly used of them, and had victuals, and every thing we needed of them. And so taking our leave on Tuseday being the twelfth of April, we came to the mouth of Cusse-winne, The river of Cusse-winne. where the Arwaccas of Marrac and of the river had provided and brought to us such infinite store of potatoes, and Guiney-wheate, that the steward said we had no stowage for them; and so they were turned back, and we by that means came to shorter allowance home ward bond, than (if there had been any good care) we needed to have done. On Friday the fifteeneth of April, we put forth of Marawinne, Marawinne. which is some four leagues over, and within one league and an half for the most part broad; full of islands, and divers small rivers running into it: and it is between forty and fifty leagues, from the mouth to the falls, and lieth for the most part South Southwest up, altering some 3 points, being almost straight. And standing along to the Westward, this night we tried with our main corpse and bonnet. On Saturday night we came to an anchor, in three fathoms against Sewramo. Sewramo. On Sunday morning we thought to have go into Cuppanamo: but sending off our boat & finding uncertain sounding, sometime 3 fathoms and presently 9 foot, we stood along to Coritine and came into it upon the Monday being the 18 of April: Coritine river. and the next night we came to anchor against Warrawalle in 10 fathoms. On Wednesday the Indians of the town having hunted a do, she took soil & came near our ship and putting off with our boat we took her, being like unto our dear in England, not altogether so fat, but very good flesh and great bodied. In this river we met a Bark called the john of London captain Leigh being in her. And being both fallen down within some five leagues of the mouth of the river, upon intelligence that one Marracon, whom we brought along with us) gave us, namely that the river Desekebe, in which he dwelled (and wherein there were some three hundred Spaniards, which for the most part now are destroyed and dead doth lead so far into the country, that it cometh within a days journey of the lake called Per●ma, The great lake Per●ma. whereupon Manoa is supposed to stand; and that this river of Coritine doth meet with Desekebe up in the land: by means whereof we make accounted to go up into the country, and to have discovered a passage unto that rich city. So having concluded both ships, we stood up into the river again, and coming to Warawalle the 24 of April there our ships road until we went up to Mawranamo to speak with Marracon, to know the truth of these things: whom when we had found, he verified all that before he had spoken: Master Monax being the man that of Leonard of Cawe took all the intelligence: who being brought up with Antony Berreo could some Spanish and Marracons' language also. And besides we ourselves by signs, and drawing the two rivers on the ground, and the meeting of them alo●t, did perceive as much. Now coming down with our boats the six and twentieth of April we went up with our ships to Mawranama, They bring their ships up to the Mawranamo. where we morred them, and taking some twenty out of both, upon Thursday the eight and twentieth in ●he afternoon with two shallops and two Canaos, in one of which Henry the Indian was and some twenty Indians more, we went up the river; and by night getting some three leagues farther we lodged in the woods, and the next morning we with our boat and the two Canoas' went into a small river called Tapuere, to a town called called Macharibi, thinking to have had Casavi and other victuals, which they were altogether unprovided of, by reason that they make no more ready than serveth themselves from hand to mouth, living in this town for the most part by fish. By means of going into this river, though we rowed very hard it was noon before we overtook the bigger shallop wherein both the Captains were. This night we came to a town called Vaperon, where we stayed all Saturday and the night following, ●or Casavi: whereof they baked good store for us being but a ●ewe le●t in the town. For not a month before we came thither, the Waccawaes' th●t devil above the falls came down to the town, and slew some ten of them, and many of the rest fled away, so that we found most of the houses empty. Upon Sunday morning being May day, we went from this place, and by night got some twelve leagues beyond and being past all towns we lodged as before in the woods, and the next day came to the falls of the river; up some of which falls we shot with our boats, and going upon a rock there came some nine canoas up the river to us, and would have go up with us to kill the Waccawayans, because they had killed some of them, as before is said. Whereupon the Captains and Master Monax took advise: and because now they had learned as they said, that five days journey farther there was a fall not passable, and that by this means they should make the Wacchawa●●ns their enemies, which would turn to our great hurt, when Sir Walter Ralegh should come thither, having occasion to use this river, where we were informed was good store of gold, they resolved to return, though I yeeled divers reasons to the contrary. So upon Tuseday night, we came back to Vaperon, where we lodged. And upon Wednesday the fourth of May, we came to our ships: where it was reported that the Spaniards were gone out of Desekebe, which was not so: but as it seemed in policy by them given out to make our men that we left in our ships more careless, that they might the easier have surprised them in our absence. The next night we had news brought us to Mawranamo, where we yet road, that there were ten canoas of Spaniards in the mouth of Coritine; and fearing jest they had intended to come to us in the night, we fitted all our guns and muskets, and kept good watch to prevent them of their purpose; who, as it was afterward told us, went along the coast to buy bread and other victuals for them in Orenoque, Marowgo and Desekebe. Upon Friday the sixth of May we weighed and made down the river, and upon Sunday the eighth we got clear of it. This river is much like unto Marawynne in breadth, and about fifty leagues from the mouth to the first falls, full of Islands as the other: in which three rivers, Mano, Tapuere, and Tabuebbi, otherwise Tapuellibi: with six Towns, Warrawalle, Mawranamo, Maapuere, Maccharibi, Yohóron, and Vapéron. And so clering ourselves of this coast, we took our course to the Islands of the West Indies. Now I think it not amiss to speak something of this country. And first touching the climate; though it stand within the Tropic, and something near to the Equinoctial, so that the Sun is twice a year over their heads & never far from them, yet is it temperate enough in those parts. For besides that we lost not a man upon the coast, one that was sick before he came there, was nothing sicker for being there, but came home safe, thanks be to God. And for mine own part, I was never better in body in all my life, and in like sort fared it with the rest of the company: for indeed it is not so extreme hot as many imagine. The people in all the lower parts of the country go naked, both men and women, being of several languages, very tractable, and ingenious, and very loving and kind to Englishmen generally; as by experience we sound, and upon our own knowledge do report. In the upper countries they go appareled, being, as it seemeth, of a more evil disposition, having great store of gold, Great store of gold in Wia●●. as we are certainly informed by the lower Indians, of whom we had some gold, which they brought and bought in the high country of Wiana, being able to buy no more, because they wanted the things which now we have left among them. They keep no order of marriage: but have as many wives as they can buy, or win by force of their enemies, which principally is the cause of all their wars. For bread there is infinite store of casavi, which is as good bread as a man need to eat, and better than we can carry any thither. We spent not a bit of our own all the while we were upon the coast. It is made of a root so called; which they take and scrape, and crush all the juice out, being poison; and when it is dry it is as fine flower as our white meal maketh: which dry as it is, without any moisture, they strew upon a round stone, having a still fire under it, and so it congealeth to a cake; and when it cometh new off, it eateth like to our new white bread. Besides there is great store of Guiny-Wheat (whereof they make passing good drink) which after it is once sowed, Passing good drink made of maiz. if you cut off the ●are, on the same stalk groweth another. For victuals, we ●ither did not, or at lest needed not to have spent any of our own: for there is great store of as good fish in the rivers, as any is in the world. Great store of fowl, of divers sorts. Tortoise-●lesh plentiful, and Tortoises eggs innumerable. Dear, swine, coneys, hares, cocks and hens, with potatoes more them we could spend. Besides, all kind of first-fruits, a● all times of the year: and the rarest first-fruits of the world, the pine, the plantain with infinite other variable and pleasant, growing to their hands, without planting or dressing. For commodities, though we had but small time to search, because we spent so much time in searching the rivers: yet we have brought examples of some, which the country yieldeth in great plenty: The commodities of Wiana. as a kind of long hemp like unto steel hemp, fine cotton wool, which the trees yield great store of; and wherewith the women make a five thread, which will make excellent good fustians or stockings. Great store of pitch, divers sorts of sweet gums, & West Indian pepper, balsamum, parrots and monkeys. Besides divers other commodities, which in good time may be found out to the benefit of our country, and profit of the adventurers, who as yet having ventured much, have gained little. Now leaving the river of Coritine● passing by Saint Vincent, Santa L●cia, and Matalina, we came to Dominica upon the Friday following, being the the thirteenth of May, The●●ost captain Leigh in the joan of London. having lost the bank that came out with us the Wednesday before. Upon Sunday morning, the fifteenth of May, we came to Guadalupe, where we watered at the Souther part of the Island, and having done by night, we set sail, and stood away to the Northward, but were becalmed all night, and until ten of the clock on Monday night: at which time having a fair gale at East, and after at Southeast, we passed along in the sight of Monserate, Antigua, and Barbuda. Upon the ninth of june, being Thursday, we made the Islands of Flores and Coruo: and the eight and twentieth of june we made the Lisart, and that night came all safe to Plymmouth, blessed be God. Between the Isle of Barbuda in the West Indies and England we had three mighty storms, many calms, and some contrary winds. And upon the fourteenth of june 1597, there being divers whales playing about our pinnace, one of them crossed our stem, and going under, rubbed her back against our keel: but by none of all these we sustained any loss. Thanks be to him that governeth all things. Written by Master Thomas Masham● CERTAIN BRIEF TESTIMONIES CONcerning the mighty River of Amazons or Orellana, and of the most wonderful downfall or cataract of waters at the head thereof, named by the Spaniards El Pongo: together with some mention of the rich and stately Empire of Dorado, called by Sir Walter Ralegh and the natural Inhabitants Guiana, and of the golden country of Paytity near adjoining, with other memorable matters: Taken out of josephus de Acosta his natural and moral History of the West Indies. The first Testimony out of josephus de Acosta, lib. 2. cap 6. BUt when we entreat of Rivers, that which some men call the river of Amazons, others Marannon, others the river of Orellana, doth justly put to silence all the rest, whereunto our Spaniards have go and sailed. And I stand in doubt, whether I may call it a river or a sea. This river runneth from the mountains of Piru, from which it gathereth infinite store of waters, of rain, and rivers, which runneth along, gathering itself together, and passing through the great fields and plains of Paytiti, of Dorado, and of the Amazons, and falls at length into the Ocean sea, and entereth into it almost over against the Isles of Margarita and Trinidad. But it groweth so broad, especially towards the mouth, that it maketh in the midst many and great Isles: and that which seemeth incredible, sailing in the middle channel of the river, men can see nothing but the sky and the river, although men say that there are hills near the banks thereof, which can not be kenned, through the greatness of the River. We understood by very good means the wonderful breadth and largeness of this River, which justly may be called the Emperor of Rivers, to wit by a brother of our company, which being a boy was there, & sailed it wholly through, being personally present in all the successes of that strange entrance, which Pedro de Oriva made, and in the mutinies and perilous conspiracies of that wicked Diego de Aguirre, out of all which trouble's and dangers the Lord delivered him, to make him one of our society. The second Testimony out of josephus de Acosta, lib. 3. cap. 2. AMong all the rivers not only of the West Indies but also of the whole world, the chief is the River of Marannon or of the Amazons, whereof I have spoken in the second book. The Spaniards have divers times sailed along this river, with determination to discover countries, which, according to report, are of great riches, especially that which they call Dorado, and Paytiti. The Adelantado or admiral ivan de Salinas made a very notable entrance, although to small profit. It hath a salt or fall of water which they call El Pongo, El Pongo. which is one of the most dangerous places in the world: for being restrained between two exceeding high divided mountains, it maketh a fall of terrible depth, where the water with the great descent maketh such whirlpools that it seemeth impossible but that it should sink itself there into the ground. For all this the boldness of men hath attempted to pass the said El Pongo for the greediness to come to that so famous renowned Dorado. They suffered themselves to be carried from aloft, being thrown down headlong with the fury of the river, and sitting fast in their Canoas' or boats in which they nailed, although they were overturned in the fall, and they and their Canoas' sunk down to the bottom, yet they rose up again above the water, and at length with their hands and force got out of the whirlpools. The whole army in a manner escaped, saving a very few which were drowned: and which I most marvel at, they handled the matter so well, that they lost not their victuals and powder which they carried with them. In their return (for after great travels and dangers they returned that way again) they clymed up over one of those aforesaid exceeding high mountains, creeping up upon their hands and feet. Captain Pedro de Orsua made another entrance by the self same river, and after he was slain by a mutiny of his people, other captains followed the discovery, by the arm that falls into the North Sea. One of our company told me (who while he was a secular man was in all that expedition) that they entered up the River almost an hundred leagues with the tides, and that when the fresh water and the salt meeteth, which is either almost under or very near the Equinoctial line, the river is 70 leagues broad, a thing incredible, and which exceedeth the breadth of Mediterran sea. Howbeit other in their descriptions make it not past 25 or 30 leagues broad at the mouth. The third Testimony out of josephus de Acosta, lib. 3. cap 25. IN that part of America, whereof the coasts be thoroughly known the greater part of the Inland is not known, which is that which falls between Piru and Brasil, and there are divers opinions of some, which say, that it is all sunken land full of lakes and bogs, and or others which affirm that there are great and flourishing kingdoms there, and there they place the Country of Paytity, and Dorado, and great Emperors, and say, that there are wonderful things there. I herded of one of our company myself, a man of credit, that he had seen great towns, and high ways as broad and as much beaten, as the ways between Salamanca and Validolid: and this was when the great entrance or discovery was made by the great river of the Amazons or Marannon by Pedro de O●sua, and afterwards by others that succeeded him: and they supposing that Dorado which they sought, was farther up in the country, did not inhabit there, and afterward returned without discovering Dorado (which they never found) and without that great province which they left. A short description of the river of Marannon or amazons, and the Countries thereabouts, as also of the sea of Freshwater, taken out of an ancient Discourse of all the Ports, Creeks, and Havens of the West Indies, Written by Martin Fernandez de Enc●ça, and dedicated to Charles the Emperor, Anno 1518. MArannon lieth in seven degrees and an half Northward of the Equinoctial, it is a great river, and hath more than fifteen leagues in breadth eight leagues within the land. It hath many islands, and in this river within the land for●●e leagues there is near to the said river a mountain, whereupon grow trees of Incense, the trees be of a good height & the boughs thereof be like to Plum-trees, and the Incense doth hung at them, as the ice doth at the tiles of a house in the winter season when it doth frieze. In this river were taken four Indian in a small boat, called in the Indian language a Canoa, that came down by the riuer● and there were taken from them two stones of Emeralds, the one of them being as great as a man's hand. They said that so many days journey going upward by the river, they sound a rock of that stone. Likewise there were taken from them two loaves made of flower, which were like to cakes of Soap, and it seemed that they were kneaded with the liquor of Balsamum. All this coast from the Cape of S. Austin unto Marannon is a clear coast & deep, but near to the river are certain sholds towards the East part. And by the West part the river is deep, and it hath a good entry. From this river Marannon, vn●o the river which is called The sea of fresh water, are 25 leagues: this river hath 40 leagues of breadth at the mouth, and carrieth such abundance of water that it entereth more than 20 leagues into the Sea, and mingleth not itself with the salt water: this breadth goeth 25 leagues within the land, and after it is divided into parts, the one going towards the Southeast, and the other towards the South-west. That which goeth towards the Southeast is very deep and of much water and hath a channel half a league of breadth, that a Carack may go up through it: & the tides be so swift, that the ships have need of good cables. The river of ●his port is very good, and there have been some that have entered 50 leagues within it, & have seen● no mountains. The Indians of this country have their lips made full of small holes in 4 parts & through tho●e holes be put small rings, and likewise at their ears: & if any man ask of them where they had their gold, they answer, that going up by the river so many days journey, they found certain mountains that had much of it, and from those mountains they brought it when they would h●u● it, but they made no great account of it, for they neither buy nor cell, and amongst them is nothing but change. In this country they eat bread of roots, and Maiz and they eat certain roots which they call Eyes and Batatas, but the Batatas be better than the other roots, and being raw they have a smell of Chestnuts: they are to be eaten roasted. These Indians do make wine of the fruit of Date-trees, which fruit is yellow in colour, and is as great as a little doves egg, and being in season is good to be eaten, and of it proceedeth good wine, and is preserved for a long time. These kind of people do make their houses with upper rooms, and they sleep in them, as also all their habitation is in the upper rooms, and that which is below, they leave open: and also they use certain mantles of cotton wool, and these they tie at the ends with ropes● and the one end of of the rope they make fast to one part of the house, and the other end to the other part of the house: and in these they lie, which be their beds, and these kind of beds be used in all India, and there is not in any part of India any chambers that the people do use to lodge in aloft f●om the ground, nor they make any high rooms, but only in this part of India: & in all other places they make their houses without any lofts or chambers, and they cover their houses with the leaves of date trees, and of grass. And from this fresh water-sea unto Paria, the coast lieth West Northwest, and is so full of sholds that the ships cannot come near to the land. There are from this river to Paria 250 leagues. In this fresh water sea, the tides do ebb & flow as much as they do in Britain, and it standeth in 6 degrees and a half. Paria standeth on the other side of the Equinoctial toward the North, in seven degrees: In Paria the sea floweth but little, and from Paria towards the West, the sea doth not flow. From the entry of the gulf of Paria unto the Cape that lieth towards the West, are 35 leagues, and from thence the coast turneth towards the North-east other 35 leagues, & from thence the coast turneth toward the West. Before this gulf standeth the Island of Trinidad, and towards the West doth appear the gulf of Paria like to half a round circle, after the fashion of a Diameter, and at the end of this circle is the entry in of Paria, & at this entry there is between the land and the Island 8 leagues, and on the other side there is but little space between the Island and the land, but it is deep, and hath a good entry: this Island of Trinidad hath in length 25 leagues, and as many in breadth, and standeth in eight degrees, and is inhabited of many people, and as yet not under subjection. Here the Indians do use to shoot with bows, and arrows which are of a fathom in length, made of reeds, which grow in that Country, and at the end of them is artificially joined a piece of wood very strong, unto the which piece of wood at the end of it, they put a bone of a fish, in place of an arrow head: these kind of bones be harder than Diamonds, and every one of them be three or four fingers long, & they are taken out of a fish that hath three of these bones, one upon the back, another under every wing: but that which groweth upon the back is the strongest and the greatest. In this Island the people says that there groweth gold: and in this Island and in Paria grow reeds so great, that they make staves of them and carry of them into Spain. Likewise there be Popinjays very great and gentle, and some of them have their foreheads yellow, and this sort do quickly learn to speak, and speak much. There be likewise in the gulf of Paria pearls, although not many, but very good and great. CERTAIN VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS AND Traffics both ancient and of late, to divers places upon the coast of Brasil: together with a Ruttier for all that coast, and two intercepted letters which reveal many secrets of the state of that country: the rest of our Voyages to Brasil which have been either intended or performed to the River of Plate, the straight of Magellan, the South sea, or farther that way, being reserved for the general heads next ensuing. A brief relation of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M. William Haukins of Plymouth, father to Sir john Haukins knight, late Treasurer of her majesties Navy, in the year 1530 and 1532. Old M. William Haukins of Plymouth, a man for his wisdom, valour, experience, and skill in sea cause's much esteemed, and beloved of K. Henry the 8, and being one of the principal Sea-captaines in the West parts of England in his time, not contented with the short voyages commonly then made only to the known coasts of Europe, armed out a tall and goodly ship of his own of the burden of 250 tons, called the Paul of Plymouth, wherewith he made three long and famous voyages unto the coast of Brasil, a thing in those days very rare, especially to our Nation. In the course of which voyages he touched at the river of Sestos upon the coast of Guinea, where he trafficked with the Negroes, and took of them Elephants teeth, and other commodities which that place yieldeth: and so arriving on the coast of Brasil, he used there such discretion, and behaved himself so wisely with those savage people, that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them. Insomuch that in his second voyage, one of the savage kings of the country of Brasil, was contented to take ship with him, and to be transported hither into England: The second voyage of M. William Haukins to Brasil. A king of Brasil brought into England. whereunto M. Haukins agreed, leaving behind in the Count●ry as a pledge for his safety and return again, one Martin Cockeram of Plymouth. This Brasilian king being arrived, was brought up to London and presented to K. Henry the 8. lying as then at Whitehall: at the sight of whom the King and all the Nobility did not a little marvel, and not without cause: for in his cheeks were holes made according to their savage manner, and therein small bones were planted, standing an inch out from the said holes, which in his own Country was reputed for a great bravery. He had also another hole in his neither lip, wherein was set a precious stone about the bigness of a pease: All his apparel, behaviour, and gesture, were very strange to the beholders. Having remained here the space almost of a whole year, and the king with his sight fully satisfied, M. Hawkins according to his promise and appointment, purposed to convey him again into his country: but it fallen out in the way, that by change of air and alteration of diet, the said Savage king did at sea, which was feared would turn to the loss of the life of Martin Cockeram his pledge. Nevertheless, the Savages being fully persuaded of the honest dealing of our men with th●ir prince, restored again the said pledge, without any harm to him, or any man of the company: which pledge of there's they brought home again into England, with their ship freighted, and furnished with the commodities of the country. Which Martin Cockeram, by the witness of Sir john Hawkins, being an officer in the town of Plymouth, was living within these few years. An ancient voyage of M. Robert Reniger and M. Thomas Borey to Brasil in the year of our Lord 1540 I Have been certainly informed by M. Anthony Garrard an ancient and worshipful merchant of the city of London, that this commondious and gainful voyage to Brasil was ordinarily and usually frequented by M. Robert Reniger, M. Thomas Borey, and divers other substantial and wealthy merchants of Southampton, about 60. years past, that is to say in the year 1540 A voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil anno 1542. ALso the worshipful M. Edward Cotton of Southampton Esquire gave me more particularly to understand, how that one Pudsey of Southampton, a man of good skill and resolution in marine causes, made a voyage in like manner 62. years ago to Baya de todos los Santos the principal town of all Brasil, and the seat of the Portugal viceroy and of the bishop, and that he built a fort not far distant from that place, in the foresaid year 1542. A fort built 〈◊〉 Brasil by the English. A letter written to M. Richard Staper by john Whithal from Santos in Brasil, the 26. of june 1578. Worshipful sir, and well-beloved friend M. Staper, I have me most hearty commended unto you, wishing your health even as mine own. These few words may be to let you understand, that whereas I written unto you not many days passed by the way of Lisbon, how that I determined to be with you very shortly, it is in this country offered me to marry, and to take my choice of three or four: so that I am about three days ago con●orted with an Italian gentleman to marry with his daughter within these four days. This my friend and father in law Signor joffo Door is born in the city of Genua in Italy: his kindred is well known amongst the Italians in London: also he hath but only this child which is his daughter, which he hath thought better bestowed upon me then on any Portugal in all the country, and doth give with her in marriage to me part of an Ingenio which he hath, that doth make every year a thousand roves of sugar. This my marriage will be worth to me two thousand ducats, little more or less. Also Signior joffo Dore my father in law doth intend to put into my hands the whole Ingenio with sixty or seventy slaves, and thereof to make me factor for us both. I give my lining Lord thanks for placing me in such honour and plentifulness of all things. Also certain days past I talked with the Provedor and the Captain, and they have certified me, that they have discovered certain Mines of silver and gold, Mines of gold and silver newly discovered at S. Vincent. and look every day for Masters to come to open the said Mines: which when they be opened will enrich this country very much. This place is called S. Vincent, and is distant from you two thousand leagues, and in 24. degrees of latitude on the South side of the Equinoctial line, & almost under the Tropic of Capricorn. A country it is very healthful without sickness. Moreover, I have talked with the Captain and Provedor, and my father in law, who rule all this country, for to have a ship with goods to come from London hither, which have promised me to give me licence, saying that now I am free denizen of this country. To 'cause a ship to come hither with such commodities as would serve this country, would come to great gains, God sending in safety the profit and gains. In such wares and commodities as you may ship hither from London is for every one commodity delivered here three for one, The voyage to S. Vincent worth three for one outward only. and then after the proceed may be employed in white sugar at four hundred reis the rove. I mean also to have a friend in London to send me a ship of 60. or 70. tons, little more or less, with such commodities as I shall give advise for. This voyage is as good as any Peru-voyage. If you and Master Osborne will deal here, I will deal with you before any other, because of our old friendly friendship in time past. If you have any stomach thereto, in the Name of God do you espy out a sine bark of seventy or eighty tons, and sand her hither with a Portugal Pilot to this port of S. Vincent in Brasil, bordering upon the borders of Peru. Also I herewith writ unto you in what form and manner you shall furnish this voyage both in commodities and otherwise. In what manner a voyage to S. Vincent with a ship of 70. or 80. tons is to made. First you must lad in the said ship certain Hampshire and Devonshire kerseys: for the which you must let her departed from London in October, and to touch in the Canaries, and there to make sale of the said kerseys, and with the proceed thereof of lad fifteen tons of wines that be perfect and good, and si●e dozen of Cordovan skins of these colours, to wit, orange tawny, yellow, read, and very fine black. I think you shall not find such colours there. Therefore you must 'cause them that shall go upon this voyage, to take saffron with them, to 'cause the same skins to be put into the said colours. Also I think you shall find oils there. Three hogsheads of sweet oil for this voyage are very necessary, or a hundred & fifty jars of oil. Also in London you may lad in the said ship these parcels of commodities or wares, as followeth: In primis, Four pieces of hollands of middle sort. Item, One piece of fine holland. Four hundred else of osenbriges very fine. Four dozen of sizzors of all sorts. Sixteen kintals of pitch of the Canaries. Twenty dozen of great knives which be made in farthels, of a low price. Four dozen of a small sort. Six pieces of bays of the lowest sort. One very fine piece of days. Four hundred else of Manchester-cottons, most black, green, some yellow. Eight or ten dozen of hats, the one half trimmed with taffeta, the other plain, with the bands odd Cypress. Six dozen of course shirts. Three dozen of doublets of canvas. Three dozen of doublets of stitched canvas. One piece of fine Millan-fustian barred. Six dozen of locks for doors and chests. Six thousand of all manner of fish hooks. Four dozen reams of paper. Two dozen of glasses of divers sorts. Two dozen of Venice glasses, the one half great, the other middle sort. Two dozen of mantles of freeze, of the lowest price that can be, Three dozen of freeze gowns. Four hundred pound of tin of the use of Portugal, most small dishes and trenchers, Four pound of silk of all colours. Twenty pound of spices, cloves, cinnamon, pepper, and saffron. Two kintals of white soap. Three pound of thread, white, black, and blue. Three pound of fine white thread. Item, half a dozen of Northern kerseys of divers colours● Four sorting clotheses, blue, read, yellow, and green, Six Northern dozen of divers colours. One fine blue clot of eight pound. One fine stammel of ten or twelve pound. One fine sheep coloured clot of twelve pound. One fine black kerchief. One fine stammel kerchief. Six yards of black velvet. Three barrels of nails for chests. Two barrels of nails for ships and barks. Six kintals of Occom. Two dozen of velvet girdles without hangers. Four yards of taffeta read, black, and blue, with some greene● Two dozen of leather girdles. Six dozen of axes, hatchets, and small bills to cut wood. Four mazes of gittern strings. Four hundred or five hundred else of some linen clot that is of a low price to make shirts and sheets. Four tun of pron. These be such sort of wares as I would you should sand. If you mean to deal, or sand any ship hither, have you no doubt, but by the help of God I shall put all things in good order according to your contentment and profit: for my father in law with the Captain and Provedor do rule this country. My father in law & I shall (God willing) make a good quantity of sugar every year, which sugar we intent to ship for London from henceforth, if we can get such a trusty & good friend as you to deal with us in this matter. I pray you presently after the receipt of this my letter to writ me answer thereof, & sand your letter to M. Holder to Lisbon, & he will convey it to me out of hand. Besides the premises sand six yards of scarlet, parchment lace of divers colours. Six yards of crimson veluet● Six yards of crimson fatten. Twelve yards of fine puke black. Here in this country in stead of john Whithall they have called me john Leitoan: john Leitoa●● so that they have used this name so long time, that at this present there is no remedy but it must remain so. When you writ unto me, let the superscription be unto john Leitoan. Thus I commit you with all yours to the holy Ghost for ever. If you sand this ship, I would have you give order that she touch in no part of coast of Guinie nor any other coast, but to come directly hither to the port of S. Vincent, and from the Canaries let her be dispatched in my name, to wit, john Leitoan. Also a dozen of shirts for my wearing let be sent, if you sand the ship. Item, six or eight pieces of says for mantles for women, which is the most necessary thing that can be sent. By your assured friend john Whithall. A copy of the letters of the Adventurers for brasil sent to john Whithall dwelling in Santos, by the Minion of London. Anno 1580. the 24. of October in London. MAster Whithall, as unacquainted we commend us unto you, etc. understanding by your friends, M. john Bird, M. Robert Walkaden, and your brother james Whithall of certain letters that they have received of yours from Santos, which we have seen and read, wherein from time to time you do require, and desire them to sand a good ship to Santos, with such wares and commodities as you did writ for, whereby you did not only promise' that they should have good entertainment, but also should cell the said commodities to make three of one outward at the lest in every thing, and that for to relade their ship back, they should have of the best, finest, & whitest dry sugars 32. pound of our weight for a ducat at the most. The promises considered, with the great credit that they and we do give to your writing & promise, have caused us, whose names be hereunder written, to join ourselves in company together, & to be at great charges purposely to sand this good ship the Minion of London, not only with such merchandises as you written for, but also with as m●ny other things as we thought might any ways pleasure you, or profit the country. And we crave of you, that we and our factors may have so much credit of you, as we have in you and of your letters, which is to believe us that we have taken this voyage upon us, with no other mind or purpose, then to deal faithfully and truly in the trade by sea and land, so as you shall not only have cause to rejoice, and deserve thanks for our coming, but also you will procure the magistrates there to be bond, as they use in Galicia, that we may be preserved and defended from all reprisals and imbargments of princes or subjects for any causes or matters whatsoever, whereby we may be encouraged by them, giving us this security of good entertainment, to continued the trade yearly henceforth: and for our parts we promise' upon our credits and fidelities, to commit no outrage at the sea nor land, nor suffer any to be done in our company that we may let, but rather to defend and protect all other such peaceable merchants as we are, with their ships and goods. And to the end that you and others shall know that we mean as we say, we have given order to our factors to give you good hostages for your assurance of our good fidelities: and further we have sent a testimonial of our own true meaning in writing under the seals of this honourable City of London, which we will not discredit by our behaviours for all the treasure that you have: and so we have written to your magistrates of your port, and others in Spanish, the copy whereof we sand you herewith enclosed in English. And if the time should fall out so contrary to our expectations, that there should not be fine white sugar sufficient to lad our said ship in due time at Santos, than we pray you direct our factors where they may go with the ship in safety to supply their want, and help them to a good sure Pilot for that purpose, and writ your letters to your friends where the best sugar is made in their favours, and help our factors to have a testimonial from Santos, that they and you traded together friendly, and so departed in good and perfect amity, and show them that the just cause of our coming is to trade as merchants peaceably, and not as Pirates to commit any offence to one or other. Also we pray you, if there be any store of ware, or saltpeter, whereby the price there may yield us as much profit as the white sugars at a ducat the rove, or any other commodity of like profit, then to procure that we may lad it without danger of law, be it oar of gold or silver or whatsoever else. We have sent you copper couldrons for your Ingenios', with iron and all other necessaries for your purpose, and artificers to see the s●me: and as we have at your request been at great charges in sending these men, so we pray you let us have lawful favour in like courtesy to further all our causes. And if any of our Mariners or passengers in any respect of displeasure against their company, or in hope of preferment of marriage or otherwise would procure to tarry and devil there, and leave his charge and office, that then you will be a means to the justice that such fugitives should be sent aboard the ship as prisoners: for as you know, without our men we cannot bring home our ship. We have given order to our factors to use your counsel and help in their affairs, and to gratify you for the same as to your courtesy and faithful friendship shall appertain to your good liking: and in the mean time for a token of our good wills towards you, we have sent you a field-bed of walnut tree, with the canopy, valens, curtains, and gilded knops. And if there be any commodity else that may pleasure you or your friends, we have given order that they shall have the refusing of it before any other, giving for it as it is worth. And thus to conclude, promising to perform all the foresaid things on our parts in every condition, we commit you to God, whoever preserve you with all his blessings. Your loving friends Christopher Hodsdon. Anthony Garrard. Thomas Bramlie. john Bird. William Elkin. M. Stephen Hare was Captain in this voyage. Certain notes of the voyage to brasil with the Minion of London, aforesaid, in the year 1580. written by Thomas Grigs Purser of the said ship. THe third day of November in the year abovesaid we departed in the Minion of London from Harwich, from which time no great thing worth the knowledge or regard of others happened until the 22. of December the next month, which day for our own learning & use we observed the setting of the Sun, which was Westsouthwest, we then being under the line Equinoctial, where we found the air very temperate, and the wind for the most part Southeast and East southeast. The same day we also observed the rising of the moon, being one day after the full, which rose at East north-east. The isle of S. Sebastian. The first land that we fallen with upon the coast of brasil was the island of S. Sebastian, where we arrived the 14. day of january in the year 1581. The 16. day Thomas Babington, and others in our pinnace, went a shore to Guaybea, where they met with john Whithall his father and mother in law, who having received letters from thence to be delivered at Santos, came aboard, and then we weighed and set sail, and the 28. day we arrived at the island of Santa Catelina, near the entrance of Santos. The isle of S. C●telina. Our course from S. Sebastian was Southwest and by West, and betwixt the South-west and by West, and West south-west. This island of Santa Catelina seemeth at the first to be a part of the island of Girybia. We ank●red at nine fathom black os●e ground. Upon the island there grow many Palmito-trees, but no fresh water is there to be found. The third day of February we arrived before the town of Santos, They arrius at Santos● and were there well received and entertained of the Captain, the king's officers, and all the people. The fourth day we took into our ship a be●fe alive, which served for the victualling of the ship, and the refreshing of our men, and to make us the merrier at Shrovetide. The eight day we delivered to M. john Whithall a bedstead with the appurtenances, which were sent to him from our merchants of London. The 18. day the captain of Santos came aboard our ship, by whom we had knowledge of four great French ships of war, that had been at the river of jenero, which there took three Canoas', but were driven from thence by their castles & sorts, and were looked for here at Santos. Whereupon the Captain requested us to lend them some armour and artillery, and we lent them twenty calivers, and two barrels of powder. The 19 day our skiff which we had sent to Alcatrarzas, The isle of Alcatra●zas or Pelicans. and had been away six days, came again, and brought good store of great and good fish, and told us that there was good store of fish to be taken there by the hook, and as much wood as we would have of the Palmito-tree. The 20. day at night Nicholas Gale, one of our company, fallen over our ships side, and was drowned in the port of Santos before the town, where our ship road at anchor. The 22. day two of the Canoas' which the Frenchmen took in the river of jenero, returned to Santos, and reported that the four French ships were passed to the southwards, as they thought, for the Straitss of Magellan, and so into the South sea. The 23. day the aforesaid Nicholas Gale, who fallen overbord two days before, was found again, and taken up three miles from our ship, and our company went to his burial in the Church at Santos. This day the Captain and justices of Santos wished us to tarry in their road till the last of April, for they had sent a bark of Santos to Baya at the king's charges, to know whether we should have trade or not, and this bark could not return before that time. About this time there arrived at Fe●nambuck a ship from Portugal, which brought news that the Islands, Indies, and Portugal itself was molested and troubled by the Spani●rds, and that the Portugals had both English and Frenchmen to Lisbon to defend them against Spain. The 25. day we sent two of our men, namely Thomas Michael and Simon Thorn to Baya in a bark that went thither from Santos. The two and twenty day of April our Master and Thomas Babington having some talk and conference with the Padres of Santos, they (our men being ready to go to the River of jenero) told them, that they were sorry for our banishment from the Church, and that the Ministrador had written from Rio de jenero, that forasmuch as these twenty years or more the English nation had denied the Church of Rome and her proceed, therefore the Ministrador commanded that none of us should come to their Church: the Padres willed us herein to have patience, and to take it in good part, and promised to stand our friends in their word and writing, both to the Ministrador and to the bishop at Baya, and further requested all our English company to have no ill opinion of them. The 28. of April we laded sugars into our ship. Their lading of sugars. The 21. of May we took in fresh victuals from Santos. The 10. day of june we gratified one josto Thorno, dwelling in Santos, with some of our English victuals, and entertained him in good sort in our ship, and this day we were promised to have a Pilot at Santos to carry us to Baya. The 11. day we went to fish, to make provision for our ship and men, and from that time till the eighteenth day we fet water, and cut w●od for our fire, Leaks in t●● Mi●ion made by worm's. and trimmed our ship of the harms and leaks which the worms had made in her while we rid at the island of S. Sebastian, and in the mean time we departed from before the town of Santos. Our Master sent his skiff from the bar of Santos. thinking to have brought Thomas Babington and William Euet with the Pilot, which we had ●arried for three days: and as the skiff was going, William Euet being by the rivers side, called to our pinnace, and sent a letter to our * Whose nam● was S●ephen Hare. Master, which Thomas Babington had written, wherein were no news, but that the Ministrador was arrived at Santos from the River of jenero, and would speak with our Master, but he willed that whatsoever Thomas Babington did writ, no credit should be given to it. And further he wished us presently to departed for Sant Sebastian, and there to dispatch our business, and then to send back for Babington and himself to Guaybea, where he (if he were well) would give his attendance to come aboard. Their departure from Santos. As we rid two leagues a sea-bord the bar of Santos, we broken a cable in the open sea, which happened the 15. day of this month. We arrived at S. Sebastian the 15. day, and there shifted our ballast, and had in stones, and halled our ship a ground to stop our leaks, & carried our cask a shore to be hooped for water, which indeed might better have been done in Santos, before the Ministrador came thither: yet we finished all things pertaining to our ship, by the 22. of this month, at S. Sebastian. The first day of july Thomas Babington came aboard with William Euet, in our pinnace, and the rest of our men that went for them: but there was no Pilot brought according to promise' to carry us to Baya. The things that we observed and noted in the time of our being at Santos, were these. All such wares and merchandizes as own no custom in brasil, their use is, to set a price vpo● the same, how they shallbe sold: which is done by the magistrates of the town, according to the ordinances of their king. But for all such merchandises as do own custom there, the merchants are to cell them according as they may, to the greatest profit and advantange that they can. Some part of Peru but 12. days journey from Santos. Concerning the province of Peru, we learned that one part of it by land & water is but twelve days journey from the town of Santos, and from thence it may be about four or five days journey by water to the main river of Plate. From the head of the river of Plate, and from their chief towns there, they do trade and traffic by l●nd into Peru by wagons, and horses or mules. The said river of Plate is so full of sands and dangers, and the fresh to fierce sometimes, that no shipping dares to deal with it, small barks to their knowledge may go up it, and not else. The Portugale● ●orbidden to use their mines. The Portugals here cannot be suffered to use their Mines of treasure in these parts, upon pain of death, the contrary being commanded by the king and the Uiceroy, who is as their king in place of authority. About twenty leagues from Santos there is a certain kind of wild Savages, lying in the mountains, which are in friendship with the Portugals, and they have continual wars with certain other Savages that devil towards the borders of Peru, which is distant from Santos about 400. or 500 leagues. Those Savages of Peru have store of gold and silver, but they know not the use of it. Look what Savages of their enemies they take, they cell them to the Portugals for knives, combs, ears or hatchets, and other trifles: they will cell one for a pennie-knife to a Portugal, and after two years they are worth twenty or thirty ducats to the Portugal. This people have also continual wars with the Spaniards: and this was told us by one of those Savages, which hath ●welt among the Portugals these seven years, with his master called Sennor Manoel Veloso. And this fellow ●ould willingly have come with us for England. The isle of Alca●rarza● or Pelicans, dangerous for rocks. There are certain rocks that lie off between the isle of Alcatrarzas and S. Sebastian, about two leagues, which are to be taken heed of, which a far off in fair weather show like the sails of ships. There are other rocks that lie off S. Catelina also five leagues to the East and by South into the sea of the island. At our coming up to Santos we found four fathom and a half water in the shallowest place, and the like we found within a league after we were departed from S. Catelina, little more or less, but after you have run in the depth of four fathom and a half, about a mile or less, than you shall have it deeper again more and more. Before the town of Santos we road in eight and ten fathom water. A letter of Francis Suares to his brother Diego Suares dwelling in Lisbon, written from the river of jenero in brasil in june 1596. concerning the exceeding rich trade newly begun between that place and Peru, by the way of the river of Plate, with small barks of 30. and 40. tons. SIr, we set sail from Lisbon the fourth of April 1596. and arrived here in this river o● jenero the twenty seventh of june next ensuing. And t●e same day the Visitadores did visit our ship with great joy, thinking that those commodities which we brought with us, had been for the merchants of this country: but it proved to the contrary. The pilot brought with him in the said ship two pipes of wine which were taken from him, and sold by the justice for four and twenty reals every gallon. Wine sold 〈◊〉 an excessive rate. But I sold mine for two and thirty and six and thirty reals the gallon. If I had brought any great store of wine, I should have made a great gain of it: for I should have got eight reals for one. The next day in the morning we went all on shore, and gave God thanks for our prosperous voyage, and good success which he had sent us. And because the governor of this country was go from this Town to another house of his, three leagues up into the river beyond the place where we road at anchor, I desired the captain of our ship after dinner, that we might take the ship boat, and go to the place where the governor did lie. And so going up the river, we met with a canoa which was coming down the river, and going aboard our ship; which canoa was laden with fresh victuals, and in the same was one Portugal, which met us, and told us that the governor of that captain ship had sent us a present, which we received very thankfully, and sent it aboard. And we went up the river, to the place where the governor did devil; and coming to the place where we landed, hard by the the rivers side, the governor came thither and received us very courteously. So we remained at his house two days, talking of many matters of Portugal: then we departed from him, and came d●wne the river. Three days after, I hired a warehouse by myself, and landed my commodities. And now I am selling them as fast as I can; and cell them very well, and to great profit: for I have sold all our hats. I would I had brought forty or fifty dozen, by reason of the great utterance of them up into Peru, and into the new kingdom of Granada, by the way of the river of Plate. A rich trade from the river of jenero by the river of Plate into Peru, etc. For here is passage every three or four months with barks of thirty and forty tons a piece, watch are laden with sugars, rice, taffetas, hats, and other kinds of commodities of this country, which are carried up the said river of Plate in the said barks, and thence are conveyed up into Peru. And these barks are but ten or twelve days going up the said river to Peru. The shortness of the r●●●r●e of th● voyage to Peru. And within four and five mon●ths after, the said barks come down this river again laden with reals of plate, and bring down from those places no other commodities but treasure. It is a wonderful thing to behold the great gain and profit which is got in this river and in this country. I am ashamed to writ it, fearing that I shall not be belee●ed. For the employment of one hundred ducats in Spain, being brought hither, will yield tw●lue hundred and fifteen hun●red ducats profit. This trade hath been used but within t●is year. This rich trade was begun in the year 1595. For we can go up to the mines of Potosi, which are the best and the richest mines in all Peru. If the merchants of Spain and Portugal did know this trade, they would not sand nor venture so much merchandise to Cartagena as they do. For up this river is a great deal the nearer way, and the easier to go to Peru. For the Perule●os or merchants of Peru, which devil there, c●me down to this harbour and river of jenero, and bring with them fifteen thousand and twenty thousand ducats in reals of plate and gold, and employ it here in this river in commodities: and when here are no commodities to be had for money in this place, than these merchants of Peru are constrained to go to Baia and Fernambue, and there to employ th●ir money. I would I had brought good store of silks, and not these hind of commodities which I did bring. For here is more profit to be had a great deal then in the voyage of Angola. The voya●● of Angola in Africa. For here with five hundred ducats in five months space a man may get si●e thousand ducats. And this is no fable, but most true, and a great deal more than I can express. For a rapier which doth cost in Spain four and twenty and si●e and twenty reals, is sold here for forty and fifty ducats: a bridle for a horse is sold for fifteen ducats: a lock of ● door and the key is sold for ten ducats: a pound of benjamin is sold for fifteen ducats: a yard of velvet is sold for twenty and five and twenty ducats: taffetas are sold for six and seven ducats the vare: an ounce of musk is sold for forty ducats● and all kind of commodities after this rate. So one thousand ducats of Spanish commodities will gain ten thousand ducats. Ga●ne of t●● thousand ducats for the laying out o● one thousan●● Thus I hope in God to make more profit and gain this voyage, then in two voyages to Angola: for I have sold most of my hats for two ducats and a half and for three ducats. The rest I will carry to Angola, to help to cell the rest of my commodities, which I cannot cell in this river. And I have sold an hundred cubits of broad clot for five hundred and five hundred and fifty and si●e hundred reys the cubit. If I would have sold all my clot for ready money told down for four hundred and fifty and five hundred reyes, the merchants would have bought it all of me: but I would cell no more, because I meant to exchange it in Angola for negroes. A trade o● buying Negr● in Angola. Howbeit with ready money in hand in Angola a man shall buy better Negroes, and better cheap. The captain of our ship sold all his clot for ready money for four hundred & fifty reys the cubit, and thought that he had made a good market: but he hath deceived himself. I sold sir broad clotheses for five hundred and fifty reys the cubit: Broad clo●● excellently well sold. and I was offered thirty thousand reys for a clot, ●ineger. Vinegar is sold for two and thirty, and six and thirty, and forty reals a tar, by reason the●e is great store of limmons and oranges in the country: ●●●e●. but in Angola it is more worth. olives are sold for half a real a piece: Taffa●●●s. wherefore I hope to cell the hogshead for twenty thousand ●●ys. In taffetas and velvets there will be got two hundred and fifty and thr●e hundred for one hundred. ●eluets. I● I had brought great store. I could have sold it all at this rate. I have already got good store of reals of plate: for it is told me that money is a good commodity in Angola. But I must employ some in meal, which is in the grinding. All the rest of my money I will sand you by bibles of exchange, and some part I will employ in sugars: for I have sent order to Baia for that purpose. For from this place there is no shipping that doth go that way. So these letters I do sand by the way of Fernambuc, and have directed them to my cousin: for I do determine to settle my sel●e here in this country. There is come down from Peru, by this river of Plate, a merchant called Alonso Ramires, and he hath brought down with him ten or twelve thousand ducats in ●eals of plate, and is come down to this place to build him a ship to return into Spain: and there is come in his company a bishop. And thus jesus Christ sand you long health. Your loving brother Francis Suares. The well governed and prosperous voyage of M. james Lancaster, begun with three ships and a galley-frigat from London in October 1594, and intended for Fernambuck, the port-town of Olinda in Brasil. In which voyage (besides the taking of nine and twenty ships and frigates) he surprised the said port-town, being strongly fortified and manned; and held possession thereof thi●ty days together (notwithstanding many bold assaults of ●he enemy both by land and water) and also providently defeated their dangerous and almost inevitable fireworks. here he found the cargazon or freight of a ●ich East Indian carack; which together with great abundance of sugars, Brasil-wood, and cotton he brought from thence; lading therewith fifteen sails of tall ships and barks. IN September 1594 the worshipful M. john Wats, alderman, M. Paul Banning, alderman, & others of worship in the city of London, victualled three good ships; to wit, The Consent, of the burden of 240 tons or there about. The Solomon, of 170 tons, and The Virgin, of 60 tons: and appointed or commanders in this voyage, M. james Lancaster of London, gentleman, admiral's of the fleet, M. Edmund Barker of London, vice-admiral, and M. john Audely of Poplar near London, rereadmirall, having in their said ships to the number of 275 men and boys. Being fully furnished with all needful provision, we departed from Blackwall in October following, keeping our own coast, until we came into the West country, where we met with such gusts and storms, that the Solomon spending her mast at the Range of Dartmouth, put into harbour; but by the earnest care and industry of the general and others having charge● she was shortly again provided. Which done, having a pleasant gale for our purpose, we put forth from Dartmouth the last of November following. But contrary to our expectation, not fifty leagues from our own coast, we lost the Solomon and the Virgin, by a storm of contrary wind that fallen upon us: yet being alone, in hope to meet them about the Canaries or Cape Blank, we kept on our course to the Canaries, but could hear no tidings of our consorts; which greatly grieved us. Thence we went, bearing for the isle of Tenerif, where in the morning ear● we had sight of a sail, which being becalmed vnde● the shore, was towing with their boat ahead, having one other at her esteem. For this sail we manned our boat, appointing our men well for fight, if need should requ●re. The Spaniards seeing our boa● come, entered there's, and leaving the ship, fought to save themselves by flight but our men pursued them so fast, that they hoarded them, and brought them with their ship to our General. This ship was laden with 80 tons of Canary-wine, A ship with 80 tons of wine taken. which came not unto us be●ore it was welcome. We kept and manned it, plying that day, and the ne●t night thereabouts. The very next morning we had sight of one other; to whom in like manner we sent ou● boat: but their gunner made a shot at her, and struck off a proper young man's arm; yet we enforced her to yield, and found 40 tons of wine in her. Another p●ize ●ond 40 tun● 〈◊〉 wine taken. The Spaniards having their free passage, and an acquittance for the delivery of their wines, were all set o● store upon Tenerif, making a quick return of their long voyage intended into the W●st Indies. Hence we departed toward Cape Blank; and b●fore we came thither, we met again with the Virgin our rereadmirall, whose men told us for very truth, that the Salomon ● as returned for England; enforced so to do, by spending her mast the second time. Which when ou● men understood, they were all in a maze, not knowing what to do, and saying among themselves that their force was but small when all our strength were together, and now we had lost the one half of ou● strength, we were not able to perform the voyage: and therefore some of them came to the captain, ask him what he would now do, seeing the Solomon was lost, the one half of our strength, giving him counsel to bear up for the West Indies, and prove there to make his voyage, because his first plat for want of strength was clean overthrown. The captain hearing this new novelty, as not unacquainted with the variable pretences of mariners, made them this answer: Sirs, I made known to you all at my coming out of England what I pretended, and that I meant to go for Fernambuck, and although at the present we want one of our ships, yet (God willing) I mean to go forward, not doubting but to meet her at the appointed places, which are ●ither at Cape Blank or the islands of Cape Verde: for I am assured that M. Barker the captain is so res●lute to perform this voyage, that his mast being repaired, he will not fail to meet us, & it were no wisdom● for us to divert our course, till we have sought him at those places where our appointed meeting is: for the diverting of courses is the overthrow of most of our actions. And I hope you will be all contented herewith: for to go any other course than I have determined, (by God's help) I will not be drawn unto. With these reasons and many others showed, they rested all satisfied: and at our coming to Cape Blank (God be praised) we met with the Solomon with no small joy to us all; Four & twenty sails of ship● & of caravels taken by the Solomon. and there she had taken of Spaniards and Portugals 24 sail of ships and caravels, fishermen, and had taken out of them such necessaries as ●he had need of. Of these ships our captain took four along with him, with another that he had taken himself, meaning to employ them as occasion should serve. At this place he understood of one of the pilots of those ships, that one of the caracks that came out of the East Indies, was cast a way in the road of Fernambuc, and that all her goods were laid upon the Arraçife which is the lower town. Of these news we were all glad, and rejoiced much; for our hopes were very good, seeing such a boo●y before us. Of this good company and happy success we were all joyful, and had great hop● of the bl●ssing of God in performance of our intended voyage, and so after some parley & making frolic ●or joy of our meeting one with the other (praising God for all) we plied for Maio: Maio. where coming to anchor, our general & the rest of the captains went ashore to view the place where we might in best safety set our gally-frigat together; which frame we brought from England of purpose to land men in the country of Brasil. A gally-●riga● carried out of England in p●●ces. Here we discharged our great prize of wine, and set her on fire: but before our coming thither● you shall understand we had sight of four s●iles, which was captain Venner in his ship the Pe●egrine, and a proper Bis●a●● which he took at Cape Blank, the Welcome of Plymmouth? her pinnace: a●l which stood with us. But they seeing our flags, not expecting such good fellows as we, did bear ●rom us all they might; which our people took very unkindly, that being all friends, they would neither enqu●re, nor tell us any news of our friends, but without making any sh●w of kindness w●uld so departed. As before I have said, the choice being made for the place to build the gally-frigat, The gally-fr●gat set up. ashore it was brought, where the carpenters applied their work, still cheered unto it by the generals good gifts bestowed among them, and kind usage of the rest of th● commanders, not without gre●t care of the captain for the safety of them all, by keeping good watch: yet one negligent fellow, which had no knowledge of the country, straying from his company, was by the portugal's taken, & very kindly used, and brought again unto us: for which good the general rewarded them w●ll with gifts very acceptable, which they took as kindly. While w●e w●re thus busily employed about the foresaid galley, we descried at sea four sails, which we had good hope would have proved Indies men, or some to have brought us what we looked for: bu● t●ey proved captain Venner with his fleet, as aforesaid, who, seeing us at anchor, ankered also; where spending some time, and being acquainted with our general's determination for landing, consorted with us, & their bills, according to the man●r of the sea, were made and signed on either part, we to have three parts, & he the fourth, of all that should be taken, whereby our strength was increased, to all our comforts. Three weeks or thereabouts we stayed in this place before the galley was finished; which done, putting men into her, and fitting her with oars, having fourteen banks on a side, a mast and sail, the commandment of her was committed unto M. Wats, an honest skilful mariner. From thence we put again to sea, and went for the isle Brana, where we watered: which done, we made no long stay after, but bend our course as directly as we could for the place, making our first fall with the land to the Southward of Cape S. Augustine; Cape S. Aug●stine. from whence we plied still to our desired port of Fernambuck, Fernambuck, The 29 of March. and did so much, that about midnight we came before the harbour; where some plied up and down, holding that the best policy, to forbear the entering ●ill day might give them light, the harborough being hard, and therefore the more perilous. Our ships being in safety well arrived, God was praised: and the general in his boat went from ship to ship, willing them to make ready such men as they could spare, with muskets, pikes, hills, bows arrows, and what weapons they had to follow him. Himself, with 80 men from his own ship, embarked himself in the galley, which carried in her pr●w a good sacar, and two murdering pieces. Our admiral spent all the night in giving directions to every ship to have their men ready shipped in their boats, for he intended to enter the harborough at the break of day, & to leave his ships without, till he had got the fort and the town: for he would not adventure the ships in, till the harborough was got Also he provided five ships, which he brought from Cape Blank, and put men in them as many as could conveniently sail them, and no more, giving them charge to enter the harborough with his boats: for at the entrance of the harborough road three great Holland ships, which our admiral doub●ed would impeach his going in; and therefore he gave order to the men of these five small ships, which were not above 60 tons a piece, if the Hollanders did offer any resistance, to run aboard of them, & to set their own ships on fire, and scape in their boats, which they had for the same purpose, that by this means they might not impeach our entrance. But when the morning was come, we were fallen above half a mile down to the Northward, below the harborough, which was a great inconvenience unto us: so that before were could get up again, the ebb was come upon us, and thereby we were forced to hover before the harborough till two of the clock in the afternoon, in the sight of all the town. In this mean time, our ships road before the fort without the harborough, about a demy-coluering shot of●: in the which time passed many shot between the fort and the ships, and especially between the admiral's sh●p and them: but no great harm was done on either part. All this while our admiral kept the men ready hovering in the galley & the boats. The Hollanders that road in the mouth of the harborough, seeing our resolution, laid out haulsers, and wound themselves out of the way of us. Our admiral w●● very joyful, & gave great encouragement to all ●is men: for, to pass these three great Hollanders, he held it the greatest danger of all. Abou● 12 of the clock the governor of the town sent a Portugal aboard the admiral's ship, to know what he would have, and wherefore he came. He returned him this answer: That he wanted the caracks goods; and for them he came, and them he would have, and that he should shortly see. In this process of time, the townsmen and inhabitants which see so much shipping, & perceived us to be enemies, gathered themselves together, three or four ensigns of men, esteemed to the number of some si● hundred at the lest. These came to the fort or platform lying over against the entry of the harborough, and there attended our landing: but before our admiral set forward with his boats, he gave express order to all that had charge of governing the boats or galley, to run them with such violence against the shore, that they should be all cast away without recovery, and not one man to stay in them, whereby our men might have no manner of retreat to trust unto, but only to God and their weapons. Now was the time come of the flood, being about two of the clock in the afternoon, when our admiral set forward, and entered the harborough with the small galley, and all the rest of the boats following him, the Hollanders that road in the mouth of the harborough, nothing impeached him: but now the fort began to play with their ordinance upon the galley and the boats; and one of their shot took away a great piece of our ensign out of the galley. But our sail being set, it was no time for us to make any stay, but with all the force we could we ran the galley upon the shore right under the fort, within a coits cast of it, with such violence, that we broke her back; and the sunk presently: for there where we landed, went a breach of the sea, which presently cast her away. The boats coming after did the like. At our arrival, those in the fort had laden all their ordinance, being seu●n pieces of brass, to discharge them upon us at our landing; which indeed they did: for our admiral leaping into the water, all the rest following him, off came these pieces of ordinance: but almighty God be praised, they in the fort, with fear to see us land in their faces, had piked their ordinance so step downwards with their mouths, that they shot all their shot in the sand, although, as I said before, it was not above a coits cast at the most between the place we landed and the face of the ●ort: so that they only shot off one of our men's arms, without doing any more hurt; which was to us a great blessing of God: for if those ordinances had been well levelled, a great number of us had lost our lives at that instant. Our admiral seeing this, cried out, encouraging his men, Upon them, upon them; all (by God's help) is ours: and they therewith ran to the fort with all violence. Those four ensigns of men that were set to defend our landing, seeing this resolution, began to go back, and retire into certain bushes that were by the same fort; and being followed, fled thorough a certain oaze which was dry, being then but the beginning of the tide: and so abandoned the fort, The fort of Pernambuck taken. and left it with their ordinance to us. This day of our arrival was their Good-friday, when by custom they usually whip themselves: but God sent us now for a general scourge to them all, whereby that labour among them might be well spared. The fort being taken with all their ordinance, the admiral waved to the ships, willing them to weigh and come in; which they did with all speed, himself taking order in leaving certain men in keeping the said fort, and placed the ordinance toward the high town, from whence he suspected the greatest danger; and putting his men in order, marched toward the low town, which was about some fourteen score from the fort: in which town lay all their merchandise and other goods. Approaching to the town, he entered the same, the people embarking themselves in caravels & boats, with all the expedition they could. The base town, of abou● an hundred houses, being thus taken, we found in it great store of merchandizes of all sorts: as Brasil-wood, sugars, Calico-cloth, pepper, cinnamon, cloves, mase, nutmegs, with divers other good things, to the great comfort of us all. The admiral went up and down the town, and placed at the South end of the same captain Venner and his company, himself and his company in the midst of the town, and captain Barker and captain Addy at the other end of the town, giving great charge, that no man upon pain of great punishment and loss of his shares, should break up or enter into any warehouse, without order and direction from the admiral. And this commandment was as well kept as ever any was kept, where so great spoil and booty was found: for it was not known in all the time of our being there, that any disorder was committed, or any lodge or warehouse broken open, or any spoil was made, or pillaging of any thing; which is a note much to be observed in such an action: for common mariners and soldiers are much given to pillaging and spoiling, making greater account of the same then of their shares. Orders being put in all things, we kept a very sure watch this first night, and the morning being come, our admiral and captain Venner, with the rest of the captains, went about the town, and gave order for the fortifying of it with all expedition: so that within two days it was surrounded with posts & planks, all that part of the town next the main land, at lest nine foot high; for (God be thanked) we found provision in the town, sufficient store for it. Now it is to be understood, that this town is environed on the one part by the sea, and on the backside by a river that runneth behind it; so that to come to it by land, you must enter it by a small narrow passage not above forty paces over at an high water. At this passage we built a ●ort, and planted in it five pieces of ordinance, which we look out of the first fort we won at our coming in to the harborough. Now we having the town in possession, our admiral sent for the Hollanders by his chirurgeon, which had been brought up in that country, a man knowing their conditions, and sober and discreet o● his own● carriage. At his fu●l coming aboard of them, they seemed to stand upon their own guard and defence, for they were three great and strong ships: but he used himself so, that the● at the last willed him to come into the greatest of their ships, which was above 450 tons. Then he declared to them our intent of coming thither, and that they should be there as sure from any show of violence or injury offered them, as if they were in their own houses, and if they should think so good● his admiral would freight them for England, if they would be content with freight reasonable, and as they should agreed, and i● should be at their own choice whether to go or not, h● would not force them, unless it were to their benefit and good liking. Although this people wer● somewhat stubborn at the first, as that nation is in these causes, yet being satisfied with good words and good dealing they came aland, & after conference had with the admiral, they were so satisfied, that they went thorough with a freight; and then we joined with them, & they with us, and they served us as truly & as faithfully as our own people did● both at watch and ward, by s●a and all other services. Within two days after our coming in, about midnight, a great number of Portugals and Indians with them, came down upon us with a very great cry and noise; but God be thanked, we were ready for them: for our admiral supposing some such assault, had provided all our muskets with ha●le-shot, which did so gall both the Indians and the Portugals, that they made them presently retreat. And this is to be noted, that there was both the horse and his rider slain both with one of these shot. Our men followed them some five or six score, but no further. We lost in this conflict but only one m●n, but had divers hurt. What was lost of their part, we could not tell, for they had before day, after our retreat, carried away all their dead. Within three or four days after our coming in appeared before the harborough 3 ships & 2 pinnesses, the pinnesses being somewhat near, descried our flags, and one of them came in, which was a French pinnace, declaring all the rest to be French bottoms; which our admiral willed should come in: and so they did. These were Frenchmen of war, and came thither for purchase. The captains came aland, and were welcomed; amongst whom was one captain john Noyer of deep, that the year before had taken in our admiral at the island of Mona in the West Indies, where his ship was cast away, coming out of the East Indies. To this man our admiral offered great kindness, and performed it, & was not vngra●e●ull ●or his former benefit showed unto him. This captain desired o● our admiral to bestow upon him his ships lading of Fernambuc-wood, which he granted him and also his pinnace, and more, gave him a caravel of about 50 tuns, & bid him lad her with wood also; which with other benefits he gratefully received. To the other two captains be granted their lading of wood, the one captain being of deep, the other of Rochel. The captain of deep confessed that he met Abraham Cock certain months before, Abraham Cock going for the ●iuer of Plate, met withal. & being distressed for want of water, gave him some, & went with him to a watering place where he had water enough, and so departed from him, saying that his men were very weak. The coming in of these ships did much strengthen us; for our admiral appointed both these French and the Flemings to keep watch upon the river by night with their boats, every boat having in her 12 men at the lest, and the boats well provided. This was for fear of fired ships or barks to come down, which our admiral had great rare unto, and caused our ships to ride by cables and haulsers, at all advantages to shun them, if by that means they should attempt to put us out of the harborough; giving commandment to us that watched in the town, that what fire's soever we should espy or see, not one man to start from his watch or quarter, unless we were by himself commanded to the contrary. Now this order put in all things, and having viewed all the goods in the town, and thinking ourselves sufficiently fortified, we began to unlade our ships, which came as full laden in as they went forth but not with so good merchandise. And this order was taken about the unlading of them, and also the lading of goods out of the town: our men were divided into halves, and the one half wrought one day, and the other half the other day; always those that wrought not kept the watch with their furniture in their hands and about them, and none stepped far off or wandered from his colours, and those that wrought had all their weapons in good order set & placed by them, so that at an instant every one known where to go to his furniture: and this was very carefully looked unto. The third day after our coming in, came down from the higher town, which might be about four miles off upon a hill, three or four of the principal gentlemen of the country, and said that from the bishop, themselves, & the rest, they would have some conference with our admiral. This news being brought to the admiral, he hung down his head for a small season; and when he had mused a while, he answered, I must go aboard of the Flemings upon business that imports me, and therefore let them stay if they will: and so he went & sat there with the Flemings from nine of the clock till two at the afternoon. In this space divers messengers went to the admiral, to come away; for these gentlemen stayed. To whom he gave this answer: Are they not go yet● And about two of the clock he came aland, and then they told him they were departed. Many o● the better sort of our men marveled, and thought much, because he would not vouchsafe to come and have conference with such men of account as they seemed to be. But the admiral made them this answer, Sirs, I have been brought up among this people, I have lived among them as a gentleman, served with them as a soldier, and lived among them as a merchant, so that I should have some understanding of their demeanours and nature; and I know when they cannot prevails with the sword by force, than they deal with their deceivable tongues; for faith and truth they have none, neither will use any, unless it be to their own advantage. And this I give you warning, that if you give them parley, they will betray us; and for my part, of all nations in the world, it would grieve me most to be overtaken by this nation & the Spaniards: and I am glad it was my fortune to pay them with one of their own fetches, for I warrant you they understand me better than you think they do. And with this I pray you be satisfied; I hope it is ●or all our goods: for what shall we gain by parley, when (by the help of God) we have got already that we came for, should we venture that we have gotten with our swords, to see if they can take it from us by words and policy? there were no wisdom in so doing. You know what it hath cost us, and h●w many men lie wounded that be not yet hole of this other night's hurts: and therefore from henceforth I give this commission, that if any be taken, he be sent away with this order, although he come as a friend, that if either he or any other approach us from henceforth, he shallbe hanged out of hand: and other course then this I will not take with them. Which course was followed; for within 3 or 4 days after it was performed by two taken in the night: and after that we were never troubled with spi●●; and although diu●rs slaves came running from their men to us, by which we understood much of their working & pretences, yet the admiral would entertain few of them. In this mean time that we began to work, the Portugals with the country people were not idle, for seeing us so busy, about six nights after our coming in, they priusly in the night cast up a trench in the sands about a sacar shot from our ships, minding there to plant ordinance, which would have offended our ships greatly; & they would not have been able to have road there to take in their lading, which now began to go aboard of them. The admiral hearing this, about 3 of the clock in the after noon marshaled our men, and he and all the rest of the captains marched toward them. The Portugals & Indians perceiving our coming, began to withdraw themselves within the trench, meaning (as it should appear) to fight it out there: but we made no stand, neither did it behove us, but presently approached the trenches with our muskets & pikes, afore their trenches were thoroughly finished: so that by God's help we entered them. And the Portugals & Indians left the place, & left unto us 4 good pieces of brass ordinance, with powder and shot & divers other necessaries, and among the rest 5 small carts of that country, which to us were more worth than all the rest we took, for the lading of our goods from the town to the waters side: for without them we could not have told what to have done, much of our goods being so heavy, that without carts we were not able to weyld them: all these things we brought ●w●y & destroyed all those platforms that they had made, and then we had rest with them for certain days, in which we went forward, dividing our merchandise with captain Venner according to our consort, and went daily l●ding them aboard, every ship's company according as their turns fallen out, but only the three dutch ships: for the goods being put into their boats their own companies laded themselves. And this farther good chance or blessing of God we had to help us, that assoon as we had t●ken our carts, the next morning came in a ship with some 60 Negroes, 10 Portugal women, and 40 Portugal's: the women and the Negroes we turned out of the town, but the Portugals our Admiral kept to draw the carts when they were laden, which to us was a very great ease. For the country is very hot and ill ●or our nation to take any great travel in. In this town there is no fresh water to be had, and therefore we were every 5 or 6 days compelled to pass over the river into the main land to get fresh water, which after the first or second time the Portugals kept and would have defended our watering, so that we were driven to w●ter of force, and at several times some of our men were hurt, and only two or three slain, and w●●h this danger we were forced to get our water. And as they molested us in our watering, so they stepped not in other devices, but put in practice to burn our ships or remove them out of the harbour. For within some 20 days after our coming in, they had prepared 5 Caravels and filled them with such things as would best take fire and burn: these they brought within a mile or little more of our ships, and there set them on fire, for nearer they could not well come because of our watch of boats, for, as is above said, the Admiral had always 6 boats that kept watch above half a mile from the ships for fear of such exploits as these, which was the cause they could not fire them so near the ships as they would have done. But these fired Caravels had the tide with them, and also the little wind that blewe was in their favour; which caused them to come down the stream the faster: which our boats perceiving made to them with as much expedition as conveniently they could, but the tide and wound both serving them, they approached toward the ships with great expedition. Our men in the town began to be in some fear of them, yet no man moved or started from his quarter more than if there had been nothing to do. Also the masters and such as were aboard, were somewhat amazed to see 5 so great fires to be coming down among their ships, but they prepared for to clear th●m of it, as well as they could, being provided afore hand & judging that some such stratagems would be there used, the river being very fit therefore. But (God be thanked) who was always with us & our best defence in this voyage; by whose assistance we performed this so great an attempt with so small forces. Our company in the boats so played the men when they see the fires come near our ships, that casting grapnels with iron chains on them, as every boat had one for that purpose, some they towed aground, and some they brought to a bitter or anchor, where th●y road t●ll all their force was burned out, & so we were delivered by God's help from this fearful danger. Within some 6 nights after this, which might be about the 26 day after our coming in & abode there, about 11 of the clock at night, came driving down other 3 great raftes burning with ●he hugest fires that I have seen. These were e●ceeding dangerous, for when our men approached them, thinking to clap their grapnels upon them, as they had done upon the Caravels the night before, they were prevented: for there stuck out of the rafts many poles which kept them from the body of the rafts, that they could not come to throw their grapnels into them: & yet they had this inconvenience worse than all the rest which most troubled us. There stuck out among the poles certain hollow trunks filled with such provision of fireworks that they ceased not st●l● (as the fire came down to those trunks to set them on fire) to spout out such sparkles, that our boats having powder in them for our men's use, dared not for fear of firing themselves with their own powder come n●ere those sparkles of the raftes, but seeing them to drive nearer & nearer our ships, they wet certain clotheses and laid upon their flasks and bandelers and so ventured upon them, & with their grapnels took hold of them, and so towed them on ground, where they stuck fast & were not burned out the ne●● day in the morning. diverse logs and timbers came driving along by our ships, and burning, but with our boats we easily defended them. And thus (God be praised) we escaped the second fires. A third firing was prepared, as a Negro gave us to understand, but this we prevented by our departure. For this third firing were very great preparations; and we were credibly informed of certainty, that this firing should be such as we should never be able to prevent, and assuredly these fires be dangerous things and not to be prevented upon the sudden, unless it be afore prepared for and foreseen. For when it cometh upon the sudden and unlooked for, and unprovided for, it bringeth men into a great amazement and at their wit's end. And therefore let all men riding in rivers in their enemy's country be sure to look to be provided before hand, for against fire there is no resistance without preparation. Also it is a practice in these hot countries, where there be such expert swimmers, to cut the cables of ships: and one night it was practised to cut the Admiral's cable, and yet the boat road by the cable with two men in her to watch all the night, and the bwoy only was cut, but not the cable: but after that night, seeing then our good watch, they never after attempted it. While all these things passed, our ships (God be thanked) thorough the industry of our governors, and diligent labour of our men, began to be wholly laden, and all the best merchandise conveyed aboard our ships, so that our Admiral meant to departed that night, which was the 31 day after our entrance, or else on the next day at the farthest, and so warning was given to all men to make themselves ready. Our Admiral being aboard his ship the same morning, espied in the sands right against the place where the ships road, that there was a small bank of sand newly cast up, under which he perceived now and then some people to be: presently he took his boat and went to the town and called all the Captains together, declaring that the enemies were about some pretence right against the ships, consulting whether it were best to sally out & see what they were doing, or departed that evening according to the former determination. The Admiral was of opinion to departed that night, saying it was but folly to seek wars since we had no need to do it: other affirmed, it were good to see what they did, lest the wind might be contrary and the ships not get out, and so our enemies may build upon us to our great disadvantage. Well, said the Admiral, the matter is not great, for there can be no danger in this sally, for where they work it is within Falkon-shot of the ships, and if any power should come against you, the ships may play upon them with 40 pieces of ordinance at the lest, so that a bird cannot pass there but she must be slain. I am somewhat unwilling you should go, for I have not been well these two days, and I am not strong to march upon those heavy sands: they answered all at once, you shall not need to trouble yourself for this service, for you see it is nothing and of no danger, being so near the ships, doubt you not we will accomplish this service well enough, and return again within this hour. The Admiral answered: the danger cannot be great, but yet you shall go out strong for fear of the worst. And so the Admiral marshaled them 275 men French and English, which were under the conduct of Edmund Barker, captain Barker of Plymouth, Uiceadmirall to captain Venner, captain Addy, and the three French captains all going out together, and they were to march upon a narrow piece of ground to the place whether they were sent unto: in the brodest place betwixt the sea and the water on the other side, it is not above a stones cast, for it is a bank of sand lying between the river & the sea, so they needed not to fear any coming on their backs or on their sides, and before them could no man come, but he must pass by all the ships which no company of men were able to do without present death. The Admiral commanded them at their departure to go no further than the place he sent them to, and so he himself went aboard the ships and made ready all the ordinance for fear of the worst, not knowing what might ensue, although he see no danger might follow. Thus we marched quietly till we came to the place we were sent unto, being right over against the ships: out of which place came some dozen shot, which seeing us come, discharged and ran their ways with such as were working within the said platform. So that we came into it and perceived they had begun to lay planks to plant ordinance upon. Our Admiral commanded, if there were any such thing, to burn the planks & return in again, which we might have done without hurting of any man's finger: but our leaders were not content to have performed the service committed them in charge, but would needs expressly & against their order march on further to fight with certain Ensigns almost a mile off, clean out of the reach of the ordinance of all our ships, & where lay the strength of the whole country. When our men began to draw near those Ensigns of men, the Ensigns seemed to retire with great speed, which our men followed with such great haste that some outrunning other some, our order was broken, and those ensigns retired themselves into the force of the whole country, so that our foremost men were in the midst of their enemy's year they were ware, which were slain yer the rest could come to secure them. The enemies encouraged by this, came also upon the rest, which presently began to re●ire, & the enemies followed them till they came within the reach of the ordinance of our ships, where they were beaten off and left their pursuit. In this conflict were slain captain Barker captain of the Solomon, captain Cotton the Admirals Lieutenant, captain john Noyer a french captain of deep, and another french captain of Rochel, with M. john Barker & other to the number of 35: for these were the foremost and hottest in the pursuit of the Ensigns aforesaid, and by their forwardness came all to perish. At our return into the town the Admiral came to us much bewailing the death of so many good men as were lost, wondering what we meant to pass the express order that was given us. With this loss our men were much daunted, but our Admiral began again to encourage them, declaring that the fortune of the wars was sometimes to win and sometimes to lose. And therewithal he wished every man to prepare & make himself ready: for that night (God willing) he would departed. For all our ships were ready and laden, and he would not stay any further fortune. The evening being come, the ships began to weigh & go forth of the harbour, and God be thanked of his goodness toward us who sent us a fair wound to go forth withal, so that by 11 of the clock in the night we were all forth in safety. The enemies perceiving our departing, planted a piece or two of ordinance, and shot at us in the night, but did us no harm. We were at our coming forth 15 sails, that is, 3 sails of Hollanders, the one of 450 tons, the other of 350 tons, and the third of 300 tons, four sails of french & one ship which the Admiral gave the french Captain. 3 sails of Captain Venners fleet of Plymouth, and 4 sails of our Admiral's fleet, all these were laden with merchandises, and that of good worth. We stayed in this harbour to pass all this business but only 31 days, and in this time we were occupied with skirmishes and attempts of the enemy 11. times; in all which skirmishes we had the better, only this last excepted. To God be the honour and praise of all, etc. The whole fleet being out in safety, the next day in the morning the Admiral gave order to the whole fleet to sail toward Peraniew a harbour lying some 40 leagues to the Northward of Fernambucke, Peranjeu 40. leagues northward of Fernambuck. and there to take in fresh water and to refresh themselves: and to make provision for refreshing, our Admiral had sent thither some 6 days before two French men in a small pinnace, which Frenchmen he had provided from deep before his coming out of England for that purpose. For both these two spoke the Indians language very perfectly: for at this port of Peraniew and an other call●d Po●aju some 6 leagues to the Northward the Frenchmen have had trade for brasil-wood, and have laden from thence by the Indians means, who have fet it for them some 20 leagues into the country upon their backs, 3 or 4 ships every year. Thus we all sailed toward Peraniew, at wh●ch place we arrived in the night, so that we were forced to lie off & on with a stiff gale of wound, in which we lost the most part of our fleet, & they not knowing this coast put off to the sea, and so went directly for England. Our Admiral and some 4 sail more with him put into the harborough of Peraniew, and there watered and refreshed himself very well, with hens, coneys, hares and potatoes, with other things, which the two Frenchmen had partly provided before his coming: this is a very good harborough where ships may ride and refresh very well. Peranje● a very good harbour. But, as I am given to understand since our coming from thence, the Portugals have attempted the place and do inhabit it, and have put the french from their accustomed trade. Here having watered and refreshed ourselves, we put to the sea, plying after the rest of our fleet which were go before, which we never herded of till our arrival in England at The downs in the month of july, where we understood the rest of our consorts to be passed up for London, Captain Venner & his fleet to be at Plymouth, and the French ships to be safe arrived at deep, which to us was very great comfort. At our se●ting sail from The downs, according as the custom is, finding the Queen's ships there, we saluted them with certain ordinance. The Gunner being careless, as they are many times of their powder, in discharging certain pieces in the gunner room, set a barrel of powder on fire, which took fire in the gunner room, blew up the Admiral's cabin, slay the gunner with 2 others outright, & hurt 20 more, of which 4 or 5 died. This powder made such a smoke in the ship with the fire that burned in the gunner room among all the fire works, that no man at the first witted what to do: but recalling back their fear, they began to cast water into the gunner room in such abundance (for the Queen's ships now & also the other ships that were in our company came presently to our help) that (God be praised) we put out the fire & saved all, & no great harm was done to the goods. By this may be seen that there is no sure safety of things in this world. For now we made accounted to be out of all danger, where behold a greater come upon us, than we suffered all the whole voyage. But the almighty be praised for ever, which delivered us out of this and many other in this voyage. Our fire being well put out, and we taking in fresh men (God be praised) we came to Blacke-wall in safety. A special letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualsho the Governor of Paraiva in the most Northern part of Brasil, 1597. to Philip the second king of Spain, answering his desire touching the conquest of Rio grand, with the relation of the besieging of the castle of Cabodelo by the Frenchmen, and of the discovery of a rich silver mine and diverse other important matters. I Received your majesties letter bearing date the ninth of November 1596. whereby I understand that your Majesty doth determine to proceed in the discovery and conquest of Rio grand, The king of Spain's resolution to proceed in the discovery & conquest of Rio grand. according to the relation which was sent your Majesty by Don Francisco de Sousa, Governor general of this Realm of Brasilia: together with a copy of a letter, which your Majesty sent unto us, bearing date the two and twentieth of March 1596. Moreover I received another letter from your Majesty bearing date the 15 of March 1597. Both which letters were to one effect. It may please your Majesty to understand that there are diverse Gentlemen in these countries of as good ability as myself, which seek to live at home only for their ease and pleasure, and are not wont to hazard nor venture their bodies, lives, and goods so often times in your majesties service as I have done and commonly do; and can keep their goods and riches, and not spend nor waste them as I have done, and daily do so wilfully: yet nevertheless being spent in your majesties service, I am very glad thereof. For I and they are always ready at your majesties commandment. And as concerning your majesties commandment in commanding me that I should put to my helping hand in the conquest of Rio grand: The Captainship of Paraiva standeth in six degr. 45 miu. of Southerly latitude. although this Captainship of Paraiva and country where I do govern doth want ability for that purpose, yet nevertheless your Majesty shall always find me ready to do your Majesty the best service I can: for it is very well known how forward I have been always and am in this conquest, and still do put to my helping hand, as partly your Majesty doth understand by a letter which I written to your Majesty by my son, bearing date the 19 of March 1596 wherein your Majesty may understand what good service I have already done therein, and always will be ready to my power to do the like in furthering of the said enterprise. It may please your Majesty to understand that the third of july there was brought unto me a Frenchman a prisoner, who presented himself unto me. And I examining of him, he told me that he came running away from certain French ships men of war, which came upon this coast: and he told me that he had served your Majesty in the wars of France. Likewise he told me that he left me seven great ships Frenchmen of war riding at an anchor in Rio grand, and that there were 13 french ships of war more, which had given battery to the Castle of Cabodelo, The castle of Cabodelo besleged by the French. and landed 350 soldiers all in white armour, and the battery continued from Friday until the Monday following both by sea and land, and great store of Frenchmen were slain, and two Captains of the French. On our side the Captain of the castle was slain, and other two Portugals hurt: other harm they had none. There were but twenty Portugals in the castle, and five pieces of ordinance. They meant to have kept the castle, and to have traded with the Indian people. So seeing they could not take the castle, they hoist sails, and went from thence to Rio grand: and being altogether they are in number 20 sail at an anchor in Rio grand. And some of them determine after they be new trimmed and dressed, and have taken in fresh victuals, and stayed there until Easter, then to departed from thence to the Honduras, and so to burn and spoil some towns thereabouts. I certified Manuel Mascarenhas of these informations by my letters, requesting him to sand me with all expedition those soldiers which were in garrison in Fernambuck to aid me, The garrison of Fernambuck. and to defend this Captainship from the enemy. But the Friars of The Covent would not consent thereunto, nor suffer them to be sent unto me. So I was forced to make shift with those soldiers only which I had in my government and took them with me, and marched to the place where the enemies were entrenched, and upon Whitsunday in the evening about three of the clock, having in my company a Negro of the country of Petiguar, The country of Petiguar rebelleth against the Portugal's which was our guide, he brought us where the enemy's camp was; and presently I did assault them, and slay great store of them, burning the villages and country of those rebels, which did join with the Frenchmen, and took many of them prisoners. So they told me that there were ten great french ships of war which were at an anchor in Rio grand. A rich silver mine found at Copaoba within six days journey of Paraiva. Likewise I was informed, that there is a frenchman called Daurmigas, which hath discovered and found great store of silver in a place called Capaoba. The silver hath been tried and melted, it is very good and fine silver, and there is great quantity. The man which told me of this hath been in the mine, and hath seen in tried and melted. And I have been myself once in the place: it is but 6 days journey from this Captainship. Furthermore this Frenchman told me that one Monsieur Mifa a french Captain, and a kinsman of the governor and Uiceadmirall of deep in Normandy, had one of his arms strooken off at the siege of the castle of Cabodelo; who is departed from Rio grand, with determination to come back hither again the next year in the month of januarie following, and to inhabit in this country of Paraiba, which is 20 leagues from Fernambuck, because of the great store of silver, which they have already found here. Moreover I am informed that a noble man of France called The earl of Villa Dorca doth intent to come upon this coast with a great fleet from Rochel. It were good that your Majesty would sand into France to know the certainty thereof. The Frenchman likewise told me that all the Cannibals of Petiguar have joined themselves in company with certain Frenchmen, All the Cannibals of Petiguar join with the Frenchmen against the Portugals. which were cast away in two ships upon this coast. The one of these ships which were cast away was one Rifoles, and the other ship was this man's. And those Frenchmen which came upon this coast did join themselves with those Cannibals which did ●e●●l, and did divide themselves into two squadrons. So I sent presently to Manuel Mascarenhas that he should sand me aid and munition. But he sent me word again, that he had none to spare, and that he did purpose with all speed to go himself to Rio grand; and that he was not able to furnish himself so well as he could wish, nor to bring his soldiers into the field, for lack of shot, powder, and other munition, which he did want. Hereupon once more the 29 of july I with my soldiers marched to the enemy's camp, and there joining battle with the Indian rebels, which were joined with the Frenchmen that ●●ce their leaders. I did set upon them, and slay great store of them, and took fourteen of them prisoners. They do report the very same news, which the other Frenchmen did tell me as touching the ships which were in the harbour of Rio grand; and how their pretence was to have come and have taken us, and spoiled the country. But now being put to flight and having received the overthrow, they can get no victuals to victual their ships: which hath been the cause that they are mightily hindered in their intent, and dare not come any more to attempt us. And the Indians are so dismayed, that in haste they will have no more help nor aid of the Frenchmen. So by these means of necessity the Indians must submit themselves unto us, considering they are quite spoiled and overthrown for a long time. Likewise they have informed me touching the silver mines which are found, that it is most true. For those french ships which were in Rio grand have laden great store of the oar. French ships laden with great s●ore of silver oar. Wherefore I certified Manuel de Mascarenhas of the Frenchmens' news, and how every thing did stand; wishing him to make ready four ships and three hundred soldiers, and so to take the harbour of Rio grand, being now cleared and void of the enemy: and to search out the situation of the place, and where were best to fortify and to build some forts for the defence of this river, where need shall require. Hereunto Mascarenhas sent me word, that when he went himself, and found it true which hath been reported touching the silver mines, that then he would sand both men and ships. Therefore your Majesty must give order, that the rest of the Governors shall aid and assist me in these wars: otherwise of myself I am not able to do more than I have already done in defending of this country against our enemies which are many. It may please your Majesty to be advertised, that from time to time I have written unto Don Francisco de Sousa Governor general of this realm, who is in Baia, as concerning these Frenchmen of war: but he will not answer me to any purpose, because I do writ unto him for such things as I do want, which are shot, powder, men, and munition requisite for your majesties service & safeguard of this captainship. For here are neither shot, powder, nor any thing else to defend us from our enemies; nor any that will put to their helping hands for the defence of this country, & the service of your Majesty. And therefore it were needful that your Majesty should commit the charge and government into the hands of Diego Sierua, with express charge that all the captains & commanders upon pain of death obey him and be ready at all times to aid and assist him in your service. Otherwise this country cannot be kept and maintained, having so great wars continually as we have, and are troubled withal. For this Diego Sierua is a very good soldier, and hath good experience; and is fit to govern this country. Your Highness is also to sand him Commission with express commandment to follow these wars; otherwise this country cannot be kept, but daily they will rebel. For here are none that will serve your Majesty so justly as he will do: who will have a great care in any thing which shall concern your Maiestes' service touching the estate of this country. For the Governor Sousa doth spend your majesties treasure in building his own Ingenios' or sugar-milles. And those Captains which your Majesty intends to sand hither must bring with them shot, powder, and all kind of weapons, furniture, and munition for the defence and safeguard of this country, and for the conquest of Rio grand. The conquest of Rio grand. For there is no kind of munition in all this country to be had, if occasion should serve. It were also good that your Majesty should sand order for the building of a couple of Forts or Castles at Cabodelo, Two Forts to be builded at Cabodelo. for they be very needful for the defence of the enemy, which daily doth war against this Captainship. For that man which shall govern this country, if he be no more fortunate than I have been hitherto, shall not miss one time or another, but he shall lose all the country. The country of Paraiva in danger daily to be lost. If Don Francisco de Sousa had sent me those two hundred and fifty soldiers which I did sand for, which were in garrison in the castle of Ar●ecife, which do nothing but spend your majesties victuals and treasure, and had not sent them to Baiha, where there was no need, these wars of Petiguar had been ended long agone, The wars of Petiguar. and had saved your Majesty a great deal of charges which you had spent in following of this conquest of Rio grand. I have choose one Captain john de Matas Cardoso to be Governor of Cabodelo, A new captain appo●●●ed in Cabodelo. who is a very sufficient man. Furthermore, it may please your Majesty to understand, that the chiefest Friars of this Monastery of S. Antony have complained on me to the lord Governor general, and have caused great strife and debate between him and me touching the government and rule of these Indian towns. A 〈◊〉 controversy touching the government of the Indian towns. For the Friars would command and govern both the Indians and their towns as well in Ecclesiastical as Temporal causes, as touching the punishment of the bodies of such as are offenders. But I have resisted them in your majesties name, and have alleged, that none but your Majesty must rule and govern them and their country, and that the towns appertain to your Majesty, and not unto the Friars. But the Governor hath written a letter unto me, signifying that he hath pronounced a sentence against me in the friars behalf, which is this. The King our master hath sent a decree and certain statutes touching the good government and orders to be executed and kept in those Indian towns: and that upon sight hereof I shall presently banish all the Mamalukes and white men which devil in any of those Indian towns with all speed, and that none of them from hence forward shall enter into the said villages, without commandment and consent of the said Friars. So this sentence was presented unto me by the Reverend father Custodio, Prior of Sant Anton of Brasil, with a further postscript of the Governor importing these words● I do likewise charge and command you the Governor of Paraiva, that presently upon sight hereof you shall restore those villages and houses which you have burned and destroyed in the last wars, and likewise the town of S. Augustine, The town of S Augustine. and that ●ou shall build them again at your own proper cost and charges: for the Friars allege that these towns were given them, by a decree sent them from Pope Pius Quintus, that the said Friars should govern and rule them. On the other side I have pronounced another sentence against the said Friars in your majesties name, and for your Majesty, alleging that those towns, villages, and subjects appertain and belong unto your Majesty, and that in temporal causes I am to punish those offenders, which shall rebel against your Majesty: and as touching ecclesiastical causes that the vicar of this Cathedral church shall rule, govern and instruct them in the Christian religion. So we both have appealed unto your Majesty herein, and your Majesty may peruse all our writings, and then determine that which shall be best and most profitable for your majesties service and enlargement of your crown. For through these broils the inhabitants of this Pariaua ●orsake their houses & dwelling places, and so do some of the Friars, because they cannot be suffered to rule & govern. Also the Indians have complained against me, because I have burned their villages in this last rebellion. Wherefore if your Majesty do not sand some order for this country and see into these cases, it will breed great dissension and rebellion among us, and we shall be ready to cut one another's throat before it be long. Thus I thought good, according to my humble bound duty, and for the service of your Majesty and quietness of this realm, to certify your Majesty the truth of the whole matter; hoping in short time that your Majesty will sand some good order to quality these broils; for there is great hatred and malice among us. jesus Christ preserve and keep the royal person of your Majesty with long health, as it pleaseth him. From the Captainship of Paraiva this present 20 of August 1597. Feliciano Cieça de Carualsho. A special note concerning the currents of the sea between the Cape of Buena Esperança and the coast of Brasilia, given by a French Pilot to Sir john York knight, before Sebastian Cabote; which pilot had frequented the coasts of Brasilia eighteen voyages. MEmorandum, that from Cabo de buena Esperança unto Brasilia the Sun hath the like dominion over the tides there, as the Moon hath over our tides here. And that whensoever the Sun is in any of these signs he governeth the tides as followeth. The Sun being in Taurus Gemini Cancer the tide hath his course Northwest. The Sun being in Leo Virgo Libra not current. The Sun being in Scorpio Sagittarius Capricorn the tide hath his course Southeast. 〈◊〉 Sun being in Aquarius Pisces Aries not current● A ruttier or course to be kept for him that will sail from Cabo Verde to the coast of Brasil, and all along the coast of Brasil unto the river of Plate: and namely first from Cabo Verde to Fernambuck. THe ship that goeth from Cabo Verde to Brasil, must go Southsoutheast: and when she is with in 5 or 6 degrees of the Equinoctial she must go Southeast an● by South. And if she have the ternadoes, that is thunderings and lightning's, than thou must go altogether South, or that way and by that board that hath profit thee most. And take this for a●uise, that having the general winds, 〈◊〉 the wound be at South or Southeast, then go South-west, or westsouthwest. And if the wind be South, then go South-west, and by this way but little, for it is not a way for thy profit, because the more thou goest this way, the more will be thy trouble, He that will sail to Brasil, must not come 〈◊〉 60 or 70 leagues of the coast of Guinea. because thou mayest not come nearer the coast of Guinea then 60 or 70 leagues unto the should called Osbaixos de Santa Anna. And being this distance from the same, thou shalt cast about the other way towards Brasil, and the wound will be large. Thou shalt understand that the ship that keepeth this course to Fernambuck, and goeth in October or after, and chanceth to go to windward of the Isle of Fernando de Loronha, when thou comest to 8 degrees, or 8 and ½, * Of Southerly latitude. than thou shalt go West and bear with the land. Thou must take this for a w●ru●g, that if going West in 8 degrees thou see land, then look to the Northward, and thou shalt see certain white cliffs. Then I advise thee that thou go well to the Southward. And this is to be understood from October forward, for then the time is most subject to North-east and Eastnortheast winds. And if thou found thyself in the said height above mentioned, and seest cliffs, and seest a Cape to the Southward, and seest no more land to the South, then make attempt that thou art at Capiguoari: and from thence to Fernambuck thou hast six leagues, and hast a good port. Thou shalt take this for a warnings that if in 8 degrees and a half thou see land lying all flat, thou mayest go nearer it, and be bold till thou come in ten or twelve fathoms: And then thou shalt see a 〈◊〉 gross land along the sea-coast which is called ●●apito gua: And being East and West with this land● and, as I have said, in ten or twelve fathoms water; and the time being from October to February, than thou needest not to fear any thing: but look to the South and thou shalt see the cape of S. Augustine: and look to the North and thou shalt see a point, and to the Southeast a point called Punta de Olinda, where Aponiquay standeth. And the land ●rom the cape to the point called Punta de Olinda lieth North and South. I advise thee that if thou be East and West with the cape of Saint Augustine, thou shalt see within the land an high hill, having as it were a saddle upon it like to a camel: And thou shalt see to the Southwards three hills along the sea, and then presently thou shalt see the coast to lie North-east and Southwest. The height of the cape of S. Augustine, of Olinda, & Fernambuck. Thou shalt understand that from this cape of Saint Augustine, to the town of Olinda, thou hast nine leagues to the North. And this cape standeth in eight degrees and two third parts, and Olinda standeth in eight degrees and a quarter, and Fernambuck standeth in eight degrees. And this course is to be understood to be observed and kept, if thou departed from Lisbon in October or November. Take this advise, that if thou departed in February or March from Lisbon, than thou shalt go to bear with the land in nine degrees, because that from March forward reign most commonly Southeast and South-west winds. In what height they thou seek land that departed from Lisbon in February or March. And if by this height and course thou bring thyself nigh to the shore, fear not to bring thy ship into 18 or 20 fathoms, for all the coast is clean: and there are no more dangers, but such as the sea doth break upon. And if after thy fall with the land thou have occasion to go to the Northward, and so going seest certain sholdes, doubt not to come for the North, and thou shalt see the cape of Saint Augustine, How to know the cape of S. Augustine. which lieth as it were sloping to the seaward, and hath as it were a Whale's head, and hath upon it a round hill, with many hills round about it. And if thou come along the sea coast much about the depth above mentioned, thou shalt see a little Island called Saint Alexio: Isla de Santo Alexio. And from this Island to the cape of Saint Augustine are four leagues, and it standeth in eight degrees and three quarters. The course that a man must keep to the bay called A Bahia de Todos os Santos, that is to say, The bay of all Saints, which lieth on the foresaid coast of Brasil. IF thou go for Bahia de Todos os Santos, thou must keep the course which I have already set down, and shalt observe the time from March forward, as also from October forward. Thou shalt understand that the Bahia de Todos os Santos standeth in 13 degrees and ⅓: The height of Bahia de Todos os Santos in 13 degrees and one third part. and if thou go in October or after October, then go to fall with the land in 12 degrees or 12 and a half. And take this for a warning, that when thou seest a white land, and long banks of white sand, which show much like linen clot when it is in whiting, than thou must go along from the North to the South until this white land do end: and thou needest not to fear to go along the coast, for there are no sholds. Before thou be clean past the white land or white sands, thou shalt have sight of an Island that standeth along the bay, I say on the Northside of the bay, which is called Tapaon: The situation of the Isle of Tapaon. and here the land lieth West and by South. When thou art so far shot as Tapaon, thou shalt see a certain great tree which is round, and standeth near the sea upon the very point of the entrance into Bahia on the Northside. And mark well that if thou look to the Southward, and seest no white grounds such as I written of before, but that they be all behind thee to the Northward: then when thou seest none to the Southward, thou mayest be bold to bear in with Bahia. When a man 〈◊〉 ●eare in with Bahia. And if when thou goest into Bahia to the Northwest, and seest the sea to break, fear nothing: for it is the breach of a certain bank, whereon thou shalt have always 5 or 6 fathoms water: and this be sure of. Thou shalt understand that if thou come for this place from March to the end of April, I would wish thee not to fall to the Southward of 13 degrees and a half. And falling with the land, and not seeing the white sands, thou shalt strive to go to the Northward. And seeing the land in 13 degrees and a half, thou shalt have sight of an hill along the sea: And if thou be nigh the land, and cannot make it certain what land it is: thou shalt mark if it be a round high hill along the sea, that it is OH morro de San Paulo, The distance of OH morro de San Paulo from Bahia. or, The hill of Saint Paul: and it lieth black and bore on the top. And from thence to Bahia is ten leagues. Rio de Tinsare a ver● good river. And here along this hill on the Northwest side there is a great river called Tinsare: and it is a very good river. And in the entrance of Bahia there are six or seven fathoms water in the channel. And I advise thee that being in the height of 13 degrees and a half, thou come not near the land, for it hath a bay very dangerous. A dangerous bay in 13 degrees and a half. And if thou go from Bahia to Fernambuck, than I advise thee that thou take good heed of the coast on the North-east and Southwest, and thou shalt go East, if the wind will suffer thee to go East: and so go thirty or forty leagues off to the sea. I advise thee that thou bear not in with the land of Fernambuck, but in the height of 9 or 10 degrees, because that in 11 degrees thou shalt fall with the bay called A Enseada de Vazabaris. The height of the bay called A Enseada de Vazabaris. Also if thou come from Portugal and fallest with the land in eleven degrees, bear not in with it, neither come near it, for thou mayest hurt thyself in so doing: but thou shalt shun it, and go to the Southward. For if thou lie to the North thou shalt bring thyself into some trouble. This Bay of All Saints standeth in thirteen degrees. Baia de todor Santos in 13 degrees. And from thence to Fernambuck thou hast a hundredth leagues: and the coast lieth North-east and Southwest. And from thence to Rio das Ilhas, that is, the river of the Islands the coast runneth North-east and Southwest, I mean taking a quarter of the North and South. The course for Baia das Ilhas, that is, The bay of the Islands, which lie on the said coast of Brasil, & the marks for the finding of them. IF thou go for Baia das Ilhas thou must look for it in fifteen degrees lacking a quarter. Baia das Ilhas lieth in 15 degrees lacking a quarter. If thou be minded as I said to go for these Isles, if it be from March forward, thou shalt fall with the land in 15 degrees and a half, and though it be in 15 degrees and 2/3, it is all the better. And if thou have sight of certain high hills, that seem to reach to the sky, these hills are called As Serras Raiemores. Then having sight of these hills, thou shalt go along the coast; and fear nothing, for there are no sholdes along to the North. And when thou seest the Islands, thou mayest make account they be these which thou seekest, for there are no other on all this coast, and thou shalt see a round hill along the sea. A round hill. Thou shalt understand that on the North side of this hill is the going in of the river. But if it chance that thou find thyself in a time that will not suffer thee to go in, then go along the Islands giving them a breadth off. And thou mayest well come to an anchor hard aboard them, for all is clean ground. And thou shalt find eight or nine fathoms, and from thence thou mayest go into the river hard aboard the shore. And if it chance that thou go from the North to the South all along the great Island, thou must keep thyself from the land: and when thou hast brought it Eastnortheast, than thou mayest anchor two cables length from the shore: for all is clean ground. If thou chance to arrive on this coast in the time of the North-east winds, In what height a man must fall with this place in time of the North-east winds. thou shalt seek to fall with the land in fourteen degrees. And if thou see a low land, thou mayest make account it is the land called Ciemana, Ciemana. and then thou shalt see Mangues: Mangues. And also thou shalt come along this coast to the South: and when thou seest an end of the low land, than thou shalt find an high land along the sea like the other that I have made mention of before, that is, all sandy along the sea coast. And thou must understand, that where the high land beginneth, there is a little river called Rio das Contas, but enter not into it: it hath for a mark to be known by as it were a white mouth. And from thence to the Islands thou hast nine leagues. And at the end of this high land to the Southward of it thou shalt found a great bay within the land, & then thou shalt look to the Westsouthwest, and shalt see another high land, which lieth as it were in the midst of the bay, and thou shalt there see certain white houses which are the Ingenios' or houses wherein they make sugar of Lucas Giraldo. The white sugar houses of Lucas Giraldo From thence thou shalt see the Isles being so far shot as Rio de Contas. And thou shalt see within the land a round hill which is like Monte de laud, and it hath another copple on the South side. The course to sail to Porto Seguro, that is to say, The safe haven, lying on the foresaid coast of Brasil, & the marks to know the same by. IF thou go for Porto Seguro and goest in the time of the Southeast winds, which is from March forward, I advise thee that thou fall not in more degrees than sixteen and a half, because of the sholdes called Os baixos does Abrolhos, To avoid O● baixos does Ab●olhos. which are very dangerous, and stretch very far into the sea. And also going West from them, that thou keep thy lead going and be often sounding. And if thou chance to see the land, and an high hill and long withal, much like to The pike, it is the hill that is called Monte Pasqual. Monte Pasqual And from thence thou must go to the North, and when thou hast brought it South-west of thee, than thou mayest bear with the land, but with great care to look about thee. Mark when thou seest the land and comest to see a read cliff, then look to the Southward, and thou shalt see a great smooth coast along the sea, and then on the North side thou shalt deserve Porto Seguro. And going along the coast thou shalt see the town of Porto Seguro standing upon the top of an hill; which hill is a white rock: and on the North side of the said rock there is a very high land. I advise thee that when thou art East and West with the said land, I mean with this rock, The place of coming to an anchor before Porto Seguro, which standeth in 16 deg. & one third. that then thou look to the Northward, and thou shalt see certain rocks lying two leagues off into the sea, whereon the sea doth break, and to the Southward of them thou mayest come to an anchor against the town, and hast a good place to ride in thirteen fathoms in sight of the town. And if it be thy chance to arrive in the time of the North-east winds, and comest in the height of fifteen degrees and two third parts, and seest not certain hills, than thou must go along the coast being in 16 degrees, 16 degrees. and under the first high land that thou shalt descry, thou shalt see certain sandy bays along the sea coast: And if thou have sight of a river in this height, A dangerous river in 16 degrees. put not thyself into it, neither bear with the land, for it hath many sholdes. And of them lie certain sunken grounds, called Os Baixos de Santo Antonio. And from hence to the Southward lieth Porto Seguro. Baixos de Santo Antonio. I advise thee that going along the coast to the Southward, and seeing such sholdes, and the sea to break upon them, as the other which I last spoke of, thou shalt run along them a sea board of them: and when thou art at the end of them, than the town will bear West of thee: and then thou mayest go to thy ankoring place as is abovesaid, giving these sholds a good birth. The course to the haven named Baia do Spirito Santo, that is to say, The bay of the holy Ghost, lying on the said coast of Brasil, and the marks thereof. THou shalt understand that the ship that goeth for Spirito Santo, when it hath doubled the sholdes called Os Baixos does Abrolhos, and hath brought itself in 20 or 19 degrees and a half, than it may hall with the land in 18 or 19 degrees and a half, and in twenty. And the said ship must go in this height, because on this coast there are no Monçoins. Monzoins are certain set winds with which the tides set. If thou chance to come in the height of 19 degrees ½ and seest low land to the Northwest of thee, than thou art on the North side of Spirito Santo, Marks on the North side of Spirito Santo. and thou mayest make account that it is the land lying over Criquare, and over the river called Rio dolce, that is the river of sweet or fresh water. If thou come along the land thou shalt found certain high hills: but trust not the first that thou seest only. For besides the rest thou shalt see a round high hill which is at the capes end, which is called la Sierra de mestre Alvaro. The situation of la Sierra de Mestre Alvaro. Take heed that going for this land thou look to the North and thou shalt see a river called Rio does Reyes Magos: Rio does Reyes magos. that is, The river of the three kings. And coming to the Southward thou shalt see presently the mouth of the bay to open. At the end of this hill on the South side, thou hast a point of a rock, which is called A punta do Tubaron. And on the South side of the bay it hath two or three black high hills, and in the midst of the bay thou shalt go in westward. I advise thee that in going in thou take heed of a should which lieth in the mouth of the bay: thou must leave it to the Southward of thee, and then ply to double a certain Island which lieth within, and thou must leave it to the Northward of thee: and when it beareth on the North or Northeast, thou mayest come to an anchor: for all is clean ground. And if thou chance to come by this course, and fallest in 20 degrees, and seest many hills, and one among the rest very high and craggy: it is called A Sierra de Guariparim, A Sierra de Guariparim in 20 degrees. that is, the hill of Guaraparim, and seest another hill on the North side, which is called A Sierra de Pero Cam: A Sierra de Pero Cam. both these lie on the South side of Spirito Santo. And from these hills thou shalt see a little hill named Guaipel. And when thou seest these hills, thou shalt see three little Islands together, lying to the Southward: And then from these thou shalt see another rocky, bore, and round Island: and to the land off this Island thou shalt see a great bay. If thou will't thou mayest anchor here safely. And if thou will't go in, thou shalt bring thyself East and West with the hill, and so thou mayest go in. And thou shalt leave a low land to the North of thee, which is called A Ilha de Repouso, A Ilha de Repouso. that is, the Isle of rest: and this Isle lieth along the coast: and thou mayest be bold to ride betwixt it and the main, giving it a breadth off. From these three Islands to Spirito Santo are 12 leagues: and running Northwards to come to Spirito Santo, thou shalt see another Island, and shalt go a seaboord of it, and by & by the mouth of the bay will open toward thee. And this bay standeth in 20 degrees. Spirito Santo standeth in 20 degrees. The course from the bay de Spirito Santo to the bay of S. Vincent, and the marks thereof. Also the course from Saint Vincent to the river of Plate. SAiling from Spirito Santo for Saint Vincent, thou mayest go along the coast, keeping seven or eight leagues off, and must go to seek Cabo Frio, that is, The cold cape. And as thou comest toward Cabo Frio, thou hast a very great bay called Bahia de Saluador, Baia de Saluador 12 leagues North from Cabo frio. that is, The bay of our Saviour. And from thence thou hast twelve leagues to Cabo Frio. And before thou comest to Cabo Frio, thou hast two small Islands. Two small Islands. Thou mayest go safely either a sea board of them, or else between them. Thou shalt understand that Cabo Frio hath as it were an Island in the midst of the face or show thereof, that doth cut off the cape. Thou mayest ride safely on the West side thereof; for all is clean ground. Understand that Cabo Frio standeth in 23 degrees: The height of Cape from 23 degrees. and from it to Rio de jenero are twelve leagues. Rio de jenero. And this river of jenero hath in the mouth thereof 3 or 4 Islands. And if thou will't go into this river de jenero, thou mayest well go in between two Islands which stand in the entrance of the river on the South side: near unto this river there is a great hill seeming to be a man with long hair. The situation of an hill like a man with long hair by jenero. And take this for advise, that if thou be in the height of this river, thou shalt see certain high hills within the land, The organs, certain high hills. which be like unto organs. And when thou seest these organs, then make account thou art right against the river: and coming near the land thou shalt see a certain Island very round, which lieth to the Southward, and is high and bore in the top. Thou must know that the mouth of this river standeth in 23 degrees and one third part. And from this river to Angra, Angra. that is to say. The open haven, thou hast 15 leagues. Go not near the land there, except necessity compel thee. I advise thee, that from this river that I spoke of, I mean from the entrance thereof, thou must go Westsouthwest, and South-west, and West and by South. And thou shalt see a great Island called Isla de San Sebastiano, A Ilha de San Sebastiano. and to the Southward thereof another small Island very high, called the Island of Alcatrarzas, The Isle of Alcatrarzas. that is to say, The Island of Pelicans: but come not near it, for it hath dangerous shoalds. And from hence thou mayest go West, and so thou shalt fall right with the mouth of Saint Vincent, a●d thou shalt see an Island. And if thou mean to go into Saint Vincent thou must leave this Island to the Westward. And understand that Saint Vincent lieth in four and twenty degrees. Saint Vincent in 24 degrees. And when thou art in the mouth of this bay, or art near the mouth of it, than thou shalt see many other Islands, and one among the rest to the seaward. Many Islands about the mouth of S Vincent, & one out to the seaward. And having these sights, thou hast the best marks that be for these Islands, that I have told thee of: and this Island lieth Northwest and Southeast with the mouth of S. Vincent. The course from Saint Vincent to the river of Plate. FRom S. Vincent to Cananea thou hast 40 leagues: Cananea. and the coast lieth North-east and by East, and South-west and by West. From Cananea to the river of Saint Francisco are fifteen leagues, Rio de San Francisco. and the coast lieth North-east and Southwest. There is a little Island, which hath as it were two bays, and a good road, and is in 26 degrees and a quarter, and towards the main it is high and craggy. From San Francisco to Boca de Ouerniton are 26 leagues, Boca de Ouerniron. and the coast lieth North & South. Also thou must mark that the river of San Francisco hath a great entrance, and 3 small Islands, and to seaward it hath a good road; and the main is high and craggy. From this Boca de Ouerniron to Ilha de Aruoredo thou hast no great marks be observed: Ilha de Aruored●. but this Boca is a very great bay, and this bay is deep within the Island, and is a good road, and hath many Islands, and standeth in 28 degrees. And to the North of this Island under the point there is a good road: and there is no other road hereabout but this, and it is under the Island. From hence thou shalt have sight of the Isle called Santa Catharina, Santa Catalina a great Island. which is a great Island about eight or nine leagues long, and lieth North and South. And hard by even with this Island is Porto de Patos, which standeth in 29 degrees. And from Porto de Patos to Porto de Don Roderigo are ten or eleven leagues: Porto de Patos and the coast lieth North and South. And from Porto de Don Roderigo to Laguna are 5 leagues. Porto de Don Roderigo. Laguna. And this is a good harbour for all winds, except the North-east wound. From the Laguna to the river called Rio de Martin de Sousa are 42 leagues. Rio de Martin de Sousa. And the coast is something high, & lieth North-east & by North, & South-west & by South: and it hath an Island 2 leagues into the sea, where ships may ride well. And from the river of Martin de Sousa to Rio de San Pedro are 52 leagues, Rio de S. Pedro. and the coast lieth North-east and Southwest. From this river of San Pedro there lieth a point of sand a good league off and more, and it lieth on the South-west side of the port. And from thence to Cabo de Santa Maria are 42 leagues: Cabo de Santa Maria. and the coast lieth North-east and Southwest, and all is low land. Also on the Southeast side of Cabo de Santa Maria there lieth an Isle two leagues off into the sea, and it hath a good harbour betwixt it and the main. And note that the main is low land. The cape of Santa Maria standeth in 35 degrees, and at the point thereof it hath an Island a league into the sea. Hereafter followeth a Ruttier from the said river of Plate to the Straight of Magelane. THe cape of Santa Maria is in 35 degrees. From thence to the Cape de Santo Antonio, which is on the other side of the river, are 30 leagues Northnortheast, & Southsouthwest. And this is the broadest place of the river. And this cape is in 36 degrees and a half, and it is a black gross land. And thou must mark that 25 leagues a seaboord the mouth of the river there lie certain sands, which be called Baixos de los Castellanos. Baixos de los Castellanos. He that falls with the cape or Santa Maria must take good heed to go Southeast until he be in 36 degrees, an● f●om thence Southsoutheast until 36 degrees and a half, giving the said sholds de los Castellanos a breadth: and also taking heed of the flats of the cape. And when he finds 40 or 45 fathoms, and russet sand, than he must go Southwest and by South, until he be in 40 degrees: where he shall found great store of weeds, which come from the coast, and a man may go 20 leagues from the shore in this sounding. From the Cape de Santo Antonio to the Cape de Arenas Gordas are right & forty leagues, Cabo de Arenas Gordas. and the coast lieth North-east and Southwest, and by East, and by West: and in the first eighteen leagues is the river called Rio de Santa Anna, Rio de S. Anna. which hath at the entrance certain flats and sholds, give them a good breadth, and come not nigh them by much, but keep thyself in forty fathoms to go surely. From the cape de Arenas Gordas to the cape of Sant André are one and thirty leagues: Cape de S. André it lieth North-east and by East, and South-west by West: I mean when thou art in the midst with an equal distance from them both. And between both the capes are many bays and rivers, but all full of sandy sholdes. From the cape of Sant Andres to the bay called Anegad●, Baia Anegada. that is, The sunken bay, are 30 leagues Eastnortheast, and Westsouthwest. It standeth in 40 degrees, rather less than more. Punta de Tierra Ilan●. From the bay called Baia Anegada to The point of the plain land are 25 leagues Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. This point lieth in 41 degrees and a half. And from this point to Baia sin fondo, Baia sin fondo. that is to say, The bottomless bay, are 35 leagues Eastnortheast, and Westsouthwest. This bay standeth in 42 degrees and a half, rather less than more. Cabo redondo. Puerto de los leones. And from Baia sin fondo to Cabo Redondo, & Puerto de los leones, are 37 leagues Northnortheast and Southsouthwest, somewhat to the North and South. And if thou mean to go out from thence with a compass about after the manner of a half circle or an arch, so thou mayest pass through the Baia sin fondo along the shore: for there is water enough. Note that from the river of Plate to this place is never a good harbour for great shipping. Puerto de los leones in 44 degrees & better. From this place to Puerto de los leones the coast is clean, and a man may come nigh unto the in land: And it is a low land with white cliffs. This harbour is in 44 degrees. And as a man goeth thither, after he be in 43 degrees or more, he must have a care to look out for certain small rocks which lie near the land, Take good heed of ●hese little rocks. and lie North of the harbour. From this harbour to Cabo de Matas, Cabo de Matas. or The cape of shrubs, are 30 leagues North & South, half a point to the East and to the West: and betwixt them there is a great bay very long: And to the Northwest 18 leagues from Cabo redondo is a river lying East and West: and it is called Rio de Camarones', Rio de Camarones'. or, The river of shrimps. You shall know when you fall with this river, by seeing many white spots upon the water, and they are small shrimps. From this river to Cabo redondo the coast lieth Northwest and by North, and Southeast and by South. This cape is in 45 degrees and a half large. Cabo redondo in 45 degrees & a half large. From this said cape to Cabo Blanco and Barancas Blancas that is to say, to The white cape and white cliffs are 32 leagues lying North and by East and South and by West: and they stand in 47 degrees. Cabo Blanco and Barancas Ploncas in 47 degrees. From this Cape the coast lieth towards the North side Northwest about 3 leagues all full of white cliffs steep up: and the last cliff is the biggest both in length and height, and showeth to be the sail of a ship when it is under sail. These white cli●●es are 6 in number. And this Cape hath in the face thereof a certain round land that showeth to be an Island afar off: and it hath certain points of rocks hard by it. And two cables length from the land is 25 fathoms water. Above these white cliffs the land is plain and even: and it hath certain woods. There is much people in the country: of whom I wish thee to take good heed. People to betaken heed of. From this Cape the land lieth North and South; which is the first fall of the Cape: and in the face thereof it hath a point of rocks, which show themselves. And on the South side of this Cape is a good harbour and road, A good harbour. and there is a Bay in the midst. From Cabo Blanco to Puerto de San julian are 37 leagues, and the coast lieth North and by East and South and by West. This harbour of S. julian hath in the entrance certain high hills, The port of Saint I●li●●. which afar off seem to be towers. On the South part of the entrance the channel is deepest in the midst: and thou must borrow nearer the North side then to the South. Within the harbour are two Islands: thou must come to an anchor hard to them. This haven lieth in 49 degrees. And between Cabo Blanco and this harbour are The Islands of Ascension, and they be eight. Ilhas de Ascension. Mo●●o de San● Yues, in 50 degrees large. From this said harbour to the hill of S. Yues are 35 leagues: the coast lieth North-east & Southwest: it is a low land and even and hath only one hill, and it is a plain from one part to the other, and hath certain cliffs to seaward, and to the Southwards and to the Southside it hath certain little copies: it standeth in 50 degrees large. From the hill of S. Yues to Rio de Cruz are 8 leagues, Rio de C●●●. North-east and Southwest: and on the North side of the river it hath a very high land, and in the top it is plain and lieth two leagues broad, laid out along North and South, and the downfall on both sides hath as it were saddles. This Cape hath many points of rocks lying 4 leagues into the sea: and when thou hast sight of this land, it is good for thee to keep from it a good breadth off. And going from thence thou mayest run in sight of the land in 25 fathoms. From Rio de Cruz to Rio de Galegos are 25 leagues, Rio de Galegos and the marked thereof. North-east and Southwest and it standeth in 52 degrees and 1/6 of a degree. It hath a certain highland: and in the highest of the said land it is plain, and to the North-east it is a pike up, and hath certain white cliffs: and on the top and something downward it is black: at the foot of this high land to the Eastward thereof it hath certain steps like a lather: and to the sea it hath a sharp point that lieth into this Cape almost half a league. To the Southward of this Cape where the lather is, there is a little Bay, which is the entrance of Rio de Galegos, it ebbeth and floweth here 12 fathoms. In the mou●● of Rio de Galegos it ebbeth and floweth 12 fathoms. A man must have a great care how he goeth in here for the cause abovesaid: but he must keep himself out and not anchor in it. From Rio de Galegos to the straits of Magelan the coast lieth Northnorthwest & Southsoutheast 8 leagues unto Cabo de la virgin Maria, Cabo de la virgin Maria which is the entrance into the straight: and 4 leagues before a man come to this Cape there are white cliffs with certain black spots in them; and they be caused with the falling down of the water. Here is water enough, and thou mayest come to an anchor hard aboard the shore, and hast a good defence for a South-west wound. And the Cape itself is the highest land of all, Ciudad de Nombre de lesus ●a●led by M. Ca●dish Port Famine, because he sound all the Spaniards famished, and the town itself utterly abandoned, and rundled. Where Number de jesus stood. and is like to Cape Saint Vincent in Spain: and it hath on the East side a ledge of rocks, and a point of sand, with divers sands which show themselves at a low water: thou must take great heed here and give them a good breadth half a league or a quarter of a league off, until thou bring the Cape Westnorthwest, and then thou mayest stir away Southwest. And when thou comest to the lower land and into ten or twelve fathoms, than art thou over against la Purification. And half a league within the land the city of Number de jesus was builded, East and West with the said Cape right against a cliff, which cometh from the said Cape, and goeth within the straits. This Cape standeth in 52 degrees just. And this is to be taken for a warning, that he that cometh near this Cape, and passeth by it as I have said with the wound at North-east, or any other wound off the sea inclining to the Southeast, must not come to anchor, but presently be sure to pass by; because in Summer this place is much subject to Southwest winds, Southwest winds reign much here in Summer. which blow right in: and they put a man from his tackle, & make him to lose his voyage. And from March forward there blow favourable winds from the sea to go from this Cape to enter into the straits, From March forward the winds are favourable for the Streit●● from this said Cape the straits go in to the Northwest 14 leagues: and the channel wa●eth narrower and narrower unto the first straight which runneth Eastnortheast, and Westsouthwest. And coming out of the mouth thereof a man must keep himself a point to the Northward, because there be rocks and stoalds. And if you see beds of weeds, take heed of them, and keep off from them: and after you be past this Straight you must stir Westsouthwest 8 leagues unto Cabo de San Gregorio, Cabo de San Gregorio a good road-stead for any wind● from the Northwest to the South-west. which is a high white cliff, and is a good road for any wound from the Northwest to the South-west. But men must beware and not trust the Indians of this Cape: The Indians above Cape de San Gregori● in the straits are very treacherous. for they be subtle and will betray a man. From this Cape beginneth the second straight which is called Nuestra Sennora de Gracia, and lieth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest 3 leagues. And coming out of this straight thou shalt see 3 little Islands, lying West of this straight: thou mayest go between them, for there is no danger: provided always that thou keep well off from the bays on both sides, jest thou be embayed. And from these Islands thou must keep forward in the channel Westsouthwest two leagues: and then the coast lieth North and South unto 53 degrees and a half, unto a place called Punta de Santa Anna: The second straight call●d Nuestra Sennora de gracia Punta de Santa Anna in 53 deg. and a half. and to the Northwest thereof in a corner or nook (which is one of the rincones or nooks) was the town builded called La Ciudad del Don Philippe. La Ciudad d●l Don 〈◊〉 which is 〈…〉. Thou must come to an anchor to the Northward thereof, after thou art passed the castle and a great tree. TWO VOYAGES OF CERTAIN ENGLISHmen to the river of Plate situate in 35 degrees of Southerly latitude: together with an exact Ruttier and description thereof, and of all the main branches, so far as they are navigable with small barks. By which river the Spaniards of late years have frequented an exceeding rich trade to and from Peru, and the mines of Potossi, as also to Chili, and other places. A report of a voyage of two Englishmen in the company of Sebastian Cabota, intended for the Malucos by the Straitss of Magellan, but performed only to the river of Plate in April 1527. Taken out of the information of M. Robert Thorn to Doctor Ley Ambassador for King Henry the eight, to Charles the Emperor, touching the discovery of the Malucos by the North. IN a float of three ships and a caravel that went from this city of Sivil armed by the merchants of it, which departed in April last passed, I and my partner have one thousand four hundred ducats that we employed in the said fleet, This was the fleet wherein Cabo● discovered the ●●●er of Fl●te, ●●26. principally for that two Englishmen, Two Englishmen w●●● with Cabot in this discovery. friends of mine, which are somewhat learned in cosmography should go in the same ships, to bring me certain relation of the situation of the country, and to be expert in the navigation of those seas, and there to have informations of many other things, and advise that I desire to know especially. S●●ing in those quarters are ships and mariners of that country, and cards by which they sail, though much unlike ours: that they should procure to have the said cards, and learn how they understand them, and especially to know what navigation they have for those Islands Northwards, and Northeastward. The Islands of the Malucos. For if from the said Islands the sea doth extend without interposition of land to sail from the North point to the North-east point one thousand seven hundred or one thousand eight hundred leagues, they should come to The new found Islands that we discovered, The New found Islands discovered by the English. & so we should be nearer to the said Spicery by almost 200 leagues then the Emperor, or the king of Portugal are. An extract out of the discourse of one Lopez Vaz a Portugal, touching the fight of M. Fenton with the Spanish ships, with a report of the proceeding of M. john Drake after his departing from him to the river of Plate. Upon the relation of Pedro Sarmiento concerning the straits of Magellan, that they might be fortified, and for that the king herded, that there were ships in England preparing for the same straits, he commanded Diego Flores de Valdes a noble man of Spain, to pass thither with 23 ships, and 3500 men to stop the passage of the Englishmen. There went in this fleet the governor of Chili, with 500 old soldiers that came out of Flanders: but this was the unhappiest fleet of ships that ever went out of Spain: for before they came from the coast of Spain a storm took them, and cast away five of the fleet, and in them above 800 men, and the rest came into Cadiz. But the king sent them word that they should proceed: and so there went out on the voyage 16 of the ships, Fleet ships of 〈…〉 Spain. for two more of their fleet were much spoiled by the storm which they had. In these sixteen ships, Pedro Sarmiento was sent to be governor in the streites, and had assigned unto him 500 men to stay there with him, and he carried with him all kind of ●●rificers to make him forts, and other necessaries, with great store of ordinance and other munition. This fleet because it was late, did winter on the coast of Brasil, in the river of jenero: This fleet wintered in the river of jenero. and from thence they went when the winter was past, and about the height of 42 degrees they had a sudden storm, so that Diego Flores beaten it up and down 22 days, in which time he lost one of the best ships he had, which had in her 300 men, and 20 women, that went to inhabit the straits: and in this ship also was most part of the munition which should have been left in the straits, so in the end the storm grew to be so great, that the ships were not able to endure it any longer, but were put back unto an Island, called Santa Catelina: and there he sound a bark wherein were some friars going for the river of Plate: which friars told him of two great English ships, M. Fenton ●●● these friars. and a pinnace, which had taken them, but took nothing from them, nor did the many harm, but only asked them for the king of Spain's ships. Hereupon Diego Flores knowing that these English ships would go for the straits, determined to go thither, although it was in the month of February, and choosing 10 ships of the 1● that were left, he left two ships which were not in case to go to sea at the Island, and into the other three ships which were old, and shaken with the storm he put all the women, and sick men in all the fleet, and sent them to the river of jenero, and he with the other 10 returned again for the straits. The three ships in which the sick men and women were, went to Brasil, and there they found within the por of S. Vincent the two ships before mentioned. They would have had the English men to have go out of the harbour, and thereupon they fallen to fight, A fight betwixt one 2 English ships & three Spanish ship● and because that these three ships were weak with the storm, and the men that they had were the worst in all the fleet, the Englishmen easily put them to the worst, and sunk one of them, and might have sunk another, if the Englishmen would: but they minded not the destruction of any man: for that is the greatest virtue that can be in a man, that when he may do hurt, yet he will not do it. So the Englishmen w●nt from this port to Spirito Santo, They victual at Spirito Santo. where they had victuals for their merchandise, and so they went back for England, without doing of any harm in the Country. The cause why these English ships under the conduct of M. Fenton went not to the straits, I know not: but some say that they were put back by foul weather: other some say that it was for fear of the king's ships. But the pinnace of these two ships went from them, in which was Captain john Drake: john Drake: proceedeth on to the river of Plate. the cause why they parted I know not, but the pinnace came into the river of Plate, and within five leagues of Seal Island, not far from the place where the Earl of Cumberlands ships did take in fresh water, she was cast away upon a le●ge of rocks: but the men were saved in their boat, which were in number 18, who went ashore on the North side, and went a days journey into the land, and met with the Savages, which are no men-●aters, but take all the Christians that they can, and make them slaves. But the Englishmen fought with them, and the Savages flew 5 of them, and took 13 alive, which were with the Savages about 15 months. But the Master of the pinnace, whose name was Richard Faireweather being not willing to endure the misery that he was in, Richard Faire-weather remaineth in the river of 〈◊〉. and having knowledge that there was a town of Christians on the other side of the river, he in a night called john Drake, and another young man which was with them, and took a very little Canoa, which had but two oars, & so passed to the other side of the river, which is about 19 leagues broad, and were three days before they could get over without meat: and coming to land, they hit upon an highway that went towards the Christians: and seeing the footing of horses, they followed it, and at last came to an house where there was corn sowed, and there they met with Indians servants unto the Spaniards, which gave them meat, and clotheses to cover them, for they were all naked, and one of the Indians went to the town, and told them of the Englishmen: so the Captain sent four horsemen, who brought them to the town behind them. This Captain clothed them, and provided lodging for them, and john Drake dieted at the captains table, and they were all very well entreated, the Captain purposing to sand them for Spain. But the Uiceroy of Peru having news hereof, sent for them, john Drake sen● to the Uiceroy of Peru. and so john Drake was sent to him, but the other two were kept there, because they were married in the country, so that I know no more of their affairs. Upon this coming of the Englishmen, there were prepared 50 horsemen to go over the river to seek the rest of the Englishmen, and also certain Spaniards that were among the savage people, but I am not certain, whether they went forward or not. A ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the Isle of Santa Catelina unto the mouth of the river of Plata, and all along up within the said river, and what arms and mouths it hath to enter into it, as far as it is navigable ●ith small barks. The Isle of Santa C●telina, R●o ●●an●e. FRom the Isle of Santa Catelina, (which is in 28 degrees of Southerly latitude) unto Rio grand is forty leagues. This river by another name is called Ygai. The Island of Santa Catelina is six leagues in length: it hath two small Islands on the North side between the main land and it: and on the South side it hath a should of rocks, which lieth hidden very near unto the point of the Is●e. You are to pass between the firm land and the point of the Isle. Puerto de Biaza or Laguna. From Santa Catelina to the haven of Biaça, which by another name is called la Laguna, are twelve leagues: it is a good haven within: but you must stay the full sea to enter into it, because it hath shoaldes in the mouth, and it may be known by a small Island which lieth a league into the sea which is called Lady Isla de Reparo, 〈◊〉 de ●●●aro. that is, The Island of succour or defence, and you must ride there to search the channel. From this harbour unto the river before named there is no haven for a ship to harbour itself. And R●o grand hath many shoalds in the mouth thereof. R●o grand. It ●s a river that none but very small ships can enter into. And this river divides the country of the people called Carios from other nations which are called Gua●aes. And from this river unto the entrance of the mouth of the river of Plate it is all a plain land, and very low: you must sail all along two or three leagues into the sea from the shore, Certain Islands 12. leagues distant from the mouth of the river of Plate, which are 3 in number. until you come to certain Islands which lie twelve leagues from the mouth of the river of Plate. From Rio grand unto these Islands are 68 leagues. And from these Islands unto the Cape of Saint Marie the coast runneth North-east and Southwest, somewhat inclining a point to the South. The Islands are three, and may be known as you come from the sea by two points, which show like the ears of a conie: you may ride be●w●ene them and the main. The Cape of S Marie. An Island a league an half from Cape Saint M●●●e. From Rio grand to the Cape of Sain● Marie are 80 leagues: and the Cape m●y be known by one Island which lieth from it a league and an half into the sea. You may sail between the main and that Island, because there is above 8 or 9 fathoms water. The Cape of Saint Mary standeth in 35 degrees of Southerly latitude. The Cape of Santa Maria upon the point thereof hath a little hill which standeth over against the Isle of seals. Isla de Lobos. The way to enter into ●he river of Plate. Rio de S●l●s to leagues within the Cape. L●s ●res Mogotes ● leagues, Saint Graviel Stragues. From this coast of Santa Maria you must coast along the land always on the North shore, and along the same are certain Bays. From the Cape unto the river of Solis are ten leagues, the coast runneth East and West. There standeth an Island over against the mouth thereof. From this river of Solis unto Los tres Mogo●es which are on the main land is three leagues. And from Los Mogotes unto the Isles of Saint Graviel are other 8 or 9 leagues more: all this distance runneth East and West. These are five small Islands: to ride here you must keep somewhat near the main within an arqebus shot half a league before you come at the Islands, and strait way you shall see a cross ✚ standing on the said land, and there is an harbour for some winds. R●o de S. ivan ● leagues. From Saint Graviel unto the river of Sant ivan going along the same coast, I say on the North shore, are three leagues: it is very well known by the broken cliff which it hath, which is a white hill. The entrance into this river is very dangerous; because it is shallow, and none but very small ships can enter into the same: the entrance thereof is on the West side very near the land, great Carackes' may ride within the harbour. From this river unto the Isle of Martin Garçia are three leagues: The Isle of Martin Gar●ia 3. leagues. it is one Island alone, and you must sail along the coast on the North shore: and after you be come unto the Island, I say, over against the same, you shall have three fathoms water, and on the West side it hath a little creak where you may ride. Rio de Bueno● Aery on the southside of the river of Plate. He that desireth to cross over the river of Plate unto the river de Buenos Aë●es from the Isles of Saint Graviel, must shape his course Southwest: and the cut over is sixteen leagues and upon his arrival on the South shore of the river, he must seek a channel of three fathoms water, and stra●te he must go along the coast until he come to a broken cliff and a point like unto the firm sand, which is distant from this channel three or four leagues: and when thou se●st this broken cliff, keep thee a league from it. Here upon this river of Buenos Aëres was the first Colony that Don Pedro de Mendoça planted. This river lieth very much hidden: The first Spanish colony was planted in the river of Buenos Aëres. because it is not seen, it is very sha●low at a low sea, wherefore you must come in with the first of the flood. From the Isle of Martin Garçia unto certain small Islands which are called the Isles of S●int Lazarus is two leagues, The I●●●e of San Lazaro. these are shoalds: and to go thither you must go hard aboard the ma●ne, for there goeth the channel: all this is to be passed on the North shore, and with small barks, and with good heed. From the Isle of Martin Garçia to the mouths of the river are eight leagues in passing along on this side to seek one of the mouths of the river Parana, as it is hereafter described. But you had need first to harbo●● in a bay, which is in the very cliff or Barranca, and you must stay for the s●● sea. An● if you fall in●● the mouth of the river which is called Vruay, Rio V●uay. you must leave it on the right hand, I say on the North side. And forthwith leaving the said mouth forward toward the West, you m●y enter into the f●●st mouth although it seem narrow; or rather you may enter into to any of the mouths: for all of them mere together in Parana, Parana is the great river. which is the main river. And he t●at desires to go from the Isle of Martin Garçia to the river of Palmas, Rio de las Palmas. which is t●e best of all ●hese arms, or mouths to speak more properly, is to shape his course to the West, and coming ou●r to the other shore, and sailing along the coast Northnorthwest he shall discover the mouth of this river of Palmas: and he must enter hard by Los luncales, which lie on the Sou●h side: and afterward within is very deep sounding. All these mouths of this river which are 5, are full of sholds towards the East above the space of two leagues. And if the course of the water we●e not swift there, you could not enter into them, as I have already said, and you must pass all along with much heed and foresight. And if peradventure you have passed Cape Saint Marie and are come over to Cape Blanco, Cape Blanco on the South sid● o● the mouth of the river of Plate a very low and even land. consider it, that it is so even and smooth a land, that you can scarcely d●sce●ne it a league from the main, unless it be a very clear day: and after this sort the coast lieth low unto the river de Buenos Aëres. And ●rom thence the coast lieth somewhat high unto the entrance of the river de Palmas: all the coast runneth as I said before. And all along this coast are naughty people, Man eaters upon the sout● shore. which eat those which they kill, and many Tigers. From the Isle of Martin Garçia unto Sant Saluado● is nine or ten leagues. Saint Sa●uador an Island ten leagues off. Sebastian Cabota. This is an Island which standeth two leagues within the first mouth: where Sebastian Cabota took possession. And this country is very well peopled by a people called Carios; and you must beware of all these people: for they ●re your deadly enemies. The most Southerly mouth of Parana called Rio de Palmas is sixteen leagues long, and it hath many turnings, 16. Leagu●●. and many palm or date-trees growing near it, whereupon it is called The river of palm trees: and forthwith it entereth into the river Paran●, as soon as these sixteen leagues are finished. All the other arms contain likewise sixteen● leagues in length, saving one small or narrow arm, which is called The river de los Beguaes: for this containeth forty leagues in length. From this you must enter by the mouth of the river of Palmas unto Santo Spirito, the way is fifty leagues: Santo Spirito 50 leagues ●rom Rio de Palma●. you are to pass still along the cliffs. As you enter on the left hand which is on the West shore up this river there are many Isles, lakes and small rivers, and many Indians which are your enemies. From Santo Spirito unto a people which are called Los Tenbuis is fifteen leagues. Los Tenbuis a people 15. Leagues. This is by the narrow arm whereby they pass into the river Parana: it is the more because it is the longer way. From the Tenbuis by this narrow arm upward unto the Quiloacas, The Quiloacas 20. leagues. which is another nation, are twenty leagues; and all up this river is great store of people. From the Quiloacas, to a place where the Spaniards now have builded a town, This town perhaps may be the tow●e of Santa Anna, 15. leagues. The Mequaret●● a people. 20 leagues. The Mepenes 30 leagues. 8. leagues. are fifteen leagues. From this town unto the people called Los Mequaretas is twenty leagues. Here are many sholds which continued thirty leagues. All these thirty leagues are sunken lands: where are many Isles, flats, and nations, which are our enemies. From the M●quaretas unto the people called Mepenes are these thirty leagues. And from hence begin the coasts of the firm land unto the mouth of the river Paraguai; The river P●raguai. saving that there are eight leagues more of sunken ground. From the Mepenes unto the mouth of the river of Paraguai are thirty leagues: it is a river that cannot be mistaken although it hath many arms and Islands and dangers, it hath a mark two leagues beneath the mouth on the East side, to wit● an high land, where are 7 points, which we call the 7 currents: The 7. currents. and immediately above these cur●ents there is an Island as you pass up the river over against the point aforesaid standeth the mouth of Paraguai. The town of P●●●●●i or Picora 100L. leagues up the river of Pa●ana. The City of Assumption, or Ascension 60. leagues from the mouth of Pa●aguai. 200. leagues from Assumption subject to the Spaniard, to the city of Xaraes'. This mouth is very plain to be found, in seeking whereof a man cannot be deceived. From this mouth the river of Parana is divided, which is a very great river: and it goeth unto the town of Piquiri, which is an hundred and seventy leagues: and it runneth all this space North and South, and in the way are many flats and shealds; and great store of people, which are a bad nation, although they be divided. From the place where these two rivers are divided, that is to say, ●rom the mouth of Paraguai are sixty leagues unto the city of Assumption. This is a good river, and better to sail then all the rest of the rivers, which are in this country. And from this town to Los Xaraes' air 200. leagues, very well inhabited with people of divers nation's, which serve the Spaniards. THE TWO FAMOUS VOYAGES HAPPILY performed round about the world, by Sir Francis Drake, and M. Thomas Candish Esquire, together with the rest of our English voyages intended for the South Sea, the kingdoms of Chili, Peru, the back side of Nueva Espanna, the Malucos, the Philippinas, the mighty Empire of China, though not so happily performed as the two former: Whereunto are annexed certain rare observations touching the present state of China, and the kingdom of Coray, lately invaded by Quabacondono the last Monarch of the 66. princedoms of japan. The famous voyage of Sir Francis Drake into the South sea, and therehence about the whole Globe of the earth, begun in the year of our Lord, 1577. THe 15. day of November, in the year of our Lord 1577. M. Francis Drake, with a fleet of five ships and barks, and to the number of 164. men, gentlemen and sailors, departed from Plymouth, giving out his pretended voyage for Alexandria: but the wound falling contrary, he was forced the next morning to put into Falmouth haven in Cornwall where such and so terrible a tempest took us, as few men have seen the like, and was in deed so vehement, that all our ships were like to have go to wrack: but it pleased God to preserve us from that extremity, and to afflict us only for that present with these two particulars: The mast of our Admiral which was the Pelican, was cut over board for the safeguard of the ship, and the Marigold was driven ashore, and somewhat bruised: for the repairing of which damages we returned again to Plymouth, and having recovered those harms, and brought the ships again to good state, we set forth the second time from Plymouth, and set sail the 13. day of December following. The 25. day of the same month we fallen with the Cape Cantin, upon the coast of Barbary, and coasting along, the 27. day we found an Island called Mogador, The Isle of Mogador on the coast of Barbary. lying one mile distant from the main, between which I stand and the main, we found a very good and safe harbour for our ships to ride in, as also very good entrance, and void of any danger. On this Island our General erected a pinnace, whereof he brought out of England with him four already framed. While these things were in doing, there came to the waters side some of the inhabitants of the country, showing forth their flags of truce, which being seen of our General, he sent his ship's boat to the shore, to know what they would: they being willing to come aboard our men left there one man of our company for a pledge, and brought two of there's aboard, our ship, which by signs showed our General, that the next day they would bring some provision, as sheep, capons and hens, and such like: whereupon our General bestowed amongst them some linen clot and shoes, and a javelining, which they very joyfully received, and departed for that time. The next morning they failed not to come again to the waters side, and our General again setting out our boat, one of our men leaping over rashly ashore, and offering friendly to embrace them, they set violent hands on him, offering a dagger to his throat if he had made any resistance, and so laying him on a horse, carried him away: so that a man cannot be too circumspect and wary of himself among such miscreants. Our pinnace being finished, we departed from this place the 30. and last day of December, and coasting along the shore, we did descry, not contrary to our expectation, certain Canters which were Spanish fishermen, to whom we gave chase and took three of them, and proceeding further we met with 3. Caravels and took them also. The 17. day of january we arrived at Cape Blanco, januarie. where we found a ship riding at anchor, within the Cape, and but two simple Mariners in her, which ship we took and carried her further into the harbour, where we remained 4. days, and in that space our General mustered, and trained his men on land in warlike manner, to make them fit for all occasions. In this place we took of the Fishermen such necessaries as we wanted, and they could yield us, and leaving here one of our little barks called the Benedict, we took with us one of there's which they called Canters, being of the burden of 40. tons or thereabouts. All these things being finished, we departed this harbour the 22. of januarie, carrying along with us one of the Portugal Caravels which was bond to the Islands of Cape● Verde for salt, whereof good store is made in one of those Islands. The master or Pilot of that Caravel did advertise our General that upon one of those Islands called Mayo, The Isle of Mayo. there was great store of dried Cabritoes, which a few inhabitants there dwelling did yearly make ready for such of the king's Ships as did there touch, being bond for his country of Brasile or elsewhere. We fallen with this Island the 27. of january, but the Inhabitants would in no case traffic with us, being thereof for bidden by the king's Edict: yet the next day our General sent to view the Island, and the likelihoodes that might be there of provision of victuals, about threescore and two men under the conduct and government of Master Winter and Master Daughtie, and marching towards the chief place of habitation in this Island (as by the Portugal we were informed) having travailed to the mountains the space of three miles, and arriving there somewhat before the day break, we arrested ourselves to see day before us, which appearing, we found the inhabitants to be fled: but the place, by reason that it was manured, we found to be more fruitful than the other part, especially the valleys among the hills. Here we gave ourselves a little refreshing, as by very ripe and sweet grapes, Ripe grapes in Winter. which the fruitfulness of the earth at that season of the year yielded us: and that season being with us the depth of Winter, it may seem strange that those fruits were then there growing: but the reason thereof is this, because they being between the Tropic and the Equinoctial, the sun passeth twice in the year through their Zenith over their heads, by means whereof they have two Summers, & being so near the heat of the line, they never loose the heat of the Sun so m●ch, but the fruits have their increase and continuance in the midst of Winter. The Island is wonderfully stored with goats and wild hens, and it hath salt also without labour, save only that the people gather it into heaps, which continually in great quantity is increased upon the sands by the flowing of the sea, and the receiving heat of the Sun kerning the same, so that of the increase thereof they keep a continual traffic with their neighbours. Among other things we found here a kind of fruit called Cocos, The description of the tree that beareth Cocos. which because it is not commonly known with us in England, I thought good to make some description of it. The tree beareth no leaves nor branches, but at the very top the fruit groweth in clusters, hard at the top of the stem of the tree, as big every several fruit as a man's head: but having taken off the uttermost bark, which you shall found to be very full of strings or sinews, as I may term them, you shall come to a hard shell which may hold of quantity in liquor a pint commonly, or some a quart, and some less: within that shell of the thickness of half an inch good, you shall have a kind of hard substance and very white, no less good and sweet than almonds: within that again a certain clear liquor, which being drunk, you shall not only find it very delicate and sweet, but most comfortable and cordial. After we had satisfied ourselves with some of these fruits, we marched further into the Island, and see great store of * O● goate●. Cabritos' alive, which were so chased by the inhabitants, that we could do no good towards our provision, but they had laid out as it were to stop our mouths withal, certain old dried Cabritoes, which being but ill, and small and few, we made no account of. Being returned to our ships our General departed hence the 31. of this month, and sailed by the Island of S. jago, The Isle 〈◊〉 S. jago. but far enough from the danger of the inhabitants, who shot and discharcharged at us three pieces, but they all fallen short of us, and did us no harm. The Island is fair and large, and as it seemeth, rich and fruitful, and inhabited by the Portugals, but the mountains and high places of the Island are said to be possessed by the Moors, who having been slaves to the Portugals, to ease themselves, made escape to the desert places of the Island, where they abide with great strength. 〈…〉 two ships under sail, to the one of which we gave chase, 〈…〉 without resistance, which we found to be a good prize, 〈…〉 wine: which prize our General committed to the custody of 〈…〉 the Pil●t, sent the rest away with his Pinnace, giving them a 〈…〉, and their wearing clotheses, and so they departed. The sam● 〈◊〉 w●e came w●th 〈◊〉 Island called by the Portugals, Ilha del fogo, T●● I●le o● ●ogo. that is, the b●●●●ng 〈◊〉 i● the Nor●hside whereof is a consuming fire, the matter is said to be of Sulphur, but notwithstanding it is like to be a commodious Island, because the Portugals have 〈◊〉, and ●●e inhab●te● t●ere. Upon the South side thereof lieth a most pleasant and sweet Island, the trees whereof are always green and fair to look upon, in respect whereof they call it Ilha Brava, that is, the brave Island. From the banks thereof into the sea do run in many places reasonable streams of fr●●● wa●●●s ca●te to be come by, but there was no convenient road for our ships: for such was the depth, that no ground could be had for anchoring, and it is reported, that ground was ●●uer found in that place, so th●t the tops of Fogo burn not so high in the air, but the roots of Brava are quenched as low in the sea. Being departed from these Islands, we drawn towards the line, where we were becalmed the space of 3. weeks, but ●e● subject to divers great storms, terrible lightnings and much thunder: but with this misery we had the commodity of great store of fish, as Dolphins, Bonitoes, and flying fish, whereof some s●il into our ●●ippes, wherehence they could not rise again for want of moisture, for when their wings are dry, they cannot fly. From the first day of our departure from the Islands of Cape Verde, we sailed 54. days without sight of land, and the first land that we fallen with was the coast of Brasil, which we see the fift of April in the height of 33. degrees towards the pole Antar●tike, ●●●●l. 33. Degrees. and being discovered at sea by the inhabitants of the country, they made upon the coast great fires for a sacrifice (as we learned) to the devils, about which they use conjurations, making heaps of sand and other ceremonies, that when any ship shall go about to stay upon their coast, not only sands may be gathered together in shoalds in every place, but also that storms and tempests may arise, to the casting away of ships and men, whereof (as it is reported) there have been divers experiments. The seventh day in a mighty great storm both of lightning, rain and thunder, we lost the Canter which we called the Christopher: but the eleventh day after, by our General's great care in dispersing his ships, we found her again, and the place where we met, our General called the Cape of joy, The C●pe of 〈◊〉. where every ship took in some water. here we found a good temperature and sweet air, a very fair and pleasant country with an exceeding fruitful soil, where were great s●ore of large and mighty Deer, but we came not to the sight of any people: but traveling further into the country, we perceived the footing of people in the clay-ground, showing that they were men of great stature. Being returned to our ships, we weighed anchor, and ran somewhat further and harboured ourselves between a rock and the main, where by means of the rock that broke the force of the sea, we rid very safe, and upon this rock we killed for our provision certain sea-wolues, commonly called with us Seals. From hence we went our course to 36. degrees, and entered the great river of Plate, Their entrance ●●●o the r●●er of P●a●●. and ran into 54. and 53. fathoms and a half of fresh water, where we filled our water by the ships side: but our General finding here no good harbour, as he thought he should, bore out again to sea the 27. of April, and in bearing out we lost sight of our Flieboate wherein master doughty was, but we sailing along, found a fair and reasonable good Bay wherein were many, and the same profitable Islands, one whereof had so many Seals, Abundance of seals. as would at the lest have laden all our Ships, and the rest of the Islands are as it were laden with fowls which is wonderful to see, and they of divers sorts. It is a place very plentiful of victuals, and hath in it no want of fresh water. Our General after certain days of his abode in this place, being on shore in an Island, the people of the country showed themselves unto him, leaping and dancing, and entered into traffic with him, but they would not receive any thing at any man's hands, but the same must be cast upon the ground. They are of clean, comely, and strong bodies, swift on foot, and seem to be very active. May. The eighteenth day of May our General thought it needful to have a care of such Ships as were absent, and therefore endeavouring to seek the Flieboate wherein master doughty was, we espied her again the next day: and where as certain of our ships were sent to discover the c●●ast and to search an harbour, the Mary gold and the Canter being employed in that business, came unto us and gave us understanding of a safe harbour that they had found, wherewith all our ships bore, and entered it, where we watered and made new provision of victuals, as by Seals, whereof we slay to the number of 200. or 300. in the space of an hour. Here our General in the Admiral rid close aboard the Flyboat, and took out of her all the provision of victuals and what else was in her, and halling her to the Land, set fire to her, and so burned her to save the iron work: which being a doing, there came down of the country certain of the people naked, saving only about their waste the skin of some beast with the fur or ha●re on, and something also wreathed on their heads: The 〈…〉 the coun●●●●. their faces were painted with divers colours, and some of them had on their heads the similitude of horns, every man his bow which was an ell in length, and a couple of arrows. They were very agile people and quick to deliver, and seemed not to be ignorant in the feats of wars, as by their order of ranging a few men, might appear. These people would not of a long time receive any thing at our hands; yet at length our General being ashore, and they dancing after their accustomed manner about him, and he once turning his back towards them, one leapt suddenly to him, and took his cap with his gold band off his head, and ran a little distance from him and shared it with his fellow, the cap to the one, and the band to the other. Having dispatched all our business in this place, we departed and set sail, and immediately upon our setting forth we lost our Canter which was absent three or four days: but when our General had her again, he took out the necessaries, and so gave her over near to the Cape of Good hope. The cape o● Good hop●. The next day after being the twentieth of june, june. we harboured ourselves again in a very good harbour, called by Magellan Port S. julian, Port 〈◊〉. where we found a gibbet standing upon the main, which we supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and rebellious company. The two and twentieth day our General went ashore to the main, and in his company, john Thomas, and Robert Winterhie, Oliver the Master gunner, john Brewer, Thomas Ho●d, and Thomas Drake, and entering on land, they presently met with two or three of the country people, and Robert Winterhie having in his hands a bow and arrows, went about to make a shoot of pleasure, and in his draft his bowstring broke, which the rude Savages taking as a token of war, began to bend the force of their bows against our company, and drove them to their shifts very narrowly. In this Port our General began to inquire diligently of the actions of M. Thomas doughty, and found them not to be such as he looked for, but tending rather to contention or mutin●e, or some other disorder, whereby (without redress) the success of the voyage might gre●●ly have been hazarded: whereupon the company was called together and made acquainted with the particulars of the cause, which were found partly by master Doughties own confession, and partly by the evidence of the fact, to be true: which when our General see, although his private affection to M. doughty (as he then in the presence of us all sacredly protested) was great, yet the care he had of the state of the voyage, of the expectation of her Majesty, and of the honour of his country did more touch him, (as indeed it aught) then the private respect of one man: so that the cause being thoroughly herded, and all things done in good order as near as might be to the course of our laws in England, it was concluded that M. doughty should receive punishment according to the quality of the offence: and he seeing no remedy but patience for himself, desired before his death to receive the Communion, which he did at the hands of M. Fletcher our Minister, and our General himself accompanied him in that holy action: which being done, and the place of execution made ready, he having embraced our General and taken his leave of all the company, with prayer for the Queen's majesty and our realm, M. Thoma● doughty executed. in quiet sort laid his head to the block, where he ended his life. This being done, our General made divers speeches to the whole company, persuading us to unity, obedience, love, and regard of our voyage; and for the better confirmation thereof, willed every man the next Sunday following to prepare himself to receive the Communion, as Christian brethren and friends aught to do, which was done in very reverent sort, and so with good contentment every man went about his business. The 17. day of August we departed the port of S. julian, August. & the 20. day we fallen with the straight or fret of Magellan going into the South sea, The straight of Mageli●●, at the Cape or headland whereof we found the body of a dead man, whose flesh was clean consumed. The 21. day we entered The straight, which we found to have many turnings, and as it were shutting up, as if there were no passage at all, by means whereof we had the wound often against us, so that some of the fleet recovering a Cape or point of land, others should he forced to turn back again, and to come to an anchor where they could. In this straight there be many fair harbours, with store of fresh water, but yet they lack their best commodity: for the water is there of such depth, that no man shall found ground to anchor in, except it be in some narrow river or corner, or between some rocks, so that if any extreme blasts or contrary winds do come (whereunto the place is much subject) it carrieth with it no small danger. The land on both sides is very huge & mountainous, the lower mountains whereof, although they be monstrous and wonderful to look upon for their height, yet there are others which in height exceed them in a strange manner, reaching themselves above their fellows so high, that between them did appear three regions of clouds. These mountains are covered with snow: at both the Southerly and Easterly parts of the straight there are Illands, among which the sea hath his indraught into the straits, even as it hath in the main entrance of the fret. This straight is extreme cold, with frost and snow continually; the trees seem to stoop with the burden of the weather, and yet are green continually, and many good and sweet herbs do very plentifully grow and increase under them. The breadth of the straits of Magellan. The breadth of the straight is in some place a league, in some other places 2. leagues, and three leagues, and in some other 4. leagues, but the narowest place hath a league over. The 24. of August we arrived at an Island in the straits, Abundance of foul in the straight. where we found great store of foul which could not sly, of the bigness of geese, whereof we killed in less than one day 3000. and victualled ourselves thoroughly therewith. September. The 6. day of September we entered the South sea at the Cape or head shore. The seventh day we were driven by a great storm from the entering into the South sea two hundred leagues and odd in longitude, and one degree to the Southward of the Straight: in which height, and so many leagues to the Westward, the fifteenth day of September fallen out the Eclipse of the Moon at the hour of six of the clock at night: but neither did the Eclipticall conflict of the Moon impair our state, nor her clearing again amend us a whit, but the accustomed Eclipse of the Sea continued in his force, we being darkened more than the Moon seven fold. From the Bay (which we called The Bay of severing of friends) we were driven back to the Southward of the straits in 57 degrees and a terce: 57 Degrees and a terce of Southerly latitude. in which height we came to an anchor among the Islands, having there fresh and very good water, with herbs of singular virtue. Not far from hence we entered another Bay, where we found people both men and women in their Canoas', Botero writeth that another hath found this place all Islands. naked● and ranging from one I●land to another to seek their meat, who entered traffic with us for such things as they had. We returning hence Northward again, found the 3. of October three Islands, in one of which was such plenty of birds as is seant credible to report. M. Winter separated and returned. The 8. day of October we lost sight of one of our Consotrs wherein M. Winter was, who as then we supposed was put by a storm into the straits again, which at our return home we found to be true, and he not perished, as some of our company feared. Thus being come into the height of The straits again, we ran, supposing the coast of Chili to lie as the general Mays have described it, The trending of the coast of C●ili. namely Northwest, which we found to lie and trend to the North-east and Eastwards, whereby it appeareth that this part of Chili hath not been truly hitherto discovered, or at the lest not truly reported for the space of 12. degrees at the lest, being set down either of purpose to deceive, or of ignorant conjecture. The I●le la Mocha in 38. degrees and 30. minutes. We continuing our course, fallen the 29. of November with an Island called lafoy Mocha, where we cast anchor, and our General hoisting out our boat, went with ten of our company to shore, where we found people, whom the cruel and extreme dealings of the Spaniards have forced for their own safety and liberty to flee from the main, and to fortify themselves in this Island. We being on land, the people came down to us to the water side with show of great courtesy, bringing to us potatoes, roots, and two very fat sheep, which our General received and gave them other things for them, and had promise' to have water there: but the next day repairing again to the shore, and sending two men aland with barrels to fill water, the people taking them for Spaniards (to whom they use to show no favour if they take them) laid violent hands on them, and as we think, slay them. Our General seeing this, stayed here no longer, but weighed anchor, and set sail towards the coast of Chili, and drawing towards it, we met near to the shore an Indian in a Canoa, who thinking us to have been Spaniards, came to us and told us, that at a place called S. jago, there was a great Spanish ship laden from the kingdom of Peru: for which good news our Genial gave him divers trifles, whereof he was glad, and went along with us and brought us to the place, which is called the port of Valparizo. The port of Valparizo in 33. degrees 40 minutes. When we came thither, we found indeed the ship riding at anchor, having in her eight Spaniards and three Negroes; who thinking us to have been Spaniards and their friends, welcomed us with a drum, and made ready a Bortija of wine of Chili to drink to us: Wine of Chili. but as soon as we were entered, one of our company called Thomas Moon began to lay about him, and struck one of the Spaniards, and said unto him, Abaxo Perro, that is in English, Go down dog. One of these Spaniards seeing people of that quality in those seas, all to crossed, and blessed himself; but to be short, we stowed them under batches all save one Spaniard, who suddenly and desperately leapt over board into the sea, and swam ashore to the town of S. jago, The town o● S. jago taken. to give them warning of our arrival. They of the town being not above 9 households, presently fled away and abandoned the town. Our General manned his boat; and the Spanish ships boat, and went to the Town, and being come to it, we rifled it, and came to a small chapel which we entered, and found therein a silver chalice, two cruets, and one altar-cloth, the spoil whereof our General gave to M. Fletcher his minister. We found also in this town a warehouse stored with wine of Chili, Wine of Chili. and many boards of Cedar-wood, all which wine we brought away with us, and certain of the boards to burn for firewood; and so being come aboard, we departed the Haven, having first set all the Spaniards on land● saving one john Griego a Greek born, john Griego a Pilot taken. whom our General carried with him for his Pilot to bring him into the haven of Lima. When we were at sea, our General rifled the ship, and found in her good store of the wine of Chili, and 25000. pezoes of very pure and fine gold of Baldivia, Gold of Baldivia. amounting in value to 37000. ducats of Spanish money, and above. So going on our course, we arrived next at a place called Coquimbo, Coquimbo in 29. degrees 30 minutes. where our General sent 14. of his men on land to fetch water: but they were espied by the Spaniards, who came with 300. horsemen and 200. footmen, and slew one of our men with a piece, the rest came aboard in safety, and the Spaniards departed: we went on shore again, and buried our man, and the Spaniards came down again with a flag of truce, but we set sail and would not trust them. From hence we went to a certain port called Tarapaça, Tarapa●a. where being landed, we found by the Sea side a Spaniard lying asleep, who had lying by him 13. bars of silver, which weighed 4000 ducats Spanish; we took the silver, and left the man. Not far from hence going on land for fresh water, we met with a Spaniard and an Indian boy driving 8. lamas or sheep of Peru which are as big as asses; every of which sheep had on his back 2. bags of leather, each bag containing 50. li. weight of fine silver: so that bringing both the sheep and their burden to the ships, we found in all the bags 800. weight of silver. Here hence w● sailed to a place called Arica, Arica in 18. deg 30. min. and being entered the port, we found there three small barks which we rifled, and found in one of them 57 wedges of silver, each of them weighing about 20 pound weight, and every of these wedges were of the fashion and bigness of a brick-bat. In all these 3. barks we found not one person: for they mistrusting no strangers, were all go aland to the Town, which consists of about twenty houses, which we would have ransacked if our company had been better and more in number. But our General contented with the spoil of the ships, left the Town and put off again to sea and set sail for Lima, and by the way met with a small bark, which he boarded, and found in her good store of linen clot, whereof taking some quantity, he let her go. To Lima we came the 13. day of February, Lima in 11. deg. 50 minutes. and being entered the haven, we found there about twelve sail of ships lying fast moored at an anchor, having all their sails carried on shore; for the masters and merchants were here most secure, having never been assaulted by enemies, and at this time feared the approach of none such as we were. Our general rifled these ships, and found in one of them a chest full of royals of plate, and good store of silks and linen clot, and took the chest into his own ship, and good store of the silks and linen. In which ship he had news of another ship called the Cacafuego which was go towards Paita, and that the same ship was laden with treasure: whereupon we stayed no longer here, but cutting all the cables of the ships in the haven, we let them drive whither they would, either to sea or to the shore, and with all speed we followed the Cacafuego toward Paita, thinking there to have found her; but before we arrived there, she was go from thence towards Panama, whom our General still pursued, and by the way met with a bark laden with ropes and tackle for ships, which he boarded and searched, and found in her 80. li. weight of gold, and a crucifix of gold with goodly great Emerauds set in it which he took, and some of the cordage also for his own ship. From hence we departed, still following the Cacafuego, and our General promised our company, that whosoever could first descry her, should have his chain of gold for his good news. It fortuned that john Drake going up into the top, descried her about three of the clock, and about si●e of the clock we came to her and boarded her, The rich ship called ●aca●u●go taken. and shot at her three pieces of ordinance, and s●●ake down her Mizzen, and being entered, we found in her great riches, as jewels and precious stones, thirteen chests full of royals of plate, four score pound weight of gold, and six and twenty tun of silver. The place where we took this prize, was called Cape de San Francisco, about 150. leagues from Panama. Cape de San francisco in 1. degree to the North. The Pilots name of this Ship was Francisco, and amongst other plate that our General found in this ship, he found two very fair guilt bowls of silver, which were the Pilots: to whom our General said: Signior Pilot, you have here two silver cups, but I must needs have one of them: which the Pilot because he could not otherwise choose, yielded unto, and gave the other to the steward of our General's ships. When this Pilot departed from us, his boy said thus unto our General: Captain, our ship shall be called no more the Cacafuego, but the Cacaplata, and your ship shall be called the Cacafuego: which pretty speech of the Pilots boy ministered matter of laughter to us, both then and long after. When our General had done what he would with this Cacafuego, he cast her off, and we went on our course still towards the West, and not long after met with a ship laden with linen clot and fine China-dishes of white earth, and great store of China-silks, China silks and Porc●llan. of all which things we took as we lifted. The owner himself of this ship was in her, who was a Spanish Gentleman, from whom our General took a Falcon of gold, with a great Emeraud in the breast thereof, and the Pilot of the ship he took also with him, and so cast the ship off. G●a●●●co. This Pilot brought us to the haven of Guarulco, the town whereof, as he told us, had but 17. Spaniards in it. assoon as we were entered this haven, we landed, and went presently to the town, and to the townhouse, where we found a judge sitting in judgement, being associate with three other officers, upon three Negroes that had conspired the burning of the Town: both which judges & prisoners we took, and brought them a shipboard, and caused the chief judge to writ his letter to the Town, to command all the Townsmen to avoid, that we might safely water there. Which being done, and they departed, we ransacked the Town, and in one house we found a pot of the quantity of a bushel, full of reals of plate, which we brought to our ship. And here one Thomas Moon one of our company, took a Spanish Gentleman as he was flying out of the town, and searching him, he found a chain of gold about him, and other jewels, which he took, and so let him go. At this place our General among other Spaniards, set ashore his Portugal Pilot, The Portugal Pilot set on land. which he took at the Islands of Cape Verde, out of a ship of S. Marry port of Portugal: and having set them ashore, we departed hence, and sailed to the Island of Canno, The Island of Canno. where our General landed, and brought to shore his own ship, and discharged her, mended, and graved her, and furnished our ship with water and wood sufficiently. A ship with a governor for the Islands of Ph●lippin●s. And while we were here, we espied a ship, and set sail after her, and took her, and found in her two Pilots, and Spanish Governor, going for the Islands of the Philippinas: we searched the ship, and took some of her merchandises, and so let her go. Our General at this place and time, thinking himself both in respect of his private injuries received from the Spaniards, as also of their contempts and indignities offered to our country and Prince in general, sufficiently satisfied, and revenged: and supposing that her Majesty at his return would rest contented with this service, purposed to continued no longer upon the Spanish coats, but began to consider and to consult of the best way for his Country. He thought it not good to return by the Straitss, for two special causes: the one, jest the Spaniards shoul● there wait, and attend for him in great number and strength, whose hands, he being left but one ship, could not possibly escape. The other cause was the dangerous situation of the mouth of the straits in the South sea, where continual storms reigning and blustering, as he found by experience, besides the shoalds and sands upon the coast, he thought it not a good course to adventure that way: he resolved therefore to avoid these hazards, to go forward to the Islands of the Malucos, and therehence to sail the course of the Portugals by the Cape of Buena Esperança. Upon this resolution, he began to think of his best way to the Malucos, and finding himself where he now was becalmed, he see that of necessity he must be forced to take a Spanish course, namely to sail some what Northerly to get a wind. We therefore set sail, and sailed 600. leagues at the lest for a good wind, and thus much we sailed from the 16● of April, till the 3. of june. The 5. day of june, being in 43. degrees towards the pole Arctike, we found the air so cold, june. Sir Francis Drake sailed o● the backside of America ●● 43. degrees of Northerly latitude. 38. Degrees. that our men being grievously pinched with the same, complained of the extremity thereof, and the further we went, the more the cold increased upon us. Whereupon we thought it best for that time to seek the land, and did so, finding it not mountainous, but low plain land, till we came within 38. degrees towards the line. In which height it pleased God to sand us into a fair and good Bay, with a good wind to enter the same. In this Bay we anchored, A description of the people and Country of Nova Albion. and the people of the Country having their houses close by the water's side, showed themselves unto us, and sent a present to our General. When they came unto us, they greatly wondered at the things that we brought, but our General (according to his natural and accustomed humanity) courteously entreated them, and liberally bestowed on them necessary things to cover their nakedness, whereupon they supposed us to be gods, and would not be persuaded to the contrary: the presents which they sent to our General, were feathers, and calls of network. Their houses are digged round about with earth, and have from the uttermost brims of the circle, cliffs of wood set upon them, joining close together at the top like a spire steeple, which by reason of that closeness are very warm. Their beds is the ground with rushes strewed on it, and lying about the house, have the fire in the midst. The men go naked, the women take bulrushes, and comb them after the manner of hemp, and thereof make their lose garments, which being knit about their middles, hung down about their hops; having also about their shoulders a skin of Deer, with the hair upon it. These women are very obedient and serviceable to their husbands. After they were departed from us, they came and visited us the second time, and brought with them feathers and bags of Tobacco for presents: And when they came to the top of the hill (at the bottom whereof we had pitched our tents) they stayed themselves; where one appointed for speaker wearied himself with making a long oration, A long oration which done, they left their bows upon the hill, and came down with their presents. In the meantime the women remaining on the hill, tormented themselves lamentably, tearing their flesh from their cheeks, whereby we perceived that they were about a sacrifice. In the mean time our General with his company went to prayer, and to reading of the Scriptures, at which exercise they were attentive, & seemed greatly to be affected with it: but when they were come unto us, they restored again unto us those things which before we bestowed upon them. The news of our being there being spread through the Country, the people that inhabited round about came down, and amongst them the King himself, a man of a goodly stature, & comely parsonage, with many other tall and warlike men: before whose coming were sent two Ambassadors to our General, to signify that their King was coming, in doing of which message, their speech was continued about half an hour. This ended, they by signs requested our General to sand some thing by their hand to their king, as a token that his coming might be in peace: wherein our General having satisfied them, they returned with glad tidings to their King, who marched to us with a princely majesty, the people crying continually after their manner, and as they drawn near unto us, so did they strive to behave themselves in their actions with comeliness. In the forefront was a man of a goodly parsonage, who bore the sceptre or mace before the King, whereupon hanged two crowns, a less and a bigger, with three chains of a marvelous length: the crowns were made of knit work wrought artificially with feathers of divers colours: the chains were made of a bonny substance, Chains like those of Canad●● and few be the people among them that are admitted to wear them: and of that number also the people are stinted, as some ten, some 12. etc. Next unto him which bore the sceptre, was the King himself, with his Guard about his person, clad with Conie skins, & other skins: after them followed the naked common sort of people, every one having his face painted, some with white, some with black, and other colours, & having in their hands one thing or another for a present, not so much as their children, but they also brought their presents. In the mean time our General gathered his men together, and marched within his fenced place, making against their approaching, a very warlike show. They being trooped together in their order, and a general salutation being made there was presently a general silence. Then he that bore the sceptre before the King, b●ing informed by another, whom they assigned to that office, with a manly and lofty voice proclaimed that which the other spoke to him in secret, continuing half an hour: which ended, and a ganera●l Amen as it were given, the King with the whole number of men and women (the children excepted) came down without any weapon, who descending to the foot of the hill, set themselves in order. In coming towards our bulwarks and tents, the scepter-bearer began a song, observing his measures in a dance, and that with a stately countenance, whom the King with his Guard, and every degree of people following, did in like manner sing and dance, saving only the women, which danced & kept silence. The General permitted them to enter within our bulwark, where they continued their song and dance a reasonable time. When they had satisfied themselves, they made signs to our General to sit down, to whom the King, and divers others made several orations, or rather supplications, that he would take their province and kingdom into his hand, and become their King, making signs that they would resign unto him their right and title of the whole land, and become his subjects. In which, to persuade us the better, the King and the rest, The King re●ig●es his crown and kingdom to Sir ●●anc●● Drake. with one consent, and with great reverence, joyfully singing a song, did set the crown upon his head, enriched his neck with all their chains, and offered unto him many other things, honouring him by the name of Hioh, adding thereunto as it seemed, a sign of triumphs which thing our General thought not meet to reject, because he known not what honour and profit it might be to our Country. Wherefore in the name, and to the use of her Majesties he took the sceptre, crown, and dignity of the said Country into his hands, wishing that the riches & treasure thereof might so conveniently be transported to the enriching of her kingdom at home, as it aboundeth in the same. The common sort of people leaving the King and his Guard with our General, scattered themselves together with their sacrifices among our people, taking a diligent view of every person: and such as pleased their fancy, (which were the youngest) they enclosing them about offered their sacrifices unto them with lamentable weeping, scratching, and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nails, whereof issued abundance of blood. But we used signs to them of disliking this, and stayed their hands from force, and directed them upwards to the living God, whom only they aught to worship. The like they did in Hochel●ga. They showed unto us their wounds, and craved help of them at our hands, whereupon we gave them lotions, plasters, and ointments agreeing to the state of their griefs, beserching God to cure their diseases. Every third day they brought their sacrifices unto us, until they understood our meaning, that we had no pleasure in them: yet they could not be long absent from us, but daily frequented our company to the hour of our departure, which departure seemed so grievous unto them, that their joy was turned into sorrow. They entreated us, that being absent we would remember them, and by stealth provided a sacrifice, which we misliked. Our necessary business being ended, our General with his company travailed up into the Country to their villages, where we found herds of Dear by 1000 in a company, Great herds of Dear. being most large, and fat of body. We found the whole Country to be a warren of a strange kind of Coneys, Abundance of ●●range co●i●s. their bodies in bigness as be the Barbary Coneys, their heads as the heads of ours, the feet of a Want, and the tail of a Rat being of great length: under her chin is on either side a bag, into the which she gathereth her meat, when she hath filled her belly abroad. The people eat their bodies, and make great account of their skins, for their King's coat was made of them. Nova Albion. Our General called this Country Nova Albion, and that for two causes: the one in respect of the white banks and cliffs, which lie towards the sea: and the other, because it might have some affinity with our Country in name, which sometime was so called. Gold and silver in the earth of Nova Albion. There is no part of earth here to be taken up, wherein there is not some probable show of gold or silver. At our departure hence our General set up a monument of our being there, as also of her majesties right and title to the same, namely a plate, nailed upon a fair great post, whereupon was engraven her majesties name, the day and year of our arrival there, with the free giving up of the province and people into her majesties hands, together with her highness picture and arms, in a piece of six pennies of current English money under the plate, whereunder was also written the name of our General. Their departure. It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had never been in this part of the Country, neither did ever discover the land by many degrees, to the Southwards of this place. October. Certain Islands in 3. degrees. After we had set sail from hence, we continued without sight of land till the 13. day of October following, which day in the morning we fallen with certain Islands 8. degrees to the Northward of the line, from which Islands came a great number of Canoas', Strange Canoas' like those of ●aua. having in some of them 4. in some 6. and in some also 14. men, bringing with them cocos, and other fruits. Their Canoas' were hollow within, and cut with great art and cunning, being very smooth within and without, and bearing a glass as if it were a horn daintily burnished, having a prow, and a stern of one sort, yielding inward circlewise, being of a great height, and full of certain white shells for a bravery, and on each side of them lie out two pieces of timber about a yard and a half long, more or less, according to the smallness, or bigness of the boat. This people have the neither part of their ears cut into a round circle, hanging down very low upon their cheeks, whereon they hung things of a reasonable weight. The nails of their hands are an inch long, their teeth are as black as pitch, and they renew them often, by eating of an herb with a kind of powder, which they always carry about them in a cane for the same purpose. Leaving this Island the night after we fallen with it, Island●. the 18. of October, we lighted upon divers others, some whereof made a great show of Inhabitants. We continued our course by the Islands of Tagulada, Zelon, and Zewarra, being friends to the Portugals, the first whereof hath growing in it great store of Cinnamom. The 14. of November we fallen with the Islands of Maluco, November. which day at night (having directed our course to run with Tydore) in coasting along the Island of Mutyr, belonging to the King of Ternate, his Deputy or Uice-king seeing us at sea, came with his Canoa to us without all fear, and came aboard, and after some conference with our General, willed him in any wise to run in with Ternate, The Isle of Ternate. and not with Tydore, assuring him that the King would be glad of his coming, and would be ready to do what he would require, for which purpose he himself would that night be with the King, and tell him the news, with whom if he once dealt, he should find that as he was a King, so his word should stand: adding further, that if he went to Tydore before he came to Ternate; the King would have nothing to do with us, because he held the Portugell as his enemy: whereupon our General resolved to run with Ternate, where the next morning early we came to anchor, at which time our General sent a messenger to the king with a velvet cloak for a present, and token of his coming to be in peace, and that he required nothing but traffic and exchange of merchandise, whereof he had good store; in such things as he wanted. In the mean time the Uice-king had been with the king according to his promise, signifying unto him what good things he might receive from us by traffic: whereby the King was moved with great liking towards us, and sent to our General with special message● that he should have what things he needed, and would require with peace and friendship, and moreover that he would yield himself, The king of Ternate offereth himself and his kingdom to the service of the Queen of England. and the right of his Island to be at the pleasure and commandment of so famous a Prince as we served. In token whereof he sent to our General a signet, and within short time after came in his own person, with boats, and Canoas' to our ship, to bring her into a better and safer road than she was in at that present. In the mean time, our General's messenger being come to the Court, was met by certain noble personages with great solemnity, and brought to the King, at whose hands he was most friendly and graciously entertained. The King purposing to come to our ship, sent before 4. great and large Canoas', The great and strange Canoas' of the King of Ternate. in every one whereof were certain of his greatest states that were about him, attired in white lawn of clot of Calicut● having over their heads from the one end of the Canoa to the other, a covering of thin perfumed mats, born up with a frame made of reeds for the same use, under which every one did sit in his order according to his dignity, to keep him from the heat of the Sun, divers of whom being of good age and gravity, did make an ancient and fatherly show. There were also divers young and comely men attired in white, as were the others: the rest were soldiers, which stood in comely order round about on both sides, without whom sat the rowers in certain galleries, which being three on a side all along the Canoas', did lie off from the side thereof three or four yards, one being orderly builded lower than another, in every of which galleries were the number of 4. score rowers. These Canoas' were furnished with warlike munition, every man ●or the most part having his sword and target, with his dagger, beside other weapons, as lances, calivers, darts, bows and arrows: also every Canoa had a small cast base mounted at the lest one full yard upon a stock set upright. Thus coming near our ship, in order they rowed about us, one after another, and passing by, did their homage with great solemnity, the great personages beginning with great gravity and fatherly countenances, signifying that the king had sent them to conduct our ship into a better road. The King of Ternate came to visit Sir Francis Drake. Soon after the King himself repaired, accompanied with 6. grave and ancient people, who did their obeisance with marvelous humility. The king was a man of tall stature, and seemed to be much delighted with the sound of our music, to whom as also to his nobility, our General gave presents, wherewith they were passing well contented. At length the King craved leave of our General to departed, promising the next day to come aboard, and in the mean time to sand us such victuals, as were necessary for our provision: so that the same night we received of them meal, 〈◊〉 a kind● of ●eale. which they call Sagu, made of the tops of certain trees, tasting in the mouth like sour curds, but melteth like sugar, whereof they make certain cakes, which may be kept the space of ten years, and yet then good to be eaten. We had of them store of rice, hens, unperfect and liquid sugar, sugar canes, and a fruit which they call Figo, with store of cloves. The King having promised to come aboard, broke his promise, but sent his brother to make his excuse, and to entreat our General to come on shore, offering himself pawn aboard for his safe return. Whereunto our General consented not, upon mislike conceived of the breach of his promise, the whole company also utterly refusing it. But to satisfy him, our General sent certain of his Gentlemen to the Court, to accompany the King's brother, reserving the Uice-king for their safe return. They were received of another brother of the kings, and other states, and were conducted with great honour to the Castle. A castle in Ternate. The place that they were brought unto, was a large and fair house, where were at the lest 1000 people assembled. The King being yet absent, there sat in their places 60. grave personages, all which were said to be of the king's Counsel. There were besides 4. grave people, appareled all in read, down to the ground, and attired on their heads like the Turks, and these were said to be Romans, and Ligiers there to keep continual traffic with the people of Ternate. Romans and Turk●●igiers in Ternate. There were also 2. Turk's Ligiers in this place, and one Italian. The majesty o● the King. The king at last came in guarded with 12. lances covered over with a rich canopy, with embossed gold. Our men accompanied with one of their Captains called Moro, rising to meet him, he graciously did welcome, and entertain them. He was attired after the manner of the Country, but more sumptuously than the rest. From his waste down to the ground, was all clot of gold, and the same very rich: his legs were bore, but on his feet were a pair of shoes, made of Cordovan skin. In the attire of his head were finely wreathed hooped rings of gold, and about his neck he had a chain of perfect gold, the links whereof were great, and one fold double. On his fingers he had six very fair jewels, and sitting in his chair of estate, at his right hand stood a page with a fan in his hand, breathing and gathering the air to the King. The fan was in length two foot, and in breadth one foot, set with 8. sapphires, richly embroidered, and knit to a staff 3. foot in length, by the which the Page did hold, and move it. Our Gentlemen having delivered their message, and received order accordingly, were licenced to departed, being safely conducted back again by one of the king's Counsel. Ternate the chiefest of the Maluco-isles. This Island is the chiefest of all the Islands of Maluco, and the King hereof is King of 70. Islands besides. The king with his people are Moors in religion, observing certain new Moons, with fasting: during which fasts, they neither eat nor drink in the day, but in the night. After that our Gentlemen were returned, and that we had here by the favour of the king received all necessary things that the place could yield us: our General considering the great distance, and how far he was yet off from his Country, thought it not best here to linger the time any longer, but weighing his anchors, set out of the Island, and sailed to a certain little Island to the Southwards of Celebes, A little Island to the Southward o● Cel●bes. where we graved our ship, and continued there in that and other businesses 26. days. This Island is thoroughly grown with wood of a large and high growth, very strait and without boughs, save only in the head or top, whose leaves are not much differing from our broom in England. Among these trees night by night, through the whole land, did show themselves an infinite swarm of fiery worms flying in the air, Fiery worms. whose bodies being no bigger than our common English flies, make such a show and light, as if every twig or tree had been a burning candle. In this place breeds also wonderful store of Bats, Bats. as big as large hens: of Crayfish also here wanted no plenty, Crauishe●. and they of exceeding bigness, one whereof was sufficient for 4. hungry stomachs at a dinner, being also very good, and restoring meat, whereof we had experience: and they big themselves holes in the earth like Coneys. When we had ended our business here, we weighed, and set sail to run for the Malucos: but having at that time a bad wind, and being amongst the Islands, with much difficulty we recovered to the Northward of the Island of Celebes, where by reason of contrary winds not able to continued our course to run Westwards, we were enforced to altar the s●me to the Southward again, finding that course also to be very hard and dangerous for us, by reason of infinite shoalds which lie off, and among the Islands: whereof we had too much trial to the hazard and danger of our ship and lives. For of all other days upon the 9 of januarie, in the year 1579. januarie in anno 1579. we ran suddenly upon a rock, where we stuck fast from 8. of the clock at night, till 4. of the clock in the afternoon the next day, being indeed out of all hope to escape the danger: Their danger upon a rock. but our General as he had always hitherto showed himself courageous, and of a good confidence in the mercy and protection of God: so now he continued in the same, and jest he should seem to perish wilfully, both he, and we did our best endeavour to save ourselves, which it pleased God so to bless, that in the end we cleared ourselves most happily of the danger. We lighted our ship upon the rocks of 3. tun of cloves, Cloves. 8. pieces of ordinance, and certain meal and beans: The help of ● current in the delivery. and then the wind (as it were in a moment by the special grace of God) changing from the starreboord to the larboard of the ship, we hoist our sails, and the happy gale drove our ship off the rock into the sea again, to the no little comfort of all our hearts, for which we gave God such praise and thanks, as so great a benefit required. The 8. of February following, we fallen with the fruitful Island of Barateve, February. Barateve Island. having in the mean time suffered many dangers by winds and shoalds. The people of this Island are comely in body and stature, and of a civil behaviour, just in dealing, and courteous to strangers, whereof we had the experience sundry ways, they being most glad of our presence, and very ready to relieve our wants in those things which their Country did yield. The men go naked, saving their heads and privities, every man having something or other hanging at their ears. Their women are covered from the middle down to the foot, wearing a great number of bracelets upon their arms, for some had 8. upon each arm, being made some of bone, some of horn, and some of brass, the lightest whereof by our estimation weighed two ounces apiece. With this people linen-cloth is good merchandise, Linen clot good merchandise. and of good request, whereof they make rolls for their heads, and girdles to wear about them. Their Island is both rich and fruitful: rich in gold, silver, copper, and sulphur, wherein they seem skilful and expert, not only to try the same, but in working it also artificially into any form and fashion that pleaseth them. Their first-fruits be divers and plentiful, as nutmegs, ginger, long pepper, Nutmegs and long Pepper growing in Barateve. lemons, cucumbers, cocos, figu, sagu, with divers other sorts: and among all the rest, we had one fruit, in bigness, form, and husk, like a Bay berry, hard of substance, and pleasant of taste, which being sodden, becometh soft, and is a most good and wholesome victual, whereof we took reasonable store, as we did also of the other first-fruits and spices: Commendation of the Island of Barateve. so that to confess a truth, since the time that we first set out of our own Country of England, we happened upon no place (Ternate only excepted) wherein we found more comforts and better means of refreshing. At our departure from Barateve, we set our course for java maior, java maior. where arriving, we found great courtesy, and honourable entertainment. This Island is governed by 5. Kings, whom they call Raiah: as Raiah Donaw, and Raiah Mang Bange, and Raiah Cabuccapollo, which live as having one spirit, and one mind. Of these fiu● we had four a shipboard atonce, and two or three often. They are wonderfully delighted in coloured clotheses, as red and green: Read & green clotheses m●●● esteemed. their upper parts of their bodies are naked, save their heads, whereupon they wear a Turkish roll, as do the Maluccians: from the middle downward they wear a pintado of silk, trailing upon the ground, in colour as they best like. The Maluccians hate that their women should be seen of strangers: The manners o● the people o● java. but these offer them of high courtesy, yea the kings themselves. The people are of goodly stature, and warlike, well provided of swords and targets, with daggers, all being of their own work, and most artificially done, both in tempering their metal, as also in the form, whereof we bought reasonable store. They have an house in every village for their common assembly: every day they meet twice, men, women, and children, bringing with them such victuals as they think good, some fruits, some rice boiled, some hens roasted, some sagu, having a table made 3. foot from the ground, whereon they set their meat, that every person sitting at the table may eat, one rejoicing in the company of another. They boil their rice in an earthen pot, A strange fashion of boiling rice. made in form of a sugar loaf, being full of holes; as our pots which we water our gardens withal, and it is open at the great end, wherein they put their rice dry without any moisture. In the mean time they have ready another great earthen pot, set fast in a furnace, boiling full of water, whereinto they put their pot with rice, by such measure, that they swelling become soft at the first, and by their swelling stopping the holes of the pot, admit no more water to enter, but the more they are boiled, the harder and more firm substance they become, so that in the end they are a firm & good bread, of the which with oil, butter, sugar, and other spices, they make divers sorts of mea●es very pleasant of taste, and nourishing to nature. The French pe●ks. The French pecks is here very common to all, and they help themselves, sitting naked from ten to two in the Sun, whereby the venomous humour is drawn out. Not long before our departure, they told us, that not far off there were such great Ships as ours, wishing us to beware: upon this our Captain would stay no longer. From java Mayor we sailed for the cape of Good Hope, which was the first land we cell withal: neither did we touch with it, or any other land, until we came to Sierra Leona, upon the coast of Guinea: notwithstanding we ran hard aboard the Cape, The Cape of Buena E●peranza not so dangerous as the Portugals have given o●t. finding the report of the Portugals to be most false, who affirm, that it is the most dangerous Cape of the world, never without intolerable storms and present danger to travailers, which come near the same. This Cape is a most stately thing, and the fairest Cape we see in the whole circumference of the earth, and we passed by it the 18. of june. From thence we continued our course to Sierra Leona, Sierra Leona. on the coast of Guinea, where we arrived the 22. of july, and found necessary provisions, great store of Elephants, Oysters upon trees of one kind, Oister-trees. spawning and increasing infinitely, the Oyster suffering no bud to grow. We departed thence the 24. day. We arrived in England the third of November 1580. being the third year of our departure. The names of the Kings or Princes of java at the time of our English mens being there. Raia Donaw Raia Rabacapala. Raia Bacabatra. Raia Tymbanton. Raia Mawgbange. Raia Patimara. Certain words of the natural language of java, learned and observed by our men there. Sabuck, silk. Sagu, bread of the Country. Larnike, drink. Paree, rice in the husk. Braas, sodden rice. Calapa, Cocos. Cricke, a dagger. Catcha, a looking glass. Arbo, an ox. Vadoes, a goat. Cabo, gold. Gardange, a plantain. Hiam, a hen. Sevir, linen clot. Doduck, blue clot. Totopps, one of their caps. Gula, black sugar. Tadon, a woman. Bebeck, a duck. Aniange, a dear. Popran, ointment. Coat, the head. Endam, rain. jonge, a ship. Chay, the sea, Sapelo, ten in number. Dopolo, twenty. Treda, no. Lau, understand you. Bayer, go. Adadizano, I will fetch it. Suda, enough. The relation of a Voyage made by a Pilot called Nuno da silva for the Viceroy of new Spain, the 20. of May, in the year of our Lord 1579. 1579. in the city of Mexico, from whence ●t was sent to the Viceroy of the Portugall-Indies: wherein is set down the course and actions passed in the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake that took the aforesaid Nuno da silva at S. jago one of the Islands of Cabo Verde, and carried him along with him through the Sreights of Magellan, to the Haven of Guatuleo in new Spain, where he let him go again. NVno damn silva born in Porto, a Citizen and inhabitant of Guaia, says, that he departed out of his house in the beginning of November in the year of our Lord 1577. taking his course to Cabo Verde, or The green Cape, where he anchored with his Ship close by the Haven of the Island of Sant jago, one of the Islands of Cabo Verde aforesaid, being the nineteenth of january in the year of our Lord 1578. And lying there, there came six ships, which seemed to be Englishmen, whereof the Admiral boarded his ship, and by force with his men took h●m out of his ship, bringing him in the boat aboard the Admiral's ship, leaving some of his best men aboard his ship: and although the fortress of the Island shot four or five times at them, yet they hurt not the Englishmen: who having done, set sail from thence to the Island of Brava, taking with them the ship of the said Nuno da silva: being there, they filled certain vessels with fresh water: from thence holding their course inward to sea, having first with a boat set the men of Nuno da Siluas ship on land, only keeping Nuno da silva in his ship, as also his ship with the wines that were therein. And Nuno da silva says, the cause why they kept him on board was, because they known him to be a pilot for the coast of Brasilia, that he might bring them to such places in those countries as had fresh water. Being put off from the Island of Brava, they held their course to the land of Brasilia, which they descried upon the fi●st of April, under the height of thirty degrees: and without landing or taking in fresh water, they held on their course to Rio de la Plata, Rio de Plata● that is, The river of silver lying under fi●e and thirty degrees, little more or less: where they went on land, and provided themselves of fresh water. From thence they held on their course till they came under nine and thirty degrees, where they ankered: and being there, they left two of their six ships behind them, and sailed but four in company (that of Nuno da silva being one) till they came to the Bay called Baya de las Islas, Bay de las Islas● that is, The Bay of the islands, lying under nine and forty degrees, where it is said, that Magellan lay and wintered there with his ship, when he first discovered the Straight, which now holdeth his name. Into this Bay the twentieth of june they entered, and there ankered so close to the land, that they might sand to it with a arquebus shot: and there they saw the land to be inhabited with Indians, that were appareled with skins, with their legs from the knees downward, and their arms from the elbows downward naked, all the rest of th●ir bodies being clothed, with bows and arrows in their hands, being subtle, great, and well form people, and strong and high of stature: where six of the Englishmen went on land to fetch fresh water, and before they leapt on land, four of the Indians came unto their boat, to whom the Englishmen gave bread and wine: and when the Indians had well eaten and drunk, they departed thence: and going somewhat far from them, one of the Indians cried to them, and said: Magallanes, Esta he minha Terra, that is, Magallanes, this is my country: and because the Englishmen followed them, it seemed the Indians fled upward into the land, and being somewhat far off, they turned back again, and with their arrows slew two of the English shippers, one being an Englishman, the other a Netherlander: the rest came back again and saved themselves in the boat, wherewith they presently put off from the shore. Here they stayed till the seventeenth of August, upon the which day they set sail, running along by the coast about a league and a half from the land, (for there it is all fair and good ground, at twenty, and five and twenty fathom deep) and were about four or five days before they came to the mouth or entry of the Straight: but because the wound was contrary, they stayed till the 24 of August before they entered. The entry or mouth of the Straight is about a league broad, The description of The 〈◊〉 of Magellan● on both sides being bore and flat land: on the North side they saw Indians making great fires, but on the Southside they see no people stirring. The four and twentieth day aforesaid, they began to enter into the Straight, with an Eastnortheast wound. This Straight may be about an hundred and ten leagues long, and in breadth a league. About the entry of the Straight, and half way into it, it tunneth right forth without any windings or turnings: and from thence about eight or ten leagues towards the end, it hath some boots and windings, among the which there is one so great a hook or headland, that it seemed to run into the other land: and there it is less than a league broad from one land to the other: and from thence forward it runneth strait out again: And although you find some crookings, yet they are nothing to speak of. The issue of the Straight lieth Westward, and about eight or ten leagues before you come to the end, than the Straight beguineth to be broader, and it is all high land to the end thereof, after you are eight leagues within the Straight, for the first eight leagues after you enter is low flat land, as I said before: and in the entry of the Straight you found the stream to run from the South sea to the North sea. And after they began to sail in with the Eastnortheast wound, being entered they passed along without any let or hindrance either of wound or weather: and because the high land on both sides lay covered with snow, and that all the Straight is fair and clear, they held their course a harquebuse-shot in length from off the North side, having nine and ten fathom depth, with good ground, as I said before, where (if need require) a man may anchor: the hills on both sides being full of trees, some of the hills and trees reaching down to the sea side in some places having plain and even land: and there they saw not any gre●t rivers, but some small rivers that issued out of the riffes and breaches of the land: and in the country where the great Cape or crooking is, on the South side they see certain Indian fishermen in their Canoas' or skiffs, being such as they see first on the North side, but more people they see not on the South side. Being out of the Straight on the other side, upon the sixt of September of the aforesaid year, they held their course Northwest for the space of three days, and the third day they had a North-east wound, that by force drove them Westsouthwest, which course they held for the space of ten or twelve days with few sails up: and because the wound began to be very great, they to●ke in all their sails, and lay driu●ng till the last of September. This was the Elizabeth M. john Winter's ship. The 24 day of the same month having lost the sight of one of their ships which was about an hundred tun, than again they hoist sail because the wind came better, holding their course Northeast for the space of seven days, and at the end of the said seven days, they had the sight of certain Islands, which they made towards for to anchor by them, but the weather would not permit them: and being there, the wound fallen Northwest: whereupon they sailed Westsouthwest. The next day they lost the sight of another ship of their company, for it was very foul weather, so that in the end the Admiral's ship was left alone, for the ship of Nuno da silva was left in the Bay where they wintered before they entered into the Straitss: and with this foul weather they ran till they were under seven and fifty degrees, They were driven unto 57 degrees o● southerly latitude. where they entered into a haven of an Island, and ankered about the length of the shot of a great piece from the land, at twenty fathom deep, where they stayed three or four days, and the wound coming Southward, they weighed anchor, holding their course Northward for the space of two days, and then they espied a small unhabited Island, where being arrived, they struck sails, and hoist out their boat, and there they took many birds and Seals. The next day they set sail again, holding their course Northnortheast, and North, to another Island lying five or six leagues from the firm land, The Isle of Mocha in 38. deg. 30. min. on the Northside of the Straight, where they ankered about a quarter of a league from the land, in twelve fathom water. This Island is small and low land, and full of Indians, the Island being altogether possessed and inhabited by them, where they hoist out their boat, wherein the Admiral and twelve Englishmen entered, going to fetch fresh water, and to seek for victuals: and being landed upon the Island, the Indians in exchange of other things, brought two Spanish sheep, and a little Maiz or roots whereof they make bread, and because it was late, they returned again unto their ship, without doing any other thing for that day. The next day the said Captain with the aforesaid twelve men being arquebusiers, rowed to land again, and set two of their company on shore with their vessels to fetch fresh water, and by the place where they should fill their water there lay certain Indians secretly hidden, that fallen upon the two Englishmen and took them: which they in the boat perceiving, went out to help them, but they were so assailed with stones & arrows, that all or the most part of them were hurt, the Captain himself being wounded with an arrow on the face, Sir Francis Drake wounded. and with another arrow in the head, whereby they were constrained to turn back again, without once hurting any of the Indians, and yet they came so near the boat, that they took four of their oars from them. This done, they set sail again, running along the coast with a South wind, sailing so for the space of six days, passing by the haven called Saint jago, and put into another haven, and there they took an Indian that lay fishing in a Canoa, giving him linen and butcher's chopping knives, with other trifles, and not long after there came another Indian aboard their ship called Felippe, and he spoke Spanish, he gave the English Captain notice of a certain ship that lay in the haven o● Sant jago, which they had left six leagues behind them: with that intelligence the Indian being their guide, the next day they set sail and went to the aforesaid haven of S. jago, and entering therein, they took the said ship, wherein they found a thousand seven hundred and 70 Botijas or Spanish pots full of wine, and other things: which having done, they leapt on land, where they took certain sacks with meal, with whatsoever they could found; they took likewise the ornaments and the relics out of the Church, wherewith they departed from thence, taking the aforesaid ship, with two men (that they found in her) with them, and so departed from that haven, The haven of S. jago in 32. degrees and a half. which lieth under 32 degrees and a half, running along ●y the coast till they came under one and thirty, and thirty degrees: which was the place where they had appointed to meet, and there to stay for each other, if by tempest or foul weather they chanced to be separated, and so lose each others company. And coming under thirty degrees, they found a very good haven, whereinto they entered, and ankered at six fathom deep, the shot of a great piece from the land, which was right over against a river, where they took in six pipes of fresh water: and to defend them that fetched the water, they set twelve men upon the land, and being busied in filling of their water, they espied a company of men coming towards them, whereof half of them were Spaniards, being about two hundred and fifty horsemen, and as many footmen, but they had no sooner espied them, but they presently entered into the boat, and escaped away, losing but one man. The same night they set sail again with both their ships, running along the coast about ten leagues farther, where they took in some fresh water, but because they perceived certain horsemen, they departed without lading any more water. From thence they followed on their course along the coast for the space of 30 leagues, where they entered into a desert or unhabited haven: yet they went not on land, for every day they see people upon the shore, & there they made out a small pinnace, the pieces whereof they brought ready framed out of England, and having prepared it, they launched it into, the water, wherein the Captain with fifteen men entered with the chief boatesman called john the Greek, (being Master of the ship which they had taken in the haven of S. jago,) wherewith they went to see if they could found the two ships that they had lost by stormy weather, as I said before: and likewise thinking to go on land to fill certain vessels with fresh water, they dared not venture, for they see people on all sides of the shore: so that in the end they returned again without hearing of the other ships: being there, they took all the ordinance out of their ship, and new dressed and rigged her: which done, they put a small piece of ordinance into the pinnace, wherewith they set sail again, following on their course. Having sailed thirteen days, they came to an Island lying about the shot of a base from the land, where they ankered, and there they found four Indian fishermen in two Canoas', who told them that on the firm land they might have fresh water, but they understanding that there was not much, and that it was somewhat within the land, would not spend any time about it, but set sail again, leaving the fishermen with their Canoas'; following on their course along by the shore. The next day being somewhat further, they espied certain Indian fishermen that were upon the land in their houses, which the English captain perceiving, presently entered into his pinnace, and rowed on land, where he took three of the said fishermen, taking with him half of the fish that lay packed upon the shore ready to be laden, with the which Indians and booty, they came on board again. The next day following, they see a bark laden with fish, that belonged to the Spaniards, with four Indians in it. This bark with the Indians and the fish they took, and bond the Spanish ship to their stern, and so drew it after them, leaving the said Indians within it, who by night unbound the bark, and secretly made away with bark and fish, and were no more seen. The next day the Captain went into the pinnace, and because he see certain houses upon the shore, he made thither, and being on land, he found two men in them, one whereof he took, leaving the other behind, and there he ●ound three thousand pesoes of silver, (every pezo being the value of a rial of eight,) and seven Indian sheep, and hens, & took all whatsoever they found: wherewith they departed from thence, following on their course. And two days after they came to the haven called Arica, A●●●●● where they found two ships, the one laden with goods and Spanish wares, out of the which they took only two hundred Botijas, or Spanish pots with wine, and out of the other seven and thirty bars of silver, which are pieces of ten or twelve pound each bar, and thinking to leap on shore (with two barks that they found in the said haven, with about seven and thirty harquebuses and bows) they perceived on the land certain horsemen coming towards them, whereupon they left off their pretence, and took with them a Negro that they found in the barks, with whom they returned aboard. The next day in the morning they burned the ship, that was laden with the Spanish wares, and took the other with them, passing forward with it on their course, the Captain sailing along the shore with his pinnace, and the ship keeping about a league from him to seaward, to seek for a ship whereof they had intelligence: and having in that manner sailed about five and forty leagues, they found the ship that lay at anchor in a haven, who about two hours before had been advertised of an English pirate or sea-rover, and had discharged eight hundred bars of silver out of her, and hidden it on the land, which silver belonged to the king of Spain, of the which silver the Englishmen had received some intelligence, but they dared not go on land, because there were many Indians and Spaniards that stood to guard it, and they found nothing in the ship but three pipes of water: the sh●p they took with them, and being about a league in the sea, they hoist up all her sails and let her drive, doing the like with the ship that they had taken in Arica, as also the other of San● jago, which likewise they let drive, following on their course with their own ship, and the pinnace. Calao de Lima. Being seven or eight leagues from the haven of Calao de Lyma, they espied three ships, and boarding one of them, they took thr●e men out of her, and so held on their course towards Calao de Lyma, where they entered, being about two or three hours within night, sailing in between all the ships that lay there, being s●uenteene in number: and being among the ships, they asked for the ship that had laden the silver, but when answer was made them, that the silver was laid on l●nd, they cut the cables of the ships, and the masts of two of the greatest ships, and so left them. At the same time there arrived a ship from Panama laden with wares a●d merchandise of Spain, that ankered close by the English ship, w●ich was, while the English Captain s●ught in the other ships f●r the silver. assoon as the ship of Panama had ankered, there came a boat from the shore to search it: but because it was in the night, they let it alone till morning, and coming to the English ship, they asked what ship it was: whereupon one of the Spanish prisoners (by the English Captains commandment) answered and said it was the ship of Michael Angelo, that came from Chili: which they of the boat hearing, sent a man on b●ord, who climbing up, light upon one of the great pieces, wherewith he was afraid, and presently slept back again into the boat because the ships that lay there, and that sailed in those countries, used to carry no great shot) and therewith they were abashed, and made from it: which the ship of Panama hearing, that was newly come in● she judged it to be a river, and therewith cutting her cables, she put to sea, which the Englishmen perceiving, shipped certain men in their pinnace, and followed her: and being hard by her, they bad her strike, which they of the ship refused to do, and with a arquebus shot killed one of the Englishmen, wherewith they turned again into th●ir ship, and presently set sail, following after the ship, which not long after they overtook: which they of the ship perceiving, hoist out their boat, and leaping into it, rowed to the land, leaving the ship with all the goods, which the Englishmen presently took, and with her sailed on their course. The next day they see a boat with sails making towards them, whereby they presently mistrusted it to be a spy, and not long after they perceived two great ships coming towards them, which made the English think they came to fight with them, whereupon they let the ship of Panama drive, therein leaving john the Greek, with the two men that they had taken the same day that they entered into the Calao de Lyma, as I said before, and presently hoist all their sails, and sailed forward, not once setting eye again upon the aforesaid ships, for they made towards the ship of Panama, which the Englishmen let drive. From thence they sailed again along the coast, following on their course: and having sailed certain days, they met a frigate that went towards Lyma, laden with wares and merchandises of the country, from whence the Englishmen took a lamp and a fountain of silver, and asked the pilot being a Spaniard, if they met not with a ship, that they understood should be laden with silver, but the one pilot said he met her not, and the other said he see her about three days before. This frigate came not to the ship, but to the pinnace, wherein the Captain sailed, for the pinnace ran close by the shore, and the ship kept a league and a half from the land: whereupon they let the frigate go, following on their course. Two days after they came to the haven called Payta, Payta. where they found a ship laden with Spanish wares, which the pinnace boarded, and took without any resistance: for assoon as the Spaniards perceived the Englishmen, they presently made to land with their boat, and two of them leapt into the sea, none staying in the ship, but the Master, Pilot, and some Negroes, out of the which ship the Englishmen took the pilot, and all the bread, hens, and a h●gge, and so sailed forward with the ship: ●ut being abo●t two arquebus shot to seaward, they let it go again, not taking any thing out of it, and ask after the ship which they sought for, they told them that about two days before she departed from that place, wherewith they followed on their course, and before night they met with a ●hip of Panama, which they presently boorted, but took nothing from her but only a Negro, and so left it, holding on their course. The next day being the first of February, they met another ship that sailed to Panama, laden with fi●h and other victuals, and forty bars of silver, and some gold, but I know not how much, which they took, and sent the passengers (with two friars that were in her) in a boat to land. The next day they hanged a man of the ship, because he would not confess two plates of gold that he had taken, which after they found about him: which done, they let the ship drive, following on their course. The first of March towards noon, they espied the ship laden with silver, being about four leagues to seaward from them: and because the English ship was somewhat heavy before, whereby it sailed not as they would have it, A pre●ie devies to make their ship ●a●●e mor● swiftly. they took a company of Bo●ijas or Spanish pots for oil, and filling them with water, hung them by ropes at the stern of the ship to make her sail the better: and the ship that sailed towards Panama made towards the English ship to know what she was, thinking it to be one of the ships that used to sail along the coasts, and to traffic in the country: and being hard by her, the English Captain bad them s●rike, but the other refusing to do it, with a great piece he shot her mast overboard, and having wounded the Master with an arrow, the ship presently yielded, which they took, and sailed with her further into the sea, all that night and the next day and night, making all the way they could. The third day being out of sight of the land, they began to search the ship, and to lad the goods out of her into their ship, which was a thousand three hundred bars or pieces of siuer● and fourteen chests with rials of eight, and with gold: but what quantity it was I know not, only the passengers said that there was great store, and that three hundred bars of the silver belonged to the king, the rest belonged to certain merchants. That done, they let the ship with the men sail on their course, putting the three pilots in her that they brought with them● so that as than they had none but their own men aboard, being the sixt of March, and from thence they held their course towards the land of Nicaragua. Nicaragua. The thirteenth of March, either the day before or after, in the morning they descried land, The Island of Canno. The first sight of Nueva Espanna. not being very high, being a small Island two leagues from the firm land, and there they found a small Bay, wherein they ankered at five fathom deep close by the land, and there they stayed till the twenty day. Upon the which day there passed a Frigate close by the Island, which with their pinnace they followed, and taking her, brought her to the English ship, which frigate was laden with Salsaperilla, and Botijas or pots with butter and honey, and with other things. The English Captain went on board, and cast the Salsaperilla on the land, leaving all the rest of the wares in the frigate, and then he put all his pieces into the frigate, They tal●e and trim th●ir ship at the isle o● Canno cart against Nicaragua. that so he might lay his ship on shore, to new calke and trim her, which continued till the three and twenty or four and twenty of March. Which done, and having made provision of wood and fresh water, they held on their course along by the coast, sailing Westward, taking the said frigate and her men with them, and having sailed two days, they took their men out of her, and set them in the pinnace, among the which were four sailors, that meant to sail to Panama, and from thence to China, whereof one they took, with the letters and patents that he had about him, among the which were the letters of the king of Spain, Sea charts of the South sea taken. sent to the governor of the Philippinas, as also the sea-cards wherewith they should make their voyage, and direct themselves in their course. And so sailing until the sixt of April, about evening they discovered a ship that held two leagues to seaward from the land: and before the next day in the morning they were hard by her, and suddenly fallen upon her while her men slept, and presently made the men enter into their ship, among the which was one Don Francisco Xarate. Which done, they followed on their course with the said ship, out of the which they took certain packs and other wares, but I know not what it was. They likewise took a Negro out of it, and three days after they both let the ship and men go whether they would, setting therein the two sailors that should go for China, which they had taken in the frigate, keeping only one sailor to show them where they should found fresh water, to the which end they took the empty vessels with them to fill with water, and so kept on their course to the haven of Guatulco, They arri●● at Guatulco April 13. Stila novo. where they put in, being upon Monday the thirteenth of April, and having ankered, they stayed there till the six and twenty of April: and about three or four hours within the night, they set sail, holding their course Westward, and an hour or two before they let Nuno da silva go, Nuno damn Silue set on land putting him into another ship, that lay in the haven of Guatulco. From thence forward the Englishmen passed on their voyage, to the Islands of Malucos, and from thence they passed by the Cape de Buena Esperança, and so to England, as it is well known, so that this is only the description of the voyage that they made, while the said pilot Nuno da silva was with them. Hereafter followeth the copy of a letter written by sir Francis Drake (being in the South sea of New Spain, in his ship called The Pelican or the golden Hind with the ship of Sant john de Anton, which he had taken) to his companions in the other sh●ppes that were of his company, and by foul weather separated from him, as I said before: The contents whereof were these: Master Winter, if it pleaseth God that you should chance to meet with this ship of Sant john de Anton, I pray you use him well, according to my word and promise given unto them, and if you want any thing that is in this ship of Sant john de Anton, I pray you pay them double the value for it, which I will satisfy again, and command your men not to do her any hurt: and what composition or agreement we have made, at my return into England I will by Gods help perform, although I am in doubt that this letter will never co●e to your hands: notwithstanding I am the man I have promised to be: Beseeching God, the Saviour of all the world, to have us in his keeping, to whom only I give all honour praise and glory. What I have written, is not only to you M. Winter, but also to M. Thomas, M. Charles, M. Caube, and M. Anthony, with all our other good friends, whom I commit to the tuition of him that with his blood redeemed us, and am in good hope, that we shall be in no more trouble, but that he will help us in adversity, desiring you for the Passion of Christ, if you fall into any danger, that you will not despair of God's mercy, for he will defend you and preserve you from all danger, and bring us to our desired haven, to whom be all honour, glory, and praise for ever and ever. Amen. Your sorrowful Captain, whose heart is heavy for you: Francis Drake. The voyage of M. john Winter into the South sea by the Straight of Magellan, in consort with M. Francis Drake, begun in the year 1577. By which Straight also he returned safely into England the ●econd of june 1579. contrary to the false reports of the Spaniards which gave out, that the said passage was not repasseable: Written by Edward cliff Mariner, IN the year of our Lord 1577. the 19 of September there went out of the river of Thamis over the lands end one good and new ship called the Elizabeth, of 80 tons in burden: in company whereof went also a small pinnace being 12 tons in burden called the Benedict. The said ship with her pinnace arrived at Plymouth: in which haven were th●ee ships more, one called the Pelican in burden 120. tons, being Admiral of the fleet: a bark called the Marigold in burden thirty tons, with a flieboat of 50 tons. These ships had in them 164 men, and were victualled and farnished with all kind of necessary provision to make a voyage into the South sea. We set sail the 15 of November, but were put into Falmouth by contrary winds: and afterward were constrained to put back again to Plymouth to repair the great hurt which divers of our fleet had sustained in that tempest: Then set forward from Plymouth the 13. of December. Cape Cantin. Asaphi. and at length the 13 of December we set forward from thence upon our voyage. The five and twenty of December we had sight of Cape Cantin: this Cape lieth in the latitude of 32. degrees and 30. minutes upon the coast of Barbary, near to a town called Asaphi. The land all along this coast is high and great mountains. Sailing from the said Cape Southsouthwest about 18 leagues, we found a little Island called Mogador an English mile distant from the main, Mogador an Island on the coast of Ba●ba●y. we sent our boat to sound the depth, and at the return thereof we understood by our men that the haven was without danger, having five fathoms of water fast by the rocks entering in upon the point of the Island: wherefore we entered in with our whole fleet the 27 of December. The Moors that were on the main seeing our ships ride there, came from the mountains to behold us: whom our General M. Francis Drake espying, showed to them a white flag in token of friendship, and sent his boat to shore with one of our men, which not long before had been captive in the country, and partly understood their language, to talk with them. When the boat came to shore, the said man went on land to them: to whom they showed many tokens of friendship, casting up their eyes to heaven, and after looking down upon the ground, as though they had sworn by heaven and earth, promising peace. That done two of them came aboard to our General, and our man stayed on shore for a pledge. These two Moors, after they had made good cheer, and received certain gifts of our General went to shore again, and our man came aboard also. But the crafty slaves having devised to betray us, came the next day along the sea side with certain camels as though they had brought some merchandise to traffic with us: to whom our General sent certain of our men in the boat to learn what they had brought, giving charge that none of them should go on land. But the bo●●● being near the shore out of our men more haslie then wise leapt to shore: whom the Moors immediately took by force, and setting him on horseback carried him away into the mountains, so that we see him no more after that time. In the mean time we set up a Pinnace in the island, whereof we brought 4 lose out of England: Four lose Pi●●isse● brought out of England. Mogador in 31 degrees and an half. which being finished, the last of December we weighed, and came out of the North part of the island, the same way that we came in: for the South channel is dangerous having but 8 foot at low water, and is full of rocks. This i●land standeth in 31 degrees ½ of latitude, being one league in circuit, not inhabited; and hath infinite number of doves upon it. At Sea we● met with a contrary wind, so that we beat off and on, till the 4 of januarie 1578, at which time a more favourable wind began to blow at North-east, and then we set our course Southsouthwest, till on the 7 of januarie we came as high as Cape de Guer, Cape de Guer in 30 degrees. which standeth in 30 degrees of latitude. Here our new Pinnace took 3 Spanish fisher-boats, called C●ntars. From thence we ran Southwest and Southsouthwest, carrying the said Cantars' along with us, till the 10 of the said month, at which time we found ourselves in 27 degrees ● min. being 10 leagues Westsouthwest from Cape Bojador, Cape Bojador in 27 degrees. 4 min. which lieth on the main land of Af●ica. From thence we ran South and by West, until the 13 day at noon, at which time we had sight of Rio del Oro, where our Pinnace took a Portugal caravel. The 15, the Marigold taken a caravel about Cape de l●● Ba●bas. Cape de las Barbas. And thence we ran along the coast being low sandy land, till we arrived at Cape Blanco. Cape Blanco in 20 degrees. 30. min. This Cape showeth itself like the corner of a brickwall upright from the water, to them which come from the Northwards: where the North pole is elevated 20 degrees 30 min. And the Crociers being the guards of the South pole, be raised 9 degrees 30 min. The said Crociers be 4 stars, representing the form of a cross, and be 30 degrees in latitude from the South pole: and the lowest star of the said Crociers is to be taken, when it is directly under the uppermost; and being so taken as many degrees as it wanteth of 30, so many you are to the Northwards of the the Equinoctial: and as many degrees as be more than 30, so many degrees you are to the Southwards of the Equinoctial. And if you find it to be just 30 then you be directly under the line. Within the said Cape Blanco we took one ship more, all the men being fled away, save two. We brought this ship with all the rest which we had taken before, into our harbour, 5 leagues within the Cape, where we washed and trimmed our ships, and went to sea again the 22 of januarie, leaving all the Spaniards there with their ships, saving one Cantar, for which our General gave them the Benedict. In which course we ran continually to the South-west, until the 26 day, when we found the North pole raised 15 degrees 15 min. having the wind Northeast or Eastnortheast, which is common on that coast. For it doth blow for the most part continually from the shore: and we kept the said course, until we c●me near the i●land Bonavista, within 2 leagues of the shore; so that we haled off again Northwest, the space of one hour, and then ran Southwest again, till day light the 27 of januarie: from which time we ran Southsouthwest, until 3 of the clock in the afternoon, at which time we approached near the island of Mayo, The isle of Maio. being high and hilly land, saving that the North part of the island stretcheth out itself, a league into the sea very low. We came to anchor under the West part of this island the 28 day of januaries and stayed there vn●ill the 30 of the same. During which time, our General appointed M. john Winter and M. Thomas doughty, to go over to the East part of the island with 70 men, to get some fresh victuals. And as we marched through the island, about the midst thereof, we found one house having a garden belonging to it, in which we ●ound ripe grapes, Ripe grapes in januarie. also ●ipe gourds, and melons, in the most dead time of our Winter. We found also a tree which beareth the fruit Cocos, The Cocos tree which is bigger than a man's head, having within the utter coate● which is about 3 inches thick, a certain nut as big as two fists, and hath within a white substance, cleaving fast to the shell, which is half an inch thick, very pleasant to taste, and within that a certain hollowness or void place, wherein is contained a pure and pleasant water in taste, and as some think marvelous comfortable. As we passed through this island the inhabitants fled into the mountains, so that we could have no talk with them. But we understood by the Portugals which came with us, that they were but servants to those of S. jago, to keep their cattle and goats, which be very plentiful in this island: but we found them so wild, that we could take none saving some young kids; wherefore we returned back again to our ships. The Portugals had salted their Welles near to the sea, so that we could not water. Then our General commanded every man aboard: afterward we weighed, and ran over to Saint jago the same night, being 10 leagues distant from thence: which seemed to be a friutefull island and well peopled. For we saw 3 towns on the shore: two of which shot at us, as we passed along. Our General made a shot at one of them again. And sailing along the shore, at the South part of the island, we took a Portugal ship laden with wine and other commodities, This ●●●and hath 15 degrees in latitude. From hence we ran Southsouthwest to the isle of Fogo, The isle of Fogo. so called, because it casts continually flames of fire and smoke out of the top thereof, all the whole island being one high mountain. Two leagues West from the isle of Fogo, is another island called Brava, Brava. where the sea is above 120 fathoms deep near to the shore, so that we could not anchor for the depth of the sea, by reason whereof we were constrained to departed without water. Here the General discharged the Portugals, giving unto them our Pinnace which we built at Mogador: with wine, bread, and fish, and so dismissed them the first of February, taking one of there company along with him, called Nonnez de silva. Nonnez de silva. The 2 of February we set off from Brava, and directed our course Southsoutheast● running so until the 9 of February, being within 4 degrees of the Equinoctial: at which time, we had the air troubled with thunder and lightning, notwithstanding calm with extreme heat, and divers times great showers of rain. The 17 day we were right under the line, which is the most fervent place of the burned Zone: where in the midst of February we sustained such heat, with often thunder and lightnings, that we did sweat for the most part continually, as though we had been in a sto●e, or hote-house. Here we see flying fish in great abundance, Flying fish. some a foot long, some less. Their fynnes wherewith they fly be as long as their bodies. They be greatly pursued by the Dolphin and Bonitocs', whom as soon as the flying fish espy, immediately they mount out of the sea in great numbers, and fly as long as their fynnes continued moist: and when they be dry, they fall down into the sea again. And here is to be noted, that after we came within 4 degrees of the Equinoctial, Continual rain at certain seasons near the Equinoctial. until we were so much past it, no day did pass without great store of rain. From hence we directed our course towards the Southsouthwest until the 5 of April: at which time, we had a very sweet smell from the land. The same day at noon we sounded, and found the sea to be 32 fathoms deep, the ground being soft oaze: and shortly after we had but 28 fathoms, being 31 degrees and 30 min. beyond the Equinoctial, Land in 31 degrees. 30 min. to the South of the Equinoctial. toward the South pole: and we had sight of the land about 3 of the clock in the ast●rnoone the same day. This land is very low near the sea; and hie mountains up within the country. From hence we ran towards the Southsouthwest, until the 14 of April; when we ●ound a little island, lying near the main land of Cape Sant Marie, Cape Sant Marie at the mouth of the River of Plate. by which is the entrance into the river of Plate● being in 35 degrees of Southerly latitude. From this island we ran 7 or 8 leagues along the main, where we came to an anchor under a Cape, which our General called Cape joy. Here every ship took in fresh water. Then we departed, and ran about 15 leagues towards the Westsouthwest, where we found a deep bay. In the bottom of this bay is a long rock, not far from the main: which rock so breaketh the force of the sea, that ships may ride commodiously under the same for Southerly winds. Hither came all our fleet to anchor, the 19 of April, and road there until the 20 day at night. Here we killed some seals. And from thence we ran about 20 leagues, where we found the water very much troubled and fresh, and we ran in so far that we had but 3 fathoms water. Here we took in fresh water, and ran over to the Southward and fallen with the land which lieth on the South part of the river of Plate, the 27 day. This land lieth Southsouthwest and Northnortheast, and is should 3 or 4 leagues into the sea. Here our flyboat lost our company in the night. From hence we ran toward the South-west, having much foul weather and contrary winds, until the 12 of May: and then we sounded and had 28 fathoms, with black sand and small stones, and had sight of the land the same morning about 10 of the clock. This land is 47 degrees in latitude. Our General named this land, Cape Hope. Cape of Hope in 47 degrees. We came to anchor there, about 3 leagues from the shore the same night. The next morning our General, went to the main in a boat: by means whereof he had been in great danger, if the Marigold had not weighed, and ran in with the shore, and so took up the boat and men: for there arole such foul weather, with a thick mist and a Southeast wind, that they were not able to recover their ships again which road without: which were forced to weigh and run to sea. The Prize weighed the 13 at night, and ran to the Southwards: the other stayed until the 14 in the morning and then ran to sea● not being able to ride. In the mean time while the Marigold road under the shore, our General with certain of his men went on land, where they saw two naked men, saving that they had a certain skin wrapped about their shoulders and rolls upon their heads, To whom our General showed a white clot, in sign of friendship, who with certain gestures of their bodies and hands, showed the like to him again, speaking likewise and making a noise, which our men could not understand, but they would in no cale come near our men. Our General went the next day to the same place again: but he had no sight of the foresaid men or any other. Howbeit he found certain fowls, as Ostriches, and other sea fowls, Ostriches and sea fowls. which the said men had newly killed, and said them on an heap together, as though they had done that for our men of purpose. There was also a certain bag with little stones of divers colours, which together with the victuals our General brought aboard, and then weighed, and came to sea the 15 of the said month: where all the rest of the fleet met with him, save the Prize, and the flyboat. The 16 day we ran into a bay to the Southwards of Cape Hope, where we road all that night. The next morning our General weighed, & ran without the cape to the Northwards, & sent the Elizabeth towards the South to look for the Prize: leaving the Marigold and the Canter to search if in the bay they could find any fit harbour for our ships. The same day being the 14 of May, our General met with the flyboat (which lost us the 27 of April) and brought her into said bay. The 18 in the morning we had word from the ships, that they had found a safe harbour and we weighed and ran in, the same day being Whitsunday. The Elizabeth weighed & put forth again to sea, the 20 day, to look for the Prize, and not finding her came in the next day. In the mean time our General discharged the flyboat, and ran her upon on the main, where we broken her up for firewood. The description of c●rtaine Savages. In the mean while there came about 30 of the country people down to the sea side: and when they were within 100 pases of our men, they set themselves in array very orderly casting their company into the form of a ring, every man having his bow and arrows: who when they had pight a stalfe on the ground with certain glasses, beads, and other trifles returned back. Then the country people came and took them and afterward approached nearer to our men, showing themselves very pleasants insomuch that M. Winter danced with them. They were exceedingly delighted with the sound of the trumpet, and vials. They be of a mean stature, well limined, and os a duskish, tawny, or brown colour. Some of them having their faces spotted with divers colours, as read, white, and black. Their apparel is a certain ●kinne wherein they wrap themselves not reaching so low as to cover their privy members, all the rest of their bodies be naked, saving that they wear certain rolls upon their heads, whose ends ha●g over their shoulders. Every one beareth his bow, being an ell in length, and arrows made of reeds, having heads, framed very strangely & cunningly of a flint stone. They be much given to mirth and jollity, and are very sly, and ready to steal any thing that comes within their reach: for one of them snatched our General's cap from his head (as he stooped) being of scarlet with a golden band: yet he would suffer no man to hurt any of them. They eat raw flesh, for we found seals bones, the raw flesh whereof they had gnawn with their teeth like dogs. In this bay we watered, and victualled with seals: for there is such plenty that we slay above 200 in the space of one hour upon a little island. The 3 of june we departed from thence, and being at sea we were put back again to Cape Hope, where we discharged our Canter and let her float in the sea. Afterwards we ran to the 50 degree of the South pole, where we met with the wind Southerly, and so turned back again to the Northward. And as we ran along the shore, we met with our Prize the 19 of june, which we lost the 13 of May. The day following we found a harbour, into the which we entered with all our fleet the same day. This port is 49 degrees and an half in latitude, and I suppose it to be the same which Magellan named Port S. julian: The port of Sant julian. for we found a gibbet on an hill, whereupon they were executed that did conspire against Magellan, and certain bones also of their dead bodies. The 22 of this month our General going to shore upon the main with 7 or 8 of his men, met with 3 of the Patagons' having bows and arrows, Two of our men slain b● the Patagons'. who came near to our men making them signs to departed. Whereupon a gentleman being there present, and having a bow and arrows, made a shot to the end to show them the force our bows, with the which shot his string broken: whereupon the Patagons' presumed to encounter them, directing their arrows first at our M. Gunner, who had a caliver ready bend to shot at them but it would not take fire: and as he leveled his pecce one of them shot him through the breast, and out at the back, wherewith he fallen down stark dead. Also the gentleman that shot the arrow was so wounded that he oyed the 2 day after and with the other was buried in a little island lying in the said port. Our men left the slain man on shore till night, and then fetched him in a boat. In the mean time the Patagons' had stripped him of all his clotheses, and viewed his body laying his clotheses under his head, and so left him untouched, saving that they had stuck the English arrow in his left eye. These men be of no such stature as the Spaniards report, being but of the height of English men: for I have seen men in England taller than I could see any of them. But peradventure the Spaniard did not think that any English men would have come thither so soon to have disproved them in this & divers others of their notorious lies: wherefore th●y presumed more boldly to abuse the world. The last of june M. Thomas Doughty w●s brought to his answer, The execution of M. Thomas doughty. was accused, and convicted of certain articles, and by M. Drake condemned. He was beheaded the 2 of july 1578, whose body was buried in the said i●●and, near to them which were s●aine. We wintered in this port 2 months, during which time we had such weather as is commonly in England in the depth of winter, or rather colder. After we had trimmed up our ships, and made provision of fuel and fresh water, we departed thence with 3 ships the 17 of August about noon. And the 20 of the said month we seized Cape Victory, by the which Cape is the way into the South sea, called The straits of Magellan, The entrance of the straight of Magellan. the first discoverer thereof. We found the mouth of the straits to be 52 degrees ½ Southward of Equinoctial. In this straight, we found the sea to have no such current as some do imagine, (following the course of the primum mobile from East to West) but to ebb and flow as ordinarily as upon other coasts, rising 5 fathoms upright. The flood rises out of the East ocean, Ordinary flood and ebb in the straight. and stretcheth itself ●o far into the straits, that it meetech the flood of the South sea near about the midst of the straits, where it bendeth like an elbow, tending to the West-north-west into the South Sea, whereas the East part from the mouth of the straits to this elbow lieth Southwest and by West, or southwest ●o 53 degrees and ●. 30 leagues within the straits there be 3 islands. To the greatest our general gave the name of Elizabeth: to the 2 Bartholomew, because we found it on S. Bartholomews' day: the 3 he named S. George's island. Abundance of Sea- 〈◊〉 on S. George● 〈◊〉 in the straight of Magellan. Here we stayed one day & victualled ourselves with a kind of foul which is plentiful in that isle, and whose flesh is not far unlike a fat goose here in England: they have no wings, but short pinions which serve their turn in swimming. Their colour is somewhat black mixed with white spots under their belly, and about their neck. They walk so upright, that a far off a man would take them to be little children. If a man approach any thing near them, they run into holes in the ground (which be not very deep) whereof the island is full. So that to take them, we had staves with hooks fast to the ends, wherewith some of our men pulled them out, and others being ready with cudgels did knock them on the head, for they bite so cruelly with their crooked bills, that none of us was able to handle th●m alive. The land on both parts is very high: but especially toward the South sea, monstrous high hills and craggy rocks do exalt themselves, High hills on both sides of the straight. whose tops be all huary with snow, in the months of August, September, and October. Notwithstanding the lower parts of the hills are replenished and beautified with impenetrable thick woods of strange and unknown trees, flourishing all the year long. Here we made provision of fuel and fresh water, and passed by Cape Deseado into the South sea the 6 of September. Cape Deseado where they entered into the South sea. They were diven to 57 degrees Southward. And running along towards the Northwest about 70 leagues, the wind turned directly against us, with great extremity of foul weather, as rain, hail, snow, and thick fogs which continued so more than 3 weeks, that we could bear no sail, at which time we were driven ●7 degr. to the south pole. The 15 of September the moon was there eclipsed & began to be darkened presently after the setting of the sun, about 6 of the clock at night, being then Equinoctial vernal in that country. The said eclipse happened the 16 day in the morning before one of the clock in England, which is about six hours difference, agreeing to one quarter of the world, from the Meridian of England towards the West. The last of September being a very soul night and the seas sort grown, we lost the Marigold, the General's ship and the Elizabeth running to the Eastward to get the shore, whereof we had sight, the 7 of October, falling into a very dangerous bay ●ull of ●ocks: and there we lost company of M. Drake the same night. They lose M. Drakes company. The next day very hardly cleaping the danger of the rocks we put into the straits again, where we a●k●red in an open bay for the space of 2 days, and made great fires on the shore, to the end that if M. Drake should come into the straits, he might find us. After we went into a sound, where we stayed for the space of 3 weeks and named it The port of Health, for the most part of our men being ve●y sick with long watching wet, cold and evil diet did here (God be thanked) wonderfully recover their health in short space. Here we had very great muscles (some being 20 inches long) very pleasant meat, and many of them full of seed-pearles. The voyage given over. We came out of this harbour the first of November, giving over our voyage by M. Winter's compulsion full sor● against the mariner's minds who alleged, he stood in despair as well to have winds to serve his turn for Peru, as also of M. Drakes safety. So we came back again through the straits to S. George's Island, Then returned out of The straight the 11 of November, having entered into ●he ●outh sea the 6 o● September. where we took of the fowls be●ore named, and after departed. And thus we passed by Cape Victory out of the straits the 11 of November, directing our course to the North-east, till the last of this month. What time we arriu●d at an island which lieth at the mouth of the river of Plate. Upon this island there is such an infinite number of seals, as may seem incredible to any man that hath not been there, ●eme of th●m being 16 foot long. not fearing the pre●ence of men: for the most of our men were upon the island, for the space of 15 days to set up a Pinnace, during which time the seals would come and sleep by them, and rather resist our men, then give place● unless mor●al● blows forced them to yield. When our Pinnace was built, we w●nt to another island, where we did water, and afterwards departed the first of januarie 1579● and ran towards the North till the 20 of the said month, and then we arrived a● an island which lieth on the coast of Brasil, Saint Vincent i● Brasil in 24 degrees. near to a town called saint Vincent inhabited by the Portugals. The said town lieth 24 degrees southward, almost under the Tropic of Capricone. Here, by reason of fowl weather we lost our Pinnace, and 8 men in her, and never see them since. Here also our ship was in great danger, A dangerous current. by the means of a strong current, which had almost cast us upon the shore before we were ware, insomuch that we were constrained to anchor in the open sea, and broke our cable and lost an anchor, and presently let fall another anchor; in weighing whereof our men were sore spoilt. For the capstan ran about so violently with the rising of the ship in the sea, that it threw the men from the bars, and broke out the brains of one man: one other had his leg broken, and divers others were sore hurt. At last we got up our anchor and set sail, and ran into a place called Tanay, Tanay a pla●● in brasil. where we road under an island and took in wood and water. And while we stayed here, there came 3 Portugals aboard us in a canoa, to know what we would have, or of what country we were. To whom our Captain made answer: that we were Englishmen, and had brought commodities for their country, if they would traffic with us: where at they greatly marveled. For they said that they never herded of any English ship to have been in that country before; and so they went to land again, having one of our men with them to speak with the Governor of the town, and we kept one of them for a pledge. Shortly after there came another canoa aboard us with one Portugal and all the rest naked men of the country: of whom we had two small Oxen, one young Hog, with certain hens: also Pome-cytrons, lemons, oranges, and other fruits of the country. For the which our Captain gave to them, linen clot, combs, knives, and other trifles. In the mean time the Governor of ●he town, sent word that we should have nothing, unless we would bring our ship into the haven. Whereunto our Captain would in no case consent: for all their practice was to have got us within their danger, nevertheless we came somewhat near the town with our ship, as though we would have go in; but we never meant it. Here we took in our man; and set the Portugal pledge on land. After that we went to an ●land called the isle of Sant Sebastian; The isle of Sant Sebastian● above the Tropic of Capr●corne. where we took fish. Here the Portugals had betrayed us, if a Brasillian one of their slaves had not been. For he stolen from them, & showed unto us by signs, that the Portugals were coming with their canoas, to take us, as it fallen out in deed: for the next morning they showed themselves with 12 or 16 canoas, some of them having 40 men in them. The same night two of our men ran away with our boat to the Portugals. And thus we came away from thence toward our own country the 17 of March: and had sight of the Cape of saint Augustine, Cape Sant Augustine. lying in 8 degrees to the Southward of the line. After that we had sight of an island lying within 3 degrees of the Equinoctial, called the isle of Fernando de Loronha. The isle of Fernando de Loron●a. We crossed the Equinoctial the 13 of April, and had sight of the North star the 19 of the said month. The 1, 2, 3,4, and 5 of May, we sailed through the sea of Weeds, The sea of Weeds, near the Tropic of Cancer. about the space of 100 leagues, being under the Tropic of Cancer. From whence we kept our course towards the northeast, until we had the pole raised 47 degrees. The 22 of May we ran Eastnortheast. The 29 we sounded and had 70 fathoms with white oaze; Their arrival at ●●too●d-c●mbe in Devonshire. having the North pole raised 51 degrees. The 30 of May we had sight of S. jews on the North side of Cornwall, and the 2 of june 1579 we arrived at Iltoord-combe in Devon-shire. And thus after our manifold troubles and great dangers in having passed The straits of Magellan into the South Sea with our General M. Francis Drake, and having been driven with him down to the Southerly latitude of 57 degrees, and afterward passing back by the same straits again, it pleased God to bring us safe into our own native country to enjoy the presence of our dear friends and kinsfolks, to whom be praise, honour, and glory, for ever and ever. Amen. EDWARD CLIFFED Mariner. Instructions given by the right honourable the Lords of the Counsel, to M. Edward Fenton Esquire, for the order to be observed in the voyage recommended to him for the East Indies and Cathay● April 9 1582. FIrst you shall enter as Captain General, into the charge and government of these ships, viz. the Bear Gal●●on, the Edward Bonaventure, the Ba●ke Francis, and the small Frigate or Pinnace. 2 Item you shall appoint for the furnishing of the vessels in the whole, to the number of 200 able people, accounting in that number the Gentlemen and their men, the Ministers, Chirurgeons, Factors, etc. which said number is no way to be exceeded, whereof as many as may be, to be seamen; and shall distribute them into every vessel, as by advise here before your going shall be thought meet: Provided that you shall not receive under your charge and government, any disordered or mutinous person, but that upon knowledge had, you shall remove him before your departure hence, or by the way as soon as you can conveniently avoid him, and receive better i● his place. 3 Item, for the more and better circumspect execution, and determination in any weighty causes incident in this voyage, we will that you shall take unto you for assistants, Captain Hawkins, captain Ward, M. Nicholas Parker, M. Maddox, M. Walker, M. Euans, Randolph Shaw, Matthew Talboys, with whom you shall consult and confer in all causes, matters, and actions of importance, not provided for in these instructions touching this service now in hand. And in all such matters, so handled, argued, and debated, we think that convenient always to be executed, which you shall think meetest with the assent also of any 4 of them, the matter having been debated, and so assented unto, in the presence of your said assistants. And in case that such conference and debating the opinions of the aforesaid Assistants be found in effect any way to differ, than it is thought meet, that all such matters so argued upon, shall rest to be put in execution in such sor● as you shall think most meetest, having the assent of any 4 of them, as aforesaid. And if any of these Assistants shall die, than the number of the one half of the Suruivours to join with the General captain for consent in all things aforesaid. 4 Of all which your assemblies and consultations, for the matters aforesaid, we think it very convenient, that a particular and true note should be kept, for which cause we appoint master Maddox minister, and if he should decease, than the General with half the Assistants Suruivours, to name one to keep a book of all such matters as shall be brought in consultation, and of all such reasons as shall be propounded by any person, either on the one side, or on the other: what was resolved on, and by whose consent, who dissented there f●om, and for what cause's. In which book he shall in the beginning of the note of every such assembly, set down particularly the day, and the place, if it may be, the names of the people then present, and upon what occasion the said consultation was appointed or held, and shall have to every act, the hands of the General, and of all, or so many of the said Assistants as will subscribe: which book the said master Maddox, or the other upon his decease appointed in his place shall keep secret, and in good order to be exhibited unto us, at your return home. 5 Item, if there happen any person or people employed in this service, of what calling or condition, he or they shall be, should conspire, or attempt privately or publicly, any treason, mutiny, or other discord, either touching the taking away of your own life, or any other of authority under you, whereby her majesties service in this voyage might be over thrown, or impugned: we will therefore, that upon just proof made of any such treason, mutiny, or any other discord attempted as aforesaid, the same shallbe punished by you, or your Lieutenants according to the quality and enormity of the fact. Provided always, and it shall not be lawful neither for you, nor for your Lieutenant to proceed to the punishment of any person by loss of life or limb, unless the party shall be judged to have deserved it by the rest of your Assistants, as is before expressed, or at the lest four of them. And that which shall concern life to be by the verdict of twelve men of the company employed in this voyage, to be impanelled for that purpose, with the observation of the form of our country laws in that behalf, as near as you may. Provided, if it shall not appear, that the forbearing of the execution by death, shall minister cause to increase the fac●e of the offender, than it were better to convince the party of his fact, by the oaths of 12 indifferent people, and to commit him to hard imprisonment, until the return. And aswell of the ●actes committed by anya as also of the proof thereof, and of the opinions of you, and your Assistants, and the manner of the punishment, the Register shall make a particular and true note, in the book of your consultation, as is before appointed. 6 Item, you shall not remove Captains William Hawkins your lieutenant, master Captain Luke Ward your viceadmiral, or captain of the Edward Bonaventure, M. Carlisle upon occasion was not in this voyage. nor captain Carlisle from his charge by land whom we will not to refuse any such service as shall be appointed to him by the General and the council, nor any captain of other vessels from their charges, but upon just cause duly proved, and by consent of your Assistants, or of four of them at the lest. 7 Item, for the succession of the General, governor of this whole voyage, if it should please God to take him away, it is thought meet that there should be the names of such Gentlemen secretly set down to succeed in his place one after the other, which are severally written in parchment, included in balls of wax, sealed with her majesties signer, put into two coffers locked with three several ●ocks, whereof one key is to be in the custody of captain Luke Ward, the other of William Hawkins, the third of master Maddox the Minister, and the same two coffers to be put into two several ships, videlicet, the one coffer in the Gallion, in the custody of the General, the other in the Edward Bonaventure in the custody of the Uiceadmirall: the same two coffers upon any such casualty of the General's death by consent of the Assistants which shall overlive, ●o be opened, and the party therein named to succeed in the place, who shall thereupon take upon him the charge in the said voyage according to these instructions, in such sort as if they had been specially directed unto him, and the rest of the company so to take and repute him in every respect, as they will answer to the contrary. But if it shall so fall out, (as we hope it will) that there shall be no such need, but that the General do continued still, then shall you at your return deliver back the said coffers and balls of wax sealed in such sort as they be, without opening them, vnl●sse it be in the case aforesaid. 8 You shall make a just and true inventory in every ship and vessel appointed for this voyage of all the tackle, munition, and furniture belonging to them at their setting forth hence, and of all the provisions whatsoever, and one copy thereof under your hand, and under the hands of your Uiceadmirall and lieutenant, to be delivered to the Earl of Leicester, and the other to the governor of the company for them before your departure hence, The governor o● t●●● company. and the like to be done at your return home of all things then remaining in the said ships and vessels, with a true certificate how and by what means any parcel of the same shall have been spent or lost. 9 Item, you shall use all diligence possible to departed from Southampton with your said ships and vessels before the last of this present month of April, and so go on your course by Cape de buena Esperança, They are informed to go by the Cape o● Buena Esperanza. not passing by the straight of Magellan either going or returning, except upon great occasion incident, that shall be thought otherwise good to you, by the advise and consent of your said Assistants, or four of them at the lest. 10 Item, you shall not pass to the Northeastward of the 40 degree of latitude at the most, but shall take your right course to the Isles of the Malucos for the better discovery of the Northwest passage, if without hindrance of your trade, & within the same degree you can get any knowledge touching that passage, whereof you shall do well to be inquisitive, as occasion in this sort may serve. 11 Item, you shall have special regard after your departure from the coast of England, so to order your course, as that your ships and vessels loose not one another, but keep company together both outward and homeward. And jest if they happen to sever the one from the other by tempest or otherwise, it shall not be amiss that you appoint to the Captains and Masters certain places, wherein you will stay certain days. And every ship passing aforehand, and no● knowing what is become of the other ships, to leave upon every Promontory or Cape a token to stand in sight, with a writing lapped in ●eade to declare the day of their passage. And if any wilfulness or negligence in this behalf shall appear in any person or people that shall have charge of any of the ships or vessels aforesaid, or if they or any of them shall do otherwise then to them appertaineth, you shall punish such offenders sharply to the example of others. 12 Item, we do straight enjoin you, and consequently all the rest employed in this voyage in any wise, and as you and they will answer the contrary at your coming home by the laws of this realm, that neither going, tarrying abroad, nor returning, you do spoil or take any thing from any of the Queen's majesties friends or allies, or any Christians, without paying justly for the same, nor that you use any manner of violence or force against any such, except in your own defence, if you shall be set upon, or otherwise be forced for your own safeguard to do it. 13 Item, we will that you deal altogether in this voyage like good and honest merchants, trafficking and exchanging ware for ware, with all courtesy to the nations you shall deal with, as well Ethniks as others, and for that cause you shall instruct all those that shall go with you, that whensoever you or any of you shall happen to come in any place to conference with the people of those parts, that in all your doings and there's, you and they so behave yourselves towards the said people, as may rather procure their friendship and good liking toward you by courtesy, then to move them to offence or misliking, and especially you shall have great care of the performance of your word and promise to them. 14 Item we will, that by the advise of your Assistants, in places where you and they shall think most fit, you settle if you can a beginning of a further trade to be had hereafter: and from such places do bring over with you some few men and women if you may, Strange people to be brought home. and do also leave some one or two, or more, as to you and your Assistants shall seem convenient of our nation with them for pledges, and to learn the tongue and secrets of the countries, having diligent care that in delivering and taking of hostages, you deliver not personages of more value than you receive, but rather deliver mean people under colour of men of value, as the Infidels do for the most part use. Provided that you stay not louger to make continuance of further trade, then shall be expedient for good exchange of the wares presently carried with you. 15 Item you shall have care, and give general warning, that no person of what calling soever he be, shall take up, or keep to himself or his private use, any stone, pearl, gold, silver, or other matter of commodity to be had or found in places where you shall come, but he the said person so seized of such stone, pearl, gold, silver, or other matter of commodity, shall with all speed, or so soon as he can, detect the same, and make delivery thereof to yourself, or you Uiceadmirall, or Lieutenant, and the Factor appointed for this voyage, upon pain of forfeiture of all the recompense he is to have for his service in this voyage by share or otherwise: and further to receive such punishment, as to you & your Assistants, or the more part of them shall seem good, and otherwise to be punished here at his return, if according to the quality of his offence it shallbe thought needful. 16 Item, if the Captains, Merchants or any other, shall have any apparel, jewels, chains, armour, or any other thing whatsoever, which may be desired in countries where they shall traffic, that it shall not be lawful for them or any of them to traffic, or cell any thing thereof for their private account: but the same shall be prized by the most part of those that shall be in commission in the places where the same may be so required, rated at such value, as it may be reasonably worth in England, and then sold to the profit of the whole voyage, and to go as in adventure for those to whom it doth appertain. 17 Item you yourself shall in the Gallion ke●pe one book, and the Factors appointed for the same ship another, wherein shall be a just account kept, aswell of the merchandise carried hence, as of those you shall bring home. And aswell at your setting forth, as from time to time, as exchange shallbe made, you shall set your hand to their book, and they there's to yours, and the like order shall you see that the Captain and the Factors in the Edward Bonaventure shall use in their ship, and the other Captains and Factors in each other vessel. 18 Item you shall give strait order to restrain, that none shall make any charts or descriptions of the said boyage, but such as shall be deputed by you the General, which said charts' and descriptions, we think meet that you the General shall take into your hands at your return to this our coast of England, leaving with them no copy, and to present them unto us at your return: the like to be done if they find any charts or maps in those countries. 19 Item you shall at your return so direct your course, that all the ships under your government may come home together, and arrive here in the river of Thames, if it may conveniently be. And wheresoever in this Realm you, or any of the ships shall arrive, you shall give special and strait order, that no person of what condition soever he be, shall unlade, or bring on land, or forth of the vessels in which he came, any part or parcel of merchandise, or matter of commodity brought in any of the said vessels, until we being certified of your or their arrival, shall give further order and direction therein, under the penalties and forfeitures expressed in the fifteenth article, against such as shall retain any thing to their private use, as in the said article is further expressed. 20 Item, to the intent that all such people as shall go with you in this voyage, may better understand what they aught to do, and what to avoid, we think it requisite, that aswell out of these, as otherwise with the advise of your Assistants and Masters of the ships, you shall 'cause some convenient order to be set down in writing for their better government both at sea and land, if they shall happen to go on land any where: and the same to be openly read and made known unto them, to the intent they may understand how to behave themselves, and upon any fault committed, not to have any excuse to pretend ignorance, and so to avoid such punishment as it is requisite to have ministered for the keeping of them in good order. 21 And to the end God may bless this voyage with happy and prosperous success, you shall have an especial care to see that reverence and respect be had to the Ministers appointed to accompany you in this voyage, as appertaineth to their place and calling, and to see such good order as by them shall be set down for reformation of life and manners, duly obeyed and performed, by causing the transgressors and contemners of the same to be severely punished, and the Ministers to remove sometime from one vessel to another. 22 Provided always, that the whole direction and government of the people, life and limb excepted, as in the fift article, and the course of this voyage, shall be wholly at your disposition, except in the course by the Straight of Magellan, either outward or homeward, and in your passage by the Northward of 40 degrees in latitude, wherein you shall follow directions s●t down in the nine and ten articles, as also in the displacing of the Captain of the Edward Bonaventure, and other captains, wherein you shall follow the order appointed in the sixt article: Provided that we mean not by this article to derogate any thing from the authority of your assistants established in the third article, or in any other article of these instructions. 23 Item, in all occasions and enterprises that may fall out to be upon the land, we will that Captain Carlisle shall have the general and chief charge thereof. M. Carlisle upon occasion was not in this voyage. 24 And finally we require you and every of you to have a due regard to the observation and accomplishment of these our instructions, and of all such other things, as may any kind of way t●nd to the furtherance and benefit of this service committed to your charge. The voyage intended towards China, wherein M. Edward Fenton was appointed General: Written by M. Luke Ward his Viceadmiral, and Captain of the Edward Bonaventure, begun Anno Dom. 1582. THe second of April I departed with the Edward Bonaventure from Blackwall, and the 19 of the same arrived in Nettle road at Hampton, where I found riding the Gallion Leicester: and so remaining there till the first of May, we set sail thence in the forenoon, being of us in the whole fleet four sail. 1 The Gallion Leicester of 400 tons Admiral, whereof was General Captain Edward Fenton, and William Hawkins the younger lieutenant General in her, and Christopher Hall, Master. 2 The Edward Bonaventure of 300 tons Uiceadmirall, whereof was Captain Luke Ward, and Thomas Perrie Master. 3 The Francis of forty tons, whereof was Captain john Drake, and William Markam Master. 4 The Elizabeth of fifty tons, whereof was Captain Thomas Skevington and Ralph Crane Master. We spent by means partly of business, and partly of contrary winds, the month of May upon the coast, and then leaving the land we put off to sea, and proceeded on our voyage intended by the grace of God for China: until the month of August ●ollowing, nothing fallen out much worthy the knowledge of the world, which is not common to all navigants, but about the beginning of August aforesaid, being somewhat near the coast of Guinie, upon the shooting off a piece and the putting out of a flag in the Admiral, I went on board, and M. Walker, M. Shaw, M. Geffreis, our Master & Pilot with me, where the general counsel was assembled to consider of two points, viz. The first, whether it were necessary to w●●er presently or not, which was thought very needful of all men, and so concluded. The second, where the best and aptest place was to water in, which was thought of the greater number to be at Sierra leona on the coast of Guinie, which was also concluded, and by the Master and Pilots agreed to go hence Southeast, which determined, we returned aboard. The 3 day we went Southeast and Eastsoutheast, till six a clock at night that we saw the land of Guinie, which bore North-east of us about 12 leagues off, which seen, we sounded, and had no ground: then went I and our Master and Pilot aboard the Admiral, and after m●ny debatements concluded to run in North-east by East, and at eleven at night we came aboard again, and went all night Northeast by East. The 4 at eight a clock in the forenoon we were within 2 leagues of the land, which bore of us North-east, which rose like a hill full of woods, and on each side low land: we being persuaded by our pilots that it was the entrance into Sierra leona, went in North-east until we were within an half league of the shore, and had brought th● South point Southeast by East of us. At eleven a clock finding it a bay and not Sierra leona, we brought our tacks aboard, and stood along West by North and West larboard tacked. In this time our Admiral's pinnace rowed in, and went on land upon the South side of the bay, and the Elizabeth's boat with her. They found houses of boughs, and in one of the houses the tongue of a beast, and a bullock's tongue fresh killed; also a lake with plenty of fresh water, and fresh-water-fish in it had by the sea side: they found dry pomegranates, and pease like nurs, with other unknown fruits under the trees. The Elizabeth ran in, and brought the South poin● South by West of her, and ankered within Falcon shot of the shore in seven fathom oaze, where they took fish with hooks, while he stayed for the boats. The 4 all the afternoon we ran along the coast (which lieth Northwest and by North and Southeast by South) West, and within a point one way or the other, seeing the land under our ●ee three or four leagues off, and all night likewise. The 9 at three a clock in the morning our Admiral shot off a piece, and at four we weighed and went hence North-east. They arrive in the river of Sierra le●na. At five in the morning we see the land along, and the Island which we see the night before, and divers other Islands about it, & so ran in North-east until we had brought ourselves thwart of the river, and then ran in East about six at night, being a league within the river. Our Admiral shot off a piece, and there we ankered in eight fathom sand. Being at anchor, I manned our boat and would have go aboard the Admiral, but could not, the flood was bend so strong, and she road half a mile beneath us in the tide, but we had no tide. The 10 in the morning at five a clock I sent our skiff with our pilot in her to found a road, and a watering place: in the mean time at six a clock we set sail with our ship, and b●ing calm we towed with our boat until ten, and then ankered a mile short of the watering place. After dinner I w●nt on land with my skiff to find timber to fish our mast, and searching along the shore we found a good watering place: and further seeking in the wood, which all the country is full of, and of divers sorts, we found Limmon trees full of first-fruits: also trees growing by the water side with the stalks hung full of oysters and great periwinkles, Trees hung with oysters. and crabs amongst them: we found dry pomegranates with many other first-fruits unknown to us. In the mean time our Admiral and the Edward with the barks, having a gale at West, set sail, and ran up and ankered in the road before the accustomed watering place. The 22 day certain Portugal's which had been with us before, came down and brought some other Portugals and Negroes with them in a shippeboate, wherein they brought us 80 mews of rice, 500 and odd weight of Elephants teeth, and a Negro boy, which boy they gave the General, and the rice and teeth for the Elizabeth, which we sold them, Their traffic here with the Portugals. with all her tackle and sails, having need of the rice, because our meal which we brought out of England was decayed and nought, whereof we had into the Edward 30 bushels, which is a mewe and a half: the Francis had 5 bushels, and the Gallion had the rest. And we had 200 weight of Elephants teeth, and the Gallion 300 and a half, and six pound. During this time we sent our skiff with the admirals pinnace up the river to meet with a Gundall, which the Portugals had sent for fresh victuals for us: who not finding her, returned at night: All this day I with M. Walker remained aboard with the Admiral, and after their dinner and supper we ended our business, and returned aboard, having had many good speeches with the Portugals. The 26 day being Sunday, Captain Hawkins, M. Maddox, M. Hall, M. Bannister, Captain Drake, M. Euans, M. Hood, and others came aboard and herded the Sermon, and dined with me: after dinner we went on shore to the lower point where we followed the footing of an Elephant, but see him not, and so spent the time to and fro till supper time, and then came aboard, and supped together, which done, each man departed to his abode. This night I was very sick, (and so were all they that were on shore with me,) with eating of a fruit of the country, Sickness by eating some fruit in Guinea. which we found on trees, like nuts: whereof some did eat four, some five, some six, and more, but we vomited and scoured upon it without reason. The 27 day in the afternoon the old Greek Fracisco came aboard to me, with request that he might have the Francis boat to go up for his own boat which was not come down, with whom I talked of this Country and country-people, until five of the clock at night that the flood was come, and then I went aboard to the Admiral, and got his consent, and sent themselves in her: viz. Ferdinando the Portugal Master, and his Negro: In the mean time I sent four of my men to watch in the Elizabeth all night. The 28 day in the morning at four a clock I sent my skiff with the Admiral's pinnace down to the West point to fish, who came aboard again at one in the afternoon, and brought as much fish as all our companies could eat. During the time that our boats were a fishing, came down the river a canoa and the Portugals former boat with hens, The Portugals presents. oranges, plantans, which they presented the General and me with: and also the rest of the rice due to us for the payment of the Elizabeth. For the partitions whereo● I went aboard the Admiral, where I dined. After dinner M. Euans began to barter aw●y certain of the ships commodities with the Negroes, M Euans o●● of our merchants. without acquainting the General or any other until he had done, whereof gr●we more words then presite, as by the books of merchandise appeareth. Which done I came aboard, and had two of the Portugals to supper with me. About two of the clock in the morning we had a Ternado, and much rain. The 29 about 4 a clock in the morning, I in my skiff, and Captain Parker in his pinnace, The● s●●rch the countrey● went down to the West point, and there we landed with 11 men in all well furnished, and searched the woods, plains and plashes, after an Elephant, finding the haunt, footing, and soil of many newly done, yet we see none of them. We see hogs, goats or fawns, and divers sorts of fowls very wild: and having travailed about 2 leagues, about noon we returned to the point, where we landed, and met our boats which had been at sea, and taken plenty of good fish: there we refreshed ourselves with such victuals as we had, and came aboard our several ships, where I found the Portugals and Negroes, who had dined, and after supped aboard with me. The 2 of September we set sail at six of the clock in the morning, & w●nt out West between 7 and 10 fathom, with a pretty gale at East till 8, than it waxed calm, we being shot out of the harbour a league and a half. It continued calm this day till one in the afternoon, and then it blewe up at Westsouthwest a good gale, so we stood off Northnorthwest, and Northwest till 5 in the afternoon, than we ankered in 12 fathom, being 6 leagues of the point West by North. The 3 day about eight a clock in the forenoon, the General came aboard to me, complaining that his main crosse-trees were broken, and therefore determined to go into Sierra leona again when the wind blewe: They returns to Sierra l●o●● again, at 12 at noon we set sail, and went in Eastsoutheast, and Southeast, and Southsoutheast, being carried to the Northward with the flood. And at 7 at night we ankered in eight fathom three leagues of the entrance, Westnorthwest. The 12 day came down the river a boat with three o●her Portugals, Traffic wi●● 3 other Po●●ugals, v●z. 1 〈◊〉 Henriques a 〈…〉 20 〈◊〉 ●. ● Matthe● F●●●●ndo● ●apt●●●e. 3 Pedro 〈…〉. with whom the General bargained, to let them have; barrels of salt for 5 barrels of rice, and after that rate to exchange for 40 barrels, which he acquainted me with: afterwards I dined among the Portugals with him: after dinner I went on shore to the oven, and to the carpenters. After I had been on shore and seen the work there I returned aboard, & there supped with me the General, M. Maddox, Captain Hawkins, and seven Portugal's: after supper each man returned to his place. The 13 in the afternoon, the Portugals came again aboard me, and broke their ●a●● with me: aft●r I sent by them up the river in my skiff 12 barrels of salt, and gave them a bottle of wine for one of the savage Queens. The 15 after dinner, the Master, M. Walker, and I, accompanied with 12 other traveled over a great deal of ground to find some cattle, but found none: Th●●●nt●r v● to 〈◊〉 the cou●●●rey. and coming home thorough the Oyster bay, I found of my company and of the Admirals together roasting of oysters: and going from them, Thomas russel one of my company saw a strange fish named V●●lif, which had ●ought with a crocodile, and being hurt came near the shore, where he waded in, and by the tail drawn him a land, and there slew him, A sword 〈◊〉 killed. and sent the General the hinder half of him: the head● part I kept, in whose nose is a bone of two foot long like a sword, with three and twenty pricks of a side, sharp and strange: The body we did eat, and it was like a Shark. The 30 and last day of September the Francis cook came aboard about seven a clock in the forenoon from fishing with my net, and brought among other fish, A strange fis● taken. a Sea calf (as we called it) with hair and lympits, and barnacles upon him, being seven foot long, ●oure foot nine inches about: which to see I sent for the General, and such as pleased to come see it out of the Admiral, who came and brought with him M. Maddox, Captain Hawkins, Captain Parker, and most part of his company, who having viewed the beast, which was oughly being alive, it being ●●ayed, opened, and dressed, proved an excellent, fair, and good meat, broiled, roasted, sodde and baked, and sufficed all our companies for that day. The first day of October in the morning, we took in to make up our full compliment of rice twenty barrels for the twelve barrels of salt, delivered the Portugal Lewis Henriques be●ore. The 2 day about six a clock in the morning, we set sail having little wind: the Captain with the Master, and other of their company of the Portugals came aboard me● complaining that the carfey by them received for the four Negroes of the General, was not sufficient for their payment, whereupon I gave them sca●let caps, and other things to their content, who finding themselves well pleased, departed away in the Gundall, and we having little wind, got down thwart of the fishing bay, and there came to anchor about nine a clock the same forenoon. The third day about two a clock in the morning we set sail, and went hence South-west by West till two in the afternoon then being little wound: at five we ankered six leagues Eastsoutheast of the Southermost part of the land in fifteen fathoms and there we road till ●●ght a clock 〈◊〉 night, and set sail with a stiff gale at North-east, which sometime blewe, and sometime was 〈◊〉 wind, and ●o continued all night. The first day of Nouembe● in the forenoon, we took in our main sail to mend 〈…〉 mean time, the Admiral came up by us, and desiring me with my Master, and M. Black-faced to come aboard to him about certain conference, he sent his boat ●or us, where by him w●● propounded, whether it were best for us to stand on with the coast of Brasil as w●e did, ●r ●lie ●o stand about starboard tacked to the Eastwards: whereupon divers of their charts and reckoning wer● shewid: by some it appeared, we w●re a hundre● and fiftenne leagues, by some a hundred and fifty leagues, by some a hundred and forty leagues, and some a great deal further short of Brasil, next hand Northeast of us: but all agreed to be within twenty minutes of the line, ●ome t● the North, some to the South of the line. After many debatements, it was agreed by most consent to stand on for the coast of Brasil, ●●cept the wound changed● and there to do, as weather should compel us. In this consultation, we had speeches of courses and places of meeting, if by misfortune we should be separated, wherein was no full order concluded, but that we should speak every night with the Admiral, if we conveniently might, and so to appoint our course from time to time, if we lost company, to stay fifteen days in the river of Plate, and from thence to go for the straits, and there to ride, and ●●●er, and trim our ships. The 12 in the afternoon M. Maddo●, M. Hall, M. Bannister, and others came aboard to ●●sire M. Walker. After a time of abode with him, they returned to the gallion all again, except M. Maddox who remained with M. Walker here aboard. This night M. Maddox and I, beheld many constellations in the firmament, and set down certain new stars raised to the Southwards. All day and night we went South, and South by East among. The seventeenth day in the afternoon we shot off three pieces of ordinance in honour of our Queen's Majesty. This day after dinner came master Maddox, and Captain Drake with others to take their leave of master Walker, as I with all my company had done before, supposing him past hope of recovery. At four of the clock, finding ourselves in nineteen degrees to the Southwards of the line, 1● degrees of Southerly latitude. and clear of the shoalds called by us Paul's, we went hence Southsouthwest all night following. The 18 day being Sunday, after dinner the General, M. Maddox, Captain Parker, and many other came aboard, and visited M. Walker: which done, they drank, and departed aboard again. All this day and night, we went our course South-west by South, with a frank gale. The 19 day about noon, the Sun was in our Zenith, being declined to the Southwards 2● degrees, and 33 minutes, where we found the air fresh and temperate, as in England in june when a fresh gale of wind doth blow in the heat of the day, but the evening, the night, and the morning are more fresh and colder here, Cold evenings than it is in England either in june or julie. The first of December, about six of the clock in the morning, we saw land on the coast of Brasil, in the height of 28 degrees or there abouts, which bore Northwest, and was eight leagues from us very high land. We stood in with it, being much win●e, and coming near, sound divers Islands: 〈◊〉 I●●lands. and seeing the Francis would not come room nor run ahead us, we stood in with the shore, and ●ounde● in 30 fathom oaze three leagues of the land, bearing from the Westnorthwest to the Northnorthwest of us, and so stood still till it shoalded orderly into seven fathom, within a mile of a headland: then perceiving a breach over our bow, and no hope of a good harbour, in that place, we bore up room, and our Admiral after us, whom we haled: then he told us he would seek harbour to ●eewards, requiring me to go ahead. Then seeing the bark was asterne, I hoist out my skiff, and set her mast and sail, taking her ging, and Tobias one of my Master's mates with me, and ran before the ship, sounding in 15 fathom fair sand, leaving a ledge of rocks a seaboord of us: so the ships and the bark looffed up under a headland, and ankered in eight fathom, half a mile of the land, having brought the headland which lieth in 27 degrees 50 minutes Southsoutheast of them, The latitude of 27 degrees, 50 minutes. and the North land North-east of th●m. I stood on with the skiff, hoping to ●inde a better harbour to leeward three leagues, but it proved not so: wherefore I returned, and in my way aboard I met with a rock in the sea● where we landed, and killed good store of fowle● and after I went aboard the Admiral, where I presented him with fowl, and returned aboard to supper. In this time our boats had been aland, and found water, bassas●e, and two decayed houses, as they told me, and our men aboard hooked fresh-fish. This night we road quietly. The second, being Sunday, our masters moared our ships further into the bay. A bay. We brought the South point Southeast of us, and the North land North-east: and so rid. After dinner captain Parker, with my boat, and company, went a land, and there placed pipes, and made three wells. Wells mad● b● our men. In the mean time, I accompanied with M. Hawkins, M. Maddox, M. Cotton, and divers of mine own people, landed farther within the bay, and found two rivers of fresh water● and a good fishing place. Presently I sent aboard for my net, with which at one draft we drawn 600 great mullets, and 5 great basses; An exceeding great draft of fish. the like draug●● was never seen with so small a net: with which we went aboard, giving to the admiral 240, to the Francis 80, and the rest our company spent, and gave almighty God thanks for his great goodness. All this while was captain Parker and others go into the land, and fired th● woods; The woods s● on fire by ou● m●●. which burned extremely. The third day in the morning our carpenter talked without board, and the master and others took up all the merchandise in the stern sheets to the keel, and there put down a boats loading of stone: and seeing the merchandise well conditioned, stowed the same again. In the mean● time, myself, and others in our boats, scraped off the worms, and washed the rudder, and part of one side of our ship. After dinner, the master, pilot, and I, went ashore, and observed the Sun at noon, which being passed, with our net we drawn plenty of divers sorts of fish, and went from that bay to the watering place: from thence, aboard the general, which had taken physic, and gave them and the Francis fish for their companies● and so went aboard, where our company had romaged aforemast; so that this afternoon we took in two boats more lading of stones afore mast. The sixt day i● the morning, before six of the clock, A sail see●● and tak●● we see a sail which w●nt towards the Southwards, the admiral not having knowledge thereof. I went aboard, and certified him; who appointed me to go and bring her in, and to take captain Parker and some of the galleons me● into the Francis, and the admiral's skiff with us: so we gave her chase, and took her six leagues to the leewards of the place we road in. Than not being able to fetch the road again, we ankered in the sea. I intending to come away in the pinnace, and leave the Francis, and the prize together, being ready to departed, the wind blew at South a stout ga●e, and rain; so that about six of the clock, we ankered in the road, where our ships rid. After we had taken them, and that captain Parker and I were aboard, we had much talk with them before they came to the ships; and being ankered there, the chief men were carried aboard the general, which was a gentleman, named Don Francisco de Torre Vedra, nephew to the governor of the river of Plate, named Don john de Torre Vedra. We found and Englishman, named Richard Carter born in Limehouse, Richard Car●●● an Englishman taken in the 〈◊〉. who had been out o● England four and twenty years, and hath been near twelve years dwelling in the river of Plate, at a town named Ascension, three hundred leagues up in the river, whither they were now determined to go & inhabit, having two women, and two yon● children, seven friars, the rest boys, and ●ailers, to the number of one and twenty people. The num●●● of 21 in th● 〈◊〉. The old friar was had in great reverence among the re●●: insomuch that they called him the Holy father, He was abiding in no place; but as visitor he went visiting from monastery to monastery. The substance of all the speeches was, that the Spanish fleet was before the straits of Magellan, as they thought; for they were departed six weeks passed from the river of jenero, wher● they had been seven months to refresh and Winter, and that these were not of that company● but came out of Spain the 26 of May 1582 in a bark of fourscore tun, and fourscore people, of purpose for the river of Plate. The friars being eighteen in number, could not agreed, and their bark was a ground at Spirito santo, like to be lost: therefore the old friar bought this small bark of 46 ●un, at a port named Spirito santo, in brasil; and so divided themselves: and coming from thence, lost company at sea: but they thought they were before at the river of Plate. After his speeches, I went and appointed (by the general's order) men to remain aboard the prize with captain Parker, and brought one of the Portugals sails away with me, and came aboard, where I found that our men had filled water all day. The 7 day in the morning the general sent for me; where he showed me and M. Maddox certain articles which the friars and mariners Spaniards were examined of; which tended altogether to the knowledge of the Spanish fleets intent, and of the means whereby we might be discovered by the way of the river of Plate by land to Peru. In this time came the rest: after whos● coming it was debated, whether it were best to take the boat & people with us or not. Which was not determined; but referred till further examination. Then was it determined to pass by the straits, notwithstanding the Spaniards were there, but not to set up forge, nor to build pinnace, but water, and so thorough. The eight day afore noon M. Walker and I went aboard the admiral to dinner, where was determined to discharge the Spanish bark, named Our lady of pity, and all the men, except Richard Carter the English man, and john Pinto a Portugal, which dwelled at the river of Plate. After dinner, The Spanish bark dismissed. the general appointed me and captain Hawkins to see them all s●t aboard their ship, and to receive from them certain necessaries, which willingly they imparted with us, and to leave them satisfied. Which done, I returned aboard. The 9 day, being Sunday, in the morning, I sent M. Shaw and M. Geffries aboard the admiral, to peruse the Spaniards letters; wherein they found the estate of the fleet which was in the straits of Magellan, as by the note thereof appeareth. About ten of the clock the general, M. Maddox, captain Hawkins, and captain Parker, came aboard of me. The general began to reprove my quarter master for grudging of victual for the Francis. Which was answered: and he well satisfied. Then sent I for the old friar and Don Francisco; who all dined with me: and after dinner, the Spaniards having received the canoa, which was sunk, aland, and stones to ballast them, which my boat carried them, and all other things to their liking and content, they departed from me. The general also departed, and his company, who being go, I divided the sugar and ginger among my people, which the Spaniards gave us: Spanish present●● and after spent the day in ordinary business. The 10 day in the morning, our skiff went a fishing, whereof we eat as much to supper as served the company: the rest we salted for store, and to prove if they would take salt or not. The 11 day, betimes in the morning, our skiff went again to fish, and took great plenty. About seven of the clock I went a land, Things found in the island. taking with me the master, and others of our best men, to the number of 22 people, & traveled to the place where our people before had found many great jars of earth, and decayed habitations of the Indians, and trees, being dead and withered, of sweet wood. From that place we see over the tops of a narrow wood, a fair plain, which at the request of the master and the rest, I went with them to see. We passed thorough a thick and perilous wood, before we came to the supposed plain: and when we came to it, we found the lowest part there of higher than any of our heads, and so mossy under foot, that we s●ipped to the knees many steps, which so wearied us, that for my part, I was very sick, and so hasted aboard, leaving the master with 15 men, which cut a tree of sweet wood, and brought many pieces thereof aboard. About 3 afternoon, M. Walker and many of our men being ashore, the wind came fair, and we laid out a warp to the North-east, and began to wind ahead. After we laid out another warp with a bend, and wound to the plat, and so rid by it with one anchor all night. They leave the harbour in 27 degrees and 50 min. The 12 day about five a clock in the morning, we set sail, and as we ran out betwixt the ledge of rocks and the main, in eight fathom water, as we were c●tting our anchor, the cattrope, stopper, and all brake; so that we were glad to let slip all the cable, and cast off our boat and skiff to weigh the same. After we had stood out a good way, the admiral was under sail: then cast we about and went room with the admiral which woven us, who sent in his pinnace and the Francis to help out our boats; so by the help of the admiral's pinnace, with her sail, we had our boat the sooner, and about 12 a clock at noon had taken in the anchor, cable, our long boat, skiff, & all, and put out all our sails bearing after the admiral, which went hence South by east. About six a clock at night, being thick weather, we lost sight of the land, being four leagues off or thereabouts. All night it was but little wind: yet went we our course South by west. The 13 day about seven afore noon, the wound blew at Southsoutheast, & was very foggy; with which gale we stood in larboard tacked West, till ten a clock the same forenoon. Then had we sight of the land ahead, all along (for it warred clear weather) if showeth a far off like white cliffs, but is all sandy hills, and bays along the sea side. At one a clock after noon we were in 16 fathom water, and within half a league of the shore, where we see several fires made by the Indians to give warning to the other people within the land, as we supposed. Then we cast about, and stood off Southeast by east till midnight, that the wind came large: then went we our course South by west till next morning. The 14 day we went our course South by west, having sight of the land at six a clock in the morning about seven leagues off: and so went till six at night, that we see land again seven leagues of West, and the wind shifted to the South. Then we cast about, and stood off Eastsoutheast at seven at night for a while: then came up the wind at Northwest, and blew a good. The 15 day in the morning, the admiral was ahead, as far as we could almost see her, by whose default I know not; and being little wind, we could not get to her till four of the clock after noon: then we hailed her, and stood in between the Southsouthwest and the South-west till six at night, that the wind was variable, and foul weather. Then we cast about, and sounded in 23 fathom soft oaze, and stood off a while Northeast; and presently cast about a game, and went South by East larboard tacked, and Southsoutheast among all night: finding at four in the morning 15 fathom sand. The 20 day, about ten a clock afore noon, we went aboard the admiral; viz. M. Walker, the master, the pilots the two merchants, and myself, being directed so to do by the General. Upon our coming the general was going to dinner, where we also dined with him. Having dined, the general called us his assistants into his cabin, and there delivered to us in writing two demands, to be by us considered upon, and he to have our opinions therein. The effects of the demands were these. 1 Whether it was best for us to adventure ourselves to pass the straits of Magellan or not; considering the force of the enemy, which we known to be there before us: and also that our determination was there to set up our pinnace, make iron hoops, carene our ships, and do all our necessary businesses for the full accomplishment of our voyage. 2 If that course were not thought best, which way were meetest for us to take. To the first we were of opinion, that it were good to hear the opinions of captain Hawkins, captain Drake, and the two pilots, which had passed the straits, and known the harbours, and likest places to be fortified, and inhabited or not, who were called, & the three masters with them. Their opinions were as divers as their names; & as much differed, as before this time they were wont usually to do: only they all agreed in this one point, that it was impossible for us to pass the straits without seeing, and encountering with the ships, although the fortification of the land did not annoyed us: which being long and thoroughly debated, and their opinions with the three masters demanded, which accorded not scant any one with other, they were dismissed. Then the general received the opinions of us his assistants, beginning with the youngest in authority first: which when he had herded them all over, and being set down in writing under our hands, he took deliberation till after supper to give his determination. When we had all supped, than he sent for us down into his cabin, and delivered in writing his determination, (which was) to victual, and furnish ourselves on this coast, before he proceeded any further; and named two places, The river of Plate, or S. Vincent, to be choose. For the better deciphering of the river of Plate, & the commodities thereof, was called before us, Richard Carter, Richard C●rt●● the English man taken i● the prize, carried along wit● them● which doth devil there; who could not assure us of any wine, except we could stay four months for it: but other victuals plenty. The river is shoal and dangerous, the road seven leagues from any town, or place of commodity: which considered, with the treachery that might from thence be used, into the straits by sea, and into Peru by land, we all concluded to go to S. Vincent, which place is inhabited with Portugals, and where in honest sort we might conveniently have all our business done. With this resolution we took our leaves about eight a clock at night, They returns in the latitude of 33. & being come aboard, presently bore up, and went room, having all the day before beaten up the wind larboord-tacked Eastsoutheast till at night: after it was a little wind all night, we went North next hand. The 21 day, after service, I declared unto my company the intent of our return to the part of S. Vincent, wherewith they were well satisfied, being before doubtful that we should not proceed, but return without performance of our voyage. It continued calm all day till six at night, than we went Northwest by west till eight at night, and then we cast about, and stood off Eastsoutheast, and East by south all night with a good gale. The 22 day in the morning we miss the Francis, john Drake in the Francis wen● to the river of Plate, wherein his ship was cast away, but the men got to land, and lived 15 months among the Savages. which by all presumption went room in the beginning of the night. The 25 day, being Christmas day, it was little wind in the forenoon till ten a clock; than it blew a ●resh gale, with which we went our course Northnortheast. In the afternoon it was less wound: yet went we our course North by east, and Northnortheast, and North, and North by west, till midnight. Then being in shoaled water, we cast about, and lay Southsoutheast, and Southeast by south, an hour; and seeing our admiral came not after us, we cast about back again, and presently met him: so we went both together next hand Southsoutheast all the rest of the night. This afternoon we see the skim of fish so thick in the sea, Infinit●●●●ber of fishy that it seemed a water troubled with trampling of horses; which was thick, and slimy: for we had taken up some of it. The 17 day of january, about seven a clock, the master, M. Blaccoller, and I went in our skifte, and rowed, and sounded round about an isle, and found 16 fathoms within a stones cast har● aboard the shore, and fair ground: after we landed, and found nothing but woods and bushes, and strange worms: we see a falcon and one other small bird, and therefore named it Falcon isle: A small island which our men called Falcon isle. it is a mile about, with a rock on the East side, which lieth close to it, and it is in sight without danger. After we came aboard, and dined; at two a clock we set sail with wind Southeast, and ran in North-east a while, till the wind scanted: then we went in Northnortheast, till we were in seven fathom and a half of water, within a league of shore: then we cast about, and stood off Southsoutheast all night, till six a clock the next morning. The 18 day about three a clock, afore day, we see our admiral again, and kept her compapany till day. Citron isle. The 19 day, being within a league of the Citron i'll, about eight a clock afore noon, we went aboard the general, viz. M. Walker, the master, the pilot, and myself, rejoicing of our good meeting, who told me of their evil road, where they lost an anchor, a cable, and a haulser, and how the day before, their pinnace was ashore on the same island, and found fowl, and water there, whither now they had sent their boat and pinnace for more water, where I know they had small store. I also taking captain Parker, the master, and M. Wilks with me, went ashore, and traveled to the top of the isle, which is wooded, and high grass, but evil water, and little on it, but young fowl plenty, and dangerous coming to them. By this time (I having set the isles, and headlands about in sight with a compass) came a small gale at Southsoutheast; then our admiral shot off a piece for the boats, and hence I went, and dined aboard with him, and came after aboard, and went in Northnortheast and North-east till morning: at which time we were within a league of the isle, entering before S. Vincent, Their arrival at S. Vincent. but known not how much water was upon the bar to go out. The 20 day in the morning, being calm, the general's pinnace came in to the shore, with intent to sound the entrance, but seeing three canoas, Three canoas of Portugals & Indians. with each at the lest twenty men, whereof the greater part were naked Indians, which rowed, the rest Portugals, they returned aboard again. The canoas came with a flag of truce within, calling of our ship, and we showed them the like, ask what we were, and of what nation: at length one Portugal went aboard the admiral, by whom the general sent a letter to the governor, craving a pilot to bring in our ship of courtesy, and to have traffic. About noon, having the wind at South, we bore in Northwest, and so to the North-east, as the channel trended: but coming into seven fathom water, we ankered, until our boats had sounded the bar. During which time, I went aboard the admiral, to confer with him about our proceed. After I had stayed a while aboard the admiral, the general came aboard with me, where we published unto all my company very good rules for their behaviour and profit, to their great-satisfaction: after he went down into my cabin, where with all his assistants he conferred of divers particulars of our voyage: by which time the boat being returned from sounding, we departed, and set sail, following our skiffes, and with our ships got within the bar into seven fathom: then being becalmed, we ankered again before a sandy bay, wherein stands a castle and houses: A castle. we rid within musket shot of it: and ankered about four a clock afternoon. Then went I forward with my skiff unto a further point, sounding along. Before my return, the general had sent for me to supper; and thither I went: but being ready to sit down, there came out to us a canoa, wherein were ten Indians and two Christians; the one an ancient Genovois, A canoa with ten Indians and two Christians, whereof one was an old Genovois. the other a Portugal; who came aboard, and there received a small banquet, declaring their coming was to understand our intents, and what we sought: who being satisfied, departed with a farewell of three great pieces from each ship. john Whithall an Englishman which dwelleth at Santos, hath married this joseph Do●ie● daughter. The 21 day about three a clock afternoon, came a canoa, with the old Genovois named joseph Dory, a Fleming named Paul Badeves, and Steven Repose a Portugal, and brought a letter from the governor, and withal, answer of fear and doubts of us, etc. After many speeches and requests, a banquet was made them, and the general in his pinnace with his music, & trumpets; and I in my skiff with trumpets, drum and fife, and tabor and pipe, accompanied them a mile up the river: at going off, we saluted them with a volley of three great pieces out of each ship: and after us came captain Parker with the admiral's long boat, and certain shot in the same, to attend on the general. The 22 day betimes in the morning, I went aboard the admiral to confer about the sending of some token and present to the governor, which was by all the assistants determined to sand him three yards of fine scarlet, & three yards of fine murry-cloth; and to joseph Dory the old Genovois, Steven Repose the Portugal, and to Paul Badeves the Fleming, each of them three yards of fine black clot, which our merchants went up to Santos withal in the admiral's skiff, Santos. about nine a clock aforenoone. Also this forenoon, we being minded to go up higher with our ships into harbour, I advised them to go view the place, and sound the road before we went up; which we did: where were found the place both unconvenient, and the road worse: and so we returned, and left the first determination. This day we took down our main-tops, and topmast, and all the shrouds. About two a clock after noon our merchants returned with their presents, not having been at the town, because Steven Repose by the way met them on the river, and advised them to stay until there had been word sent to the governor, who was unwilling to speak with them yet, but shortly would sand their answer. The rest of this forenoon we spent in communication about the appointing of a purser for the Edward. Also we signed an assent for coming to this place: about which thing grew foul speeches between the general and his lieutenant, after the old custom. Then went we to supper: and being at supper, certain Indians came aboard, The Indians presents. and brought the general a strange crow, and potatoes, and sugar canes, to whom he gave looking glasses, great pins, and biscuit: and so we departed, being late. Also this afternoon I ran over towards S. Vincent, The channel of S. Vincent sounded. and sounded the bay a league over, and found the channel and flats, and returned aboard again within two hours, having a good gale of wind. The 23 day our skiff went ashore to fish, and took pretty store; we sent our maintop ashore to be mended, and many of our men to wash their clotheses; also I went myself with them aland, to take order that no man should any ways offend the Indians. In the mean time the general with all the rest of the chiefest gentlemen, came ashore, and viewed the place, and appointed out the fittest room to set up our smiths forge, and ovens to bake our biscuit, and place for our coopers to trim our water cask. Portable ovens to bak● in. The 24 day at four of the clock, before day, we herded one call for a boat on the North shore, to whom I sent my skiff, who brought aboard one named john Whithall, john Whithal● an English man, which is married here in this place, and with him two of his Indians; whom I entertained until I sent word to the general to prepare himself to receive him: in which time he and I talked of many several particulars. About six a clock I conveyed him aboard the admiral: Good counsel● by the foresay● Englishman given to ou● men. there he discovered unto us what had been done at the town, as fortification, and sending their wives away, etc. advising us to receive no more delays, but to come up presently before the town with our ships. About ten a clock came a canoa, and brought down joseph Dory and Steven Repose, who told us that on Saturday the governor would meet our general, and talk with him, praying us in the mean time to use our ordinary business of cooperage, carpenters work, filling water, fishing, and washing, etc. but not to set up forge, nor oven, until speech had with the governor. After this answer, we dined together aboard the gallion: after dinner we left the messengers sitting in the cabin, and went upon the poop; where the general demanded the advice of his assistants, whether it were not best to slay these men while we had them or not, or whether it were best to go up with our ships to the town or no. Whereunto each man paused to make answer: wherefore I delivered my opinion; which was, that we were forbidden to use violence to any nation for trade. Secondly, I considered that divers of our nation, worshipful merchants, and now adventurers in this voyage, had set out the Minion hither, The Minion o● London sometime in Brasi● for traffic. and begun a trade, which with our forcible dealing might be spoilt, and our nation brought in hatred. Lastly, that with force we were not like to attain so much commodity, as we were in possibility to have with courtesy. Hereupon all was concluded, and they suffered to pass away: to whom the general gave the three cloake-clothes, to joseph Dory, to Paul Baudevese, and to Steven Repose, to each of them one, which were before cut out for them: and so friendly we and they departed about two a clock after noon. About four of the clock this afternoon we see three sail of ships come bearing in about the point, Three Spanish ships di●●couered. which assoon as they see us, ankered upon the bar, and put themselves in readiness, sending from one ship to another with their boats, and blowing off their ordinance, meaning to take us: and we before night, getting our men and other necessaries from the shore, which were busy on land, armed our ships to defend ourselves. Then went I aboard the admiral to know what he meant to do: who determined to set his watch in warlike sort; and so he did: for after the trumpets and drum had sounded, he shot off a great piece, as they before had done; and presently the vice-admiral shot at me, whom I answered with another, and so ceased. We than set up our maintop, and topmast, rigged before eleven of the clock the same night. In the mean while they let slip their anchors and cables, and came driving and towing with their boats in upon us, meaning to have boarded us: and being near our admiral, he halled them; who refused to tell of whence they were, thinking by spending of time to get aboard of him: to whom I called still to beware, and to shoot at them in time. At length he let fly at them, yet was glad to let an anchor and cable slip to avoid them: The fight betwixt the English & Spanish ship at S. Vincent. then came they all driving down thwart my haulse, so that I was feign to let slip an anchor and cable to shun the gallion. All this while the ordinance and small shot plied of all parts, and I was feign to sand the gallion my skiff with a haulser to ride by, for she was lose, and with the flood drove up within me. Then was the vice-admiral on my broad side, who was well paid before, yet I left not galling of him, till I thought our powder spent in vain to shoot at him, he was so torn, and broken down by us. About four of the clock it reigned so fast, that we could scant discern one the other, the Moon being go down, yet rid the admiral, and the rereadmirall, but a little ahead of us: during which time, we paused, and made ready all our munition. The Spanish vice-admiral sunk by the English. The 25 day, by daylight, we see the vice-admiral sunk hard by us, so that his yards which were hoist across, and his tops, and that over head, was above water: most of their men were got away in their boats, saving about forty people which hung in the shrouds, and tops, whom I advised our general to sand for away, and had made ready, and well manned our pinnesses; but being upon the way going, the general called them back, and would not suffer them to go. There were three of their boats also going for them from their ships; at whom I shot, and made them to retire, and leave them upon the shrewds. At length our general sent for two of the men away: which his pinnace brought to him; the one was heaved over board, because he was sore hurt, not like to live; and he was a Marsillian; the other was a Greek, This Greek told the General that there were 600 and odd in the 3 Spanish ships. born in Zante, boatswain of the vice-admiral: the rest of the men, some swant away upon rafts, some were drowned, and some remained still hanging on her. By this time it was fair daylight, and I called to our general to weigh, and drive down to them, who required me to go first and anchor on their quarter, and he would follow, and anchor on their bows. I weighed, and went down, and ankered by them; yet not so near as I meant, for the ebb put me off to the Northwards. There rid I alone, spending shot at them, and they both at me, four hours, before our admiral's anchor would come up: during which time, I had some spoil done; but when our admiral came, she had her part, and eased me very well. At length our admiral began to warp away, and being come without me, set sail, and began to stand out into the sea: I went aboard of him to know his pleasure. Who determined to get out of shot; but could not, because the wind scanted on them. The Edward before she could get up her anchors, endured many more shot, after the gallion was further of a good way than she, and sometime the gallion had two or three. Thus we ended about two of the clock after noon: the rest of this day and part of the night, we spent in mending, fi●ting, and putting our ordinance and furniture in order for the next morning, thinking they would have been with us. The 26 day in the morning we could not see them, because they were go up the river: we manned our boats and pinnesses, and weighed two anchors and one cable, that they let slip the night before: as our men were weighing the third anchor, the bwoy-rope broke, and so we lost that anchor. Our admiral had an anchor of twelve hundred, and a good cable of eleven inches, and we had an anchor about six hundred, with a piece of a base cable, and bwoy-rope nothing worth. After dinner I went aboard the admiral, to confer with him, who determined to go off to sea, and thither I carried Sennor Pinto to interpret the Indian language, with an Indian named Peter, which fled from the bay where we rid in a canoa, and brought with him a Spaniards caliver, flask, and touchbore, to go with us, whom our admiral's boat met, and brought him aboard to the admiral. He told us that the Spaniards had brought many dead men on land, and buried them, and also landed many hurt men in their bay, and that there were certain Spaniards go over thorough the woods to look after us. Than the General, captain Hawkins, and master Maddox came aboard of me to view my hurt men, and harms of my ship, both men, ship, and tackle; and I also went aboard him to peruse his hurts, who had but one man, a sailor, slain. The 28 day in the morning died Lancelot ash, of a hurt; who departed very godly. This day we stood to the Northwards: and in getting in our anchors and skiff, we were put 3 leagues to leeward of Fiddle i'll, but the gallion rid still. Here the gallion and the Edward bonaventure were severed, and never met afterward The 29 day in the morning, seeing myself put to sea from the admiral, I assembled master Walker, master shaw, master jeffries, the master, the master's mate, and the pilot, to whom I showed that I was desirous to go back to seek our admiral, whereunto the master, pilot, and master's mate answered directly, that we could not fetch the isle where we left them, and to meet them in going back it was very unlikely and to us dangerous many ways, aswell for falling into the laps of the Spaniards, as to be put on a lee shore: whereupon all the rest advised me to stand off into the sea, whereunto I assented, remembering withal, that time spent consumed victual, and how long we had beaten up and down in the same bay before, to get in with calms and contrary winds. Thus we concluded that M. Walker should set down each man's opinion, and we set to ou● hands, and from henceforth he to keep a Register of all our proceeding, as M. Maddox did aboard the Admiral. The first day of February, we went East by south, and East southeast with a stout gale: and went the same course the 3.4. and 5. days following. The 5. day about 10. a clock in the forenoon M. Walker died, M. Walke● 〈◊〉 preacher die●●. who had been weak and sick of the bloody flux 6. days, we took a view of his things, and prised them, and heaved him over board, and shot a piece for his knell. The 14. day I called into my cabin the two merchants, the Master and the Pilot, showing them our wants of victuals and other necessaries: whereupon they and I concluded, that it was best for us to return to our country, with as little loss of time and expense of victuals as might be, being without hope of relief upon this coast, and yet to keep the coast of Brasil to friend for fear of extremity. The 17. day in the morning having much raive, we saved above two tun of water, of which we were very glad. The 18. day I observed the variation of the compass, which varied one point, and a half to the Southwards, by our ordinary compass of London. Maria●ton of the com●as●●. The second day of March the Master, Pilot, & I agreed to fetch the isle of Fernando Loronha. From the 3. day to the 10. day we went West, and by South, and ran in for the shore. The 10. day we see the land, which was sandy hills with woods on it. The 11. day seeking to go a shore, we saw four men, which woven to us with a white shirt, and we woven to them with a flag of truce: At length one of them swam to our boat● side, and there lay in the Sea talking with us, almost an hour: in the end, being partly persuaded by Pinto, who talked with them in the Indian-tongue, and partly enticed with such trifles as I showed him, he came into our skiff, and called to his companions on shore, who came aboard swimming: we delivered them certain barricos to fetch us them full of fresh water: after, there came down 40. Indians, boys, women, and men, and with them a French boy, but the former Indians deceived us of our barricos. Whereupon Pinto and russel swam a shore to seek water, but found none. The same day we sailed to a place where boats might landlord, & I went a land in my skiff, and found the Indians, and Frenchmen which were with me the day before, and they brought our three barricos full of fresh water: for wh●●● I rewarded them with some trifles. In the mean time our boat went ashore, and one men with some of the Indians brought us twenty barricos more of fresh water, and I myself went to shore and brought 23. hens of India. The 12. day betimes in the morning, we manned our boat and skiff, and ●ooke some trifling things to shore, and barricos: at our first arrival the rude Indians stocked together, wading to the skiff wherein I was, begging, and wondering about us: First I caused them to fetch 27. barricos of water, whom I rewarded with small bells, etc. In the mean time they brought hens to me, wading to the skiff, for I kept myself always afleat, and for their hens I gave them a knife, and a small looking glass. All this while M. Blackcoller our Pilot, Thomas Russel, M●rk● Thawg●●s were still on shore, and would not tarry aboard: In the end, fearing some treachery, because all the Indians were slipped on shore from me, I called our men away, and suddenly they laid hands on our men ashore, Treason of ●he Indian●. and with their bows shot thick at us in the boats, and waded into the water to us, laying hands on our skiff, yet God of his mercy delivered us from their hands, with the loss of five men slain, and others hurt. Thus we got aboard with 40. hens, ducks, turkeys, and parrots, and three hogsheads of water: and I carried a Frenchman aboard with me, jaques Humf●●● a French●●● sa●e●. named jaques Humphrey, who was by chance in the boat with me when this fray began. The 17. day we took three sharks in the morning. From that day to the first of April, we went our course, sometime with rain, and sometime with variable winds, & so till the 4. of April: which day we see 4. birds with long tails, which hovered about the ship, and in the afternoon we see and took up many weeds which drove thick in the sea, which we judged to be driven with the East winds from the yles of Cape verde. From this day till the 11. day we went our course sometime North-east, sometime Northwest according to the winds: upon this 11. day George Cox one of our Carpenters, having the night before broken up the hold, and stol●e wine, and drunken himself drunk, being taken in the room, leapt overbord out of the beak head, and so drowned himself. A desperate act. The 12. day we spied our foremast to be perished in the hownes, and dared not bear our foretop sail upon it, but went hence with our sails, next hand, North all day and night. From hence to the 20. day we went North-east and by North. This day I observed the variation of the compass: Variation of the Compass. and I noted that the South point of the compass carried more than half a point to the Westwards. The 25. day of May we went between the East north-east, and the North-east with a small gale till five a clock in the afternoon: then had we sight of land, which rose ragged to the Northwards like broken land, we bring about five leagues off: that isle bore North-east by North of us, and the Northermost part bore North by East of us, with a rock a sea board: we then sounded, and had fifty and five fathom grey sand, and maze great store in it: so we stood in North-east till eight a clock, and then be held it again being within four leagues of it, bearing as before, but we could not make it, for some thought it to be the foreland of Fontenay, some judged it the isle of Vssan●● than we sounded again in 55. fathom brown sand, and little maze in it: at eight a clock at night we went about, and stood off South south-west one watch, than the wound shrinked to the South-west, that we could lie but South south-west six glasses, so that at three a clock we cast about, and lay Northwest six glasses, and North northwest a watch being then eight a clock the next day. The 26. day we lay as nigh as we could between the North and the North north-east, and see the same land again, and made it to be the foreland of Fontenay, and the rags to be the Seams, which bore now East North-east of us: and we stood on till ten a clock, then being within two leagues of the rocks and less, we cast about and stood off South-west, because we could not double the uttermost rocks: when we were about we drove to the Southwards very fast, for the ebb set us West south-west, and being spring tides, it horsed us a pace to leewards, for the space of one hour: then with the flood which was come, we drove again to windewards: at twelve at noon it was calm till 6. afternoon, than we stood about larbord tacked, South south-west one watch, then at midnight we cast about and stood over North till four aforenoone. The isle of Silly. The 27. day having brought the land East southeast of us, we made it to be Silly being before deceived, and went hence East by North to double Grimsby, leaving The bishop and his clerks to the Southwestwards, which we before took to be The Seams. At 7. a clock in the afternoon we saw the lands end of England, which bore East by North of us, and is 7. leagues off from Silly. The 29. day at six a clock beforenoone we had brought the Ramhead North of us, and were within a league of it, We came to Plymouth. and went in Northeast next band, being thick and foggy, and little wind: so that at eleven a clock we got in within the island, and there by mistaking of a sounding, our ship came aground between the isle and the main, and there sat till 4. a clock in the afternoon that it was half flood. The 30. day about 9 a clock, with much ado I furnished away P. jeffries, M. Symberbe, and William Towreson with letters, after dined at M. Blaccollers, and made many salutations with divers gentlemen. 1583. The 31. I wrought aboard all day, and put our ship, and things in order: Afternoon I having pity of some poor men of Milbrooke, which were rob the night before by a pirate named Purser, which rid in Cawson bay, I consented to go out with the Edward in company of a small ship which they had furnished to be their Master, so about five of the clock in the afternoon, came a hundredth men of there's aboard of me: About twelve a clock we set sail, and by three afore day we were got to the windwards of him, then be set sail, and went hence to the Eastwards, and outsailed us, because our consort would not come near him: after a small chase which we gave him to no effect, we returned into our old road, and there moared the ship about nine of the clock in the forenoon, and hence went all the Milbrooke men again ashore from me. And thus I ended a trouble some voyage. The voyage set out by the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, in the year 1586. intended for The South sea, but performed no farther than the latitude of 44 degrees to the South of the Equinoctial, Written by M. john Sarracoll merchant in the same voyage. THe 26. day of june, in the year 1586. and in the 28. year of the Queen's majesties reign, we departed from Gravesend in two ships; the Admiral called The read dragon, and the other The bark Clifford, the one of the burden of 260. tons, with 130. men, and the other of the burden of 130. tons, with 70. men: the Captain of the Admiral was M. Robert Withrington, Of the vice-admiral M. Christopher Lister, both being furnished out at the costs and charges of the right honourable the Earl of Cumberland, having for their masters two brethren, the one john Anthony, and the other William Anthony. The 24. of july we came into the sound of Plymouth, and being there constrained by Westerly winds, to stay till the 17. of August, we then departed with another ship also for our Rearadmirall called the Roe, whereof M. Hawes was Captain, and a fine pinnace also called the Dorothy, which was sir Walter Raleghs. We four being out in the sea, met the 20. of August, with 16. sails of hulks in the Sleeve, who named themselves to be men of Hamborough, laden and come from Lisbon. Our Admiral hailed their Admiral with courteous words, willing him to strike his sails, and to come aboard to him only to know some news of the country, but he refused to do so, only stroke his flag & took it in. The vice-admiral of the hulks being a head, would neither strike flag nor sail, but passed on without budging, whereupon our Admiral len● him a piece of Ordinance, which they repaid double, so that we grew to some little quarrel, whereupon one of the sternemost hulks, being as I suppose more afraid than hurt, struck amain, our Admiral being near him, laid him aboard, and entered with certain of his men, how many I know not, for that we were giving chase to the Windermost men, thinking our Admiral would have come up again to us, to have made them all to have stroke: but the weather growing to be very thick and foggy, with small rain, he came not up but kept with another of the hulks which Captain Hawes had boarded and kept all night, and took out of her some provision that that they best liked. They learned of the men that were in the hulk, that there were 7. hulks laden in Lisbon with Spaniard's goods, and because their lading was very rich, they were determined to go about Ireland, and so they let her go again like a goose with a broken wing. The next day after being the 21. day, we espied 5. sails more, which lay along to the Eastwards, but by reason of the night which then was near a● hand, we could hardly come to them. Yet at last we hailed one of the biggest of them, & they told us that they were all of Hamborough: but another said she was of Denmark, so that indeed they known neither what to say, nor what to do. Our Admiral being more desirous to follow his course, then to linger by chase the hulks, called us from pursuing them with his trumpet, and a piece of Ordinance, or else we would have seen what they had been, and wherewith they had been laden. The 22. day because of contrary wind we put into Dartmouth all 4. of us, and carried there seven days. The 29. we departed thence and put out to Sea, and began our voyage, thinking at the first to have run along the coast of Spain, to see if we could have met with s●me good prize to have sent home to my Lord: but our Captain thought it not the best course at the last, but rather kept off in the sea from the coast. And upon Saturday the 17. of September we fallen with the coast of Barbary, and the 18. halled in with the road of Santa Cruz. The 21. day we ●●ll with one of the ylands of the Canaries, called Forteventura. In running alongst this island, we espied upon a hill by the water side, one waving with a white flag, whereupon we manned both our boats, and sent them towards the shore, to understand what news. They found them to be two ragged knaves and one horseman, and they told us that Lanzarota was taken, Lanzarota spoilt by the men of Algiera. and spoiled in August by the Turks: when we see they had nothing else to say, we left them, and proceeded on our course, and fallen again with the coast of Barbary. The 25. day of September about 10. of the clock we fallen with Rio del Oro, Rio del Oro, in 23. degree● an● a half. standing just under our Tropike: we anckered in the mouth of it in 8. ●adom, the entrance of it is about 2. leagues over. And the next day our Captain with the boat searched the river, and found it to be as broad 14. or 15. leagues up, as at the entry of it, but found no town nor habitation, saving that there came down two poor men, and one of them spoke good Spanish, and told our Captain, that certain Frenchmen used to come thither, Trade of the Frenchmen in Rio del Oro. and laded some ox hides, and goat's hides, but other commodity there was none. We departed thence the 27 day, & ● the last day of the month being calm we went aboard our General, & there consented to go for Sierra Leona, to wood and water. From thence till the 10. of October we were much becalmed with extreme hot weather, much lightning, and great store of rain. This 10. day we sounded, finding a great current as we supposed by the rippling water, which after we found to be an ordinary tide, the flood setting to the Northwest, and the ebb Southeast, and here we had but 18. fathom water, and no land to be seen: it was on the Southermost part of the shoals that lie in about 11. degrees, but halling South off again, it presently deeped unto 50. fathom, and after halling Southeast and by East, and East southeast, we sounded, but had no ground in 120. fathom. The 21. of October we fallen with land upon the coast of Guinea, in the height of 8. degrees, a very high land, but of no great length: it was the high land over Sierra Leona. Sierra Leona. We drew in to the land, and found near the shore more water than in the offing: at the Northern end of the high land we anckered about a mile, and somewhat more from the shore in 11. fathom. To go into the harbour of Sierra Leona we did borrow upon the South side, having no ground in 10. fathom, half a mile from the shore. Upon the Northside of this harbour is very shoal water, but on the Southside no fear, more than is to be seen. The 23. day being Sunday we came to an anchor in the bay of fresh water, and going ashore with our boat, we spoke with a Portugal, who told us that not far off there were Negroes inhabiting, and that in giving to the king a Botija of wine, and some linen clot, he would suffer us to water and wood at our pleasure. But our Captains thinking it not good to give any thing for that which they might take freely, landed, and certain of our men with them, whereupon the Portugal and the Negroes ran all away into the woods. Then we returned again into our boats, and presently went and landed in another place, thinking to have fetched a walk, and so to come to our boats again. But wandering through a little wood, we were suddenly and unawares upon a town of the Negroes, A town of the Negroes. whereupon they struck up their drum, giving withal a great show, and off went their arrows as thick as hail. We were in number about 30. caleevers, and 20. with our weapons, which we also let fly into the woods among them, and what hurt we did, we know not. Then we returned to our boats, and took wood and water at our pleasure, and reasonable store of fish, and amongst the rest we halled up a great foul monster, A strange monster. whose head and back were so hard, that no sword could enter it: but being thrust in under the belly in divers places, and much wounded, he bowed a sword in his mouth, as a man would do a girdle of leather about his hand, and likewise the iron of a boar spear. He was in length about nine foot, and had nothing in his belly, but a certain quantity of small stones, to the value of a pottle. The fourth of November we went on shore to a town of the Negroes, which stood on the Southeast side of the harbour, Another great and fine town of the Negroes. about a Sacar shot from the road, which we found to be but lately built: it was of about two hundredth houses, and walled about with mighty great trees, and stakes so thick, that a rat could hardly get in or out. But as it chanced, we came directly upon a port which was not shut up, where we entered with such fierceness, that the people fled all out of the town, which we found to be finely built after their fashion, and the streets of it so intricate, that it was difficult for us to find the way out, that we came in at. We found their houses and streets so finely and cleanly kept, that it was an admiration to us all, for that neither in the houses nor streets was so much dust to be found, as would fill an egg shell. We found little in their houses, except some mats, goards, and some earthen pots. Our men at their departure set the town on fire● A town burned. and it was burned (for the most part of it) in a quarter of an hour, the houses being covered with reed and straw. After this we searched the country about it, where we found in divers plains good store of rice in stacks, Rice in stacks. which our men did beat out, and brought aboard in the husk, to the quantity of 14. or 15. tons in both our ships. The 17. day of November we departed from Sierra Leona, directing our course for the Straitss of Magellan. In this harbour divers of our men fallen sick of a disease in the belly, which for the time was extreme, but (God be thanked) it was but of small continuance. We found also in divers places of the woods, Idols. images set upon pings, with divers things before them, as eggs, meal, rice, round shot of stones, and divers other things, such as the barbarous people had to offer up. When we came near to the Line, we found it nothing so hot as it is at Sierra Leona, by reason of the great wind and rain. About the 24. day of November one or two of our men died, and others also were sick of a Calentura. The second day of january we had a little sight of land, being about the height of 28. degrees to the Southward of the Line. The 4. day we fallen with the shore high and bold, being in 30. degrees, They fall with an high land in 30. degrees ⅓. and a terse, little more or less. All of it to the Northward was a high land, but to the Southward it did presently fail, and was a very low land, and all sandy. About six leagues from the shore we sounded, and had about fifteen or sixteen fathom water, and black sandy oze. We thought to have go to the shore, and to have watered, but we could not discern any good harbour, and therefore we cast off to seaward again. The 12. day we found ourselves in 32. degrees and 27. minutes. From the day of the Nativity of Christ, till the 13. day of this month, although the Sun was very near unto us, yet we found no want of winds but variable as in England, & not so hot but that a man's shoulders might well digest a freeze gown, and his belly the best Christmas cheer in England, yet we for our parts had no want, but such as might content honest men. The tenth day being about 8. leagues from the shore, and a little short of the River of Plate, it was my good hap to espy a sail, which was a small Portugal bond for the River to a town called Santa Fee: A Portugal ship taken, wherein was for Pilot Abraham Cock an Englishman, left there before by the Minion of London 1581. and from thence by horse and carts, the merchants, and part of their goods were to be transported into Peru. This ship being about the burden of 45. or 50. tons, we took that day about three of the clock, wherein there was for Master of Pilot and Englishman called Abraham Cock born in Lee. We examined him and the rest concerning the state of the River, and they told us that there were in the River five towns, some of 70. households, and some of more. The first town was about 50. leagues up the River called Buenos Airs, the rest some 40. some 50. leagues one from another, so that the uppermost town called Tucaman is 230. leagues from the entrance of the River. Fine towns upon the river of Plate. In these towns is great store of corn, cattle, wine, and sundry first-fruits, but no money of gold or silver: they make a certain kind of slight clot, which they give in truck of sugar, rice, Marmalade, and Sucket, which were the commodities that this ship had. They had aboard also 45. Negroes, whereof every one in Peru yieldeth 400. ducats a piece, and besides these, there were as passengers in her, two Portugal women and a child. The 11. day we espied another sail, which was the consort of this Portugal, Another Portugal ship taken. and to him also we gave chase, and took him the same day: He was of the burden of the other, and had in him good store of sugar, Marmalade, and Suc●ats, with divers other things, which we noted down our book. In this ship also we found about 35. Negro women, and four or five friars, of which one was an Irish man, An Irish friar taken. of the age of three or four and twenty years, and two Portugal women also, which were born in the river of jenero. Both these ships were bought in Brasil, by a young man which was Factor for the bishop of Tucaman, The bishop of Tucaman in the river of Plate. and the friars were sent for by that bishop to possess a new Monastery, which the bishop was then a building. The books, beads, and pictures in her, cost (as one of the Portugals confessed) above 1000 ducats. Of these ships we learned, that M. john Drake, The news of M. john Drake. who went in consort with M. Fenton, had his Bark cast away a little short of the River of Plate, where they were taken captives by the Savages, all saving them which were slain in the taking: the Savages kept them for a time, and used them very hardly, yet at the last john Drake and Richard Faireweather, Richard Faire-weather. and two or three more of their company with them got a Canoa, and escaped, and came to the first town of the Spaniards. Faireweather is married in one of the towns, but john Drake was carried to Tucaman by the Pilot of this ship, and was living, and in good health the last year. Concerning this voyage of the Portugals they told us that it was the third voyage that was made into the River of Plate these 30. years. The 12. of january we came to Seal island, and the 14. day to the Green island, Seale●yland● and Green-yland. where going in we found hard aboard the main 8. fathom, 7. and 6. and never less than five fathom. There lies a ledge of rocks in the fair way, betwixt the island and the main, so that you must be sure to borrow hard aboard the main, and leave the ledge on the larbord side. One of the Portugals which we carried along with us in our ship seemed to be a man of experience, and I entered into speech with him concerning the state of the River: he told me that the town of Buenos airs is from the Green island about seventy leagues, Buenos Airs. standing on the Southside of the River, and from thence to Santa Fee is 100 leagues, Santa Fee● standing on the same side also. At which town their ships do discharge all their goods into small Barks, which row and tow up the River to another town called Ascension, which is from Santa Fee 150, leagues, where the boats discharge on shore, and so pass all the goods by carts and horses to Tucaman, which is in Peru. The town of Ascension stands in a very fertile place, reaping corn twice in the year, with abundance of wine, cattle, and first-fruits. In the towns of Ascension and Tucaman a rapier of 20. rials of plate is worth 30. ducats, a box of Marmalade 20. ducats; a looking glass a foot over is worth 30. li. pictures in tables of 14. inches, 30. and 40. li. a piece. The 16. day we went from Green island to the watering place, which is about a league to the Westward, where we took in about 18. tons of water, and the 22. day came again to Seal island to make provision of Seals, where a storm arose, which put us in some danger, by the breaking of our anckers and cables, and the wind blew so cold, that we much marveled at it, considering the height of the place. I must needs in this place find fault with ourselves and the whole company, that riding in this River 16. days, the channel was not sounded, nor the way made perfect. The 29. day we took into our ship one Miles Philip's, which was left in the West Indies by M. Hawkins. The first of February I took the Sun in 38. degrees. And the 3. day of I took it again and found it to be in 41. degrees. The 7. day of February our Captain master Lister being in one of the prizes, hoist over board his Gondola, and went aboard the Admiral, and being there they sent their Gondola aboard us, for our Master, master Collins, and myself, & at our coming we were called into the captains cabin, where were set in counsel for matters touching the state of our voyage, these men whose names are under written. Master Robert Withrington Captain of the Admiral. Master Christopher Lister Captain of The bark Clifford. john Anthony, Master of the Admiral. Thomas Hood Pilot for the Straitss. William Anthony, Master of the bark Clifford. David Collins. Tristram Gennings. Master William Withrington. Master Beumond Withrington. Master Wasnes. Master Wilkes. Master Norton. Master Harris. Thomas Anthony. Nicholas Porter. The master Gunner: And Alexander Gundie, his mate. john Sarracol. M. john Anthony. This company being all assembled together, the Master of the Admiral declared that the cause of our assembly was to determine after good advice, what course or way were best and most likely to all men's judgements to be taken. First for the good preferment of my Lord's voyage, than the health of our men, and lastly the safeguard of our ships, and further showed his mind to us all in these words, as near as I could carry them away. MY masters, my Lord's determination touching this our voyage is not unknown unto you all, having appointed it to be made, and by the grace of God to be performed by us for the South sea. But for as much as we do all see the time of the year to be far spent, as also the winds to hung contrary, the weather draws on colder and colder, the nights longer and longer, our bread so consumed that we have not left above two months biscuit, our drink in a manner all spent, so that we have nothing but water, which in so cold a country as the Straitss, if we should get in, and be forced there to winter, would no doubt be a great weakening to our men, and a hazard of the overthrow of the voyage: These things considered, both our Captain, Master Hood, and I, do rather think it good for the wealth of our voyage, the health of our men, and safety of our ships, to go room with the coast of brasil, where by God's grace we shall well victual ourselves, both with wine which is our greatest want, and other necessaries. Besides, it is given us here to understand by the Portugals which we have taken, that there is no doubt, but that by God's help and our endeavour, we shall be able to take the town of Baya, at our pleasure, which if we do put in practice, and do not perform it, being somewhat advised by them, they offer to lose their lives. And having by this means victualled ourselves, we may there spend upon the coast some three or four months, except in the mean time we may happen upon some good thing to content my Lord, and to purchase our own credits: otherwise, we may take the Spring of the year, and so proceed, according to my lords directions. And assure yourselves (by the assistance of God) we will not return without such benefit by this voyage, as may redound to my lords profit, and the honour of our country. Now if there be any of you that can give better course and advise, than this which I have delivered, let him speak, and we will not only hear him, but thank him for his counsel, and follow it. To this speech of M. Anthony, M. Lister our captain answered in this sort: A resolute and worthy speech of captain Lister. M. Withrington, & M. Anthony both, you know, that the last words that my lord had with us in such a chamber were, that in any case we should follow our voyage only for the South sea, except by the way, we might perchance meet with such a purchase, as that we might return with 6000 pounds: and therefore I see no safety, how we may dare offer to go back again, being so near the Straitss as we are: for my part I neither dare nor will consent unto it, except we be further forced, then yet we are. M● account is this, that he that dieth for this year is excused for the next, and I rather choose death, then to return in disgrace with my lord. Hereunto both the captain and master of the Admiral replied that they were all of that mind: yet notwithstanding, that in going room the voyage was in better possibility to be performed, then in wintering either in the Straitss, or at Port S. julian, all things considered. And so agreeing, and concluding all in one, they were determined presently to bear up. The next day being the 8 of February, there fallen out many and divers speeches on each part concerning the altering of our course, some would continued for the Straitss, and other some would not. Whereupon a view was taken in both ships of victuals, and reasonable store was found for both companies: and the wind withal coming to the North, we determined to take out of the prizes the best necessaries that were in them, and so cast them off, and to ply for the Straitss. All this time we held on our course, and the 15 day we found ourselves in the height of 44 degrees, They return being in the latitude of 44 degrees. but then the wind came to the South, with much rain, wound, cold, and other untemperate weather, continuing in that sort five or six days, in which time we hulled back again into the height of 42 degrees. Sunday being the 20 of February, our Admiral being something to the leeward of us, and the storm somewhat ceased, put aboard his flag in the mizzen shrouds, as a token that he would speak with us, and thereupon we bore room with him, and having halled one another, captain Withrington showed the disposition of all his company, which was rather to go room with the coast of Brasil, then to lie after that sort in the sea with foul weather, and contrary winds. Our captain on the other side showed the contrary disposition of his men, and company, willing notwithstanding to proceed: but in the end, both the ships fallen asunder, and our captain said, Seeing then there is no remedy, I must be content, though against my will. The 21 day the weather grew fair, and the wound good at the South for the Straitss, yet our Admiral bore room still, we supposing he would have taken the benefit of the time: whereupon our whole company began to think of the inconveniences that would arise by dividing ourselves, and losing our Admiral, being very willing to continued their course, and yet not without the company of the Admiral. And then we began to cast about after him, and at the last bore with him, and he told us, that upon a second view of the victuals, he found their store so slender, and their want so great, that there was no remedy for them but to seek some means to be relieved, which was the only cause that he bore Northward. This speech made us of the bark to enter into a new consultation: and we found many of our men weak, and all our calievers not serviceable, and the Smiths that should mend them to be in the Admiral. We considered also, that by breaking of company, each ship should be the more weakened: we continued in this consultation till the four and twentieth day, and in all that time found master captain Lister most desirous to accomplish, and to fulfil the voyage, and not willing in any case to turn his ship, but that the desire which we all had to continued in consort with our Admiral, A final resolution to return made us to think well of his company, and in fine, an agreement and conclusion was thus made on all sides, to follow the Admiral, without anymore talk of the Straitss till the Spring. The 10 day of March, March. it fallen out so unfortunately, that Samuel Teller our Master's mate, fallen overboard, and so perished, we being not able by any means to recover him. The eight and twentieth day being in the height of one and twenty degrees, we espied a sail, which we judged came out of the Straitss, and had rich lading, but the night being at hand, we lost her very unluckily, and the next day could have no sight of her. The fift day of April we fell with the land of Brasilia, in the height, as I judge, of sixteen degrees and a tierce, and our Captain went then aboard the Admiral, where they concluded to send the pinnace and our boat on shore for fresh water, because we stood in need of it, which did so with eighteen good men, and three or four tun of water cask. They were from us till the eighth day in the morning, at which time we espied them again, and that day we came all together into the road of Camena, The road of Camena. where there came a Canoa aboard us, and one of the chiefest Portugals that belonged to the place. Here we took in beeves, hogs, water and wood at our pleasure, having almost no man able to resist us, but some of our Portugals stolen from us in the Canoa. They come into the river of ●a●a. The 11 day we entered into the haven of Baya, where we were received at the point coming in, with two great pieces of Ordinance, which discharged bullets at us five times a piece, but they lost shot and powder, and did us no harm. After we had passed the point, we halled in for the road as close as the wound would permit us, but could not come so near as we desired, and therefore we came to an anchor a fair birth of the town, not without great store of shot from thence, but yet our harm was none at all for aught they could do. At our coming in, we found in the road eight ships and one caravel, of the which one was a hulk or double flieboat of the burden of two hundred and fifty tons, having in her 24 pieces of good Ordinance: she with the rest of the ships, together with the town, gave us shot, and shot, but not one touched so much as any of our sails. And lest we should seem in the mean time to be idle, we repaid for every shot of there's, too or three sometimes at the ships and the town● together. The next day at night we thought to have halled in with the ships, and to have fetched out some of them: but the wound blew then of the shore, so that we could not possibly do it. And again the next day at night we concluded to go with our own two boats, and two other boats of the country which we had taken before, which went with caravel-sailes, into the road, and accordingly performed the same, notwithstanding the shot of the enemy. The Moon did shine, and gave very good light, and in we went with our caravels and boats, and the shot came about our ears as thick as hail: but the Portugals and the rest perceiving us no whit at all to shrink or be dismayed, forsook their ships, & began to provide to save themselves, some with their boats, some by swimming, and so we entered the ships with a great shower, and found few to resist us: but yet the shore not being a cables length from us, they did so ply both their great and small ordinance at us, that it much annoyed us: They take 4 ships out of the harbour of Baya, notwithstanding the shot of the enemy. But yet for all that we made light of their shot, and our men of the bark Clifford entered the Admiral and Uiceadmirall, and ou● Admiral's men entry two other ships of the like burden, and presently every one cut the cables in the house and so by the help of God in despite of them all, we brought away ●oure of them. The lest whereof was of the burden of 130 tons. In this broil the hulk shot at us many times, but did no hurt at all: but at the last coming by the hulk towing our n●w prizes, we halled them and demanded whence they were, they answered us of Flushing, A hulk of Flushing. and then we commanded him to weigh anchor, and to come after us: And not daring to refuse it, he did so, and brought with him a caravel with forty or fifty butts of wine in her, and another small bark which had little or nothing in her: and road by us as one of our company, and was a ship of the burden of two hundredth and fifty tunne●. Our hard hap was to found no great matter, either of merchandise or victuals in these ships, saving in one of them we found four butts of wine, in another two, in another one, and some fish, and all the rest of their lading was on shore. All this was done upon Easter eeve, and we gave thanks to God, that we had sped so well: and that very night there came a boat from the town, with a Dutch merchant, and one Portugal, to offer some ransom for the ships, as they said, but as I judge rather to espy our strength: we kept them that night aboard, and the next day we sent them to our Admiral. The next day being Easter day arose a very great storm, insomuch that our caravel which we first took brake from us, and one of our new prizes also, by means of the breaking of her cable, slipped away: whereupon, although the wind was great, and the sea troublesome, yet we sent certain of our men in our boat, to recover them if they might, but we fear, that the rage of the weather hath caused us to lose both our men and prizes. In the midst of this storm, our two Spaniards which we took in the river of Plate, seeing us all busy about our prizes, began to think how they might escape our hands, and suddenly slipped both out of one of the cabins windows, and by swimming got a shore, a thing which seemed to us impossible, considering the outrage of the weather. This storm continued long, and prevented us of making our intended attempt against the town, having as much to do as possibly we might, in keeping our ships and prizes from running ashore, and falling into the hands of those that stood gaping greedily for our ruin. The 19 day the storm being a little ceased, we all weighed and came to an Island that lieth next Northwest from the bay, and the twentieth day we went on shore, and our carpenters set up our pinnace. The 23 day the people of the country came down amain upon us, and beset us round, and shot at us with their bows and arrows, but in short time we caused them to retire, and many of them were carried away by the help of their fellows, although we had some of our men hurt with some of their arrows. The 24 day we received out of the caravel twelve butts of wine, and four barels of oil, and half a quarter. The 26 of April our pinnace was launched: and the same day came down unto us a great number of Portugals and Indians, with whom we skirmished the space of two hours to their cost. The second day of May the Admiral's boat went a shore with 14 men to fill water, and presently being on shore, they were entrapped with two or three hundred Indians which assaulted them, and slay one or two of our men, but the rest escaped notwithstanding the number of the enemy, and came safe again with water to the ship. We suffered this loss by mere negligence, Gross negligence. & want of circumspection. The 5 day the captain of the Admiral himself took a small bark, his own little caravel, our pinnace and the Dutchmans' boat, and at night went on shore to get victuals, amongst the bullocks which were in the fields: and in the morning they were go so far, that they were out of sight. Which being perceived by the enemy, they presently made ready their galley for Admiral, A galley of Baya. with four caravels, with as many men in them as possibly could thrust in & stand one by another: and they bore over with the North shore to meet with our pinnace and boats: whereupon our men fallen into great danger, although M. Lister our captain dissuaded M. Withrington from that attempt, by laying before him the danger both of himself and us also, being so far one from the other. But being once go, there was no remedy but they were to abide whatsoever might happen: we in the bark Clifford, although we were weakly left, yet perceiving the Galley to make after our men, weighed and pursued the galley, as near the shore as we could conveniently come for want of water: the hulk also weighed and came after us to follow the enemy, but the enemy with his oars got sight of our pinnace and boats before we could, and bore directly with them: which being espied of our men, and they seeing no way to avoid them, made themselves ready (not withstanding the great odds) to fight it out like men, and to live and die together. The course that they took for their best advantage upon the sudden, was this: they went all into the pinnace, and made fast the Dutchmans' boat to one side, and the small caravel to the other side, and so waited the coming of the enemy, giving them first of all a piece of Ordinance for their welcome, which they presently repaid again with a piece out of the prow of the galley, and presently after, with three or four small brass pieces, charged with haileshot, and so giving a mighty shout, came all aboard together, crying, entrad, entrad: but our men received them so hately, with small shot and pikes, that they killed them like dogs. And thus they continued aboard them almost a quarter of an hour, thinking to have devoured our men, pinnace and all. And surely to man's judgement, no other thing was likely in regard of their great number, and the fewnes of our men, and they at the first thought all was their own: but God, who is the giver of all victories, so blessed our small company, and so strengthened their arms and minds to fight, that the enemy having received a mighty foil, was glad to rid himself from their hands: A marue●●ou● defeat of the Portugals b● a few of our men. and whereas at their entrance, we esteemed them to be no less then betwixt two hundred and three hundred men in the galley, we could scarce perceive twenty men at their departure stand on their legs, but the greater part of them was slain, many deadly wounded, their oats broken, & she d●parted from our men, hanging upon one side, (as a Sow that hath lost her left ear) with the number of dead and wounded men that lay one upon another. And whereas their coming aboard was in a great bravado, with drum, shouting, and crying, they departed without either noise of drum or speech. We lost in this conflict of our men, three only, which were Alexander the Master Gunners mate, Laurence Gambrel a proper young man of Hampton, and another that was master Benmans man. Some also were hurt with the arrows of the enemy, but the wounds were curable: and thus it pleased Almighty God, of his great goodness, to give victory to 50 or 60 Englishmen, against six or seven hundredth Portugal's and Indians, for which we ceased not to give such dutiful thanks to his Majesty, as so miraculous a victory required. Now touching the purpose of our men, who made that attempt for fresh victuals, their labour was nothing lost, but in despite of the enemy they brought to our ships 16 or 17 young bullocks, which was to our great comforts and refreshing. As for us that were in our ship, we could not come ●eere them by two miles, or more, to give them any aid, yet we suppose that the countenance of our ships was an encouragement to our men, and some manner of fear to the enemy. Now whereas our opinion concerning the number of the Portugals and Indians, which were slain, as aforesaid, was grounded at that time upon our probable conjecture, not being able otherwise to come to the knowledge thereof: you shall understand that the next night after the fight, there came aboard us two Indians upon a Gyngatho, who were run away from their masters, and they told us for a very good truth, that the galley went out from the town with four hundredth men in her, About 360 Portugals & Indian● slain. but there came not back to the town again alive above thirty of them all: and I amongst the rest being desirous to know of one of them, what the news was at the town, he answered me with great laughter: Todo esta cacado en Tierra. The twelfth day I was sent for to come aboard the admiral, about the hulk: where upon the complaint of the Dutchmen, master Withrington entered into bond to them for the payment of their freight, but how my lord would like that bond of debt at our return, I know not. I gave him my advise and counsel to get his bond again into his hands. The thirteenth day our captain sent out of our ship certain victuals unto the Admiral, as one butt of dight rise, two chests of clean rise, one barrel of oatmeal, one barrel of peason, and one barrel of oil, because they were somewhat scanted of victuals, and we at this time were to have out of the Admiral our part of five and twenty chests of fine sugar, and more, of eight chests, and si●e chests that were taken in the Bay of Todos Santos, at the Ingenios', more of one hundredth and thirty hats, and other divers pillages, which were taken in the prizes, and at the shore. The fourteenth day being Monday, it was concluded amongst us all, not to leave the town of Baya so, but notwithstanding the time that they had to strengthen themselves and the town, yet to give an attempt for the winning of it: and therefore we provided our pinnesses, caravels, and boats for the enterprise: and as we were departing from our ships, the wind turned directly contrary to our course, so that our determination for that time was broken, and we returned again to our ships: and to say the truth, if the weather and wind had served, our attempt had been very desperate, considering the number of Portugals and Indians which were then gathered together, to the number of seven or eight thousand, and their artillery upon the shore, playing upon us: but nevertheless we had proceeded, if the winds had favoured us. The 16 day we went to certain Ingenios' of the Portugals, where we found the people fled and we entered their houses without resistance. We found in their purging house 1000 pots of sugar, some half purged, some a quarter, and some newly put into the pots: so that every man took his pot of sugar for their provision, and set all the rest on fire. The 17 day we all weighed to go to another Ingenio, to see if we could found there better sugar, and in the way we met with a prize, which was a caravel, which we found driving with the weather, and entered her, and had in her only three Falcons of iron, which our pinnace brought away, and set the ship on fire. Dalamor in the small prize ran so far in, that he brought his ship on ground, where she lay three or four hours, till such time as there came from the town five caravels full of men, which being perceived of us, our captain with our men went to him to aid him. The caravels came within Falcon shot of us, but dared come no nearer, jest they might have tasted of the like banquet, that they received the last time. About half flood came the galley again, and three caravels more, but before they came, the bark was a float, and set sail: and then they all went to guard their Ingenios', which we had purposed to visit: but the night coming on, persuaded us to the contrary. They return again to Baya. The 19 day we set sail to go into the road of Baya again, with our pinnesses, and a flag of truce, to see if we could recover our four men, which remained alive of those ten, that perished in our boat, of whom we spoke before, which four were unfortunately fallen into their hands: but they at our approaching near the town, shot at us, and we as ready as they, gave them in all 27 shot, and so ankored a little from the town, to see what they would do. The 20 day riding still before the town, our Admiral sent a Negro ashore, with letters from the Portugals, that we had prisoners aboard: the effect of which letters was, that if we might have our men released and delivered us, they should have there's from our ships. The next day in the morning, in stead of their bloody flag, they put up two white flags, and sent a G●ngatho off to us with two Indians, with letters of answer from the Governor: but they would not consent in any case that we should have our men, and willed their Portugals to take their captivity patiently, for they would not redeem them: a motion they made in their letters, to buy again one of their prizes, which we had taken out of the road: but our admiral answered them, not, seeing they detained our men, we would keep both their men, and ships too● The same evening we weighed, and came out of the haven, half a league to seaward. The 22 we set sail to sea, and the 23 came to an Island twelve leagues to the Southward of Baya, An Island 12 leagues to t●● South of B●●●. to wood, and water. The 24 day being aboard with our pinnesses, we met with a Canoa, wherein was one Portugal, and si●e Indians: we shot at the Canoa, and killed an Indian, and took the Portugal, and one of the Indians, and ●rought them aboard our ships: we there examined them, and the Portugal confessed that there was a ship ●aden with meal, and other victuals, bond for Fernambuck, but put into a creak, because she durs● not go along the coast, hearing of our ships. Whereupon we manned both our pinnesses, and took the Portugal with us, to go and seek the same ship, but that night we could not found her. The 26 day we went again, and found her, being halled up in●o a creak, where a man would have thought a ship boat could not have entered: we found her indeed laden with meal principally: but she h●d also in her fourteen chests of sugar, of which two were in powder, and twelve in loaves. This ship was of the burden of one hundred and twenty tons, and a new ship, A new Po●tugal ship taken in a creek. this being the first voyage that ever she made, and as the Portugal confessed, she was straighted for Fernambuck, but the men of Baya having great want of bread, bought both the ship and her lading, and so thought to stay her in this creak, till we were go off the coast: but it was our good hap to disappoint their pretence, and to fetch her from thence, where they thought her as safe as if she had been at Lisbon. The 28 day we divided the meal amongst us, according to the want of every ship. The 30 day, 16 or 17 Dutchmen went with their boat from the hulk to shore, to fill water: and upon a sudden they were assaulted with fifty or sixty Portugals, and so many more Indians armed with shot and other weapons, and they slay their Master and Purser, and the rest were hurt, but yet escaped with their lives: a good warning for us to be circumspect, A goo● warning for us t● be circumspect in la●ding. and careful in our landing. The last day of May we c●st off one of our prizes, which we called the George, and our Admiral and the hulk took the men and other necessaries out of her, into them. The same day the Portugals which had hurt the Dutchmen came to the shore, and dared us to come on land: whereupon we went into our pinnesses with forty shot; but the cowardly villains ran all away to the hills, from the wat●● side: but master Lister with nine men followed them, and they fled still before them, and dared not stay their approach: so they came back again, and we filled water quietly, and at our pleasure. The third day of june our captain master Lister, Iun●. having a great desire for the performance of this voyage, according to my Lord's direction, went to our admiral, and requested him to give him si●e butts of wine, one barrel of oil, three or four barrels of flesh, and to have Thomas Hood and seven or eight seamen for some of our landmen, and by God's help, he with the bark Clifford, would alone proceed for the South sea: An offer of captain Lister to go with his one ship only for the South sea. but the admiral mightily withstood his motion, and would grant no jot of his particular requests. The 7 of june, having no use at all of our prizes, we burned one, and cast off another, and filled our own ships with the necessaries of them. The 8 day we put off to sea, but yet with much ado came again to our ankoring place, because of the weather. The 10 day the admiral sent for us to come aboard him, and being come, he opened a Card before all the company, and told us that my lords voyage for the South sea was overthrown for want of able men, and victuals, and that therefore he thought it best to ply for some of the Islands of the West India, or the Açores, to see if they could meet with some good purchase, that might satisfy my lord. These words were taken heavily of all the company, and no man would answer him, but kept silence, for very grief to see my lords hope thus deceiue●, and his great expenses and costs cast away. The common sort seeing no other remedy, were contented to return as well as he. The 16 day we espied a sail, whereupon our pinnace, and Dalamor gave her chase, and put her ashore upon the Island, where the men forsook her, and ran away with such things as they could conveniently cart: our pinnace boarded her, Another pinnace taken. and found little in her: they took out of her nine chests of sugar, and one hog, and 35 pieces of pewter, and so left her upon the sands. july. Then returned Northward. From this time forward we began to ply Northwards, and the first of july fallen with the land again, where we fished, and found reasonable good store. I took the latitude that day, and found ourselves in 10 degrees and 22 minutes. The 7 day we determined to fall with Fernambuck, and we came so near it, that Dalamor (as he told us) espied some of the ships that were in the harbour: yet notwithstanding we all fallen to leeward of the river, & could not after that, by any means recover the height of it again: but we ceased not on all parts to endeavour the best we could, & oftentimes lost company for a day or two, one of another, but there was no remedy, but patience, for to Fernambuck we could not come, having so much overshot it to the Northward, and the wound keeping at the South and Southwest. Fernambuck in the Southerly latitude of 7 deg. 50 mm. The 20 day I took the Sun in 5 degrees 50 minutes, which was 2 degrees to the Northward of Fernambuck, and the further we went, the more unto wardly did the rest of our ships work, either to come into haven, or to keep company one with another. And truly I suppose, that by reason of the froward course of the Admiral, he meant of purpose to loose us: for I know not how the nearer we endeavoured to be to him, the further off would he bear from us, and we seeing that, kept on our own course, and looked to ourselves as well as we could. The 24 day our whole company was called together to consultation, for our best course: some would go for the West India, some directly North for England: and in conclusion, the greater part was bend to ply for our own country, considering our necessities of victuals, and fresh water, and yet if any place were offered us in the way, not to omit it, to seek to fill water. A low Island in ● degrees & 49 minutes. The 26 day in the morning, we espied a low Island, but we lost it again, and could descry it no more. This day we found ourselves in 3 degrees and 42 minutes. The 27 day we searched what water we had left us, and found but nine butts only, so that our captain allowed but a pint of water for a man a day, to preserve it as much as might be, wherewith eu●ry man was content, and we were then in number fifty men and boys. August. The first of August we found ourselves 5 degrees to the Northward of the line, all which month we continued our course homeward, without touching anywhere: toward the end whereof, a sorrowful accident fallen out in our hulk, The hulk of Fl●●hing burned with all the men by negligence. which being divided from us in a calm, fallen a fire by some great negligence, and perished by that means in the seas, we being not able any ways to help the ship, or to save the men. The 4 day of September, we had brought ourselves into the height of 41 degrees & 20 minutes, somewhat to the Northwards of the Islands of the Açores: and thus bulting up and down with contrary winds, the 29 of the same month, we reached the coast of England, and so made an end of the voyage. A discourse of the West Indies and South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal, born in the city of Eluas, continued unto the year 1587. Wherein among divers rare things not hitherto delivered by any other writer, certain voyages of our Englishmen are tru●ly reported: wh●ch was intercepted with the author thereof at the river of Plate, by Captain Withrington and Captain Christopher Lister, in the fleet set forth by the right Honourable the Earl of Cumberland for the South sea in the year 1586. This voyage was made in the year 1572. FRancis Dr●ke an Englishman being on the sea, and having knowledge of the small strength of the town of Number de Dios, came into the harbour on a night with four pinnesses, and landed an hundredth and fifty men: and leaving one half of his men with a trumpet in a fort which was there, he with the rest entered the town without doing any harm till he came at the market place: and there his company discharging their calievers, and sounding their trumpets (which made a great noise in the town) were answered by their fellows in the force, who discharged and sounded in like manner. This attempt put the townsmen in such extreme fear, that leaving their houses, they fled into the mountains, and there be thought themselves what the matter should be in the town, remaining as men amazed at so sudden an alarm. But the Spaniards being men for the most part of good discretion joined fourteen or fifteen of them together with their pieces, to see who was in the town: and getting to a corner of the marketplace they discovered the Englishmen, and perceiving that they were but a few, discharged th●ir pieces at them; and their fortune was such, that they slay the trumpeter, and shot the captain (whose name was Francis Drake) into the leg: who feeling himself hurt retired toward the Fort, where he had left the rest of his men: but they in the Fort sounded their trumpet, and being not answered again, and hearing the calievers discharged in the town, thought that their fellows in the town had been slain, and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses. Now Francis Drake (whom his men carried because of his hurt) when he came to the fort where he left his men and see them fled, he and the rest of his company were in so great fear, that leaving their furniture behind them, and putting off their hose, they swam & waded all to their Pinnesses, and departed forth of the harbour, so that if the Spaniards had followed them, they might have slain them all. Thus Captain Drake did no more harm at Number de Dios, neither was there in this skirmish any more than one spaniard slain, and of the Englishmen only their Trumpeter, whom they left behind with his trumpet in his hand. From hence the coast lieth all along till you come to Cartagena. Between Nombre de Dios and Cartagena is a great sound or gulf, where the first Spaniards that ever dwelled upon the firm land built and inhabited the town of Dariene: howbeit they abode not long there, because of the unholesomenesse of the place. But Captain Drake being discontent with the repulse that the men of Number de Dios gave him, went with his Pinnesses into the said bay or sound of Dariene, where having conference with certain Negroes which were ran away from their masters of Panamá and Nombre de Dios, he was informed that at the very same time many mules were coming from Panamá to Number de Dios laden with gold and silver. Upon this news Francis Drake taking with him an hundred shot, and the said Negroes, stayed in the way till the treasure came by, accompanied and guarded only by those that drove the mules, who mistrusted nothing at all. When captain Drake met with them, he took away their gold: but the silver he left behind, because he could not carry it over the mountains. And two days after this he went to The house of crosses called by the Spaniards Venta de Cruzes, Vent● d●●u●e●. where all the merchants leave their goods, where he slay six or seven of the merchants, but found neither gold nor silver, but great store of merchandise: and so he fired the said house, with all the goods, which were judged to be worth above two hundred thousand ducats. Thus not finding gold in this house to satisfy his mind, he burned the merchants goods, and forthwith recovered his Pinnesses: where fortune so favoured his proceed, that he had not been aboard half an hour, but there came to the sea side above thre● hundred soldiers, which were sent of purpose to take him: but God suffered him to escape their hands, to be a farther plague unto the Spaniards. Also another Englishman named john Oxenham hearing what spoil Captain Drake had done upon that coast, john Oxen●●● anno 1575. made a voyage thither to enterprise the like. His ship was of burden about an hundred and twenty tons, and he was accompanied with seuen●ie people: he had conference also with the foresaid Negroes, but being advertised that the treasure was conducted by soldiers, he determined with himself to do that which never any man before dared undertake to do. For being most resolute of his purpose, and not looking nor forecasting what danger might ensue of this bold enterprise, he landed his men in the same place where Captain Drake was, and halling his ship to shore, cut down boughs of trees, and covered his ship with them, and hide up his great ordinance in the ground. Thus leaving not one man is his ship, he ●ooke two small pieces of ordinance, and his calievers, and good store of victuals, with all other necessaries for his intended voyage. And he went with the Negroes above twelve leagues up into the main land, unto a river that runneth into the South sea: A river running into th● South sea. and by this river in a wood he cut down timber, and built a Pinnace, which was 45 foot long by the keel: which Pinnace being finished, he went down the river and passed into the South sea, carrying six Negroes with him for his guides, and he arrived at the Island of Pearls being 25 leagues distant from Panamá. This Island lieth in the South sea, as they sail from Peru to Panamá, and here he stayed ten days, before he could take any shipping, but at length there came a small bark from a place called Quito in Peru: this bark he took, and found in her 60000 pesoes of gold, with much wine and bread: and not being content with this, he stayed a long while, before he would send away his prize or any of his men. Shortly after he took another bark that came from Lima, wherein he found 100000 pesoes if silver in bars, which being all aboard his Pinnace, he shaped his course toward the river from whence he came: but before his departure he landed on the foresaid Island to find pearls, and went to a small town of the Island inhabited by Negroes for the same purpose; where finding but small store, he returned to his Pinnace, and coming near unto the river he sent away his two prizes, and with his Pinnace entered up the river. The Negroes of the Island of pearls, so soon as the Englishmen were departed, posted in their Canoas' to Panamá, to signifi● unto the Governor what they had done. Whereupon the Governor within two days after sent out four barks and an hundred soldiers, and Negroes to row, the captain of which soldiers was called ivan de Ortega; who went first to the Island of pearls, & there had knowledge which way the Englishmen did take, and in pursuing them he met with the two prizes taken by the Englishmen, which told him that they were go up the river. But when he was come to the entrance of the river, he known not which way to take, because the river ran into the sea by three mouths, and not all at one. Therefore being determined with himself to pass up the greatest of the three, he see coming down with the stream many feathers of hens out of one of the lesser mouths: which mouth he entered, and sailing four days up the same, he descried the Englishmens pinnace lying upon the sand, and coming to board her, they found in her no more but si●e Engli●hmen, of which they killed one, and the other 5 fled, & having thoroughly ransacked the said pinnace, they could find naught in her, but victuals. The Spaniards s●eing this, determined to seek out the Englishmen by land, and leaving about twenty men to keep their barks they marched with eighty shot up into the country, and half a league from the river they found a little house made with boughs, where the Englishmen had left all their treasure; which the Spaniards took and carried back to their barks, meaning not to follow the Englishmen any further: but the English captain with all his m●n, and above 200 Negroes followed the Spaniards unto the rivers side, and set upon th●m with great ●u●y: howbeit the Spaniards lying behind the bushes ●id easily put the English to flight, and they took seven of them alive, and slew eleven and five Negroes: so the Spaniards returned with the loss of two men and five or si●e hurt. Then they asked those Englishmen which they had taken prisoners, why they departed not with their treasure, having fi●teene days liberty? They answered, that their captain had commanded them to carry all that gold and silver unto the place where their ship was, and they were agreed to carry ●t, although they made three or four journeys, for he promised to give them part of the treasure beside their wages, but the martiners would needs have it by and by; whereat the captain being angry, because they put to small trust in his word, would not suffer his sailors to carry it, but said he would get Negroes to serve his turn, and so these w●re the Negroes aforesaid, whom he had brought to carry away the gold and silver: but by the way he met with the five Englishmen which fled from the pinnace, who told him of the Spaniards; and then he made friends with all his men, and got the Negroes to take his part: but having the overthrow, and his best men being slain and taken prisoners, he thought to have returned to his ship, and so to have go for England. The Spanish captain having herded this discourse of the English prisoners, buried the dead bodies, embarking all things, and with the Englishmen and their pinnace returned back unto Panamá. Thus was the Engli●hmens voyage overthrown. Now so soon as the the four barks and the pinnace were arrived at Panamá, the Governor of that place sent a messenger overland to Number de Dios, to advertise the townsmen, where the Englishmens shiplay: whereupon they of Number de Dios manned out four ships and went into the bay of Dariene where the Englishmen had left their ship, which they took away with them to Number de Dios, with all her ordinance; so that the poor Englishmen were left in the mountains very naked and destitute of all comfort: for the Spaniards had taken out of the foresaid house of boughs all their tools & other necessaries, so that they could by no means have any succour: whereas otherwise they might have builded another pinnace, and provided better for themselves to have returned for their own country. These news coming to the ear●s of the U●ceroy of Peru, he thought it not convenient to suffer those fifty Englishmen which were yet alive, to continued in the mountains among the said Negroes. Wherefore he sent a servant of his called Diego de Frees with 150 shot to seek them, who at length found them making of Canoas' to take some one small bark or other that sailed to and again in the North sea, whereby they might the better shift for themselves: but before they had finished their pretended work, the Spanish soldiers set upon them, and took fifteen of them that were sick: but the rest fled, whom the Spaniards pursued among the mountains, and in the end the Negroes betrayed them, and they were all taken and carried to Panamá. Where the justice asked the English captain, whither he had the Queen's licence, or the licence of any other Prince or Lord? And he answered that he had no●e, but that he came of his own proper motion. Which being known to the justice, the Captain and his company were condemned and were all put to death at Panamá, saving the Captain himself, the Master, and the Pilot, and five boys, which were carried to Lima, where the Captain and the two other men were executed, but the boys are yet living. War made against the Negroes. The king of Spain having intelligence of these matters, sent 300 men of war against those Negroes who had assisted the Englishmen, which Negroes before were slaves unto the Spaniards, and (as is aforesaid) fled from their masters into those mountains, and so joined themselves to the Englishmen, thinking by that means to be revenged of the Spaniards cruelty. At the first coming of these three hundred soldiers they took many of the Negroes, and did great justice on them according to the quality of their offences. But after a season the Negroes grew wise and wary, and prevented the Spaniards so, that none of them could be taken. Whereof the king being advertised by his Captains, as also how the country was full of mountains and rivers, and very unhealthful, insomuch that his soldiers died, he written unto his said Captains to make an agreement with those Negroes, to the end the country might be in quiet. And so they came to agreement with the Captains of the Negroes, and all was appeased. Afterwards the Negroes inhabiting two places which the Spaniards allotted unto them, the king's pardon was proclaimed unto all those which before the day of the proclamation thereof had run from their Masters, upon condition that from that day forward, whatsoever other fugitive Negroes should resort unto them, they should return them home either dead or alive, if not, that they should p●y for them. Upon these conditions, and to make all quiet in the mountains, all things were concluded and agreed upon. So that now the Negroes devil in great towns, where they have Spaniards for their teachers, and a Spaniard for their judge, and with this they hold themselves very well contented, and are obedient unto their rulers. The Spaniards since they conquered those parts have seen many Frenchmen on that coast, Frenchmen. but never any Englishmen in that place, save those two only which I have before mentioned. And although the Frenchmen have come strong, yet dared they never put foot on shore as the English did. But the king of Spain hearing that Englishmen as well as Frenchmen began to haunt that coast, caused two galleys to be made and well appointed, to keep the coast. The first year that they were made they took six or seven French ships. Seven french ships taken by the galleys. So soon as this was known there used few English or Frenchmen of war to come on the coast, until this year 1586. when as the aforesaid Francis Drake came with a strong fleet of about four and twenty ships, Sir Francis Drakes voyage to S. jago, Sa●● Domingo, Ca●tagena, and S. Augustine. and did such harm as is well known unto all Christendom. But (God sparing the king of Spain life) he will sufficiently provide to keep his subjects from the invasions of other Nations. Now to go forward with our begun discourse, the next town upon this coast beyond Number de Dios is Cartagena: Cart●ge●● it standeth in a more healthful place, and is a greater town than the other, bordering upon a better country, which aboundeth with plenty of victuals, and having a very good port for the harbour of ships: and it is called Cartagena, because it resembleth very much the city of Cartagena in Spain. I containeth above four hundred households. It is very rich by reason of the ships staying there, when they go or come from Spain. And if the ships chance to winter before they go home into Spain, than they lie at Cartagena. Also it is greatly enriched by the merchandise, which is there discharged to be carried to the new kingdom of Granada, Nuevo 〈…〉 Granada● from which kingdom much gold is brought unto Cartagena. This new kingdom of Granada is two hundred leagues within the land: neither can they travel from Cartagena to this kingdom by land, because of the mountains and standing waters, which lie in the way, so that they are feign to carry their goods up a river called The great river of Magdalen. Rio grandee dell● Magdalena. They can go with their barks but two hundred leagues up this river; for although it be large and very deep, yet there runneth so swift a current, that the barks are constrained to discharge their goods at a place in the river called Branco de Malambo, Branco de malambo. into small canoas which row close by the shores side. In this river are great abundance of Crocodiles, so huge and terrible to behold, that such as never saw them before are very fearful at the first sight of them, for if a man chance to put his han● or foot into the water, they will straight way catch at them. In some places this ri●er is very unhealthful and full of noisome worms; but the first place thereupon which the Spaniards do inhabit called Mompox is exceeding healthful. Mo●●●●. The country adjoining upon this river they call The new kingdom of Granada, because the captain called Cesada which first conquered the same, and inhabited there, was born at Granada in Spain: for it is the use of the Spanish captains, when they have conquered any Province of the Indies, to call it after the name of the place where they themselves were born. This new kingdom of Granada is very fruitful, and bringeth forth much corn & other victuals, and hath many gold-mines, and great quantity of emeralds, whereof they sand so many into Spain, that now they are become little worth: but before these countries were found, they were in great estimation. Here are also dwelling many of the Indian people so meek and gentle of nature, that they are called fly's. This land is very plain and wholesome, and the inhabitants are given to peace. From this kingdom they travel to another country called La governation de Popayan; Popayan. it is rich of gold, and withal very fruitful, but fuller of mountains than the new kingdom of Granada, and hath fewer Indians dwelling in it, but those that are there are full of courage and very valiant, which caused the Spaniards to make great war before they could overcome them. In this province there are 13 towns of Spaniards, and in The new kingdom of Granada there are nine towns of Spaniards. From this country of Popayan they travel along till they come to the first inhabitants of Peru dwelling in a town which joineth upon the South sea called Quito. Quito. This town I will leave any further to speak of till I come particularly to entreat of Peru. Only I have spoken of the two foresaid Provinces, to the intent you might know, that there is a passage by land from Cartagena to Peru, A passage over land from Cartagena to Peru. which is about five hundred leagues through; so that besides the two hundred leagues which they go up the river, the other three hundred leagues is a country well inhabited and without danger to travel in, insomuch that oftentimes posts are sent too and fro. But because it is so long a journey, merchants use not to travel that way, but when they are enforced so to do. If any foreign Nation should become Lords of the South sea, the king of Spain might have his treasure conveyed unto this town of Cartagena from Peru, and so into Spain. For in times passed there being a rebellion in Peru made by the Spaniards against their king, he sent his power to suppress them through these Provinces. This I writ only for that I know some Englishmen have thought, that in taking the South sea, or Panamá or Nombre de Dios from the king of Spain, his treasure of Peru could not be conveyed unto him, and that the king could not secure Peru, if it wanted help. Howbeit I do here most certainly assure you, that there be many ways to Peru. But now I will return to my former discourse. Upon the seacoast of Tierra firma Eastward from Cartagena standeth a little town called Santa Martha, Santa Martha. between which town and Cartagena the mighty river of Magdalen before named falls into the sea with such a strong current, that by reason thereof it is known 20 leagues from the shore. Santa Martha is a very poor town, because it hath often been rob by the Frenchmen, and hath no trade but with a few Indians that devil thereabouts. Here beginneth that wonderful long ridge of high mountains covered with Snow, A mighty ridge of mountains. which streatching through many countries, runneth along the kingdoms of Peru and Chili, and continueth to the very straits of Magellan. These mountains are seen with snow upon their tops above thirty leagues into the sea. At the foot of these wild mountains there is a valley called Tagrona, The rich valley of Tagrona. which is the richest place that is known thereabouts: but because the country adjoining is so mountainous, and the inhabitants so many and of so good a courage, shooting poisoned arrows which are present death to such as are wounded with the same; therefore it lieth as yet unconquered, notwithstanding it hath cost many Spanish captains their lives. Passing along the coast of Tierra firma to the East of Santa Martha, there is an other small town of above an hundred houses called Rio de Hacha. Rio de Hacha. Cabo de la vela. This town is somewhat rich by reason of the pearls which they get there. Also they have a trade with the Indians for some small quantity of gold. From hence they go along the coast to Cabo de la Vela, which because it is of the same property with Rio de Hacha before mentioned. I omit to speak of it. Upon this coast there is a lake or gulf which openeth into the sea, at the mouth whereof they gather great store of pearls. Great store of pearls. Beyond this place there is another poor town, which hath six or seven times been spoiled by the Frenchmen. From hence there lieth an high way to the new kingdom of Granada, but it is above seven hundred leagues in length, this way is traveled very seldom, because the Indians will usually set upon the travelers. Moore up into the land the country lieth plain, and there is some gold, and a few towns inhabited with Spaniards, whereof I have had but small notice, and therefore I let them pass. The next place of any account is the Island of Margarita, The I'll of Margarita. where there are but few Spaniards inhabitant. This Island of Margarita is very small, and lieth four leagues from the main land: it hath heretofore been very rich of gold and pearls, and so would have continued till this present day, had it not been spoiled by men of war, because it standeth so far from the main land, notwithstanding they yet gather good store of pearls. Upon this Island are bread better horses and mules then in any other part of the Indies, Excellent horses and mules. therefore they carry them from hence to Peru, albeit they have great store of horses in Peru, but not so good. And because we have begun to speak of the Island of Margarita, you are to understand, that to the North of the foresaid coast of Tierra firma lie above seventy islands being all very little, Moore than 70. islands. except Cuba, Hispaniola, and Boriquen, or Sant ivan de Puerto rico, which I'll of Boriquen, although it be not very great, yet is it inhabited by the Spaniards. The other smaller islands have been inhabited by the Indians, and have had good store of gold, pearls, and emraldes; but the Spaniards have destroyed most of those Indians from off the earth, and in many of those islands there is nothing of any value, wherefore I have small cause to entreat any further of them. But Hispaniola is an Island of great bigness, Hispaniola. and hath been very full of people, and abounded with mines of gold and with pearls, but now all is wasted away. It was at the Spaniards first coming thither, as full of inhabitants as any place of that bigness in the whole world, yet now there are none left; for they were men of so hard a heart, that they murdered themselves rather then they would serve the Spaniards: The Indians killed themselves, rather than they would serve the tyrannous Spaniards. for being men under so small civil government as they were, never was there any people known of so resolute and desperate minds: for oftentimes a great number of them being together over night, they should be found all dead before the morning: such extreme hate did this brutish people bear against the Spaniards, that they chose rather to die the death, then to endure their insolences. It happened on a time, that a Spaniard calling certain Indians to work in the mines (which labour of all others did most grieve them) they, rather than they would go, offered to lay violent hands on themselves: which the Spaniard perceiving said unto them: A pretty les●. seeing you will hung yourselves rather then go and work, I likewise will hung myself and will bear your company, because I will make you work in an other world: but the Indians hearing this, replied, we will willingly work with you here, to the intent you may not go with us into another world: so unwilling were they of the Spaniards company. So that of all the inhabitants of this Island there were none that escaped death, sat only these few, which came to pass by the means of this one spaniard, otherwise they would have hanged themselves also. Some of these people are yet living, but very few. This Island of Hispaniola is for the most part called The I'll of Sant Domingo, because the chief city thereof is so called, which was the first city in all the West Indies that was inhabited. There are in this city above eight hundred sixe-houses of good building inhabited by Gentlemen of great wealth. This Island is unhealthful, for it raineth here the most part of the year. The riches that now this Island affords are sugar (for here are many Ingenios' or sugar-houses) and great store of hides by reason of the abundance of cattle; Sugar, hides, coppermines. there are copper mines also, which is the cause that they have such store of copper-money, for their gold mine's be all exhausted, and the gold which they have cometh from other places. This Island being (as is beforesaid) destitute of the first inhabitants, and the Spaniards lacking men to work in their Ingenios', and to look unto their cattle, they were forced to bring Negroes thither out of Guinea, where they have so increased, Negroes mightily increased. that the Island is now as full of them, as it was of the natural inhabitants; so that the Spaniards carry Negroes from this Island to the main land and there cell them. The chiefest victual that they have in this Island, is a kind of root called juca, A root called juca. which being eaten as it cometh new out of the ground is present death: but first they boil it and after press it, and the liquor that is strained therefrom is deadly poison: howbeit this root being pressed so dry, that there remains no moisture in it, they mingle and temper the same with water and so make cakes thereof, which are very savoury & good to eat, & this is all the bread which they have in those islands. There go from hence yearly into Spain 7 or 8 ships at the least full freighted with sugar & hides. Near unto Hispaniola lieth another greater Island called Cuba, The I'll of Cuba. it is like unto Hispaniola, although there is not so much sugar. The principal town of this Island is called Havana, which hath an excellent harbour belonging thereunto. The townsmen are very rich by reason of the fleets that come from Nueva Espanna, and Tierra firma which touch there; for the safeguarde of which fleets and of the town itself there is a castle built near the said harbour kept with Spanish soldiers; neither is there any castle or soldiers in all the islands but only here. There is also another Island inhabited with Spaniards called Boriquen or Sant ivan de Puerto rico. S. ivan de Puerto rico. It is but little, yet every way as plentiful as the other two are; and therefore I omit to speak thereof. But now to prosecute my discourse of the port-townes upon the main land: Eastward and Southward from Margarita there are no towns inhabited by Spaniards or Portugals, till you come to Fernambuck upon the coast of brasil; Fernambuck. notwithstanding that between the said Island and Fernambuck runneth the mighty river of Marannon, The great river of Marannon. whereof (both because of the greatness and the riches contained therein) I must needs make some relation, in regard I have promised to speak of every place that is of any value in all the Indies. This river is one of the greatest in the world, and was first found when as the Spaniards sought out the other coast: but none can pass up this river because of the greatness of the current which cometh down, as also there are many shelves of sand lying in the mouth thereof; whereby it was long before the riches in and about this river were known, until such time as the kingdom of Peru was conquered: at which time a Captain called Gonsalo Pizarro passing through the country of Peru came at length into a land which they named La Canela, Gonsalo Pizarro. La Canela. because there groweth great store of Smamome, but not altogether so good as that which cometh from the East Indies. The said Captain proceeding farther into the country came at length to a mighty river, The great river of Marannon or Orellana. where he saw the country people rowing in their Canoas', and bringing gold to buy and cell with the Spaniards: Captain Pizarro seeing this, was desirous to find out the end of this river, but he could not travel by land because of the high mountains: wherefore he made a small Bark or Pinnace to go and discover from whence the said Indians brought their gold, and sent in the said Pinnace a Captain under him called Orellana, who with fifty men went down the river, Orellana sent down the river of Marannon with fifty men. but could not return to their General Pizarro, because of the great current which was very strong against them, forcing them to pass along the river, and to enter into the Sea, and so they sailed on forward to the foresaid Isle of Margarita: but as they passed down this river they found it well inhabited with Indians, which were possessed of great store of gold. These men with their Pinnace were passing down this river eight months, for the river lieth very crooked, which maketh a long way by water, neither dared the Spaniards ever land, because they saw the country so full of people, but they took many Canoas', wherein they had great store of victuals, and some gold. Now this Orellana coming unto Margarita with these good news and riches, determined not to return unto his Captain Pizarro which sent him, but took his way from thence to the king of Spain, and presented him with the gold that he brought out of the river: whereupon the king sent him with a fleet of ships and si●e hundred men to inhabit the said river: but because of the great current and sholdes that are therein, he left the most part of his men and ships, and with those that remained he went unto certain Islands hard by the river, and built him Pinnesses; but the country being very unhealthful, himself and many of his men died, and the residue went every man which way pleased him best. The same of this river was straightway spread through Spain and Portugal, insomuch that a Gentleman of Portugal called Lewis de Melo asked licence of Don ivan the third, Lewis de Melo. than king of Portugal to go and conquer the said river: for from the mouth of this river to the mouth of the river of Plate, is that part of America which the kings of Portugal (according to the partition made between them and the kings of Spain) do hold: so that the king of Portugal having this river in his part gave it to the said Lewis de Melo to conquer: who taking ten ships and eight hundred men (among which many were gentlemen) and coming to the mouth of this river, lost all the said ships saving two, in one of the which two was Lewis de Melo himself: also the most part of the men that were in the ships cast away were saved and got to the shore, and so went by land to the Island of Margarita; from whence they were dispersed throughout all the Indies. Thus these two fleets of ships being so unfortunately cast away, never dared any Captain afterward attempt by sea to conquer the said river. Howbeit from the kingdom of Nueva Granada before mentioned there have go two or three Captains by land to discover it, for a rumour went over all the country of the great riches contained in this river; whereupon the Spaniards named it El Dorado, El Dorado. that is to say, The golden river. It is thought that God will not have this river to be known, for that one Captain by land had most of his people slain by those of the country, and others for want of victuals returned. So that none of all these came to any plain discovery, till a few years past a Captain of the country of Navarre called Pedro de Orzua, who went from Peru almost the same way that Gonsalo Pizarro had before discovered, Pedro de Orzua. and was accompanied with about some seven hundred Spaniards, it being a great marvel how he could get so many, amongst whom were many Gentlemen and old soldiers of Peru, who caused divers mutinies and insurrections, as hereafter I will more at large declare, which mutinous soldiers were the cause of their captains death. Howbeit with all these men captain Pedro de Orzua came unto head of the said river: but you must understand, that this river is nourished not only with the waters and freshets that come from the mountains of Peru, but also by all the rivers between the Equinoctial and sixteen degrees of Southerly latitude, which fall thereinto and 'cause it to be so great. Now at the head of this river the said Captain Pedro de Orzua made fifteen Pinnesses with many Canoas', wherein he carried above two thousand Indians to help him, with many horses and other provision, as meaning to inhabit there: for it was not possible for him to carry all his provision by land, because the mountains be very great, there being also between them many small rivers which fall into this great river above twenty leagues out of the land. So this captain having all his things in good order went down the river with his whole company, and at length came from among the mountains to a plain country where the Indians dwelled; and there he held a council, determining in the same place to build a town and to fortify it very strongly, to the end he might leave all his stuff there, and such men as were not soldiers. And so they began to build the said town, and wrought upon it all the winter: where because it raineth much, and withal is very hot, sickness and want of victuals began to prevail amongst them, whereupon the soldiers fallen a murmuring among themselves. For coming out of Peru, which is one of the frutfullest & richest countries of the world, they were more inclined to have their fill of bread and meat then to apply their bodies to labour: which was the cause that albeit the country in which they now were, was exceeding fruitful, and that they see with their eyes most evident appearances of gold, & also that up into the country it seemed to be much better; yet for all this they murmured & would needs return for Peru from whence they came. In the company of these men there was a soldier of Biskay called Lopez de Agira, Lopez de Agira his dangerous conspiracy. a very little man of body & lame of one of his legs, but very valiant and of good experience in the wars. This man having been one of the principal mutineers in Peru, could not here give over his old wont, but asked his fellow-soldiers, what they went to seek for in those wild deserts whither they were brought: For (said he) if you seek riches, there are enough in Peru, and there is bread, wine, flesh, and fair women also; so that it were better to conquer that, and to take it out of the hands of the Spaniards, and that it were no hard enterprise, because all the soldiers and poor men of Peru would turn unto them, and that that were a better course, then to go and conquer the savage people in those mountains: so that ●nce having the government of Peru, the king of Spain should be enforced to agreed with them: ●●● (said he) we shall not lack them that will secure us, to have the riches of Peru. By ●●● persuasions he brought many soldiers to be of his mind, and conspired also with a young ●●● man of Seville called Don Fernando de Gusman (who was in love with a young woman ●●● the captain Pedro de Orzua had, Pedro de Orzua murdered. and therefore did the sooner agreed unto the wicked intent of Agira) to murder the captain. Who on a night being asleep in his bed, the said conspirators and their faction entered into his bedchamber, and there stabbed him with their daggers; which being done, they slay also all the Captains that were his friends, and therewithal made a great outcry, saying, God save the king, God save the king: whereupon all the camp was in an uproar. Then Lopez de Agira made unto the soldiers a long oration, and got them all to consent unto him, some by force, and some because they dared not say to the contrary, and others of their good will, and so in the end they all agreed unto his determined purpose. Then made they Fernando de Gusman their head, & Agira was made a captain. This done, because the people should the better hold their opinion, he did as great a villainy as ever any Spaniard committed: for he made an altar, whereon he and all the soldiers renounced their service unto the king of Spain, & so as people without a king, Don Ferdinando de Gusman proclaimed king of Peru. those the said Don Fernando to be their king, and did homage unto him. These matters being thus finished they consulted among themselves which should be the best way for them to go to Peru? For they could not go up the river, by which they came down, in regard of the strong current, and going back overland they should be very weak for want of horsemen: wherefore they determined to go down the river. Then said Lopez de Agira, that they would carry nothing with them but the pinnesses & soldiers which should fight, and that it were best to leave behind them all the Indians which they brought from Peru, with the women and the sick men. Whereunto the General Don Ferdinando would not agreed, because he known that when they were go the people of the country would kill them all. Lopez de Agira hearing this, and longing to be chief governor himself, took unto him 30 of his own countrymen of his disposition, and on the sudden slay Don Fernando, Fernando de Gusman slain. whom not many days before he had sworn to obey: & now by his subtle practices, being withal eloquent in his talk, he caused the soldiers to appoint himself their governor, & made them believe that all the cruelties committed were for their saveguard: neither did the tyranny of this wretched man here end. He was born in Biskay a country near unto France, wherefore I believe him rather to have been a Frenchman then a Spaniard, for that in the heart of a Spaniard could not be so much cruelty as this man showed. A new massacre. Now being ready to go his way, he determined not to carry with him any gentlemen or people of quality, and therefore he slay all such people; and then departing only with the common soldiers, he left behind him all the Spanish women and sick men, with all other creatures. If I should rehearse all the cruel murders of this wicked man one by one, I should be over tedious unto you. Only in few words I say, that this man proceeded down the river, having with him only four hundred men: but before he passed the river, and was come to Margarita, he had no more left but two hundred and thirty men, for the rest he had put to death, and left on shore among the people of the country: all which tyranny he used, because he ever stood in fear of his life: for had he seen at any time but two soldiers talking together, he would straight suspect that they were conspiring of his death, and therefore he used the practices abovesaid. Great store of gold in the river of Marannon. And he never went any way, but that he had in his company thirty Biscayne's of his own will and mind ready to execute his cruel purposes. As these soldiers with their Captain came down the river, they saw many Canoas' with gold in them passing too and fro, and people on both sides of the river, and in their passage many times they landed, and got good store of gold and victuals. Now also did they find that to be true which Orellana had reported, namely that there were amazons, Amazons women which help their husbands in the wars. that is to say, women that fight in the wars with bows and arrows: but these women fight to aid their husbands, and not by themselves alone without the company of men, as Orellana reported. There were of these women upon divers parts of this river, who seeing the Spaniards fight with their husbands came in to secure them, and showed themselves more valiant than their husbands; for which cause it was named, The river of Amazons. The Spaniards intent was only to pass down the river, neither sought they at all to discover the Inland, and yet they took good store of gold, Good store of gold. putting it into one of their Pinnesses, where Lopez de Agira himself was embarked, which Pinnace at the mouth of the river was cast away, but he himself escaped, because he had not as yet fulfilled his bloody mind. And when he was come to the Island of Margarita, Lopez de Agira arriveth at Margarita 1568. the Governor thereof supposing he had been one of the kings loyal captains, received him with pinnesses, and brought good store of victuals unto him. But he putting the said Governor immediately to death, landed on the Island, and ●ooke it and two ships that were there, and constrained likewise an hundred and fifty men, which he there found, to go with him, besides others that went voluntarily, carrying from thence good store of victuales, and many horses also. And then he returned to the main land, saying, that with his small forces he would subdue the whole India's: imagining belike that all the old soldiers and poor people, at the first sight of him, would turn to his side and take his part. Howbeit he was foully deceived: for before he had marched two days journey up into the land, the Governor of Nueva Granada came against him with a power of men: but Lopez de Agira hoping that other soldiers would have joined themselves unto him, whereby his strength might have been the more, was quite frustrate of his expectation: for even his own men left him, and took part with the king's Captain. Now seeing himself thus left destitute of his soldiers, and void of all help, he committed a more unnatural bloody act then ever Nero the tyrant did, for he murdered his own daughter being but sixteen years of age, which he had brought with him out of Peru: the cause why he killed her was, that she might not become a concubine to villains, nor be called the daughter of a traitor: and these words ●e used unto her, so soon as he had given her her death's wound: but before he could finish this cruel act, the soldiers came upon him, and cut him in pieces, also his daughter died of her wound in that place. Thus have your herd the miserable end of this bloody caitiff: in regard of whose treacherous and mischievous dealing the king would never since suffer this river to be thoroughly discovered; Great riches hidden within the river of Marannon. so that the riches and treasure of the said river remain unknown even until this present day. Now leaving to discourse any longer of this river of Marannon, all the coast between the said river and the river of Plate, is called The coast of brasil, taking that name from a kind of wood in the same country, called Brasill-wood, whereof there is great store in those parts. This coast of brasil was first discovered by Pedro Aluarez Cabral, The coast of brasil, why it was so called, and by whom it was at the first discovered. in the second voyage which the king of Portugal caused to be made to the East Indies: and the foresaid Pedro Aluarez took possession of this land for the king of Portugal: whereupon the king Don Emanuel hearing news thereof sent presently ships to discover the whole country, and found it to be part of America otherwise called The West Indies: for which cause there grew some controversy between him and the king of Spain: but being kinsmen and great friends one to another, they agreed in the end, that the king of Portugal should hold all the country that he had discovered, the which was (as I have said) from the river of Marannon to the river of Plate; albeit the Spaniards affirm, that it stretcheth no further than the Island of Santa Catelina; whereupon there have risen many controversies between the Portugals and Spaniards, which have cost many men their lives. There came into the said river of Plate in the year 1587. two English ships and a Pinnace of the right Honourable the Earl of Cumberland, which were bond for the straits of Magellan, and ankored ten leagues within the said river before a little Island lying hard by another called Seal-Iland. On which Island the Captain of one of the ships called Christopher Lister, and his whole company landing, found the king of Portugals arms graven on a rock by the sea side; which are thought to have been there engraven by one Martin Alonso de Souza, who was sent by the king Don Emanuel to discover this coast. Therefore I think the Portugals have reason for that which they allege concerning the extension of the said coast of Brasil. Wherefore the king of Portugal gave this land to diverse of his gentlemen to inhabit. Most of the natural inhabitants of this country are very rude, and go stark naked both men and women, and are man-eaters; for which cause they make wars one against another to get men to eat; they are stout and good bowmen. The first place inhabited on this coast beyond the river of Marannon is called Fernambuck so named by the Indians, Fernambuck. but in Portugal it is called Villa de Olinda. Before you come to this place there is a port called Paraiva, A fort built by the Frenchmen at Paraiva. unto which port not many years past the Frenchmen hearing of the troubles which were then in Portugal resorted, and built there a fort; whereunto certain French ships made yearly voyages to lad Brasill-wood. But they of Fernambuck, with the help of the Spaniards, went and burned five french ships within the port, and took the fort itself, and the Frenchmen that were there fled part into the mountains, and part of them were slain; so that since that time the Spaniards have inhabited there till this present. Paraiva now inhabited by Spaniards. Now to return to Fernambuck inhabited by a Portugal Captain called Duarre Coelio, Fernambuck containeth 3000 houses. it is the greatest town in all that coast, and hath abou● three thousand houses in it, with seventy Ingenios' for sugar, and great store of Brasill-wood and abundance of cotton, yet are they in great want of victuals: for all their victuals come either from Portugal or from some places upon the coast of brasil. The harbour of this town is a barred harbour, and fit only for small barks: this place belongeth as yet unto the son of Duarte Coëlio. Beyond this town lieth the Cape of Sant Augustin, Cape S. Augustin. and next thereunto is the river of Sant Francisco, Rio de Sant Francisco. which is a great river. Between this river and Bayha it is all a wilderness inhabited with cruel saluages, for whomsoever they take they kill and eat him. The town of Bayha belongeth to the king, Bayha a town of 1000 houses. and therefore the governor of all the coast keepeth his residence in the same, as also the bishop. It containeth 1000 houses, & 40 Ingenios' for sugar, and hath much cotton, but no Brasill-wood at all. The sea runneth up into the country here 14 or 15 leagues, where they get some years good store of Amber-griese. Here is great plenty of victuals, and although the country be hot, yet is it healthful, & the air wholesome. The next town upon the coast called As Ilhas, or The Isles, As Ilhas. is but a small town, containing not above 150 houses, and but three Ingenios' for sugar. Most of the inhabitants are labouring men, which use to carry victuals in their small barks unto Fernambuck; their Lord is called Lucas Giraldo. The next place unto this is called Puerto Seguro● Puerto Seguro. it consists of 4 small towns, which contain not in all above 300 houses. The inhabitants of this town also live by carrying of victuals along the coast; and the town itself belongeth to the Duke de Auero. Hard by this port begin the sholdes which they call Abrolhos; The sholdes called Abtolhos. and these sholdes lie above 25 leagues into the sea. The next habitation of Christians beyond these sholdes is Espirito Santo which consists of two towns, Espirito Santo. both of them containing about 300 houses: and they belong to a gentleman called Vasques Fernandes de Coutinho. From hence you pass along the coast to the river of jenero, Rio de jenero. which hath about three hundred houses. In this place the Frenchmen first inhabited, whose Captain was called Monsieur de Villegagnon. The said Captain made here a fort, and planted good ordinance thereon, and laded every year great store of Brasill-wood from hence, and had great friendship with the salvage people, who did him good service, by reason whereof the Frenchmen reaped much benefit out of this country. But the king of Portugal sent out a power against the Frenchmen, who first took the french ships by sea, and then landed and besieged the fort, and at length took it, and the Captain thereof: unto whom, because he was a gentle person, and never hurt the Portugals, they gave thirty thousand ducats for his ordinance, and for all other things that were in the fort, and so sent him for France. Since which time the Portugals have inhabited this river. There are at this present only two Ingenios', but great store of Brasill-wood, with plenty of victuals. From this river of jenero they pass along the coast to Sant Vincente, which hath 4 towns, Four towns standing upon the river of S. Vincente the greatest whereof is called Santos, and consists of four hundred houses, there are also three Ingenios'. A few years passed there came two English ships into this harbour which were going for the Straitss of Magellan. Who being in this port, there came thither three of the king of Spain's ships, and fought with the Englishmen, These English men were M. Fenton and Luke Ward. but the Englishmen sunk one of their ships, and therefore the king commanded a fort to be made, A fort built at the river of Sant Vincente against the English. to the end that no English ships that were bond for the straits of Magellan should victual there, the which fort standeth on the mouth of the harbour. This country belongeth to a Gentleman called Martin Alonso de Souza: this is the last inhabited place upon all the coast of brasil. This coast of brasil is very full of mountains, and hath much rain falling upon it, for which cause they cannot go from town to town by land: all the habitations of this country are by the sea side. From Sant Vincente the coast is all mountainous, till you come to the isle of Santa Catelina, The Island of Santa Catelina. and from this Island till you come even to the straits of Magellan, the coast is very plain and without woods. Rio de la Plata Having proceeded thus far, it will not be amiss to speak somewhat of the river of Plate, which is one of the greatest rivers in all the world: for at the mouth it is above five and twenty leagues from land to land: and the Spaniards have go up in it above six hundred leagues, and could not attain to the head thereof. The first Spaniard that entered this river, and inhabited the same was called Solis, who passed up 100 leagues into it, and called it by the name of Rio de la Plata, that is to say, The river of silver, because of the fine and clear water that is in it, for I have not herded of any silver that ever was found there. The said Solis returned into Spain, without any further search into this river: howbeit another Captain called Sebastian Cabota went up this river 150 leagues, Sebastian Cabota. and built a fort, which fort standeth until this present: where leaving his ships, he went higher up the river in small Pinnesses, and all along as he went he found many Indians: but finding neither gold nor silver, nor aught ●lse of any great value, he returned to his ships, and sailed for Spain. Not many years after a certain Gentleman called Don Pedro de Mendoça furnished forth a great fleet of ships, wherein were shipped a thousand men, forty mares, and twenty horses, with all other creatures to inhabit this river: and coming thither he went up into the country to see what riches he could there find, leaving all his stuff, cattles, and provision at a place called Buenos Ayeres, Buenos Ayeres. so named in regard of the freshness of the air, and the healthfulness of his men● during their abode there: this place was rightie leagues within the river, and here he landed ●i●st: at this place the river is above seven leagues broad, and very low land on both sides without trees. This river is very often subject to great and sudden storms, so that with a storm this Don Pedro lost eight of his ships, and in the rest he returned for Spain, saying to his men, that he would go seek victuals, and so left the greater part of them behind. In his way homeward he died, and the poor men which he left behind him, for the most part of them died for hunger also, because in that place there were very few Indians, and therefore but sm●ll store of victuals, only they lived by hunting of Deer, and by fishing. Of all the men that Don Pedro left behind him there were but two hundred remaining alive, who in the shipboates went higher up the river, leaving in the place called Buenos Ayeres their mares and horses: The wonderful increase of a ●ew horses and mares. but it is a wonder to see, that of thirty mares and seven horses which the Spaniards left there, the increase in forty years was so great, that the country is 20 leagues up full of horses; whereby a man may conjecture the goodness of the pasture, and the fruitfulness of the soil. The Spaniards that went up this river passed three hundred leagues, and found the country full of Indians: who had great plenty of victuals, among whom the Spaniards dwelled as their friends, and the Indians bestowed their daughters in marriage upon them, and so they dwelled altogether in one town, which the Spaniards called Lady Ascension, La Ascension 300 leagues by the river of Plate. and it standeth on the Northside of the river. The foresaid Spaniards were twenty years in this place, before any news of their inhabiting upon this river was brought into Spain: but waxing old, and fearing that when they were dead, their sons which they had begotten in this country being very many, should live without the knowledge of any other Christians; they determined among themselves to build a ship, and to send news into Spain with letters unto the king of all things that had passed among them, upon that river. These news being brought to the king, he sent three ships, with a Bishop and certain Priests, and Friars, and more men and women to inhabit, with all kind of cattle, when this succour was come, they inhabited in two places more on the N●rth side of the river, and traveled three hundred leagues beyond the Ascension; but finding neither gold nor silver, they returned back again unto the Ascension. The people are so multiplied in this city, that now it is one of the greatest in all the India's, and containeth above two thousand houses. The country adjoining is exceeding fruitful, abounding with all kinds of victuals, & with sugar and cotton. From this city of Ascension 150 leagues towards the mouth of the river standeth another town which they call Santa Fe, Santa Fe. on the South side of the said river, from which town there lieth an open high way lading into the land of Peru, so that when I come to entreat of Peru I will speak of this way, and declare who first found it. Also five years passed they have inhabited anew the town of Buenos Airs on the South side of the river, to the end they might have trade from the coast of brasil, but their fortune was such, that the very first time they went to brasil, and would have returned again to the river of Plate, Two English ships, whereof M. Fenton was General 1582. they were taken by two ships of England that were going for the straits of Magellan. The coast along from this river to the straits of Magellan hath not been perfectly discovered, either by sea or land, saving only certain ports which they have found, sailing to the straits. Wherefore passing them over, I will here entreat of the said straits, and declare who was the first finder of them, as likewise what was the cause why they were sought for. The Portugals therefore having first found and conquered the East Indies, and discovered the coast of China, with the islands of the Malucos, (all which places abound with gold, precious stones, silks, and other rich commodities) and bringing home the foresaid riches in their ships into Portugal: there grew by this means great envy between the Portugals and their neighbours the Spaniards; insomuch that the Council of Spain said unto the Emperor Cha●les the fift being then their king, that the Portugals would be Lords of all the riches of the world. Upon which words began a controversy between the Emperor and the king of Portugal: but they being great friends before, and also kinsmen, agreed immediately to part the whole world between them, in such wise as I for my part could never understand the certainty thereof. The world being thus divided, a Portugal-gentleman called Fernando Magellanes born in a place of Portugal called Punta de la bar, Fernando Magellanes. being of a good house, & very well scene in cosmography, and an excellent Pilot, as also being offended with Don Emanuel his Sovereign, departed out of Portugal into Spain, and affirmed to the Council of Spain, that the Isles of the Malucos were in that part of the world which was allotted to the king of Spain, and that he would find a shorter way thither then the Portugals took, and laid before them such infallible reasons, that the Council giving credit unto his words sent him to sea with five ships and 400 men all very well appointed. With these five ships setting sail from S. Lucar, he came to the coast of brasil, where at that time two places were inhabited by Portugals, and so sailing on along that coast he passed by the river of Plate, which river was discovered a little before by Solis. And notwithstanding many storms, and great mutinies among his company, he came at length unto 48 degrees, to the Southwards of the river of Plate: where he found an harbour, which he named Puerto de Sant julian, port S. julian. and wintered there: and there also he hanged 5 men, and put on shore a Priest, because they would have made the company to stand against their captain, and so to have returned back again. But in the end having pacified his men, he put to sea, and within 5 days after he found the straits, which by him were so much desired: The discovery of the straits of Magellan. but before he entered the said straits there befallen such a mutiny in one of his ships, that the same ship returned back again. And so himself with the other four ships entering the straits, one of the said four with all the men therein was cast away at the very entrance: which loss notwithstanding he proceeded on with the other three ships, and passing many troubles and dangers in this long discovery, ceased not to prosecute his intended voyage. This discovery was at the first thought very profitable unto the Spaniards, but of late it hath proved very hurtful unto them by means of certain coasters which have sailed the self same course. These straits stand in 52 degrees and a half of Southerly latitude. The Southerly latitude of the straits of Magellan. Also here is to be noted, that it is colder to the Southward of the line then to the Northward: in such wise, that in forty degrees to the Southward the cold is more sharp, then in fifty degrees to the North: experience doth always show the same; for it is as cold even in the straits of Magellan, as it is in sixty degrees of Northerly latitude. Howbeit the cold is not the cause why navigators frequent not the same, but the Westerly and Southerly winds, which blow most furiously on that coast, and that oftentimes out of the very mouth of the straits, and so continued for the most part of the year. Also there runneth sometimes such a strong current, that if the wind and it go all one way, the cables cannot hold, neither can the ship withstand the force thereof. For which cause, and also for that there is no harbour, till you be passed 30 leagues into the said straits, most part of the ships that have go thither have endured many troubles before they could come to the straits, and being come to the mouth thereof they have been hindered by the current and wind, and so have been put back again. And to the end you may understand the truth, I will declare unto you all the ships that have passed through the said straits, since Magellan first found them, unto this present year of 1586, when I have once ended my discourse of Magellan his own voyage. Now you are by the way to understand, that the North side of the entrance of these straits is plain land without any wood or trees: Patagones'. here are likewise some Indians though not many, yet are they very mighty men of body of ten or eleven foot high, and good bowmen, but no man-eaters, neither have they any victuals, but such as they get by hunting and fishing; they cover their bodies with the skins of beasts that they kill, to defend them from the cold: neither was there ever to this day any silver or gold found among them or in their country. These Straitss (they say) extend in length from East to West about an hundred and twenty leagues. The length of the straits of Magellan. At the middle of these straits on the North side are many mountains covered with snow, A mighty rid● of mountains. which mountains stretch from thence along the frontiers of Chili, Peru, and Nuevo reino de Granada, even unto the shore of the North sea at Santa Martha, as I have before signified. It is a wonder to behold the exceeding height of these mountains, and the way which they continued covered with snow, for even under the Equinoctial line they have as much snow upon their tops as in 52 degrees. Also it is worthy the remembrance, that all this country toward the South sea is very fruitful, and the people very discreet and gentle: but all the coast towards brasil upon the North sea is poor, whereas never yet was found any commodity of account, and the people themselves are very cruel and salvage; for the will of God is, that good and civil men should inhabit fruitful countries. And for the better understanding hereof you must note, that all the land lying between the said ridge of mountains and the South sea is called by the names of Chili, Peru, and Nuevo reino de Granada, Chili, Peru, and Nuevo reino de Granada. which are the best and richest countries in all the world: and most part of the land from the said mountains to the North sea is called Brasill, being a mountainous country, But of late there are found divers rich u●●es. where as yet was never found either gold or silver. From the said mountains in the middle of the straits the land rises high, till you come to the end of the straits where you enter into the South sea, in which place next the South sea the straits are very dangerous, by reason of the sholdes & rocks that lie on the North side. Thus Magellan after he had entered the South sea● within 60 days came to the Isles of the Malucos, The death of Magellan. without touching at any land until he came thither: and so seeking there to lad his ships at an Island inhabited by Moors, he was by them treacherously slain. Now the Spaniards being too few for the managing of all three ships, because many of them were dead, partly with sickness, and partly with the hardness of the voyage, determined to abandon one of their said ships, and so manned the other two: which two being laden with spices and other riches known not what course they were best to take: howbeit at length it was determined, that one of these two ships should go for Nueva Espanna, and the other for the cape of Buena Esperança, and so for Spain. The ship that went for Spain was called The Victory, the Pilot whereof was a Bis●ain named ivan Sebastian del Canon, Sebastian deal Canon the first man that ever sailed about the world. to whom the king gave great rewards, and appointed him the globe for his arms, whereon was written: Primus omnium circunde distime: that is, thou art the first man that ever sailed about me. And albeit this voyage was so long and troublesome as is before mentioned, yet many others have attempted the same. And the next that sought to pass the said straits of Magellan were two ships of Genoa, Two ships of Genoa. which coming as far as the mouth of the straits were by a mighty storm driven back again, and one of them, whose master was called Pancaldo, put into the river of Plate, and was cast away about Buenos Aeres, where to this day part of the said ship is to be seen, and some of the men are yet living in the river among the Spaniards: and the other ship returned to Genoa again. A third voyage to the straits. Also there was a bishop of Placencia in Spain, who covering riches, set forth a fleet of four sails, to pass the straits, and so to go for the Malucos: and getting licence of the Emperor he sent his said 4 ships toward the straits which had very fair winds till they came thither: but being entered 20 leagues within the straits, a storm of Westerly winds took them, & drove 3 of them on shore, & the fourth back into the sea, which (the storm being passed) returned into the straits to seek for his consorts, & found many men going on the shores side, but the ships were beaten all to pieces. So they on land called unto the ship; but the captain thereof, considering that his ship was but little, & that he had but small store of victuals, would not go to them on shore, but proceeded on his voyage, & passed the straits. And because he was alone he would not sail to the Malucos, but went for the coast of Peru to the city of Lima, where the ship remains unto this day. The men of the other three ships, which were left in the straits being to the number of two hundred and fifty (whose Captain being kinsman to the bishop of Placencia was called Gonsaluo de Ouiedo, part 2. lib. 20. calleth this Captain Zam●rgo. A fourth voyage to the straits. A fift and sixt voyage to the straits of Magellan. Queros) were never herded of until this present day, it being forty years since they were left there. A year after this, certain merchants of the Groin in Galicia set forth other three ships, which ships also came to the straits mouth, where one of them was cast away with all the men, and the other two returned for Spain. Also I have had intelligence of certain Portugal ships, which being come to the mouth of the Straitss lost two of their Pinnesses which they sent to discover the land, and then returned back. And after these, two French ships were sent from the river of jenero by Monsieur de Villegagnon, but being come to the latitude of 45. degrees, Two french ships sent for the straits of Magellan. they were driven back by a storm of contrary winds. After all this the governor of Chili called Don Garcia de Mendoça son to the Marquis of Cannette determining to discover the said Straitss from the South sea, sent from Chili two ships under the conduct of a captain called Latherelio: but the danger to seek these Straitss by the South sea is more than by the North sea, because all the storms of the North sea come from the land, but in the South sea all the winds and storms come off the sea, and force the ships to run upon the lee-shore, insomuch that the said two ships were cast away in fifty degrees. The seeking of these Straitss of Magellan is so dangerous, and the voyage so troublesome, that it seemeth a matter almost impossible to be performed, insomuch that for the space of thirty years no man made accounted thereof; Sir Francis Drakes voyage about the world. until of late one Francis Drake an Englishman (of whom I h●ue before spoken) seeing he could do no good on the main land of the West Indies to benefit himself, because of the galleys of Cartagena that kept the coast, determined to seek the Straits of Magellan, and to pass into the South sea. And so having provided two ships and three pinnesses in England, he proceeded on his voyage, and coming to the Islands of Cape Verde took a Portugal ship laden with wine, the Pilot whereof being a Portugal called Nuno da Syl●a, he carried along with him, who was a great help and furtherance unto him in his voyage. And this which I shall here say, I had in writing of the Portugal pilot himself. From the Islands of Cape Verde the said Francis Drake sailed unto Port Sant julian, where he wintered: and there also he put to death a gentleman of his company, The cause why M. Dowry was beheaded. because he would have returned home. This port I take to be accursed, for that Magellan likewise put some to death there for the like offence. This Francis Drake putting out of the said port, entered the Straitss, and within twelve days got into the South sea. And two days after there arose such a storm of Westerly winds (which are usual in those parts) that he lost his pinnace, and his Uiceadmirall master john Winter was driven back again into the Straitss, who passing many dangers returned home into England. But Francis Drake himself ran with this storm into seven and fifty degrees of Southerly latitude, Sir Francis Drak● dri●en into ●7 degrees of Southerly latitude. where he found an Island with a good harbour, and fresh water, and stayed at the same Island two months to repair his ships: and then, the weather being fair, he proceeded on his voyage, and came to the coast of Chili to an Island called La Mocha; La Mocha in 38 deg. 30 min. over against the province of A●anco. where he went on shore, and talked with the Indians: but when he would have returned unto his boat they shot their arrows at him, and killed two of his men, and he himself was wounded in the face. Going from thence he passed by the ●owne of Conception not knowing the place, The town o● Concepcion● Valparizo. and so to Valparizo which is the port of Sant jago, where he found a ship laden with a kind of victuals and wine, and had in her besides threescore thousand p●zos of gold, every pezo being worth eight shillings sterling: and taking this ship with him he went from thence to another p●rt called Coquimbo: The port of Coquimbo in 29 deg 30 min. where seeing many cattle on the land, he sent presently some of his men with calievers to kill of the said cattle: but being espied of the Spaniards that dwelled in the town, they sent twelve horsemen to see what they were that killed their cattle, for they known them not: and coming near unto them, the Englishmen fled to their boats, but the horsemen overtook one of them who had a halberd in his hand, whom the Spaniards thought to have taken: but he with his halberd kill one of their horses was himself run through with a lance, and so the Spaniards carried him dead with them into the town. The next day the news came to Sant jago, that they were Englishmen, and how they had taken the ship out of the harbour of Valparizo: whereupon they of Sant jago sent a Post by land to give warning unto them of Peru. Howbeit by reason that the country between this place and Peru is not inhabited for the space of two hundredth leagues, and many huge and cold mountains covered with snow he in the way, the Post was so long in performance of this journey, that captain Drake was upon the coast of Peru a month before the said Post came thither: neither could they sand any news by sea, because they were destitute of shipping. Captain Drake departing from Coquimbo sailed to another port not inhabited, where he set up a pinnace. And going from thence, the next place where he touched was a port upon the coast of Peru called los Pescadores: Los Pescadores. and there he landed, and in one of the fishermen's houses found of a Spaniards three thousand pesoes of silver in little bars. From hence he went to another port called Arica, Arica in 18 degu which being the next town to Chili that the Spaniards have in all Peru, containeth an hundredth houses: and this is the norte where they discharge their merchandise that pass from Lima to Potossi, and to all other cities within the land, and likewise at this place they were wont to embark all the silver which they carried for Panamá. At this port of Arica he found a ship that had in her thirteen thousand pesoes of silver, which having taken out, he burned the said ship, and after thought to have landed, but seeing both horsemen and footmen on shore he would not, but proceeded on his voyage. Since captain Drake was at this port they carry their silver by land to Lima, and lad no more treasure here, but only discharge the merchants good that come from Spain hither. Also they have built a fort at this place for the better safety of the inhabitants, and have planted it with ten pieces of Ordinance, and every summer there lie in garrison an hundred soldiers besides the townsmen. From hence he sailed to another port called Chuli: Chuli. in which port was a ship that had three hundred thousand pesoes of silver in bars: but they had sent horsemen from Arica to give advertizement of Drakes being on the coast, which news came but two hours to the town before his arrival at the said port: whereupon the Master of the ship having no leisure to carry his silver on shore, was forced to throw it into the sea in six fathom water, where his ship road, and so to run on shore in the ships boat. And captain Drake coming aboard the ship was told by an Indian, that the Master had thrown the silver overboard. Wherefore seeing that news began to run of him from town to town he stayed not here, but ran along the coast: and because he would have no lets, he cast off the ship which he had taken at Sant jago, with never a man in her, which ship was never herded of after. And so without staying any where he shaped his course for Lima, and coming to the harbour of Lima called El Callao, El Callao de Lima. being two leagues distant from Lima itself, (for Lima standeth up into the land) he arrived there one day, before the news of him was brought to Lima, and found the men in the ships without suspicion. And as he entered into the port, there came in also a ship from Panama laden with merchandise, and he sent his pinnace to take her: but the men forsaking the ship be took them to their boat, and went on shore: and as the Englishmen followed the boat, a Spaniard that was therein shot a piece, and slay one of captain Drakes men in the pinnace. Wherefore he followed the boat no farther, but went with his pinnace into the harbour among fourteen sail of ships that lay there, in all which ships there was not a man that had so much as a sword or a piece to molest him, wherefore he did with less fear go from ship to ship, ask them if there were any ships go for Panamá; for he known well, that the ships which go for Panamá carry both silver & gold, neither sought he for any thing else, for there were merchandise enough for him in those ships, if he had been desirous to have had the same. So they told him that three days passed there was a ship go for Panamá which carried all the merchant's silver thither. Whereupon he presently set sail towards Panamá; for when he came into this port it was about midnight, so that the Spaniards could not see what ships he had. At last the news came to Lima unto the Uiceroy of Peru, that there were enemies in the harbour, but they known not what they were. Wherefore the Uiceroy & all the people were in great fear, jest some Spaniards had made a mutiny, and put themselves in arms: and so the next morning himself accompanied with 2000 horsemen & footmen came from ●●e city down to the waters side, and finding some of the Englishmens arrows that were shot at the boat, out of which their man was slain, they known them to be Englishmen: and then they were all in quiet, seeing it was but one ship, for as yet the ship lay becalmed 3 days before the town. Whereupon they forthwith provided 2 ships with 200 men in them, to board captain Drake or else to burn his ship; and after the ships went 2 small pinnesses, because that if any of the ships should be sunk, they might save the men. But it was a day & a half before these things could be made ready, & in the end going forth they found the English ship still becalmed, & the calm was such, that the Spaniards could not come at them. The same night, the wound blowing afresh gale, the Spaniards returned into the harbour, and captain Drake set forward to Panamá. The cause of the Spaniards return was, for that they had no Ordinance, nor victuals to tarry any longer out. Then the Uiceroy caused six pieces of Ordinance to be made, neither could he make any more, in regard of the shortness of time: so with these pieces of Ordinance, and three ships, Three ships sent after captain Drake. and two hundred and fifty men in them he sent after captain Drake; who after he had wind stayed no where, nor took any ships at all, notwithstanding he met with many coming from Panamá laden with merchandise, but still he enquired after the ship that was go to Panamá before him: of which ship he had sight about the cape of Sant Francisco, A rich prize taken by sir Francis Drake at Cape S. Francisco situate one degree to the north of the Equinoctial. the Master whereof was a Biskaine, called ivan de Anton: who seeing this ship of the Englishmens, thought that the Uiceroy of Peru had sent him some message, and therefore struck all his sails: but so soon as he might discern the ship somewhat better, he would then feign have go his way, for he known that it was none of that coast, and then he began to hoist his sails, but could by no means get from Captain Drake because he was within the reach of his great Ordinance, for the Spaniards not having so much as a rapier to defend themselves, were soon constrained to yield. Read Nuno da Sylva concerning this treasure. There were in this ship above eight hundred and fifty thousand pesoes of silver, and forty thousand pesoes of gold, all which silver and gold was customed; but what store of treasure they had besides uncustomed I know not, for many times they carry almost as much more as they pay custom for; otherwise the king would take it from them, if they should be known to have any great sum; wherefore every ship carrieth his bill of custom, that the king may see it. All this treasure that captain Drake took was merchants and other men's goods, saving one hundred and eighty thousand pesoes of the kings. He had also out of this ship good store of victuals with other necessaries, which were to be carried for Panamá, and was five days taking out of such things as he needed. This done, he sailed from hence to the coast of Nueva Espanna without going to Panamá. Surely this was a great plague of God justly inflicted upon us for our sins: for the taking of these ships is an especial cause of all the dangerous wars that are likely to ensue between Spain and England. Now the ships that were sent by the Uiceroy of Peru from Lima after Francis Drake, arrived at Cape Sant Francisco twenty days after he had taken the foresaid ship, and had intelligence by a ship coming from Panamá, which they met at the said cape, that Francis Drake had taken the ship with silver, and was not go for Panamá. Whereupon the captain of the three ships thinking that captain Drake had been go for the Straitss of Magellan, directed his course that way to seek him. Captain Drake carried from the coast of Peru eight hundredth sixty six thousand pesoes of silver, which is as much as right hundred sixty six quintals, at 100 pound weight the quintal, every quintal b●ing worth one thousand and two hundredth ducats of Spain; all which sum amounteth to a million and thirty nine thousand and two hundredth ducats. Besides this silver he carried away a hundred thousand pesoes of gold, that is ten quintals, each quintal being valued at a thousand five hundredth Spanish ducats, which last sum amounteth to an hundredth and fifty thousand ducats: over and besides the treasure in the said ship which was uncustomed (the value whereof I cannot learn) consisting of pearls, precious stones, reals of plate, and other things of great worth. With all this purchase he sailed toward Nueva Espanna; and at an Island lying before that coast called The Island of Canon he discharged all things out of his ship and graved her, The Island of Cano. and remained there ten days. From thence he went along the coast of Nueva Espanna, where he took certain ships laden with spices, silks, and velvets, but no gold nor silver, for there was none to be had on this coast. And here at Guatulco he set on shore his Portugal-pilot, which he took at one of the Islands of Cape Verde. But what course he kept from this coast till he came into England I know not of certaine●y, and therefore I will not meddle therewithal. The foresaid three ships which were sent in pursuit of captain Drake, returned back again to Lima without doing of aught. All which notwithstanding, the Uiceroy of Peru determined to sand two ships to the Straitss of Magellan, either to meet with captain Drake there, or else to see if they could fortify the said Straitss against such ships as might afterward attempt to pass through the same. And albeit this was thought a most dangerous voyage, and impossible to be performed, by reason of the sholds on that side of the Straitss, yet sent he forth the two said ships. The Admiral being a ship of an hundredth tons, and the other of eighty tons, & having one hundredth and twenty men in them both, sailed from Lima under the conduct of Pedro Sarmiento, Pedro Sarmiento sent from Lima to the Stre●●●● of Magellan. who was then accounted the best navigator in all Peru. These ships after their departure touching on the coast to take in victuals, were nine months before they came to the latitude of the Straitss, and there were they encountered with a cruel storm: but Pedro Sarmiento being a man of good courage, bore in with the land in this storm, & in a night he was put into the straits, not knowing how nor which way; and the other ship running farther into the sea, sailed to 58 degrees of Southerly latitude. 58 degrees of Southerly latitude di●cou●red. The storm being past, this other ship found many Islands near unto the main land, and so returned with fair weather all along the shore, neither could they found any other way to enter the Straitss, but only that which Magellan discovered: Many Islands discou●red to the South of the Straitss. notwithstanding that others affirm the contrary, saying that the Straitss be full of Islands to the Southwards: but they may be deceived, for if there be any other Straight, it is beyond 58 degrees, and hath never been seen of any man: for this ship was farthest to the Southwards of all that ever I herded of: for Francis Drake being driven by tempest no farther than 57 degrees could not know so much as this other; which ship from hence returned back to Lima. But Pedro Sarmiento entered the Straitss, where his men falling into a mutiny would have returned to Lima; whereupon hanging one of them he proceeded on his voyage for Spain. Where being arrived, he told the king that there were two narrow places in the Straitss where he might build a fort, Pedro Sarmiento persuadeth the king of Spain to fortify the Straitss of Magellan. and that there was a very good country abounding with great store of riches and other necessaries, and very well inhabited with Indians. Upon whose words, and for that there were more ships making ready in England to pass the said Straitss, the king sent Diego Flores de Valdez with 23 ships and 3500 men, and a new governor to Chili with five hundred old soldiers newly come out of Flanders. These ships had the hardest hap of any that ever went out of Spain since the India's were first discovered: for that before they could get clear of the coast of Spain, a storm took them, and cast away five of them, and above eight hundred men, and the residue of the fleet put into Cadiz. Notwithstanding which hard success, the king sent them word that they should proceed: and so they did with sixteen sails only, for two other of their ships were so shaken with the storm, that they could not go forth. In these sixteen sail of ships Pedro Sarmiento was sent to be governor in the straits: he carried with him all kind of artificers, to build forts, and other necessaries, with great store of Ordinance and munition. This fleet because it set late forth, wintered on the coast of Brasil in the river of jenero. Winter being past, they set sail from hence, and about the height of 42 degrees they had such a storm, that Diego Flores was feign to beat it up and down about 22 days; in which storm was sunk one of his best ships, and in her three hundred men and twenty women that went to inhabit the straits, and most part of the munition that should have been left in the straits were all cast away. In the end the storm grew so intolerable, that the ships not being able to endure it any longer were constrained to put back again unto an Island called Santa Catelina: and there he found a bark wherein were certain friars going for the river of Plate, which friars told him of two great English ships and a pinnace that had taken them, but took nothing from them, nor did them any harm, but only asked them for the king of Spain's ships. Now Diego Flores supposing that these English ships would go to the straits, was himself determined to go to the straits also, though it was in the month of February: and choosing ten ships of the fifteen that were left, he sent three of the residue that were old a●d shaken with the storm (wherein he put all the women and sick men that were in the fleet) back again to the river of jenero; leaving the other two ships, which were not able to brook the sea, at the foresaid Island; and so himself with the said ten ships returned again for the straits. Two English ships under the conduct of M. Fenton and M. Luke Ward. Now the three ships wherein the sick men and the women were embarked, came to the port of Sant Vincent: where finding the two foresaid English ships, and urging them to avoid the harbour, the English entered combat with them: and by reason that these three ships were weakened with former tempests, and were manned with the refuse of all the Spanish fl●ete, the Englishmeu easily put them to the worst, and sunk one of them, and might also have sunk another, if they had been so minded; but they desired not the destruction of any man: and doubtless it is the greatest valour that any man can show, that when he may do hurt, he will not. Hereupon the Englishmen departed from this port unto Espirito Santo, Espirito Santo. where they had victuals for their merchandise: and so they returned home to England without doing any harm in the country. The cause why these English captains went not to the straits I know not: some say, that they were put back by foul weather, others suppose that it was for fear of the king's ships: but the pinnace that belonged to these ships wherein john Drake went as captain, john Drake. departed from them: the cause why he did so, is unknown: but this pinnace entered the river of Plate, and within five leaguas of Seale-island, not far from the place where the Earl of Cumberlands ships took in fresh water, it was cast away upon a ledge of rocks; but the men were all saved in the boat. Who being eighteen in number went on shore upon the Northside of the Island, and passing ten days journey up into the land, they met with certain Salvage people, which are no man-eaters, but take all the Christians that they can get, and make them their slaves: howbeit the Englishmen fought with them, and being too few in number, five of them were slain, and the other thirteen taken prisoners, who remained with the Saluages about fifteen months. But the Master of the pinnace called Richard Faireweather, being loath any longer to endure that misery wherein he was, and having knowledge of a town of Christians on the other side of the river, called on a night john Drake, and another young man which was with them, and took a Canoa being very little, and having but two oars, and passed therewith on the other side of the river, which is full nine leagues broad; and being three days before they could get over, they were much pined for lack of meat. But coming to land, they hit upon an high way that went towards the Christians: and spying the footing of horses, they followed it, and at last came to an house, near unto the which corn was sowed. And there they met with Indians that were servants to the Spaniards, who gave them food, and clotheses to cover them withal, for they were all naked. And one of the said Indians went to the town, and carried news of the Englishmen: whereupon the captain of the town sent our four horsemen, which brought them to the town behind them, and the said captain clothed them, and provided lodging for them, and john Drake sat at the captains own table, and he entreated them all very well, thinking to sand them for Spain. But the Uiceroy of Peru hearing this news sent for them, and they sent him john Drake; but the other two they kept, because they were married in the country. Thus much concerning their affairs. Upon these news also there were prepared fifty horsemen to go over the river, both to seek the rest of the Englishmen, and certain Spaniards which were amongst those Salvage people; but I am not assured whether they went forward or no. Now let us return to Diego Flores: who passing from the Island of Santa Catelina towards the straits of Magellan in the middle of February, and coming to the height of the river of Plate, sent the governor of Chili with three ships up the river to Buenos airs, that he might from thence pass overland to Chili. The governor of Chili passeth thither by the river of Plate. Of these three ships two were lost, but the men and provisions were saved; and the third returned for Spain. Then Diego Flores with the other seven ships proceeded on to the latitude of 52. degrees, whereas the mouth of the Straitss beginneth: but because it was the end of March, which there is the latter end of summer, the country was so full of snow, and withal there arose such a sudden storm, that he could not set Sarmiento and his men on shore, but was constrained the second time to return unto the river of jenero upon the coast of Brasil; where he herded news of the English ships by the two Spanish ships that escaped from them. Upon which news he left his lieutenant Diego de Ribera, and Pedro Sarmiento, that they might the next year return for the straits. And so Diego Flores himself with four ships which were yet remaining unto him, Four ships more sent i● Diego Flores. and other four which the king sent to secure him, set forth to seek the Englishmen; but having run along all the coast of Brasil he could not find them, because they were go directly for England. Whereupon shaping his course unto a port called Paraiva, Five French ships taken at Paraiva. and finding there five French ships, he burned three and took two, and the fort also which the Frenchmen had built, and put Spaniards therein, but the Frenchmen fled into the mountains to the Saluages. This done he returned for Spain. In the mean season his Lieutenant Diego de Ribera, Pedro Sarmiento left in the streit● of Magellan with 400 men & 30 women's and Pedro Sarmiento had the next year so good fortune, that they arrived safely in the straits with all their ships, and set on shore four hundredth men: but because the ships boat could not land, being once laden, they ran that ship, which had all the victuals and munition in her, on shore in a bay, and as the water did ebb they took all things out of her. This being done, Diego de Ribera left Sarmiento with four hundredth men, thirty women, and a ship, with victuals for eight months: and with the other three ships he returned, having remained in the Straitss but eight days. Now Pedro Sarmiento built a town at the mouth of the Sreights on the North side, Number de jefao builded. placing therein an hundredth and fifty men: and from thence he went by land, and sent the ship further into the straits, and fifty leagues within the Straitss, at the narrowest place of all, where there is a very good port, he built another town, which he named The town of king Philip; Ciudad deal 〈◊〉 Philippe builded. and would also have made a fort, and planted Ordinance for the defence of the Straitss: but the snow and Winter was so intolerable, that he could not bring it to perfection. Whereupon taking about 25 mariners with him into the foresaid ship, he said he would go see how his other people did, and so he sailed to the Straitss mouth, unto the town which was first built; where having continued a day or two, he said that a storm put him from the Sreights by force and broke his cables; but his men affirmed the contrary, that himself cut his cables (God knoweth the truth) and so be passed to the river of jenero; and not finding there any succour come from the king, he sailed to Fernambuck, craving aid of the captain to furnish him with victuals. And so the captain presently freighted his ship with victuals and clotheses for his people left in the Straitss, and so sailed thitherward. But between Cape S. Augustin and Baya the wound came off the sea with such violence, that it forced the ship to run on shore; where Sarmiento had three of his men drowned, and he with the rest hardly escaped: and so this ship was lost with all the provision in her. From thence he passed by land to Baya where the governor of Brasil bought him a bark that lay in the harbour, lading the same with victuals and clotheses for Sarmientoes colony. With this provision and divers other necessaries for his people he took his voyage for the Straitss, and coming to the height of four and forty degrees, he met on the sudden with such a furious storm, that he was forced to throw his freight overboard, and also to return to the river of jenero. Where staying a whole year for succour from the king, there came not so much as a letter from him. For the king was sore displeased at Pedro Sarmiento, because he made him believe that the narrowest place of the Straitss was but a mile over: and that it might be fortified so that a boat could not pass: whereas Diego de Ribera, and others certified the king, that it was above a league broad, and that if a ship came with wind and current, all the Ordinance in the world could not hurt it. Wherefore the king thought that Pedro Sarmiento had deceived him, in making him to loose so many men, and so much charges to no effect. And the governor of Baya seeing that the king written not unto him, Pedro Sarmiento was taken up sir Walter Raleghs barks 1586. would give him no more secure: so thet Sarmiento was constrained to make a voyage for Spain in the same ship, wherein he last sailed toward the Straitss: and it is said that he was taken in the way by Englishmen, and carried into England. This Sarmiento hath carried the name to be the best Navigator in all Spain, and that he hath sailed the furthest of all others. After all this the captain of the river of jenero sent a small ship with victuals for the straits, which was put back also in forty degrees. And this is all the discovery of the Straitss of Magellan, made as well by Spaniards as other nations unto this present year 1586. Master Candish found but 22 men living of them. It is four years since these poor and miserable Spaniards were left in the Straitss, from which time there hath no succour go unto them, so God he knoweth whether they be dead or alive. Thus according to my promise I have declared unto you to the uttermost of my knowledge, all things concerning the India's, as far as the very Straitss of Magellan; thinking to have proceeded along the coast, as at the first; but that the doings of captain Drake and other captains which attempted to pass the said Straitss have caused me to be the longer in this my pretended work. Howbeit now let us proceed on forward from the Straitss to the coast of Chili: the distance between which two places no man hath traveled by land, in regard of the huge mountains covered with snow that lie in the way: yea I may well say, that it hath not often been traveled by sea; for that all the ships which have passed that way have at the lest go thirty leagues of the shore, to avoid the sholds and many little Islands that lie near the main land; and therefore the inland of that coast remains as yet unknown. Castro upon the coast of Chili. The first town after you have passed the Streights standeth on the coast of Chili, and is called Castro, being situate upon the worst place of all the coast, for there is but small store of gold with scarcity of victuals, and a sharp cold air. The harbour belonging to this town is compassed about with so many sholdes, that it will serve but to receive small barks only. The next town to this is Baldivia. Baldivia. A description of the province Chili. But before I pass any farther I will here describe unto you the situation and quality of Chili. This country stretcheth in length from North to South above two hundredth leagues, containing in breadth but five and twenty leagues at the most. From the great ridge of mountains lying to the East of Chili run very many rivers into the sea, rivers rich of gold. which rivers are the cause of divers valleys the fruitfullest in all the world, where bread, wine, and other victuals mightily abound; and the said rivers also are very rich of gold. But to declare in few words the excellency of this province, I say that it might well be called an earthly paradise, save that it locketh one only commodity, and that is peace. It was first discovered on this manner: the Spaniards having conquered the kingdom of Peru, (as I will hereafter show unto you) found in the said kingdom great store of gold; and ask the Indians from whence it came, they answered, from Chili. Upon which news Don Diego de Almagro being one of the principal captains that conquered Peru made a voyage with three hundredth horsemen toward Chili, being constrained in his way to go over part of the snowy mountains, which way his Indian guide's conducted him, to the end that himself and all his company might die for cold. Howbeit the Spaniards, though they lost some of their horses, came to the first town of Chili called Copiapo being situate upon the first plain at the entrance of the said province. Copiapo the next town of Chili unto Peru. But having news that the Indians were risen against the Spaniards of Peru and had enclosed them, he returned back without going any farther. Now this captain Don Diego de Almagro being slain in the wars of Peru, another called Don Pedro de Baldivia marching into Chili with four hundredth horses, easily conquered that half of the country which was subject to the kings of Peru. For knowing that Peru, being the chief country of their Emperor, was overcome by the Spaniards, they also immediately yielded their land unto them. But the other half as it was the richest and the fruitfullest part, El estado de Arauco. so God had peopled it with the most valiant and furious people in all America. The province which they inhabit called El Estado de Arauco is but a small province about 20 leagues in length, El Estado de Arauco. and is governed by ten principal men of the country, out of which ten they choose the valiantest man for their general in the wars. The kings of Peru in times past could never conquer this part of Chili, nor yet any other kings of the Indians. The weapons used by these people of Arauco are long pikes, halberds, bows and arrows: they also make them jacks of seale-skinnes, and headpieces: in times past the heads of their halberds and pikes were of brass, but now they have got store of iron. They pitch their battles in manner like the Christians: for putting their pikemen in ranks, they place bowmen among them, and marshal their troops with discretion and great valour. Now the Spaniards coming unto this province sent word unto them by other Indians, saying that they were the children of God, and came to teach them the word of God, and that therefore they aught to yield themselves unto them; if not, they would shoot fire among them and burn them. These people not fearing the great words of the Spaniards, but desiring to see that which they had herded reported, met them in the field, and fought a most cruel battle: but by reason of the Spaniards great ordinance and calivers, they were in the end put to flight. Now these Indians thinking verily that the Spaniards were the children of God, because of their great ordinance which made such a noise, and breathed out such flames of fire, yielded themselves unto them. So the Spaniards having divided this province made the Indians to serve their turns for getting of gold out of the mines, which they enjoyed in such abundance, that he which had lest had 20000 pesoes, but Captain Baldivia himself had 300000 pesoes by the year. The fame of these riches in the end was spread as far as Spain; from whence soon after resorted many Spaniards to the land of Chili, whom Captain Baldivia caused to inhabit six towns: to wit, Villa nueva de la Serena. La Conception, Sant jago, La Imperial, Baldivia, La Villa Rica the 〈◊〉 six towns 〈…〉 Chili. Villa nueva de la Serena called in the Indian tongue Coquimbo; the second Saint jago which the Indians call Mapocha; the third La Conception called by the Indians Penco; the fourth La Imperial; the fift Baldivia; and the sixt Lafoy Villa Rica. Also he built a fort in the middle of all the land, wherein he put ordinance and soldiers: howbeit all this their good success continued not long: for the Indians in short time perceiving that the Spaniards were but mortal men as well as they, determined to rebel against them: wherefore the first thing that they did, they carried grass into the said fort for the Spaniards horses, A stra●ag●●e of the Indians of Chili against the Spaniards. and wood also for them to burn, among which grass the Indians conveyed bows and arrows with great clubs. This done, fifty of the Indians entered the sort, betook themselves to their bows, arrows, and clubs, and stood in the gate of the said for't: from whence making a sign unto other of their nation for help, they wan the fort, and slew all the Spaniards. The news of this overthrow coming to the town of Conception where Captain Baldivia was, he presently set forth with two hundred horsemen to seek the Indians, taking no more men with him, because he was in haste. And in a plain he met the Indians, who coming of purpose also to seek him, and compassing him about, slay most part of his company, the rest escaping by the swiftness of their horses: but Baldivia having his horse slain under him was taken alive. Whom the Indians wished to be of a good courage, and to fear nothing; for the cause (said they) why we have taken you, is to give you gold enough. And having made a great banquet for him, the last service of all was a cup full of melted gold, which the Indians forced him to drink, saying, Now glut thyself with gold, and so they killed him. The death of Baldivia. This Baldivia was a most valiant man, who had been an old soldier in the wars of Italy, and at the sacking of Rome. Upon this discomfiture the Spaniards choose for their Captain one Pedro de Villa grand; Pedro de villa grand. who assembling all the Spaniards in Chili, and taking with him ten pieces of ordinance, marched against those Indians; but with so bad success, that he lost not only the field and many of his men, but also those ten pieces of ordinance which he brought. The Indians having thus got the victory, went straightway against the town of Conception, from whence the Spaniards fled for fear, and left the town desolate. And in this manner were the Spaniards chased by the Indians out of the country of Arauco. But news hereof being brought to the Marquis of Cannete viceroy of Peru, he sent his son Don Garcia de Mendoça against those Indians, Don Garcia de Mendoza. with a great power of horsemen, and footmen, and store of Artillery. This nobleman having subdued Chili again, & slain in divers battles above 40000 Indians, and brought them the second time under the Spaniards subjection, newly erected the said fort that stood in the midst of the land, inhabited the town of Conception again, and built other towns for the Spaniards: and so leaving the land in peace, he returned for Peru. But year he was clean departed out of the land the Indians rebelled again, but could not do so much mischief as they did before, because the Spaniards took better heed unto them. From that time until this present there hath been no peace at all: for notwithstanding many Captains and soldiers have done their uttermost, yet can they not bring that people wholly in subjection. And although the Spaniards have in this province eleven towns and two bishoprics, Eleven towns, and two bishoprics in Chili. yet have they little enough to maintain themselves, by reason of the wars; for they spend all the gold that the ●●●d yields in the maintenance of their soldiers: which would not be so, if they had peac●●●●r than they might work in all their mines. Thus having spoken somewhat of the situation of Chili, A description of the towns of Chili, Baldivia. and of the troublesome conquest thereof, I will return to my former discourse where I left. Baldivia therefore being of 150 houses hath twice been burned and spoiled by the Indians; so that now it is wate●poore, but before the Indians sacked it, it was very rich: and it standeth up a river four leagues from the sea. Passing from hence you come to the plain country of Arauco being situate over against the Island La Mocha, The province of Arauco over against the Island La Mocha situate in 38 deg. and a half. on which Island the Indians that inhabit belong to the main land. Having passed the plain of Arauco, the next town of the Spaniards that you come unto is Lady Conception which hath ●eene the greatest and the richest town in all Chili; La Conception. but by reason that the Indians have burned the same four times, it is now grown very poor, and hath small store of people: it containeth about some two hundred houses. And because it adjoineth upon the plain of Arauco where these valiant Indians be, therefore this town is environed about with a strong brickwall, and hath a fort built hard by it: and here are 500 soldiers continually in garrison. Between this place and Valparizo, Valparizo which is the port at S jago standeth in 33. deg. 40 mm. the Indians call the coast by the name of Mapocha. Saint jago itself standing 25 leagues up into the country, is the principal town of all Chili, and the seat of the governor; it consists of about 800 houses. The port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping, hath about twenty houses standing by it. The next town near the sea side beyond this is Coquimbo, Coquimbo standeth in 29. deg. 20. min. which standeth two leagues up into the land, and containeth about 200 houses. Next unto Coquimbo standeth a port-town called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serve the Spaniards: Copiapo. and here a gentleman which is governor of the town hath an Ingevio for sugar: at this place endeth the whole province of Chili. Here also the mountains joining hard upon the sea are the cause why all the land between Copiapo and Peru, containing 160 leagues, lieth desolate. A description of Peru. The first town on the coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaves unto the Spaniards. But before I pass any farther I will here also declare unto you the first discovery of Peru with other matters there to belonging, and then will I return to the sea-coast again: and to the end you may understand me the better, I will begin with Panama. After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this main land, passing over the mountains they discovered the South sea: where because they found Indian people with gold and pearls, they built a town eighteen leagues to the West of Number de Dios hard upon the seaside, and called it Panama. From hence they discovered along the coast of Nueva Espanna: and for that Nueva Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards, there began a trade from thence to Panama: but from Panama by sea to the coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time, because of the Southerly winds blowing on this coast almost all the year long, which are a hindrance to ships sailing that way: and by land the passage was impossible, in regard of mountains and rivers: yea it was fifteen years before they passed the Island of Pearls, which is but twenty leagues from Panama. There were at this time in Panama two men, the one called Francisco Piçarro born in the city of Truxillo in Spain, a valiant man, but withal poor: the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich. These men got a company unto them, and provided two Caravels to discover the coast of Peru: and having obtained licence of the governor of that place, Francisco Piçarro set forth with two foresaid Caravels and 100 men, and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to sand him victuals and other necessaries. Now Francisco Piçarro sailing along the coast met with much contrary winds and rain, which put him to great trouble; and he began also after a while to lack victuals, for he was sailing of that in eight months which they now pass in fifteen days, and not knowing the right course he ran into every river and bay that he see along the coast; which was the chief cause that he stayed so long on his voyage: also thirty of his company died by reason of the unhealthfulnesse of the coast. At last he came to an Island called by him Isla del Gallo, Isla del Gallo. being situate from the main land six leagues. From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supply of victuals & of men: which ship being departed, 40 of his men that remained behind made a mutiny, and passed up into the country, meaning to return by land to Panama, but in the way they all perished, for they were never herded of until this day. So that Francisco Piçarro was left upon the said Island only with thirteen men: who although he had his ship there in which he might have returned, yet would he rather die then go back; and his 13 men also were of his opinion, notwithstanding that they had no other victuals, but such as they had from the main land in the night season. Thus he continued nine months, before any succour was brought him from Panama: but in the end his ship returned with 40 men only and victuals: whereupon he prosecuted his voyage till he came to the first plain country of Peru called Tumbez, Tumbez. where he found a fort made by the king of Peru against the Indians of the mountains. Wherefore Piçarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a people of so good understanding and discretion, being rich also in gold and silver and well appareled. At this port of Tumbez he took 30000 pesoes of gold in truck of merchandise: and having too few men to proceed any further he carried two Indians with him to learn the language and returned back for Panama. Upon this discovery Francisco Piçarro thought it expedient to travel into Spain to ●raue of the king the conquest of this land. Wither being come, the king granted his request. And with the money which he carried over with him he hired a great number of men with a fleet of ships, and brought also along with him four of his brethren very valiant and hardy men. And being come to Panama he straightway went on his voyage for Peru, being accompanied with his partner Diego de Almagro. They sailed first to the Island called Isla del Gallo; where Francisco Piçarro and his brethren went on land, and left Diego de Almagro in the ships. And the whole number which afterward landed on the main land were 60 horsemen and 120 footmen, with two great field-pieces. But before we proceed any farther, we think it not amiss to describe unto you the situation of Peru, The river of Peru. and the natural disposition of the inhabitants: This country was called Peru by the Spaniards, of a river so named by the Indians, where they first came to the sight of gold. From which river standing under the line, till you come to Copiapo the first town on the coast of Chili, stretcheth the land of Peru, for the space of eight hundred leagues: upon six hundred whereof from A●acama to Tumbez did never drop of rain fall, since the flood of Noah: and yet is it the fruitfullest land for all kind of victuals and other necessaries for the sustentation of man's life that is to be found in all the world besides. The reason why it raineth not in this land is because it being a plain country and very narrow and low, situate between the Equinoctial and the tropic of Capricorn, there runneth on the West frontier not above twenty leagues from the sea called Marinell del Sur Eastward thereof, a mighty ridge of high mountains covered with snow, the height of which mountains so draweth the moisture of the clouds unto itself, that no rain falls upon the valleys of Peru. The cause wh● it raineth no● in Pe●u● From these mountains issue great store of rivers into the South sea, with the waters whereof drawn by certain sauces and channels they moisten their vineyards and cornfields, and by this means the land is so exceeding fruitful. Between these mountains and the mountains of Chili that stretch unto the straits of Magellan, lieth a plain of 60 leagues over, being so cold that it yieldeth no Wheat, but good store of other victuals. This country of Peru is full of people well appareled and of civil behaviour. It hath many mines of gold and more of silver, as also great store of copper, and t●●ne-mines, Gold, silver, copper, 〈◊〉, saltpeter and brimstone. The sheep of Peru calle● L●ama●. with abundance of saltpetre, and of brimstone to make gunpowder. There are likewise cattle of all sorts, among which there is a beast in shape somewhat resembling a camel, but no bigger than a steer of a year old; they serve to carry burdens, their flesh being good to eat, and their wool apt for many purposes. This beast is accounted the most profitable of all others for the use of man: howbeit the Spaniards since their first coming have replenished this country with horses, cows, sheep, and goats, and likewise with plenty of wheat. So that in few words this land hath abundance of riches and victuals, and is the healthfullest place in the world. There were in times past kings of this land which were mighty Monarches, whose dominions stretched 1200. leagues, and their laws were very civil, save that they were worshippers of the Sun. At what time the Spaniards first entered this land there were two brethren of the blood royal which strove who should have the kingdom, the one called Guascar, and the other A●abalipa. A●abalipa and Guascar two brethren competitors for the ●ui●●ne 〈◊〉 Peru● Now Guascar had possession of all the mountains and the lands within them: and Atabalipa was lord of all the sea coast, and of the valleys situate between the said mountains and the sea. The Indians seeing the Spaniards at the first arrive upon their shore called them Vera coach, which in their language signifieth, The foam of the sea. Also Atabalipa the Indian prince sent unto them to know what they did in his land, and what they sought for: the Spaniards made answer that they were the messengers of a great lord, and that they came to speak with the prince himself: who sent them word that they should come with a very good will; and so Atabalipa stayed for them at a city called Caxamalca, being thirty leagues distant from the sea side. Wither being come, they found the Indian prince sitting in a chariot of gold, carried upon men's shoulders, and accompanied with above 60000 Indians all ready armed for the wars. Then the Spaniards told them that they were sent from an Emperor (unto whom the Pope had given all that land) to convert them unto the Christian faith. Whereunto A●abalipa answered, that he would gladly be friends with the Emperor, because he was so great a Monarch, but in no ●ase with the Pope, because he gave to another that which was none of his own. Now while they were thus in talk, the Spaniards discharging their two field-pieces, and their calivers, set upon the Indians, crying Saint jago. The Indians hearing the noise of the ordinance and small shot, and seeing the fire, thought that flames of fire had been come down from heaven upon them; whereupon they fled, and left their prince as a booty for the Spaniards Whom they at the first entreated very gently, wishing him not to fear, for that their coming was only to seek for gold and silver. During the time of Altabalipas imprisonment, his Captains had slain his brother Guasca●, and had subdued all the mountains and plain cou●●reys. Upon which news Atabalipa told the Spaniards, that if they would release him, h●e would g●ue them all that they should demand. This communication having continued a whole day, ●t length a soldier named Soto said unto Atabalipa; what will't thou give us to set thee free? The prince answered, I will give whatsoever you will demand. Whereunto the soldier replied, thou shalt give us this house full of gold and silver thus high, lifting up his sword, and making ● stroke upon the brickwall. And Atabalipa said, that if they would grant him respite to sand into his kingdom, he would fulfil th●ir demand. Whereat the Spaniards much marveling, gau● him three months time, but he had filled the house in two months and an half, a matter 〈◊〉 credible, yet most t●●e: for I, know above twenty men that were there at that time, who all affirm, that it was above ten million of gold and silver. Howbeit for all this they let not the prince go, but thought that in kill of him they should become lords of the whole land, and so the Spaniards on a night strangled him. But God the righteous judge seeing this villainous act, suffered none of those Spaniards to dye by the course of nature, but brought them to evil and shameful ends. Upon the news of these great riches there came store of people out of Spain, and inhabit●● many places in this country. The king in recompense of the good services of the two foresaid partners, appointed Diego de Almagro governor of half the land, and Francisco Piçarro of the other half, whom also he made a Marquis. But these two consorts in parting of a land belonging unto other men, fallen at variance and sharp war between themselves: and at length Piçarro having slain Almagro got all the land into his own hands. Howbeit this prosperity of Piçarro continued not long: for a bastard-sonne of Diego de Almagro, to be revenged of ●is father's death, slay Piçarro, for which act he lost his head. In this controversy between these two partners were slain also two brothers of Piçarro, and the third was carried prisoner into Spain and there died in prison: but the fourth called Gonsaluo Piçarro rebelled with the whole country and become a cruel tyrant, vanquishing many of the emperors Captains in battle, and possessing the country in peace for two years: howbeit being in the end overcome he lost his head like a traitor. And thus died they all an evil death that were causes of the death of that innocent king Atabalipa. And yet there are mutinies raised oftentimes by the Spaniards, but the Indians never rebelled, after they had once peace granted unto them. The Indian people of this land are parted among the Spaniards, some being slaves unto the gentlemen that conquered their land, other some to others, and the residue to the king: and these Indians pay each man for his tribute seven pesoes of fine gold, which is about ten ducats and a half. There are in this country above forty cities and towns inhabited by the Spaniards: also they have here erected nine bishoprics and one archbishopric. Nine bishoprics, and one archbishopric in Peru. Now after this country was fully conquered and brought in good order, certain Spaniards being desirous to discover the land on the other side of the snowy mountains, found a very wholesome country and there inhabited. The said province situate behind the mountains is called The province of Tucuman, The province of Tucuman. wherein are five towns inhabited by the Spaniards, the last of them called Cordova, Cordova. from which town unto Santa Fee situate upon the river of Plate it is seventy leagues. This town of Santa Fee was built in that place, to seek a way to Peru by the river of Plate. And from hence down the said river to Buenos airs are 120 leagues, and from Buenos Airs unto Seal island you have 40 leagues. Now having put down all that I know concerning the country of Peru, and of the way from the river of Plate unto Tucuman. I will return unto Atacama the Southermost town upon the coast of Peru, where I left. From this town of Atacama till you come to Arica, A●acama. all the coast is inhabited by Indians subject unto the Spaniards. But since Captain Drake was here they have built towers by the sea side, whereon, seeing any sail that they do mistrust, they presently make smokes, and so from tower to tower they warn all the country. Having before spoken of Arica all that I can, I will now proceed to the next port called Camena being a town of Spaniards and containing about two hundred houses. Ca●●●●. Here they make store of wine, and have abundance of figs and reisins. The next town called Acari containeth about three hundred houses, Ac●●●. and here is made the best and greatest store of wine in all Peru. From hence passing along the coast you come to El Calao the port of Lima consisting of about two hundred houses: El Calao. and here was a strong fort built since Captain Drake was upon the coast. The city of Lima standing two leagues within the land, Li●●. and containing two thousand houses, is very rich, and of more trade than all the cities of Peru besides: and this city is the seat o● the viceroy, the archbishop, and the inquisition. Next unto this standeth a small town of the Spaniards by the sea side called Santa: and next unto Santa is another small town of Christians called Cannete. Santa. Cannet●. From hence they sail unto a rich city called Truxillo, 〈◊〉 being one of the principal towns of Peru, and containing about five hundred houses. Pai●●● Then followeth Paita which hath to the number of two hundred houses. Leaving this town they pass to Guaiaquil which standeth forty leagues up into a great bay or river, Guaiaquil. at the entrance of which river standeth Tumbez a town of the Indians. Tumbe● All this coast along from Atacama to Tumbez it never raineth, as I have before said: so that all the houses in their towns are not tiled, but covered with bourdes to keep off the heat of the Sun, for they fear no rain at all. Guaiaquil is the first place where it raineth, and here they gather Salsaperilla. Here is is also great store of timber, and at this place they build many ships. Salsaperilla. Ships built as Guaiaquil. Hence they sail along the coast to a small and poor town called Puerto Viejo, Puerto Viejo a place where Emralde a bound. which in times past hath been rich with emeralds: but now since these stones in regard of their plenty are grown nothing worth, this town likewise is waxed very poor. Below this village standeth another called Lafoy Buena Ventura: La Buena ●e●tura. but whosoever go thither must needs meet with evil fortune, the place itself is so waterish an unwholesome. Here abide not above 20 men, who serve only to transport goods unto a city standing fifty leagues within the main, in a province called La governation de Popaian. La gouernacio● de Popa●●●. From Buena ventura and Popaian till you come to Panama there is no other town, by reason of the high mountains, the manifold rivers, and the unhole someness of the countrey● In this place do inhabit the Negroes that run from their masters, Negroes 〈◊〉 from their masters. and upon these mountains was Oxnam the English Captain and his men taken, as is before mentioned. Beyond these mountains standeth the city of Panama, Panama. being a rich place, by reason that all the treasure which cometh from Peru is brought thither, and it consists of about four hundred houses. The coast running along between this city and Nueva Espanna is called Costa rica. Costa ric●. Next unto Costa rica, which is a mountainous and desolate place, lieth the coast of Nicaragua, The province of Nicaragua. being inhabited by the Spaniards, and having many good ports belonging to it, and is frequented with trade of merchandise; but having no knowledge of the situation thereof, nor of the towns therein contained, I surcease to speak any more of it. A certain viceroy of Nueva Espanna called Don Luis de Velasco caused certain ships to be built for the discovery of the Malucos and of the coast of China: which ships in sailing thitherward found certain Islands 80 leagues distant from the main land, which the Spaniards, according to the name of their king, called The Philippinas: The discovery of the Philippinas. and having conquered one of these Islands called Manilla, inhabited with a barbarous kind of people, they built a fort and a town thereupon, The Isle of Manilla. from whence they have trade with the people of China. Unto these Islands they have four great ships that usually trade, two of them continually going, and two coming: so that such spices and silks as the Portugals bring home out of the East Indies, the very same do the Spaniards bring from these Islands and from China, for Mexico the chief city of Nueva Espanna. The principal port-townes of the coast of Nueva Espanna are Guatulco, and Acapulco. All the viceroys and governors that the king of Spain sendeth for Peru and Nueva Espanna have a custom, for the obtaining of his favour, to seek and discover new countries. But the greatest and most notable discovery that hath been from those parts now of late, was that of the Isles ●● Solomon, The discovery of the Isles of Solomon. which were found in manner following. The Licenciate Castro being governor of Peru sent forth a fleet of ships to discover certain Islands in the South sea upon the coast of Peru, appointing as General of the same fleet a kinsman of his called Aluares de Mendanio, and Pedro Sarmiento as lieutenant, and in the Uiceadmirall went Pedro de Ortega. This fleet departing forth of the haven of Lima, and sailing 800 leagues Westward of the coast o● Peru, fou●d certain Islands in eleven degrees to the South of the Equinoctial inhabited with a kind of people of a yellowish complexion, and ●ll naked, whose weapons are bows and arrows, and darts. The b●asts that they see here were hogs and little dogs, and they found some hens. Here also they found a master of cloves, ginger, and cinnamon, Cloves, ginger, and cinnamon. although the cinnamon were not of the best; and here appeared unto them likewise some show of gold. The first Island that the Spaniards discovered, they named Santa Izabella; and here they built a small pinnace, with the which and with their ships boat they found out between nine and fifteen degrees of Southerly latitude eleven great Islands being one with another of 80 leagues in compass. The greatest Island that they discovered was according unto the first finder called Guadalcanal, The Isle of ●●a●●●canal. on the coast whereof they sailed 150 leagues, before they could know whither it were an Island or part of the main land: and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it, but think that it may be part of that conti●ent which stretcheth to the Straitss of Magellan● for they coasted it to eighteen ●egr●es and could not found the end thereof. The gold that they found was upon this Island or main land of Guadalcanal, whereas they landed and took a town, finding small grains of gold hanged up in the houses thereof. But because the Spaniards understood not the language of the country, and also for that the Indians were very stove men, and fought continually against them, they could never leave from whence that gold come, nor yet what store was in the land. These Indian's use to go to sea in great Canoas' that will carry 100 men a piece, wherein they have many conflicts one against another: howbeit unto the Christians they could do no great hurt; for that with a small pinnace and two fale●ns a few may overcome 100 of them. At this place fourteen men mistrusting nothing, rowed to land, to take in fresh water, whom on the sudden certain Indians in four Canoas' set upon, took the ships boat, and slew all the men therein: wherefore a man cannot go on shore too strong, nor yet be too wary in a strange land. Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their pinnace, and burned the town, A town burned. and in this town they found the small grains of gold before mentioned. They were discovering of these Islands from one to another about fourteen months, at the end of which time (because that upon the coast where they were, the wound continuing still in one place, might be an occ●sion of longer tarrying) they consulted which way to return. Southward they dared not go for fear of great tempests which are that way usual: wherefore sailing to the North of the line, they fallen with the coast of Nueva Espanna; on which coast they met with such terrible storms, that they were forced to cut their main masts over-bourd, and to lie nine months bearing it up and down in the sea, before they could get into any harborough of the Christians. In which time by reason of evil government, and for lack of victuals and fresh water, most of the men in their Admiral died; for five whole days together they had neither water nor meat: but in the other ships they behaved themselves so well, that the greater part of them came safe unto the land. He that passeth the Straitss of Magellan, or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needs run in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of. At which Islands lying so conveniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish yourself with plenty of victuals, Abundance of good victuals upon the Isles of Solomon. as hogs, hens, excellent almonds, potatoes, sugarcanes, with divers other sorts fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance. Also among these Islands you shall have some quantity of gold, A new rich trade for gold, cloves, ginger, and cinnamon. which the Indians will give you in truck for other commodities. For the Spaniards in their discovery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of gold, brought home notwithstanding 40000 pesoes with them, besides great store of cloves and ginger, and some cinnamon also which is not so good as in other places. The discoverer of these Islands named them the Isles of Solomon, to the end that the Spaniards supposing them to be those Isles from whence Solomon fetched gold to adorn the temple at jerusalem, Why these Isles were called The Isles of Solomon. might be the more desirous to go and inhabit the same. Now the same time when they thought to have sent colonies unto these Isilands. Captain Drake entered the South sea; whereupon commandment was given, that they should not be inhabited, to the end that such Englishmen, and of other nations as passed the Straitss of Magellan to go to the Mal●cos might have no succour there, but such as they got of the Indian people. The admirable and prosperous Voyage of the worshipful Master Thomas Candish of Trimley in the County of Suffolk Esquire, into the South sea, and from thence round about the circumference of the w●ole earth, begun in the year of our Lord 1586, and finished 1588. Written by Master Francis Pretty lately of Ey in Suffolk, a Gentleman employed in the same action. We departed out of Plymouth on Thurs●ay the 21. of july 1586. with 3. sails, to wit, The Desire a ship of 120. tons, The Content of 60 tuns, and the Hugh gallant a bark of 40. tons: in which small Fleet were 123. people of all sorts with all kind of furniture and victuals sufficient for the space of two years, at the charges of the worshipful Master Thomas Candish of T●●mley in the County of Suffolk Esquire, being our General. On Tuesday the 26. of the same month, we were 45. leagues from Cape Finis terrae, where we met with 5. sails of Biskaynes coming from the grand Bay in Newfoundland, 5. Great Biskaynes ships fought w●t●a as we supposed, which our Admiral shot at, and fought with them 3. hours, but we took none of them by reason the night grew on. The first of August we came in sight of Forteventura, August. one of the Isles of the Canaries, about ten of the clock in the morning. On Sunday being the 7. of August, we were got as high as Rio del oro on the coast of Barbary. Rio deal or●. On Monday the 19 we fallen with cape Blanco: Cape Blanco. but the wind blew so much at the North, that we could not get up where the Canters do use to ride and fish; therefore we lay off 6. hours West Southwest, because of the sand which lieth off the cape Southwest and by South. A dangerous sand. The 15. day of the same month we were in the height of cape Verde by estimation 50. leagues of the same. The 18. Sierra leona did bear East of us, being 45. leagues from us: and the same day the wind shifted to the Northwest, so that by the 20. day of the said month we were in 6. degrees ½ to the Northward, from the Equinoctial line. The 23. we put room for Sierra leona, and the 25. day we fallen with the point on the South side of Sierra leona, Sierra leona. which Master Brewer known very well, and went in before with the Content which was Uiceadmirall: and we had no less than 5. fathoms water when we had lest, and had for 14. leagues in Southwest all the way running into the harbour of Sierra leona 16, 14. 12. 10 and 8. fathoms of water. The 26. of the said month ●e put into the harbour, and in going in we had by the Southermost point when we had lest 5. fathoms water fair by the rock as it lieth at the said point: and after we came, 2 or 3. cables length within the said rock, we never had less than 10. fathoms, until we came up to the road, which is about a league from the point, borrowing always on the South side until you come up to the watering place, in which Bay is the best road: but you must ride far into the Bay, because there run marvelous great tides in the off●●, and it floweth into the road next of any thing at a Southeast and by East moon. It is out of England to this place 930. leagues: which we ran from the 21. of july to the 26. of this month of August. On Saturday being the 27. day there came 2. Negroes aboard our Admiral from the shore, and made signs unto our General that there was a Portugal ship up within the harbour: so the Hugh Gallant being the Rear-admiral went up 3 or 4. leagues, but for want of a Pilot they sought no farther: for the harbour runneth 3. or 4. leagues up more, and is of a marvelous breadth and very dangerous, as we learned afterward by a Portugal. On Sunday the 28. the General sent some of his company on shore, and there as they played and danced all the forenoon among the Negroes, to the end to have herded some good news of the Portugal ship, toward their coming aboard they espied a Portugal which lay hide among the bushes, A Portugal taken. whom we took and brought away with us the same night: and he told us it was very dangerous going up with our boats for to seek the ship that was at the town. Whereupon we went not to seek her, because we known he told us the truth: for we bond him and made him fast, and so examined him. Also he told us that his ship was there cast away, and that there were two more of his company among the Negroes: the Portugals name was Emmanuel, and was by his occupation a Calker, belonging to the Port of Portugal. On Monday morning being the 29. day, our General landed with 70. men or thereabouts, and went up to their town, where we burned 2. or 3. houses, and took what spoil we would, which was but little, but all the people fled: and in our retiring aboard in a very little plain at their towns end they shot their arrows at us out of the woods, and hurt 3. or 4. of our men; their arrows were poisoned, Poisoned arrows. but yet none of our men miscaryed at that time, thanked be God. Their town is marvelous artificially builded with mud walls and built round, with their yards pales in and kept very clean aswell in their streets as in their houses. The description of their town. These Negroes use good obedience to their king, as one of our men said, which was with them in pawn for the Negroes which came first. There were in their town by estimation about one hundred houses. September. The first of September there went many of our men on shore at the watering place, and did wash shirts very quietly all the day: and the second day they went again, and the Negroes were in ambush round about the place: and the carpenter of the Admiral going into the wood to do some special business, espied them by good fortune. But the Negroes rushed out upon our men so suddenly, that in retiring to our boats, many of them were hurt: Many of our men hurt by negroes. among whom one William Pickman a soldier was shot into the thigh, who plucking the arrow out, William Pickman dirth of a poisoned arrow. broken it, and left the head behind; and he told the chirurgeons that he plucked out all the arrow, because he would not have them launce his thigh: whereupon the poison wrought so that night, that he was marvelously swollen, and all his belly and privy parts were as black as ink, and the next morning he died, the piece of the arrow with the poison being plucked out of his thigh. The third day of the said month, divers of our fleet went up 4. miles within the harbour with our boat, This po●son is the 〈◊〉 of an 〈◊〉 and caught great store of fish, and went on shore and took Limmons from the trees, and coming aboard again, see two Buffs. Their departure from Sierra leona. The 6. day we departed from Sierra leona, and went out of the harbour, and stayed one tide 3. leagues from the point of the mouth of the Harbour in 6. fathoms, and it floweth South Southwest. On wednesday being the 7. of the same month we departed from one of the Isles of Cape Verde, alias the Isles of Madrabumba, The Isles of Mad●●bu●ba inhabited by negroes. which is 10. leagues distant from the point of Sierra leona: and about five of the clock the same night we anchored 2. miles of the Island in 6. fathoms water, and landed the same night, and found Plantans only upon the Island. The 8. day one of our boats went out & sounded round about the Island, & they passed through a sound at the west end of the Island, where they found 5. fathoms round about the Island, until they came unto the very gut of the sound, and then for a cast or two they had but 2. fathoms, and presently after, 6. fathoms, and so deeper and deeper. And at the East end of the Island there was a town, A town. where Negroes do use at sometimes● as we perceived by their provision. There is no fresh water on all the South side, as we could perceive, but on the North side three or four very good places of fresh water: F●esh water. and all the whole Island is a wood, save certain little places where their houses stand, which are environed round about with Plantan-trees, whereof the fruit is excellent meat. This place is subject marvelous much to thunder, rain, and lightning in this month. I think the reason is, because the sun is so near the line Equinoctial. On saturday the tenth we departed from the said Island about 3. of the clock in the afternoon, the wind being at the South-west. October. Cape Frio in Brasi●l. The last of October running West Southwest about 24. leagues from Cape Frio in Brasile we fallen with a great mountain which had an high round knop on the top of it standing from it like a town, with two little islands from it. The first of November we went in between the Island of Saint Sebastian and the main land, November. S Seb●●●ians Island. and had our things on shore, and set up & Forge, and had our cask on shore: our coopers made hoops, and so we remained there until the 23. day of the same month: in which time we fitted our things, built our Pinnace, and filled our fresh water. And while our Pinnace was in building, there came a Canoa from the river of jenero, The ●iuer of jenero. meaning to go to S. Vincent, wherein were six naked slaves of the Country people, which did row the Canoa, and one Portugal. And the Portugal knew Christopher Hare Master of the Admiral, for that Master Hare had been at Saint Vincent in the Minion of London in the year 1581. And thinking to have john Whithal the Englishman which dwelleth at Saint Vincent come unto us, which is twenty leagues from this Harbour with some other, thereby to have had some fresh victuals, we suffered the Portugal to go with a letter unto him, who promised to return or sand some answer within ten days, for that we told him we were Merchants, and would traffic with them: but we never received answer from him any more; and seeing that he came not according to appointment, our business being dispatched, we weighed anchor, and set sail from S. Sebastian on the 23. of November. The 16. day of December we fallen with the coast of America in 47. degrees ⅓. the land bearing West from us about 6. leagues off: Decembe●. from which place we ran along the shore, until we came into 4●. degrees. 48. Degrees● It is a steep beach all along. The 17. day of December in the afternoon we entered into an harbour, where our Admiral went in first: wherefore our General named the said harbour Port Desi●e: Port Des●●●. in which harbour is an Island or two, where there is wondered great store of Seals, and another Island of birds which are grey gulls. These Seals are of a wondered great bigness, Seals strang● in ●hape 〈…〉. huge, and monstrous of shape, and for the forepart of their bodies cannot be compared to any thing better than to a lion: their head, and neck, and foreparts of their bodies are full of rough hair: their feet are in manner of a fin, and in form like unto a man's hand: they breed and cast every month, giving their young milk, yet continually get they their living in the sea, and live altogether upon fish: their young are marvelous good meat, Young Seals are very good meat. and being boiled or roasted, are hardly to be known from lamb or mutton. The old one's be of such bigness and force, that it is as much as 4. men are able to do to kill one of them with great ●owle-s●aues: and he must be beaten down with striking on the head of him: for his body is of that bigness that four men could never kill him, but only on the head. For being shot through the body with an arqebus or a Musket, yet he will go his way into the sea, and never care for it at the present. Also the fowls that were there, Fowls b●●●●ding in burrows like coneys. We call these foul●s 〈◊〉. gums. were very good meat, and great store of them: they have burrows in the ground like coneys, for they cannot fly. They have nothing but down upon their pinions: they also fish and feed in the sea for their living, and breed on shore. This harbour is a very good place to trim ships in, and to bring them on ground, and grave them in: for there ebbeth and floweth much water: therefore we graved and trimmed all our ships there. They grau● and 〈◊〉 their sh●●s. The 24. of December being Christmas Even, a man and a boy of the Rear-admiral went some forty score from our ships unto a very fair green valley at the foot of the mountains, where was a little pi●●e or well which our men had digged and made some 2. or 3. days before to get fresh water: for there was none in all the Harbour; and this was but brackish: therefore this man and boy came thither to wash their linen: and being in washing at the said Well, there were great store of Indians which were come down, and found the said man and boy in washing. These Indians being divided on each side of the rocks, shot at them with their arrows and hurt them both, but they fled presently, being about fifty or threescore, though our General followed them but with 16● or 20. men. The man's name which was hurt was john Garge, A man and a boy hurt by negligence, the boy's name was Lutch: the man was shot clean through the knee, the boy into the shoulder: either of them having very sore wounds. Their arrows are made of little canes, and their heads are of a flint stone, set into the cave very artificially: they seldom or never see any Christians: they are as wild as ever was a buck or any other wild beast: for we followed them, and they ran from us as it had been the wildest thing in the world. We took the measure of one of their feet, and it was 18. inches long. A kind of 〈◊〉. Their use is when any of them dye, to bring him or them to the cliffs by the seaside, and upon the top of them they bury them, and in their graves are buried with them their bows and arrows, and all their jewels which they have in their life time, which are sine shells which they find by the sea side, which they cut and square after an artificial manner; and all is laid under their heads. The grave is made all with great stones of great length and bigness, being set all along full of the dead man's darts which he used when he was living. And they colour both their darts and their graves with a read colour which they use in colouring of themselves. The 28. of December we departed out of the Port of Desire, Their departure from port Desire. and went to an Island which lieth 3. leagues to the Southward of it; where we trimmed our saved pengwins with salt for victual all that and the next day, and departed along the coast Southwest and by South. The 30. day we fallen with a rock which lieth about 5. leagues from the land, much like unto Edi●stone, which lieth off the ●ound of Plymouth, and we sounded, and had 8. fathoms rocky ground, within a mile thereof: the rock bearing West Southwest. We went coasting along South Southwest, and sound great store of Seals all along the coast. This rock standeth in 48. degrees ½. to the Southward of the line. The 2. day of januarie we fallen with a very fair white Cape, Ianuar●● 〈◊〉 which standeth in 51. degrees, and had 7. fathoms water a league of the land. The third day of the foresaid month we fallen with another great white cape, which standeth in 52. degrees and 45. minutes: from which Cape there runneth a low beach about a league to the Southward and this beach reacheth to the opening of the dangerous Straight of Magellan. w●ich is in divers places 5. or 6. leagues wide, and in two several places more narrow. Under this Cape we anchored and lost an anchor, for it was a great storm of foul weather, and last●d three da●es very dangerous. Then en●●r the null the 6. o● Ianu●●ie. ● Spania●d taken in t●e Straits of Mage●●an. The 6. day we put in for the Straitss. The 7. day between the mouth of the Straitss and the narrowest place thereof, we took a Spaniard whose name was He●nando, who was there with 23. Spaniards more, which were all that remained of four hundred, which wer● left there three years before in these straits of Magellan, all the rest being dead with famine. And the same day we passed through the narrow●st of the Straitss, where the aforesaid Spaniard showed us the hull of a small Bark, The Bark I●hn Thomas, ●●e of sir ●ran. ●. D●●ke● con●o●●●●. which we judged to be a Bark called The john Thomas. It is from the mouth o● the straits unto the narrowest of the Straitss 14. leagues, and the course lieth West and by North. The mouth of the straits standeth in 52. degrees. From the narrowest of the Straitss unto Pengwin Island is 10. leagues, and lieth West Southwest somewhat to the Southward, where we anchored the 8. day, and killed and salted great store of Pengwins for victuals. King 〈…〉 d●sol●te in the null of Magel●an which 〈◊〉 ●●n●●al●●alled ●ort ●am●ne. The ninth day we departed from Pengwin Island, and ran South Southwest to King Philip's city which the Spaniards had built: which Town or city had four Forts, and every Fort had in it one cast pee●e, which p●●●es were buried in the ground, the carriages were standing in their places unburied: we digged for them and had th●m all. They had contri●ed their City ve●y well, and seated it in the best place of the Straits for wood and water: they h●d builded up their Churches by themselves: they had Laws very severe among themselves, for they had ●rec●ed a Gibe●, whereon they had done execution upon some of their company. It seemed unto us that th●ir whole living for a grea● space was altogether upon muscles and lympits: for there was not any thing else to be had, except some Deer which came out of the mountains down to the fresh rivers to drink. These Spaniards which were there, were only come to for●●fie the Straitss, to the end that no other nation should have passage through into the S●u●h sea saving only their own: but as it appeared, it was not Gods will so to have it. For during the time that they were there, which was two years at the lest, End enemy to t●● Spania●●d. they could never have any thing to grow or in any wise prospero. And on the other side the Indians oftentimes preyed upon them, until their victuals grew so short, (their store being spent which they had brought with them out of Spain, and having no means to renew the same) that they died like dogs in their houses, and in their clotheses, wherein we found them still at our coming, until that in the end the town being wonderfully tainted with the smell and the savour of the dead people, the rest which remained alive were driven to bury such things as they had therein their town either for provision or for furniture, and so to forsake the town, and to go along the seaside, and seek their victuals to preserve them from starving, taking nothing with them, but every man his arqebus and his furniture that was able to carry it (for some were not able to carry them for weakness) and so lived for the space of a year and mor● with roots, leaves, and sometimes a foul which they might kill with their piece. To conclude, they were determined to have travailed towards the ri●●r of Plate, only b●ing left alive 23. people, whereof two were w●men, which were the remainder of 4. hundred. In this place we watered and woodded w●ll and quietly. Our General named this town Port famine: Port famine in 5●. degrees. it standeth in 53. degrees by observation to the Southward. The 14. day we departed from this place, and ran South south-west, and from thence south-west unto cape Froward 5. leagues West Southwest, C●pe Frowardly ●● 54. degrees. which Cape is the Southermost part of all the straits, and standeth in the latitude of 54. degrees. Fr●m which cape we ran W●st and by north 5. leagues, and put into a bay or Cove on the south side, which we called Muskle-Co●e, Muscle ●oue. because there were great store of them: we rid therein 6. days, the wound being still Westerly. The 21. day of januarie we departed from Muskle-●oue, and went Northwest and by West 10. leagues to a very fair sandy Bay on the North side, which our General called Elizabeth Bay, Elizabeth Bay. and as we rid there that night, one of our men died which went in the Hugh Gallant, whose name was Grey, a Carpenter by his occupation, and was buried there in that Bay. The 22. w●e departed from Elizabeth Bay in the afternoon, and went about 2. leagues from that place, where there was a fresh water river, where our General went up with the shipboate about three miles, which river hath very good and pleasant ground about it, and it is low and champion soil, and so we see none other ground else in all the Straitss but that was craggy rocks and monstrous high hills and mountains. In this river are great store of Savages which we saw, and had conference with them: The m●st ●●●●tish Savages that 〈…〉 ●een●. They were men-●ater●, and fed altogether upon raw flesh, and other filthy food: which people had preyed upon some of the Spaniards before spoken of. For they had got knives and pieces of Rapiers to make darces of. They used all the means they could possibly to have alured us up farther into the river, of purpose to have betrayed us, which being espied by our General, he caused us to shoot at them with our harquebusses, whereby we killed many of them. So we sailed from this river to the Channel of Saint ●erome, The C●anel of Sain● Ie●●●e. which is 2. leagues off. From the river of Saint Jerome about three or four leagues, we ran West unto a Cape which is on the North side: and from that Cape unto the mouth of the Straitss the course lieth Northwest and by West, and Northwest. Between which place and the mouth of the Straitss to the Southward we lay in Harbour until the three and twentieth of February, Februar● 1587. by reason of contrary winds and most vile and filthy fowl weather, with such rain and vehement stormy winds which came down from the mountains and high hills, that they hazarded the best cables and anchors that we had for to hold, which if they had failed, we had been in great danger to have been cast away, or at the least famished. For during this t●me, which was a full month, we fed almost altogether upon muscles, and limpits, and birds, or such as we could get on shore, seeking every day for them, as the fowls of the air do, where they can find food, in continual rainy weather. There is at every mile or two miles end an Harbour on both sides of the land. And there we between the river of Saint Jerome and the mouth of the Straitss going into the South sea about 34. leagues by estimation. So that the length of th● whole Sreights is about 90. leagues. The straits of Magellan a●e about 90. leagues long. And the said mou●h of the Straitss standeth in the same h●●ght that the entrance standeth in when we pass out of the North sea, which is about 52. degrees and ⅔ to the Southward of the line. The Western mouth of the Straitss is in 52. degrees and 2. terc●s. The 24. day of February we entered into the South sea: Their entrance into the South sea the 24 of February. and on the South side of the going out of the Straitss is a fair high Cape with a low point adjoining unto it: and on the North side are 4. or 5. islands, islands in th● South sea called L●s Aneg●d●●. which lie 6. leagues of the main, and much broken and sunken ground about them: by noon the same day we had brought these islands East of us 5. leagues off; the wind being Southerly. The first of March a storm took us at North, which night the ships lost the company of the Hugh Gallant, March 1 Extreme danger of the Hugh Gallant by a great leak. being in 49. ½ and 45. leagues from the land. This storm continued 3. or 4. days, and for that time we in the Hugh Gallant being separated from the other 2. ships, looked every hour to sink, our bark was so leak, and ourselves so diluered and weakened with freeing it of water, that we slept not in three days and three nights. The 15. of March in the morning the Hugh Gallant came in between the Island of S. Mary and the main, where she met with the Admiral and the Content, which had rid at the Island called La Mocha 2. days, The I'll of Mocha in 38. degrees not subject to the Spaniards. which standeth in the Southerly latitude of 38. degrees: at which place some of our men went on shore with the Uice-admirals boat, where the Indians fought with them with their bows and arrows, and were marvelous wary of their Calivers. These Indians were enemies to the Spaniards, and belonged to a great place called Arauco, and took us for Spaniards, as afterward we learned. This place which is called Arauco is wonderful rich, Arauco is the richest place in the South sea for gold, and is not subdued by the Spaniards as yet. and full of gold mines, and yet could it not be subdued at any time by the Spaniards, but they always returned with the greatest loss of men. For these Indians are marvelous desperate and careless of their lives to live at their own liberty and freedom. The 15. day aforesaid in the afternoon we weighed anchor, and ran under the West side of Saint Marie Island, Saint Marry Island in 3●. degrees and 1. ●e●●e, which is subdued to the Spaniards. where we rid very well in 6. fathoms water, and very fair ground all that night. The 16. day our General went on shore himself with 70. or 80. men every one with his furniture: there came down to us certain Indians with two which were the principals of the Island to welcome us on shore, thinking we had been Spaniards, for it is subdued by them: who brought us up to a place where the Spaniards had erected a Church with crosses & altars in it. A Church with crosses and altars. And there were about this Church 2. or 3. store houses, which were full of wheat and barley ready threshed and mad● up in cades of straw to the quantity of a bushel of corn in every cade. The wheat and barley was as fair, as clean, and every way as good as any we have in England. There were also the like cades full of potato roots, which were very good to eat, ready made up in the store houses for the Spaniards against they should come for their tribute. This Island also yieldeth many sorts of first-fruits, hogs, and hens. These Indians are held in such slavery by them, that they dare not eat a hen or an hog themselves. But the Spaniards have made them all in that Island Christians. The Indians of S. Marry Island made all Christians. Thus we fitted ourselves here with corn as much as we would have, and as many hogs as we had salt to powder them withal, and great store of hens, with a number of bags of Potato roots, and about 500 dried dogge-fish, and Guinie wheat, which is called Maiz. And having taken as much as we would have, yet w● left marvelous great store behind us. Our General had the two principals of the Island aboard our ship, and provided great cheer for them, and made them merry with wine: and they in the end perceiving us to be no Spaniards, made signs, as near as our General could perceiue● that if we would go over unto the main land unto Arauco, Arauco rich in gold. that there was much Gold, making us signs, that we should have great store of riches. But because we could not understand them, our General made some haste, and within 2. or thr●e days we furnished ourselves. The 18. day in the morning we departed from this place, and ran all that day Northnortheast about 10. leagues, and at night lay with a short sail off and on the coast. The 19 we ran in East Northeast with the land, and bore in with a place called The Conception, The Conception. where we anchored under an Island, and departed the next morning without going o● land. The 20. we departed from The Conception, and went into a little Bay which was sandy where we see fresh water and cattle, but we stayed not there. Quintero standeth in ●3. degre●s 50. minutes. The 30. day we came into the Bay of Quintero, which standeth in 33. degrees & 50 minutes. The said day presently after we were come unto an anchor in the Bay, there was a Netcherd or one that kept cattles which lay upon the point of the hill asleep, which when he awaked and had espied three ships which were come into the Bay, before we could get on shore, he had caught an horse which was feeding by, and road his may as fast as ever he might: and our General with 30. shot with him went on shore. He had not been on land one hour, but there came 3. horsemen with bright swords towards us so hard as they might ride, until they came within some twenty or thirty score of us, and so stayed, and would come no nearer unto us: so our General sent unto them a couple of our men with their shot, and one Fernando, which was the Spaniard that we had taken up at the mouth of the Straitss, which was one of the 400. that were starved there. But the Spaniards would not suffer our men to come near with their shot, but made signs that one of our men should come alone unto them: so the said Fernando the Spaniard went unto them, and our two men stood not far from them. They had great conference, and in the end Fernando came back from them, and told our General that he had parled with them for some victuals, who had promised as much as we would have. Our General sent him back again with another message and another shot with him: and being come near unto them, they would not suffer any more than one to approach them, whereupon our men let the Spaniard go unto them alone himself: who being some good distance from them, they stayed but a small time together, but that the said Fernando leapt up behind one of them and rid away with them, The perturie of a Spaniard. for all his deep and damnable oaths which he had made continually to our general and al● his company never to forsake him, but to die on his side before he would be false. Our General seeing how he was dealt withal, filled water all that day with good watch, and carried it aboard: and night being come, he determined the next day to sand into the country to found their town, and to have taken the spoil of it, and to have fired it if they could have found it. The last of March Captain Havers went up into the Country with 50. or 60. men with their shot and furniture with them, and we travailed 7. or 8. miles into the land: Our men march 7. or 8. miles into their enemy's land. and as we were marching along, we espied a number of the herds of cattle, of cows and bullocks which were wonderful wild: we see also great store of horses, mares, and colts which were very wild and unhandled: there is also great store of hares and coneys, and plenty of partridges and other wildfoules. The country is very fruitful with fair fresh rivers all along full of wild foul of all sorts. Having travailed so far that we could go no further for the monstrous high mountains, we rested ourselves at a very fair fresh River running in and alongst fair low meadows at the foot of the mountains, where every man drunk of the River, and refreshed themselves. Having so done, we returned to our Ships the likest way that we thought their Town should be: so we travailed all the day long, not seeing any man, but we meet with many wild dogs: yet there were two hundred horsemen abroad that same day by means of the Spaniard which they had taken the day before from us, who had told them that our force was but small, and that we were wonderfully weak: who though they did espy us that day, yet dared they not give the onset upon us. For we marched along in array, and observed good order, whereby w●e seemed a great number more than we were, until we came unto our ships that night again. The next day being the first of April 1587., our men went on shore to fill water at a pit which was a quarter of a mile from the waters side: and being early hard at their business were in no readiness. In which mean while there came pouring down from the hills almost 200 horsemen, and before our people could return to the rocks from the watering place, twelve of them were cut off, part killed, and part taken prisoners, the rest were rescued by our soldiers which came from the rocks to meet with them, who being but fifteen of us that had any weapons on shore, yet we made the enemy retire in the end with loss of some four and twenty of their men, 24 Spaniard slain. after we had skirmished with them an hour. The names of our men that were slain were these. Out of the Admiral. Thomas Lucas of London, soldier. Richard Wheeler of London. Robert Pitcher of Norstolke, soldier. john Langston of Glocestershire. William Kingman of Dorsetshire, soldier. William Hills of Cornwall. Killed out of the viceadm. 1 William Byet of Weymouth. 2 Laurence Gamesby, of Newcastle. Killed out of the Hugh Gallant. 1 Henry Blackenals of Weymouth. 2 Williams Stevens of Plymmouth, gunner. 3 William Pit of Shereborne in Dorsetshire. 4 Humphrey Derrick of London. After the loss of these men, we rid in the road, and watered in despite of them with good watch and ward, until the fift of the said month. The fift day we departed out of this bay of Quintero: and off from the bay there lieth a little Island about a league distant, A little Ilan●●ull of penguin whereon there are great store of penguins and other fowls; whereof we took to serve our turns, and sailed away North, and North and by West: for so lieth the coast along in this place. The fifteenth we came thwart of a place which is called Morro moreno, Moro moren● in ●3 degree a●d a hal●e. which standeth in 23 degrees ½, and is an excellent good harbour: and there is an Island which maketh it an harbour: and a ship may go in at either end of the Island: here we went with our General on shore to the number of 30 men: and at our going on shore upon our landing the Indians of the place came down from the rocks to meet with us, with fresh water and wood on their backs. They are in marvelous awe of the Spania●ds, and very simple people, and live marvelous savagely: For they brought us to their bidings about two miles from the harbour, where we see their women and lodging, which is nothing but the skin of some beast laid upon the ground: and over them in stead of houses, is nothing but five or six sticks laid across, which stand upon two forks with sticks on the ground and a few boughs laid on it. Thei● diet is raw fish, which stinketh most vilely. And when any of them die, they bury their bows and arrows with them, with their canoa and all that they have: for we opened one of their gra●es, ●nd see the order o● them. Their canoas or boats are marvelous artificially made of two skins like unto bladders, Most artificial boats. and are blown full at one end with quills: they have two of these bladders blown ●ull, which are sown together and made fast with a sinew of some wild beast; which when they are in the water swell, so that they are as tied as may be. They go to sea in these boats, and catch very much fish with them, a●d pay much of it for tribute unto the Spaniards: but they use it marvelous beastly. Tribute pay in f●sh. The 23 in the morning we took a small bark which came out of Arica road, which we kept and called The George: A bark taken, which there called The Geo●ge A●ic● stands in 18 degrees 31 minutes. the men forsook it, and went away with their boat. Our admiral's pinnace followed the boat, & the Hugh Gallant boat took the ba●ke: our admiral's pinnace could not recover the boat before it got on shore, but went along into the road of Arica, and laid aboard a great ship of an hundredth tons riding in the road right afore the town, but all the men and goods were go out of it, only the bore ship was left alone. A ship taken. They made three or four very fair shots at the pinnace as she was coming in, but miss her very narrowly with a Minion shot which they had in the fort. Whereupon we came into the road with the admiral and the Hugh Gallant: but the Content which was vice-admiral was behind out of sight: by means whereof of, and for want of her boat to landlord men withal we landed not: other wise i● we had been together, our General with the company would resolutely have landed to take the ●owne, whatsoeu●r had come of it. The cause why the Content stayed behind was, that she had ●ound about 14 leagues to the Southward of Arica, in a place where ●he Spaniards had landed, a whole ships lading of botijas of wine of Castillia, Great store of wine ●ound. whereof the said Content took into her as many as she could conveniently carry, and came after us into the road of Arica the same day. By this time we perceived that the town had gathered all their power together, and also conveyed all their treasure away, and buried it before we were come near the town: for they had herded of us. Now because it was very populous with the aid of one or two places up in the land, our General saw there was no landing without loss of many men: wherefore he gave over that ●nterprise. While we rid in the road they shot at us, and our ships shot at th●m again for every s●ot two. Moreover, our pinnace went in hard almost to the shore, and fetched out another bark which rid there in despite of all their forts though they shot still at the pinnace, Another bark taken in the road. which th●y could never hit. After these things our General sent a boat on shore with a flag of truce to know if they would redeem their great ship or no; but they would not: for they had receiu●d special commandment from the viceroy from Luna, not to buy any ship, nor to ransom any man upon pain of death. Our General did this in hope to have redeemed some of our men, which were taken prisoners on shore by the horsemen at Quintero, otherwise he would have made th●m no offer of parley. The fourth bark taken. The 25 riding still in the said road, we spied a sail coming from the Southward, and our General s●nt out his pinnace to meet her, with all our boats; but the town made such signs from the hill with fires and tokens out of the watch-house, A watch house. that before our pinnace could get to them, they ran the bark on shore two miles to the Southward of the town; but they had small leisure to carry any thing with them; but all the men scape, among whom there were certain friars: for we saw them in their friars weeds as they ran on shore: many horsemen came f●om the town to rescue them, and to carry them away, otherwise we had landed and taken or killed them. So we went aboard the bark as she lay sunk, and fetched out the pillage: but there was nothing in it of any value, and ●ame aboard our ships again the same night: and the next morning we set the great ship on fire in the road, and sunk one of the barks, and carried the other along with us, and so departed from thence, and went away Northwest. The first bark of advise taken The 27 day we took a small bark, which came from S. jago near unto Quintero, where we lost our men first. In this bark was one George a Greek, a reasonable pilot for all the coast of Chili. They were sent to the city of Lima with letters of adviso of us, and of the loss of our men. There were also in the said bark one Fleming and three Spaniards: and they were all sworn and received the Sacrament before ●hey came to sea by three or four friars, that if we should chance to meet them, they should throw those letters over board: which, (as we were giving them chase with our pinnace) before we could fetch them up, they had accordingly thrown away. Yet our General wrought so with them, that they did confess it: bu● he was feign to 'cause them to be tormented with their thumbs in a wrinch, and to continued them at several times with extreme pain. Also he made the old Fleming believe that he would hung him; and the rope being about his neck he was pulled up a little from the hatches, and yet he would not confess, A good mind if he had been in a good cause. choosing rather to die, than he would be perjured. In the end it was confessed by one of the Spaniards, whereupon we burned the bark, and carried the men with us. The third of May we came into a bay where are three little towns, which are called Paracca, Chincha, and Pisca, where some of us landed and ●ooke certain houses, wherein was bread, wine, figs and hens: but the sea went so high, that we could not land at the best of the towns without sinking of our boats, and great hazard of us all. This place standeth in thirteen degrees and ⅔ to the Southward of the line. The bay of Pisca in 13 deg. ⅔. The fift of May we departed from this harbour, leaving the Content our vice-admiral within at an Island of seals, An Island of seals. by which means at that time we lost her company. The ninth we gave chase to a sail, namely, Our admiral, The Hugh Gallant, and The George which we had taken before coming out of the road of Arica; The Content which was our vice-admiral being still lost: but we could not fetch it. The George made after it, but lost it that night. The Hugh Gallant lost company of the fleet, and met not until the seventeenth. The tenth day the Hugh Gallant (in which bark I Francis Pretty was) lost company of our admiral. The eleventh we which were in the Hugh Gallant put into a bay which standeth in 12 degrees 1/●● in which bay we found a river of fresh water about eight of the clock at night, and though we were but of small force, and no more but one bark and 18 men in it, yet we went on shore to fill water; where having filled one boats lading, while our boat was in going aboard, two or three of our company which were on shore, as they were going a little from the watering place with their furniture about them, 400 ●age of mea●e ●ound. espied where there w●re fou●e or five hundred bags of meal on an heap covered wi●h a few reeds. So that night we filled water and took as much meal as we thought good: which fallen out well for us that were then lost and sloode in need of victuals: and by break of day in the morning we came aboard, and there stayed and road until the afternoon. In which mean time the town seeing us ride there still, brought down much cattle to the sea side to have enticed us to come on shore: but we saw their intent, and weighed anchor and departed the twelft day. The 13 day at night we put into a bay which standeth in 9 degrees and 1/●● where we saw horsemen: A bay in 9 degrees and 1/●●. and that night we landed, namely, M. Bruer Captain, myself Francis Pretty, Arthur Warford, john Way Preacher, john Way ● preacher. john Newman, Andrew Wight, William Gargefield, and Henry Hilliard. And we 8 only, having every man his arqebus and his furniture about him, marched three quarters of a mile along the sea side, where we found a boat of five or six tons haled up dry on the shore about a cables length from the water: and with extreme labour we launched the bark; when it was on float, Captain Bruer, and I went in, while the rest of our company were fetching their things: but suddenly it was ready to sink: And the Captain and I stood up to the knees lading out water with our targets: but it sunk down faster than we were able to free it, insomuch as in the end we had much ado to save ourselves from drowning. When we were out, we stood in great fear that our own boat wherein we came on shore was sunk: for we could no where see it. Howbeit the Captain commanded them to keep it off, for fear of the great surge that went by the shore. Yet in the end we spied it, and went aboard by two and two, and were driven to wade up to the armholes 60 paces into the sea before we could get into the boat, by reason of the shoaldnesse: and then departed the fourteenth day in the morning. The 16 we took with the Hugh Gallant, being but sixteen men of us in it, a great ship which came from Guaianil, which was called The Lewis, A ship of 30. tons taken after hal●e an hours fight. and was of the burden of three hundred tuns, having four and twenty men in it, wherein was pilot one Gonsaluo de Ribas, whom we carried along with us, and a Negro called Emmanuel. The ship was laden with nothing but timber and victuals: wherefore we left her seven leagues from the land very leak and ready to sink in 7 degrees to the Southward of the line: Seven degrees of Southerly latitude. we sunk her boat and took away her foresail and certain victuals. The 17 of May we met with our admiral again, and all the rest of our fleet. They met their fleet again. They had taken two ships, the one laden with sugar, molosses, maiz, Cordovan-skinnes, montego de Porco, Two rich ships taken. many packs of pintadoes, many Indian coats, and some marmalade, and 1000 hens: and the other ship was laden with wheate-meale, and boxes of marmalade. One ship worth 20000 pounds One of these ships which had the chief merchandise in it, was worth twenty thousand pounds, if it had been in England or in any other place of Christendom where we might have sold it. We filled all our ships with as much as we could bestow of these goods: the rest we burned and the ships also; and set the men and women that were not killed on shore. The 20 day in the morning we came into the road of Paita, The bay o● Paita in 5 degrees 4 〈◊〉 and being at an anchor, our General landed with sixty or seventy men, skinnished with them of the town, and drove them all to flight to the top of the hill which is over the town, except a few slaves and some other which were of the meaner sort, A new sort i● building. who were commanded by the governors to stay below in the town, at a place which is in building for a fort, having with them a bloody ensign, being in number about one hundred men. Now as we were rowing between the ships and the shore, our gunner shot off a great piece out of one of the barks, and the shot fell among them, and drove them to fly from the fort as fast as they might run, who got them up upon an hill, and from thence shot among us with their small shot. The town of Paita taken au●burnt. After we were landed and had taken the town, we ran upon them, and chased them so fiercely up the hills for the space of an hour, that we drove them in the end away perforce, and being got up the hills, we found where they had laid all their stuff which they had brought out of the town, and had hidden it there upon the mountains. 25 pounds w●ight in ●●●uer. We also found the quantity of 25 pounds' weight in silver in pieces of eight rials, and abundance of household stuff and storehouses full of all kind of wares: but our General would not suffer any man ●o carry much clot or apparel away, because they should not cloy themselves with burdens: for he known not whether our enemies were provided with furniture according to the number of their men: for they were five men to one of us: and we had an English mile and an half to our ships. Thus we came dow●e in safety to the town, which was very well builded, and marvelous clean kept in every street, with a townhouse or Guild hall in the midst, The town of Paita had 200 houses in it. and had to the number of two hundred houses at the lest in it. We set it on fire to the ground, and goods to the value of five or six thousand pounds: there was also a bark riding in the road which we set on fire, A bark set on fire. and departed, directing our course to the Island of Puna. The Island of Puna within 1 degree the Equinoctial to the South. A great ship burned. The 25 day of May we arrived at the Island of Puna, where is a very good harbour, where we found a great ship of the burden of 250 tons riding at an anchor with all her furniture, which was ready to be haled on ground: for there is a special good place for that purpose. We sunk it, and went on shore where the lord of the Island dwelled, which was by the water's side, who had a sumptuous house marvelous well contrived with very many singular good rooms and chambers in it: and out of every chamber was framed a gallery with a stately prospect into the sea on the one side, and into the Island on the other side, with a marvelous great hall below, and a very great storehouse at the one end of the hall, which was filled with botijas of pitch and bash to make cables withal: Great store of cables made in Puna. for the most part of the cables in the South sea are made upon that Island. This great Casique doth make all the Indians upon the Island to work and to drudge for him: and he himself is an Indian born, but is married to a marvelous fair woman which is a Spaniard, by reason of his pleasant habitation and of his great wealth. This Spanish woman his wife is honoured as a Queen in the Island, and never goeth on the ground upon her feet: but holdeth it too base a thing for her: But when her pleasure is to take the air, or to go abroad, she is always carried in a shadow like unto an horselitter upon four men's shoulders, with a veil or canopy over her for the sun or the wind, having her gentlewomen still attending about her with a great troup of the best men of the Island with her. But both she and the lord of the Island with all the Indians in the town were newly fled out of the Island before we could get to an anchor, by reason we were becalmed before we could get in, and were go over unto the main land, having carried away with them to the sum of 100000 crowns, which we known by a captain of the Island an Indian, which was left there with some other upon the Island under him, whom we had taken at sea as we were coming into the road, being in a balsa or canoa for a spy to see what we were. The 27 our General himself with certain shot and some targeteers went over into the main unto the place where this foresaid Indian captain which we had taken had told us that the Casique, which was the lord of all the Island, was go unto, and had carried all his treasure with him: but at our coming to the place which we went to land at, we found newly arrived there four or five great balsas, which were laden with plantans, bags of meal, and many other kinds of victuals. Our General marveled what they were and what they meant, ask the Indian guide and commanding him to speak the truth upon his life: being then bond fast. he answered being very much abashed, as well as our company were, that he neither knew from whence they should come, nor who they should be: for there was never a man in any one of the balsas: and because he had told our General before, that it was an easy matter to take the said Casique and all his treasure, and that there were but three or four houses standing in a dese●t place and no resistance, and that if he found it not so, he should hung him. Again being demanded to speak upon his life what he thought these Balsas should be, he answered that he could not say from whence they should come, except it were to bring 60 soldiers, which he did hear were to go to a place called Guaiaquil, The town of Guaiaquil. which was about 6 leagues from the said island, where two or three of the king's ships were on the stocks in building, where are continually an hundred soldiers in garrisons who had herded of us, and had sent for sixty more for fear of burning of the ships and town. Our General vot any whit discouraged either at the sight of the balsas unlooked for, or for hearing of the threescore soldiers not until then spoken of, with a brave courage animating his company in the exploit, went presently forward, being in the night in a most desert path in the woods, until such time as he came to the place; where, as it seemed, they had kept watch either at the water's side, or at the houses, or else at both, and were newly go out of the houses, having so short warning, that they left the meat both boiling and roasting at the fire and were fled with their treasure with them, or else buried it where it could not be found, being also in the night. Our company took hens and such things as we thought good, and came away. A little Island near unto Puna. The 29 day of May our General went in the shipboate into a little Island there by, whereas the said Casique which was the lord of Puna had caused all the hangings of his chambers, which were of cordovan leather all guilded over, and painted very fair and rich, with all his household stuff, and all the ships tackling which was riding in the road at our coming in, with great store of nails, spikes of iron, and very many other things to be conveyed: all which we found, and brought away what our General thought requisite for the ships business. This Island is very pleasant for all things requisite, and fruitful: but there are no mines of gold nor silver in it. There are at the lest 200 houses in the town about the Casiques' palace, and as many in one or two towns more upon the Island, which is almost as big as the isle of Wight in England. The I'll of Puna is almost as big as the Il● of Wight. There is planted on the one side of the Casiques' house a fair garden, with all herbs growing in it, and at the lower end a well of fresh water, and round about it are trees set, whereon bombasin cotton groweth after this manner: Cotton trees The tops of the trees grow full of cod, out of which the cotton groweth, and in the cotton is a seed of the bigness of a pease, and in every cod there are seven or eight of these seeds: and if the cotton be not gathered when it is ripe, than these seeds fall from it, and spring again. There are also in this garden figtrees which bear continually, also pompions, melons, cucumbers, radishes, rosemary and thyme, with many other herbs and first-fruits. At the other end of the house there is also another orchard, An excell●●● orchard where grow oranges sweet and sour, limmons, pomegranates and lymes, with divers other first-fruits. There is very good pasture ground in this Island; and withal many horses, oxen, bullocks, sheep very fat and fair, great store of goats which be very tame, and are used continually to be milked. They have moreover abundance of pigeons, turkeys, and ducks of a marvelous bigness. There was also a very large and great church hard by the Casiques' house, whither he caused all the Indians in the Island to come and hear mass: for he himself was made a Christian when he was married to the Spanish woman before spoken of, and upon his conversion he caused the rest of his subjects to be Christened. In this church was an high altar with a crucifix, and five bells hanging in the neither end thereof. We burned the church and brought the bells away. By this time we had haled on ground our admiral, The secon● graving of their ships. and had made her clean, burned her keel, pitched and tarred her, and had haled her on float again. And in the mean while continually kept watch and ward in the great house both night and day. The second day of june in the morning, by and by after break of day, every one of the watch being go abroad to seek to fetch in victuals, some one way, some another, some for hens, some for sheep, some for goats, upon the sudden there came down upon us an hundred Spanish soldiers with muskets and an ensign, which were landed on the other side of the Island that night, and all the Indians of the Island with them, every one with weapons and their baggage after them: which was by means of a Negro, whose name was Emmanuel, which fled from us at our first landing there. Thus being taken at advantage we had the worst: The first skirmish with the Spaniards for our company was not passed sixteen or twenty; whereof they had slain one or two before they were come to the houses: yet we skirmished with them an hour and an half: at the last being sore overcharged with multitudes, we were driven down from the hill to the waters side, and there kept them play a while, until in the end Zacharie Saxie, who with his halberd had kept the way of the hill, and slain a couple of them, as he breathed himself being somewhat tired, had an honourable death and a short: Zacharie Sa●i● slain honourably. for a shot struck him to the heart: who feeling himself mortally wounded cried to God ●or mercy, and fallen down presently dead. But soon after the enemy was driven somewhat to retire from the banks side to the green: and in the end our boat came and carried as many of our men away as could go in her, which was in hazard of sinking while they hastened into it: And one of our men whose name was Robert Maddock was shot through the head with his own piece, Robert Maddoc● slain with hi● own piece. being a snap-hance, as he was hasting into the boat. But four of us were left behind which the boat could not carry: to wit, myself Francis Pretty, Thomas Andrew's, Steven Gunner, and Richard Rose: which had our shot ready and retired ourselves unto a cliff, until the boat came again, which was presently after they had carried the rest aboard. There were six and forty of the enemies slain by us, 46 Spaniar●● and Indian● slain●. whereof they had dragged some into bushes, and some into aid houses, which we found afterward. We lost twelve men in manner following. Slain by the enemy. 1 Zacharie Saxie, 2 Neales' johnson, 3 William Geirgifield, 4 Nicolas Hendie, 5 Henry Cooper. 1 Robert Maddock, killed with his piece. 2 Henry Mawdley, burned. drowned. 1 Edward the gunner's man, 2 Ambrose the mustrian, taken prisoners. 1 Walter Tilliard, 2 Edward Smith, 3 Henry Aselye, The self same day being the second of june, we went on shore again with ●●●ntie men, and had a fresh skirmish with the enemies, The second skirmish with the Spaniards. and drove them to retire, being an hundred Spaniards serving with muskets, and two hundred Indians with bows, arrows and darts. This done, we set fire on the town and burned it to the ground, having in it to the number of three hundred houses● The chief town in Puna burned. and shortly after made havoc of their fields, orchards, and gardens, and burned four great ships more which were in building on the stocks. The third of june the Content which was our vice-admiral was haled on ground, to grave at the same place in despite of the Spaniards: and also our pinnace which the Spaniards had burned, was new trimmed. They arrived at Puna the 25 of May. The fift day of june we departed out of the road of Puna, where we had remained eleven days, and turned up for a place which is called Rio dolce, where we watered: at which place also we sunk our rereadmirall called The Hugh Gallant for want of men, The Hugh Gallant a bark of 40 tuns sunk. being a bark of forty tons. The tenth day of the same month we set the Indians on shore, which we had taken before in a balsa as we were coming into the road of Puna. Rio dolce. The eleventh day we departed from the said Rio dolce. The twelft of june we doubled the Equinoctial line, and continued our course Northward all that month. The first of julie we had sight of the coast of Nueva Espanna, being four leagues distant from land in the latitude of ten degrees to the Northward of the line. The ninth of julie we took a new ship of the burden of 120 tons, wherein was one Michael Sancius, whom our General took to serve his turn to water along the coast: for he was one of the best coasters in the South sea. This Michael Sancius was a Provensal, Michael Sancius a Mars●●lian. born in Marseils, and was the first man that told us news of the great ship called The Santa Anna, which we afterward took coming from the Philippinas. A great new ship burned. There were six men more in this new ship: we took her sails, her ropes, and firewood, to serve our turns, set her on fire, and kept the men. The second bark of advise taken. The tenth we took another bark which was going with advise of us and our ships all along the coast, as Michael Sancius told us: but all the company that were in the bark were flood on shore. None of both these ships had any goods in them. For they came both from Sonsonate in the province of Guatimala; Sonsonate in the province of Guatimala. the new ship, for fear we should have taken her in the road, and the bark, to carry news of us along the coast; which bark also we set on fire. A bark burned. The river of Copalita. The 26 day of july we came to an anchor at 10 fathoms in the river of Copalita, where we made account to water. And the same night we departed with 30 men in the pinnace, and rowed to Aguatulco, Aguatulco in 15 degrees and 40 minutes Northward. which is but two leagues from the aforesaid river; and standeth in 15 degrees 40 minutes to the Northward of the Equinoctial line. The 27 in the morning by the break of day we came into the road of Aguatulco, where we found a bark of 50 tons, A bark burned. which was come from Sonsonate laden with cacaos and anile which they had there landed: Anile. Cacaos and the men were all fled on shore. We landed there, and burned their town, Agu●tulco a town of 100 houses burned. with the church and custom house which was very fair and large: in which house were 600 bags of anile to dye clot; every bag whereof was worth 40 crowns, and 400 bags of cacaos; every bag whereof is worth ten crowns. These cacaos go among them for meat and money. Cacaos go for mone● in Nueva Espanna. For 150 of them are in value one rial of plate in ready payment. They are v●ry like unto an almond, but are nothing so pleasant in taste: they eat them, and make drink of them. This the owner of the ship told us. I found in this town before we burned it, a flasket full of boxes of balm. After we had spoiled and burned the town, wherein there were some hundred houses, the owner of the ship came down out of the hills with a flag of truce unto us, which before with the rest of all the townsmen was ●un away at our first coming: and at length came aboard our pinnace upon Captain Havers' word of safe return. We carried him to the river of Copalita where our ships road: and when he came to our General, he caused him to be set on shore in safety the same night, because he came upon the captains word. Our General entered two miles into the main land with 30 men. The 28 day we set sail from Copalita, because the sea was so great there, that we could not fill water, and ran the same night into the road of Aguatulco. The 29 our General landed and went on shore with thirty men two miles into the woods, where we took a Mestizo, whose name was Michael de Truxillo, who was customer of that town, and we found with him two chambers full of his sluffe: we brought him and his s●uffe aboard. And whereas I say he was a Mestizo, it is to be understood that a Mestizo is one which hath a Spaniard to his father and an Indian to his mother. The second day of August, we had watered, and examined the said Mestizo, and set him on shore again and departed from the port of Aguatulco the same night, Our departure from Aguatulco. which standeth as I said before in 15 degrees and 40 minutes to the Northward of the line. Here we overslipped the haven of Acapulco, from whence the ships are set forth for the Philippinas. The four and twentieth day of August, our General with 30 of us went with the pinnace unto an haven called Puerto de Natividad, Puerto de N●●●uidad in 19 degrees. where we had intelligence by Michael Sancius that there should be a pinnace, but before we could get thither the said pinnace was go to fish for pearls 12 leagues farther, The third cost of advie. taken. as we were informed by certain Indians which we found there. We took a mullato in this place, in his bed, which was sent with letters of advise concerning us along the coast, of Nueva Galicia, Puerto de Nat●uidad burned. whose horse we killed, took his letters, left him behind, set fire on the houses, and burned two new ships of 200 tons the piece, Two new ships burn● which were in building there on the stocks, and came aboard of our ships again. The six and twenty day of August, we came into the bay of S. jago, The river o● Sant jago. where we watered at a fresh River, along which river many plantans are growing: here is great abundance of fresh fish. here also certain of our company dragged for pearls and caught some quantity. Pearls t●ken. The second of September we departed from Sant jago at four of the clock in the evening. This bay of Sant jago standeth in nineteen degrees and eighteen minutes to the Northward of the line. The 3 of September we arrived in a little bay a league to the Westward of Port de Navidad called Malacca, The bay of Malacca. which is a very good place to ride in: and the same day about twelve of the clock our General landed with thirty men or there about, and went up to a town of Indians which was two leagues from the road, which town is called Acatlan: The town of Acatlan burned. there were in it about 20 or 30 houses and a Church, which we defaced and came aboard again the same night. All the people were fled out of the town at the sight of us. The fourth of September, we departed from the road of Malacca, and sailed along the coast. The 8 we came to the road of Chaccalla, The road of Chaccalla. in which bay there are two little houses by the water's side. This bay is 18 leagues from the Cape de los Corrientes. The 9 in the morning our General sent up Captain Havers with forty men of us before day, and Michael Sancius being our guide, we went unto a place about two leagues up into the country in a most villainous desert path through the woods and wilderness; and in the end we came to a place where we took three householders with their wives and children and some Indians, one carptenter which was a Spaniard, and a Portugal, we bond them all and made them to come to the sea side with us. Our General made their wives to fetch us Plantans, Lemons, and Oranges, Pine-aples and other fruits whereof they had abundance, and so let their husbands depart, except Sembrano the Spanish Carpenter, and Diego the Portugal; and the tenth day we departed the road. The twelfth day we arrived at a little Island called the Isle of Sant Andrew, The Isle of Sant Andrew on which there is great store of fowl and wood: where we dried and salted as many of the fowls as we thought good: we also killed there abundance of seals, and Iguanos' which are a kind of Serpents, Iguanos' good meat. with four feet, and a long sharp tail, strange to them which have not seen them; but they are very good meat. We rid here until the seventeenth day, at which time we departed. The 24 day we arrived in the road of Massatlan, Massatlan in 2● degrees. and an half. which standeth in 23 degrees ½, just under the Tropic of Cancer: It is a very great river within, but is barred at the mouth: and upon the North side of the bar without, is good fresh water: but there is very evil filling of it; because at a low water it is should half a mile of the shore. There is great store of fresh fish in that bay: and good fruits up into the country, whereof we had some, though not without danger. The seven and twentieth day of September, we departed from the road of Massatlan and ran to an island which is a league to the Northward the said Massatlan; An island a league Northwards of Massatlan. where we trimmed our ships and new built our pinnace: and there is a little island a quarter of a league from it, on which are seals; where a Spanish prisoner, whose name was Domingo, The escape of one Domingo, a Spaniard. being sent to wash shirts with one of our men to keep him, made a escape, & swum to the main, which was an English mile distant: at which place we had seen 30 or 40 Spaniards & Indians, which were horsemen, and kept watch there, which came from a town called Chiametla, Chia●etla. which was 11 leagues up into the country, as Michael Santius told us. We found upon the island where we trimmed our pinnace, fresh water by the assistance of God in that our great need by digging two or three foot deep in the sand, where no water nor sign of water was before to be perceived. Otherwise we had gone back 20 or 30 leagues to water: which might have been occasion that we might have miss our prey we had long waited for. But God raised one Flores a Spaniard, which was also a prisoner with us, to make a motion to dig in the sands. Now our General having had experience once before of the like, commanded to put his motion in practice, and in digging three foot deep we found very good and fresh water. Fresh water at 2 or 3 foot deep in the sand. So we watered our ships, and might have filled a thousand tons more, if we had would. We stayed in this island until the 9 day of October, at which time we departed at night for the cape of S. Lucar, which is on the West side of the point of California. The cape of S. Lucar on the point of California. The 14 of October we fallen with the cape of S. Lucar, which cape is very like the Needles at the isle of Wight; and within the said cape is a great bay called by the Spaniards Aguada Segura: Aguada Segura. into which bay falls a fair fresh river, about which many Indians use to keep: we watered in the river and lay off and on from the said cape of S. Lucar until the fourth of November, and had the winds hanging still Westerly. California in 23 degrees and two thirds. The 4 of November the Desire and the Content, wherein were the number of Englishmen only living, beating up and down upon the headland of California, which standeth in 23 degrees and ⅔ to the Northward, between seven and 8 of the clock in the morning one of the company of our Admiral which was the trumpeter of the ship going up into the top espied a sail bearing in from the sea with the cape; whereupon he cried out with no small joy to himself and the whole company, A sail, A sail, with which cheerful word the master of the ship and divers others of the company went also up into the main top, who perceiving the speech to be very true gave information unto our General of these happy news, who was no less glad than the cause required: whereupon he gave in charge presently unto the whole company to put all things in readiness, which being performed we gave them chase some 3 or 4 hours, The fight between the great S. Anna and us. standing with our best advantage and working for the wind. In the afternoon we got up unto them, giving them the broad side with our great ordinance and a volee of small shot, and presently laid the ship aboard, whereof the king of Spain was owner, which was Admiral of the south sea, called the S. Anna, & thought to be 700 tons in burden. Now as we were ready on their ships side to enter her, being not past 50 or 60 men at the uttermost in our ship, we perceived that the Captain of the said ship had made fights fore and after, and laid their sails close on their poop, their mid ship, with their sore castle, and having not one man to be seen, stood close under their fights, with lances, javelinings, rapiers, & targets, & an innumerable sort of great stones, which they threw overboard upon our heads and into our ship so fast and being so many of them, that they put us off the ship again, with the loss of 2 of our men which were slain, & with the hurting of 4 or 5. The second encounter. But for all this we new trimmed our sails, and fitted every man his furniture, and gave them a fresh encounter with our great ordinance and also with our small shot, raking them through and through, to the kill and maiming of many of their men. Their Captain still like a valiant man with his company stood very stoutly unto his close fights, The third ●ncounter. not yielding as yet: Our General encouraging his men a fresh with the whole noise of trumpets gave them the third encounter with our great ordinance and all our small shot to the great discomforting of our enemies raking them through in divers places, kill and spoiling many of their men. They being thus discomforted and spoilt, and their ship being in hazard of sinking by reason of the great shot which were made, whereof some were under water, within 5 or 6 hours fight set out a flag of truce and parled for mercy, The great S. Anna yieldeth. desiring our General to save their lives and to take their goods, and that they would presently yield. Our General of his goodness promised them mercy, and willed them to strike their sails, and to hoist out their boat and to come aboard: which n●wes they were full glad to hear of, and presently struck their sails, hoist their boat out, and one of their chief merchants came aboard unto our General: and falling down upon his knees, offered to have kissed our Generals fet, and craved mercy: our General most graciously pardoned both him and the rest upon promise of their true dealing with him and his company concerning such riches as were in the ship: and sent for the Captain and their Pilot, who at their coming used the like duty and reverence as the former did. The General of his great mercy & humanity, promised their lives and good usage. The said Captain and Pilot presently certified the General what goods they had within board, to wit, an hundredth and 22 thousand pesoes of gold: One hundredth and two and twenty thousand pesoes of gold. A pezo ●s 8 s. and the rest of the riches that the ship was laden with was in silks, satins, damasks, with musk & divers other merchandise, and great store of all m●ner of victuals with the choice of many conserves of all sorts for to eat, The merchandise in the great ship. and of sundry sorts of very good wines. These things being made known to the General by the aforesaid. Captain and Pilot, they were commanded to stay aboard the Desire, and on the 6 day of November following we went into an harbour which is called by the Spaniards, Aguada Segura, or Puerto Segu●o. Here the whole company of the Spaniards, both of men and women to ●he number of 190 people were set on shore: The Spaniards set on shore to the number of 190. where they had a fair river of fresh water, with great store of fresh fish, foul, and wood, and also many hares and coneys upon the main land. Our general also gave them great store of victuals, of garuansoes, peason, and some wine. Also they had all the sails of their ship to make them tents on shore, with licence to take such store of planks as should be sufficient to make them a bark. Then we fallen to hoisting in of our goods, sharing of the treasure, and alotting to every man his portion. In division whereof the eight of this month, many of the company fallen into a mutiny against our General, Mutiny against the General. especially those which were in the Content, which nevertheless were after a sort pacified for the time. On the 17 day of November, which is the day of the happy Coronation of her Majesty, our General commanded all his ordinance to be shot off, with the small shot both in his own ship where himself went, and also in the Content, which was our Uiceadmirall. This being done, the same night we had many fireworks and more ordinance discharged, to the great admiration of all the Spaniards which were there: for the most part of them had never seen the like before. This ended, our General discharged the Captain, gave him a royal reward, with provision for his defence against the Indians and his company, both of swords, targets, pieces, shot, and powder to his great contentment: but before his departure, he took out of this great ship two young lads born in japon, Two hope of japon. which could both wright and read their own language, the elder being about 20 years old was named Christopher, the other was called Cosmus, about 17 years of age, both of very good capacity. He took also with him out of their ship, 3 boys born in the isles of Manilla, Three boys of Manilla. the one about 15, the o●her about 13, and the youngest about 9 years old. The name of the elder was Alphonso, the second Anthony de Dasi, the third remains with the right honourable the Countess of Essex. He also took from them, one Nicholas Roderigo a Portugal, Nicolas Roderigo, a Portuga● who hath not only been in Canton and other parts of China, but also in the islands of japon being a country most rich in silver mines, and hath also been in the Philippinas. He took also from them a Spaniard whose name was Thomas de E●sola, A Spanish Pi●ot●. which was a very good Pilot from Acapulco and the coast of Nueva Espanna unto the islands of Ladrones, where the Spaniards do put in to water, sailing between Acapulco and the Philippinas: Acapulco is th● haue● whence they 〈◊〉 to the Philippinas. in which ills of Ladrones, they find fresh water, plantans, and potato roots: howbeit the people be very rude and heathens. The 19 day of November aforesaid, about 3 of the clock in the afternoon, our General caused the king's ship to be set on fire, Good watering at the L●drones. which having to the quantity of 500 tons of goods in her we see burned unto the water, and then gave them a piece of ordinance and set sail joyfully homewards towards England with a fair wind, which by this time was come about to Eastnortheast: The win●e a● Eastnor●heast. and night growing near, we left the Content a stern of us, which was not as yet come out of the road. And here thinking she would have overtaken us, we lost her company and never see her after. We were sailing from this haven of Aguada Segura in California unto the isles of Ladrones the rest of November, The Content, whereof Steue● H●●● was master, left ●ehin● in the road. and all Decembe●, and so forth until the 3 of januarie 1588., with a fair wind for the space 45 days: and we esteemed it to be between 17 and 18 hundred leagues. The 3 day of january by six of the clock in the morning we had sight of one of the islands of Ladrones called the island of Guana, The island of Guana one of the Ladrone● in 13 degrees and two thirds. standing in 13 degrees 2/● toward the North, and sailing with a gentle gale before the wind, by 1 or 2 of the clock in the afternoon, we were come up within 2 leagues of the island, where we met with 60 or 70 sails of canoas full of Savages, Commodity's of the isles of Ladrones. who came off to sea unto us, and brought with them in their boats plantans, cocos, potato roots, and fresh fish, which they had caught at sea, and held them up unto us for to truck or exchange with us; which when we perceived we made fast little pieces of old iron upon small cords and fishing lines, and so vered the iron unto their canoas, and they caught hold of them and took off the iron, and in exchange of it they would make fast unto the same line either a potato root, or a bundle of plantans, which we haled in: and thus our company exchanged with them until they had satisfied themselves with as much as did content them: yet we could not be rid of them. For afterward they were so thick about the ship, that it stemmed & broke 1 or 2 of their canoas: but the men saved themselves being in every canoa 4, 6, or 8 people all naked & excellent swimmers and divers. The colour and stature ● of the people of the isles o● Ladron●●. They are of a tawny colour & marvelous fat, & bigger ordinarily of stature than the most part of our men in England, wearing their hair marvelous long: yet some of them have it made up and tied with a knot on the crown, & some with 2 knots, much like unto their images which we see them have carved in wood, and standing in the head of their boats like unto the images of the devil. Their images. Artificial canoas. Their canoas were as artificially made as any that ever we had seen: considering they were made and contrived without any edge-tool. They are not above half a yard in breadth and in length some seven or eight yards, and their heads and sternes are both alike, they are made out with raftes of canes and reeds on the starrebordside, with mast and sail: their sail is made of mats of sedges, squ●re or triangle wise: and they sail as well right against the wind, Canoas' sailing right against the wind. as before the wind: These Savages followed us so long, that we could not be rid of them: until in the end our General commanded some half dozen harquebusses to be made ready; and himself struck one of them and the rest shot at them: but they were so you're and nimble, The nimbleness of the people of the Ladrones. that we could not discern whether they were killed or not, because they could fall backward into the sea, and prevent us by diving. The 14 day of january lying at hull with our ship all the middle watch, from 12 at night until four in the morning, by the break of day we fallen with an headland of the isles of the Philippinas, which is called Cabo deal Spirito Santo which is of very great bigness and length, Cabo del Spirito Santo one of the isles of the Philippinas in 13 degrees. high land in the midst of it, and very low land as the Cape lieth East and West, trending far into the sea to the westward. This cape or island is distant from the isle of Guana, one of the Ladrones, 310 leagues. From Guan● an isl● of The Landrones to Cabo del Spirito Santo is 310 leagues. We were in sailing of this course eleven days with scant winds and some foul weather, bearing no sail two or three nights. This island standeth in 13 degrees, and is a place much peopled with heathen people, and all woody through the whole land: and it is short of the chiefest island of the Philippinas called Manilla about 60 leagues. Manilla is well planted and inhabited with Spaniards to the number of six or seven hundred people: which devil in a town unwalled, which hath 3 or 4 small block houses, part made of wood, The description of the town of Manilla. and part of stone being indeed of no great strength: they have one or two small Galleys belong to the town. It is very rich place of gold and many other commodities; and they have ye●rely traffic from Acapulco in Nueva Espanna, and also 20 or 30 ships from China and from the Sanguelos, Trade from Acapulco to Manilla. Merchants of Ch●na. Merchants called Sanguelo● which bring them many sorts of merchandise. The merchants of China and the Sanguelos● are part moors and part heathen people. They bring great store of gold with them, which they traffic and exchange for silver, and give weight for weight. Silver exchanged weight for weight for gold. These Sanguelos are men of marvelous capacity in devising and making all manner of things, especially in all handy crafts and sciences: and every one is so expert, perfect, and skilful in his faculty, as f●we or no Christians are able to go beyond them in that which they take in hand. For drawing & imbrodering upon satin, silck, or lawn, either beast, fowl, fish or worm, for liveliness and perfectness, both in silk, silver, gold, & pearl, they excel. Also the 14 day at night we entered the straits between the island of Luçon, & the island of Camlaia. The island of Capul at which our men stayed 9 daye●. The fifteenth of january we fallen with an island called Capul, and had betwixt the said island and another island but an narrow passage, and a marvelous rippling of a very great tide with a l●dge of rocks lying off the point of the island of Capul: and no danger but water enough a fair breadth off: and within the point a fair bay and a very good harbour in four fathoms water hard aboard the shore within a cables length. About 10 of the clock in the morning we came to an anchor. One of the chief governors of the island came aboard us. Our ship was no sooner come to an anchor, but presently there came a canoa rowing aboard us; wherein was one of the chief Casiques of the island, whereof there be seven, who supposing that we were Spaniards, brought us potato roots; which they call camotas, and green cocos, in exchange whereof we gave his company pieces of linen to the quantity of a yard for four Cocos, and as much linen for a basket of potato roots of a quart in quantity; which roots are very good meat, and excellent sweet either roasted or boiled. This Casiques' skin was carved and cut with sundry and many strakes and devices all over his body. We kept him still aboard and caused him to sand those men which brought him aboard back to the island to 'cause the rest of the principals to come aboard: who were no sooner go on shore, but presently the people of the island came down with their cocos and potato roots, and the rest of the principals likewise came aboard and brought with them hens and hogs: Hens and hogs. and they used the same order with us which they do with the Spaniards. For they took for every hog (which they call Balboye) eight rials of plate, and for every hen or cock one rial of plate. Thus we road at anchor all that day, doing nothing but buying roots, cocos, hens, hogs, and such things as they brought, refreshing ourselves marvelously well. The same day at night being the fifteenth of january 1588., Nicolas Roderigo the Portugal, whom we took out of the great Santa Anna at the Cape of California, desired to speak with our General in secret: which when our General understood, he sent for him, & asked hi● what he had to say unto him. The Portugal made him this answer, that although he had offended his worship heretofore, yet now he had vowed his faith and true service unto him, and in respect thereof he neither could nor would conceal such treason as was in working against him and his company: and that was this. That the Spaniard which was tak●n out of the great ●ant Anne for a Pilot, The treason the Spanish Pilot 〈◊〉 led. whose name was Thomas de Ersola, had wri●ten a letter, and secretly sealed it and locked i● up in his chest, meaning to convey it by the inhabitants of this island to Manilla, the contents whereof were: The copy of th● Spanish Pilots letter t● the governor of Manilla, which was found in his chest, and translated by Timothy Shottor That there had been two English ships along the coast of Chili, Peru, Nueva Espanna, and Nueva Galicia, and that they had taken many ships and merchandise in them, and burned divers towns, and spoilt all that ever they could come unto, and that they had taken the king's ship which came from Manilla and all his treasure, with all the merchandise that was therein; and had set all the people on shore, taking himself away perforce. Therefore he willed them that they should make strong their bulwarks with their two Galleys, and all such provision as they could possibly make. He farther signified, that we were riding at an island called Capul, Capul adjoining upon th● South isle of Manilla. which was at the end of the island of Manilla, being but one ship with small force in it, and that the other ship, as he supposed, was go for the Northwest passage, The Northwest passag●● 50 leagues from Ma●●ll● standing in 55 degrees: and that if they could use any means to surprise us being there at an anchor, they should dispatch it: for our force was but small, and our men but weak, and that the place where we road was but 50 leagues from them. Otherwise if they let us escape, within few years they must make account to have their town besieged and sacked with an army of English. This information being given, our General called for him, and charged him with these things, which at the first he utterly denied: but in the end, the matter being made manifest and known of certainty by especial trial and proofs, the next morning our General willed that he should be hanged: The Spanish Pilot hange● for his treachery. which was accordingly performed the 16 of january. We road for the space of nine days about this island of Capul, where we had diverse kinds of fresh victuals, with excellent fresh water in every bay, and great store of wood. The people of this island go almost all naked and are tawny of colour. The manner ●● the people of Capul. The men wear only a stroope about their wastes, of some kind of linen of their own weaving, which is made of plantain leaves, and another stroope coming from their back under their twistes, which covereth their privy parts, and is made fast to their girdles at their navels. These people use a strange kind of order among them, which is this. A stran●● thing. Every man and manchild among them hath a nail of Tin thrust quite through the head of his privit part, being split in the lower end and riveted, and on the head of the nail is as it were a crown: which is driven through their privities when they be young, and the place groweth up again, without any great pain● to the child: and they take this nail out and in as, occasion serveth: and for the truth thereof we ourselves have taken one of these nails from a son of one of the kings which was of the age of 10 years who did wear the same in his privy member. This custom was granted at the request of the women of the country, who finding their men to be given to the fowl sin of Sodomy, desired some remedy against that mischief, and obtained this before named of the magistrates. Moreover all the males are circumcised, Circumcis●● having the foreskin of their flesh cut away. These people wholly worship the devil, and often times have conference with him, which appeareth unto them in most ugly and monstrous shape. On the 23 day of january, our General M. Thomas Candish caused all the principals of this island, and of an hundred islands more, which he had made to pay tribute unto him (which tribute was in hogs, hens, potatoes and cocos,) to appear before him, and made himself and his company known unto them, that they were English men, and enemies to the Spaniards: The inhabitants of Cap●● with all the islands adjoining, promise's to aid the English against the Spaniard●. and thereupon spread his Ensign and sounded up the drums, which they much marveled at: to conclude, they promised both themselves and all the islands thereabouts to aid him, whensoever he should come again to overcome the Spaniards. Also our General gave them, in token that we were enemies to the Spaniards, money back again for all their tribute which they had paid: which they took maru●ilous friendly, and rowed about our ship to show us pleasure marvelous swiftly: at the last our general caused a sa●er to be shot off, whereat they wondered, and with great contentment took their leaves of us. The next day being the twenty four of januarie, we set sail about six of the clock in the morning, Our departure from the island of Capul. and ran along the coast of the island of Manilla, shaping our course Northwest between the isle of Manilla, and the isle of Masbat. The isle of Ma●ba●. The 28 day in the morning about 7 of the clock, riding at an anchor betwixt 2 islands, we spied a Frigate under her two corpses, coming out between 2 other islands, which as we imagined came from Manilla, sailing close aboard the shore along the main island of Panama: The island ●● Panama● we chas●d this frigate along the shore, & got very fast upon it, until in the end we came so near that it stood in to the shore close by a wind, until she was becalmed and was driven to strick her sail, and banked up with her oars: whereupon we came unto an anchor with our ship, a league and an half from the place where the Frigate rowed in; and manned our boat with half a dozen shot and as many men with swords, which did row the boat: thus we made after the Frigate which had hoist sail and ran into a river, which we could not found. But as we rowed along the shore, our boat came into very shallow water, Marks of shallow water. where many wears and sticks were set up in divers places in the sea, from whence 2 or 3 canoas came forth, whereof one made somewhat near unto us, with 3 or 4 Indians in it: we called unto them; but they would not come nearer unto us, but rowed from us: whom we dared not follow too far ●or fear of bringing ourselves to much to the leewa●de of our ship. Here, as we looked about us, we espied another Balsa or canoa of a great bigness which they which were in her, A Ba●sa is a great canoa. did set along we do usually set a barge with long staves or poles, which was builded up with great canes, and below hard by the water made to row with oars; wherein were about 5 or 6 Indians and one Spaniard: now as we were come almost at the Balsa, we ran a ground with our boat; but one or two of our men leapt overboard and freed it again presently, A Spaniard of Manilla taken. and keeping thwart her head, we laid her aboard and took in to us the Spaniard, but the Indians leapt into the sea and dived and rose far off again from us. Presently upon the taking of this canoa, there showed upon the sand a band of soldiers marching with an ensign having a read Cross like the flag of England, which were about 50 or 60 Spaniards, 50 or 60 Spaniards sh●w themselves. which were lately come from Manilla to that town which is called Ragaun in a Bark to fetch a new ship of the kings, which was building in a river within the bay, A new ship of the kings in building. and stayed there but for certain irons that did serve for the rudder of the said ship, which they looked for every day. This band of m●n shot at us from the shore with their muskets, but hyt none of us, and we shot at them again: they also manned a Frigate and sent it out after our boat to have taken us, They manned out a Frigate after v●. but we with sail and oars went from them: and when they perceived that they could not fetch us, but that they must come within danger of the ordinance of our ship, they stood in with the shore again and landed their men, and presently sent their Frigate about the point, but whether we kn●w not. So we came aboard with this one Spaniard, which was neither soldier nor sailor, but one that was come among the rest from Manilla, and had been in the hospital there a long time before, An hospital in Manilla. and was a very simple soul, and such a one as could answer to very little that he was asked, concer-cerning the state of the country. Here we road at anchor all that night, and perceived that the Spaniards had dispersed their band into 2 or 3 parts, and kept great watch in several steeds with fires and shooting off ●heir pieces. This island hath much plain ground in it in many places, and many fair and strait trees do grow upon it, fit for to make excellent good masts for all sorts of ships. There are also mines of very fine gold in it which are in the custody of the Indians. M●nes of very fine gold in the Island of Panama. And to the Southward of this place, there is another very great island, which is not subdued by the Spaniards, nor any other nation. The people which inhabit it are all Negroes; and the island is called the island of Negroes: and is almost as big as England, standing in 9 degrees: The island of Negroes in 9 degrees. the most part of it seemeth to be very low land, and by all likelihood is very fruitful. Their departure from the Philippinas. The 29 day of january about six of the clock is the morning we set sail, sending our boat before until it was two of the clock in the afternoon, passing all this time as it were through a strait betwixt the said 2 islands of Panama, and the island of Negroes, and about 16 leagues off we espied a fair opening, trending● Southwest and by South, at which time our boat came aboard, and our General sent commendations to the Spanish captain which we came fro● the evening before by the Spaniard which we took, and willed him to provide good store of gold: for he meant for to see him with his company at Manilla within few● years, and that he did but want a bigger boat to have landed his men, or else he would have seen him then: and so caused him to be set on shore. The 8 day of February by 8 of the clock in the morning we espied an island near Gilolo, called Batochina, Batochina. which standeth in one degree from the Equinoctial line Northward. 11 or 12. small ylands in 3. degrees 10 min. to the Southward. The 14 day of February we fallen with 11 or 12 very small islands, lying very low and flat, full of trees and passed by some islands which be sunk and have the dry sands lying in the main sea. These islands near the Malucoes, stand in 3 degrees and 10 min. to the Southward of the line. On the 17 day, one john Gameford a Cooper died, which had been sick of an old disease a long time. The 20 day we fallen with certain other islands which had many small islands among them, standing 4 degrees to the Southward of the line. Islands in 4 degrees southward o● the line. On the 21 day of February, being Ash wednesday Captain Havers died of a most fervent and pestilent ague, which held him furiously some 7 or 8 days, The death of captain Ha●ers. to the no small grief of our General and of all the re●t of the company, who caused two Falcons and one Sacre to be shot o●f, with all the small shot in the ship, who aft●r he was shrouded in a sheet and a prayer fayd, was heaved over board with great lamentation of us all. Moreover, presently after his death myself with divers oth●rs in the ship f●ll marvelously sick, and so continued in very great pain for the space of three weeks or a month by reason of the extreme heat and untemperateness of the Climate. The first day of March having passed through the Straitss of java minor and java maior, March 158●. we came to an anchor under the South-west parts of Iau● mayor: Our arrival ●● java maior. where we espied certain of the people which were fishing by the sea side in a bay which was under the island. Then our General taking into the shipboat certain of his company, and a Negro which could speak the Morisco tongue, which he had taken out of the great S. Anna, made toward those fishers, which having espied our boat ran on shore into the wood for fear of our men: The Moris●● or, Arabian tongue common in Iau●. but our General caused his Negro to call unto them: who no sooner herded him call, but presently one of them came out to the shore side and made answer. Our General by the Negro inquired of him for fresh water, which they found, and caused the fisher to go to the King and to certify him of a ship that was come to have traffic for victuals, and for diamonds, pearls, or any other rich jewels that he had: for which he should have ●ither gold or other merchandise in exchange. The fisher answered that we should have all manner of victuals that we would request. Thus the boat came aboard again. Within a while after we went about to furnish out ship thoroughly with wood and water. About the eighth of March two or three Canoas' came from the town unto us with eggs, hens, fresh fish, oranges, and lymes, and brought word we should h●ue ●ad victuals more plentifully, but that they were so far to be brought to us where we rid. Which when our General herded he weighed anchor and stood in nearer for the town: and as we● were under sail we met with one of the king's canoas coming toward us: whereupon we s●oke the ship in the wind and stayed for the canoa until it came aboard of us, and stood into the bay which was hard by and came to an anchor. In this canoa was the King's Secretary, A King of java his Secretary. who had on his head a piece of died linen clothe folded up like unto a Turks Tuliban: he was all naked saving about his waste, his breast was carved with the broad arrow upon it; he went barefooted: he had an interpreter with h●m, which was a Mestizo, that is, half an Indian and half a Portugal, who could speak very good Portugese. This Secretary signified unto our General that he had brought him an hog, hens, eggs, fresh fish, sugarcanes and wine: (which wine was as strong as any aquavitae, and as clear as any rock water: Nipe● wi●●. ) he told him farther that he would bring victuals so sufficiently ●or him, as he and his company would request, and that within the space of four days. Our General used him singularly well, banqueted him most royally with the choice of many and sundry conserves, wines both sweet and other, and caused his Musicians to make him music. This done our General told him that he and his company were Englishmen; and that we had been at China and had had traffic there with them, and that we were come thither to discover, and purposed to go● to Malaca. The people of java told our General that th●re were certain Portugals in the island which lay there as factors continually to traffic with them, to buy Negroes, cloves, pepper, sugar, and many other commodities. Cloves, pepper, sugar, and many other commodities in java majors This Secretary of the King with his interpreter l●y one night aboard our ship. The same night, because they lay aboard, in the evening at the setting of the watch, our General commanded every man in the ship to provide his arqebus and his shot, and so with shooting off 40. or 50. small shot and one Sacre, himself set the watch with th●m. T●is was no small marvel unto these heathen people, who had not commonly seen any ship so furnished with men and Ordinance. The next morning we dismissed the Secretary and his interpreter with all humanity. The fourth day after, which was the 12. of March, according to their appointment came the King's canoas; but the wind being somewhat s●ant they could not get aboard that night, but put into a bay under the island until the next day, and presently after the break of day there came to the number of 9 or 10. of the King's canoas so deeply laden with victuals as they could swim, Nine or 10. of the Kings canoas. with two great live o●en, half a score of wonderful great and fat hogs, a number of hens which were alive, drakes, geese, eggs, plantans, sugar canes, sugar in plates, cocos, sweet oranges and sour, lymes, great store of wine and aquavitae, salt to season victuals withal, and almost all manner of victuals else, with divers of the King's officers which were there. Among all the rest of the people in one of these canoas came two Portugals, Two Portugales in java. which were of middle stature, and men of marvelous proper parsonage; they were each of them in a lose jerkin, and hose, which came down from the waste to the ankle, because of the use of the Country, and partly because it was Lent, and a time for doing of their penance, (for they account it as a thing of great dislike among these heathens to wear either hose or shoes on their feet:) they had on each of them a very fair and a white lawn shirt, with falling bands on the same, very decently, only their bore legs excepted. These Portugals were no small joy unto our General and all the rest of our company: For we had not seen any Christian that was our friend of a year and an half before. Our General used and entreated them singularly well, with banquets and music: They told us that they were no less glad to see us, than we to see them, and inquired of the estate of their country, and what was become of Don Antonio their King, ●nquiri● of Don Antoni●. and whether he were living or no: for that they had not of long time been in Portugal, and that the Spaniards had always brought them word that he was dead. Then our General satisfied them in every demand; Assuring them, that their King was alive, and in England, and had honourable allowance of our Queen, and that there was war between Spain and England, and that we were come under the King of Portugal into the South sea, and had warred upon the Spaniards there, and had fired, spoilt and sunk all the ships along the coast that we could meet withal, to the number of eighte●ne or twenty sails. With this report they were sufficiently satisfied. On the other side they declared unto us the state of the island of java. The state o● Iau●. First the p●entifulnes and great choice and store of victuals of all sorts, & of all manner of first-fruits as before is set down: The● the great and rich merchandise which are there to be had. Then they described the properties and nature of the people as followeth. The name of the King of that part of the island was Raia Bolamboam, Raia Balamboam. who was a man had in great majesty and fear among them. The common people may not bargain, cell, or exchange any thing with any other nation, without special licence from their king: and if any so do, it is present death for him. The King himself is a man of great years, and hath an hundred wives, his son hath fifty. The custom of the country is, The wives kill themselves after their husband's deaths. that whensoever the king doth die, they take the body so dead and burn it and preserve the ashes of him, and within five days next after, the wives of the said king so dead, according to the custom and use of their country, every one of them go together to a place appointed, and the chief of the women, which was neer●st unto him in account, hath a ball in her hand, and throweth it from her, and to the place where the ball r●steth, thither they go all, and turn their faces to the Eastward, and every one with a dagger in their hand, (which dagger they call a Crise, and is as sharp as a razor) stab themselves to the heart, A strange order. and with their hands all to bee-bath themselves in their own blood, and falling groveling on their faces so end their days. This thing is as true as it seemeth to any hearer to be strange. The men of themselves be very politic and subtle, and singularly valiant, being naked men, in any action they undertake, and wonderfully at commandment and fear of their king. For example: if their king command them to undertake any exploit, be it never so dangerous or desperate, they dare not nor will not refuse it, though they die every man in the execution of the same. For he will cut off the heads of every on● of them which return alive without bringing of their purpose to pass: which is such a thing among them, as it maketh them the most valiant people in all the Southeast parts of the world● for they never fear any death. For being in fight with any nation, if any of them feeleth himself hurt with lance or sword, he will willingly run himself upon the weapon quite through his body to procure his death the more speedily, and in this desperate sort end his days, or overcome his enemy. Fair women ●n java. Moreover, although the ●en ●e tawny of colour and go continually naked, yet their women be fair of complexion and go more appareled. After they had thus described the state of the island, and the orders and fashions of the people; they told us farther, that if their king Don Antonio would come unto them, Don Antonio might be received as King in the ●ast Indi●●. they would warrant him to have all the Malucos at commandment, besides China, Sangles, and the yles of the Philippinas, and that he might be assured to have all the Indians on his side that are in the country. After we had fully contented these Portugals, and the people of java which brought us victuals in their Canoas', they took their leaves of us with promise of all good entertain●ment at our returns, and our General gave them three great pieces of Ordinance at their departing. Thus the next day being the 16. of March we set sail towards the Cape of good hope, They departed from java the 16 of March 1588. called by the Portugals Cabo de buena Esperancça on the Southermost coast of Africa. The rest of March and all the month of April we spent in traversing that mighty and vast● Sea, between the isle of java and the main of Africa, observing the heavens, th● Crosiers or South-pole, the other stars, the fowls, which are marks unto the Sea men of fair weather, foul weather, approaching of lands or ylands, the winds, the tempests, the rains & thunders, with the alterations of tides and currents. The 10. day of May we had a storm at the West, and it blew so hard that it was as much as the ship could stir close by under the wound: and the storm continued all that day and all that night. The next day being the 11. of May in the morning one of the company went into the top, and espied land bearing North● and North and by West of us, & about noon we espied land to bear West of us, which as we did imagine was the cape of Buena Esperança, whereof indeed we were short some 40. or 50. leagues: and by reason of the skantnesse of the wind we stood along to the Southeast until midnight; at which time the wind came fair, and we haled along Westward. The 12. and 13. days we were becalmed, and the sky was very hazie and thick until the 14. day at three of the clock in the afternoon, at which time the sky cleared, and we espied the land again which was the cape called Cabo Falso, Cabo 〈◊〉 which is short of the Cape de buena Esperança 40 or 50 leagues. This Cape is very easy to be known. For there are right over it three very high hills standing but a small way one of another, and the highest standeth in the midst, and the ground is much lower by the seaside. The Cape of Good hope beareth West and by South from the said Cabo Falso. The 16. day of May about 4. of the clock in the afternoon the wind came up at East a very stiff gale, which held until it was Saturday with as much wind as ever the sh●p could go before: at which time by si●e of the clock in the morning we esp●ed the promontory or headland, called the Cape de Buena Esperança, They do●o● the Cape de Bona Speranz● which is a reasonable hi● land, & at the Westermost point a little of the main do show two hammocks, the one upon the other, and three other hammocks lying further off into the sea, yet low land between and adjoining unto the sea. This cape of Buena Esperança is set down and accounted for two thousand leagues from the island of java in the Portugal sea carts: From java t● the Cape of Bona Speran●● is but 1850. leagues. june 158● but it is not so much almost by an hundred and fifty leagues, as we found by the running of our ship. We were in running of these eight●ene hundred and fifty leagues just nine weeks. The eighth day of june by break of day we fell in sight of the island of S. Helena, seven or eight leagues short of it, having but a small gale of wind, or almost none at all: insomuch as we could not get unto it that day, but stood off and on all that night. The next day being the 9 of june having a pretty easy gale of wound we stood in with the shore, They anchor ●● the island of S● Helena the ●. ●● june. our boat being sent away before to make the harbour; and about one of the clock in the afternoons we came unto an anchor in 12. fathoms water two or thr●e cables length from the shore, in a very fair and smooth bay under the Northwestside of the yland● This island is very high land, and lieth in the main sea standing as it were in the midst of the sea between th● main land of Africa, and the main of Brasilia and the coast of Guinea: And is in 15. degrees and 48. minutes to the Southward of the Equinoctial line, and is distant from the Cape of Buena Esperança between 5. and 6. hundredth leagues. S. Helena is ●● the latitude o● 15. degrees ●● min. to the Southward. The same day about two or three of the clock in the afternoon we went on shore, where we found a marvelous fair & pleasant valley, wherein divers handsome buildings and houses were set up, and especially one which was a Church, which was tiled & whited on the outside very fair, and made with a porch, and within the Church at the upper end was set an altar, whereon stood a very large table set in a frame having in it the picture of our Saviour CHRIST upon the Cross and the image of our Lady praying, with divers other histories curiously painted in the same. The sides of the Church were all hanged with stained clotheses having many devices drawn in them. There are two house's adjoining to the Church, on ●ach side one, which serve for kitchens to dress meat in, with necessary rooms and houses of office: the coverings of the said houses are made flat, whereon is planted a very fair vine, and through both the said houses runneth a very good and wholesome stream of fresh water. There is also right over against the said Church a fair causey made up with stones reaching unto a valley by the seaside, in which valley is planted a garden, wherein grow great store or pompio●s and melons: And upon the said causey is a frame erected whereon hang t●o bells wherewith they ring to Mass; and hard unto it is a Cross set up, which is squared, framed and made very artifically of free stone, whereon is carved in cyphers what time it was builded, which was in the year of our Lord 1571. This valley is the fairest and largest low plot in all the island, and it is marvelous sweet and pleasant, and planted in every place either with fruit trees, or with herbs. There are figtrees, which bear fruit continually, & marvelous plentifully: for on every tree you shall have blossoms, green figs, and ripe figs, all at one's: and it is so all the year long: the reason is that the island standeth so near the Sun. The grea● store of divers excellent frui●● in S. Hele●● There be also great store of lemon trees, orange trees, pomegranate trees, pomecitron trees, date tre●s, which bear fruit as the fig trees do, and are planted carefully and very artificially with very pleasant walks under and between them, and the said walks be overshadowed with the leaves of the trees: and in every void place is planted parceley, sorrel, basil, fennel, anuis seed, mustard seed, radishes, and many special good herbs: and the fresh water brook runneth through divers places of this orchard, and may with very small pains be made to water any one tree in the valley. This fresh water stream cometh from the tops of the mountains, and falls from the cliff into the valley the height of a cable, and hath many arms out of it, which refresh the whole island, and almost every tree in it. The island is altogether high mountains and steep valleys, except it be in the tops of some hills, and down below in some of the valleys, where marvelous store of all these kinds of first-fruits before spoken of do grow: there is greater store growing in the tops of the mountains then below in the valleys: but it is wonderful laboursome and also dangerous travelling up unto them and down again, by reason of the height and steepness of the hills. Abundance of partridges in S. Helena● There is also upon this island great store of partridges, which are very came, not making any great haste to fly away though one come very near them, but only to run away, and get up into the steep cliffs: we killed some of them with a fowling piece. They differ very much from our partridges which are in England both in bigness and also in colour. For they be within a little as big as an hen, and are of an ash colour, and live in covies twelve, sixteen, and twenty together: you cannot go ten or twelve score but you shall see or spring one or two covies at the lest. Great store of pheasants. There are likewise no less store of pheasants in the island, which are also marvelous big and fat, surpassing those which are in our country in bigness and in numbers of a company. They differ not very much in colour from the partridges before spoken of. Turkeys in great quantity. We found moreover in this place great store of Guinie cocks, which we call Turkeys, of colour black and white, with read heads: they are much about the same bigness which ours be of in England: their eggs be white, and as big as a Turkey's egg. Exceeding numbers of goats. There are in this island thousand of goats, which the Spaniards call Cabritoes, which are very wild: you shall see one or two hundred of them together, and sometimes you may behold them going in a flock almost a mile long. Some of them, (whether it be the nature of the breed of them, or of the country I wots not) are as big as an ass, with a main like an horse and a beard hanging down to the very ground: they will climb up the cliffs which are so steep that a man would think it a thing unpossible for any living thing to go there. We took and killed many of them for all their swiftness: for there be thousand of them upon the mountains. Plenty of swine. Here are in like manner great store of swine which be very wild and very fat, and of marvelous bigness: they keep altogether upon the mountains, and will very seldom abide any man to come near them, except it be by mere chance when they be found asleep, or otherwise, according to their kind, be taken laid in the mire. We found in the houses at our coming 3. slaves which were negroes, & one which was born in the island of java, which ●olde us that the East Indian fleet, which were in number 5. sails, the lest whereof were in burden 8. or 900. tons, all laden with spices and Calicut clot, with store of treasure and very rich stones and pearls, were go from the said island of S. Helena but 20. days before we came thither. This island hath been found of long time by the Portugals, and hath been altogether planted by them, for their refreshing as they come from the East Indies. And when they come they have all things plentiful for their relief, by reason that they suffer none to inhabit there that might spend up the fruit of the island, except some very few sick people in their company, which they stand in doubt will not live until they come home, whom they leave there to refresh themselves, and take away the year following with the other Fleet if they live so long. They touch here rather in their coming home from the East Indies, then at their going thither, because they are thoroughly furnished with corn when they set out of Portugal, but are but meanly victualled at their coming from the Indies, where there groweth little corn. Our departure from S. Helena. The 20. day of june having taken in wood & water and refreshed ourselves with such things as we found there, and made clean our ship, we set sail about 8. of the clock in the night toward England. At our setting sail we had the wind at Southeast, and we haled away Northwest and by West. The wind is commonly off the shore at this island of S. Helena. july 1588. On wednesday being the third day of july we went away Northwest the wind being still at Southeast: at which time we were in 1. degree and 48. minutes to the Southward of the Equinoctial line. The twelfth day of the said month of july it was very little wind, and toward night it was calm and blue no wind at all, and so continued until it was monday being the 15. day of july. On Wednesday the 17. day of the abousaid month we had the wind scant at West northwest. We found the wound continually to blow at East, and North-east, and Eastnortheast after we were in 3. or 4. degrees to the Northward; and it altered not until we came between 30. and 40. degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctial Line. On Wednesday the 21. day of August the wound came up at South-west a fair gale: by which day at noon we were in 38. degrees of Northerly latitude. On friday in the morning being the 23. day of August, at four of the clock we haled East, and East and by South for the Northermost ylands of the Açores. On Saturday the 24. day of the said month by 5. of the clock in the morning we fell in sight of the two ylands of Flores and Coruo standing in 39 degrees and ½. and sailed away North-east. Coruo an● fl●res, two island of the 〈◊〉 The third of September we met with a Flemish hulk which came from Lisbon, & declared unto us the overthrowing of the Spanish Fleet, to the singular rejoicing and comfort of us all. The 9 of September, after a terrible tempest which carried away most part of our sails, by the merciful favour of the Almighty we recovered our long wished port of Plymouth in England, from whence we set forth at the beginning of our voyage. CERTAIN RARE AND SPECIAL NOTES most properly belonging to the voyage of M. Thomas Candish next before described; concerning the heights, sounding, lying of lands, distances of places, the variation of the Compasle, the just length of time spent in sailing between diver placest and their abode in them, as also the places of their harbour and anckering, and the depths of the same, with the observation of the winds on several coasts: Written by M. Thomas Fuller of Ipswich, who was Master in The desire of M. Thomas Candish in his foresaid prosperous voyage about the world. A note of the heights of certain places on the coast of Barbary. INpri●is Cape Cantin standeth in the latitude of 32. degr. 4. min● Item the island of Mogador standeth in 31. degr. 30. min. Item Cape d'oro standeth in 30. degr. 20. min. Item the ylands of the Canaries abou● 28. degr. Item Cape B●jador standeth in 27. degr. 30. min. Item Cape Verde standeth in 14. degr. 30. min Item the Cape of Sierra Liona in 8. degr. Item an island called Ilha Verde in 7. degr. 20. min A note of the heights of certain places from the coast of brasil to the South sea. INprimis Cape Frio standeth in the latitude of 23. degr. 30. min. Item the island of S. Sebastian in 24. degr. Item Port desire standeth in 47. degr. 50. min Item Seals bay standeth in 48. degr. 20. min. Item Port S. julian standeth in 50. degr. Item The white river standeth in 50. degr. 30. min. Item Cape joy standeth in 52. degr. 40. min. Item Port famine within the Straitss of Magellan standeth i● 53. degr. 50. min Item Cape froward within the Straitss of Magellan standeth in 54. degr. 15. min. Item Cape desire in the entering into the South sea standeth in 53. degr. 10. min. A note of the heights of certain places on the coast of Chili and Peru in the South sea. INprimis the island of Mocha ●tandeth in the latitude of 38. degr. 30. min. Item the island of S. Mary in 37. degr. 15. min. Item the bay of Valpares in * 33. degr. 40. min. Item the bay of Quintero in 33. degr. 20. min. Item Coquimbo in 29. degr. 30. min. Item Morro moreno in 23. degr. 20. min. Item Arica standeth in 18. degr. 30. min. Item the bay of Pisca standeth in 13. degr. 30. min. Item the bay of Lima standeth in 11. degr. 50. min. Item Santos standeth in 9 degr. 20. min. Item the bay of Cherrepe in 6. degr. 30. min. Item the bay of Paita, in 5. degr. 4. min. Item the island of Puna, in 2. degr. 50. min. Item Cape Sant Francisco to the North of the Equinoctial, in 1. degr. A note of the height of certain places to the Northwards of the Equinoctial line, on the coast of New Spain. INprimis, Panama standeth in the latitude of 9 degrees. Item the island called Isla de Canoas', in 9 degr. 10. min. Item Cape Blanco, in 10. degr. 10. min. Item Rio Lexo, in 12. degr. 40. min. Item Aguatulco, in * Or, ●uatulco. 15. degr. 50. min. Item Acapulco, in 17. degr. 20. min. Item Sant jago, in 18. degr. 50. min. Item Cape de los Corrientes, in 20. degr. 30. min. Item the bay of Xalisco, in 21. degr. 30. min. Item the ylands of the Maries, in * 21. degr 20. min. Item the island of Saint Andrew, in 22. degr. Item the ylands of Ciametlan, in 23. degr. 40. min. Item, that the Cape of Santa Clara on the point of California is in 23. degrees. A note of the heights of certain places beginning from the ylands of the Ladrones and passing by the Philippinas, the Malucos, java minor, java maior, the Cape of Bona Sperança, and the isle of Santa Helena. INprim. one of the ylands of the Landrones called Guana standeth in 13. degr. 50. min. Item Cape De Spirito Santo on the isle of Luçon standeth in 13. degr. Item the island of Capul in 12. degr. 30. min. Item that the island of Seboyon standeth in 12. degr. Item that the Easterly end of the island of Pannay is in * Or Panama. 11. degr. Item that the opening between the South head of Pannay and the South head of Isla de los negroes is in 10. degr. 10. min. Item that the South-head of Isla de los negroes is in 9 degr. 10. min. Item that the North-head of the island Mindanao is in 7. degr. 50. min. Item the South-head of Mindanao called Cape Cannel is in 6. degr. 40. min. Item the Cape of Batochina is in 10. min. Item that 12. small ylands stand in * To the Southwards of the ● me. 3. degr. Item the latitude of two other ylands is in 4. degr. 10. min. Item the Westerly head of java minor is toward the South in 8. degr. 30. min. Item the Easterly head of java maior is toward the South in 8. degr. 20. min. Item Malaca standeth to the Northward in 2. degr. Item Cape Falso on the promontory of Africa, standeth in 34. degr. 20. min. Item the Cape of Bona a Sperança standeth in 34. degr. 40. min. Item the island of Santa Helena standeth in 15. degr. 40. min. Item the Cape of S. Augustine standeth Southward in 8. degr. 40. min. Soundings on the coast of Barbary from Rio del Oro unto Cape Blanco. INprimis about 3. leagues of Rio del Oro you shall have very fair shoulding, fine white sand 18. fathoms, and so alongst unto Cape Blanco two or three leagues of the shore you shall have 18. and 20. fathoms. And when you come within one league of the Cape you shall have twelve or thirteen fathoms, brown sand, very fair shoulding. And if you will hall in with Cape Blanco, beware you come not within seven or eight fathoms of the Cape: for there lieth a sand of the Cape. Also about 7. or eight leagues of the Cape lieth a long should next hand Southwest and by South of the Cape. Soundings on the coast of Guiny. ITem, Going unto Sierra Leona, having the cape Eastnortheast of you, 7 leagues off, you shall have 22 fathom brown sand. And halling in you shall find very fair shoalding. You may be bold to borrow on the Southermost shore: but take heed of a rock that lieth in the fair way a good birth of the shore, but there is no fear of it: for it lieth above the water, and is distant two miles of the South shore. Item, You may be bold to borrow hard by rock; for on the North side going in there lieth one long sand which runneth Southeast and Northwest, and lieth distant from the South shore 2 leagues. And you shall anchor in 14 or 15 fathoms hard by the shore. Also going unto the island called Illha Verde, the which island lieth 10 leagues to the Southward of Sierra Leona, the course is Southsouthwest, and Northnortheast: and you shall have between them 9 or 10 fathom. And if you will anchor at the said island, you shall have 5 or 6 fathom hard by the shore. Also you must have especial care of a great current that setteth alongst the coast of Guiny to the Eastward. Item, And if you be bond unto the Southwards, you must go Westsouthwest off, for fear o● the should that is called Madera Bomba, the which should is to the Southwards of the island. Soundings on the coast of Brasil. ITtem, Unto the Northwards of Cape Frio, the cape bearing south-west of you, about 17 or 1● leagues off, you shall have 45 fathoms streamy ground: and running South-west, you shall found 32 fathoms black sand: and then running Westsouthwest into a deep bay, which lieth ten leagues to the Northwards of the cape, you shall have 22 fathoms oaze: that depth you shall hau● all alongst, except you be far into the bay; and than you shall have 16 fathoms all oazie. Item, To the Northwards of Cape Frio, about 6 or 7 leagues, you shall have many small islands. Item, To the Northwards of the cape 6 leagues, you shall have two small islands one mile distant the one from the other, and they are distant from the main five leagues. And between those islands and the cape you shall have very many islands hard aboard the main. Item, The cape bearing West of you two leagues off, you shall have 55 fathoms oaze. Also you shall know when you are shot about the cape unto the Southwards, by deeping of the water. Also if you will go for S. Sebastian from the cape, you must go West and South, and West●southwest among. And the distance from the cape unto S. Sebastian is 50 leagues. And being shot into the bay any thing near the shore, you shall have 24 fathoms all oazie. And halling in for S. Sebastian, you shall know it by two little islands which be round: an● those islands lie from the island of S. Sebastian next hand East and by South; and are distant the one from the other about four leagues. Also of the Southermost end of S. Sebastian, there lieth one island about 6 leagues off; which island is called the Alcatrarza, and there he four little islands about it. Also you may know it by the trending of the land unto the Southwards. Item, If you will go in at the Northermost end of S. Sebastian, you must take heed of a sand that lieth on the North-east part of the island: but you may be bold to borrow on the island: for th● sand lieth off the main side. Also you m●y anchor on the Northermost part of the island in tenn● fathoms; and the main is distant from you where you shall ride two leagues off. Item, If you will come in at the Southermost end of the island of S. Sebastian, your course from the Alcatrarza is Southwest & North-east, and their distance is 6 leagues the one from the other, Item, Unto the Southwards of the river Plate, being in the latitude of 45 degrees and 60 leagues of the main, you shall have shoalding in 60 fathoms or 65 fathoms oazie sand: and then halling in for the shore Westsouthwest ●6 leagues, you shall have 50 fathoms oaze, and you shall have fair shoalding all along. Item, In the latitude of 47 ⅓ you shall see about one mile in length, not passing one league o● the shore, a ledge of broken ground, but no danger. Also you shall have very fair shoalding all along the coast; and the land lying South and North until you come unto port Desire, which standeth in 48 degrees. Item, If you will go into port Desire, on the North side there lieth one ledge of rocks about league distant from the shore. Also on the North side at the mouth of the harborough, there lie● couple of rocks, which are at half flood under water: but be bold to borrow on the Southermost shore; for there is no danger: and you shall have no less than 6 fathoms water at a low water, the harborough lying East and West. Also you may know the harborough by one little island that lieth Southeast of the mouth of the harborough, and it is distant 4 leagues. Furthermore you may know the harborough by an high rock that stands on the South side; and this rock is very much like a watch tower. Also if you be any thing in, you may anchor in 5 fathoms at a low water. Item, It floweth there South and North, and higheth at spring ●ides 3 fathoms and an half water; and in the offing the flood setteth to the Northward. Item, In the latitude of 48 degrees 50 minutes you shall have 44 fathoms black sand about 5 leagues off: and about 3 leagues of you shall have 25 fathoms, and great shingle stones. Item, in the latitude of 49 degrees ½ you shall have sounding in 38 fathoms oazie sand. Item, In the latitude of 51 degrees 10 minutes you shall have sounding 4 leagues from the shore in 44 fathoms small black stones. Soundings within the entrance of the Straitss. ITem, About 2 leagues from the Northermost shore you shall have; 38 fathoms black sand, and all along you shall have deep water, not less than 18 or 20 fathoms in the fair way. Soundings on the coast of Chili in the South sea. ITem, In the latitude of 36 degrees you shall have sounding in 12 fathoms, 2 miles from the sand, brown sand. Item, In the latitude of 35 degrees, you shall have sounding one league off from the land in 10 fathoms w●ite sand. Soundings on the coast of New Spain in the South sea. ITem, In the latitude of 14 degrees to the North of the line, you shall have sounding 4 leagues from the land in 30 fathoms, brown sand. Item, From the latitude of 14 degrees unto the latitude of 15 degrees, you shall have fair shoalding 3 leagues from the land. Soundings on the coast of Africa unto the Eastward of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues. ITem, To the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança 40 leagues, in the latitude of 34 degrees and 10 minutes, 8 leagues from the land, you shall have 65 fathom, and brown sand. A note of the lying of the land unto the Southward of Port Desire. IN primis, seals bay standeth unto the Southwards of Port Desire 12 leagues Southsouthwest. Furthermore, unto the Southwards of seals bay 3 leagues, you shall have very low land. Also more unto the Southwards of seals bay 7 leagues, in the height of 48 degrees 40 minutes, you shall see a r●cke 5 leagues of the shore, the land lying South-west and by South. Item, In the latitude of 49 degrees ½, you shall see a small flat Island, about a league and an half of the shore, the land lying Southwest and by South. Furthermore, from the latitude of 49 degrees, unto the latitude of 50 degrees, the land lieth Sou●h and by West, and is high land. Item, From the latitude of 50 degrees unto the latitude of 50 degrees 40 minutes, the land lieth Southwest and by South. Furthermore, fr●m the latitude of 50 degrees 40 minutes unto the latitude of 52 degrees 17 minutes, the land lieth South and by West, North and by East. Item, In the said latitude of 52 degrees 17 minutes, there goeth in an harborough, which is to be known by a long beache that lieth on the South side of the harborough. Moreover, the said harborough standeth 12 leagues unto the Northwards of Cape joy. Furthermore, from the latitude of 52 degrees 17 m●nuts unto the latitude of 52 degrees 40 minutes (in which height standeth Cape joy) the land lieth Southsoutheast, and Northnorthwest. Item, Coming from the Northwards, y●u shall see before you come ●o Cape joy, a very long beach, about the length of 8 leagues, being 5 leagues short of the cape unto the Northwards. Also unto the Southwards of the cape, you shall see another beach, about a league long, adjoining hard under the cape; about which beach is the entrance of the Straitss of Magellan, the which Straitss me in breadth six● leagues over, from the cape unto the South shore, lying South and by East. Item, From Cape joy, being the entrance of the straight of Magellan, The en●ra●● of the straight unto the first narrow passage of the said straight; the course is West and by North, and East and by South, and are distant 18 leagues; the land being in breadth from the one side to the other one league. Item, From the first narrow unto the second narrow passage, the course is West & by South● and East and by North; and the distance is 12 leagues: and in breadth the one side is from the other about two leagues over. Item, From the second narrow unto the islands that be called Elizabeth, Bartholomew, and Penguin islands, the distance is 5 leagues, and the course is Southwest and Northeast: the iland● being distant a league and an half the one from the other. Item, From the said islands unto Port Famine is 16 leagues: the course is Southsouthwest, and Northnortheast. Moreover, from Port Famine unto Cape Froward, the course is South and by West, and North and by East: and they are distant 8 leagues asunder. Item, From Cape Froward unto S. Jerome's river, is 16 leagues: the course is Northwest and Southeast. Also from S. Jerome's river unto the uttermost land on the South side, The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 straight the which is called Cabo Deseado, the course is Northwest & somewhat to the Northward, and are distant 30 leagues. So the whole length of the straight of Magellan is 105 leagues. A note of the lying of the lands in the South sea. IN primis, There stand in the latitude of 52 degrees and 50 minutes, three or four islands, ●bout 8 leagues from Cabo Deseado: the course is Northnorthwest, and Southsoutheast. An● those islands stand in the mouth of the straight of Magellan, as the going into the South sea. Item, From the latitude of 52 degrees 50 minutes, unto the latitude of 51 degrees, the land ●●eth Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. Item, From the latitude of 50 degrees unto the latitude of 38 degrees and 30 minutes, th● land lieth North-east and by North, Southwest and by South. Item, From the latitude of 38 degrees 30 minutes unto the latitude of 37 degrees 14 minute the land lieth North and South. Item, From the island of S. Marry, being in the latitude of 37 degrees 14 min. unto the height of 36 degrees 14 minutes, in which height standeth The bay of Conception, Th● 〈…〉 the course is Northeast and Southwest, and the distance 12 leagues. Item, From the latitude of 36 degrees 40 minutes unto the latitude of 35 degrees 20 minutes, the land lieth North-east and by North, Southwest and by South. Item, From the latitude of 35 degrees 20 minutes unto the latitude of 33 degrees 30 minuts● the land lieth Nor●hnortheast, and Southsouthwest. Item, In the latitude of 34 degrees you shall see about five miles off from the shore a bank o● sand, on the which you shall have but should water. Item, From the latitude of ●3 degrees 20 minutes unto the latitude of 29 degrees 20 minutes, 33 deg. 〈◊〉 In whic●●●●●ht sta●●●th Quin●e●● 27 d●g. 40 m● In which height standeth Co●●●●o. the land lieth Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. Item, From the latitude of 29 degrees 20 minutes unto the latitude of 27 degrees 40 minutes, the land lieth Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. Item, In the latitude of 29 degrees 20 minutes, there lie two islands distant 4 leagues asunder, and about one league from the main. Item, From the latitude of 27 degrees 40 minutes unto the latitude of 23 degrees 30 minutes, the land lieth North and by East, South and by West. Item, From the latitude of 25 degrees unto the latitude of 23 degrees and 30 minutes, 23 deg. 30 m●●. In which height standeth Mori● moten●. the land is very high. Item, From the latitude of 23 degrees unto the latitude of 22 degrees, the land lieth Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. Item, From the latitude of 22 degrees unto the latitude of 18 degrees and 30 minutes, 18 deg. 30. mi. In which height standeth Arica. the land lieth North and by East, South and by West. Item, From the latitude of 18 degrees 30 minutes, unto the latitude of 18 degrees, the land lieth Northwest and by West, Southeast and by East. Item, From the latitude of 18 degrees unto the latitude of 13 degrees 30 minutes, 13 deg. 30 m●●. In which height stand Paraca & Pis●●. the land lieth Northwest and Southeast: in which height there lie two or three islands, which islands lie off a place where are two towns called Paraca, and Pisea. Item, From the latitude of 13 degrees 30 minutes, unto the latitude of 11 degrees 30 minutes, the land lieth Northnorthwest, and Southsoutheast. 11 deg. 50 ●●. In which h●igh: stand the islands of Lobos. Item, From the latitude of 11 degrees 50 minutes, unto the latitude of 6 degrees, the la●d ●ieth North and by West, South and by East. Also you shall see two islands, which be called The islands of Lobos, that stand in the latitude of 6 degrees. 5. degrees. Item, From the latitude of 6 degrees, unto the latitude of 5 degrees, the land lieth Northwest and by West, Southeast and by East. In which height stands Pa●●a. Item, From the latitude of 5 degrees unto the latitude of 4 degrees, the land lieth Northwest and Southeast: 2 deg. 50 min. in which height of 4 degrees standeth Cape Blanco. In which height stands the island of Pun●. Item, From the latitude of 4 degrees unto the latitude of 2 degrees 50 minutes (in which latitude of 2 degrees 50 minutes standeth the island of Puna) t●e course is Northeast and Southwest. A note of the distance between c●rteine places on the coasts of Chili and Peru. IN primis, From the island of Mocha unto the island of S. Mary, the course is North and S●u●h, and the distance is 25 leagues. Leagues 25. Item, From the island of S. Ma●y unto the bay of Conception, the course is Northeast and Southwest, and the distance is 12 leagues. League's 1●. Item, From the bay of Conception unto the port of Valpariso, the course is Northnortheast and Sout●southwest, and the distance is 80 leagues. ●●agu●s 80. Item, From the port of Valpariso unto the bay of Quintero, the course is Northeast and by North, and Southwest and South, and the distance is 7 leagues. Leagu●● 7. In which bay of Quintero there lieth one small island. Item, From the bay of Quintero unto the bay of Coquimbo, the course is Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest, and the distance is 72 leagues: ●●agues 7●. in which height stand two islands. Item, From the bay of Coquimbo unto the bay of Copiapo, the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwe●t, and the distance is 55 leagues: Leagues 55. in which height standeth one island. Item, From the bay of Copiapo unto the bay of Morro moreno, the course is Northnortheast and Southsout●west, and the distance is 70 leagues. Leagues 70. Item, From the bay of Morro moreno, unto the bay of Arica, the course is North & by East, South & by West, and the distance is 90 leagues: Leagues 90. in which bay of Arica standeth one small ●land. Item, From the bay of Arica unto the bay o● Parraca, the course is Northwest and Southeast, and the distance is 120 leagues: Leagues 120. in which bay of Parraca stand three or four islands. Item, From the bay of Parraca unto the bay of Lima, the course is Northwest and by North, Southeast and by Sou●h, and the distance is 35 leagues: Leagues 35. in the bay of Lima is one island. Item From the bay of Lima unto the bay of Cherrepe, the course is North & by West, South and by East, and the distance is 90 leagues. Leagues 90. Item, From the bay of Cherrepe unto the bay of Paita it is 45 leagues, Leagues 45. the course is 20 leagues Westnorthwest unto two islands that be called The islands of Lobos, and from thence unto the ●ay of Paita it is 25 leagues, the course is North and by East. Item, From Paita unto Cape Blanco, the course is North and by West, South and by East, and the distance is 25 leagues. Leagues 25. Item, From Cape Blanco unto the island of Puna, the course is Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest, and the distance is 25 leagues: Leagues 25. and you shall see one island that is called Santa Clara, which standeth 10 leagues to the Southward of Puna. Leagues in all are 751. A note of certain places unto the Northwards of the Line. IN primis, From Cape Blanco unto Cape S. Laurence, the course is North & by East, South and by West, and the distance 60 leagues. Leagues 60. Item, From Cape S. Lorenço unto Cape S. Francisco, the course is North & by East, South and by West, and the distance is 40 leagues. Leagues 40. Item, Fr●m Cape S. Francisco unto the cape that is called Cape Blanco, which cape is on the coast of New Spain, the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest, and the distance is 160 leagues: Leagues 160. and you shall have a great current that setteth out of the bay of Panama; and the said current setteth South out. Item, From Cape Blanco unto the Port de Veles, the course is Northeast and Southwest, and the distance 8 leagues. Leagues 8. Item, From the Port de Veles unto the port of S. john, the course is Northwest and Southeast, and the distance is 17 leagues. Leagues 17. Item, From the port of S. john unto Rio Lexo, the course is Northwest, and Southeast, and the distance is 40 leagues. Leagues 40 Item, From R●o Lexo unto the gulf of Fonsecco, the course is Westnorthwest, and Eastsoutheast, and they are distant 14 leagues. Leagues 14 Item, In the mouth of Rio Lexo there lieth one island, and you must go in on the Northwest part of that island; on the which island you may be bold for to borrow on: and you must go from that island Southeast up. Item, That in the gulf of Fonsecco you shall have lying ten islands, whereof three be peopled with Indians, whereon you may have water, wood, and salt. Item, On the West side of the gulf of Fonsecco there is one town of Indians, which is called Mapal, in which town there is great store of beeves. Item, From the r●uer Lexo unto the bay of Sonsonate, the course is East and West, and the distance is 60 leagues. Leagues 60 Item, From the bay of Sonsonate unto the port of Agua●●lco, the course is Northwest and by West, Southeast a●d by East, and the distance 160 leagues. Leagues 160 Item, From the bay of Coppeleto unto the port of Agua●ulco it is 2 leagues, Leagues 2 the course is West and by North, East and by South. Item, From the port of Aguatulco unto the port of Angeles, the course is East and West, and they ●re distant 12 leagues. Leagues 12 Item, From the port of Aguatulco unto the port of Acapulco, the course is West & by North, East and by South, and the d●stance is 78 leagues. Leagues 78 Item, From the port of Acapulco unto the port of S. jago, the course is West and by North, East and by South, and the distance is 80 leagues. Leagues 80 Item, From the port of S. jago unto the port of Natividad, the course is East and West, and the distance is 7 leagues. Leagues 7 Item, From the port of Natividad unto port of the islands of Chiametla, the course is East and West, and the distance is 10 leagues. Leagues 10 Item, From the islands of Chiametla unto Cape de los Corrientes, the course is Northwest and by West, Southeast and by East, and the distance is 30 leagues. Leagu●● 30 Item, From the Cape de los Corrientes unto the bay of Xalisco, the course is Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest, and the distance is 18 leagues. Leagues 18 Item, From the bay of Xalisco unto the port of Chiametlan, the course is Northnortheast and Southsouthwest, and the distance is 30 leagues. Leagues 30 Item, From the Ca●e de los Corrientes unto t●e islands called Las ●●es Maria's, the course is Northwest and Southea●●●nd t●e distance is 20 leagues. Leagues 20 Item, From the C●pe de los C●rrientes unto the cape of Santa Clara on the point of California, the course is We●t●orthwest, and Eastsoutheast, and the distance is 108 leagues. Leagues 108 A note from the coast of America unto the Westwards. ITem, From the cape of Santa Cl●ra unto the islands of The Ladrones, the course is West and by South, East and by N●●th, and the distance between th●m is 1850 leagues. Leagues 1850 Item, That the southermost island of the Ladrones standeth in the latitude of 12 degrees and 10 minutes, and from thence unto the Northermost island, the course is N●rthnortheast & S●uthsouthwest, and the distance between them is 200 leagues: and the said Northermost island standeth in 21 degrees 10 minutes. Item, From one of the islands of the Ladrones, which standeth in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minutes. which island is called O● Gu●n●. Gu●iha●me, unto the Cape de Spirito santo, which cape is upon one of the islands of the Philippinas, the course is West and to the Southwards, and the distance is 320 leagues. Leagues 320 Item, From the cape of Spirito santo unto the mouth of the entrance of the Straitss of the Philippinas, the course is West and by North, East and by South, and the distance is 15 leagues. League● 15 Item, From the mouth of the Straitss unto the island of Capul, the course is Southwest and by West 6 leagues. Leagues 6 Item, From the island of Capul unto the North head of the island called Masbat, the course is Northwest and Southeast, and the distance between them is 15 leagues. Leagues 15 Item, From the North head of the island called Masbat unto the island called Seboion, the course is Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast, and the distance between them is 15 leagues. Leagues 15 Leagues in all 2414 A note of our course kept from the island Seboion unto the Southwards. ITem, From the island of Seboion unto the East end of the island called Pannay, the course is Southeast and by South, Northwest and by West, Leagues 22. and the distance is 22 leagues. Item, That off the Easter end of the island of Pannay there lie cert●ine small islands, unto the number of 12 or more, and you shall have should water among them. Item, From the Easter end of Pannay unto a bay that i● called The bay of Lago grand, on the same island, the course is Westsouthwest, and Eastnortheast, and the distance is 18 leagues. Leagues 18. Item, From the bay of Lago grand unto the island that is called Ysla de los negroes, is the distance of 6 leagues Southeast and Northwest. Leagues 6. Item, From the bay of Lago grand unto three small islands that stand in the latitude of 10 degrees, the course is South and by West 12 leagues. Furthermore, from those three islands unto the Westermost end of Ysla de los negroes, the course is Southwest and Northeast 10 leagues, Leagues 10. where we were clear of the islands of the Philippinas. Item, From the South end of Ysla de los negroes unto the North head of the island called Mindanao, the course is South and North, and the distance is 30 leagues. Leagues 30. Item, From the North end of Mindanao unto the South head of the said island, which is called Cape Cannal, the course is South and by West, North and by East, and the distance is 26 leagues. Leagues 26. League's 1●. Item, From the cape of Cannal between the South and the Westsouthwest about 10 or 12 leagues of you shall have great store of small islands, about the number of 24 or more. Item, From the cape of Cannal unto the cape of Batochina, the course is Sou●hsouthwest, and Northnortheast, and the distance is 100 leagues, Leagues 100 and between them setteth a great current unto the Eastward. Item, From the cape of Batochina unto the West head of java minor, the course is Southwest a●d by South, Northeast and by North, and the distance between them is 220 leagues. Leagues 220. Item, From the West end of java minor unto the East end of java maior, the course is West and by North, and East & by South, and the distance between them is 18 leagues: Leagues 18. in the which course there lieth one * This is ●he isle o● Baly. island between them, which island is in length 14 leagues. Item, From the East end of java maior unto the cape of Buena Esperança, the course is West and by South, and Westsouthwest, and the distance between them is 1800 leagues. Leagues 1800 Leagues 30. Item, That Cape Falso standeth 30 leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Buena Esperança, & off the said Cape Falso you shall have shoalding 20 leagues off in 80 or 90 fathoms, & the course is from Ca●e Falso unto the cape of Buena Esperança Westnorthwest and Eastsoutheast. Leagues in all are 2292. A note of the distance and course from the cape of Buena Esperanza unto the Northwards. ITem, From the cape of Buena Esperança unto the island of Santa Helena, the course is Northwest, and Northwest a●d by West, and the distance between th●m is 600 leagues. Leagues 600. Item, From the island of Santa Helena unto the island of Flores, the course between them is Northnorthwest, and Northwest and by North, and the distance between them is 1200 leagues. Leagues 1200 Item, From the island of Flores unto the lands end of England, the course is between the Eastnortheast, and the North-east and by East, and the distance between them is four hundred and fifty leagues. A note of the variation of our Compass. IN primis, The variation of our compass on the coast of New Spain i● the South sea in t●e latitude of 12 degrees, was one point to the Eastwards. Item, the variation of our compass between ●he cape of California and the islands of the Philippinas, was one point and an half unto the Eastward, that was, that the North did stand North and by East, and half a point unto the East. Item, The variation of our compass between the islands of Maluco and the cape of Buena Esperança, was two points and an half at the most to the Westward, that was, that the Northnortheast was our North. A note of our time spent in sailing between certain places out of England, 1586. IN primis, We were sailing between England and the coast of Guinea from the 21 day of july unto the 26 day of August unto the haven called Sierra leona, Of our abode ten days, where we watered. where we watered and stayed until the 6 day of September. Item, We departed from the coast of Guinea for the coast of Brasil the 10 day of September, and we had sight of the coast of Brasil the 26 day of October, being six leagues to the Northwards of Cape Frio: and from thence we were sailing unto the island of S. Sebastian until the 31 and last day of October, where we watered and set up our pinnace: Of our abode four & twenty days, where we watered. and we ankered on the Northwest part of the island in ten fathoms, and stayed there until the 23 day of November. Item, The 23 day of November we departed from the island of Sant Sebastian, keeping our course South and by West unto the port that is called Port Desire, Of our abode eleven days, where we gra●ed our ships. where we arrived the 17 day of December; in which port we graved our ship: and we stayed there until the 28 day of December, where we ankered in 5 fathoms. Item, The eight and twentieth day of December we departed from the Port of Desire toward the Straight of Magellan, where we arrived the third day of january: Of our abode two & fifty days, where we watered. and we remained in the Straitss until the four and twentieth day of February; where we watered in many places on the South side, having the wind all that while between the Westsouthwest and the Northwest. Item, We departed out of the Straitss the 24 day of February toward the island of Mocha, which island we had sight of the 14 day of March. Item, The 14 day of March at night we ankered in the bay of Marroccoes; where we road in 9 fathoms water. Item, The 15 day of March we ankered in the island of Saint Marie, on the North part of the island in eight fathoms water, black sand, whe●e we stayed four days. Of our abode four days, Item, The 19 day of March we departed fr●● the island of Saint Marie, and the same day we ankered in the bay of Conception, where we stayed until the next day: and there we road in ten fathoms water, shi●gie stones. Item, The 20 day of March we departed from the bay of Conception, and the thirtieth day of March we arrived in the bay of Quintero, where w● watered: Of our abode 6 days, where we watered. and there the first day of April we had twelve of our men slain, being on land for water: and we stayed there six days: and we ankered in 7 fathoms water, white sand. Item, We departed from the bay of Quintero the 5 day of April, Of our abode three days. and we arrived at the bay of Arica the 24 day of April, and we ankered in 7 fathoms water. Item, The 27 day of April we departed from the bay of Arica, Of our abode two days. and the third day of May we arrived in the bay of Pisca, and we ankered in 4 fathoms water in oaze. Item, The 5 day of May we departed from the bay of Pisca, Of our abode six days. and the 12 day we ankered in the bay of Cherrepe, where we ankered in 7 fathoms water, in white sand. Item, The 18 day of May we departed from the bay of Cherrepe, Of our abode one day. and the 20 day of May we arrived in the bay of Payta, where we ankered in 6 fathoms water. Item, The 20 day of May we departed from the bay of Paita, and the 26 day of May we ankered at the island of Puna, and we ankered in 5 fathoms. Item, From the island of Puna we departed the fourth day of june unto Rio dolce in the main, Of our abode 9 days, where we watered. where we watered, and we ankered in 10 fathoms water, brown sand. Item, The 12 day of june we departed from the place where we watered, Of our abode 8 days, where we watered. being bond for the coast of New Spain, and the 29 day of july we arrived in the port of Aguatulco, where we watered, and ankered in 6 fathoms water. Item, The 3 day of August we departed from the port of Aguatulco, Of our abode 7 days, where we watered. and the 26 day of August we arrived at the port of S. jago, where we watered, and stayed there until the second day of September, and ankered in 6 fathoms. Item, The 2 of Sept●mber we departed from the port of S. jago, and the 3 day of September we put into a port one league unto the Westwards of Natividad, Of our abode one day. where we ankered in 8 fathoms water. Item, The 4 day of September we departed from the port of Natividad, Of our abode three days. and the 7 day of September we put into the bay of Xalisco, where we ankered in 9 fathoms water, and the 10 day of September we departed from the bay of Xalisco, and the 12 day of September we ankered at the island of S. Andrew, where we ankered in 17 fathoms water. Of our abode five days. Item, The 17 day of September we departed from the island of S. Andrew, and the 24 day of September we put into the bay of Chiametlan, where we ankered in 8 fathoms water, and the 26 of September we departed from the bay of Chiametlan, Of our abode 2 day●s, where we watered. and the 28 day we ankered under the islands of Chiametlan in 4 fathoms. Of our abode twelve days, where we watered. Item, The 9 day of October we departed from the islands of Chiametlan, and crossing over the mouth of Marinell vermejo, the 14 day of October we had sight of the cape of California. Item, The 15 day of October we lay off the cape of S. Lucas, and the 4 day of November we took the great and rich ship call●d Santa Anna, coming from the Philippinas: and the 5 day of November we put into the port of S. Lucas, where we put all the people on shore, Of our abode 14 days, where we wa●ered. and burned the Santa Anna: and we ankered in 12 fathoms water. Item, The 19 day of November we departed from the port of S. Lucas, and the 3 day of january we had sight of one of the islands of the Ladrones, which island is called The island of * Oua●●. Iwana, standing in the latitude of 13 degrees and 50 minutes. Item, The 3 day of january we departed from the island of Iwana, and the 14 day of januarie we had sight of the cape of Spirito santo, and the same day we put into the Straitss of the Philippinas: and the 15 day of january we ankered under the island of Capul, Of our abode nine days. on the which island we watered and wooded. Item, The 24 of january we departed from the island of Capul, and the 28 day of january we arrived in the bay of Lago grand, which bay is in the island of Pannay, where there were Spaniard's building of a new ship. Spaniard's building of a new ship in the Philippinas. Item, The 29 of january we departed from the bay of Lago grand, and the same day at night we were clear from the islands of the Philippinas, sh●ping our course towards the islands of Maluco. Days 30. Item, From the 29 day of january unto the first day of March, we were navigating between the West end of the island of Pannay and the West end of the island of java minor. Of our abode el●●en days, where we watered. Item, The first day of March we passed the Straitss at the West head of the island of java minor, and the 5 day of March we ankered in a bay at the Wester end of java maior, where we watered, and had great store of victuals from the town of Polambo. java m●●or. Daye● 56. The cape of Buena Espe●anza. Item, The 16 day of March we departed from the island of java maior, and the 11 day of May we had sight of the land 40 leagues unto the Eastwards of the cape of Buena Esperança, the land being low land. A note from the cape of Buena Esperança unto the Northwards. Of our abode twelve days, where we watered. ITem, The 21 day of May we departed from the cape of Buena Esperança, and the 8 day of june we ankered on the Northwest part of the island of Santa Helen●, where we watered, and made our abode 12 days. Days 14. Item, The 20 day of june at night we departed from the island of Santa Helena, and the 4 day of july we passed under the Equinoctial line. The space of our navigation between those islands was threescore & five days. Item, The 20 day of june at night we departed from the island of Santa Helena, and the 25 day of August in the morning we had sight of the islands of Flores and Coruo in the latitude of 40 degrees. Item, The 9 day of September 1588. we arrived, after a long and terribl● tempest, in the Narrow seas, in the haven of Plymouth in safety, by the gracious and most merciful protection of the Almighty, to whom therefore be rendered immortal praise and thanksgiving now and for ever. Amen. A note of our ankering in those places where we arrived after our departure from England 1586. Fathoms 10. IN primis, We ankered in the harborough of Sierra leona in 10 fathoms water: and a Northwest wind in that road is the worst that can blow. Fathoms 6. Item, You may anchor under the island that is called Ilha Verde in 6 fathoms water: and the wind being at the Westnorthwest is the worst wind that can blow. Fathoms 10. Item, You may anchor under the island of S. Sebastian on the Northwest part in 10 fathoms: and a Westsouthwest wind is the worst wind. Item, You may anchor in Port Desire in 5 fathoms water, Fathoms 5. and a West and by South wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor under Cape joy without the mouth of the Straitss of Magellan in 7 fathoms water. Fathoms 7 Item, You may anchor within the Straitss of Magellan, v●till you come unto the first narrowing in 25 or 30 fathoms water, in the mid way of the Straitss. Fathoms 25. Item, You may anchor in the second narrow of the Null in 16 fathoms water. Fathoms 16. Item, You may anchor under Penguin island on which side you please in 6 or 7 fathoms water. Fathoms 7 Item, You may anchor in Port Famine in 5 or 6 fathoms water, Fathoms 6. and a Southsoutheast wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor in Muscle cove, which cove is on the South side, and is 7 leagues to the Southwards of Cape Froward, and you shall ride in 12 fathoms. Fathoms 12. Item, You may anchor in Elizabeth bay, which bay is on the North side of the Straitss in 8 fathoms water. Fathoms 8. Item, From Elizabeth bay unto Cabo descado, you may anchor on both sides of the Straitss in many places. A note of our ankering after we were entered into the South sea. IN primis, You may anchor in the bay of Mocha in 7 or 8 fathoms water, Fathoms 8. and there a North-east wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor on the North side of S. Marry island in nine fathoms water: Fathoms 9 and there a Northnorthwest wind is the worst wind. Item, You may anchor in the bay of Conception under one small island in 9 fathoms water, Fathoms 9 and ● Northnorthwest wind is the worst wind in that bay. Item, You may anchor in the bay of Quintero in 7 fathoms water, Fathoms 7. and a Northnorthwest wound is the worst wind. Item, You may anchor in the bay of Arica in 6 fathoms, Fathoms 6. and in that bay a Westnorthwest wind is the worst wind. Item, You may anchor in the bay of Pisca and Paraca in five fathoms: Fathoms 5. and in that bay a Northnorthwest wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor in the bay of Cherepe in 8 fathoms, Fathoms 8. and there from the Northwest unto the Southeast it is open. Item, You may anchor in the bay of Paita in 7 fathoms water: Fathoms 7. and there a Northnortheast wound is the worst wind. Item, You may anchor on the North-east part of the island of Puna in 4 fathoms: Fathoms 4. and a North-east wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor at Rio dolce, where we watered, unto the Eastwards of the island of Puna in 10 fathoms. Fathoms 10. A note of what depths we ankered in on the coast of New Spain. ITem, You may anchor in the port of Aguatulco in six fathoms wa●er: Fathoms 6. and a Southsouthwest wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor in the port of S. jago in 6 fathoms water: Fathoms 6. and a Westsouthwest wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor in the port of Natividad in 8 fathoms water: Fathoms 8. and a Southeast wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor in the bay of Xalisco in 9 fathoms water: Fathoms 9 and a Westsouthwest wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor on the Northwest part of the island of S. Andrew in 17 fathoms water. Fathoms 17. Item, You may anchor under the island of Chiametlan in 4 fathoms water: Fathoms 4. and a Southeast wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor in the port of S. Lucas on the Cape of California in 12 fathoms water: Fathoms 12. and a Southeast wind is the worst. A note of what depths we ankered in, among the islands of the Philippinas. ITem, You may anchor on the South-west part of the island of Capul in 6 fathoms water: Fathoms 6. and a Wes●southwest wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor all along the South part of the island of Panna in should water, in the depth of 10 or 12 fathoms. Fathoms 10 Item You may anchor in the bay of Lago grand in seven fathoms water, which bay is on the South side of the island of Panna. Item, You may anchor at the East end of java maior in 16 fathoms water, Fathoms 16 and an Eastsoutheast wind is the worst. Item, You may anchor on the North part of the island of Santa Helena in 12 fathoms water. Fathoms 12 A note of our finding of the winds for the most part of our voyage 1586. IN primis, From the 21 day of july unto the 19 day of August we found the wind at Northnortheast, being in the latitude of 7 degrees. Item, From the 19 day of August unto the 28 day of September, we found the wound for the most part between the West and the South-west, being in * To the South side of the Equinoctial. 24 degrees. Item, From the 28 day of September unto the 30 day of October, we found the winds between the North-east and the Eastnortheast. Item, From the 23 of November, from the island of S. Sebastian, unto the 30 day of November, we found the wind between the Southeast and the Southsoutheast, being in 36 degrees. Item, From the 30 day of November unto the 6 day of December, we found the winds to be between the West and the South-west. Item, From the 6 day of December unto the first day of january, we found the winds for the most part between the North and the North-east, bring then in the latitude of 52 degrees. Item, From the first day of january unto the 23 day of February, we found the winds to be between the Northwest and the Westsouthwest, we being all that time in the Straitss of Magellan. Item, From the 23 day of February unto the first day of March, we found the winds to be between the South and the Southeast, being then in the South sea in the latitude of 48 degrees. Item, From the first day of March unto the 7 day of March, we found the wind to be at the North and the Northnortheast in the latitude of 43 degrees. Item, From the 7 day of March unto the 14 day of March, we found the winds to be between the South and the South-west, in the latitude of 37 degrees. 1587. Item, From the 14 day of March unto the 28 day of May, we found the winds to be between the South and the South-west, in the latitude of 3 degrees to the South of the Line. A note of the varying of our winds to the North of the Equinoctial line on the coast of New Spain. ITem, From the 28 day of May unto the 5 day of july, we found the winds for the most part to be between the Southsoutheast, and the Southsouthwest, being in the latitude of 10 degrees to the Northward of the Line on the coast of New Spain. Item, From the 5 day of july unto the 14 day of October, we found the winds for the most part to be at the Eastnortheast in the latitude of 23 degrees Northward, and almost under the tropic of Cancer. A note of the winds which we found between the coast of New Spain and Islands of the Philippinas on the coast of Asia. IN the year of our Lord 1587. we departed from the cape of Santa Clara on the coast of California the 19 day of November, and we found the winds to be between the East and the Eastnortheast, until the 29 day of january; departing then from the islands of the Philippinas, being in the latitude of 9 degrees. Item, From the 29 day of january unto the 19 day of March, we found the winds for the most part between the Northnortheast and the Northwest, being then among the islands of Maluco, in the latitude of 9 degrees. Item, From the 19 day of March unto the 20 day of May, we found the winds for the most part between the South and the Eastsoutheast, being then between the islands of Maluco, and the cape of Buena Esperança, in the latitude of 34 degrees to the South of the Line. Item, From the 20 day of May unto the 11 day of july, we found the winds for the most part between the South and the Southeast, being then between the cape of Buena Esperança, and and 15 degrees unto the Southward of the line. Item, From the 11 day of july unto the 18 day of August, we found the winds for the most part between the North-east and Eastnortheast, bring then between the latitude of 15 degrees to the Southward of the line, and 38 degrees unto the Northwards of the line. A letter of M. Thomas Candish to the right honourable the Lord Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain, one of her majesties most honourable Privy Council, touching the success of his voyage about the world. RIght honourable, as your favour heretofore hath been most greatly extended towards me, so I humbly desire a continuance thereof: and though there be no means in me to deserve the same, yet the uttermost of my services shall not be wanting, whensoever it shall please your honour to dispose thereof. I am humbly to desire your honour to make known unto her Majesty the desire I have had to do her Majesty service in the performance of this voyage. And as it hath pleased God to give her the victory over part of her enemies, so I trust yer long to see her overthrow them all. For the places of their wealth, whereby they have maintained and made their wars, are now perfectly discovered: and if it please her Majesty, with a very small power she may take the spoil of them all. It hath pleased the Almighty to suffer me to circompasse the whole globe of the world, entering in at the Straight of Magellan, and returning by the cape de Buena Esperança. In which voyage I have either discovered or brought certain intelligence of all the rich places of the world that ever were known or discovered by any Christian. I navigated alongst the coast of Chili, Peru, and Nueva Espanna, where I made great spoils: I burned and sunk 19 sails of ships small and great. All the villages and towns that ever I landed at, I burned and spoilt: and had I not been discovered upon the coast, I had taken great quantity of treasure. The matter of most profit unto me was a great ship of the kings which I took at California, which ship came from the Philippinas, being one of the richest of merchandise that ever passed those seas, as the king's register and merchants accounts did show; for it did amount in value to * in Mexico to be sold. Which goods (for that my ships were not able to contain the lest part of them) I was enforced to set on fire. From the cape of California, being the uttermost part of all Nueva Espanna, I navigated to the islands of the Philippinas hard upon the coast of China; of which country I have brought such intelligence as hath not been herded of in these parts. The stateliness and riches of which country I fear to make report of, lest I should not be credited: for if I had not known sufficiently the incomparable wealth of that country, I should have been as incredulous thereof, as others will be that have not had the like experience. I sailed along the islands of the Malucos, where among some of the heathen people I was well entreated, where our country men may have trade as freely as the Portugals, if they will themselves. From thence I passed by the cape of Buena Esperança, and found out by the way homeward the island of S. Helena, where the Portugals use to relieve themselves: and from that island God hath suffered me to return into England. All which services with myself I humbly prostrate at her majesties feet, desiring the Almighty long to continued her reign among us: for at this day she is the most famous and victorious prince that liveth in the world. Thus humbly desiring pardon of your honour for my tediousness, I leave your lordship to the tuition of the Almighty. Plymouth this ninth of September 1588. Your honours most humble to command, THOMAS CANDISH. Certain notes or references taken out of the large map of China, brought home by M. Thomas Candish 1588. THe great kingdom of the Mogores is upon the Northwest, and falls upon Tanassarin beyond Malaca, and joineth upon Bengala: they are men of war, and use no fight but on horseback: they go in their apparel like Portugals. A city, wherein is captain a Chinian, a man very deformed, having under him many men of war: he maketh war both against the Tartarians and the Mogores; lying between them: and lieth without the circuit of the brickwall. Certain hills, beyond which the Tartarians do inhabit, who heretofore were great friends with the Chinians, and now maintain continual wars against them, so great, that sometimes there are slain in a battle 100000 of men adjoining upon Moscovie: and they have in their wars all kind of armour. The province of Cansas hath 4 great cities, and 20 small cities, and 77 towns & castles: it containeth in length 55 leagues, it hath 362000 houses of great men that pay tribute, and 13900 men of war: and hath 47000 horses, which are the kings, kept for his defence. The great city of Paquin, where the king doth lie, hath belonging to it 8 great cities, and 18 small cities, with 118 towns and castles: it hath 418789 houses of great men, which pay tribute, it hath horsemen for the war 258100. This city is in the latitude of 50 degrees to the Northwards, being there as cold as it is usually in Flanders. It is as colds at Paquin as in Flanders. The great city of Canton, wherein are many men of war, to keep that passage from the Tartars. The province of Soychin hath 7 great cities, and 16 small, with 12 towns and castles, and one great city, to which many do repair to fight against the Tartars: it hath 17 leagues in length, and hath 164118 great houses, which pay tribute, and 96000 men of war. The province of Santo hath 6 great cities, and 14 small, with 90 towns and castles: it is 82 leagues long, and hath 77555 great houses, which pay tribute, 63808 horsemen, and 31000 footmen of war. The province of Oyman hath 7 great cities, and 13 small, and 90 towns and castles, being 470 leagues long, and 132958 great houses that pay tribute, 82800 men of war. Out of this city cometh copper, quicksilver, and black lead. The province of * Or Quiebe●. Cutchew hath 8 great cities, and 12 small, and 83 towns, which make armour to fight with the laws, which do inhabit beyond Cauchinchina: it is 100 leagues broad, and hath 32920 horsemen and footmen, with 405670 great houses which pay tribute, whereof the men of war are paid. The province of Languyn hath 14 great cities, and 17 small, and 95 towns and castles: it is 120 leagues over, and hath 962818 great houses which pay tribute, it hath 208900 men of war, whereof there are 52500 Bohemian-tartar horsemen that take wages. The province of Vquam hath 14 great cities, and 19 small, 150 towns and castles, and is 210 leagues broad, and 53161 houses that pay tribute, and 71600 men of war. The province of Some hath 7 great cities, and 11 small, and 105 towns and castles, and is 200 leagues broad, and hath houses that pay tribute 139567, and men of war 345632. The province of Essiran hath 11 great cities, and 75 small, and 80 towns and castles, and is 440 leagues broad, and hath great houses that do pay tribute 1242135, and 339000 men of war. This lake lieth behind Siam, and before Champa, and doth join with the Lappians, and from thence cometh all the water that serveth the kingdom of China: and the Indians & the Chinians do report this lake to be the whole world, and so they paint the sea, the moon, and the stars within it. The province of Cansay hath 13 cities, and a chief city, and 73 towns and castles, and is 260 leagues broad, and hath great houses that pay tribute 1393629, and 12700 men of war. The province of Cuausa hath 12 great cities, 45 small, and 51 towns and castles: it is 260 leagues broad, and hath great houses that pay tribute 1306390, and men of war both footmen and horsemen 100100. The province of Vanam hath 14 great cities, and 36 small, and 34 towns and castles, and is 88 leagues broad, with 589296 great houses that pay tribute, and 15100 men of war. The province of Fuckin hath 8 great cities, and one principal city, and 54 towns and castles, and two great cities of garrison, to keep watch upon the japons, Garrisons against the japons. and is 200 leagues broad, and hath 5009532 great houses that pay tribute, and 4003225 men of the king's guard. The province of Canton hath 40 great cities, and 7 small, and 77 towns and castles, and a city that putteth forth hundred of ships for the keeping of Cauchinchina, and is 380 leagues in breadth, and hath 483383 great houses which pay tribute, and 39400 men of war. The port of Cauchinchina standeth in the latitude of sixteen degrees and a half to the Northward. The city Champa standeth in fourteen degrees to the Northwards of the Equinoctial. The province of Enam hath 7. great cities, and 13. small, and 90. towns and castles, and is 88 leagues broad, and hath 589296. great houses that pay tribute, and 15100. soldiers. Horsemen 454528. Footmen 7459057. The total sum 7923785. A brief relation of a voyage of The Delight a ship of Bristol one of the consorts of M. john Chidley esquire and M. Paul Wheel, made unto the Strait of Magellan: with divers accidents that happened unto the company, during their 6. weeks abode there: Begun in the year 1589. Written by W. Magoths. THe fift of August 1589. the worshipful M. john Chidley of Chidley in the county of Devon esquire, with M. Paul Wheel and Captain Andrew Mericke set forth from Plymouth with three tall ships, and one called The wild man of three hundred tons, wherein went for General the aforesaid M. john Chidley and Benjamin Wood as Master, the other called The white Lion, whereof M. Paul Wheel was captain and john Ellis Master, of the burden of 340. tons: the third The delight of Bristol, wherein went M. Andrew Merick as Captain, and Robert Burnet Master, with two pinnesses of 14. or 15. tons a piece. The General in his ship had 180. people: M. Paul Wheel had 140, in our own ship we were 91. men and boys. Our voyage was intended by The Straight of Magellan for The South Sea, and chief for the famous province of Arauco on the coast of Chili. M. Chidleys' voyage intended partly for Arauco in Chili. We kept company together to the yles of the Canaries and so forward to Cape Blanco standing near the Northerly latitude of 20. degrees on the coast of Barbary, Cape Blanco. where some of our people went on shore finding nothing to their content. Within 12. days after our departure from this place The Delight, The Delight loses the company of the rest of the Fleet. wherein I William Magoths was, lost the company of the other two great ships, and the two small pinnesses. Howbeit we constantly kept our course according to our directions along the coast of Brasil, and by the River of Plate, without touching anywhere on land until we came to Port desire in the latitude of 48. degrees to the Southward of the Equinoctial. Port desire. Before we arrived at this place there died of our company by God's visitation of sundry diseases 16. people. We stayed in this harbour 17. days to grave our ship & refresh our wearied people, hoping here to have met with our consorts: which fallen out contrary to our expectations. During our abode in this place we found two little springs of fresh water, Two springs of fresh water found at Port desire. which were upon the Northwesterly part of the land, & lighted upon good store of seals both old and young. From hence we sailed toward the Straight of Magelan, They enter me to the Straight of Magelan. and entered the same about the first of january. And coming to Penguin island within the Straight we took and salted certain hogsheads of Penguins, which must be eaten with speed: for we found them to be of no long continuance; we also furnished ourselves with fresh water. And here at the last sending off our boat to the island for the rest of our provision, we lost her and 15. men in her by force of foul weather; They lose 15. of their men by tempest. but what become of them we could not tell. Here also in this storm we lost two anckers. From hence we passed farther into the Straight, and by Por● famine we spoke with a Spaniard, A Spaniard taken at Port famine. who told us that he had lived in those parts 6. years, and that he was one of the 400. men that were sent thither by the king of Spain in the year 1582. to fortify and inhabit there, to hinder the passage of all strangers that way into the South sea. But that and the other Spanish colony being both destroyed by famine, he said he had lived in an house by himself a long time, and relieved himself with his ●al● ever until our coming thither. Here we made a boat of the boards of our chests; which being finished we sent 7. armed men in the same on land on the North shore, being wafted on land by the Savages with certain white skins; Seven of our men killed by the treason of the Savages on the North shore. who as soon as they came on shore were presently killed by an 100 of the wild people in the sight of 2. of our men, which rowed them on shore, which two only escaped back again to us with the boa●. After this traitorous slaughter of our men, we fallen back again with our ship to the Northeastward of Port famine to a certain road, where we refreshed ourselves with muscles, and took in water & wood. At this time we took in the Spaniard aforesaid, and so sailed forward again into the Straight. We passed 7. or 8. times 10. leagues Westward beyond Cape Froward, They passed 7 or 8 times ten leagues Westward of Cape Froward. being still encountered with mighty Northwest winds. These winds and the current were so vehement against us, that they forced us back as much in two hours, as we were getting up in 8. hours. Thus after we had spent 6. weeks in the Straight striving against the fury of the elements, and having at sundry times partly by casualty, and partly by sickness lost 38. of our bestmen, and 3. anckers, and now having but one anchor left us, and small store of victuals, and, which was not the lest mischief, divers of our company raising dangerous mutinies: we consulted, though some what with the latest, for the safeguard of our lives to return while there was some small hope remaining: and so set sail out of The Straight homeward about the 14. of February 1590. We returned back again by The river of Plate; They return homeward. and sailing near the cost of brasil we met with a Portugal ship of 80. tons, which road at an anchor upon the coast, who as soon as she descried us to chase her, incontinently weighed, & ran herself on ground between the island of S. Sebastian and the main land. The isle of S. Sebastian in 24 degr. of southerly latitude on the coast of Brasil. But we for want of a good boat, and by reason of the foul weather, were neither able to board her, nor to go on shore. Thence in extreme misery we shaped our course for the yles of Cape Verde, and so passing to the yles of The Açores, the Canaries being something out of our course; the first land that we met withal in our Narrow sea was The isle of Alderney. And having now but six men of all our company left alive, the Master and his two mates and chief Mariners being dead, we ran in with Monuille de Hage eight miles to the West of Cherbourg in Normandy. They land at Monuille de Hage 8. mile's West of Che●bourg. Where the next day after our coming to an anchor, having but one in all left, being the last of August 1590. by the foul weather that rose the anchor came home, and our ship drove on the rocks: And the Norma●s which were commanded by the governor of Cherbourg (who came down to us that night) to have laid out another anchor for her, neglecting his commandment, suffered her miserably to be split, with desire to e●rich themselves by her wrack. The wrack of the ship 〈◊〉 the malice of the Normans. The● arrive in Bogland. Within few days after this last mischance four of us being Englishmen departed from Cherbourgh, and passed home for England in a bark of Weymouth, leaving the two strangers there behind us. The names of us six that returned of all our company were these. 1 William Magoths of Bristol. 2 Richard Bush. 3 john Read. 4 Richard Hodgkins of Westburie near Bristol. The two strangers. 5 Gabriel Valerosa a Portugal. 6 Peter, a Briton. A petition made by certain of the company of the Delight of Bristol unto the Master of the said ship Robert Burnet, one of the consorts of M. Chidley, being in the Straitss of Magellan the 12. of February 1589. WE have thought good to show unto you (being our Master) our whole minds and grieves in writing: that whereas our Captain Matthew Hawlse, and Walter Street do begin to take into the captains cabin this 12. of Febr. both bread and butter, (such as was put in for the provision of the ship and company) only to feed themselves, and a few others, which are of their mess: meaning thereby rather to starve us, then to keep us strong and in health: And likewise upon the same, he hath taken into his cabin certain furniture, as swords, caleevers and muskets: We therefore not well knowing their intents herein, except by certain words cast out at unwares, we may conjecture, that your death, which God forbidden, by them hath been determined: do all most humbly desire you being our Master, and having charge of the ship, and us, thi● present voyage committed unto you, to consider: First, that by God's visitation we have lost 16. men, and that so much the rather because they were not allotted such necessary provision, as was in the ship to be had. Also to consider the great loss of 15. of our men with our boat at Penguin-yland within the Straitss of Magellan: and of 7. good and serviceable men besides near Port famine: and of three anckers, and our Carpenter. Over and besides all these calamities to consider how you have (without all reason and conscience) been overthwarted, disgraced, and outcountenanced by your mate Street, and Matthew Hawlse: Also what danger you now are subject unto, your death having been so often conspired, and what danger we should be in, if it were (which God forbidden) effected. Furthermore, to weigh with yourself the great want of many necessaries in our ship: namely that we have but 6. sailors, (besides yourself and your mate Street, whom we dare not trust,) Also that we have but one anchor, likewise the lack of our boat and a Carpenter, of ropes, of pitch, treynailes, bolts, and planks, and the want of a skilful Chirurgeon. And whereas a view being taken of our provision there was found but five months victuals of bread, meal, greets, and pease, and also but three months victuals of beef, penguins and pork, three hogsheads of wine, ten gallons of aquavitae (whereof the sick men could not get any to relieve them,) four hogsheads of cider and 18. flitches of bacon, etc. the company hath but three flitches. Also the said Captain Hawlse and Street have taken and seized upon 17. pots of butter, with certain cheese, and an hogshead of bread at a time, and have been thereof possessed to their own private uses: And have not only immoderately spent the companies provision in butter, cheese, aquavitae, etc. but have also consumed those sweet meats, which were ●ayed up in the ship only for the relief of sick people (themselves being healthy and sound, and withholding the said meats from others in their sickness) and even at this time also (by reason of the small store of our provision, we being enforced to come to a shorter allowance) they the said Captain Hawlse and your mate Street, do find themselves aggrieved at the very same allowance, wherewith other men are well contented. And although (besides our ordinary allowance, and more than all the rest of the company) they only have their breakfasts permitted unto them, yet they complain that the company goeth about to famish them, whereas indeed they do what lieth in them to famish the company by feeding themselves fat, which do no labour at all. These things being well weighed, you aught likewise to consider the long time that we have ●●en here in these Straitss of Magellan, having been at, and seven or eight times, ten leagues beyond Cape Froward, we have had but a small gale of wind with us: neither could we come to an anchor, the water being so deep: and (you know) the place is so dangerous, that we were once embayed, and could scarce get out again: And likewise, What fogs and mists are here already: Much more here will be, the winter and dark nights being at hand, & we having not so much as a boat to seek out any road to ride in, saving a small weak boat made of men's chesles, in which it is not convenient to go on shore in a foreign country, where we must go with force: and having but one anchor left us, there is but little hope of life in us, as you may sufficiently judge, if we should loose either the said anchor or our boat, and therefore we dare not put the same in danger for fear of losing them. Also we having lain here these six weeks and upward, the wind hath continued in the Northwest directly against our course, so that we can no way hope to get through the Straitss into the South sea this year, and if we could, yet our provision is not sufficient, having spent so much thereof, in this our linger abode. Nay we have scarcely victuals enough to carry us home into England, if they be not used sparingly, and with very good government. Therefore we do again most humbly desire you to consider and have regard unto the premises, as you tender your own safety and the safety of us which remain alive, that we may (by God's help) return back into England, rather than die here among wild and savage people: for if we make any longer abode in this place, it will be (without all doubt) to the utter decay and loss, both of ourselves, and of the ship: and in returning back, it may please God, that we may find our fifteen men, and our boat at Penguin-yland (although this be contrary to the minds of Matthew Hawlse, and your mate Street and having found them, we do not despair in God's mercy, but that in our return homeward, he will sand us purchase sufficient, if we would join ourselves together in prayer, and love one another. And thus doing (as we shallbe bond) even so we will also hearty pray for the continuance of your good estate, and welfare, and for the length of your days, to the pleasure of Almighty God. Lastly, we do most humbly beseech you to consider, that (after the loss of so many men, and all the casualties aforesaid, as we were taking in of water by Port Famine, out boatswain, the hooper, and William Magoths being on shore) Matthew Hawlse did hollow to have them in all the haste come on-bord: saying therewithal these words: He that will come in this voyage, must not make any reckoning to leave two or three men on shore behind him, whereas we had so lately lost all the foresaid men, having then but six sailors left us on-bord. Also the said Matthew Hawlse did carry a pistol for the space of two days secretly under his gown, intending therewithal to have murdered Andrew Stoning, and William Comb, as by confession of Hawlse his man, William Martin, it is manifest: for the said William Martin reported unto two of his friends, viz. Richard Hungate, and Emanuel Dornel, that he kneeled upon his knees one whole hour before Matthew Hawlse in his own cabin, desiring him, for God's cause, not to kill either of them, especially because the said Stoning and Martin came both out of one town. Also the said Hawlse, at our second time of watering in the place aforesaid, came into the Gunner's room to speak with you (your self with the master Gunner Thomas Browne, and his mate William friar being then present) demanding of you, if he should sand certain men to Port famine being two leagues from the ship by land. Thomas Browne answered him presently, that he should sand none, for fear lest the wound might arise, and by that means we should lose so many of our men more: to whom Matthew Hawlie replied that it was not material, for that he had made choice of a company for the very same purpose, whose names were Emmanuel Do●nel, Richard Hungate, Paul carry, john davis, Gabriel Valerosa, a Portugal, and Peter a Britain, and the Spaniard which we had taken in at the same place, The Spaniard taken in at Port Famine. at our first time of watering. And thus we end, desiring God to send us well into our native country. In witness whereof we have subscribes our names. Thomas Browne, Gunner, john Morrice, etc. The last voyage of the worshipful M. Thomas Candish esquire, intended for the South sea, the Philippinas, and the coast of China, with 3. tall ships, and two barks: Written by M. john jane, a man of good observation, employed in the same, and many other voyages. THe 26. of August 1591. we departed from Plymouth with 3. ●all ships, and two barks, The galleon wherein M. Candish went himself being Admiral, The Roebuck vice-admiral whereof M. Cock was Captain, The Desire Rear-admiral whereof was Captain M. john davis (with whom and for whose sake I went this voyage) The Black pinnace, and a bark of M. Adrian Gilbert, whereof M. Randolfe Cotton was Captain. B●ya de Saluador. The 29. of November we fallen with the bay of Saluador upon the coast of Brasil 12. leagues on this side Cabo Frio, where we were becalmed until the second of December: at which time we took a small bark bond for the River of Plate with sugar, A bark taken. haberdash wares, and Negroes. The Master of this bark brought us unto an isle called Placencia thirty leagues West from Cabo Frio, Cabo Frio. Lila de Placencia. where we arrived the fift of December, and rifled six or seven houses inhabited by Portugals. The 11. we departed from this place, and the fourteenth we arrived at the isle of S. Sebastian: Isle de S. Sebastian. from whence M. Cock and Captain davis presently departed with The Desire and the black pinnace, for the taking of the town of Santos. The 15. at evening we anckered at the bar of Santos, from whence we departed with our boats to the town: and the next morning about nine of the clock we came to Santos, where being discovered, we were enforced to land with 24. gentlemen, our long boat being far a stern, by which expedition we took all the people of the town at Mass both men and women, whom we kept all that day in the Church as prisoners. The cause why master Candish desired to take this town was to supply his great wants: For being in Santos, The town of Santos taken. and having it in quiet possession, we stood in assurance to supply all our needs in great abundance. But such was the negligence of our governor master Cock, that the Indians were suffered to carry out of the town whatsoever they would in open view, and no man did control them: and the next day after we had won the town, our prisoners were all set at liberty, only four poor old men were kept as pawns to supply our wants. Thus in three days the town that was able to furnish such another Fleet with all kind of necessaries, was left unto us nakedly bore, without people and provision. Eight or ten days after master Candish himself came thither, where he remained until the 22. of january, seeking by increatie to have that, whereof we were once possessed. But in conclusion we departed out of the town through extreme want of victual, not being able any longer to live there, and were glad to receive a few canisters or baskets of Cassavi meal; so that in every condition we went worse furnished from the town, then when we came unto it. The 22. of january we departed from Santos, and burned Sant Vincent to the ground. The town of S. Vincent burned. The 24. we set sail, shaping our course for the Straitss of Magellan. The seventh of February we had a very great storm, and the eight hour Fleet was separated by the fury of the tempest. Then our Captain called unto him the Master of our ship, whom he found to be a very honest and sufficient man, a●d conferring with him he concluded to go for Port Desire, which is in the Southerly latitude of 48. degrees; hoping that the General would come thither, because that in his first voyage he had found great relief there. For our Captain could never get any direction what course to take in any such extremities, though many times he had entreated for it, as often I have herded him with grief report. In sailing to this port by good chance we met with The Roebuck, wherein master Cock had endured great extremities, and had lost his boat, and therefore desired our Captain to keep him company, for he was in very desperate case. Our Captain hoist out his boat, and went aboard him to know his estate, and returning turning told us the hardness thereof, and desired the Master and all the company to be careful in all their watches not to lose The Roebuck, and so we both arrived at Port Desire the sixth of March. They artive at Port Desire. The 16. of March The Black pinnace came unto us, but master hearts bark came not, but returned home to England, M. Adrian hearts bark returns for England. having their Captain aboard the Roebuck without any provision more than the apparel that he wore, who came from thence aboard our ship to remain with our Captain, by reason of the great friendship between them. The 18. the galleon came into the road, and master Candish came into the harbour in a boat which he had made at sea; for his long boat and light-horseman were lost at sea, as also a pinnace which he had built at Santos: A pinnace built at Santos. and being aboard The Desire he told our Captain of all his extremities, and spoke most hardly of his company, and of divers gentlemen that were with him, purposing no more to go aboard his own ship, but to stay in The Desire. We all sorrowed to hear such hard speeches of our good friends; but having spoken with the gentlemen of the galleon we found them faithful, honest, and resolute in proceeding, although it pleased our General otherwise to conceive of them. The 20. of March we departed from Port Desire, master Candish being in The Desire with us. The eighth of April 1592. we fallen with the Straitss of Magellan, They fall with the Straitss of Magellan. enduring many furious storms between Port Desire and the Straight. The 14. we passed through the first Streight. The 16. we passed the second Streight being ten leagues distant from the first. The 18. we doubled Cape Froward, which Capelieth in 53. degrees and ½. The 21. we were enforced by the fury of the weather to put into a small coove with our ships, 4. leagues from the said Cape, upon the South shore, where we remained until the 15. of May. In the which time we endured extreme storms, with perpetual snow, where many of our men died with cursed famine, and miserable cold, not having wherewith to cover their bodies, nor to fill their bellies, but living ●y muscles, water, and weeds of the sea, with a small relief of the ships store in meal sometimes. And all the sick men in the galleon were most uncharitably put a shore into the woods in the snow●, rain, and cold, when men of good health could scarcely endure it, where they ended their lives in the highest degree of misery, master Candish all this while being aboard the Desire. In these great extremities of snow and cold, doubting what the end would be, he asked our captains opinion, because he was a man that had good experience of the Northwest parts, in his 3. several discoveries that way, employed by the merchants of London. Our Captain told him, that this snow was a matter of no long continuance, and gave him sufficient reason for it, and that thereby he could not much be prejudiced or hindered in his proceeding. Notwithstanding he called together all the company, and told them, that he purposed not to stay in the Straitss, but to departed upon some other voyage, or else to return again for Brasil. But his resolution was to go for the Cape of Buena Esperança. The company answered, that if it pleased him, they did desire to stay God's favour for a wind, and to endure all hardness whatsoever, rather then to give over the voyage, considering they had been here but a small time, and because they were within forty leagues of the South sea, it grieved them now to return; notwithstanding what he purposed, that they would perform. So he concluded to go for the Cape of Buena Esperança, and to give over this voyage. Then our Captain, after master Candish was come aboard The Desire from talking with the company, told him, that if it pleased him to consider the great extremity of his estate, the slenderness of his provisions, with the weakness of his men, it was no course for him to proceed in that new enterprise: for if the rest of your ships (said he) be furnished answerable to this, it is impossible to perform your determination: for we have no more sails than masts, no victuals, no ground-tackling, no cordage more than is over head, and among seventy and five people, there is but the Master alone that can order the ship, and but fourteen sailors. The rest are gentlemen, serving men, and artificers. Therefore it will be a desperate case to take so hard an enterprise in hand. These persuasions did our Captain not only use to master Candish, but also to master Cock. In fine upon a petition delivered in writing by the chief of the whole company, the General determined to departed out of The Straitss of Magellan, and to return again for Santos in Brasil. So the 15. of May we set sail, the General then being in the galleon. They return from the Straitss of Magellan. The eighteenth we were free of the Straitss, but at Cape Froward it was our hard hap to have our boat sunk at our stern in the night, and to be split and sore spoilt, and to lose all our oars. The twentieth of May being thwart of Port Desire, in the night the General altered his course, as we suppose, by which occasion we lost him: The occasion of losing the General. for in the evening he stood close by a wind to seaward, having the wind at Northnortheast, and we standing the same way, the wind not altering, could not the next day see him: so that we them persuaded ourselves, that he was go for Port Desire to relieve himself, or that he had sustained some mischance at Sea, and was go thither to remedy it. Whereupon our Captain called the General's men unto him, with the rest, and asked their opinion what was to be done. Every one said, that they thought that the General was go for Port Desire. Then the Master being the General's man, and careful of his master's service, as also of good judgement in Sea-matters, told the company how dangerous it was to go for Port Desire, if we should there miss the General: for (said he) we have no boat to land ourselves, nor any cables nor anckers that I dare trust in so quick streams as are there: yet in all likelihood concluding that the General was go thither, we stayed our course for Port Desire, and by chance met with the Black pinnace, which had likewise lost the Fleet, being in very miserable case: so we both concluded to seek the General at Port Desire. Then come again to Port Desire the 26. of May. The six and twentieth day of May we came to Port Desire, where not finding our General, as we hoped, being most slenderly victualled, without sails, boat, oars, nails, cordage, and all other necessaries for our relief, we were strooken into a deadly sorrow. But referring all to the providence and fatherly protection of the Almighty, we entered the harbour, and by God's favour sound a place of qui●t road, A qui●e road. which before we knew not. Having mored our ship with the pinnesses boat, we landed upon the South shore, where we found a standing pool of fresh water, A pool of fresh water on the South side of Port Desire. which by estimation might hold some ten tons, whereby we were greatly comforted. From this pool we fet more than forty tons of water, and yet we left the pool as full as we found it. And because at our first being in this harbour we were at this place and found no water, we persuaded ourselves that God had sent it for our relief. Also there were such extraordinary low ebbs as we had never seen, whereby we got muscles in great plenty. Abundance of muscles and smelts. Likewise God sent about our ships great abundance of smelts, so that with hooks made of pings every man caught as many as he could eat: by which means we preserved our ships victuals, and spent not any during the time of our abode here. Our Captain and Master falling into the consideration of our estate and dispatch to go to the General, found our wants so great, as that in a month we could not fit our ship to set sail. For we must needs set up a Smith's forge, to make bolts, spikes, and nails, besides the repairing of our other wants. Whereupon they concluded it to be their best course to take the pinnace, and to furnish her with the best of the company, and to go to the General with all expedition, leaving the ship and the rest of the company until the General's return; for he had vowed to our Captain, that he would return again for the Straitss, as he had told us. The Captain and Master of the pinnace being the General's men were well contented with the motion. A dangerous 〈◊〉. But the General having in our ship too most pestilent fellows, when they herded of this determination they utterly misliked it, and in secret dealt with the company of both ships, vehemently persuading them, that our Captain and Master would leave them in the country to be devoured of the Cannibals, and that they were mercilesie and without charity: whereupon the whole company joined in secret with them in a night to murder our Captain and Master, with myself, and all those which they thought were their friends. There were marks taken in his cabin how to kill him with muskets through the ships side, and bullets made of silver for the execution, if their other purposes should fail. All agreed hereunto, except it were the boteswaine of our ship, who when he known the matter, and the slender ground thereof, reue●led it unto our Master, and so to the Captain. Then the matter being called in question, those two most murderous fellows were found out, whose names were Charles Parker and Edward Smith. The Captain being thus hardly beset in peril of famine, and in danger of murdering, was constrained to use lenity, and by courteous means to pacif●e this fury; showing, that to do the General service, unto whom he had vowed faith in this action, was the cause why he purposed to go unto him in the pinnace, considering, that the pinnace was so necessary a thing for him, as that he could not be without her, because he was fearful of the shore in so great ships. Whereupon all cried out with cursing and swearing, that the pinnace should not go unless the ship went. Then the Captain desired them to show themselves Christians, and not so blasphemously to be have themselves, without regard or thanksgiving to God for their great deliverance, and present sustenance bestowed upon them, alleging many examples of Gods sharp punishment for such ingratitude; and withal promised ●o do any thing that might stand with their good liking. By which gentle speeches the matter was pacified, and the Captain and Master at the request of the company were content to forgive this great treachery of Parker and Smith, who after many admonitions concluded in these words: The Lord judge between you and me: which after came to a most sharp revenge even by the punishment of the Almighty. Thus by a general consent it was concluded not to departed, but there to stay for the General's return. Then our Captain and Master, seeing that they could not do the General that service which they desired, made a motion to the company, that they would lay down under their hands the losing of the General, with the extremities wherein we then stood: whereunto they consented, and written under their hands as followeth. The testimonial of the company of The Desire touching their losing of their General, which appeareth to have been utterly against their meanings. THe 26 of August 1591. we whose names be here under written, with divers others departed from Plymouth under M. Thomas Candish our General, with 4 ships of his, to wit, The galleon, The Robuck, The Desire, and The Black pinnace, for the performance of a voyage into The South sea. The 19 of November we fallen with the bay of Saluador in Brasil. The 16 of December we took the town of Santos, hoping there to revictuall ourselves, but it fallen not out to our contentment. The 24 of january we set sail from Santos, shaping our course for The Straitss of Magellan. The 8 of February by violent storms the said fleet was parted: The Robuck and The Desire arrived in port Desire the 6 of March. The 16 of March The Black pinnace arrived there also: and the 18 of the same our admiral came into the roade● with whom we departed the 20 of March in poor and weak estate. The 8 of April 1592. we entered The Straitss of Magellan. The 21 of April we ankered beyond Cape Froward, within 40 leagues of The South sea, where we road until the 15 of May. In which time we had great store of snow, with some gusty weather, the wound continuing still at Westnorthwest against us. In this time we were enforced for the preserving of our victuals, to live the most part upon muscles, our provision was so slender; so that many of our men died in this hard extremity. Then our General returned for Brasil there to winter, & to procure victuals for this voyage against the next year. So we departed The Straitss the 15 of May. The 21 being thwart of Port Desire 30 leagues of the shore, the wound then at Northeast and by North, at five of the clock at night lying North-east, we suddenly cast about lying Southeast and by South, and sometimes Southeast: the whole fleet following the admiral, our ship coming under his lee shot ahead him, and so framed sail fit to keep company. This night we were severed, by what occasion we protest we know not, whither we lost them or they us. The manner how they lost their General. In the moruing we only see The Black pinnace, then supposing that the admiral had overshot us. All this day we stood to the Eastwards, hoping to found him, because it was not likely, that he would stand to the shore again so suddenly. But missing him towards night, we stood to the shoareward, hoping by that course to find him. The 22 of May at night we had a violent storm, with the wind at Northwest, and we were enforced to hull, not being able to bear sail, and this night we perished our main tress●etrees, so that we could no more use our main topsail, lying most dangerously in the sea. The pinnace likewise received a great leak, so that we were enforced to seek the next shore for our relief. And because famine was like to be the best end, we desired to go for Port Desire, hoping with seals and penguins to relieve ourselves, and so to make shift to follow the General, or there to stay his coming from Brasil. The 24 of May we had much wind at North. The 25 was calm, and the sea very lofty, so that our ship had dangerous foul weather. The 26 our fore-shrowdes broke, so that if we had not been near the shore, it had been impossible for us to get out of the sea. And now being here mored in Port Desire, our shrouds are all rotten, not having a running rope whereto we may trust, and being provided only of one shift of sails all worn, our topsails not able to abide any stress of weather, neither have we any pitch, tar, or nails, nor any store for the supplying of these wants; and we live only upon seals and muscles, having but five hogsheads of pork within board, and meal three ounces for a man a day, with water for to drink. And forasmuch as it hath pleased God to separate our fleet, and to bring us into such hard extremities, that only now by his mere mercy we expect relief, though otherwise we are hopeless of comfort, yet because the wonderful works of God in his exceeding great favour toward us his creatures are far beyond the scope of man's capacity, therefore by him we hope to have deliverance in this our deep distress. Also forasmuch as those upon whom God will bestow the favour of life, with return home to their country, may not only themselves remain blameless, but also manifest the truth of our actions, we have thought good in Christian charity to lay down under our hands the truth of all our proceed even till the time of this our distress. Given in Port Desire the 2 of june 1592. Beseeching the almighty God of his mercy to deliver us from this misery, how or when it shall please his divine Majesty. john davis Captain. Randolph Cotton. john Pery. William Maber gunner. Charles Parker. Roland Miller. Edward Smith. Thomas Purset. Matthew Stubbes. john jenkinson. Thomas Edward's. Edward Granger. john Lewis. William Hayman. George Straker. Thomas Walbie. William Wyeth. Richard Aland. Stephan Popham. Alexander Cole. Thomas Watkins. George Cunington. john Whiteing. james Ling. The Boatswain. Francis Smith. john Lays. The Boatswaines mate. Fisher. john Austin. Francis Copstone. Richard Garet. james Euersby. Nicolas Parker. Leonard. john Pick. Benjamin. William Maber. james No●. Christopher Hauser. After they had delivered this relation unto our captain under their hands, than we began to travel for our lives, and we built up a smith's forge, and made a coal-pit, and burned coals, and there we made nails, bolts, and spikes, others made ropes of a piece of our cable, and the rest gathered muscles, and took smeltes for the whole company. Three leagues from this harbour there is an Isle with four small Isles about it, where there are great abundance of ●eales, and at the time of the year the penguins come thither in great plenty to breed. An Isle near Port Desire bounding with seals and penguins. We concluded with the pinnace, that she should sometimes go thither to fetch seals for us; upon which condion we would share our victuals with her man for man; whereunto the whole company agreed. So we parted our poor store, and she laboured to fetch us seals to eat, wherewith we lived when sineltes and muscles failed: for in the nepe streams we could get no muscles. Thus in most miserable calamity we remained until the sixt of August, still keeping watch upon the hills to look for our General, and so great was our vexation and anguish of soul, as I think never flesh and blood endured more. Thus our misery daily increasing, time passing, and our hope of the General being very cold, our Captain and Master were fully persuaded, that the General might perhaps go directly for The Straitss, and not come to this harbour: whereupon they thought no course more convenient then to go presently for The Straitss, and there to stay his coming, for in that place he could not pass, but of force we must see him: whereunto the company most willingly consented, as also the Captain and Master of the pinnace; so that upon this determination we made all possible speed to departed. They departed the second 〈◊〉 from Port Desire 〈◊〉 The Straitss of Magellan. The sixt of August we set sail, and went to Penguin-isle, and the next day we salted twenty hogsheads of seals, which was as much as our salt could possibly do, and so we departed for The Straitss the poorest wretches that ever were created. The seventh of August toward night we departed from Penguin-isle, shaping our course for The Straitss, where we had full confidence to meet with our General. The ninth we had a sore storm, so that we were constrained to hull, for our sails were not to endure any force. The 14 we were driven in among certain Isles never before discovered by any known relation, lying fifty leagues or better from the shore East and Northerly from The Straitss: Certain Isles never before discovered fifty leagues north-east of The Straitss. in which place, unless it had pleased God of his wonderful mercy to have ceased the wind, we must of necessity have perished. But the wind shifting to the East, we directed our course for The Straitss, and the 18 of August we fallen with the Cape in a very thick fog; and the same night we ankered ten leagues within the Cape. The 19 day we passed the first and the second Streights. The first and second Straight Cape Froward. Salvage coove. The 21 we doubled Cape Froward. The 22 we ankered in Salvage coove, so named, because we found many Saluages there: notwithstanding the extreme cold of this place, yet do all these wild people go naked, and live in the woods like Satyrs, painted and disguised, and fly from you like wild dear. They are very strong, and threw stones at us of three or four pound weight an incredible distance. The 24 in the morning we departed from this coove, and the same day we came into the Northwest reach, which is the last reach of the Straitss. The northwest or last reach of the straits. The 25 we ankored in a good coove, within fourteen leagues of the South sea: in this place we purposed to stay for the General, for the straight in this place is scarce three miles broad, so that he could not pass but we must see him. After we had stayed here a fortnight in the deep of Winter, our victuals consuming, (for our Seals stunk most vilely, and our men died pitifully through cold and famine, for the greatest part of them had not clotheses to defend the extremity of the winter's cold) being in this heavy distress, our captain and Master thought it the best course to departed from the Straitss into the South sea, and to go for the Isle of Santa Maria, which is to the Northward of Baldi●ia in 37 degrees & a quarter, where we might have relief, and be in a temperate clime, and there stay for the General, for of necessity he must come by that Isle. So we departed the 13 of September, & came in sight of the South sea. Their first entrance into ● South sea. They enter the South sea the second time. The 14 we were forced back again, and recovered a coove 3 leagues within the straits from the South sea. Again we put forth, & being 8 or 10 leagues free of the land, the wound rising furiously at Westnorthwest, we were enforced again into the straits only for want of sails; for we never dared ●eare sail in any stress of weather, they were so weak: so again we recovered the coove three leagues within the straits, where we endured most furious weather, so that one of our two cables broke, whereby we were hopeless of life. Yet it pleased God to calm the storm, and we unrived our sheets, tacks, halliers, and other ropes, and mored our ship to the trees close by the rocks. We laboured to recover our anchor again, but could not by any means, it lay so deep in the water, and as we think clean covered with oaze. Now had we but one anchor which had but one whole Flouke, a cable spliced in two places, and a piece of an old cable. In the midst of these our troubles it pleased God that the wound came fair the first of October; whereupon with all expedition we loosed our moring, and weighed our anchor, and so towed off into the channel; for we had mended our boat in Port Desire, and had five oars of the pinnace. When we had weighed our anchor, we found our cable broken, only one strand held: then we praised God; for we see apparently his mercies in preserving us. Being in the channel, we rived our ropes, & again rigged our ship, no man's hand was idle, but all laboured even for the last gasp of life. Here our company was divided; some desired to go again for Port Desire, and there to be set on shore, where they might travel for their lives, and some stood with the Captain & Master to proceed. Whereupon the Captain said to the Master: Master, you see the wonderful extremity of our estate, and the great doubts among our company of the truth of your reports, as touching relief to be had in the South sea: some say in secret, as I am informed, that we undertake these desperate attempts through blind affection that we bear to the General. For mine own part I plainly make known unto you, that the love which I bore to the General caused me 〈◊〉 to enter into this action, whereby I have not only heaped upon my head this bitter calamity now present, but also have in some sort procured the dislike of my best friends in England, as it is not unknown to some in this company. But now being thus entangled by the providence of God for my former offences (no doubt) I desire, that it may please his divine Majesty to show us such merciful favours that we may rather proceed, than otherwise: or if it be his will, that our mortal being shall now take an end, I rather desire that it may be in proceeding then in returning. And because I see in reason, that the limits of our time are now drawing to an end, I do in Christian charity entreat you all, first to forgive me in whatsoever I have been grievous unto you; secondly that you will rather pray for our General, then use hard speeches of him; and let us be fully persuaded, that not for his cause & negligence, but for our own offences against the divine Majesty we are presently punished; lastly, let us forgive one another and be reconciled as children in love & charity, and not think upon the vanities of this life: so shall we in leaving this life live with our glorious redeemer, or abiding in this life, found favour with God. And now (good master) for as much as you have been in this voyage once before with your master the general, satisfy the company of such truths, as are to you best known; & you the rest of the general's men, which likewise have been with him in his first voyage, if you hear any thing contrary to the truth, spare not to reprove it, I pray you. And so I beseech the Lord to bestow his mercy upon us. Then the master began in these speeches: Captain, your request is very reasonable, & I refer to your judgement my honest care, & great pains taken in the general's service, my love towards him, & in what sort I have discharged my duty, from the first day to this hour. I was commanded by the general to follow your directions, which hitherto I have performed. You all know, that when I was extremely sick, the General was lost in my mates watch, as you have well examined: sithence which time, in what anguish and grief of mind I have lived, God only knoweth, and you are in some part a witness. And now if you think good to return, I will not gain say it: but this I assure you, if life may be preserved by any means, it is in proceeding. For at the Isle of Santa Maria I do assure you of wheat, pork, and roots enough. Also I will bring you to an Isle, This Santo● standeth upon the coast of Peru in 9 deg. of Southerly latitude. where Pelicans be in great abundance, and at Santos we shall have meal in great plenty, besides all our possibility of intercepting some ships upon the coast of Chili and Peru. But if we return there is nothing but death to be hoped for: therefore do as you like, I am ready, but my desire is to proceed. They enter the South sea the third time. These his speeches being confirmed by others that were in the former voyage, there was a general consent of proceeding; and so the second of October we put into the South sea, and were free of all land. This night the wind began to blow very much at Westnorthwest, and still increased in fury, so that we were in great doubt what course to take: to put into the Straitss we dared not for lack of ground-tackle: to bear sail we doubted, the tempest was so furious, and our sails so bad. The pinnace came room with us, and told us that ●hee had received many grievous Seas, and that her ropes did every hour fail her, so as they could not tell what shift to make: we being unable in any sort to help them, stood under our corpses in view of the lee-shore, still expecting our ruinous end. The fourth of October the storm growing beyond all reason furious, the pinnace being in the wind of us, strake suddenly ahull, so that we thought she had received some grievous sea, or sprung a leak, or that her sails failed her, because she came not with us: but we dared not hull in that unmerciful storm, but sometimes tried under our main corse, sometime with a haddock of our sail, for our ship was very lee ward, and most laboursome in the sea. This night we lost the pinnace, and never see her again. The black pinnace lost in the South sea. The fift, our foresail was split, and all to torn: then our Master took the mizzen, and brought it to the foremast, to make our ship work, and with our spritsail we mended our foresail, the storm continuing without all reason in fury, with hail, snow, rain, and wind such and so mighty, as that in nature it could not possibly be more, the seas such and so lofty, with continual breach, that many times we were doubtful whether our ship did sink or swim. The tenth of October being by the account of our Captain and Master very near the shore, the weather dark, the storm furious, and most of our men having given over to travel, we yielded ourselves to death, without further hope of succour. Our captain sitting in the gallery very pensive, I came and brought him some Rosa solis to comfort him; for he was so cold, that he was scarce able to move a joint. After he had drunk, and was comforted in heart, he began for the ease of his conscience to make a large repetition of his forepast time, and with many grievous sighs he concluded in these words: O most glorious God, with whose power the mightiest things among men are matters of no moment, I most humbly beseech thee, that the intoll●rable burden of my sins may through the blood of jesus Christ be taken from me: and end our days with speed, or show us some merciful sign of thy love and our preservation. Having thus ended, he desired me not to make knownen to any of the company his intolerable grief and anguish of mind, because they should not thereby be dismayed. And so suddenly, before I went from him, the Sun shined clear; so that he and the Master both observed the true elevation of the Pole, whereby they known by what course to recover the Straitss. Where withal our captain and Master were so revived, & gave such comfortable speeches to the company, that every man rejoiced, as though we had received a present deliverance. The next day being the 11 of October, we see Cabo Deseado being the cape on the South shore (the North shore is nothing but a company of dangerous rocks, Isles, & sholds.) This cape being within two leagues to leeward of us, our master greatly doubted, that we could not double the same: whereupon the captain told him: You see there is no remedy, either we must double it, or before noon we must die: therefore lose your sails, and let us put it to God's mercy. The master being a man of good spirit resolutely made quick dispatch & set sail. Our sails had not been half an hour aboard, but the footrope of our foresail broke, so that nothing held but the eyelet holes. The seas continually broke over the ships poop, and flew into the sails with such violence, that we still expected the tearing of our sails, or over-setting of the ship, and withal to our utter discomfort, we perceived that we fallen still more and more to leeward, so that we could not double the cape: we were now come within half a mile of the cape, and so near the shore, that the counter-suffe of the sea would rebound against the ships side, so that we were much dismayed with the horror of our present end. Being thus at the very pinch of death, the wind and Seas raging beyond measure, our Master veared some of the main sheate; and whether it was by that occasion, or by some current, or by the wonderful power of God, as we verily think it was, the ship quickened her way, and shot past that rock, where we thought she would have shored. Then between the cape and the point there was a little bay; so that we were somewhat farther from the shores and when we were come so far as the cape, we yielded to death: The Cape Deseado most dangerously doubled, after they had been nine days in the South sea. yet our good God the Father of all mercies delivered us, and we doubled the cape about the length of our ship, or very little more. Being shot past the cape, we presently took in our sails, which only God had preserved unto us; and when we were shot in between the high lands, the wound blowing trade, without any inch of sail, we spooned before the sea, three men being not able to guide the helm, and in six hours we were put five and twenty leagues within the Straitss, where we found a sea answerable to the Ocean. In this time we freed our ship from water, and after we had rested a little, our men were not able to move; their sinews were stiff, and their flesh dead, and many of them (which is most lamentable to be reported) were so eaten with louse, as that in their flesh did lie clusters of louse as big as peason, yea and some as big as beans. Being in this misery we were constrained to put into a coove for the refreshing our men. Our Master knowing the shore and every coove very perfectly, put in with the shore, and mored to the trees, as beforetime we had done, laying our anchor to the seaward. Here we continued until the twentieth of October; but not being able any longer to stay through extremity of famine, the one and twentieth we put off into the channel, the weather being reasonable calm: but before night it blew most extremely at Westnorthwest. The storm growing outrageous, our men could scarcely stand by their labour; and the Straitss being full of turning reaches we were constrained by discretion of the Captain and Master in their accounts to guide the ship in the hell-darke night, when we could not see any shore, the channel being in some places scarce three miles broad. But our captain, An excellent plat of the Straitss of Magellan. as we first passed through the Straitss drawn such an exquisite plat of the same, as I am assured it cannot in any sort be bettered: which plat he and the Master so often perused, and so carefully regarded, as that in memory they had every turning and creak, and in the deep dark night without any doubting they conu●yed the ship through that crooked channel: so that I conclude, the world hath not any so skilful pilots for that place, as they are: for otherwise we could never have passed in such sort as we did. The 25 we came to an Island in the Straitss named Penguin-isle, whither we sent our boat to seek relief, for there were great abundance of birds, and the weather was very calm; so we came to an anchor by the Island in seven fathoms. While our boat was at shore, and we had great store of Penguins, there arose a sudden storm, so that our ship did drive over a breach and our boat sank at the shore. Captain Cotton and the Lieutenant being on shore leapt into the boat, and freed the same, and threw away all the birds, and with great difficulty recovered the ship: myself also was in the boat the same time, where for my life I laboured to the best of my power. The ship all this while driving upon the Ice-shore, when we came aboard, we helped to set sail, and weighed the anchor; for before our coming they could scarce hoist up their yards, yet with much ado they set their fore-coarse. Thus in a mighty fret of weather the seven and twentieth day of October we were free of the Straitss, and the thirtieth of October we came to Penguin-isle being three leagues from Port Desire, Penguin isle within three leagues of Port Desire. the place which we purposed to seek for our relief. When we were come to this Isle we sent our boat on shore, which returned laden with birds and eggs; and our men said that the Penguins were so thick upon the Isle, that ships might be laden with them; for they could not go without treading upon the birds, whereat we greatly rejoiced. Then the captain appointed Charles Parker and Edward Smith, with twenty others to go on shore, and to stay upon the Isle, for the kill and drying of those Penguins, and promised after the ship was in harbour to sand the rest, not only for expedition, but also to save the small store of victuals in the ship. But Parker, Smith, and the rest of their faction suspected, that this was a devise of the Captain to leave his men on shore, that by these means there might be victuals for the rest to recover their country: and when they remembered, that this was the place where they would have slain their Captain and Master, surely (thought they) for revenge hereof will they leave us on shore. Which when our Captain understood, he used these speeches unto them: I understand that you are doubtful of your security through the perverseness of your own guilty consciences: it is an extreme grief unto me, that you should judge me blood-thirsty, in whom you have seen nothing but kind conversation: if you have found otherwise, speak boldly, and accuse me of the wrongs that I have done: if not, why do you then measure me by your own uncharitable consciences? All the company know●th indeed, that in this place you practised to the utmost of your powers, to murder me and the master causeless, as God knoweth, which evil in this place we did remit you: & now I may conceive without doing you wrong, that you again purpose some evil in bringing these matters to repetition: but God hath so shortened your confederacy, as that I nothing doubt you: it is for your Master's sake that I have for born you in your unchristian practises: and here I protest before God, that for his sake alone I will yet endure this injury, and you shall in no sort be prejudiced, or in any thing be by me commanded: but when we come into England (if God so favour us) your master shall know your honesties; in the mean space be void of these suspicions, for, God I call to witness, revenge is no part of my thought. They gave him thanks, desiring to go into the harbour with the ship, which he granted. So there were ten left upon the Isle, and the last of October we entered the harbour. They en●er Port Desire the ●●●rd time. Our Master at our last being here having taken careful notice of every creak in the river, in a very convenient place, upon sandy daze, ran the ship on ground, laying out anchor to seaward, and with our running ropes mored her to stakes upon the shore, which he ha● fastened for that purpose; where the ship remained till our departure. The third of November our boat with water, wood, and as many as she could carry, went for the Isle of Penguins: but being deep, she dared not proceed, but returned again the same night. Then Parker, Smith, Townelend, Purper, with five others, desired that they might go by land, and that the boat might fetch them when they were against the Isle, Pen●uin Isle scar●e a mile fr● the main. it being scarce a mile from the shore. The captain bade them do what they thought best, advising them to take weapons with them: for (said he) although we have not at any time seen people in this place, yet in the country there may be Savages. They answered, that here were great store of Deer, and Ostriches; but if there were Saluages, they would devour them: notwithstanding the captain caused them to carry weapons, calievers, sworoes, and targets: so the sixt of November they departed by land, and the boat by sea; but from that day to this day we never herded of our men. ●ine men lost. The 11 while most of our men were at the Isle, only the Captain and Master with six others being left in the ship, there came a great multitude of Saluages to the ship, A great multitude of Salua●es with vizards, or faces like unto dog's ●ace●. throwing dust in the air, leaping and running like brute beasts, having vizards on their faces like dogs faces, or else their faces are dogs faces indeed. We greatly feared lest they would set our ship on fire, for they would suddenly make fire, where at we much marveled: they came to windward of our ship, and set the bushes on fire, so that we were in a very stinking smoke: but as soon as they came within our sho●, we shot at them, & striking one of them in the thigh they all presently fled, so that we never herded nor see more of them. Hereby we judged, that these Cannibals had slain our 9 men. When we considered what they were that thus were slain, and found that they were the principal men that would have murdered our Captain & Master, with the rest of their friends, we see the just judgement of God, and made supplication to his divine Majesty to be merciful unto us. While we were in this harbour, our Captain and Master went with the boat to discover how far this river did run, The ri●er of Port Desire but 20 miles passable by boat. that if need should enforce us to leave our ship, we might know how far we might go by water. So they found, that farther than 20 miles they could not go with the boat. At their return they sent the boat to the Isle of Penguins; whereby we understood that the Penguins dryad to our hearts content, and that the multitude of them was infinite. This Penguin hath the shape of a bird, but hath no wings, only two slumps in the place of wings, by which he swimmeth under water with as great swiftness as any fish. They live upon smelts, whereof there is great abundance upon this coast: in eating they be neither fish nor flesh: they lay great eggs, and the bird is of a reasonable bigness, very near twice so big as a rucke. All the time that we were in this place, we fared passing well with eggs, Penguins, young Seals, young Gulls, besides other birds, such as I know not; of all which we had great abundance. In this place we found an herb called Scurvy grass, The great benefit of the herb called Scurvy grass. which we fried with eggs, using train oil in stead of butter. This herb did so purge the blood, that it took away all kind of swellings, of which many died, & restored us to perfect health of body, so that we were in as good case as when we came first out of England. We stayed in this harbour until the 22 of December, They stayed 7 weeks in Port Desire. in which time we had dried 20000 Penguins; & the Captain, the Master, and myself had made some salt, A pretty devise 〈◊〉 make salt. by laying salt water upon the rocks in holes, which in 6 days would be kerned. Thus God did feed us even as it were with Manna from heaven. The 22 of December we departed with our ship for the Isle, where with great difficulty, by the skilful industry of our Master we got 14000 of our birds, and had almost lost our captain in labouring to bring the birds aboard: & had not our Master been very expert in the set of those wicked tides, which run after many fashions, we had also lost our ship in the same place: but God of his goodness hath in all our extremities been our protector. So the 22 at night we departed with 14000 dried Penguins, not being able to fetch the rest, and shaped our course for Brasil. Now our captain rated our victuals, and brought us to such allowance, as that our victuals might last six months; A poo●e allowance of victuals. for our hope was, that within six months we might recover our country, though our sails were ve●y bad. So the allowance was two ounces & a half of meal for a man a day, and to have so twice a week, so that 5 ounces did serve for a week. Three days a week we had oil, three spoonfuls for a man a day; and 2 days in a week peason, a pint between 4 men a day, and every day 5 Penguins for 4 men, and 6 quarts of water for 4 men a day. This was our allowance; wherewith (we praise God) we lived, though weakly, and very feeble. The 30 of january we arrived at the isle of Placencia in Brasil, The I'll of Pl●cencia in Brasil●. the first place that outward bound we were at: and having made the should, our ship lying off at sea, the Captain with 24 of the company went with the boat on shore, being a whole night before they could recover it. The last of january at sunrising they suddenly landed, hoping to take the Portugals in their houses, & by that means to recover some Casavi-meale, or other victuals for our relief: but when they came to the houses, they were all razed, and burned to the ground, so that we thought no man had remained on the Island. Then the captain went to the gardens, & brought from thence first-fruits & roots for the company, and came aboard the ship, and brought her into a fine creak which he had found out, where we might more her by the trees, and where there was water, and hoops to trim our cask. Our case being very desperate, we presently laboured for dispatch away; some cut hoops, which the coopers made, others laboured upon the sails and sh●p, every man traveling for his life, & still a guard was kept on shore to defend those that laboured, every man having his weapon likewise by him. The 3 of February our men with 23 shot went again to the gardens, being 3 miles from us upon the North shore, and fetched Cazani-roots out of the ground, to relieve our company instead of bread; for we sp●nt not of our meal while we stayed here. The 5 of February being monday, our captain and master hasted the company to their labour; so some went with the Cooper's to gather hoops, and the rest laboured aboard. This night many of our men in the ship dreamt of murder & slaughter: Ommens and forewarning dreams. In the morning they reported their dreams, one saying to another; this night I dreamt, that thou wert slain; another answered, and I dreamt, that thou wert slain: and this was general through the ship. The captain hearing this, who likewise had dreamt very strangely himself, gave very straight charge, that those which went on shore should take weapons with them, an● see them himself delivered into the boat, & sent some of purpose to guard the labourers. All the forenoon they laboured in quietness, & when it was ten of the clock, the heat being extreme, they came to a rock near the woods side (for all this country is nothing but thick woods) and there they boiled Cazavi-roots, & dined: after dinner some slept, some washed themselves in the sea, all being stripped to their shirts, & no man keeping watch, no match lighted, not a piece charged. Suddenly as they were thus sleeping & sporting, having got themselves into a corner out of sight of the ship, there came a multitude of Indians & Portugals upon them, and slay them sleeping: only two escaped, one very sore hurt, the other not touched, by whom we understood of this miserable massacre: with all speed we manned our boat, & landed to secure our men; but we found them slain, & laid naked on a rank one by another, with their faces upward, and a cross set by them: and withal we see two very great pinnesses come from the river of jenero very full of men; whom we mistrusted came from thence to take us: because there came from jenero soldiers to Santos, when the General had taken the town and was strong in it. Of 76 people which departed in our ship out of England, we were now left but 27, having lost 13 in this place, Thirteen men lost at the isle of Placencia by their own ●●treme negligence. with their chief furniture, as muskets, calivers, powder, & shot. Our cask was all in decay, so that we could not take in more water than was in our ship, for want of cask, and that which we had was marvelous ill conditioned: and being there mored by trees for want of cables and anchors, we still expected the cutting of our moring, to be beaten from our decks with our own furniture, & to be assailed by them of jenero: what distress we were now driven into, I am not able to express. To departed with 8 tons of water in such bad cask was to starve at sea, & in staying our case was ruinous. These were hard choises; but being thus perplexed, we made choice rather to fall into the hands of the Lord, then into the hands of men: for his e●ceeding mercies we had tasted, & of the others cruelty we were not ignorant. So concluding to departed, the 6 of February we were off in the channel, with our ordinance & small shot in a readiness, for any assault that should come, & having a small gale of wind, we recovered the sea in most deep distress. Then bemoaning our estate one to another, and recounting over all our extremities, nothing grieved us more, than the loss of our men twice, first by the slaughter of the Cannibals at Port Desire, and at this isle of Placencia by the Indians and Portugals. And considering what they were that were lost, we found that all those that conspired the murdering of our captain & master were now slain by saluages, the gunner only excepted. Being thus at sea, when we came to cape Frio, Cabo Frio 30 leagues eas● o● the isle of Pl●●cenci● the wind was contrary; so that 3 weeks we were grievously vered with cross winds, & our water consuming, our hope of life was very small. Some desired to go to Baya, & to submit themselves to the Portugals, rather than to die for thirst: but the captain with fair persuasions altered their purpose of yielding to the Portugal●s. In this distress it pleased God to sand us rain in such plenty, as that we were well watered, & in good comfort to return. But after we came near unto the sun, our dried Penguins began to corrupt, A most strange and noisome kind of worm b●ed of unsalted Penguins. & there bread in them a most loathsome & ugly worm of an inch long. This worm did so mightily increase, and devour our victuals, that there was in reason no hope how we should avoid famine, but be devoured of these wicked creatures: there was nothing that they did not devour, only iron excepted: our clotheses, boots, shoes, hats, shirts, stockings: and for the ship they did so eat the timbers, as that we greatly feared they would undo us, by gnawing through the ships side. Great was the care and diligence of our captain, master, and company to consume these vermin, but the more we laboured to kill them, the more they increased; so that at the last we could not sleep for them, but they would eat our flesh, and bite like Mosquitoes. In this woeful case, after we had passed the Equinoctial toward the North, our m●n began to fall sick of such a monstrous disease, as I think the like was never herded of: for in their ankles it began to swell; from thence in two days it would be in their breasts, so that they coul● not draw their breath, and then fallen into their cod; and their cod and yards did swell most grievously, and most dreadfully to behold, so that they could neither stand, lie, nor go. Whereupon our m●n grew mad with grief. Our captain with extreme anguish of his soul, was in such woeful case, that he desired only a speedy end, and though he were scarce able to speak for sorrow, yet he persuaded them to patience, and to give God thanks, & like dutiful children to accept of his chastisement. For all this divers grew raging mad, & some di●d in most loathsome & furious pain. It were incredible to writ our misery as it was: there was no man in perfect health, but the captain & one boy. The master being a man of good spirit with extreme labour boar out his grief, so that it gr●w not upon him. To be short, all our men died except 16, of which there were but 5 able to move. The captain was in good health, the master indifferent, captain Cotton and myself swollen and short wound, yet better than the rest that were sick, and one boy in health: upon us 5 only the labour of the ship did stand. The captain and master, as occasion served would take in, and heave out the topsails, the master only attended on the spritsail, and all of us at the capsten without sheats and tacks. In fine our misery and weakness was so great, that we could not take in, nor heave out a sail; so our topsail & spritsailes were torn all in pieces by the weather. The master and captain taking their ●urnes at the helm, were mightily distressed and monstrously grieved with the most woeful lamentation of our sick men. Thus as lost night-wanderers upon the sea, the 11 of june 1593. it pleased God, that we arrived at Bear-haven in Ireland, They arrive at Bear-haven in I●eland the 11 of june 1593. and there ran the ship on shore: where the Irish men helped us to take in our sails, and to more our ship for flooting: which sl●nder pains of there's cost the captain some ten pounds before he could have the ship in safety. Thus without victuals, sails, men, or any furniture God only guided us into Ireland, where the captain left the master and three or four of the company to keep the ship; and within 5 days af●●r he and centaine others had passage in an English fisherboat to Padstow in Cornwall. In this manner our small remnant by God's only mercy were preserved, and restored to our country, to whom be all honour and glory world without end. The letters of the Queen's most excellent Majesty sent in the year 1596 unto the great Emperor of China by M. Richard Allot and M. Thomas Bromefield merchants of the city of London, who were embarked in a fleet of 3 ships, to wit, The Bear, The bears whelp, and the Benjamin; set forth principally at the charges of the honourable knight Sir Rober● Duddeley, and committed unto the command and conduct of M. Benjamin Wood, a man of approved skill in navigation: who, together with his ships and company (because we have herded no certain news of them since the month of February next after their departure) we do suppose, may be arrived upon some part of the coast of China, and may there be stayed by the said Emperor, or perhaps may have some treachery wrought against them by the Portugals of Macao, or the Spaniards of the Philippinas. ELizabetha Dei gracia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, verae & christianae fidei contra omnes falso Christi nomen profitentes invictissima propugnatrix etc. Altissimo, Serenissimoque Principi, potentissimo magni regni Chinae dominatori, summo in illis Asiae partibus Insulisque adia centibus imperatori, & magno in orientalibus mundi regionibus Monarchae, salutem, multosque cum omni optimarum rerum copia & affluentia laetos & foelices annos. Cum honesti & fideles subditi nostri, qui has literas nostras ad serenitatem vestram perferunt, Richardus Allot & Thomas Bromefield, civitatis nostrae Londini i● dicto nostro regno Angliae mercatores, impensè a nobis efflagitaverint, ut eorum studia ad imperij vestri regiones (commercij gracia) navigandi commendaremus: Cumque regni vestri fortitèr prudenterque administrati fama, per universam terrarum orbem disseminata & diwlgata, subditos hos nostros invitaverit, non solum ut dominationis vestrae regiones invisant, sed ut regni vestri legibus & institutis, dum in illis mundi partibus commorati fuerint, regendos se & moderandos permittant, prout mercatores decet, qui mercimoniorum commurandorum causa ad tam long dissitas, nec adhuc nostro orbi satis cognitas regiones, penetrate cup●unt, illud unum spectantes, ut mercimonia sua, mercimoniorunque quorundam, quibus ditionis nostrae regiones abundant, exemplaria quaedam sive specimina, serenitatis vestrae subditorumque vestrorum conspectui offerant, & diligenter cognoscere studeant, si quae aliae sint apud nos merces quae vestro usui inseruiant, quas honesto & ubique terrarum licito commercij ritu alijs mercibus (quarum in imperij vestri regionib●, tam artis quam naturae beneficio magna copia est) commutare possint. Nos equissimis honestorum hominum precibus acquiescentes, quia nihil ex iustissimo hoc mercaturae usu incommodi sive dispendij o●●turum, sed plurimum potius emolumenti utriusque regni tum principibus tum subditis proventurum existimamus, dum earum rerum quibus ahundamus exportatione, & aliarum quibus egemus invectione, aequissimis precijs i●uari utrinque & locupletari possimus; Serenissimam Maiestatem vestram rogamus, ut subditis his nostris, cum mercimoniorum vendendorum & permutandorum gratia, ad imperij vestri stationes, pottus, loca, oppida, civitates accesserint, eundi, redeundi, & cum subditis vestris negotiandi, plena & libera fiat potestas: Illisque huiusmodi libertates, immunitates, & privilegia, quae aliorum principum s●bditis, apud vos mercaturam exercentibus, concedi solent, serenitatis vestrae clementia inviolota conseruentur; & nos vicissim, non tantùm omnia amicae principis officia serenitati vestrae deferemus, sed ad maiorem communis inter nos ●ubditosque nostros amicitiae & commercij propagationem, subditis vestris omnibus & singulis, si serenissime Maiestati vestrae ita visum fuerit, plenam & integram in ditionis nostre quascunque regiones veniendi, commorandi, negotiandi, & revertendi, potestatem per pretences has literas nostras libentissimè concedimus. Quae omnia & singula regij nostri sigilli appositione communiri fecimus. Deus oped. max. coeli & terrae conditor, regiam Maiesta●em vestram diutissimè servet incolumem. Datae in Palatio nostro Grenovici xj. mensis julij Anno Christi 1596. annoque nostri regni xxxviij. The same in English. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, the most mighty defendresse of the true & christian faith against all that falsely profess the name of Christ etc. To the most high and sovereign Prince the most puissant Governor of the great kingdom of China, the chiefest Emperor in those parts of Asia and of the islands adjoining, and the great monarch of the oriental regions of the world; wisheth health, and many joyful and happy years, with all plenty and abundance of things most acceptable. Whereas our honest and faithful subjects which bring these letters unto your Highness, Richard Allot & Thomas Brom●field, merchants of our cit●e of London in our foresaid kingdom of England, have made most earnest suit unto us, that we would commend their desires and endeavours of sailing to the regions of your Empire for traffics sake: whereas also the fame of your kingdom so strongly and prudently governed, being dispersed and published ou●r the face of the whole earth, hath invited these our subjects not only to visit your highness dominions, but also to permit themselves to be ruled and governed by the laws and constitutions of your kingdom during the time of their abode in those parts of the world, as it becometh merchants, who for ●●change of merchandise are desirous to travel unto regions so far distant and not hitherto sufficiently known unto these nations of the world, having this regard only, that they may present their wares and certain examples or musters of divers kinds of merchandises, wherewith the regions of our dominions do abound, unto the view of your Highness and of your subjects, & that they may endeavour to know, whether here be any other merchandise with us fit for your use, which (according to the honest & lawful custom of traffic in all countries) they may exchange for other commodities, whereof in the parts of your Empire there is great plenty both natural and artificial: We yielding unto the most reasonable requests of these honest men, because we do suppose that by this most just intercourse of traffic, no inconvenience nor loss, but rather most e●ceeding benefit will redound unto the Princes and subjects of both kingdoms, while by the carrying forth of those commodities wherewith we abound, and the bringing home of others which we want, we may on either side at most easy rates help and enrich one another; do crave of your most sour reign Majesty, that these our subjects, when they shall come for traffics sake unto any the stations, ports, places, towns or cities of your Empire, they may have full and free liberty of egress and regress, and of dealing in trade of merchandise with your subjects, may by your highness clemency most firmly enjoy all such freedoms, immunities, and privileges, as are usually granted to the subjects of other Princes which exercise traffic in your dominions; and we on the other side will not only perform all the offices of a wellwilling Prince unto your Highness, but also for the greater increase of mutual love and commerce between us and our subjects, by these present letters of ours do most willingy grant unto all and every your subjects (if it shall seem good unto your Highness) full and entire liberty unto any of the parts of our dominions to resort, there to abide and traffic, and thence to return. All and every of which premises we have caused to be confirmed by annering hereunto our royal seal. God most merciful and almighty, the Creator of heaven and earth, continually protect your kingly Majesty. Given in ou● palace at Greenwich the 11 of the month of july, in the year Christ 2596● and the eight and thirty year of our reign. THREE SEVERAL TESTIMONIES CONcerning the mighty kingdom of Coray, tributary to the king of China, and borthering upon his North-east frontiers, called by the Portug●●●s Coria, and by them esteemed at the first an Island, but since found to adjoin with the main not many days journey from Paqui the Metropolitan city of China. The more perfect discovery whereo● and of the coast of Tartary Northward may in time bring great light (if not full certainty) either of a Northwest or a North-east passage from Europe to those rich countries. Collected out of the Portugal Jesuits yearly la●onian Epistle● dated 1590., 1591., 1592., 1594, etc. The first testimony containing a resolute determination of Qua●acondo●o the great Monarch of all japan, to invade and conquer China by the way of Coray, being a country divided from the Isles of japan only by an arm● of the sea about twenty leagues broad, and abounding with victuals and all other necessaries for the maintenance of the wars. Out of the Epistles of father friar Lew●s Frois, dated 1590. QVabacondono having subdued all the petic kingdoms of japan, in the year 〈◊〉 our Lord 1590. (as father friar Lewis Frois writeth in his japonian Epistles of the foresaid year) grew so proud and insolent that he seemed another Lucifer; so far forth, that he made a solemn vow and other, that he would pass the sea in his own person to conquer China: and for this purpose he made great preparations, saying, that since he is become Lord of all japan, he hath nothing now to do but to conquer China, and that although he should end his lif● in that enterprise, he is not to give over the same. For he hopeth to leave behind him hereby so great fame, glory, and renown, as none may be comparable thereunto. And though he could not conquer the same, and should end his life in the action, yet should he always remain immortal with this glory. And if God doth not cut him off, it is thought verily, that he will thoroughly attempt the same. And for his more secure passage thither, he is determined to leau● behind him two Governors (after his manner) in the parts of M●acó with the administration of Finqua; and of those of his Monarchy he says that he will take with him all the great japonish Lords, or at the lest all his principal subiects● and leave in his dominions such guard and garrisons as shall seem best unto him. And so having passed the winter, he means to come to these parts of Ximo, Ximo. for from hence he is to set forth his army, & to pass to the land of Coray, Coray continent land with Paqui. which the Portugals call Coria, being divided from japan with an arm of the sea. And although the Portugals in times past thought, that it was an Isle or Peninsula, yet is it firm land, which joineth unto the kingdom of Paqui. And he hath now strike such a terror with his name in the country of Coray, that the king thereof hath sent his ambassadors hither to yield unto him a kind of homage, as he required; which ambassadors are now in the city of Miacó. And by this Peninsula of Coray he may pass with his army by land in few days journey unto the city of Paqui, From Coray an army may pass by land in few daye● to Paqui the chief citi● of China. being the principal city where the king of China hath his residence. And as the Chinians be weak, and the people of japan so valiant and feared of them, if God doth not cut him off in this expedition, it may fall out according to his expectation. But whatsoever become of China, it is held for a certainty, that his coming will 'cause great alterations in these parts of Ximo, especially in this kingdom of Figen, wherein are the princedoms of Arima and O●u●a, and all the ●orce of our Christianity: and he told Don Protasio when he was with him once before, that he would make him a great man in China, and that he would remove these lordes● and deliver th●ir governments unto lords that were Gentiles; which would be the ruin of all this Christianity's neither should w● have any place wherein to remain. For, as it is the custom of japan in the alterations of estates and kingdoms (which they call Cuningaia) to remove all the nobility and gentry, and to leave only the base people and labourers, committing them to the government of Ethnics, we shall hereby also lose our houses, and the Christians shall be dispersed with their lords● whom sometimes he handleth in such sort, that he giveth them nothing to sustain themselves, and so they remain with all their followers, as men banished, and utterly ruined. The second Testimony containing the huge leu●es and preparations of Quabacondono; as also his wars and conque●ts, and he success thereof in the kingdom of Coray. Together with a description of the same kingdom, and of their traffic and manner of government: and also of the shipping of China, japan, and Coray, with mention of certain isles thereunto adjacent, and other particulars very memorable. Out of the Epistles of the aforesaid Father Friar Luis Frois dated 1591., and 1592. ABout this time Quabacondono determining to put his war against China in execution, assembled sundry o● his nobles and captains unto whom he declared his intent: who, albeit they were all of a quite contrary opinion, yet all of them without any pretence of difficulty approved his determination. For he had given out that he would not abstain ●rom this war, although his own some should rise from death to life and request him; yea whosoever would move any impediment or difficulty in that matter, he would put him to death. Wherefore for certain months there was nothing in all places to be seen, but provision of ships, armour, munition, and other necessaries for the wars. Quabacondono making a catalogue of all the lords and nobles his subjects, willed every one of them (not a man excepted) to accompany him in this expedition, enjoining and appointing to each one, what numbers they should bring. In all these kingdoms of Ximo he hath nominated 4 of his especial favourites; whom (to all men's admiration) he will have to be heads over all these new kingdoms, notwithstanding that here are 4 others far more mighty than they. Of whom (by God's good providence) two are Christians, to wit, Augustine Eucunocamindono governor of half the kingdom of Fi●ga, & Cainocami the sou of Quambjoindono governor of the greater part of the kingdom of Bugen. The other two are Ethniques, namely Toranosuque governor of the half of the kingdom of Finga and Augustins mortal enemy; and Iconocami governor of the residue of the kingdom of Bugen, and an enemy both to Augustine and Ca●nocami. And Quabacondono hath commanded all the Christian lords of T●ximo to follow Christian governors. Whereupon the lord Protasius was there with 2000 soldiers, & Omurandono there lord of Ceuxima and Augustins son in law, which lately become a Christian, with a thousand. Also he appointed that the governors of Firando and Goto should follow Augustine, who albeit they were Gentiles, had many Christians to their subjects. Wherefore Augustine was to conduct 15000 soldiers, besides mariners, slaves, and other base people to carry the baggage of the army, all which being as great a number as the former, so soon as they arrived in the kingdom of Coray, were made soldiers, and boar arms. Unto the said Augustine, Quabacondono, in token of singular favour, granted the first assault or invasion of the kingdom of Coray, to wit, that he only with his forces might enter the same, the other lords remaining in Ce●xima (which is 18 leagues distant from Coray) till they should be advertised from Augustine: which thing procured unto Augustine great envy and disdain from them all; howbeit (as you shall forthwith understand) it proved in the end most honourable unto him. The other Christian governor Cainocami being but a young man of 23 years, he commanded the king of Bungo to ●ollow with 6000 soldiers; so that with the 4000 which he had before, his number amounted unto 10000, besides mariners and others which carried burdens. This was must joyful news to us, and to all the Christians. Of the Ethnic lords Quabacondono appointed the governor's of Riosogo together with Foranosuque to march with 8000: and likewise the king of Saçeuma and Iconocami with as many. And amongst all he gave the first and chief place unto Augustine. All the other soldiers of japan he caused to accompany his own person: the number of all together (as appeared out of a written catalogue) amounting to three hundredth thousand people; of whom two hundred thousand were soldiers. The order prescribed in this whole army was, that first they should make their entrance by the kingdom of Coray, A description of Coray. which is almost an island, one end whereof joineth upon the main land of China; which though it be a several kingdom of itself ● yet is it subject and tributary unto the king of China. And because this kingdom of Coray is divided but by an a●me of the sea ●rom japan, Quabacondono determined to subdue the same, for that it so aboundeth with victuals, that from thence he might the easilier invade China. While all things were preparing, it was commanded, that at the chief port of Ximo called Nangoia, being twelve leagues distant from Fi●ando, there should be erected a mighty great castle; where Quabacondono with all his fleet was minded to stay, till news were brought of the success of the aforesaid 4 governors or captains. He appointed also another castle to be built in Fuchinoxima, which is another island situate between Nangoia and Ceuxima. And he built a third castle in Ceuxima, that his passage might be the more commodious. The charge of building these castles he imposed upon the 4 aforesaid gouernours● and commanded the other lords of Ximo their associates to assist them; all which so applied that business, that in 6 months space it was wholly finished. The castle of Nangoia was environed with a double brickwall of square and beautiful stone, with broad and deep ditches like unto Miacó. The innermost brickwall being less than the other two was 100 fathom square, within the compass whereof were so many houses built both for the lords, and their followers, and also for merchants shops, and victuallers houses, distinguished with broad and direct streets, that it seemed a fair town. But (that which was much more admirable) all the way from Miacó to Nangoia, at the end of every days journey, all the lords and governors, at the commandment of Quabacondono, built each one within his jurisdiction new and stately palaces from the ground, so that for 20 days together he lodged every night with all his train in one of those palaces. And because these things were done at the very same time when the expedition into the kingdom of Coray was in hand, all japan was so grievously oppressed (Quabacondono in the mean while being at no charges) as it was most intolerable. Yet is it incredible how ready every one is to do him service: which appeareth by these magnificent stately buildings reared up in so short a space, which in Europe would have required a long time and huge expenses. In the mean season it was commonly given out, that this enterprise of Quabacondono would have most unfortunate success, as being a matter wrought by constraint, and that it would be an occasion of manifold dissentious in japan: for no man there was, but misliked of this war: yea, all the lords were in great hope, that some one man at length would step forth and restore their liberty; howbeit there is none as yet found, which dare put his had to that business. Wherefore they were all (though to their great grief and lamentation) violently constrained to prosecute the enterprise. But Quabacondono being void of all anxiety, to the end he might encourage his followers, boasted that he would make great alterations of kingdoms, and would bestow upon them the kingdoms of Coray and China; and unto the lord Protasius he hath promised 3 kingdoms: but he with all the other lords giving him great thanks, had much rather retain a small portion of their estate in japan, then to hunt after all those kingdoms which he promises. And whereas Quabacondono had by proclamation published, that he would personally be present at Nangoia the 3 moon of this year; troops and armies of men began to resort from all the quarters of japan to these parts. Now were our afflictions renewed. For so long as Quabacondono remained at Miacó, we might stay in these parts of Ximo without any danger: but after he began to come this way, it seemed impossible for our state to continued whole and sound, and we were put into no small perplexity. For the Christian lords advised us, that since Quabacondono was come so near, all our company that lived in the College, in the house of Probation, and in the Seminary, should departed to some other place. And the Christians from Miacó written daily unto us, that we should pull down our houses and Churches at Omura, Arima, and Cansaco, and that the fathers of Europe should return unto Nangasaque in the secular habit of Portugals, but that the japonian Friars should retire themselves unto several houses of Christians, that so they might all remain safe and out of danger. But this remedy, as it was too grievous and subject to may difficulties, so did it afford us but small comfort. In brief the Father visitor talking of this matter with Eucunocamindono, the lord Protasius, and Omurandono, before their expedition toward the kingdom of Coray, found them, as before, in the same fortitude of mind, being constant in their first opinion: neither would they give any other counsel or direction, then that the fathers should keep themselves secret, and should only forsake their houses at Arima, and Omura, wherein the Toni or great lords would have some of their kinsmen remain. It was also thought convenient, that the number of the Seminary should be diminished, and that of 90 there should only remain 50 in our schools, namely such as studied the Latin tongue. With the Father visitor there came unto Nangasaque certain Fathers and Friars, which were said to be of Fungo and Firando. For the said Father under the name of a Legate might retain them with him more openly. About this time Quabacondono, that he might with some pastime recreate his Nobles which accompanied him; and also might declare, with how great confidence and security of mind he took upon him this expedition for China; and likewise to obscure the most renowned fame of a certain hunting and hawking performed of old by that mighty Prince joritono, who was Emperor over all japan; he determined to ordain (as it were) another royal court of divers kinds of fowl. Whereupon being accompanied with many great lords and others, he departed to the kingdom of Oiaren, where his game had so good success, that he caught above 30000. fowls of all sorts; amongst which were many falcons. Howbeit, for Quabacondono his great recreation, and for the more solemnity of the game, there were also added many dead fowls, A mean to keep head birds sweet in their feathers a long time. which the japonians with certain powders or compositions know how to preserve sweet in their feathers a long time. This game being ended, Quabacondono returned with great pomp unto Miacó: before whom went great multitudes which carried those thousands of fowls upon guilded canes. Next after these followed many horsemen sumptuously attired, carrying a great number of Falcons and other birds. After them were lead many horses by the reins, most richly trapped. Next of all were brought Coscis or Littiers very stately adorned: after which was carried Quabacondono himself in a Littier of another fashion, like unto those which in India are called Palanchins', which was made in China, with most curious and singular workmanship, and was presented unto him by the Father visitor, and seemeth exceedingly to content him, for that in all actions of solemnity he useth the same. Last of all followed a great troup of Princes and Nobles bravely mounted on horseback, and gorgeously attired, thereby the more to delight Quabacondono, who in triumphant sort being welcomed by the way, with the shout and applause of infinite swarms of people, entered the city of Miacó. Now when the time of sailing towards China approached, Quabacondono determined first to proclaim his nephew Inangondono his successor, and governor of all japan, to the end he might supply his own room in the time of this war. And therefore he commanded the Dairis to transfer unto his said nephew the dignity belonging to himself, calling him by the name of Taicusama, that is to say, Great lord. Which dignity was in such sort translated, that albeit he assigned unto his nephew large revenues, together with that princely title, yet himself remained the very same that he was before. The day of the said translation being appointed, he summoned all the Princes of japan to appear, and to swear obedience unto this his nephew: Who with great pomp going unto the Dairi to receive that dignity at his hand, had surrendered unto him the Castle of Miacó, and the palaces of Quabacondono to devil in. Thus at the beginning of the third moon, he set forward on his journey to Nangoia, having before given order, that Augustine should pass over into the kingdom of Coray, and that his other Captains should remain in Ceuxima. Wherefore, the twentieth day of the third Moon he came unto Nangoia, where the companies of the other lords being numbered, were found to be 200000. people, besides those that were conducted by the four foresaid governors. In the mean season Augustine with his forces, A Fleet of 800. ships. and with a Fleet of eight hundred Ships, arrived at Coray. In whose army the lord Protasius excelled all others; for though he had but the leading of 2000 soldiers, yet for the goodness of his armour, and the beauty of his ships, he was admired of all men. At their very first entrance they won 2. castles of the kingdom of Coray by main force, wherein the Corayans reposed great confidence; for they where environed with mighty high walls, and defended with great multitudes of soldiers, and with a kind of guns of 2. spans and ½. long, Short guns charged with forked arrows. which in stead of bullets discharged with a terrible noise wooden arrows headed with forked points of iron: but the said guns being able to hurt but a small distance off, and the japonians being furnished with brazen ordinance unknown unto the Corayans, they presently drove them from their walls, and with ladders made for the same purpose of great canes, they forthwith scaled the same, and planted their ensigns thereon; the Corayans indeed for a short time making resistance, but after a while betaking themselves to dishonourable flight, 5000 men of their part being slain, and of Augustine's but 100 and 400. wounded. Augustine perceiving that the Corayans could not endure any long assault, determined to take upon himself, and his army the whole burden and honour of this war, and not staying for the governors his associates, to ●●●h up into the heart of the kingdom, and to the principal City; unto which determination all the lords that were with him gave their consent. This was (no doubt) a bold, yea, and in some sort, a rash enterprise of Augustine: but yet it argueth a wise and valiant mind in him. But this long delay was so grievous to the Captains which in Ceuxima expected the success of the war, that before they herded any news at all concerning the surprise of the two Castles, they brought Augustine in suspicion among their friends, that he ambitiously affected the honour of the whole war. Which thing being known unto Quabacondono, he was so troubled in mind even before he came to Nangoia, that suddenly he commanded the other Captains to set sail from Ceuxima. But when Quabacondono was come to Nangoia, and herded news of the two Castles taken, and that Augustine pursuing the victory proceeded on towards the Miacó, The signification o● Miacó. that is to say, The kingly city of Coray, and was determined to invade the same also (all which Augustine himself written, and requested him to sand the other captains and commanders to assail the kingdom on a● sides, and to furnish the castles which he had taken and should take, with garrisons of soldiers, because as yet he had not men enough to hold those fortresses which he had won) he was surprised with such unspeakable joy, as he affirmed openly, that in all japan he had no subject comparable to Augustine: and that neither Nabunanga, nor himself ever knew any man endued with so valiant and courageous a mind. I (says he) knowing against wh●m and with what forces I waged war, subdued by little and little all japan unto me: but Augustine in so short a time and with so small forces, hath boldly set his foot in a foreign region, and with most glorious victory hath subdued the mighty kingdom of Coray. Wherefore (quoth he) I will reward him with many kingdoms, and will make him ne●t unto myself the greatest Prince in all japan. He added farther, that now his own son seemed to be risen from the death; and that whosoever dared either disgrace or extenuate the deeds of Augustine, he would grievously punish him, not respecting whether he did it upon reason or malice. By this speech the name and report of Augustine grew so honourable amongst all men, that th●se which most envied his estate, dared not speak one ill word of him, but highly commended him before Quabacondono. The length and breadth of Coray. This kingdom of Coray extendeth in length about 100 and in breadth 60. leagues. And albeit the inhabitants in nation, language, and strength of body (which maketh the people of China to dread th●m) be different from the Chinians, yet because they pay tribute to the king of China, and exercise traffic with his subjects, they do after a sort imitate the Laws, apparel, customs, and government of the Chinians. They border on one side upon the Tartars, and other nations, with whom sometimes they have peace, and sometimes war: but with the Chinians they have continual peace. They are special good bowmen; but at other weapons, because they have but few, and those bad, they are nothing so skilful. Wherefore they are not comparable to the japonians, who by reason of their wars are continually exercised in arms, and are by nature more courageous and valiant, being furnished with yron-peeces, with lances, and with excellent sword. Only in shipping they are inferior to the Corayans and Chinians, by reason of the hugeness of their Ships which they use upon the sea. Wherefore, if they were to join battles by sea, The people of Coray and China stronger in shipping, than they of japan. there is no doubt but that both the foresaid Nations would b● too hard for them. But now because they knew nothing of the coming of the japonian army, or for that they doubted that their sea-forces were the stronger, or else because God was determined to punish them, he suffered them to be destitute of all the defence of their shipping, so that the japonians without any resistance landed upon their dominions. Now the fame of Augustine's victory causing the army notably to increase, and the Mariners, and many others which carried burdens (as they were trained up in war from th●ir childhood) bearing arms, while the Corayan captives supplied their base offices: so great a terror possessed all the people of Coray where Augustine came, that all the castles and fortresses which he passed by were forsaken by their garrisons, and all men fled for refuge to the principal city. And while other commanders and Christians sent from Ceuxima and Nangoia shaped their course for Coray, Augustine had pitched his camp near unto the foresaid principal city: of the which being come within 3. days journey, ●e was encountered by 20000. men; whom at the very first assault, having slain 3000. of them, he put to flight. But approaching very near unto the city, and having passed a river, he maintained a valiant conflict at a certain narrow passage against 80000. Corayans, 8000. whereof were slain, and a great number drowned in the river. here while Augustine appointed all his troops to remain for two days, to the end they might somewhat refresh their weary limbs, the king of Coray seeing himself besieged by his enemy, The king of Coray fresh out of his principal city. and that many other japonian lords with strong armies invaded his kingdom on all sides, determined to have his city strengthened with garrisons, and to retire himself into the inland of China. Which by reason of the abundance of horses that he had, he was able right commodiously to perform. Whereupon the second or third day after, Augustine without any resistance entered the head-city, being presented with great store of victuals and gifts by them that remained therein. Thus Augustine, with other captains his associates, become lord of the principal city, and won all the honour of the victory unto himself: for albeit by this time the other captains were come from Ceuxima, and many from Nangoia, yet they found all things performed to th●ir hands. Quabacondono being advertised of this second victory, yielded as much honour unto Augustine as he could possibly devise, speaking so highly to the commendation both of him, and of other Captains his associates, a● if but the tenth part of his fair promises come to effect, they shall be far greater than they are, and Augustine (next unto himself) shall be the principal person in all japan. And now he is become so famous in the Court, and throughout the whole kingdom of japan, that at all their meetings and assemblies there is no talk but only of the valour and fortitude of Augustine, who in twenty days space hath subdued so mighty a kingdom to the Crown of japan. And all the Nobles accounted him a most happy man, being astonished at the immortal renown which he hath attained unto by this exploit: yea, and Quabacondono scent forthwith unto him, as unto the conqueror and vanquisher of the Corayans, in token of great honour, a two-edged sword and a horse, which among the japonians is a pledge of the most peerless honour that can possibly be done to a man: and this very gift did Nabunanga in times past sand unto Quabacondono, when he had in any battle won any kingdom from Morindono. And by this great event the power of the Christians God, and his providence towards his children is known not only to the Christians, but even to the very Ethnics themselves, for that in the heat of such extreme persecution it hath pleased his divine Majesty to lay the honour of all this war upon Christian lords. Wherefore we doubt not, but they will prove more mighty and famous then ever they were. Hence it cometh to pass that the Portugals ship come from China, hath wintered in japan: by which occasion the presence of the father Uisitour hath been a great comfort not only to us, but to all the other Christians, who in regard of the departure of so many men with Quabacondono and his captains to the wars, thought they should have been left utterly forsaken and destitute, had not the father U●sitour, in whom they reposed all their confidence, remained here. But the singular providence and love of God towards us appeared in this, that he would have the said Ship, contrary to their usual custom, to winter in japan. For when Quabacondono having obtained that victory, was determined to return unto Ximo, they were all shrouded under the protection of the foresaid Father's who hearing that he was entered into Nangoia, caused Friar john Rodorigues and the governor of the Portugal ship to salute and welcome him. For the Christians of Miacó, which succeeded in their rooms that went for Coray, advised him in their letters so to do. And it was very acceptable to Quabacondono to see the Portugals captain General attended upon by so many Portugals sumptuously attired, and coming with so many ships in the company of friar john Rodoriguez: and he asked the Friar how the father Uisitour did? And whether the presents to the Uiceroy liked him? As also, that he took it in very good part that the Father had wintered in japan, and that the Friar should stay with him. Afterwards writing an answer to the father, he declared therein the great favour which he boar to the captain of the ship. Whom, having familiarly entertained him for the space of 2. hours, he dismissed with evident tokens of good will. After the captains return, Friar Rodoriguez staying behind above a month, attempted very often to speak with Quabacondono, of whom he was always most kindly used. Afterwards by reason of sickness he returned to Nangasaque; whereupon Quabacondono demanded why he was not cured at the same place where himself remained? jacuino answered, that being a stranger, he was to be cured with such diet and medicines, as were not there to be had: with which answer he was satisfied. Hence it is, that by often conferences which were made by reason of the embassage, Quabacondono waxeth every day more courteous and affable. And yet for all this, new occasions of troubles and afflictions are not cut off: for certain it is, that Quabacondono hath given out, that if he have good success with his war against China, he will make great alterations of estates, in assigning the kingdoms of Coray and China to the Christian princes, and placing in their rooms Ethnic lords throughout japan: which thing might redound to the ruin and destruction of all Christianity here, neither should the Christians find in japan any place of refuge. And albeit Augustine had certainly informed the father Uisitour of the said alteration of estates, and jacuine had written unto Augustine, that Quabaco●dono had fully determined to altar the states or governments of Ximo, and so consequently the state of Augustine, and of the Christian princes of Arima and Omura; yea, and that the said two princes had notice thereof: yet almighty God with the eyes of his infinit● mercy hath vouchsafed to regard the prayers of his faithful servants (who for this cause were most perplexed and sorrowful) and to provide this remedy following. The Corayans having intelligence, that their king and the forces which he carried with him were in safety, went the greatest part of them, with as much victuals as they could get, and hid themselu●s in the mountains and woods, remaining there with such hate and indignation against the japonians, that with promise of safe conduct they could by no means be drawn out of their starting holes. Wherefore albeit the japonians have all the castles and places of defence in their own possession, yet because they want people to till the ground, and to do them other necessary services, they cannot choose but forego all that which they have won. Moreover, the common high ways are so pestered with thieves and murderers, that unless the japonians march in whole troops all together, they are suddenly oppressed with swarms of Corayans issuing forth of the woods. Lands neer●●●●o Coray. Many of the Corayans also have retired themselves unto the neighbour-islands, from whence with numbers of great ships, to the mighty loss of the japonians, they assail their small and weak one's, and have already sunk many of them. Wherefore all the japonian lords which remain in Coray have written unto Quabacondono, that his army must for a certain time in no wise remove from the place where it is, ●or avoiding of such imminent dangers as in proceeding further it may incur. Upon these advertisements Quabacondono being ready to take his journey to Coray, to divide the whole kingdom, was hindered from his purpose, and sent most friendly letters to all his nobles, willing them to be of good cheer, for that he would not deal about altering of their estates, till 3. years were expired: whereupon they were cased of e●ceeding great care and grief. For albeit there is no great trust to be given to his words, yet we hope that this year he will not meddle: what he will do afterward, God knoweth. In Coray at this present there are above 200000● japonian soldiers, who at the commandment of Quabacondono are divided throughout the whole kingdom. Augustine lieth upon the very extreme frontiers of China: A mighty ri●er of 3. ●●ags broad. but because the Chinians are separated from the kingdom of Coray with a mighty river of 3. leagues broad, and abound with great ships, and have planted innumerable troops of men upon the shore, the success of the war remaineth most doubtful and uncertain. Neither do we know whether the japonians will proceed any farther this year or no. The third testimony of Coray, signifying (amongst other notable and political observations) the later success of the wars of japan against Coray; and to what end Quabacondono still maintaineth garrisons in that kingdom. Out of the Epistles of Father Organtino Brixiano, bearing date from japan Anno 1594. THe whole Empire of japan is now in the hands of this king Quabacondono: and (which hath not been known since the first creation thereof) there is not the breadth of one foot through●ut all the whole Island, which is not absolutely subject unto him. And he reigneth in so great peace and tranquility, that if his successors follow the same course of government, there is no likelihood of future sedition or perturbation in any of the kingdoms. And doubtless the means which he useth to establish continual peace and concord among the japonians, are very great and effectual. One is, that after he hath passed his public promise, he never putteth any of his adversaries to death, which his predecessor Nabunanga performed not: for he having subdued any kingdom, would put all the lords and governors to the sword. But this king granteth unto them not only life, but also yearly revenues, whereby to maintain themselves in an honest and mean estate: in which regard they all rest contented, and willingly submit themselves. Another is, in that he hath brought the husbandmen and peasants (by whose assistance & wealth all the pety-kingdoms were after a sort sustained) unto such extreme poverty, that they have scarce wherewithal to keep life and soul together: as likewise he hath bereaved them of all kind of weapons. The third is, because he hath most straightly forbidden all contentions, seditions, frays, and skirmishes. For whosoever be found culpable of this crime, they die every m●n of them on both parties. If any escape by flight● their kinsefolks are punished in their stead; and for lack of them, their servants; and for default of both, their next neighbours. If many were guilty, many are punished and suffer death: but hence it cometh to pass, that many innocent people are constrained to die. And this severity is the cause, why there are at this present so seldom frays and contentions in japan. The fourth is, that in administering of justice he is most upright, without all respect either to his own kindred, or to his ancient captains, or the blood royal, or any of the Bonzijs, be they never so famous: and being once advertised of a crime, he pardoneth no man. And albeit himself is exceedingly addicted to wom●n, yet will he permit none of his subjects to have any concubines. For which cause not many days ago, he banished a Bonzio of great wealth, being in alliance and dignity most near unto himself. And being informed that all the Bonzij of Miacó kept concubines, he would have put them all to death, had not the governor of Miacó promised, that he would undertake to keep them from offending any more in that kind. Wherefore he caused all the Bonzij every month to be sworn, that they should live honestly upon pain of death: as also he hath sworn the heads or superiors of all their religious houses under pain of death, ●o give up their names whom they most suspect of the foresaid crime. Hence it is, that all of them (if you regard their outward estate) live in ex●reme fear. The fift is, for that he suffereth none of his soldiers, nor his great lords to live in idleness. If there be no warr●s for their employment he occupieth them in building of stately palaces, and in raising new fortresses, or in repairing and strengthening of old, and also in performing other notable works, to the ornament of japan, and to his own lasting honour. So that at this present near unto Miacó there are thirti● thousand men employed about the building of one castle; and in the city of Bozacca above an hundred thousand: which employments afford them neither place nor time to practise any rebellions. The sixt is his altering of governments: for he removeth his governors from one extreme part of japan to another. The seventh, for that unto his soldiers (besides the ordinary pay continually allotted unto them for their service) in time of war he alloweth victuals at his own costs. Whereof it cometh to pass, that he effecteth whatsoever he thinks good by their means. Neither hath he hitherto waged any war, wherein his enemy was not vanquished, according to his own desire: this late war of China only excepted, which far surmounted all his forces. Howbeit in the kingdom of Coray he maintaineth as yet great garrisons, The war of I●●an against 〈◊〉 and China. as well to keep his honour, as to constrain the Chinians to sue for peace. The eighth is, in that he curbeth and restraineth people of ambitious and aspiring minds, who (as he conjectureth) after his death might work some innovations in the common wealth, or disturb the kingdoms. The ninth is, because he hath on no side within four or five days journey of Miacó, any mighty or industrious captain or governor. The tenth and last is, for that he hath brought his yearly revenues to two million of gold. By these courses and means, we are in good hope that firm peace will be established in all these kingdoms, and also that a fit way will be prepared, for the conversion of all the great lords unto Christian religion. A brief note concerning an extreme Northern province of japan called Zuegara, situate thirty days journey from Miacó, which argueth the Isle of japan to be of greater extension Northward, than it is ordinarily described in maps, or supposed to be: together with mention of a certain nation of Tartars called jezi inhabiting on the main to the North of China, never herded of in these parts before: taken out of an Epistle written 1596 from japan by Friar Luis Frois unto Claudius' Aquavita, etc. Printed in Latin at Mentz in Germany 1599 NOt many days ago was baptised a certain honourable parsonage called john Vongui the son of Taigarandono, who is governor of a certain princedom situate on the borders of japan towards the North, being distant from Miacó thirty days journey. And after a few lines it followeth. This Taigorandono being the most Northerly governor in all japan hath traffic with the jezi, who are a nation of Tartars, which from the main continent resort unto the Isle of Mate●mai, The Isle of Mateumai. being about twelve or fifteen leagues distant from the foresaid Northerly princedom of Zuegara; where they cell fish, the skins of beasts, and certain herbs of the sea used by ●he japonians for food, with other such like commodities. On the other side the said jezi Tartari buy of the japonians, clot to make them garments, Ie●● a nation of Tartars dwelling on the 〈…〉 to the North of Chin● using clot. with weapon's and other instruments. These Tartars (they say) are a most barbarous kind of people, of a brown colour, with long hair on their heads and beards like the Moscovites: they liu● by hunting and fishing, and neglect husbandry. This Northerly princedom of Zuegata (as the said governor reported to our Father's) aboundeth with excellent grapes both black and white, which without the labour of man grow naturally in all places, and he promised the Father's to bring s●me of these vi●es to Miacó, that they might be pla●ted there. Advertisements touching the ships that go from Siuil to the Indies of Spain: together with some notes of the Contractation house in Sivil. The Pilo●. YOur Pilot must be examined in the Contractation house, and allowed by such as be appointed for the examination of Pilots, that he be a sufficient man to take the charge i● hand, and that which belongeth thereunto, and to govern and lead the same ship directly by his only commandment to such ports as are convenient for the voyage that he taketh in hand. The Master. You must have a Master, that must give in sureties to the value of 6000 dukats: and such as be his sureties must be landed men, and their lands worth to the value of that sum aforesaid, if the said ship be between three or four hundred tons. And if she be more or less of burden, than he must giu● sureties of a greater sum or less, according to the proportion of her burden. He shall in all his voyage give a just and true account of all such goods, and merchandises, as shall in all that voyage come into the ship: as also of such place and money, as shallbe registered in the King's Register, appertaining to the King, or any other particular merchant: and if any default be, he or his sureties are to pay all such losses as thereof shall grow: as also to see the mariners paid well and truly, the third part of all such fraights, as the said ship shall get going and coming. The ship being freighted by her merchants, the Master shall take order that there be sufficient mariners aboard her to take in such lading from time to time, as the merchant shall sand to her: And also the Purser must be a man sufficient of ability to take, The Purser. & to give account of all such goods, merchandise, silver and gold, as shall come in and out of the said ship that present voyage, as also give sureties of 1500 dukats at the lest to come back from the Indies in the said ship, and not to ●arrie there, if he live. A Romag●r. The Master must provide a perfect mariner called a Romager, to range, and bestow all merchandise in such place as is convenient: and that it be not put in place, where it may perish ●or lack that it be not fast, sure, and dry, according to the quality and form of the said merchandise. When it is all bestowed, and the ship able to bear no more, than a mariner called the Countermaster, or Master's mate, The Master's mate. hath charge to lock fast the hatches, that none of the merchants wines, or oils, or any other kind of merchandise be rob or spoiled by the mariners. And if it fortune that any be so spoiled, than the mariners are to pay for it out of the third part of all ●he whole freight of the ship that doth appertain to the said merchants. The chief judges of the Contractation house. 〈◊〉 b●ing skilful mariners. The names and marks of men taken. The shipp● being laden, goeth to the port wherehence she saileth to go towards the Indies called S. Lucar, and there one of the chief judges of the Contractation house cometh down to dispatch the ships that go together in that fleet. And that judge goeth aboard every ship, and with him he doth carry an expert mariner or two called Uisitors of the ships, to know whether the said ship or ships be well tackled: whether they have men sufficient: and in every ship every man's name is taken, and if he have any mark in the face, or hand or a●me, it is written by a Notary (as well as his name) appertaining to the Contractation house, appointed for these causes. Also the Master is bond to bring back every mariner again, and to leave none behind him there, upon great pains, unless he be a passenger appointed by the King at the court, and bringeth his licence from thence for the same purpose. The Pragmatica o● orders of the Contractation house. The ship must be well appointed with ordinance of bra●se, and iron, according to The orders of their house, of that there must want nothing, and every ship is appointed according to her burden in all kind of artillery, as pieces of brass and iron, handguns, crossbows, pikes, swords, dagger's, targets, and for all ordinance double shot, with powder, with new cables and anchors sufficient for the voyage. And moreover it is ordained, that the ships have double sails, that is, that they be thoroughly sailed, and moreover all new sails of foresail, and maine-sayle, of corse, and bonne● new made, and kept in some driefat or chest in the same ship; that if the weather take the one from them, the other may be in readiness. Every sh●p must have their master sworn before the said judge of the Contratation, that all this is in a readiness in the ship, as also so many new pipes of fresh water, Provision of victuals upon oath. so many butts of good rack● wine, so m●ny kintals of bread, so many jars of oil, so many jars or Botijas of vinegar, so much flesh, so much fish, and such quantity of every kind of victual, as the burden of the ship requireth, wherein every ship according to her greatness is appointed by The ordinances of the house: Also so many gunner's, so many mariner's, so many gro●●ettes, so many pages, and ●o many soldiers. Th●n all these aforesaid matters being under Register by the notary and all things prepared for the voyage, the judge doth command the masters to hoist up the yards across unto the howndes of the masts: and many times, if they perceive the ship to be wa●ty and overladen, as many covetous masters do, th●n he hangs the boa●es in the fore and main ●ackle, to see whether the said ship will make any held downward, in laying down her side: if she do held, he commands barks aboard, to discharge her of such lading, as is thought to be too much in her: and there can no ship departed before they carry the Register of the said judges, The Register of every ship. how that she goeth by their order: and every ship carrieth her own Register, and in the Register the quantity of all the goods that are laden in her, and if there be any more goods, they be forfeited in the Indies, bo●h ship and goods. The masters are bond to keep the course that the Admiral doth lead, The two ships of war●●● to draft ●he fleet 〈◊〉 of peace. and every ship to follow her. and she must go always in the Sea before all the rest of the fleet, and by night ca●y light that all may know where she goeth. The vice-admiral must come behind all, and so every ship in the fleet before her● if any be ill of sail, all are bound to fit their sails in such order, that they go no faster than she doth. The Admiral and the vice-admiral go never but half laden, but very well armed of men, and artillery, three times double and more than any of the other have: because they may help to defend all the rest, if need do require: and the dead freight of these two ships is always born upon the whole goods that are laden in the fle●te, as also at the lest there be two hundred soldiers in every of th●se two ships besides the mariners, great gunner's, gromettes, and other officers. The voyages be so appointed, that always they go and come in the best of Summer, Note. a●d be there all the winter in the ports to discharge their lading and recharge back again. The ships that are Admiral and vice-admiral be neither the greatest nor the smallest ships, but of 3 hundredth or 4 hundredth tons at the most: but they be very good sailors, and strong, choose for the purpose, to sail well and to bear good store of ordinance. In these two ships a●e always going and coming, two good knights men of war, and Captains and soldiers expert in the wars. And in every other ship is a Captain, A Ca●taine in every ship. which ruleth in all causes of controversy, or fights in the seas; the Pilot directeth only in government and leading the ship to her port. All the Captains, Masters, Pilots, Mariners, and passengers, and all others be obedient to the two ships, so appointed to pass: they do, as in all other commandments what is by them appointed, having power to hung, or do any justice upon any man, as to them seemeth good at sea, and this is the last commandment upon pain of death, if the General please. Concerning the Contractation house, there are therein six judges of the highest sort. Six judges. There are visitors of ships, Four visitors. as it is said before, to see whether the ships go in order well, and sufficient in all things: and what manner of men the Masters of the ships and Pilots are, whether they be able to answer to all such articles, as the reader is able to object unto them, in matters of Navigation: The ●eader of t●● art of Navigation. if they be not found sufficient, they are not admitted ●o take charge. The ma●ter must know whether the ship be sufficiently talked, tackled, and furnished in all things accordingly, as with masts, sails, cables, anchors, and all other necessary furniture: that at such t●●e as any of the high judges with their ordinary visitors appointed for such causes do come, there be nothing found out of order or lacking according to The book of orders, The book of ●●●rs, ●●●ed i● S●a●i●h P●ag●mati●a, 〈◊〉 writing among the masters. which every ship proportionable to her burden aught to have, which is not unknown to a●y of the masters, being in writing common among them: and all the charge given to the Master and Pilot serveth only to conduct the ship from port to port. The counter Master, or master's mate is obedient in all things whereunto he shall be commanded by the master and Pilot, and at his commandment are all the mariners of the ship. The ships commonly go deeper laden from Spain, than our ships do in any voyage. The order of the Carena given to the ships that go out of Spain, to the Indies. THe ship of what burden soever she be must give a Carena, as they call it in the Spanish tongue, which is in English, she must be thoroughly calked, and fortified, as well with carpenters to set knees into her, and any other timbers appertaining to the strengthening of a ship, as with calking: which is to put occam into her sides; and that kind of calking is not used, as ours is here in England: but first before they put in any thread of occam, they with certain crooked irons, with an hammer in one hand, and the crooked iron in the other, do forcibly pull out all the old thread that hath been in the ship the voyage before, and so drive in new. ●alking with t●inne plates of ●ea●. If the seam of the ship be worn to any breadth, as many old ships be, by reason of often raking them, upon that seam there is clapped a piece of cast lead, nailed upon the calking, and seam with special nails, which lead is cast a hands breadth, and as thin as may be for the same purpose, and at every voyage it is taken off and renewed, and by that means their ships are very staunch a year or two. The Calker or Carenero. The Carenero or the Calker doth give in sureties, that if the ship so cast over, as they do commonly use to cast them, in such sort as any man may go dry upon the keel, as I have done, and without any butt, pipe, or any other kind of timber under her sides, more than with counterpoyze of stones in her, made within certain timber as though it were a chest; and with the stones the Carenero doth bring her as he will, high and low, leaning, or rising: and if she miscarry in her Carena, then is the Carenero bond, if it be either by fire, water, or sinking, or any other misfortune to pay for the value of the ship. The Carena of a ship of one hundred tons being done so substantially as they use to do it, will cost two hundred Ducats, of two hundred tons, four hundred Ducats, of three hundred tons, six hundred Ducats, and so according to the greatness of the ship. It would be done here in England for one third part of the money, by reason that the necessaries that go to it are better cheap here by much, and the calkers far better cheap by two parts. This Carena may not be given at any hand but in a river where no tempest can arise, as in this river of London in such a place, where at all times the said ship may ride afloat: it may not be done in any dangerous harbour, where the wind may bring up the waves of the Sea, neither where the Sea may heave and set. The calking of Seville is so substantially done, that in one day one calker doth not thoroughly calk past one yard and an half in one seam, or two yards at the most, and to that he doth, the master calker is at hand to oversee him, and this done, the Carenero doth with his ballast set her upright, and so she beginneth to lad. Examen de los maestros y Pilotos, que navegan en las flotas de Espanna para las India's deal mar oceano, escrito por Pedro Dias Piloto, natural de la Isla de la Palma. 1586. Primerament pied all Piloto mayor, que es all present Alonso de Chiavez, Alonso de Chi●uez Piloto mayor. que lo admita all examen, por quanto es natural y sufficient para ello. Manda el Piloto mayor, que haga information, de co mother es marinero, y platico de a quella part, de que se choir examinar. Luego presenta cinco o seis testigos de los Pilotos examinadoes, de common es buen marinero, y sufficient para ser Piloto, y common es natural de los Reynos De Espanna; y que no es de casta de Moro, ni judeo, ni Negro. Y hecha la information, presenta la all Piloto mayor. Y visto el Piloto maior la information ser buena, manda que el Cathedratico Rodrigo Zamorano lo admita a la Cathedra. Rodrigo Zamorano Cathedratico. Y alli se juntan a vezes quatorze oh quinze que pretenden examinarse, y acuden alli a una casa, que El Cathedratico tiene para a quello efeto, a las ocho de la mannana, y estan do● oras, y otras does a la tarde. El Cathedratico tiene por costumbre de leer en la Cathedra una ora, y otra ora ocupan en preguntarse los unos a los otros muchas cosas convenientes a la arte de navegar en presencia deal Cathedratico. Y el que no respond a proposito, El Cathedratico le emienda, y le dize de la manera que es cada cosa. Y este estudio dura dos meses, en los quales no ha' de fal●ar de it does vezes all dia, common ●engo dicho. Y despues de aver oido la Cathedra estos dos meses, van a la Sala del Examen, La Sala del exame●. que es en la Contratation. Y alli esta el Piloto mayor, y los de mas pilotos, qui son por lo menos veinte cinco: y alli estando todos as●entados por ●u orden, manda el Piloto mayor, que lean las enformaciones; y despues de aver leidas las enformaciones o testimonios, pregunta el piloto maior all piloto y maestro, que se choir examinar, de que part de las India's senior choir examinar? Y luego el piloto respond, que de Nueva Espanna, oh de Number de Dios, Y o●ros, que no son platicos de estas tierras, dizen, que de Santo Domingo, y Puerto rico, y Cuba. Y luego demanda el Piloto ma●ot, que tienda la carta en la mesa, y en presencia de los demas pilotos parra de la bar●a de San Lucar para las Islas de Canaria, y de alli para 'las India's, hasta llegara a quella pa●te de donde se examina, y buelue para Espanna, a tornar a la Barra de San Lucar, de donde partio. Y el Piloto mayor le pregunta, Que siyendo nave gando por la mar le diese un viento contrario, que remedio haria para que su nao no trabajasse tanto en la mar? Y el le respond lo mejor que entiende. Luego le pregunta uno de los pilotos por la; reglas deal Sol, y de la Estrella deal norte, y que cuenta le ha●a en todo tiempo del anno? A lo qual ha' de responder el piloto que se examina a todo a quello que le preguntaren. Y luego le pregunta otro por las sennas de las tierras que est●uieren en el camino, hasta llegar all puerto de donde se examina. Y luego pregunta otro, que si con tormenta se le quebrasse los arboles, Que remedio haria? Y otros le preguntan, Que sila nao abriesse un agua, a donde peligrassen las vidas, que remedio haria para tomarla con menos riesgo? Y otros le preguntan, que si le faltasse el timon, que remedio haria? Y otros le preguntan por la cuenta de la Luna, y de las mateas? Y otros le preguntan, Que si lo tomasse un corsario, y lo dexasse sin carta y sin astrolabio, y otros instrumentoes para tomar la altura del Sol y de la Estrella deal norte, que orden tendria para hazer los? Otros le preguntan otras preguntas necessarias a un marinero, que choir ser piloto. A todo esto esta attento, respondiendo a todo. Y despues que todos le an preguntado todo lo necessario, le mandan, que salga suera de la sala, para que a solas dé cada uno so boto debaxo de juramento en un libro, que prometen de dezir verdad. La man●●a de ●lecion de los maestr●s, y pilotos. Y luego ponen dentro de un vaso de plata, que alli esta para a quel efeto, tantas havas, y tantos garuanços, common ai pilotos dentro de la sala: y va cada uno por sum orden; y el que le parece que es sufficient, saca una hava, y el que le parece, que not lo es, saca un garuanço. Y despues que todos an sacado, mira el piloto mayor los bo●os que tiene; y si halla que tiene cantos botos en su favour common en contrario, manda que haga otro viaje: y si tiene mas botos en su favour, que en con●rario, luego le dan una carta del examen firmada del piloto mayor, Carta del examen. y del Cathedratico, y del Escrivano, y sellada con el sello de la Contratation. Y ●eniendo esta carta, luego da de present all piloto mayor, y all Cathedratico, para guantes y gallinas, conform que cada uno puede, que es de ordinario does o tres ducadoes. Y luego se puede concertar por piloto en qual quire navio que quisiere, para a quella part dedonde se examino. Y si hallare en las India's algun navio que tenga piloto not examinado, lo puede botar fuera, y venit el piloto examinado en el navio por el mismo concierte, que el otro piloto tenia hecho. Suelen llevar los pilotos de partido y concierte por un viaje de yr y boluer, Sueldo de lo● pilotos. conform que es el navio. Si es de ciento tonelladas, dozientoes ducadoes, y dozientoes y cinquenta; y si es de quatrocientas o de quinientas, lleva de partido quinientoes oh quinientoes, y cinquenta ducadoes: y si es mayor, lleva mas partido: y mas, todos los dias que estwiere en tierra, quatro reales para so comida. Y las naos grandes siempre llevan los pilotos mas viejos, porque son mas experimentadoes y mejores pilotos que los mançebos, que comiençan a navegar, y a ser pilotos, El piloto not tiene mas trabajo ni mas cuidado que en la navegation: por que los maestros de los nanios tienen cuidado de fretar, Maestros, y su● o●ficios. y adereçar sus naos, y pagar a los marineros, y hazer todo lo que es menester para so nao: porque el piloto no viene a la nao, si no es quando los visitadores vienen a visitarla, si tiene todo lo necessario para el voyage. Los visitadores son quatro hombres qui estan puestos por el rey, Lo● quatro visitadores, y su officio. y estos son hombres muy entendidos, y vienen a visitar los navios, ants que tomen carga, porver si estan bien adereçados para hazerel voyage. Y despues que estan los navios cargadoes, bueluen otra vez a visitarlos, por ver si tienen todas las cosas necessarias, conform a la Prematica; Prematic●. y si tienen todos los marineros, y bastimentus, y poluere, y artilleria, y balas, y todo lo de mas necessario para el viaje. Y si alguna cosa les falta, les mandan con graves penas que lo compren, ants que salgan deal puerto. Suelen llevar los navios qu● van a las India's un escrivano que tiene cargo de tomar por memoria todas las mercaderias que se cargan en la nao, Esc●i●●●o, y 〈◊〉 officio. y tomar las marcas, para por ellas entregar la carga a sus duennos, despues de aver acabado su viaje: y sirue tanbien, si un hombre caesle enfermo, para hazer testamiento y otros recaudos que se suelen hazer delante un escrivano: y gana por sum sueldo en un viaje tanto common does marineros. Primero nau●o de acilo. Tiene el general de las flotas por costumbre, despues que llega a las India's, de embiar un navio de aviso, para dare relation all ●ey, de common ha' llegado. Y despues que estan prestas para partir, despacha otro navio de aviso, para hazer relation, de common estan ya prestas para partir, Legando navio de ●u●lo. con otras particularidades. Van en las slotas does naos grandes, la una por Capitana, y la otra por Almiranta, D. s●ao● de gu●●ia. cada una de seiscientas y de sietecientas tonelladas, que no llevan mas que bastimentoes y soldadoes para defensa de la demasslota: y lleva cada una common docientoes soldadoes: y estas se pagan de las mercaderias que vienen en la slota a uno por ciento, y algunas vezes a uno y medio por ciento. Aye en la casa de la Contratation de Sevilla una tabla que sirue de Arançel, es●rita con letras de oro; en que stan avaliadas todas las mercaderias que se embarcan para las India's. EN esta tabla se puede saber quantas botijas hazen una tonellada de vino y quantos quintales y quantos bariles, y quantos coffres sea una tonellada. Y todas mercaderias estan alli taxadas, para pagar los derechos all rey, y el fleet all maestro. Y alli esta puesto, que ningun maestro pew de llevar a las India's ningun passagero, ni frail, ni clerigo, ni otras personas, ni estranieros de los reynos de Espanna, sin licencia deal Rey. Y mas, que no puede llevar mercaderias fuera de la Prematica, y todo lo que llevaren, lo lleven registrado, so pena de la vida. Y mas, que ningun maestro ni piloto puede llevar instrumentoes que no scene firmadoes por el piloto mayor Alonço de Chiaves, y el cosmografo Cathedratico Roderigo Zamocano: common son la carta, el astrolabio, la balestilla, y el regimiento. Y mas, que yendo en la compannia de la flota, obedes●●n all General, y no hagan mas de lo que el mandare, so pena de la vida. The same in English. The examination of the Masters and Pilots which sail in the Fleets of Spain to the West Indies: Written in the Spanish tongue by Pedro Dias a Spanish pilot taken by Sir Richard Grinuile 1585. FIrst they make suit unto the Pilot maior (who at this present is called Alonço de Chiavez) that he would admit them to examination, because they are natural Spaniards, and sufficient for the same. Hereupon the Pilot mayor commands the party to be examined, to give information that he is a mariner, The witness of five or six pilots. and well practised in those parts, about which he desireth to be examined. And then immediately he bringeth five or six pilots be-before examined to give testimony that he is a good mariner, and sufficient to become a pilot, that he is a Spaniard born, and that he is not of the race of the Moors, jews, or Negroes. Having made this information, he presenteth it unto the Pilot maior. And the Pilot mayor seeing the information to be good, The pilots admission to the le●tur●● of the king's reader. They hear the king's reader's lectures two hours a day ●o● two months. Their disputations of the art of navigation before the king's reader who is their moderator. The hall of examination. willeth the king's public reader of navigation (who is now Roderigo Zamorano) to admit him to his lectures. Wither there do resort fourteen or fifteen people that desire to be examined: and they come to a certain house which the king's reader hath appointed unto him for the same purpose, at eight of the clock in the morning: and then they stay two hours, and two hours likewise in the afternoon: in one of which hours Zamorano readeth unto them, and in the other they ask one another many particulars concerning the art of navigation in the presence of the said king's reader: and him that answereth not to the purpose the said reader instructeth more perfectly, and telleth him how every thing is. And this exercise continueth two months, during which time the examinates must not fail to be present twice in a day, as is aforesaid. And having herded the king's reader those two months, they resort then unto The hall of examination which is in the Contractation house, where there are assembled the Pilot mayor and divers other pilots, to the number of 25 at the lest; who all sitting there in order, the Pilot mayor demandeth of him that would be examined, of what part of the Indies he desireth to be examined? Whereto the examinate answereth, that he would be examined concerning Nueva Espanna, The manner of the young pilots examination. or of Number de Dios and Tierra firma. And others that are not experienced in those parts, crave to be examined of Santo Domingo, Puerto rico, and Cuba. Then the Pilot mayor commands the examinate to spread a sea-chart upon the table, and in the presence of the other pilots to departed or show the course from the bar of Sant Lucar to the Canarie-Islands, and from thence to the Indies, till he come to that place whereof he is to be examined, and then also to return back to the bar of Sant Lucar in Spain, from whence he departed. Also the Pilot mayor asketh him, if when he saileth upon the sea, he be taken with a contrary wound, what remedy he is to use, that his ship be not too much turmoiled upon the sea? And the examinate answereth him aswell as he can. Then one of the other pilots opposeth him about the rules of the Sun and of the North-star, and how he aught to use the declination of the Sun at all times of the year: whom the examinate is bond to answer in every thing that he demandeth. Then another asketh him of the signs and marks of those lands which lie in his way to that haven whereof he is examined. And then another demandeth, that if his masts should be broken by tempest● what remedy he would use? Others ask him, if his ship should take a leak, to the hazarding of the lives of himself and his company, what remedy he would found to stop the same with lest danger? Others ask him, what remedy, if his rudder should chance to fail? Others oppose him about the account of the Moon and of the tides? Others ask him, if a Pirate should take him and leave him destitute of his Chart, his Astrolabe, and his other instruments serving to take the height of the Sun and of the star, what course he would take in that extremity? Others demand other questions needful for a mariner to know, which desireth to be a pilot. Unto all which the examinate is very attentive, and answereth to every particular. After they have all asked him so much as they think expedient, The manner of their election. they bid him departed out of the hall, to the end that every one of them may severally be sworn upon a book, that they will speak the truth. Then they put into a certain vessel of silver standing there for the same purpose so many beans, and so many peason as there are pilots within the hall: and every one putting his hand into the vessel inorder, he that thinketh the party examined to be sufficient, taketh up a bean, and he that thinketh him not sufficient, taketh up a pease. And after that all have taken out what they please, the Pilot mayor looketh what voices the examinate hath: and if he find him to have as many voices for him as against him, he commands him to make another voyage: Letters testimonial of every new pilots examination and approbation, under the hands of the Pilot mayor, the king's reader, and the secretary, and seal of the Contractation house. but if he hath more voices for him then against him, than they give him letters testimonial of his examination signed by the Pilot mayor, by the king's reader, and the secretary, and sealed with the seal of the Contractation house. And upon the receipt of these letters testimonial, the new pilot giveth a present unto the Pilot mayor, and the king's reader, for their gloves and hens, every one according to his ability, which is ordinarily some two or three ducats. And then he may take upon him to be pilot in any ship whatsoever, unto that place for which he was examined: and if he find in the Indies any ship under the charge of a pilot not before examined, he may put him out of his office, and may himself take charge of that ship for the same wages that the other pilot agreed for. The pilots wages for making a voyage outward and homeward is according to the burden of the ship. If she be of 100 tons, he hath 200 or 250 ducats: and if she be of 400 or 500 tons, he taketh for his wages 500 or 550 ducats: and if she be bigger, he hath a greater allowance: over and besides all which, he hath every day while he remains on land● four reals for his diet. And the greater ships are always committed unto the more ancient pilots, because they are of greater experience and better skill, than the younger sort which newly take upon them to be pilots. The pilot undertaketh no farther travel nor care, but in directing the course or navigation: for the masters of the ships take charge of the freighting and preparing their ships, and to pay the mariners, and to do all things needful for the ship. For the pilot cometh not unto the ship, until the visitors come to visit the same, to see whether he hath all things necessary for the boyage. The visitors are four men which are appointed by the king, and these are men of great understanding: Four visitoure. and they come to visit the ships before they take in their lading, to see whether they be well prepared to make the voyage. And after the ships be laden, they return again to visit them the second time, to see whether they have all things necessary, according to The orders of the Contractation house: The orders of the Contractation house. and whether they have all their mariners, victuals, powder, shot, and ordinance, and all other things necessary for the voyage. And if they want any thing, they charge them upon grievous penalties, to provide the same before they set out of the haven. The ships that go to the Indies are wont each of them to have with them a Notary, whose charge is to keep a note of remembrance of all the merchandise which is laden in the ship, and to take the marks thereof, thereby to deliver the commodities in the ship to their particular owners, after they have finished their voyage, and he serveth likewise to make wills, and other instruments, which are wont to be made by a Notary, if any man chanceth to fall sick. And his wages in each voyage is as much as the wages of two mariners. The General of the fleets useth continually, after he is arrived in the Indies, to sand into Spain a bark of Auiso, The first bark of Auiso. The second bark of Auiso. to advertise the king of the state of his arrival: And after the fleets be ready to come home, he dispatcheth another pinnace of Auiso to certify them how the fleets are now ready to set sail, with other particularities. There go with the fleets two great ships, the one as Admiral, the other as Uiceadmirall, of the burden of 400 or 500 tons, which carry nothing but victuals and soldiers for the wafting of the rest of the fleet, and these are paid out of the merchandise, which come in the fleet, after the rate of one in the hundred, and sometime at one and an half in the hundred. There is in the Contractation house of Siuil a table which serveth for an Arançel, or table of rate or taxation, written in letters of gold, wherein the values of all kind of merchandise, which are embarked for the Indies, are set down. A table of rates etc. set by in the Contractation house. BY this table a man may know how many Botijas or jars make a tun of wine, or how many packs, or how many quintals, or how many barrels, or how many chests make a tun. And all merchandise have their rates set down, to pay the king his customs, and the Master his due freight. And therein is set up in writing that no Master may carry any passenger to the Indies, without licence, especially no learned men, nor any friar, or clergyman, nor any body else without licence of the king: nor any strangers not born in the kingdoms of Spain. Moreover, that they may not carry away any merchandise not comprised in the foresaid orders, under pain of death: and that all goods which they carry with them, they aught to carry the same registered; under pain of death. Furthermore, that no Master nor Pilot may carry any Chart, nor Astrolabe, nor Crossestaffe, nor regiment, without they be signed and sealed by the Pilot maior Alonço de Chiavez, and the Cosmographer the king's reader Rodrigo Zamorano. Moreover, that going in company with the fleet, they do and obey all such things, as their General shall command them, under pain of death. Written by me Pedro Dias born in the Isle of Palma one of the Canaries, upon the request and gratification of M. Richard Hakluyt, in February 1586.